ABSTRACT A}! ANALYTICAL COMPARISON OF SELECTED Gem-LAN ASSOCIATIONS IN REFEPEi-ICE TO THEIR BELIEF SYS’I'EICS, I‘m-'IBERSHIP ALIEIJATION AND PCaLA'IED SOCIAL CRAP CTERISTICS by Rolf Heinz Kurt Schulze The problem to which this thesis is addressed is the question of the influence of ideology on human behavior. Kore specifically, an attempt is made to answer one basic question: What is the nature of'the relationship between ideology and alienation? Preliminary to an attempt to answer this question, a discussion of the relationship ng has chosen to concentrate his attention on the field of tech- nology, or better, on the area of technological changes as the cata- lyst for other social changes. One of the reasons given for his ”William F. Ogbum, W New York: B. w. Huebsch, nee, 1923’ p. 195-196. “O ‘1 19 choice of this aspect was the lack of space and time, but it appears that the ease of obtaining data on a variety of technological changes also contributed to this choice of emphasis. Material culture appears to grow by means of inventions vanish are seldom lost but amich accumulate. Thus the material cul- ture grows larger and larger. As the material culture grows larger more inventions are, on the average, made. The extent of the material culture base is a factor in the frequency of inventions. ‘lhus material culture tends to accumulate more rapidly. the result is more rapid social change, increased specialization and differentiation. In very early times, material culture was small in amount and changed slowly. Such was the condition for a long time. Recently the material culture has grown to a vast amount and is changing very rapidly.” Although Ogburn focused extensively on the contribution of the (material culture to changes in the ”adaptive culture," he does not rule out other sources of social change. Rather than to say little on a vast number of possible sources of social change, 0gburn has chosen to focus on one important aspect of it. Ogburn's classic monograph was published in 1923, yet his com- ments on the nature and sources of social change (such as those which follow,) have a remarkably current ring. ‘lhat this is an age of change is an expression frequently heani todq. Never before in the history of mankind have so many and so frequent changes occurred. These changes, it should be observed, are in the cultural conditions. The climate is changing no more rapidly, and the geological processes affecting land and water distribution and alti- tude are going on with their usual slowness. Nor appar- ently is the biological nature of man undergoing more rapid changes than formerly. We know that biological man changes through mutations which occur very rarely indeed and we have no biological evidence to show and little reason: to think that mutations in mental or ptwaical man are occurring more frequently now than in the past. These changes thatwesee taking placeallaboutusareinthat 19mm" pp. lbs-m1. I. P... I‘\ \‘V '6‘ 20 great cultural accumlation which is man's social heritage. It has already been shown that these cultural changes were in early times rather infrequent, but that in modern times they have been occurring faster and faster until today man- kind is almost bewildered in his effort to keep adjusted to these ever-increasing social changes. This rapidity of social change may be due to the increase in inventions which in turn is made possible by the accumulative nature of mater- ial cul . 'mese conclusions follow from the preceeding analyses. One of the more interesting and speculative sections of Ogburn's book deals with very rapid social change, i.e., revolution. He reasons that if the material culture continues to grow and accumulate at the ever-increasing rate postulated (by Ogburn), then the accompanying cultural lag will create more and more maladjustments in the social structure until only a rapid revolutionary change can seem to promise relief. According to 0gburn's analysis, . . . the growth of material culture was shown to become faster and faster. If the material culture should continue to accumlate and change with increasing rapidity, it would seem that the cultural lags will pile up even more than at the present time. Such a development creates quite a task for those who would direct the course of social progress, the task of eliminating these maladjustment! by making the adjustments to material changes more rapid. It is thinkable that the piling up of these cultural lags may reach such a point that they may be changed in a somewhat wholesale fashion. In such a age, the word revolution probably de- scribes what happens. Ancther social scientist who was influenced by the Marxian frame of reference is Thorstein Veblen, who according to Vine, "agreed with Marx that the economic institution is the key to a society and that technology 1. an impbrtant part of that institution.”22 This led 2°Ibid., pp. 199-200. 21mm" pp. 279-280. 22Vine, Margaret w., An c to oci New York: Longmans, Grem and Co., 1959, p. 209. \\. 21 Veblen to the conclusion, similar to Ogbum's proposition, that changes in the technology of a given society would have important consequences in other societal institutions. 0. Wright Mills, while attacking mm of the hallowed meme:- tions and men in the field of sociology, also writes that . . . ”never before within the limits of a single generation have men been so mlly exposed at so fast a rate to such earthquakes of change.”23 Kinsley Davis is one of the few dissenting voices who does not endorse the notion of the increasing rate of social change. Even though he does not day that some societies, or parts thereof, may undergo a more rapid rate of social change than other societies or parts of societies, at least for a time, he still contends: It is extranely difficult if not impossible to prove that in fact the rate of change in a particular part of culture is faster than the rate in other parts. On logical grounds we suspect that arm such diversity of rate, if it occurs at all, occurs for a very limited time. The notion of "lag” implies that in order to have an ”adjusted society” all parts of culture mist eventually ”catch up” with the most rapidly changing parts; and since a society must be fairly well ”adjusted" in order to keep going, the size of the lag cannot grow continually larger. If there were a permanent difference in the rate of change, no matter how small, it would eventually produce a gap that would be intolerably wide. This reasoning suggests that over a long period the rate of change in two different parts of cilmre cannot be very different. We must conclude, therefore, that comparisons of rates of change be- tween different parts of social organization have at best a dubious validity, and that comparisons betwoen different whole societigs, though difficult, may have a better claim to vdidiwoz Obviously, Davis is here referring to Ogburn's cultural lag theory; but he seam to have missed one of the points Ogburn made, namely that 23c. Wright Mills, e Sc ole 1 ins New York: 0mm mwr31w P1388, 19599 Po 1 e 7 2“Kingsley Davis, M, New York: The MacHillan Company, 1%, Po 627e ,'__. i} 1‘" [1‘ 22 if the lags “pile up” and maladjustments become very great, the pro- cess of social change does not stop, but as Ogburn suggests, a revolutionary change may result. 0gburn could be interpreted as suggesting, that if gradual gvolutiom change does not take place (is not allowed to take place by ”conservative” groups in the society), relatively rapid revolutionary change may take its place .25 Thus the revolutionary mechanism could be viewed as an attempt to remove the piled-up maladjustnents in a relatively short period of time in order to bring the lagging elements into better articulation. Revolutionary change could presumably have two outcomes. It could bring the normative structure into line with the demands of the tech- nological culture, or it could hold back or even reverse those techno- logical trends which gave rise to the lag. Or a combination of slowing down technological change coupled with a speeding-up of normative- structural changes might be the outcome of revolutionary change. It is interesting to note that despite the general agreement among social scientists about the phenomenon of the increasing rate of social change, the case in favor of this view appears to rest primarily on very impressionistic and hypothetical evidence. Adequate empirical evidence for the support of this contention would be difficult but not impossible to collect. Such studies would have to be longi- tudinal, extending over a considerable period of time, perhaps longer than the lifetime of any one individual scientist. But this type of straw has been undertaken in other fields of science and could be done in the social sciences as well. 251+. was Marx who said that “Revolution ist die ruckartige Nach- holung verhinderter Entwicklung, " freely translated as: revolution is the sudden completion of imeded development (or evolution). I‘. 23 One such possible technique is outlined in chapter III, section B, which proposes to utilise existing demographic indices for past years, decades or even centuries as a base line against which one could measure the rate of social change to date. Population data as well as a variety of other types of census data (from public and private sources) could be utilised in such an undertaking.‘?'6 To sum up this section dealing with social change, it may be stated that the consensus among a variety of scholars appears to be that the rate of social change is indeed increasing. Although Davis raises some doubts about the validity of some particular notions regarding social change, he is in a distint minority among those social scientists who have concerned themselv€ with social change. In addition to the authors discussed in the preceding pages, the following scholars have expressed themselves in support of the notion of an increasing rate of social change (especially in the Western huisphere): Daniel 3.11, c. Wright Mills, Joseph Roucek, Sahlins and Service, Pitirim Sorckin, Warren 'Ihompson and other demographers; Martin Trow, Harold Walsby and still others. Although majority opinion (even among scholars) cannot be considered sufficient evidence to verify the assumption of an in- creasing rate of social change, the thesis may at least be adopted tentatively as a "working hypothesis." ‘Ihe second assumption advanced here, namely that alienation is causally connected to social change, has also received general support by the authors cited throughout the preceding discussion. In addition to the 2ésorokin has duonstrated that such historical research is feasible in the social sciences. Of his stew of wars and revolu- tinn in W- 21+ scholars quoted and discussed, the following writers have supported the assumption that alienation is an outgrowth of social change in gueral, or of specific social changes: Gordon W. Allport, Fritz Pappenheim, Philip Selmick, and lastly bile Durkheim. his is not to say that social change is held to be the only or even the primary causal determinant of alienation, but rather that social changes in certain parts of a social system may result in relatively widespread individual alienation. The extent and inten- sity of alienation is measurable using available techniques and scales developed in the social sciences (primarily social psychol- ogy but also sociology). 3. Sole Definitions of Social Change. Host definitions of social change include some reference to social structure. mvis, for example, defines social change as follows: By “social change“ is meant only such alterations as occur in social organization - that is, the structure and functions of society. Social change thus forum only a part of what is essentially a broader category called 'crrlhnul change.“ The latter abraces all changes occurring in arm branch of culture, including art, science, technology, philosoptw, etc., as well as changes in the forms and rules of social organization.27 At a later point Davis reinforces his position by writing that ". . . changes in the stmcture . . . alone comprise social change."28 He thus would seem to agree with Firth, Dahrendorf, Ginsberg and most other sociologists who have written on the subject. Dahrendorf also treats social change primarily in terms of 2? e Cite, p. 622e 28Ibivde, p. 623e ‘N. ,1 «I! 25 struo‘hrral change. However, he presents a more specific definition of structural social change as being “changes involving the personnel of positions of domination in imperatively coordinated associations."29 & this he means the exchange md replacement of incumbents of posi- tions of authority in formal associations. Dahrendorf arrived at this less inclusive definition of social change (structural change) in the course of his efforts to evolve an empirically useful theory of social change, constraint, coercion and conflict. In order to understand how Dahrendorf developed this view of social change, we should trace his notions regarding the classic problem of ”order." Dabrendorf begins with a critique of Harx' theory of social change and subsequently develops his own model of social change. This theory postulates that inequality 831068 non is based on the varying situations in which they find themselves (accentuated by differmca in knowledge and facilities available to them). These differential positions cause individuals to see the same phenomena in different ways, and thus leads to different answers to the same problem or phenomenon.30 Aside from these differences in interpre- tation, there is the constant problem of ”uncertainty" (the lack of secure knowledge) which plagues men and leads to different answers on the part of different people faced with the ”same” situation. Dahmdorf then assumes that those persons who occupy positions of authority (and power) will impose their answers on their subordinates 291m: Dahrendorf, s d s ct in Soci- gfi, Stamford: Stamford University Press, 1959. ”Social psychology has long insisted that ”meaning is in peo- ple,“ not in things or situations - it is in how we "define thessitn- ation" that the answer to different interpretations may be sought. ‘lJ fie' If ’1' 26 regardless of the ”objective truth" of their answers. mese incum- bents of positions of authority may, and often do, use force, coer- cion and constraint to impose their particular answers onto whatever probl. connonts the systmu. The ruling group (or class to use Dahrendorf's label) thus ooerces the subordinate group to accept their decisions, their norms, values and belief systems. However, there are often subgroups (or classes) of men among the subordinates who may initiate conflict in an attqut to gain ascendancy. If they prevail and pemanently displace the incumbents of authority positions, new answers and a new class of authority figures enforce compliancy. ‘mis exchange of the personnel of authority positions is what Dahren- dorf terms struchn'al (social) change. Another European sociologist who has concerned himself a great deal with the topic of social change is Morris Ginsberg. Although Ginsberg employs a definition of social change similar to Batman-- dorf's, his conception also includes a specific reference to attitudes or beliefs, which in the present writer's usage is akin to referring to ideology. Ginsberg writes, By social change, I understand a change in social structure, e.g., the size of a society, the composition or balance of its parts or the type of its organization . . . ‘Ihe term social change must also include changes in attitudes or beliefs in so far as they sustain institutions and change with the-1.31 One could also define social change as changes in the various m of a society. By ”institutions" are meant not only the usual broad areas of huan endeavor and norms such as the scenery, the polity, the educational sphere, the religious sphere, arts and 31Mom- Ginsberg. mom Change.“ Winn. V01. 9 (19$), pe 205e .35 .. a~ h... .0“ - wk .‘I 27 science, but also the m and gliefs which support them. 1hese institutionalised beliefs or belief systems should be examined in an attempt to deal with social change. Institutions and the norms, and the attitudes and beliefs that sustain them should be viewed as a totality. Consequently, a change in norms underlying an institution would imply a change in the institution itself. Con- sequently, we regard an institution as more of a body of norms and beliefs than a set of personnel or material artifacts associated with the institution. his latter view will form the basis of the preliminary con- oeptual definition advanced here; namely that sow Mg is thg as to ativ manent tera ns the at t as b ie (and consequently in the personnel and the material artifacts) associated gith g institution, a gm o; gamma, 0: a socigtx.32 B. Alienation 1. Introduction me of the central topics of recent sociological literature is alienation (and anomie). From Karl Marx, m1. Durkheim, and Hal: Weber, to a host of more recent writers such as Howard Becker, Daniel Bell, John Clark, Richard Cloward, Ddight Dean, Nathan Glaser, Eric Hoffer, C. Wright Hills, Robert Merton, Gwynn Nettler, Fritz 321111: definition is in part based on and related to the fol- lowing definition of social change advanced by Boshoff: ....the intelligible process in which we can discover sig- nificant alterations in the structure and functioning of determinate social systems. Op. Cit., p. 263. 28 Pappenheim, David Riesman, Melvin Semen, Philip Selmick, Leo Srole, and others, the theoretical and upirical contribution to the con- cept of alienation and its synonyms is considerable. Although a great deal has been written on the concept of alienation, or perhpas because of it, a uniform definition of the concept of alienation is still eluding us. The third portion of this section will be devoted to an examination of a number of definitions and to an attempt to extract a theoretical and an operationalizable definition of alien- ation from the literature. 2. Review of the Literature Much of the reasoning underlying the velumous literature on “mass” society, ”Vergesellschaftung,” urbanisation, right wing or left wing «truism, and even political “voting' apathy, can be traced back to the belief that modern societies contain some built- in structural feature which tends to create large-scale alienation among individuals within these increasingly complex and differen- tiated societies. For example, Mills writes: One of the great 19th century theses of social science is that in the evolution of modern capitalism people are moved by structural changes into a condition of powerlessness, and that simultaneous they become insurgent and demanding in psychoL- - logical ways. 3 The Marxian influence on Mills, which is also apparent in the preceding citation, pervades much of his work. Man's specific usage of alienation as the estrangement of industrial workers from ' the means of production, is evident in the following: 330p. Cite, in. 8, p. 95e 29 It is true, as psychoanalysts continually point out, that people do often have 'the increasing sense of being moved by obscure forces within themselves which they are unable to define.’ But it is not true, as Ernest Jones asserted, that 'man's chief eneuw and danger is his own unruly nature and the dark forces pent up within him.’ On the contrary: 'Man's chief danger' today lies in the unruly forces of contemporary society itself, with its alienating methods of production, its enveloping techniques of political domination, its inter- national anarctw - in a word, its pervasive transformations of the ve 'nature' of man and the conditions and aims of hi! lithe In this assertion of Marx we can perceive Mills' concern with the loss of individuality engendered by the social structure of modern society. Much of the writings of C. Wright Mills, Hannah Arendt, Erich From, Paul Tillich, Karl JasperS, Emil Lederer (perhaps also Donnie Wrong), and others, can be though of as a protest against what these writers interpret as the undesirable consequences of fines society.” They apparently react against the prevailing view expressed in much of the sociological literature, than man is almost exclusively a “social” animal, that he is rather completely a product of his social environment with very little choice of independent or individual action. These writers seem to rebel against the view that man is "other-directed" and without much “free will." They want to preserve for man the autononw of decision and individual choice, without delving the principle that social behavior is largely regular and regulated. However, as students of society, they also accept the axiom that lumen behavior does follow certain regular, understandable and predictable lines. Indeed, if the social scientist could not be certain about the regularity of social behavior, he muld then no longer be able to justify his scientific 3“Ibid., p. 13. 30 efforts at uncovering the principles, theories and laws of human social behavior. Thus it would seem.that.man may realize the ideal of freedom and autonony only within the narrow boundaries of norms which impose restrictions and regularity on his social behavior. Aside from.those writers who ascribe much of the alienation of modern man to the effects of mass society or social changes in specific structural parts of the social system there are those scholars who assign alienating power to the normative structure itself. Rather than to concern themselves with the limiting effects of the social norms on the freedom of man, they are interested in the differential effects of'the normative structure fbr'minority group members in terms of alienation. Thus from a consideration of normative limits and the consequait loss of individual freedom we move to a discussion of more specific nonnative restrictions e”. sub-groups within our society. As Merton has pointed out, the norms of the majority may also function to alienate certain groups. In his classic chapter on ”Social Structure and.Anomie,“ Merton illustrates how a.minority group, e.g., the Negro minority, is expected to accept the prevail- ing norms about what constitutes success in our society, namely, the amassing of’monetary wealth through educational and occupational achievement. it the same time our social structure prevents that minority from achieming those goals by normatively restricting the avenues of approach toward that universal goal. According to Merton, this results in a ”strain.towards anomie,” or alienation on to. individual level.35 35mm x. Merton. WW 61m»: Free Press, 1957, esp. ch. 1V, "Social Structure and Anemia," pp. 131-160. 31 Fritz Pappmheim, in his monograph, The fléenation of Modem m, argues “that alienation is manifest in all realms of modern life, that its existence is not Just the result of certain accidents of recent history but exemplifies. one of the basic trends of our age."36 Pappenheil utilizes a combination of Marx's theory of the alienation of man from the means of production and Tannies' hypothesis of the trad fron Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft as support for his contention of the alienation of modern man. He flirther suggests that there has been an increase in the quantity of alienation since the middle ages. But he does not link the rise in alienation to social change. However, it would seem likely that in view of the concurrent increase in the rate of other social changes (the rise in alienation can also be viewed as one of several types of social change), Pappenhein would probably not object to the suggestion that such a link between social change and alienation could be at issue. Particularly, since the rate of social change seems to have increased so spec- tacularly beginning with the renaissance and the many technological, political and social changes of the post medieval period, more specifically, with the period of the industrial revolution. Last, but not least, we find additional support for the propo- sition of a causal connection between social change and alienation in Ogburn's writing. He frequently remrns to the problem of ”mal- adjustment" as a consequence of social change in the realm of technolog. Material culture in changing causes other social changes in what was defined as adaptive culture. But frequently there 36Fritz Pappenheim, gm gimagon of gigdern 135. Ag Insomn- W. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1959. 32 is a. doll.“ in the changes thus caused, so that the old adap- tive culture hangs over into the new material conditions. This lag in the adaptive culture produces a period of mal- adjustment, which is less harmonious a an adaptation than the period which preceded or follows.3 As I have pointed out earlier, I think it is justified to assume that what Ogburn calls ”maladjustment,” could just as well be called anomie (in the case of groups) or alienation. One could thus inter- pret Ogbum's statement on social change and ”maladjustment” as supporting the contention of the link between social change and alienation e 3. Anomie and Alienation; Some Definitions . Not only is the concept of alienation defined and used in dif- ferent ways by various researchers and theorists, but there is con- siderably divergence along terminological lines as well. Among the terms used with some degree of interchangeability of meaning, usage, and definition, are: anomie, anony, anomia, eunomia, and alienation. The use of the "twin-concept" of anomie-anemia illustrates some of the difficulties encountered in research in this area. Al- though anomie is usually reserved for the indication of societal or group normlessness, there are "several writers (who) have extended the concept to refer to a condition of individuals rather than of groups or societies."38 The other half of the twin-concept is usually taken to denote individual normlessness, but here its use also overlaps with the term alienation, at least one meaning of which 370p. or... p. 278. 38Dorothy Meier and Wendell Bell, "Anomie and Differential Access to the Achievement of Life Goals," Egon Sociolggcal Baview, Vol. 24, No. 2, (April, 1959), p. 191. 33 indicates individual normlessness.39 Parsons, who bases his conception of anomie largely on Durk- heim, defines anomie as "the polar antithesis of full institutional- ization." He asserts that anomie means “the absence of structured complementarity of the interaction process or, what is the same thing, the complete breakdown of normative order in both senses." This definition of anomie appears to treat anomie as an “ideal type." However, Parsons quickly qualifies his definition by adding that institutionalization as well as anomie are a matter of degree. A similar view of anomie in terms of a lack of institutional- ization of norms, values, role-expectations and sanctions seems to underly the conceptual basis of Loomis' definition, who also con- siders anomie as something less than complete normlessness. Anomie can be conceived as a state of ”under-institutionalization“ where "persons were provided with no effective norms to guide them, no meaningful status-roles, no sanctions, and other elements to stan- dardize behavior.”u'1 ‘ Leo Srole appears to use the term anomie in much the same way as others use the term alienation. Srole cites HacIver's defini- tion of anomie as “the breakdown of the individual's sense of attachment to society,” and Laswell's definition of anomie as the "lack of identification on the part of the primary ego of the individual with a "self“ that includes others, “as very closely convergent with his own conceptualization of anomia, the 39See also the discussion of Seeman's investigation of the usages of the concept of alienation which follows below. uoTalcott Parsons, The Social System, Glencoe: Free Press, 1951gpo39 “Loomis, Op. Cit. p. 36. ‘6. Q cut 3‘ Mg 5‘ \.V 34 “self-te-other distance and alienation.“42 mania, the ”anti- ncnic" tom borrowed from the Greek which makes up the other half of Srole'e dual concept, is conceived by Srcle to indicate the opposite extreme of anomie, namely, an individlml's generalized, pervasive sense of "self-to-others bdengingnass.” Meier and Bell are nore consistent than nest writers in their application of the concept of anomie. They uniformly use the term anemia to refer to individual or personal anomie. While agreeing that considerable divergences exist in the literature in regard to the usage of allonie and anemia and that it would be desirable to achieve consensus, Meier and Bell arbitrarflw adopt the term anemia to denote only "personal disorganization” in connection with, or in lieu of, nomlessness. Gwynn Nettler, prior to the construction of his alienation scale, surveyed several usages of the concept alienation, and con- cluded that the various “uses of the term 'alienation' are sufficient to indicate some cannon ground of definition while yet allowing for confusion of conception and assumption. "1+3 Nettler then defines the ”alienated person” as ”one who has been estranged from, made unfriendly toward, his society and the mlture it carries.“ his view of alienation as estrangenent from society, from: groups within society and estrangenent from the culture appears to be the most prevalent cmceptualisaticn. In order to preserve the operational utility of the concept alienation, it would appear to be in the 4glee Srole, “Social Integration and Certain Corollariesx An mint-atom Shady." MW Vol- 21. No. 6 (Dec. 1956), pp. 711-712. 436nm": Nettler, "A Measure of Alienation," W9; W Vol. 22, No. 6 (Dec. 1957). p.671. 35 interest of students of alienation to work toward a ”unidimensional” conception of the torn. According to Nettler, alienation and ano-ie are undoubtedly correlated; at least it is difficult to conceive of any notable degree of anomie that would not result in alienation, but this seems poor reason for confusing the two! Nor should these concepts be equated, as they so often are, with personal disorganization defined as intrapersonal conflict, personal goallessness, or lack of 'internal cohe ,’ and which is used synorwlously with psychopatholog. Another writer who laments the lack of consensus of definitions in this area is Clark. He writes: Alienation seems to have been assigned to the rank of 'extremely- useful but loosely-defined' higher constructs along with such others as inauthenticity, anomie, and culture. The concept has proved useful to many contemporary sociologists, social philos- ophers, and social historians in describing and interpreting man's social behavior. Clark goes on to say that among the new definitions given to alien- ation, one con-on feature emerges, namely “man's feeling of lack of mans (power) to eliminate the discrepancy between 1113 definition of the role he is playing and the one he feels he should be playing in a situation." The salient element in this view of alienation see-Is to be W. In keeping with this view Clark defines alienation as "the degree to which nan feels powerless to achieve the role he has determined to be rightflflly his in specific situations." He contends that: those who feel their actions meaningless would make thu neeningful if they could, those who feel they do not belong would cause themselves to belong if they could, those who feel manipulated would cease to be so, those socially or self-isolated would not be so if they were in a position to change circumstances - provided that they have decided “Ride, p. 672e e d at 2! -CI I! 36 that their roles mum should be different.45 he preceding discussion of anomie, alienation and related concepts illustrates the relative lack of teminological uniformity in regard to these concepts. Additional efforts to bring about conceptual clariw and a measure of consensus among social scientists using these concepts and their empirical referents, i.e.,- their operational comterparts, would seem to be called for. As an initial step, the usage of anomie might be restricted to its traditional, Dirkheinian meaning of mug or societal normlessness, while the concept of alienation would apply only to W types of estrange- ment (or alienation). Melvin Seeman is one of those writers who favors using alienation in the latter sense. Season investigates the various uses and definitions of the concept of alienation and presents several frequently used sub-con- cepts of alienation as found in the sociological literature. Seaman appears to favor treating the concept of alienation in a manner acceptable to nest sociologists and social psychologists when he writes that he will look at alienation "from thepersonal standpoint of the actor . . . from the social-psychological point of view.” Seaman carefully reviewed the literature on alienation and found that the following five sub-concepts (or types) of alienation occurred most frequently: 1) powerlessness, 2) meaninglessness, 3) normlessness, 4) isolation, and 5) self-estrangement. He then abstracted a more or less common conceptual definition for each of these five meanings of alienation (based on the literature he surveyed) and presents these “5John P. Clark, "Measuring Alienation Within a Social System," A_mez_i_.can Sociglogiggl Mew, Vol. 24', No. 6, (Dec. 1959) pp. 849-852. '1.) I" ’0" L? I 37 definitions in the hope that they may serve as guidelines for empirical research. Seaman's first ”variety" of alienation is powerlessTQQis. He defines this type of alienation as ”the expectancy or probability held by the individual that his own behavior cannot determine the occurrence of the outcomes, or reinforcements, he seeks." However, in keeping with the classical tradition of this alienation dimension, he later appears to restrict the usage of this concept by saying that he ”would limit the applicability of the concept to expectancies that have to do with the individual's sense of influence over socio- political events (control over the political system, the industrial econony, international affairs, and the like)." This restriction is somewhat vague. Seaman's second meaning of alienation is 'hgiinglessness", referring now to an individuals lack of \mderstanding of events in which he is implicated. Seaman thus conceives of alienation in the neaninglessness sense when ”the individual is unclear as to what he ought to believe - when the individual's minimum standards for clarity in decision-making are not met.“ A third aspect is derived from the traditional usage of anomie in the sense of noglessness. Seaman follows Merton's concept of anomie in his definition of normlessness as a situation "in which there is a high expectancy that socially unapproved behaviors are m to achieve given goals.“ 'lhe fourth meaning of alienation is M. Seaman bases his definition of isolation largely on Nettler and Merton. He does not conceive of isolation ”as a lack of social adjustment - of the I. ll- 38 warmth, security, or intensity of an individual's social contacts.“ Instead, Sealan defines the isolation alienated as "those who, like the intellectual, assign low reward value to goals or beliefs that are typically highly valued in the given society." This version also appears to be related to one of Merton's adaptations to anomie, namely retreatism, ”the rejection of cultural goals and institutional means" ... by "people who ... are, strictly speaking, in the society but not of it. "“6 is the fifth and last variant of alienation, Seaman lists §_§;I_._f_-_ W. He views this alternative conception of alienation as "the inability of the individual to find self-rewarding - or in Dewey's phrase, ”self-consumatory - activities that engage him.” Seanan also links this meaning of alienation to W's notion of self-alienation and Riesman's other-directed type.“7 Waisanen approaches the definition of alienation in another manner. ‘lb begin with he examines the uses and variants of alienation defined by Seaman. But instead of accepting these variants and their formal definitions as the sole indicators of alienation, he postu- lates that Seman's types are not just dimensions of alienation but are also important correlates of what he calls the genera; condition of alienation; which, in turn, be defines as a ”condition of dis- crepant relationship between self goals and goals perceived to be satisfied by the social system or arm of its subsystems.“ In other words, alienation would be at issue when a given individual perceives “612013614: Ke Merton, Op.Cit., pe 153e WMelvin Seaman, “On the Meaning of Alienation." Anglican Socio- W Vol. 21», No. 6, (Dec. 1959). Pp. 783-791. 39 his personal goals (and the attitudes which spell out the means to attain them) to be at variance, or to be discrepant, with the goals, norms and means of a social system in which he is involved. It is important to note that Waisanen does not imply that alien- ation is a general condition of the personality, but rather, that it is a condition of the relationship between the self and a particular social system. This means that an individual may be in a relation- ship of alienation toward his family, or vis-a-vis the state - yet he may be entirely "integrated” in his particular work situation (another sub-societal social systu). In other words, when using the term alienation, Waisanen emphasizes the very important question of the relation of alienation to a specific social systemue this conception of alienation shares with all subjectively ob- tained measures of alienation (for example, attitude scales and indices yielding scores obtained from the individual by means of paper and pencil type questionnaires) the underlying assumption that the individual is sufficiently aware of the system goals, norms and means, to perceive such a discrepancy. Supposedly, objective measures of alienation (e.g., danographic indicators such as divorce, suicide, desertion, and various crime rates) do not make this assump- tion necessary. But, as W. I. Thomas has pointed out, if men per- ceive a situation to be real, the consequences for their actions are real. mus if a given group of men perceive theuelves to be alien- ated from a given social systua, their responses are to some degree dependent omtheir individual interpretation or definition of this “Frederick 13. waisanan, “Stability, Alienatinn, and Change," WW! V01. “‘9 N00 1 (Winter, 1963), PP- 18'31- D-Q ‘1‘ 1"- 11' -Ll“ .1 1+0 situation, regardless of any "objective" assessment of their condi- tion (an assessment which may or may not demonstrate the existence of relative alienation). Thus, we do derive some measure of justi- fication for the use of subjective scales to measure alienation. In the present study, an attempt will be made to correlate these various measures, indices and scales of alienation based on our earlier discussion of Seaman's types and Waisanen's definition, in order to derive an empirically useable index or indices of alienation. Lest the above discussion be taken as an indication of a hope- less divergence of definitions of the alienation concept, it should be emphasised, as alreach pointed out by Clark, that there does indeed seam to exist a cannon feature in the many definitions of alienation. Certainly the central feature of most conceptions of alienation is implicit in Clark's view that ”man's feeling of lack of mans (power) to eliminate the discrepancy between his definition of the role he is playing and the one he feels he should be playing in a situation,” It is ranarkably close to what Waisanen terms the “condition of alienation,” i.e., the perceived discrepancy between self-system goals and a specific social-system's goals. Returning to the problem of the conceptual definition of alien- ation touched on somewhat earlier, it is proposed here that the term alienation be used only to indicate individual alienation as measured by means of subjective indices, scales, etc. We may then define alienation in a number of ways, as Seaman did, or we may specify a particular condition of self-social system discrepancy, as in Wais- anen's conceptualization. However, in either case, alienation should be reserved to denote an individual, subjective dimension. 41 To attempt clarification of the differential usages of anomie, alienation and related terms, I propose that anomie be used only to describe a relative lack of the internalization of norms among_the members of a society or group as measured through objective indicators (or secondary indicators) other than those used to measure subjective or individual alie- nation. In other words, anomie is here conceived of as group normlessness. ‘Many researchers have used the term anomie to denote the sum of alienation scores obtained from a group; but I think it may be more appropriate to call this "alienation of group members" rather than anomie. By this view, anomie should be reserved for the traditional Durkheimian condition of group normlessness, when ascertained from other than individual, or sub- jective types of measures. General group anomie has been ascertained by indirect measures such as demographic indicators, or census information.48a The preceding discussion of the concept of alienation and related terms illustrates not only the profusion of meanings and definitions surrounding the concept, but points out as well the need for a more uniform usage of the term among social scientists. For the tasks of this dissertation it seemed advisable to utilize the concept (or concepts) of alienation as outlined by Seeman. It was, there- fore, decided to employ questionnaire items reflecting the five major dimensions of alienation isolated by Seeman and to base the conceptual definition of alienation of this study on the definitions proposed by Seeman and Waisanen. We thus conceive of the general condition of alienation as being self-perceived blockage or partial facilitation of personal goals by any social system, 48a Cf. Literature on ecology, social disorganization and anomie, e.g., Amos H. Hawley, Human Ecology, N.Y.: Ronald Press, 1950 and Mabel A. Elliott & Frances E. Merrill, Social Disorganization, N.Y.: Harper 4th ed. 1961. ..i ‘l‘ I 42 o: gem, of which the arson is a we: or 91 social mtems which m in a msition to block or fagilitate such goals.“9 In order to differentiate between the five types of alienation identified by Seeman, the specific type of alienation at issue will be identified by preceding the term ”alienation” with the particular word denoting the m of alienation under discussion. For example, when powerlessness is being discussed, the combination term ”power- lessness-alienation” will be used; isolation becomes isolation- alienation, and so on. In swat-y, it appears that the great bulk of the literature on alienation leads to one conclusion; namely, that alienation is the result of the discrepancy between an individual's perception of what is and what he feels sho_u_ld_ be. C. Belief Systems50 1. Introduction One of the important controversies among an earlier generation of social scientists (and philosophers) was the argument surrounding l'9'11118 definition is based largely upon the definition adva by FrederiCk Be Waisanen, Ibide’ p. ”0 5°th the term "ideology" is occasionally used in place of belief system, it should be pointed out that even where the less neutral term ideology is utilized, it is defined in terms of belief systems which are here considered to be relatively long- lasting, capable of generating strong commitment, and which have a more pervasive influence upon the behavior of persons in social systems of the nation-state. Thus the two terms, belief sysm and ideology are used inter- changeably. Occasionally, the adjectival form of ideolog is used because an adjectival version of belief system would be stylistically cumbersome. 43 the question of the primacy of the ideological ”superstruc’mre" or of the material ”substructure.“ Put in other words, the question reads: do the value or belief systems of a society (or as it will occasionally be called here, the Mlogies of a society) precede the related material. culmre pattern, i.e., lead to the emergence of a related, dependent and specific material culture pattern, or does the material culture pattern lead to the emergence of a particular and dependent belief system or ideology? A classic answer comes from Max Weber, who argued that the rise of capitalism implies a belief system which he called the ”Protestant Ethic." An opposite view is expressed by Karl Marx, who had stated, sometime before Weber, that "the mode of production of material life determines the social, political and intellectual life process in general." His writings contain many other similar statements clearly indicating that Marx viewed the material 'substnlcture" of society as determinative of the ideological ”superstructure.” I cannot attempt an answer to this complex problem of the primacy of the superstructure or substructure of society: w aim is instead to investigate another aspect of this problem, namely, the more mundane question of the functions of belief systems in the processes of group life. 2. Review of Literature De Gre, in his insightful. monograph, W, explores the question of the function of belief systems in sociew. After an mination of various ideologies, including Christianity and eon-mum (where, by the way, he draws some interesting parallels,)51 51Gerard De Gre, mm, New York: Hamilton Press, 198. Cf. also with nypaper "Catholicism and Commism: A Mg 0 Selggfid Characteristics,” unpubl. paper, Michigan State VOTE , o. O I~~ HUI zv‘. . 'tg 111+ he addresses himself to the question of the influence of ideology on social change. He shows that, among others, Sorel and Pareto assign important consequences to “myths” (belief systems) which through the human actors or agents change the social structure. ‘lhe significance of wths is not to be evaluated, according to Sorel, in terms of their truth or possibility of attain- ment. Their real flmction is to provide abasis and incentive for social action; and their importance is to be evaluated according to the degree to which they motivate men to direct intervention in the historical process, and bring about consequent changes in social, economic and political develop- ment. Pareto makes the same point ...52 It appears then that Pareto and Sorel agree with Weber's view that a certain ”ethnic" or belief system can have Specific conse- quences for the social. structure, or certain institutions of the social structure. As indicated earlier, others, notably Marx, have held an op- posite viewpoint. De Gre, quoting from DJrkheim, indicates aware- ness of the contrary viewpoints. This aptitude of society for setting itself up as a god or for creating gods was never more apparent than during the first years of the French Revolution. At this time, in fact, under the influence of the general enthusiasm, things purely laical by nature were transformed by public opinion into sacred things: these were the Fatherland, Liberty, Reason. A religion tended to become established which had its dogmas, symbols, altars and flute.” Mkheim apparently was impressed with the results of the revo- lutionary euphoria which made it possible for marry myths, symbols and values to be added to the new ideology of the hatch Revolution. 'Ihis view implies that mrkheim conceived of a structural change, such as a revolution, to be capable of leading to the development 52De Gre, Ibid., p. 49. 53D! G", Ibide, Po 63o ’45 of a belief system, or to add new parts to belief systems. Lenski also recognized this view for his own conception of the processes of ideological development while he indirectly supports the point made by De Gre. We do not claim that belief necessarily precedes practice, in rational fashion. On the contrary, belief may follow practice as a rationalization for alreaw existing patterns of action- See End-la was. W Melvin Radar, in W also seems to make a similar point who: he writes that the belief system of Italian Fascism was constructed after the reality of fascism had already been established. Rader reports, that Mussolini asked his fascist ”philosophers” to furnish him with an ideology which would justify the practice of fascisn.55 However, it would seem theoretically (and practically) impossible to conceive of hunaILbehavior and specific action to occur without ends or goals (cf. Parsons, Loomis, and Waisanen), and thus it would also seem necessary to have some system of values, or a pattern of beliefs, which provides the actor with a reason, or reasons, for pursuing a goal (goals or ends) by means of some act. In other words, I conceive of all social behavior to be purposive, to be goal oriented (whatever the goal, no matter how ”insignificant" it is adjudged by others) and to have some meaning for the actor. ibis means that large-scale patterns of beliefs and action (e.g., fascism) could not have come into being without reference to some specific goals, ends or pattern of meanings. his in tum implies 5“ Gerhard Lenski, W Garden City, New York: WW, 1961, nope 2990 551mm Radar, 0 s e t t on 0 New Iork: Hamillan, 1939. #6 that the goals and ends are oriented to some larger pattern of value or beliefs, in other words, an ideology or belief system, which gives human behavior, and any human action, direction and purpose. Historically speaking, it may not always be clear toward what sort of belief system a particular act or action is oriented, but the sociologist mist infer that m social act or pattern of social acts is goal-orimted and therefore meaningful to the actor. Consequently, if the act or pattern of acts is meaningful, it must be related to some attitude, value, belief or system of beliefs . Whether the belief system has been given a label or not is irrele- vant. Wat is at issue is the question whether a large-scale pattern of social acts such as the practice of fascism could have evolved without reference to arm goals, ends, meanings, or system of beliefs. Whether the belief system had been clearly labeled as "Fascism" is not important, the question is only whether a goal structure or belief system existed prior to the practice of what later became knots: as fascism. What may have been lacking in early fascism, was probably a clear codification and uniform acceptance of a body ofvalues andbeliefs which couldbe calledabeliefsystenoran ideology. Dahrendorf, who can be labeled shoe-Marxist" in this respect, clearly supports a view which derives the belief system from the social structure, and in the last analysis, ultimately from the material substructure of society. He argues that both "latent” and ”manifest” interests are conditioned by the social position and role of the individual. In other words, the incumbent of a par- ticular social position and role shares with others in the same social 47 position, certain kinds of latent interests (unrecognized or sub- conscious interests) and manifest interests (beliefs) which to Dahrmdorf furnishes the social base for classes, class consciousness (ideology) and class conflict. So much for our review of some points of view on the classical question of the primacy of the sub- or superstructure of society. This issue has by no means been settled either here or in the liter- ature, but perhaps the answer to this puzzle lies in what one may cfll a Hegelian dialectical synthesis of the elements and processes involved in the various spheres of the sub- and superstructure.‘ In other words, it is very likely that social change does not originate in either one or the other sphere, but that certain processes in each contribute in varying amounts to any particular social change. For example - to return to the discussion of Rader's point about Italian Fascism - there surely must have been some, however immature, ~ some early ideological beginnings of this practice which later became known as fascism. A certain particular value found its expression in a single act by a single person. The act once committed, especially if deviant from the existing belief system, values and norms of Italian society at the time, has to be justified, and an ideological belief is invented, or as in most cases, adapted, or modified to support and to give a reason for the act. Social change, then is here conceived as not originating ea:- clusively in either the "material“ substructure or file "ideological" superstructure of a society, but is assumed to be the result of a number of complex, time-consuming, and not always very clear processes of combining elements of both major spheres to creais social changes. . a. i 1+8 3. Classificatory Models of Belief Systems Following are some attempts to classify belief systems according to certain criteria. They are representative of most sociological efforts to categorize belief-patterns in some systematic way. Loomis includes his classification of beliefs under the PAS model heading of "cognitive mapping and validation" as "the process by which actors of social systems variously map reality." He divides beliefs and their content along two axes, (1) whether they are _e_n_xp_i_r_- igal. or W, and (2) whether they are existential or evaluative. The resulting table is presented below: Figure 156 Beliefs Which Are: Ehpirical Non-empirical Existential [Scientific I Philosophical I Evaluative [ Ideological l Religious J The preceding classification by Loomis (as well as the more detailed breakdown of belief-systems presented by Momeier and Stephenson presented below), are based to some extent on Parsons' comprehensive treatment of belief systems. Bredemeier and Stephenson use the term ”systems of belief" to denote what is; here called ideology or belief system. To these taro authors , ideology is a subordinate concept included under the heading of belief-systems. Although their classificatory model is based to some extent on Parsons', they add the criterion of "man's role opposite nature" to those contained within Parsons' and Loomis' models. 561003113, 0p. Cite, pe 173e 49 Figure 2 CLASSIFICATION OF 011me BELIEF-323M435? Cognitive Evaluative Empirical Super- anirical Super- empirical empirical Man as Pure ‘Iheology Secular Religious Observer Science (mythology) Ethics morality Man as Applied Liberal Religious Manipula- Science Magic Ideology Activism tor (Technology) Mm as Sub- Epicureanism Fatalism Conservative Religious ordinated Ideology Pas sivity Although the similarity between these models is obvious, and understandably so, considering the common Parsonian influence, the models are by no means universally accepted among students concemed with beliefs or belief-systems. Classificatory schemes abound in the literature despite attempts to unify and consolidate these schemes. Different types of empirical research require various kinds of models. his study is no exception. While the schemes of Parsons, Ioomis, Bredemeier and Stephenson concentrate on classin various belief systems on the basis of major m e.g., whether they contain mostly beliefs of a super- natural or non-empirical kind, the requirements of this study are focused more on the degree of conitment to m belief system, regard- less of content. In other words, classification by m of con_t_,§_nt is not the primary aim of this stow; rather, the central focus is 57am Bredemeier and Richard Stephmson, The m 931: of Social Systems, New York: Holt, Rinehart 8: Winston, 1962, p. 251. n- his 331': it at; 50 upon degree of ideological ccnnitmmt as associated with other variables, e.g., alienation or type of association. We are interested less in the content of a particular ideology, and more in specific social functions of ideologies, regardless of content. The belief cyst. model most compatible with the framework of this dissertation is the following model largely based upon a schema by Waisanen.58 The model outlined below is two-fold, 1..., it utilises a division of belief system components (or attitudes) and belief system types, plus the four separate criteria of a) inten- sity of comitment, b) institutional relevance, c) degree of empiricism, and d) degree tcwhich behavior is based upon value Judgments. Figure 3a AN ORIERING OF BELIEF SYSTEM COMPONENTS OR A'I'I‘I'I'U'DES (1) FadS, Fashions (1+) Ideologies and Crazes (Values, Mcres, INTENSITY E etc.) OF amateur (2) Casual Collec- (3) Folkways tivities Low High INSTI'IUTIONAL RELEVANCE (Pervasiveness n behavior) Figure 3a utilizes the first two variables, of a) intensity of cc-itmalt and b) institutional relevance. By intensity of comit- ment is meant the degree of importance (differential evolution of the importance) to the person who holds to the attitudes or belief system components listed in the four cells. The second variable of 581111: model, slightly modified here, was first suggested to the writer in a personal ccmmication from Professor Waisanen. ..vu 51 institutional relevance actually refers to several dimensions. To begin with it refers to pervasiveness in regard to behavior and the degree of importance of the attitude of cell content to society; second, it refers to the number of situations in which the cell con- tent applies; and lastly it refers also to the longevity of the cell content. The resulting quadrants contain: 1. Crazes, fads and fashions which demand high individual collitnent but are lower in institutional relevance. 2. Casual ccllectivities, which do not require high cal-nit- ment nor are they highly relevant institutionally. 3. Folkways, low in degree of ccmitment but high in insti- tutional relevance. 1!». Within the last quadrant are values and mores, which call for high comment and which are high in institutional relevance. It is this last quadrant which is most relevant for this thesis. Belief systems or ideologies such as those explored in this study would fall into the cell which combines high commitment and high institutional relevance. It is this last quadrant also which will be the basis of our next mdel, Figure 3b. One may use the remaining two variables, c) degree of empir- icism and d) degree of which behavior is based upon value Judgments, as the dimensions for this model which presents and classifies the the major types of belief systems, thus providing a four quadrant model of cell (4) in the model above. L." 52 W31) ARORIERINGOFMIEFSYSWTIPES High (1) Science (or (3) Technology Scientists) (Social mm Action) WIRICISM (2) Philos cplv (1+) Religion and Politics MREE TO WHICH BEHAVIOR IS BASED UPON VALUE JUmEMENTS 'me first quadrant encloses science, joining high empiricism with low degree of value judgment - essentially a belief system which classifies, stores and retrieves lmofledge, specifies what kinds ofquesticns wemqy ask andhcwto ask them, andwhich also includes a bow of rationally derived rules of investigation. Science asks: ”What do we know? What is empirically demonstrable?” The second cell contains philosophy - a belief system both relatively low in degree of empiricism and behavior based on value judgments. Philosopr asks the important question ”How do we come to know what we know?” This belief system then suhsumes issues of epistemology, scientific methodology and logic. bird, we have the quadrant of arts and technology, of applied science, of ”social politics” and of social action (or social work). (this cell combines a relatively high degree of empiricism and of behavior based upon value judgments. The value judgments commonly derive from religious, ethical. or political belief systems. In essence technology asks: "What do we do with what we know?" .‘O‘f 53 Our last cell includes the type of belief system that this study is primarily concerned with, namely religious, ethical or political ideologies which are relatively non-empirical and which foster behavior highly motivated by value judgments. This quadrant can, of course, be further broken down, but this task will be reserved for the theoretical chapter. In sum, this cell content may be best characterized by the question that (typically) religious and polit- ical ”isms” ask: ”Why do we do what we do with what we know?" Another way of looking at the quadrants of figure 3b would be to think of science, philosophy, technology and religion, as (1) research (2) thought, (3) action, and (a) faith. It may be noted that science and religion are diagonally opposed, as are philos- oplw and technology. looking at the model vertically, philosophy can be seen to provide an underpinning for science, while religion does the same for technology. At the same time, viewing the model from a parallel perspective, science provides support for technology while philosophy does the same for religion. It should be added that the quadrant of religion is quite general, rather than specific in coverage. It would subsume such political, ethical and economic values as would have a dimension of faith or "religiosity“ about thu. In short, each of the quadrants represents a (possibly) predominant way of viewing the mrld; (1) rationally, (2) logically or epistemologically, (3) pragmatically, or (b) "religiously,” i.e., ideologically. Distinctions should also he made hetwoen belief systems, values, and attitudes. More reduction of belief systems (or ideol- ogies) to values and thence to attitudes would not notably advance 54 our understanding or enrich our theory. Belief systems, values and attitudes could also be ”explained" at their own level of abstraction. In this dissertation the term belief system (or ideol- ogy) denotes the broadest and most general type of the three con- cepts. no concept of a belief system, as used here, consists of a number of values or goals, each of which can generate a set of attitudes, i.e., predispositions to act in reference to social objects. For example, Socialism is a belief system (or ideology) which is characterized by such value-goals as equality, justice and democracy. These in turn are seen as being related to specific attitudes directing an individual's behavior into channels of activity designed to achieve these value-goals. Thus, the individual's attitude might predispose him to vote for a measure to provide equal pay for equal work performed by men and women; to work for an association which advocates the dispensing of impartial jsutice to rich and poor, Negro and white; to support suffrage and voting privileges to all adults regardless of wealth or education. This list of attitudes could be greatly expanded, but for purposes of illustration, it is sufficient to point out that each value is linked with a number of specific attitudes, while each belief system consists of many values. The above discussion and Figure 1+ (on the differentiation of ideology, value and attitude) may appear to imply that one of the chief dis tincticns between ideology, value and attibide is one of quantity. mat is, that ideology is made up of a number of values while values are composed of a number of attitudes. Although this conception is not at variance with the conception here, it is an 55 Figureh EXAMPIE OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN mower, VALUES, AND ATTIIUDES BELIEF SYSTEM OR EEOIDGY W/TLISM\ ggfilgs OR Justice Democracy W W\ /\ OR PREDISQ Economic Other Impartial Other Suffrage Other POSITIONS Equality Attitudes Justice Attitudes for All Attitudes TO ACTION incomplete picture. Ideology, value and attitude may also be "qualitatively" dis- tinguished. Attitudes are here asslmed to be predispositions \or plans to act in a certain manner toward a social object, while values are held to be positively or negatively evaluated ends or goals of action. Ideology, tentatively defined as a pattern of beliefs of high relevance and commitment to the actor, will be more exhaustively discussed and defined in the following two sections. 4. Some Functions of Ideology Social scientists, philosophers, theologians, historians, and writers concerned with man and culture are in general agreement that man universally 'fneeds" some pattern of beliefs which supplies him with some meaning for his experiences. his is the view underlying the statemt by Feuerhach, “Man created God in his own image,“ and the more modern proposition advanced by ccmmication specialists 56 who say, "Meanings are in people, not things.” The same notion is implicit in Mason's interpretation of Toynhee's views of man's need for ideology. Man is frustrated when he cannot invest his life with abiding significance, devoting it to some great cause - like the earthly paradise of the classless society.59 Bredemeier and Stephenson clearly state that the major flmction of ideology is the task of supplying meaning to individuals faced with the need to find meaning in a baffling, if not hostile world. Although Bredemeier and Stephens on make a distinction between religion (a "super-empirical belief system”) and ideology (an "em- pirical belief system”) , they nevertheless treat religion and ideology as performing the same function of supplying ”meaning" to individuals and groups. They assert: ”Although religious explanations vary from culture to cul- ture, injustice, suffering, death, and maning of life seem to provide the bases for universal themes in all reli- gions. . . . Ideologies are secular efforts to explain injustice, suffering, death, and the meaning of life . . ."60 his feeling is supplied by either religion or ideology, or both. As stated earlier, the motions of belief-systems in general are more crucial for the purpose of this stow than is the classifi- cation of content of particular systems. nerefcre, religious and ideological belief systems will be treated together as far as their social and social-psychological functions are concerned. Bredemeier and Stephenson continue their discussion of these functions as follows : 593-117 L. Mason. WWW Mme Studies in Political Science, Vol. 5, New Orleans: Tulane University, 1958, p. 38. 6°Bredemeior and Stephenson, 0p. cit., pp. 316-317. 57 Supernatural belief systems have also mnctioned to produce such a feeling, or at least to provide a feeling that is a fairly satisfactory substitute: that one's lack of importance is only temporary. Such sentiments as that they also serve who only stand and wait, or that all souls are equally pre- cious in the sight of God, or that conscientiously serving out one's lowly status in this incarnation will ensure one a more important reincarnation - such sentiments may, for beli , compensate for the lack of significance in present roles. ‘mis 'tpiritual" compensation (related to the concept of ”deferred gratification“) is what will here be called “Ausgleich,” following the Weberian usage of this concept. For certain purposes one may also classify associations according to a primitive dimension of "Ausgleich providing” and "Non-Ausgleich providing.“ If this clas- sification is empirically meaningful, one could reasonably expect certain consequences; for example, a higher degree of meaninglessness- alienation among members of non-Ausgleich providing associations than among mubers of Ausgleich providing ideological associations. Homver important the Ausgleich or compensatory functions of belief systems may be, a great variety of scholars from psychology and social psychology to sociologists of knowledge and religion to philosophers, appear to he agreed that one of the chief functions (if not _t_h_q primary function) 7 of a belief system is the supply of “meaning.“ In this context meaning is defined as pattern of beliefs or statements of beliefs dealing with the reasons for existence, the reasons for being, or not being (death). All religious belief systems seem to contain such beliefs and/or statements of meaning. According to Bredemeier and Stephenson: Even more important, perhaps, ...[than msgleich]... supernatural 61Bredueier and Stephenson, Ibid., p. 285. 58 beliefs have served to reassure believers that the whole pro- 353.2: ”strings" encamzsss PM» aw . P00 Imic kind of reassurance about the ”ultimate meaning“ of life can, of course, also be supplied by a non-empirical or non-supernatural belief system. Some evidence for this assumption is implicit within the very we... (and seeming viability) of a commnist belief system, which apparently has managed to provide sufficient meaning to its adherents Just as am ”supernatural" 13.11.: system would have dene.63 In sun-nary, and from the literature cited, there seems to be warrant to assure that man needs belief-patterns (ideologies) to furnish him with meaning to the alienating situations commonly encoun- tered in day-to-day existence. This assumption (i.e., that one of the primary Motions of any belief-system is the provision of meaning to the individual), is at the center of the theoretical frame of this research. 5. The Definition of Ideology As with many other concepts in the social sciences (and the sciences in general), the meaning of the term ideology has changed over the years. ‘lhe concept has evolved from an early and rather 62Bredaemier and Stephenson, Ibid., p. 285. 63Even though some observers of the Russian scene claim that on certain religious holidays many people crowd into the few remaining houses of worship in Soviet Russia, they also note that the majority of those in attendance at these religious services are drawn from the older, almost pro-revolutionary generation. 'Ihis would seem to indicate the relative decline of traditional religious ideology in Russia and the seemingly successml substitution of a secular (com- munist) ideology. See also Lincoln Pettit, ”Atheism in the Soviet Union.“ WW. Vol. 6 (Hay 1961) pp. 8-9, 28 & 310 59 specific meaning indicating a belief in "false" idols, later to its interpretation as a ”Justification” for irrational practices, and more recently, to application of the term to any value-belief system or pattern. Allport neatly abstracts the history of the concept. Some trace it [the doctrine of ideology] to Francis Bacon (1620) who pointed to the chronic error and distortion that lay in the prevailing ”idols” of the tribe, of the marketplace, and of the cave. Marx and Engels (1846) used the term ”ideology” to refer specifically to the elaborate beliefs promulgated by the capitalist class to Justify its favored position in society. Influenced by Marx and Engels, the movement known as the 'hociology of knowledge" (Mannheim, 1936) has concerned itself with any ideology that tended to derive from, and to justify, a set of values that was in fact determined by irrational, or quasi-rational, considerations. It is interesting to note that the present-day usage of the term is losing the savor of hypocrisy. Whereas Man: would never have called ccmmtmism an'ideology,” today it is customary to do so. We speak even of dmogflatic or Christian ideology without derogatory impli- cation. In this section, we will begin with a few definitions of the concept of ideology as found in the relevant literature, then go to a logical composition of the concept based on the preceding defini- tions and finally attempt to formulate a conceptual definition applicable to our research. Talcott Parsons ' defines ideolog as: a system of beliefs, held in cannon by the members of a col- lectivity, i.e., a society, or a subcollectivity of one - including a movement deviant fromihemain malture of society - a system of ideas which is oriented to the evaluative inte- gration of the collectivity, by interpretation of the empirical nature of the coIbctivity and of the situation in which it is placed, the processes by which it has devloped to its given state, the goals to which its members are collecti oriented, and their relation to the future courses of events. Harry Johnson, whose monograph leans heavily on Parsons, provides 6“Gordon W. Allport, ”The Historical Background of Ibdern Social Psychology,“ In Gardner Lindsey (ed.), Handbook of Social P cholo , Vol. I, Cambridge, Mass.! Addison-Wesley, 1954, p. 17. 65Pm0ns’ Op. Cite, pe 349. 60 the following definition: the ideology of a society consists of (1) popularly accepted ideas about the structure, the internal processes (including the changes taking place), and the world situation of the society; (2) popularly accepted ideas about its history; (3) popular evaluations of the accepted facts; and (4) popularly approved values and goals for the society. This definition is not meant to suggest that "the" ideology of a society is a perfectly definite, coherent, and universally approved system of beliefs and values. Many qualifications and elaborations will be necessary as we go along. Every group in society has its own ideology. The A.F.L.- C.I.O. has a conservative labor ideology, and the N .A.M. (National Association of Manufacturers) has a conservative business ide- ology. Each stresses the values and interests of one segment of the population, yet the two ideologies have far more in common than they have in opposition to each other. The A.F.L.- C.I.0. strongly supports the principle of private enterprise, and the N .A.M. recognizes the legitimacy of unions. Countless more examples could be given. Every political party, pressure group, professional organization, and social clubhasanideology . . . . Karl Mannheim's view of "total ideology” as a "structure of assertions" derived from and dependent on an individual's social- structural condition (or milieu) and position, reflects its Marxian influence as well as Mannheim's more restrictive definition of “particular ideology." Mannheim links the latter term to "specific assertions which may be regarded as concealments, falsifications, or lies” (”false consciousness") by an ideological opponent or other observer. ‘nms to Mannheim the term ideology has certain connotative drawbacks which he tries to overcome by using the term ”perspective" instead. In the realm of the sociology of knowledge, we shall then, as far as possible, avoid the use of the term "ideology," because of its moral connotation, and shall instead speak of the ”perspective" of a thinker. By this term we mean 663m Johnson, Sociology! A Systematic htmdgction, New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1960, pp. 587-588- 61 the subject's whole mode of conceiving things as determined by his historical and social setting. 7 Francis Merrill apparently bases his definition of ideology on a rather liberal interpretation of Mannheim's use of the concept. Mannheim's use of ideologr is more restrictive than the view favored by the present writer and by Merrill. Mannheim's division of ideolog into two subtypes, ideologies and utopias, and his connection of ”false consciousness” with ideology seem to detract from the broader and less value laden use of the concept envisioned by Parsons, Johnson, Merrill and the majority of present-day writers concerned with ideology. Merrill writes: Men who are associated with social movements over long periods tend to develop similar attitudes toward their status and role. Some of these attitudes grow up spontaneously, whereas others are deliberately inculcated by the educational agencies of the movement. Each member acquires many common viewpoints because of his participation in the activities of the movement. The inner world of the individual inevitably reflects his outer world, with its defixitions, hopes, aspira- tions, and norms. The sum total of the elements in this intellectual world of a pggticular group, class or movement is known as its ideology. The majority of authors do not provide an explicit definition of ideolog but use the concept rather "loosely” in the general sense of the above definitions. Even those scholars who do not use the term ideology explicitly' appear to use syncm'ms or related toms in the same manner as the authors who have used the concept ideology. Fol- lowing are some examples of such synomns and substitute tems: Attitudes, attitude systan (Parsons); attitudinal couples: (De Gre); beliefs, knowledge-sentiment-norm (Ieomis); belief-disbelief 67ml Mannheim, W New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1936, p. 2 . 68Merrill, Op. Cit», p. 502. I .I (A l! -9' 62 system (Rekeach); central symbols (Nahirny); central system of value orientation (Shils); class-consciousness (Marx); constitutive ideas (Heberle); creed, doctrine, dogma, ethic (Weber); ideological model of attitudes (Znaniecki); manifest interests (Dahrendorf); master symbols (Mills); morals, moral community (Zerby); normative systems, norms, opinions, orientations, outlook (Walsby); philosophy, standards, superordinate meaning systmn (Clock); system of beliefs (Parsons); total value structure (Zerby); utopia and perspective (Mannheim); value system (Shils and Stark); values, value orientations (Kluckhohn, Strodtbeck); Weltanschaulmg (De Gre, Sombart). NOR terms could be added to this list, but the aim here is not to undertake such an inventory, but rather to arrive at an empirically usable definition of ideology. Before this can be done, a logically consistent general conceptualization of the term ideology should be attupted. V Ideology is here taken to mean go Mote pgttern of 99.149173 wt 1.9 fl: flvior of an indivitmal o: a sgcial gystem. his definition is sufficiently general and inclusive to incorporate all aspects of the preoedng definitions and synomrms but precise enough to allow for the formulation of the following revised conceptual definition and a subsequent operational definition. file ideology of a m (or of an individual) ggsists of the manifest (verbal or written articulations) stage_nts of bequ with gther indigdggs we; the m, which are 1:ng to be highly evanttothe andindi which bio of ones h ccnmi t oh so to and one to the ticul ues ttitudes an o a or its a. 63 Of course, one of the problems with this definition is the blurring of the distinction between the social and the individual aspect. In other words , the concept of ideology as defined above, does not allow for a sufficient distintion between the ”pattern of beliefs” of an individual or a group. In order to alleviate this difficult? it is proposed that the tens ”ideology“ be used only when referring to the belief pattern of a group, while the term ”individ- Ital" or "personal ideology” will be applied to the case of the particular belief pattern of an individual person. Figure 5 THE RELATIONSHIP OF GROUP AND INDIVIDJAL IJEOLOGI mm (Belief system centering upon:) 8”” (Ends or als rehvent to a:) GROUP or PERSON AN'IECEDEN‘IB (and achieved via:) collecti carried plans of action NOW Amm ___________________ (le to:)_____________ BEHAVIOR (for example) Members p Political and] or Voting and/ or Revolutionary in Religious monetary (violent) Associations Activism Contributions activities Parsons addresses himself to essentially the same problem when he writes that: 6b the only difficulty with this term is that it refers primarily to the belief system shared by the members of a collectivity, and for some purposes it may in the theory of action be impor- tant to speak of this aspect of the belief system of an individ- ual actor. Wham the individual actor is the point of reference we shall to avoid this difficulty by speaking of a "personal ideology.” A question alreaw touched on earlier, but of additional rele- vance here is the problu of ideological type or content. Even though the type or kind of content of an ideology is of only secon~ dary concern in this research, a related teminological question deserves to be discussed here. Because the conceptual definition of ideology adopted in this study is relatively broad, it was felt to be desirable to retain some uniform terminological means of differatiating between various major types of ideologies. Although it is possible to includesuch diverse types of ideologies as Protes- tantism, Commism and Estentialism under the definition of ideology proposed above, it would also be desirable to distinguish between these obviously different ideologies while retaining some common denominator. be possible technique designed to solve this conceptual and terminological problem is advanced w Parsons who .130 deals with the prohlmn of classifying the content or type of ideology. He distinguishes between ”religious” ideology and ”philosophical." ideology, for example, by adding the criterion of an mpirical refer- ence. He states, ”when the primary reference is non-empirical we may when the problus of meaning are of paramount significance speak of W as distinguished from philosophical.”7° Here .69Pars‘ons, Op. Cit., p. 331. 70PM, Ibid., p.331. 65 I have tried to solve the problem of the specific content of the ideology, by leaving the basic conceptual definition broad enough to encompass gl_.'.|_. major types of ideologies regardless of their "empir- ical” refermce or their "objective truth.” Of course, it still reaains necessary to classify ideologies according to some schema which has meaningful upirical references. For example, it is of demonstrable utility to differentiate between religious (dealing ' with the 'supernatural") and political, or philosophical ideologies. But it should not be necessary to use a different term for each type of ideology. Whether the belief pattern contains religious , ethical, philosophical, scientific, political, or moral values and beliefs, is not crucial here; the generic tens ideology can subsume all these upes of belief patterns. The distinctions between the various types of ideologies can be extremely useful to the sociologist; but instead of using the seemingly unrelated terms of "religion,“ "polit- ical views,” “philosoptw,” 'Weltanschauung,” and the like, we pro- pose a simple use of the term ideology for all of these types of belief pattern, while preceding the term with whatever Eticulg m of ideology is applicable. Thus instead of differentiating a religious belief pattern from a philosophical belief pattern (by designating the former as ”Religion” and the latter as ”Philosoptw,”) it is proposed here that the tem ideology be combined with these particular designations of content. Religion would then become ”religious ideology" while socialism would become one kind of "polit- ical ideology.” lIi'iis practice of combining the generic term of ideology with the particular type of content classification will be followed in the remainder of the dissertation, with the type or 66 classification employed varying with the requirements of the analysis. For some purposes the rather gross and traditional division of ideologies into philosophical, religious and political ideologies may'suffice, but in other contexts a more refined typology may be needed. While objections may be raised against the rather broad con- ceptual defintion of ideology proposed here, this approach is not without precedent. For example a similar approach was employed by Lenski in his monograph, The Religious Eactor. The only difference is that where I use ideology as a generic term, Lenski used religion. In his definition of religion he states: . . . we propose that religion be defined as a system of beliefs about the nature of the force(s) ultimately shaping man's destiny, and the practices associated therewith, shared by the members of a group. This definition is designed in such a way as to include under the heading of religion not only the major theistic faiths such as Christianity, Judaism, and Islam, but also non-theistic faiths like Hinayana Buddhism, Communism, and even contemporary humanism of the type es- poused by such men as Bertrand Russell or Aldous Huxley. By classifying these diverse phenomena under a single heading we do not claim that they are all alike in all respects, but we do direct attention to the fact that there are many striking and important similarities among them.7 Lenski thus includes the same types of beliefepatterns under the term religion as we are including under the heading of ideology. He includes such diverse and opposing belief patterns as Catholicism, Communism.and the philosophical beliefepatterns of Russell and Huxley. However, it is clear that the diversity of these beliefs lies in their content and.not.in their'functions. Lenski says: From the sociological standpoint'much can be gained by a moderately inclusive definition of religion. The use of 71Gerhard Lenski, Op. Cit., pp. 298-299. 67 a more inclusive definition directs attention to important similarities between apparently diverse phenomena, thereby increasing our understanding of all the elements embraced by 112.72 If the term ideology were substituted for religion in the above quotation, a relatively broad definition somewhat similar to the one advocated here would result. 6. Exploring the Type and Content of Ideology Underlying the conception of ideology proposed above is the basic assumption that it does not matter to the individual whether his beliefs are judged to be rational, logical or pertinent by the social scientist; as long as the individual thinks his beliefs are valid, he will act in a manner reflecting this conviction. Assuming further, that the individual can articulate his atti- tudes, his values and beliefs; it should then be possible to ascertain his personal ideology or belief-system. By the same token one should be able to ascertain the ideology of several individuals - and if so - one should be able to discover the "collective" ideology of a group of persons (or of an association) by ascertaining the ideologies of the maubers of such a group.73 The above assumptions underly the writings of several social scientist who have concerned themselves with the topic of ideology. 'flleir question has been: How does one best determine the type, kind and/or content of a particular ideology held by a group of people? 721enski, Ibid., p. 298. 73Granted that there are individual differences of the personal ideologies of the members of any ideological association, a common core of widely shared beliefs and values should be as certainable and should thus give a clue to the ideology of the group or association. 68 The notion that the content or type of belief-system can be determined empirically by means of standard social scientific tech- niques such as interviewing or by means of self-administering questionnaires and the like, implies that an ideology can be broken down (analytically) into smaller units. As outlined in Figure 5, attitudes would be the smallest unit of investigation (if we look at the antecedents of ideological behavior)linked to ideology via values. Furthemore it should be possible to ask a respondent rather directly about his values or the values of his membership group. However, the average member of an association may not be as aware of the ideology, and of the values and norms of his; membership association, as would be the leaders and spokesmen of the association. They are formally and informally charged with the maintenance of the values of the association and are expected to be more cognizant of the beliefs and values making up the ideology of their group. Reinhard Bendix appears to subscribe to this view when he defines ideologies as "the constant process of formulation and re- formulation bywhich spokesmen identified with a social group seek to articulate what they sense to be its shared understandings.~7“ (In our research, a similar reference is made to the manifest artic- ulations of the spokesmen of social groups who are aware of the shared, or consensual, understandings of the group.) Bendix then says: I call these articulations ”ideologies" in the specific sense of I'ideas considered in the context of group-action." All ideas may be analyzed from this viewpoint; hence I depart 7“Reinhard Bendix, Industrialization, Ideologies, and Social Structure.“ W. Vol. 24. No. 5 (October 1959), p. 61 . 69 from the identification of “ideologies” with false or mis- leading ideas. It should be possible to ascertain these consensual and artic- ulated understandings by means of interviews with the spokesmen, leaders and/or officers of the group in question. Content analysis of the propaganda, reuniting pamphlets, and other publications could also be utilised to gaina picture of the group's ideology. Qaestionnaires ministered to the membership could ascertain not only the individual member's conception of the groups ideology, but perhaps more importantly, could gauge the degree of ideological knowledge, confomity, conflitment, involvement, dogmatism, and «truism. Rudolf Heberle, in writing about public opinion polls and their ability to gauge the ”constitutive ideas“ (ideology) of certain ‘ groups, states that: * "‘niese deficiencies of the polling technique may even- tually be overcome by the development of techniques of group interviews and by interviewing persons known as leaders with- in their social circles and groups, that is, trade-union functionaries, prominent club women, and so forth. None of these improved techniques would, however, be as quick and easy as the ordinary polling technique. Nevertheless, it is quite likely that in the mture, more use will be made of fairly intensive igterviews of relatively few but influential individuals)” In a sense these opinion leaders are what W. I. 'lhomas called the “special definers of the situation." They are not Just the passive recipients and spokesmen of the group, they also contribute to the ideolog of the group. 753.1mm, Ibid., pp. 618-619. 76M Heberle, Social Movemgts; M 232$ch to Pogtical m New York: Appleton Century Crofts, 1951, p. 202. 7O Ralf Ehrendorf also writes about the ideoloy of groups, stating: In every association, the interests of the ruling group are the values that constitute the ideology of the legitimacy of its rule, whereas the interests of the subjected group constitute a threat to this ideology and the social relations it covers.77 He goes on to discuss the "observable articulate interests of organ- ized groups,“ noting: Class consciousness in the sense of manifest interests is a ”real category.” Its existenge and substance can in principle be discovered by interviews . Here again we have an affirmation of the contention above that the ideology ofsa group, or. as I would prefer, the ideology of an association (a type of social system), can be ascertained by means of standald interview or questionnaire procedure. it the same time, individual conformity or nonconformity to the known ideology of an associatien can be gauged. The degree of personal constituent or divergence from the association's ideology (consisting of meanings, values, goals, norms, etc.) can also be ascertained.79 The definition of ideology proposed above is an attempt to combine the most frequently used terms and synoms of ideology into one broad concept, and at the same time to devise an operationally definable and empirically useful concept. The following chapter will present a tentative outline of procedure 77mm, 0p.Cit., p. 176. 78Ibide, pe 179e 79!!» demonstration of the practicality of ideological measure- ment and the development of techniques and instruments for the mea- surement-of ideological confluent and the like could be a useful methodological by-product of this research. 71 to ascertain the me (and/ or content) of an ideologr. The chapter will discuss some ideas for deriving the type and content of an ideology and will outline means to measure the degree of connitment of association members to a particular belief system and association. D. Associations 1. Introduction The fact of man's continual involvement in groups provides, of course, the basic reason for the science of sociology. Sociolo- gists typically observe and study a variety of groups (among many other tasks) ranging from "small groups" such as the family, or the work group, to large groups such as entire societies or cultures. be present study focuses on alienation, ideology and social change through one of the intermediary types of social groups, namely, fog; associations. While the concept of fomal associ- atiomwill be defined more carefully later, it can be viewed, in a preliminary sense, as'a ”secondary group" in which (1) the members are aware of their munbership, (2) there is organizational struc- ture (including a hierarchy of "officials") and (3) a set of written norms (a charter, emetituticn, and the like). The focus of this study is on a particular type of formal association, here called "ideological associations.” ‘niese are highly ing-gative80 associations in which the members adhere 80his term comes most recently from Lipset, who in turn bor- rowed the phrase frcm Neumann. Lipset writes: ”Parties with such total ideologies attempt to create what the German-American political scientist Sigmund Neumann has called an 'integrated' environment, in which the lives of the members are encased within ideologically linked activities.” Seymour M. Lipset, Pgiliticgl= Man, New York: “mm, 1960, De 85c 72 relatively strongly to a well defined and comprehensive belief system. It might be argued that Q; associations are ”ideological associations” because their individual.members can be assumed to believe in some religious, political and/or philosophical belief system. That this is the case will not be denied here. In that sense all associations §£g_ideological. However, the emphasis here is not on the belief of each individual in some ideology, but rather on the shaggg nature of some belief systems in certain associations. It is held.here that an association whose membership is oriented toward the ideology of Socialism, Catholicism, Communism.or the like, is basically different from a hobby or sports club. In the latter type of association, the members adhere primarily to the ideology of their larger society (nation-state), or to some other "strongly oriented” ideological association such as a party, church, or'labor‘union. Mbre specifically, ideological associations have members who orient their behavior'more along the lines prescribed by the ideology of’thei; association rather than toward some other extra-associational ideology. Although.members of a stamp collectors club, or other hobby association, share some values with other members of their hobby club (fer exumple, that their hobby is worthwhile, important and.satisfying), their basic value-and~belief-orientation is likely to be along the ideological lines of some other association such as the state, their religious denomination, or political party. These latter associations represent what will here be called ideological associations, mainly because they exercise a rather pervasive 73 ideological control over their membership. 2. Review of the Literature Sociologists have long been interested in various types of formal association as a necessary part of their interest in social groups in general. Unfortunately, there has been less interest and consequently less writing devoted to ideol Og'ically oriented associations. Bredemeier and Stephenson write that ”there has not been much systematic work in the development of a typology embracing the variety of social groupings that express ideological orientation...."81 Nevertheless, Bredemeier and Stephenson have made an attempt to list the most important types of such groupings. In their estimation, the nation-state, the ”counterideological” grouping, the social maove- ment, and.finally political parties make up the most important types. These ideological groups can be said to be analogous to religious ideological groupings in a number of ways. Without unduly pressing the case, we may say that ideo- logical groupings are in some ways analogous to religious groupings. Indeed, where the secular and religious orien- tations overlap, they may converge. In their emergence, recruitment, and transformation, cults have their parallel in groups based on counterideologies; sects, in social move- ments, particularly conversionist sects and revolutionary movements; parties, in denominations; and churches, in states, particularly totalitarian statos.82 The main reasons for attempting some classification of ideological associations is to provide us with some predictive power in fero- casting other diemnsions of social behavior on the part of association members. If one can show that certain types of ideological associations 81Bredemeier and Stephenson, Op.Cit., p. 311. 821bid., pp. 315-316. 71. are related to other phenomena, i.e., that members of certain types of associations are measurably different (along some dimensions) than members of other types of associations, then one of the main tasks of this study has been accomplished. The particular classificatory schema or schemes employed depends largely on the requirements of the theoretical framework and the hypotheses of the study. Since social change, alienation and ideology are of vital concern here, the attitudinal dimensions of ”orientation toward social change," degree of alienation, and ideological commitment will be tapped. In addition, the associations included in the sample will be classified according to certain cate- gories established a priori. This classification, it is hoped, will be predictive of the three dimensions outlined above, as well as others to be treated later. To Parsons, an association is basically a collectivity with formal norms and mechanisms to interpret, enforce and normatively :regulate group action. He further differentiates between Gemein- schaft-like, or ”expressive” associations and Gesellschaft-like, ”instrumental” type associations. .i collectivity in which expressive interests have primary in its orientation to continual action in concert.may for lack of a better term, be called a Gem inschaft; one in which instrumental interests have primaoy is an "organization” in the sense defined above. In so far as either type has ex, plicit and formalized rules and differentiated organs of implementation of collective action (including interprg - tion and enforcement of rules) it is an ”association. 3 The term collectivity, included in the above definition, requires closer examination, not only because it is part of the definition, 83Parsons, Op. Cit., p. 100. 75 but also because its meaning is not readily apparent from its con- text. Parsons does give us some help in clarifying the term: It is only when an action system involves solidarity in this sense that its members define certain actions as required in the interest of the integrity of the system itself, and others as incompatible with that integrity - with the result that sanctions are organized about this definition. Such a system will be called a 'collectivity.” Collectivity-n orientation, as it were, involves posing the "question of confidence”; ”are you 333 of us or not? Your attitude on this question decides. HacIver, who defines an association as "a group organized for the pursuit of an interest or a group of interest in common,"85 sees assoations as a type of human group which is o anised, i.e., has officers, a charter or the like, exists over time, and has a certain purpose. The purpose, endor goalie dictated by thezinterest. toward the achievement of that end for which the association has been organised. The tom intenst, here included in his definition of associ- ation by McIver, also is a crucial concept in Dahrendorf's defini- tion of association. Interest groups are groups in the strict sense of the socio- logical tern; and they are the real agents of group conflict. They have a structure, a fan of organization, a program or goal, and a personnel of members . . . One might emphasize the difference between interest groups and primary groupings such as family or fggendship by calling them, with MacIver, ”associations”. . . Whereas MacIver uses the concept ”interest" as a general cate- gory connoting desires, goals or ends, Dahrendorf has expanded the BI‘PMOM, Ibide, Pe 97c 85Robert R. HacIver, Society, New York: Holt, Rinehart a Winston, 19379 P0 110 Séworf, Op. Cite, pp. 180-181e 76 meaning of interest, and has made it more useful. analytically, by coupling it with the terms m and m. To Dahrendcrf, latent interests are those interests inherent in the position and role of an individual, while manifest interests correspond to ide- ology as used here and by Dahrenc'lcrf’.87 The concept is central to mhrendorf's conflict theory of social change, since the opposing interests, or ideologies, of the two ”classes" represented in arm 'imperatively coordinated association"88 are the basis for the inevitable conflict for the two classes always found in such an association. According to Dahrendorf, social change is a consequence of the victory of gig of the two classes engaged in the conflict of interests within any association. Both Hacker's and Dahrendcrf's definitions of association are general enough .to permit the inclusion of the nation-state (similar to Bred-eier and Stephenson's classification of ”ideological associ- ations”) under the heading of association, the present study draws its subjects from associations smaller than the nation-state associ- ation. As mentioned earlier, part of the analysis of this stew will deal with the divergence of values and ideologies of citizens who are also members in associations such as labor unions, church, groups, political parties, and other ”ideological associations.” One cos-on feature of all these definitions of association “6 ”or. previous discussion of manifest interest and ideology on De & 6ge Banshrendcrf states that ”an association shall be called an imperatively coordinated association insofar as its members are, by virtue of a prevailing order, subject to authority relations.“ This definition is based directly on Weber and makes it possible to include virtually an association under this heading. Op.Cit., p. 237. 77 seals to be their inclusion of some reference to a belief-pattern among their members as one of the pro-requisites of associations. whether it is called "interest" as in Maclver's definition, or “uni- fest interests" as with Dahrendorf, or finally "collectivity orien- tation,“ after Parsons, the definitions include some reference to an ideological dimensim. Ham interesting and theoretically relevant questions can be asked regarding the role of ideology in an association. For maple, is there sons connection betwoen the ideology of an association and the goals, values and norms of the mothers of an association? Did a particular ideology gmerate the goals and noras of the association - or was the association primarily an interest group which subsequently edoptod an ideology fitting its goals? In other words, it is entirely possible that the membership of certain associations was organised without an initial ideology, fro- what Dahrendorf calls, a ”quasi.- group“ with canon, but “latent interests.” Subsequently, the leaders, especially the ”expressive leaders“ (special definers of the situ- ation), may adopt and adapt an ideology to Justin the ongoing prac- tices and the goals of the association.89 It is hoped that the subsequent enpiricsl investigation of the premed relationship between ideology and the values, goals and horns of an association will shed some light on the above questions. 3. A Definition of Association The definition of association used in this stuw is based mainly upon the definitions and other writings of MacIver, Parsons, and 391nm was also Rader’s general point in reference to Italian fascisa, which was discussed earlier. Cf. Radar; Op. Cit., p. 145. 78 Dahrendorf. This definition includes a number of characteristics which a group must possess before it can be classified as an associ- ation. (1) An association is here regarded as a relatively permanent secondary group of persons (called members) who ”voluntarily” (rela- tively speaking) joined other mahers in a gmup organised for the purpose of pursuing a specified goal or goals. (2) An association is further characterised by an administrative structure (a hierarchy of functionaries or officials) which places almost every member in a relationship of sub- or superordination to certain other members . (3) Finally, associations usually have a set of written norms, a charter, rules, constitution, or the like, which ideally regulate the behavior of all members within the Jurisdiction of the associ- ation, and which provide for procedures used in changing the norms. The extent of normative control by the association over the behavior of its members varies from association to association. 'lhe modern nation-s tate, for example, usually exercises relatively much control over individuals within its territorial limits, while a hobby club typically exercises control over a very limited range of acts. The nouns of most associations contain explicit regulations bearing on behavior relevant to the purposes, interests and goals of the association. In other words, associations are most explicit about nonas affecting their interests, but they leave the extra- associational normative sphere to the discretion of the individual muber. Of course, associations differ in the degree to which they expect normative adherence on the part of their members. Since association membership, ideological comitment and normative adherence are closely related, but analytically distinct, phenomena, one would 79 expect a strong association between these variables in the case of integrative associations. For example, such integrative or "strong" ideological associations as a communist cell or a John Birch Society chapter require and expect rather strong ideological commitment as well as complete normative adherence on the part of their entire membership (as a function of such association membership). "Strong" or integrative ideological associations require and expect rather complete nonnative adherence as well as ideological commitment on the part of their membership. I An ideological association can be defined in the same manner as is the general association; but the members of an ideological association orient their day-to-day behavior largely in conformance with the pervasive and explicit ideologically based norms of their integrative association. Although the ideological association is an "ideal" or "constructed" type whose realistic empirical equivalent can only be approached but never reached in practice, associations can be called ”ideological" by virtue of the efforts of their leaders to motivate their members, by one means or another (including coer- cion), to accept their ideology with all the implications for the related values, goals and norms. Examples of "strong" ideological associations which closely approach the ideal type as constructed above, are: 1) the communist parties (synonymous with the state in "Iron Curtain" countries, but conforming more closely to the above definition in those "Western" countries where the communist party is legal, as for example in Italy, France, Finland and the city of West Berlin; 2) the Roman Catholic Church (particularly in Europe and Latin America); 3) cults and sects; 14.) certain fundamentalist Protestant 80 churches; 5) many minority parties; and finally 6) extremist groups such as the Ku Klux Klan and the John Birch Socieiy. Ebcamples of less strongly oriented, or "intermediary” ideological associations who exert a more limited ideological influence than the above listed strong ideological associations, but which still must be classified as ideological]. oriented associations, are; 1) most major political parties; 2) the majority of established religious denominations and churches; and 3) most labor unions. Finally we have what may be called ”weak” or even ”non-ideological" associations which exert very little ideological influence over their members. Examples are: 1) sports clubs; 2) hobby clubs; 3) "social" clubs, fraternities, etc.; it) associations devoted to the ”fine arts," etc. In addition to classifying associations according to the type of ideological content such as presented by Bredemeier and Steph- enson, Parsons, and Loomis, we have now proposed a classification based on the differentiation between strong, intermediary, and weak ideological association types. However, these schemes by no means exhaust the classificatory possibilities.9o A further classification can be achieved by utilizing orientation towards social change as a basic dimension of ideological associations. The dimension of attitude toward social change allows us to divide associations into either chfle oriented or non-ohms oriented types of association. 'Ihe following division into three basic types of associations is achieved on the basis of a favorable or unfavorable orientation toward change exhibited by the association leadership 90An earlier proposal outlined a possible division of associations into Ausgleich-providing and non-Ausgleich providing associations. 81 and membership and the "direction“ of the change-orientation. Examples of change oriented associations are not difficult to locate. All social movements fall into this category since they either try to bring about social change toward some new, future, dif- ferent, ideal or utopian state, or the reverse kind.of social change ‘back toward an idealized, romanticized, and/or past state of affairs. The former type are sometimes called ”utopian,' while the latter could jperhaps be labeled ”romantic" or “reactionary." The following dia- gram presents a more complete picture of these three basic types of associations: Figure 6 ORIENTATION TOWARD SOCIAL CHANGE AND TYPE OF ASSOCIATION ORIENTATION TOWARD Change oriented Non-change oriented Change oriented SOCIAL CHANGE Progressive Future Conservative Regressive PaSt ASSOCIATION oriented (”Utopi- Present oriented oriented (”Re- OR.MOVEMENT an,” "Liberal," ("Middle of road,” actionary," ”ex- m ”left-wing,” etc.) "centrist," oon- tremist,” right- servative" etc.) wing,” etc.) DEGREE AND Revolution Evolution Status-quo91 Evolution Revolution TYPE or SOCIAL CHANGE Counter- Counter- evolution ggvolution 9112: his ”Sociological Critique of Marx,” Dahrendorf writes: If social conflicts effect change, and if they are generated by social structure, then it is reasonable to assume that of the two interests inwolved.in any one conflict, one will be pressing for change, the other one for the status gag. Op. Cite“. p. 1260 82 By means of the above trichotomization of associations into three basic types we may be able to classify associations in terms of this dimension. Although this is not the only and perhaps not even the most crucial dimension along which we can classify associ- ations, it may be a helpful classificatory schema, particularly in this research which, among other things, also deals with differences between change and non-change oriented associations. It should be added at this pointgthat the division of associations according to their ideological orientation towards change is somewhat arbitrary. There is, of course, a continuum of orientation from the very "pro- grossive" to the very "regressive,” with marry more stages of change or non-change orientation between these extremes than are indi- cated in Figure 6. The preceding classificatory schema share on characteristic; assigmnent is usually made on an impressionistic basis. We usually rank or assign these associations to one or the other type according to subjective impressions reinforced by previous experiences, or equally subjective impressions and writings of other scholars, and perhaps a small amount of “objective" evidence. Although this technique may not necessarily result in a false assignment, more objective techniques are clearly needed. Since all associations are made up of a number of numbers92 one means of classifying associations would be on the basis of sum- ming certain measurable characteristics of the total membership, or or a representative sample thereof. 92In the sense here used, everyone within the Jurisdiction of the association, duly enrolled or registered, W the func- tionaries and officials, is a member. The aforementioned change dimension may be tapped by means of an attitude scale designed to elicit the orientation of individual members toward social change. The degree of ideological ccmitment may be similarly ascertained by means of attitude scale items. Finally, each association may be ranked and assigned to cate- gories according to the summed scores of a variety of attitude scales and indices included in a questionnaire. The scales and in- dices used in this study will be discussed in detail later. r— p- 15 III. DISCUSSION OF THEORY A. Introduction Although we have already alluded to some aspects of the rela- tionship of the four major areas of concern treated in this disser- tation, (namely, social change, alienation, ideology and associations,) a more systematic trea‘baent will be attempted here. Although the concept of social change has occupied a prominent position in our discussion of the literature - and will occupy its share of the theoretical discussion to follow, this share is dispro- portional to the (actual) share allotted to social change in the empirical parts of this shady. The inclusion of an extended discus- sion of social- change was primarily for theoretical and explanatory reasons. It was felt that inclusion of a discussion of certain aspects of social change might provide interpretive value g the other major variables and their relationship to each other. In order to set the frame of reference for the following dis- cusion of theory and hypotheses, it may be helpful tobriefly sum- marize the basic assmaptions underlying the theoretical model to be advanced below. As developed in the preceding sections, the four major variables involved in this stow, social change, alienation, ideology and associations are assumed to be related as follows: A. Social change in one or more institutions of a given society contributes directly to an increase in anomie among adversely affected groups. B. Individual alienation increases among manbers of 81+ 85 disenfranchised groups, or groups adversely affected by some type of social change. C. Alienated individuals will strive to regain lost power and prestige, i.e., properties formerly contributing to the maintenance and enhancement of their self esteem. D. One prominent avenue usually available to alienated indi- viduals who are either seeking to restore their former power and prestige or those who are attempting to improve their present condition, is to join an association with goals congruent with these self-perceived models. E. Formal associations propagate their goals, values, moms and expectations (i.e., their belief-system or ideology), through established media of commication. F. Different types of associations appeal to various groups of alienated individuals. Membership in different types of associations may thus be expected to have different effects on the type and degree of alienation among its members. For example, powerlessness, as a specific type of alien- ation, may only be reduced by promising and giving power, i.e., through successful efforts of the association to bring about the type of social change leading to great” power on the part of its membership.93 93See also Figure 7 for a schematic outline of the processes listed above. \. IvhdecJ—SN 86 .soapwoomme mo usesoboflnoe use 50338.2 to Boost. 8. 26 owners item 833238 Hessian 3 26 amnesia. assesses. a i .msogefioomme s.“ swsmaonsos £3095 oflsose wfiosuoh mo soflosa. Apsopea sopmov stow msofiedooemd .350 use 9308262 Hewdom .msoflewoommo. 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The Interrelationship of Social Change, Alienation and Belief Systems (Ideology) within Associations Despite the current debates between adherents of the Parsonian "structural-functional" model of social change and proponents of the conflict,model proposed by Dahrendorf and others, the nose wide- spread theory of society and social change appears to be the one which views society as a "dynamically balanced" structure which changes but.maintains itself as a moving equilibrium. This theory of society can accommodate stability as well as change, cooperation as well as coercion and integration as well as conflict. There is room also for explanations of evolution as well as revolution. It can serve the Parsonian as well as the Dahrendorfian point of view. In short, it is a generalized view of society which permits inclusion of occasionally opposed theoretical camps under one roof. This kind of'an overall theory of society best fits the conception of social change in the context of the present study. Although Dahrendorf is often cited as a chief proponent of the conflict and coercion model of society, he has emphasized that there is also "another side of the coin” of social change; the side which is usually associated with the Parsonian point of view. Dahren- dorf recognizes that neither side by itself is sufficient to serve as a complete theory of social structure and social change. There- fore, an effort to combine the two would seem to be useful. The view of social change accepted here sees society as constantly changing in many ways, but,maintaining a certain basic normative structure for extended periods of time. It has often been said that change is one of the most outstanding 88 and recurrent characteristics of human experience. It is an estab- lished sociological axiom.that wherever there is social life there is social chggge. The anthropological evidence suggests that man's cultural.development from his earliest beginnings to the present has been accelerating at an ever increasing pace. Social change, not unrelated to cultural change?!+ also appears to be following this general trend. Many authors, from Spencer and Durkheim.through 0gburn to more recent writers such as Bell, Kroeber, Merrill, Mills,'Walsby and Znaniecki, have commented on the increase in the rate of social change. They have cited a variety of indices, from.the rapidly increasing population "explosion,”95 through technological innova- tions and inventions, changes in industry, education and business, politics and religion, to divorce and suicide rates, in order to support their’impression of the increase in the rate of social change. Graphically the phenomenon of the increasing rate of social change could.be represent as follows by use of the exponential curve. 9“Social change is here viewed primarily as change in the social structure of a society (see also section II, A, 3, for some defi- nitions of social change), while cultural change would also include changes in the technology and.in the material artifacts of a social system. Cultural change would thus include and.in part determine social change. 95"At the present rate of increase the earth's population will 'be doubled by the year 2,000; in only four decades the human race could increase by the amount it has taken one million.years of cultural evolution to accomplish!“ ‘Marshall Sahlins and Elman Ser- ‘vice, Eyglution gag Culture, Ann Arbor: University of’Michigan Press, 1960’ p. 1190 ”The keynote of the story told.by the 1960 census is change, ‘rapid change.” Population Bulletin, V01. 19, No. 2 (March 1963 p. 10 The preceding statements are examples of’many such predictions in the demographic literature. 89 Figure 8 THE RATE OF SOCIAL CHANGE MAGNI‘IUDE SOCIO-CULTURAL CHANGE 1 TIME 2 While social change is most often conceptualized as occurring in the ”social structure" of a society, that is, in one or more institutions or a particular society, change is ultimately experi- enced by the individual member of that society. Social change can and should also be examined hen the level of the individual. How then does social change manifest itself on the level of the individual? Before that question can be answered we must first outline what social change consists of on the societal level. Social change as a generic concept is too general and broad to be of use in this Specific task. 'lhe concept must first be broken down into several manageable components. One approach is to sepa- rately examine each institution making up the social. structure of a society on its own level of analysis. In other words, instead of trying to measure social change as a whole, particular changes in one or more societal institutions could be measured and analyzed separately. 90 (he could, for example, break down this generalized concept of social change into the following specific institutional areas of change :96 A. B. C. D. F. Pofltion 1. Net changes in . . . 2. Migration rates 3. Geographic distribution 4. Age, sex, race and urban/rural ratios W (not including science and technology) 1. Composition, employment and earnings of labor force 2. National wealth, income and expenditures 3. Business, Banking and Insurance 1|». Basic Extractive Industries 5. Manufacturing 6. Distribution and Services The Polly 1. Federal state and local government 2. Elections 3. Courts, prisons and law enforcement ll. Military Establishment 5. Social insurance, welfare and services cation 1. School types and numbers 2. Participation in education by population groups 3. Educational achievement level by various groups Sm“ and Technong 1. Number of persons in various branches of . . . 2. Productivity (number of patents, etc.) i stems es 1. Religious denominations , churches and sects 2 . Membership and participation 3. Philosophy, ethics and morality 961t should be pointed out that the listing of headings sub- mitted is by no means exhaustive, but is intended primarily to serve as an illustration of some possible areas of concern, suitable for separate analyses of social change. 91 G- We; 10 31. news media 2. Postal services, telephone, etc. 3. Books and publishing How 1. Land, sea and aero-space 2. Roads and vehicles 3. Shipping volume and mileage 313- WM 1. Audio-visual arts (theaters, motion pictures etc.) 2. Sports and related entertainment 30 Ibbbies Otce Jo W 1. Marriage and divorce rates 2. Rates of exogamous marriage (interfaith, interrace) 3. Patterns of discipline (effectiveness of socialization).97 The above breakdown not only suggests a way to focus on Mar types of small-scale social changes, but also suggests a technique for assessing the magniulde of general.. society-wide social change (one could perhaps measure the percentage changes of various indices over a given time, and then compare these changes to a stable base-line :t‘igure98 However, the concern with small-scale and particular indices of change would most likely yield more usable and practical results. For example, among small scale particular social changes, one may thus concern himself only with changes in the norms governing practices of dating and mating. One might then ask: ”How have 97m. preceding list was first offered in th. course of a semi- nar the author presented to members of the Research mvision of Com- munity Progress, Inc., New Haven, Connecticut, in December 1963. 98The relatively sophisticated simultaneous equation Iodels used by econometricians (to predict economic changes) utilising as many as thirty variables, be emulated by 80010105153“ to ascertain rates of social change ra er than economic (soci changes only. 92 technological changes affected these dating norms and practices?” It is clear that a singular technological invention like the auto- mobile and its subsequent.mass ownership has radically changed the dating and.mating norms of the recent postwar generation of America. It has produced an apparently irreversible social change in at least one societal institution, namely dating and courtship. There is a great deal of evidence which suggests that life in modern societies serves to create much anomie and personal alien- ation. Among the more outstanding factors seemingly contributing to wide-spread alienation are: 1. The cold war with its constant threat amplified by the news media. 2. The threat of hot war and atomic anihilation by design or accident. 3. The frequent (and almost instantaneous) communication of troubles around the globe about which the average citizen feels powerless to do anything. #. The increasing complexity and remoteness of politics and large scale government which have great effects on the individual but which may appear increasingly withdrawn from the control of the individual citizen and voter. 5. The formal promise of civil and human rights to disen- franchised.and deprived.mincrity groups (mostly Negro), with perceived lack of fulfillment.and execution of many of those premises. 6. The relatively high rate of geographical mobility of our population (statistically speaking, a number equivalent to about 1/5 of the population of the United States change their residence each year) which shifts large numbers of people causing temporary (sometimes long term) social isola- . tion, normlessness and powerlessness. 7. Technological changes, automation and displacement of workers can also contribute to insecurity and general alienation. 8. The rising crime rate, particularly juvenile delinquency, R: m 93 which can be considered both an outgrowth of wide spread alienation as well as a cause of further alienation. The preceding examplesshould suffice to illustrate some of the conditions contributing to the alienation of individuals from the social order. While the linkage between various social changes and alienation may not be accepted by some social scientists, the presence of a certain measurable degree of alienation can be demonstrated by a number of fairly standardized alienation indices and/or scales. Such scales are utilized in this study to measure the degree of this particular dependent variable. Now, assuming that it is possible to demonstrate that a large number of individuals within a given society are alienated from the predominent societal structure and ideology, we may then ask: What reaction could be expected on the part of these individuals to their condition of alienation? The alienation literature has given us an answer already; an answer which would be summed up in the phrase: Individuals who perceive themselves as alienated will strive to overcome their alien- ation. This notion is somewhat reminiscent of "balance” theory, which might be paraphrased by saying that individuals who are in an unbalanced state will seek to restore balance. To the extent to which one may classify an alienated individual as being cognitively dissonant, one may then also postulate the institution of efforts to reestablish consonance.99 This overlybsimplified answer calls for * 99The various notions of balance-imbalance, and restoration of balance, incongruity-congruity, dissonnance theory and its postulated striving fer consonance, or the biological theory of homeostasis, all share the notion that living forms have some need to re-establish bal- mce, consonance, congruity, or homeostasis. Much the same has been said ‘ gtxptrt»alienation. Alienated individuals too, presumably should strive to I‘educe their alienation or to eliminate this condition entirely. 9# some elaboration. The response to alienation must depend to a large degree on the particular type of alienation involved. The individual who feels himself to be powerless, can be assumed to try to reduce his power- lessness.100 Similarly, the individual who suffers from normlessness- alienation, may be assumed to be trying to reduce his normlessness- alienation. The same could be said for isolation-alienation, self- estrangement-alienation and.meaninglessness.alienation. The major assumption made in this dissertation, and one which should be testable, is that voluntary associations, particularly "ideological associations," fulfill the function of reducing certain kinds of alienation according to the type of association involved. More specifically, a certain ideological association may promise to provide the individual with more power within its collective bld, or more meaning through its ideology; The association can also promise less isolation, i.e., more affectivity or informal social participation. These ”promises" may be implicit only, i.e., assump- tions on the part of potential and actual members, unrecorded in the 'written documents of the association and.largely unexpressed by the leadership. However, the association may draw members from those categories of people who are alienated in various ways by means of the implicit promises contained within the image presented to the larger public from which the association draws its membership. It appears tenable to assume that many ideological associations appeal to their own membership, as well as to categories of people who are potential members, on the basis of’promising relief from alienation. More specifically, various types of associations may 95 indeed function to relieve powerlessness-alienation, meaninglessness- alienation, normlessness-alienation, and finally isolation and self-estrangement-alienation. For example, we might anticipate that associations with a strong ideology function to reduce meaning- lessness-alienation as well as normlessness-alienation by giving their members a set of specific goals, values and norms based on this ideolow. The individual who joins such an association may perceive that the association has ananswer to his questions and will furnish him with a rationale for his actions. It is hypothesized here that the kind of group which has been labeled ”ideological association" does provide a system of beliefs (for its members) which necessarily includes norms, goals and perhaps most importantly, includes and provides meaning. In order to test this hypothesis, it would be necessary to do more than measure the ideological commitment of members of various associations to deter- mine the degree of their commitment to a particular ideolog; it would also be necessary to measure relative alienation by means of an acceptable set of alienation scales. Provided that the required measures, indices or scales can be obtained or developed, the above notions could be tested by means of the following twpothesestlm I. A. It is expected that persons who are strongly committed to a particular ideology are low in meaninglessness- alienation. In other words, an inverse relationship is expected to obtain between particular ideological comiuuent and meaninglessness-alienation. 101According to established usage (based on standard social scientific methodolo ) the test of the hypotheses in this chapter will utilize the fans of each hypothesis. 96 B. It is expected that persons who are strongly committed to a particular ideology are low in normlessness- alienation, i.e., an inverse relationship is expected behveen particular ideological commitment and normlessness- alienation. The preceding hypotheses are concerned primarily with individual dimensions of ideological commitment to a particular belief system. It should also be possible to categorize groups in terms of the partic- ular ideological commitment of the membership toward their group. Assuming that this kind of a classification is possible, we might then hypothesize that the higher these groups rank on a scale of particular ideological commitment of the membership toward these associations, the lower the degree of the types of alienation listed in motheses I. A. and I. 3.8 II. A. It is expected that an inverse relationship will obtain between particular ideological commitment, when associ- ations are ranked according to the degree of such commit- ment, and meaninglessness-alienation. B. An inverse relationship is expected between associations which rank high in particular ideological conmxitment and nomlessness-alienation. Since ideological associations are in m ways similar to other formal associations, it may be assmsed that ideological associations fulfill some of the same functions which other associations provide, namely, they can be expected to provide companionship with like—minded individuals. In other words, they can provide satisfying affective relations with persons who share the belief system of the association. 97 However, there are some important distinctions between strong ideological associations and weak or non-ideological associations. For example, the feeling of solidarity among members or ideological associations may be greater than among members of less strongly oriented associatims, particularly so if there are threats to the association from without. 'Ihe belief congruity of the members in an ideological association could also lead to a certain amount of 102 Members of weak or non-ideological affectivity among members. associations, who share few or fewer interests, and whose ideological comment is to the state or some other association, would engage in fewer affective relationships with their fellow association mem- bers than would be the case in ideological associations. Consequently, it is expected that isolation alienation and self- estrangenent alienation are lower among ideological association labors than among members of weak or non-ideological associations. More specifically: III. A. It is expected that persons who are strongly committed to a particular ideology are low in isola tion-aliena- tion; i.e., there is an inverse relationship between particular ideological commitment and isolation- alienation. B. An inverse relationship is expected between associations which rank high in ideological commitment of members and isolation-alimtlon. 102111. work and results of Theodore Newcomb and Milton Rpkeach are relevant here. Cf. Newcomb's ‘Ih uaintanoe Process, (1961) and Rakeach's The m and glosed Lind, 1 O , both of which support the notion that individuals establish friendship choices on the basis of belief oongruency. 98 C. It is expected that persons who are strongly committed to a particular ideology are low in self-estrangement— alienation; i.e., there is an inverse relationship betwem particular ideological cosaai‘hnent and self- estranguent-alienation. D. An inverse relationship is apected between associations which rank high in ideological comitment of members and self-estrangement-alienation. Powerlessness alienation, on the other hand, is hypothesized to be reduced in associations which are in some way involved in the decision-making process in a given society. This means, that associ- ations which are in some way allied or connected to the party in power, or the government in power, or who are politically involved, i.e., are political action groups, are expected to be able to transmit to some extent this involvement (or the feeling of involvunent) in national affairs and political decision—making to their membership. More specifically then, the following hypothesis is designed to test the relationship between association type and powerlessness- alienation: IV. An inverse relationship is expected between members of associations ”in power“ and powerlessness-alienation, i.e., it is expected that members of associations in power are less powerlessness-alienated than mulbers of other associations. . Although the primary focus of this study is on ideological associations, other types of formal associations with less than a strong ideolog- ical orientation can also be expected to fulfill certain functions 99 for their membership. For example, membership in any formal associ- ation can generate more affective ties than no membership at all. In other words, members of formal associations are expected to have ‘mbre satisfying affective ties than nondmembers. Since it was hypoth- esized earlier that strong ideological associations are expected to generate more affective relationships among their'membership, a runking of associations in terms of affectivity is expected to show (1) strong ideological associations with the greatest affectivity (or lowest isolation and self-estrangement-alienation), (2) medium, weak, or non-ideological associations in the middle, and (3) non- affiliated individuals with the lowest affectivity rating (or the highest isolation and selfbestrangement-alienation). Figure 9 presents the relationship of type of association (or non-association) and isolation-self-estrangement-alienation. Figure 9 TYPE OF ASSOCIATION BY ALIENATION Strong Ideological Association _ _ .Mamaeas ...... TYPE OF Formal Association ASSOCIATION _ _ flamers ...... Non-Association Affiliated Individuals LOW HIGH Isolation and self-estrangement-alienation TYPE OF ALIENATION In effect then, the entire sample for this study will be divided into three categories: 100 a) members of strong ideological associations b) members of other fonnal associations c) nondmembers Based on the preceding considerations, the following hypotheses are advanced: V. A. It is expected that.members of formal associations are less isolation-alienated‘than nondmembers. B. It is expected that.members of fermal associations are less self-estrangementnalienated than non-members. Another way in which one may look upon the relationship between membership or non-membership in various types of associations and isolation or self-estrangementpalienation, is to relate degree of formal social participation to isolation or self-estrangement-alienation. In other words, one may substitute formal social participation for membership or non-membership in associations. The results should be much the same, although itfs recognized that the distinction between strong ideological association membership and.membership in other types of associations is lost in this substitution. A further alteration may be undertaken by replacing the vari- ables (and.measures) of isolation and/or selfbestrangement-alienation by the related (in an opposite direction) variable of informal social participation (as an indicator of affectivity). This would result in a logical transformation of hypotheses V. A. and V. B., which hypothesized an inverse relationship between what might be called "degree of fermal social participation" (association membership or non-membership) and isolation or self-estrangement-alienation, to a hypothesis which postulates a direct relationship between degree of 101 formal social participation and degree of informal social partici- pation. One would then expect: VI. A.direct relationship between formal social participation and informal} . social participation. The term "integrative" has been used here (as elsewhere) to indicate that certain associations excercise a more complete and pervaSive ideological control over their membership than non-inte- grative associations. If the concept of integrative associations has any merit, it should be possible to demonstrate that: VII. Individuals who belong to an "integrative" religious denom- ination are more strongly oriented toward that religious belief’system.than members of other religious denominations: i.e., Catholics are expected to be more strongly committed to their religious ideology than Protestants. The reasoning underlying this hypothesis is that of all groups in Germany (as well as in many other countries), those respondents who adhere to either Catholicism or Communism, would.most closely fit the model of the "integrative" association. Since it was subse- quently found to be impossible to gain access to a Communist association, the Catholic respondents in the sample were the only group which could represent the ideal type of the integrative association. IV. METHODOLOGY AND RESEARCH TECHNIQUES A. Discussion of Methodology This chapter is designed to present the overall methodology employed in this study and the specific techniques utilized in carrying out the required research. The overall aim.of this study and of the methodological design employed.was to explore the existence, type and direction of the relationships and correlations between the type of ideological associ- ation a person may belong to and the effects of this membership on other variables such as alienation, ideological commitment, social participation, affectivity and the like. Toward this end, it was decided to utilize a sample of activists from a range of voluntary associations representing belief systems from."right" to "left" in the politicowwideological spectrmm. It was assumed that "activists,” i.e., those most active in association affairs (operationally defined as those with above average attendance at regularly scheduled association.meetings and/or those who hold an office in the association) would be most likely to possess the characteristics valued by the association and would therefore be most representative of the underlying ideologr of the association. Ideally, a random sample of all association members would have yielded a more representative sample than that used for this study. However, due to time limitations, budgtary restrictions, and occasional uncooperativeness, it was impossible to select a random sample from each 'of the several associations included in this study. 'fluerefore, it was necessary to select a somewhat less "representative" sample by focusing on activists only. 102 103 In order to maximize the comparability of data the same tech- nique was employed in each association to gather the required data. In all cases, self-administered questionnaires were distributed during a regular association meeting. The attempt to obtain a representative sample of association activists was reasonably successful. According to Table 10 it appears that this goal was reached or nearly reached in several of the associ- ations sampled. It was reasoned that activists are the real ”hard- core” association members who best reflect the attributes of the "ideal" member of a particular association. Using this technique of obtaining a sample of association members should result in yielding a special, but in a theoretically significant sense, "representative" sample. Knowing. that the sample consists primarily of association manbers who best approximate the ideals of their association enables analytical control for this particular characteristic of the sample. It can be reasoned, that by administering the questionnaires to association activists, a somewhat skewed sample must have been ob- tained; but it should also be noted that the skewness was in the direction of ovezparticigtion in an association rather than underpartici- pation. The skewness may thus have the affect of exaggerating certain attributes of the sample members; but it is not expected to change the basic relationship (particularly the direction) between the variables. The statistical associations between certain variables would consequently reflect this exaggeration and yield higher cor- relations and more significant results. The methodolog envisioned for the data gathering phase in Germany was based to some extent on a small scale pilot study conducted 104 in Lansing, Michigan, in the Fall of 1962, immediately prior to the field trip to Germany.103 In the planning phase of the smdy it seemed simple enough to develop indices of ideological commitment, to interview association leaders to ascertain the type and content of the ideology, to come up with a simple classificatory scheme for types of associations and to construct the necessary alienation scales. Even though there were some problems with these aspects of the total research plan, the greatest difficulty developed over the physical impossibility to collect a random sample of members from all relevant associations within the time and budgdlry limitations imposed on the stucbr. This research does not pretend to generalize to the entire popu- lation of Germany or even a large part thereof. Rather, the aim was to explore certain relationships of variables found most typically in ideologically-oriented voluntary associations. 'mus the findings presented in this dissertation apply chiefly to associations of the type studied for fit research undertaking. More specifically, the findings should apply only to the kind of activistsrselected for the sample. While the persons to whom the questionnaires were administered were quite representative of the ”activist” level in each group so surveyed, there are variations, of course; some associations are numerically better represented than others. Nevertheless, the basic aim of the methodology was Mfilled; that is, a representative sample of activists was selected to function as the basis of compari- sons bebween groups. It was not intended that these association 1°3c£. Section Iv. B. 2 105 members represent the general population, but rather that they rep- resent a rather select group, namely, active members of ideologically oriented associations . B. Data Gathering 1. Choice of Study Area The choice of West German as the sample areas was made after consideration of the practical alternatives open to the writer. In brief, the following considerations had a bearing on the ultimate choice of Germamr as the shady area: first, the desirability of cross-cultural research; second, the existence of a broad range of ideological associations; and third, the writer's familiarity with the area and the culture of Germany. The value of cross-cultural and comparative sociological research has been recognized for some time. Kingsley Davis favors cross-cultural research to dispel scientific ethnocentrism and to further a fuller understanding of human society. Daniel Bell fore- casts that the ”comparative question”....”will come into increasing prominence in future years," while C. Wright Mills, in advocating the unity of all social sciences, states: There is nothing for it I think, but for each social scientist to Join social science, and with it to go fully comparative - and that, I believe, is now quite a strong drift of interest. Comparative work, both theoretical and empirical, is the most promising line of development for social science today; and1 04 such work can best be done within a unified social science. Robin Williams, in his Presidential address before the American Sociological Society in August of 1958, asserted: 1040. Wright Mills, The Sociologigg, Imagination, New York: Oxford University Press, 1959, p. 1 . 106 .A scientific sociology, by definition, cannot be provincial. Among the opportunities for future research, a high rank accordingly is occupied by comparative or cross-cultural studies, especially those that will investigate specific hypotheses by objective operations. This opinion is no longer the pious hope it once would have been; research al- ready accomnshed shows the scientific value of transiagd- ing a sociology confined to its own national culture. The second reason fer choosing the research site was the exis- tence of an abundant range of associations and ideologies in west Germany, and adequate access to these associations. In order to obtain a sufficiently broad.sample of associations, it was necessary to select an area which contained a wide politico-ideological range. This made it possible to narrow the choice to a group of countries in which associations ranging from the far right to the extreme left are legally permitted to exist. In effect this meant that the EastAbloc countries had to be eliminated because of the absence of fermally organized and legally permitted right-wing associations (political parties, labor unions and the like). Most‘western nations had to be eliminated for the opposite reason, namely the legal sup- pression of the communist parties and other left-wing associations. There remains then a relatively small number of countries accessible to the sociological researcher which permit the full political spec- trum to flourish. Among them were nations which had to be eliminated from consideration because of time and cost factors over which the writer had little control. Since most western nations impose little or no restrictions on associations of the ideological right, the remaining problem was 1°5Robin Williams, ”Continuity and Change in Sociological Study," American Sociological Beview, Vol. 23, No. 6 (December 1958) p. 629. 107 to select an area in which the left was also permitted t3 be active. There are several western nations in which various communist and communist-like parties flourish. Among them are Finland, France, Italy and the city of west Berlin.106 Therefore, in order to obtain a sample of left-wing associations, west Berlin was included in the sample area. The third reason for pursuing this research in Germany was the writer's personal experience within the German cultural area, his language facility, and his personal interest in the exploration of the questions and problems of this study in the German setting.107 2. The Lansing Pro-test In order to evaluate the effectiveness of the instrument designed fer ultimate data collection abroad, it was decided to pro-test a version of the questionnaire in a locally available setting. An attempt was made to approximate, as closely as possible, the expected conditions of administering such an instrument in a foreign locale. In late Summer and early Fall of 1962 preparations were made to test the self-administering questionnaire which had been compiled by the writer and others in the Five Nation Project.108 This form of 106Even though the Communist Party is outlawed in west Germany, the SED or Socialist Unity Party (the successor and full equivalent of the old KPD, i.e., Communist Party of Germany) is legally permitted to exist in west Berlin, partly due to the city's special status as a four-power occupied area of Germany. 107In addition, important savings in time and.money were realized in data gathering phase of the study as a direct consequence of such area, language and cultural familiarity. 108The five Nation Study, a cooperative project by several members of the Departments of Communication and Sociology at Michigan State Uni- versity (see also Acknowledgements, p. iii), utilized a fairly extensive questionnaire including many items which were nor used in the present study. 108 the questionnaire already contained.most of the material and the items which are in the final version. Subsequent revisions resulted in relatively few additions or subtracticns of items but rather focused on changes in the ferm or content of the items. The actual pro-test was intended to utilize a sample of ideo- logically oriented associations comparable to the kind of associations to be included in the German sample. Although it is argued by some authors109 that American unions have lost much of their ideological zeal, it was felt that much could be learned about the mechanics of the questionnaire administration, and changes needed in the question- naire itself, through a pretest within a union setting. Consequently, about 170 questionnaires were administered in three union locals of the CIO-AFL in the Lansing area. Of this group, 41 questionnaires were ultimately returned by mail or collected at the point of distribution (usually after a regularly scheduled meeting of the union local). This non-random sample of union activists and regular’members was selected primarily to allow the repair of the more obvious trouble spots, weaknesses and deficiencies of the questionnaire. The Lansing pro-test demonstrated that gathering data from.the membership of a voluntary association is a difficult task. Much of the success of the researcher in obtaining permission to administer a sociological instrument to the members of a voluntary association depends on the rapport that the researcher is able to establish between himself and the leaders of a particular association. Approach- ing association leaders without prior informal ties with them will 1°9Notably Paul Jacobs, Daniel Bell, and s. M. Lipset. 109 usually result in the denial of research privileges within the organization. The technique employed throughout this research to gather the necessary data consisted of establishing discrete and informal connections with the leaders of a particular association through persons alreachr known to the association leadership. In most cases this approach worked relatively well. However, there were a few associations where such informal connections could not be established with the leadership. It was primarily in these associa- tions that efforts to collect data were unsuccessful. The Lansing pro-test also duonstrated that even after per- mission has been secured to administer questionnaires at a regularly scheduled association meeting, the cooperation of the individual members was a vital pre-requisite of success in such an undertaking. Daring the pro-test of the Diglish version of the instrument at meetings of three different locals in Lansing, Michigan, it was found to be relatively difficult to persuade the members present at these meetings to sit down and fill out the questionnaire gig; the meeting had come to an end. Consequently, a mail—back approach was devised which utilized self-addressed, stamped envelopes, which were to be used by the members to send back the questionnaires which they could complete at home. Returns from these three UAW locals were not very encouraging. In the first meeting (Local ”A”) which had a relatively high turnout of about 10% of its total membership of 3,000 in attendance (due to the discussion of a strike issue), questionnaires were passed out to all those in the audience who held some union office. This yielded a total of 1‘10 persons of the approximately 300 members present. 110 Out of these 110 questionnaires, only 26 were returned for a percen- tage of about 24% of those handed out, and less than 1% of the union local membership total. (however, the majority of those who returned the questionnaires could indeed be called activists).- The second meeting, Local "B”, yielded 11+ questionnaires from an attendance of 1+1 union members and officials, a return of about 314% from those present at the meeting. Local ”0" did not return any questionnaires at all from the 18 handed out (at one of their regular meetings) to the 25 members and officers present. Thus out of 169 questionnaires distributed only about 24% were returned from those three UAW labor union locals. These rather sparse returns were not used to test hypotheses; the purpose was to pro-test the questionnaire. The size of the Lansing pro-test mail-back returns also influenced the decision to use association members of functionaries to collect the filled-out questionnaires rather than relying on each individual member to return his questionnaire. 3. lbs Instrument ‘Ihe type of instrument selected for tkb study was chosen for a umber of reasons. the most important reasons for the choice of a self-administering questionnaire over an interview guide (or schedule) were limiting factors of money, time and personnel available for the project. Using a self-administering questionnaire has several advantages. First, given a fixed amount of time and/or money, a greater number pr 111 of respondents can be obtained. Second, it reduces the cost per unit of data collected. Significantly more information per unit of cost can be collected by means of questionnaires than by interview. Third, it eliminates the need of a specially trained staff of interviewers, and also tends to reduce the lack of data uniformity occasioned by use of a number of different individuals to conduct the interviews. Generally speaking, it is easier to maintain uniformity when the con- ditions of the administration of the instrument are largely determined by the constant and impersonal instructions of a questionnaire. Finally, using a self-administering questionnaire made it possible for the writer to distribute and to collect a relatively large number of instruments without requiring paid and trained helpers. It certainly would not have been feasible to interview the sample of 1441 respondents obtained for this study in the time allotted for this research. A total of only about seven weeks was spent in over five spatially separated locations in West Gem to collect this data. ‘Ihis rela- tively short time span would have been insufficient to collect the 1041 cases, not to speak of required work in finalizing and mimec- graphing the two German-language versions of the instrument. Obviously, there also are a number of disadvantages in collecting data by self-administering questionnaire rather than by interview. Firstly, the number of unanswered items per instrument is usually higher in a questionnaire than in an interview. In an interview situation the interviewer can restate a question or item and can probe for a full and relevant answer to every question. Secondly, the ”quality” of an interview tends to be greater than in the typical questionnaire. 'Ihe interviewer can use the rapport he establishes 112 to gain greater insight and a better understanding of the respondent and may consequmtly improve the data. Third, the number of unascer- tainable, unreadable, or irrelevant responses is usually greater in the typical questionnaire than in an interview. Two slightly different versions of the questionnaire were used in Germany. After making the required changes resulting from.the Lansing pre-test, a uniform German version was developed. However, since the English-language version contained many terms specifically designed for labor union respondents, certain changes had to be made in at least one version to adapt the German-language questionnaire to other types of associations as well. Thus, the result was one questionnaire essentially like the English version and another fbrm in which all references to ”labor union" angvlike were replaced by ”association,” or equivalent terms. a) Content of Instrument Thefo'llowing section does not pretend to be an exhaustive or detailed description of the entire content of the questionnaire. Rather, it is an abbreviated listing of the major sections of the questionnaire, indicating some of the more important substantive topics, scales and indices. Not all of the many parts of the question- naire listed here were utilized for this dissertation. Although the majority of the data from the M1 questionnaires is on electronic data cards, not all of the available data could be used for this study. The entire questionnaire is 28 pages in length, of which 27 pages are the actual questionnaire with the remaining page serving as a cover page. The cover contains some brief statements regarding 113 the origin and purpose of the study, and some general instructions on the filling out of the questionnaire. Page 1 of the questionnaire contains a modified version of the Kuhn and McPartland "Who am I" self-statements-test.* Page 2 consists of seven» self-other orientation statements, while pages 3 to 5 contain a number of self-anchoring scales*adapted from.Can- tril and Kilpatrick. Pages 6 to 9 consist of 1# "semantic differen- tialdkitems exploring attitudes toward the fellowing concepts: 1. 2. 3. a. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. Labor unions * Items, indices and scales followed by an Respondent's field of work asterisk were not used for the test of hypotheses in Others in respondent's field of work this dissertation. TPey . were included here primarily Community (of residence) The self for the information of others wno may wish to use them. Free enterprise capitalism Respondent's association Communism Respondent's political beliefs Respondent's friends in his association Modern socialism Respondent's religion The "Berlin wall" Respondent's estimate of how others in his association judge him. Pages 10 to 17 include items from a variety of indices and scales whose names and abbreviations fellow! 1. A general alienation index with items mostly taken from Dean (DA). 114 2. Powerlessness-alienation (PA). 3. Meaninglessness-alienation (MA). 4. Normlessness-alienation (NA). 5. Isolation-alienation (IA). 6. Self-estrangement-alienation (SEA). 7. Dogmatism, based on Rokeach (D).* 8. Ideological commitment to a particular belief system (PIC). 9. Ideological commitment to the general societal ideology (GIC).* 10. Informal social participation (1?). 11. Formal social participation (FSP). 12. Attitude towards property (P).* 13. Attitude towards authority (AA).* 14. Attitude towards work (WA).* ; 15. Liberalism-conservatism (LC).* 16. Centralization-generalization (CG).* 1?. Orientation towards change (CO). 18. Self-other orientation (so). Page 18 is devoted to questions and items about the association the respondent belongs to and the relationship of the respondent to the association and vice versa. Page 19 to 21 contain items of the usualckmngraphic or "background" variety, plus items on mobility, aspirations, income and the like. Page 22 deals with denomination, religiosity and political preference, while pages 23 and 2# are con- cerned with feelings of past, present and future security, influences and social relations. Page 24 also contains an information level index (INFO) and some questions on personal possessions. Page 25 presents an occupational ranking scale and.hegins the section on 115 sociometric choices, friendship choices and related items which a continues to page 27. Page 27, the last page, also contains some miscellaneous items on the ”protestant ethic“ (spending vs. saving money), the present state of the respondent's “happiness" and an a item on the respondent's self-estimated social status. Although the preceding list is not entirely complete, it does contain the majority of the various categories of items in the questionnaire. Much of'the questionnaire in its "code book" form (including frequencies and percentages of responses) is presented in Appendix A. b) Indices, Scales and Other variables This section is intended to give a short description of the most important indices, scales and other variables used in this study. They are listed and described in the same order as they appear in the questionnaire and the preceding summary. 1. The general alienation scale (derived from the 22 items of Dean's alienation index), consists of the following eight items: a) Most people today seldom feel lonely. b) we are just so many cogs in the machinery of life. c) I don't get invited out by friends as often as I'd really like. d) Sometimes I have the feeling that other people are using me. e) People are just naturally friendly and helpful. f) It is frightening to be responsible for the develop- ment of a little child. g) Peoples' ideas change so much that I wonder if we'll ever have anything to depend on. h) There are so many decisions that have to be made today that sometimes I could just "blow up." 116 111 “1,112 m, Coefficient of reproducibility (0.12.) = .90113 2. Powerlessness alienation. Of the 13 items in the question- naire, the five items reproduced below make up the powerless- ness scale: a) I often have the feeling that whatever I do here doesn't mean very much to anyone in this association (union) m e b) Rather than being in control of 111111138, I feel that I am being controlled. c) I feel that too may issues are alreacbr decided before the association (union; meetings get under way. d) The association (union officers pay much attention to the needs and wants of the regular association (union) when. e) Only a few of the top people in this association (union) run thingSe PA,9‘0F¥11+C.R. =- .91 Coefficient of test reliability (C.T.R.) 3. Meaningles mess-Alienation. I often wonder what the meaning of life really is. The future looks very dismal. I don’t really know m I joined this group (union). I am completely aware of the aims of our association (union). e) Our association (union) makes new members feel that it is very important to belong to this group. 900'? 111Variable code abbreviation (Dean's alienation). 112Variable code number (based on column number of sumary deck used for analysis). 113The coefficient of reproducibility (C.R.) usually appended to each scale presented in this section was computed on the basis of a sub- sample of 50 respondents randomly drawn from the total sample of 1441, and then (Guttman) scalogram analyzed utilizing Waisanen's typewriter notation (Frederick B. Waisanen. "A Notation Technique for Scalogram Analysis," fie Sociological mum, Vol. 1 (October 1960), pp. 2145-252. 114nm coefficient of test reliability submitted for several of the scales used in this smdy was computed by an inter-item correlation program named “Suzy Q." 'Ihe coefficients of test reliability will be preceded by the abbreviation of C.T.R. 117 MA’ 71, C.R. = .90, CeTeRe = 034 ’+. Normlessness-Alienation. a) The end (often justifies the means. b) Peoples' ideas change so much that I wonder if we'll ever have anything to depend on. c) Everything is relative and there just aren't any definite rules to this life. d) There are so many decisions that have to be made today that sometimes I could just "blow up." e) The only thing one can be sure of today is that he can be sure of nothing. NA, ‘44, C.R. = .90, C.T.R. = .70 5. Isolation-Alienation. a) I don't get invited out by friends as often as I'd “filly likes b) Real friends are as easy as ever to find. c) One can always find friends if he shows himself friendly. 5 d) People are just naturally friendly and helpful. IA, “‘5, CeRe = 091’ CeTeRe = 070 6 . Self-es trangement-Alienation . a; There are few dependable ties between people any more. b Sometimes I feel all alone in the world. 0) Most people today seldom feel lonely. SEA, 1+6, C.R. = 34,115 C.T.R. = .57 7. For exploratory purposes IA and SEA were combined in the following scale in the belief that isolation and self- estrangement are conceptually alike. a) I don't get invited out by friends as often as I'd really likes b) One can always find friends if he shows himself friendly. c) Sometimes I feel all alone in the world. (1) Real friends are as easy as ever to find. 115It should be pointed out that the relatively high C.R. of .94 obtained for scale number 6, does not necessarily indicate a "good" scale, because a low number of items (three in this case) usually pro- duces a spuriously high C.R. 8. 9. 118 e) There are few dependable ties between people any more e IA & SEA, #7, CeRm = .90, C.T.Rm = .77 Dogmatism. This seven item.scale is taken from the dog- matism items by Rokeach, fifteen of which are contained in the questionnaire. a) Unfortunately, a good many people with whom I have dis- cussed important social problems don't really understand what's going on. b) The worst crime a person could commit is to attack pub- licly the people who believe in the same thing he does. c) ‘While I don't like to admit this even to myself, my secret ambition is to become a great man, like Einstein or Beethoven, or Shakespeare. d) Most people just don't know what's good for them. 6) It is often desirable to reserve judgment about what's going on until one has a chance to hear the opinions of those he respects. f) A person who thinks primarily of his own happiness is beneath contempt. g) In.thb complicated world of ours the only way we can know what's going on is to rely on leaders or experts who can be trusted. D, #8, C.Re = .90 Particular Ideological Commitment. This is a scale designed to measure ideological commitment to the association to which the respondent belongs. a) If someone verbally attacks your association (union), I feel I should defend the association (union). b) Association (union) members should vote only for those political candidates who are endorsed by the association (union). c) Whenever the association (union) takes a stand on a particular issue, I usually support the officialfl position of the association (union). d) One should.never publicly criticize or attack the posi- tion of one's own organization. 9) An association (union) member's interests are fundamen- tally different from those of members of other associa- tions or groups (businessmen). f; I would prefer not to belong to this organization. I try as far as I am.able to constantly improve our organization. 10. 11. 12. 13. 119 h) I would like to get out.of'this group at the first best opportunity. PIC, 72, C.Re = .93, CeTeRm = .17 General Ideological Commitment. This index was intended to measure ideological commitment to the general society (the nation-state) of which the respondent is a member. The index has been compiled from items not expressly designed for this purpose. a) Capitalism (free enterprise system) (Semantic differen- tial item) 1. Good - Bad b) Communism (Semantic differential item) 1. Good - Bad G10. 73 Infernal Social Participation index. a) I don't have many friends in this association (union). b) I became a member of this association (union) because my friends also joined. c) How'many close friends do you have in this association (union)? (In non-numerical quantitative terms) d) Hew'many? (In :numerical terms) 6) How would.you rate this association (union) in respect to its atmosphere of openness and friendliness? f) Compared with the other organizations you belong to, do you have more friends here or in other groups? ISP. 53 Formal Social Participation Index. a) How many years have you been a member of this associ- ation (union)? b) How often do you attend meetings of this association? 0) If'yes to Q. 3, which office do you hold? d) How long have you held this office? 6) Total No. of groups mentioned. f) Total No. of groups in which officer. FSP, 54 Property, attitude towards. a) Property is something that should be shared. 14. 15. 16. f) 120 The concerns of the community are more important than the property rights of individuals. In an emergency, it is all right to make use of the property of another, even without permission. A true friend is one who says, "what's mine is yours." If a person owns something which another needs more than he does, he has an obligation to let it be used by the person in need. The trouble with life is that some people have too much property and others don't have enough. P, 55’ CeRe = 091 Authority, attitude towards. a) b) In order for us to do good work, it is necessary that our bosses outline carefully what is to be done and exactly how to go about it. People can be divided into two distinct classes; the weak and the strong. A, 55, C.R. not computed because low number of items pro- duces a spuriously high result. 'Work attitude (attitude towards work). a) b) c) d) a) One can never feel at case on a job where the ways of doing things are always being changed. I would prefer to staywith a job I know I can handle rather than to change to one where most things would be new to me. I like a job where I know that I will be doing my work about the same way from one week to the next. The trouble with many people is that when they find a job they can do well they don't stick with it. When I get used to doing things in one way, it is disturbing to have to change to a new method. ‘WA, 57, C.R. was not computed because scale was not planned to be used in ”115 SWWe Liberalism - Conservatism.' a) b) e) d) LC. A man who works as hard and as capably as he can deserves a comertable standard of living. Much of the trouble of the present day is due to the big difference between those who have everything and those who have next to nothing. Our country has moved too far in the direction of socialism. One of the biggest problems in our society is the exces- sive power of'labor unions. 58’ C.R. = 089 17. 18. 19. 121 Compartmentalization-Generalization. a) In general, I think it would be better to have close friends who share my political beliefs. b) Whenever possible, I try to support those businessmen who agree with me politically. c) One should take into consideration the political im- plications of every major aspect of day-to-day living. d) While every citizen has political responsibilities, one should remember that there are many other aspects of’life which are equally important. e) It would be best to have political issues separated from our jobs. 1‘) I always try to keep my political beliefs to mself. g) Whenever possible, I try to find out about the political beliefs of my friends, my acquaintances and my neighbors. CG, 59, C.R. not computed because scale not being used in this study. Change Orientation. a) Too many people just don't care aboutygresent political, economic and social issues. b) Both individuals and societies must change in order to progress. c) I wish I could do more to improve the present state of affairs in my country. d) Leaders in this society should look to the future rather than the past. e) I look forward with excitement and pleasant anticipation to a vastly different world in the years ahead. f) 'we could well use more young people and others willing to experiment in responsible positions in this society. CO, 60, C.Re = .91 Self-other Orientation. This index sums up the raw score total of all seven items. A high total score means a greater attachment of importance to other areas of life (concepts, groups or institutions other than the self), while a low score represents greater importance of the self to the respondent. The score obtains from an assessment of impor- tance of self relative to: 31 me 122 0) party d) job e religion f country 3 group, organization or association SO, 61, C.R. was not computed. 21. Religiosity index. a) How often do you attend a church service? b; How important to you are your religious beliefs? c When.you have important decisions to make in your every- day life, do you ask yourself what God would want.you to do? d) Do you believe that God answers prayers? REL: 35 22. Infermation index. a) 'What.newspapers and.magazines do you read regularly? (total number of papers, magazines, etc. read) b) Type of paper or magazine read. c) Could.you identify the following personalities? INFO, 38 h. The Questionnaire Administration Altogether, nearly 1n00 questionnaires were mimeographed and assembled in Cologne and west Berlin prior to distribution. Of this total, some 1300 were distributed to twenty associations. Six of these associations did not cooperate to the extent originally hoped for. There were some refusals and others who reneged on their com- mitment after initial consent. 'we suspect that in some of these instances, examination of the questionnaire led the leadership to the conclusion that some of the possible findings based on the ques- tions contained in the instrument could be damaging to the association (fron.their point of view). If’more time had been available, more effort could have been put into making the proper contacts and con- vincing reluctant functionaries of the importance of their cooperation. 123 Surely, better returns could have been‘obtained under more favorable circumstances. As it was, contact with some association leaders often had to be made in a hurry without the chance to make a repeat visitrduring the day of an association meeting. Moreover, it was often impossible to be present on the day of questionnaire adminis- tration to make explanatory statements about the purpose of the questionnaire and the nature of the overall research enterprise. The methodology called for the passing out of the questionnaires during a regular meeting of the association selected. Questionnaires were then to be filled out after the meeting had officially been adjourned, but before the membership was dismissed. In practice, this didn't always happen as planned. On some occasions, due to scheduling conflicts, volunteers were utilized to distribute and collect questionnaires. On other occasions, it is quite likely that the questionnaires were passed out without the degree of enthusiasm.shown by association functionaries contacted earlier. 5. The Sample uni members of voluntary associations in five cities of'West Germany (including'West Berlin) completed questionnaires. Aside from west Berlin, questionnaires were administered in Cologne, Bonn, Essen and‘wuppertal. The following chart briefly describes the 1“ groups from which the 441 subjects were obtained. The total number of associations contacted for purposes of inclusion in the sample was twenty-one. As stated above, due to a variety of factors (chief among them was uncooperativeness by leaders 124 of some associations), not all of the associations contacted actually accepted or returned the questionnaires designated for their use. Table 10 SAMPLE GROUPS w w Type of Code Loca- Total Number of Number Number of Percent Associ- Nump tion Member- Question- of Ac- Question- of Quest. ation & ber of ship of naires ms- tivists naires re- returned Code Sample Associ- tributed in Asso- turned from.from As- Initials ation ciation Assoc. soc. Ac- tivists 1. Univer- 20 Cologne 230 78 --- 38 --- sity Stu- dent's Housing Associ- ation (KSH) 2. ”Liber- 30 Cologne #2 20 30 3 20% a1” Fra- ternity (LF) 3. ”Liber- 10 Cologne 22 20 18 5 28% alA” Fra- temnity (LF) a. Christian #0 Cologne 150* 6o 60 22 37% Democra- tic Union Youth League (cw-w) 5. Catholic 85 Cologne 3O 10 10 6 60% Frater- . nit! (CF) 6. Catholic 00 Cologne 100 20 60 15 25% Frater- nity (CF) *Estimated 125 Table 10 (Continued) 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Type of Code Loca- Total Number of Number> Number of Percent Associ- Nun! tion Member- Question- of Ac- Question- of Quest. ation a ber of ship of’naires Dis- tivists aires re- returned Code Sample Associ- tributed in A530- turned from from As- Initials ation ciation Assoc. soc. Ac- _ tivists Advanced 51 Essen 350 100 --- 52 --- Vocation- al School Students (ave) Evening 73 ‘Wupper- 200 30 --- 15 --- College tal Students WAHS) Christian 62 Bonn ** 20 20 6 30% Labor Union (cos) Catholic 8# Bonn #0 20 15 13 87% Frater- nity (CF) Social 99 Berlin 100 60 60 15 25% Democra- tic Uni- versity Federa- tion (SHE) Social 97 Berlin 50,000: 200 200 5a 27% Democra- (800,000) tic Party SPD) German 98 Berlin 500 #85 500 109 38% “hr. (605 Million) Uhion Fed- eration (m3) l“Estimated ** Not available 126 Thble 10 (Continued) Type of Code Loca- Total. Number of Number? Number of Percent Associ- Nuns tion Member- Question- of Ac- Question- of Quest. ation & ber of ship of’naires Dis— tivists naires re- returned Code Sample Associ- tributed in Asso- turned from from As- Initials ation ciation Assoc. soc. Ac- _ tinsel 11+. Protes- 96 Berlin 100 30 30 7 23% tent Ybung worker's Associ- ation (EIJ) Among the associations included.in the total are some which are clas- sified as less ideologically oriented. These were selected to make a comparison possible between associations with various degrees of ideo- logical commitment. Of the 21 associations contacted 20 were given a sufficient nump ber of questionnaires to sample theirentire group of activists. Of these 20 associations 14 (70%) returned a portion of their question- naires, while the remainder received but did not return any question- naires at all. One group in West Berlin claimed that a move cf their head- quarters from one location to another building resulted in the loss of all blank and filled-out questionnaires. Another association delayed administration, using one excuse after another, until it was no longer possible to wait for their promised cooperation. While problems such as these are to be expected in any research undertaking, they become doubly difficult to solve in a fereign setting. It does help, of course, to have command of the language where one does his research; without such facility the problems encountered would mlltiply e 127 Table 11 SELECTED SAMPLE CHARACTERISTICS ( 1) Sex: 89% male 10% female 1% sex not ascertainable ( 2) Age: 16% 16 to 20 years old u7¢ 21 - 25 11% 26 - 3o 6% 31 - 35 3% 36 - no 3% 41 - 45 %%-m 7% 51 and older 2% age not ascertainable ( 3) Marital Status: 69% single 27% married 2% widowed, separated or divorced 1% marital status not ascertainable ( 1+) Place of Birth: ( 5) Occupation: % s 22% 1% % a- :32 West Germany (exclusive of Berlin) Berlin (East or West) East Germany and Polish occup. territories Europe other than Germany and non-European countries Place of birth not ascertainable Professionals, high government officials Semi-professionals Owners, managers and officials White collar, clerical and sales workers Skilled craftsmen, foreman, artisans Semi-skilled, specialists, operatives, pro- tective service Farm owners and managers Unskilled laborers Students, apprentices, etc. Occupation not as certainable 128 Table 11 (Continued) ( 6) Monthly Net Income (in German Marks): 35% 0-400 DM 20% 401-600 9e? 601-800 8% 801-1000 4% 1001-1200 2% 1201-1500 2% 1501-2000 1% 2001 and over 19% income not ascertainable ( 7) Educational Achievement (attendance or completion of): 3% Elementary school 15% Trade School 12% "Middle" school (Jr. high school) 13% High School 24% Technical college 31% University 2% Educational achievement not ascertainable ( 8) Religious Denominational Preference: 32% Catholic 53% .Protestant 12% Non-denominational 2% Denomination not ascertainable ( 9) Party Preference: 27% CDU (Christian Democratic Union) 55% SPD (Social-democratic Party of Germany) 4% FDP (Free Democratic Party) 1% Other parties 9% "Independent” 4% Party preference not ascertainable or "wouldn't vote" (10) Self-estimated ”social class": 5% Upper stratum 21% Upper. middle stramm 42% Middle stratum 11% Lower middle stratum 11% worker stratum 2% Lower stratum 9% Stratum not ascertainable 129 Description of the Fourteen Associations Followirg are brief descriptions of the fourteen associations which are included in the sample. The Associations are listed in the same order as they appear in Table 10 in order to facilitate identification and comparison. 1. University Student's Cooperative HousingkAssociation (KSH). This association, known in Cologne as a Studentenheim, is a cooperative venture governed and maintained by the student members and the residents themselves. The chief function of this association is to provide inexpensive accommodations during the members' period of studies at the University of Cologne. In terms of belief systems, this group is quite hetero- geneous, i.e., the association consists of students many of whom also belong to other associations, some of which are rather strong ideological associations of the left, center or right. This student cooperative was included primarily to provide a means of comparison with the more homogeneous associations and those strongly oriented in a particular ideological direction. 2. filiberal" Fraternity (LF)_NO. 1. This is the first of 130 two such relatively small student fraternities which come close to the center of the German ideological spectrum. In Germany the "liberal" represents a politico-ideological orien- tation of the center or even of the ”near right" (of center). The Free Democratic Party of Germany (FDP) represents such an ideology. 3. Liberal Fraternity (LF)_No. 2. This association is almost identical to number two above - thus nothing also need be added here. Because of their similarity, for certain parts of the analysis these two associations will be combined. h. Christian-ngocratic Union Youth A§sociation (CDU- Junge Union). The Junge Union is a youth auxiliary of the CDU, the majority party of Adenauer and Erhard which has held the chancellorship without interruption since the reinstitution of postwar German democracy. The JU group sampled for this study in Cologne is, of course, only a branch of this associ- ation, similar groups being located in most larger localities of the Federal Republic. 5. Catholic Egaternity (CE) No. 1. This is one of three 61o. 5, 6, and 10) relatively similar Catholic fratemiiies in the sample. For most of the data analysis, these three frater- nities can be treated as one association because of their essential similarity. Most, if'not all, such religiously oriented fraternities also belong to one or more "umbrella" organizations. In this case the fraternity described here also belongs to one of three major Catholic student fraternity leagues known as Kartellverband 131 der Kath_c_>__l_._:_l__s_chen Deuts chen Studentenvereine (KV) . Ideologically, this fraternity, as well as the remaining two Catholic fraternities, can be classified as being nearer the right pole of the politico-ideological spectrum than the center. 6. @0110 fraternigr (CE) No. 2. The description offered for the Catholic fraternity under No. 5 (CF No. 1) also applies to the present association. 7. Agilanceflocitional School Studgxtg (AVS). This is a group of students at one of the many advanced vocational schools in the Ruhr area where specialized industrial skills are taught. These students will become highly skilled technicians with the title Ingenieur, a title which is, however, not quite comparable to a U. 8. engineering degree. (To become a 2210m- lngenieg, equivalent to the U. 3. engineering graduate, the German student must graduate from a still "higher" type of school known as a technical institute or technical university. 8. Evening College Students (WAHS). This group of part- time students, ranging in age from the late teens to the fifties or more, appears to be a relatively heterogeneous group, but at the same time tends toward a more left of center direction in terms of the Liberalism-Conservatism scale. 9. Christian Labor Union (CGB). Historically, the Christian labor unions were primarily Catholic and flied with one or the other of the center parties (dining the days of the Weimar Republic). Since re-establishment after World War II, the CGB has fllowed a somewhat more "progressive" policy, and could be 132 characterized as being slightly left of center in its economic policy. 10. Catholic Eraternity (92) yo. 3. Although this fraternity is in all essential aspects similar to the two aforementioned Catholic fraternities (CF No. 1 & 2), this particular fraternity belongs to a Catholic umbrella organization with a somewhat larger group of'member associations than the KV, namely, the Cartellverband Earbentragenderégatholischergpeutscher Studentsh- verbindungen (CV). Hewever, these are nominal dissimilarities and probably devoid of significant ideologial differences. 11. Social mocratic University Eederation (SHB). This is a politically oriented student association which receives finan- cial and other support from the Social-Democratic Party of Germany and thus also hews closely to the politico-ideological line of the SPD. The SHB, which can‘be classified as a left- wing association, has branches at all west German Universities. 12. Social ngocratic Party (SPD). Actually, listing the association sampled as SPD, is somewhat.misleading since no attempt could be made to sample the entire SPD in a represen- tative fashion. The total SPD:membership in'West Germany is approximately 800,000 while even the'West Berlin membership is estimated as being over 50,000. Thus an attempt was made to sample only the leading functionaries and full-time officials of each‘Westherlin borough or district (Bezirk). A count of the twelve districts of West Berlin yielded an approximate total of 200 high level functionaries, who were subsequently contacted and given a copy of the questionnaire to complete and mail back. 133 As can be seen from Table 10, 52 respondents or 27% of these activists actually sent back questionnaires. Politically, these functionaries can best be categorized astleftewing; however, it should be noted that with the adoption of the moderate "Godosberg" program, some mellowing of the old doctrinaire socialist line has taken place. Although the SPD is still a socialist party, it is today a relatively moderate one in comparison with its own postdwar ideology (under Kurt Schmuacher), and with most other European socialist parties. 13. German Union Eederatiog (me). This is the all- inclusive umbrella organization of German labor unions which includes 16 national industrial unions with a total of about 6.5 millionmmembers. Obviously, it was not feasible to poll a random sample of this large association. However, with the cooperation of the highest union officials in West Berlin, questionnaire distribution was made to 11 members of special labor education courses being held for union officials and functionaries from all parts of the deerel Republic. At the time of the intended administration nearly 500 union functionaries were attending regular sessions at two locations in west Berlin. In order to collect as much data as possible from these functionaries, 485 questionnaires were turned over to a number of DGB administrators and officials who were to administer and collect these questionnaires over a three month period. 38% of these union activists finally returned completed questionnaires. 1H. Protestant zoung Wbrker's Association (EIJ). This ‘ 134 last group is one of'the many small denominational youth groups existing in west Berlin. This association caters primarily to working youth, many of whom are apprentices or young journeyman. 6. The Sample Locations Of the five cities in which questionnaires were administered, ‘West Berlin is the largest with a population of about 2.2 million. West Berlin, comprising about two thirds of the formerly undivided capital city, still manages to attract,much of the bureaucracy, business, industry and "cultural" life associated with any capital city. Many of the government agencies of the Federal Republic of Germany are located in west Berlin, perhaps symbolic of the determin- ation of the Bonn government to return Berlin to its one-time status as the all-German capital. Many similar efforts by the Federal government appear to be designed to boost morale among the island- like west Berliners, whose only way out of the city is through or over (by air) the "Deutsche Demokratische Republik," the Soviet- controlled area of "middle" Germany which surrounds Berlin. ‘West Berlin, although subsidized to some degree by the Federal government, is nevertheless largely selfbsustaining. ‘West Berlin is still preeminent in certain industries such as electronics, tex~ tiles and fashions, pharmaceuticals, various light consumer goods, and printing. The finer arts and education also enjoy a good ”climate" in the city. The "Free University" of Berlin, although relatively young in 135 117 nevertheless has comparison with many other German Universities, managed to attract many fine scholars, at both professorial and student levels, to its premises. Cologne, one of the oldest of German cities (it dates back to Roman times), ranks fourth in population among German cities with about 750,000 inhabitants. Cologne, (KUln to the Germans), like west Berlin, has a sizable but very old University, with approximately 18,000 students at the time of the questionnaire administration. Bonn is an old and relatively small University city along the Rhine. Due to the Partition of Germany and the unresolved status of Berlin, Bonn became the seat of the Wbst German government after the second Wbrld war. The city has about 150,000 inhabitants. Essen is an industrial city of over 600,000 inhabitants located near the center of the "Ruhr" area. It is an industrial city largely based on extractive (coal) and heavy (steel) industry not far from wuppertal, the last of the sample areas. ‘Wuppertal, near the southern boundary of the Ruhr, has a population in excess of #00,000. It too is a highly industrial (coal and steel) city. 7. analysis of the Data After collecting the questionnaires, some of which arrived six months after my return from Germany, the coding of the data commenced. However, the time lag in receiving the last of’the questionnaires (due to weight and cost considerations, most questionnaires were shipped by sea) delayed preliminary data processing for several months. The 117The "Free University” was founded in 19148 after the Humboldt University, located in what is now the Soviet occupied part of Berlin, became increasingly controlled by communist party authorities. 136 time period between my return from Germany and the receipt of the last questionnaires was occupied with the devlopment and construction of a code book and some preliminary analyses. Among other steps, scalogram analysis was used to determine the validity and unidimen- sionality of some scales and to ascertain those items which should not be part of a given scale.118 Interitem correlations were obtained at a later point to pro- vide an additional indication of the validity of the items included in some of the scales and indices used. Coding proved to be a time consuming task because it required a knowledge of German. After the #41 questionnaires were coded, key punching and verification was completed. After transferring the data to IBM cards, some initial fre- quency distributions and percentages were obtained. These frequency distributions served a numbers of functions, e.g., indicating items which could be eliminated, indicating how certain response categories may be combined, collapsed or recoded, and where table breaks may be established. The task of developing indices and scales followed. After selecting the "best” items (through scalogram analysis, inter-item correlations or in some cases, on the basis of face validity) the raw score totals were added and punched into single or double columns of three summary decks. The data from the questionnaires required eight primary decks, plus three summary decks for the various indices 118The results of the scalogram analyses are presented in the section on "Indices, Scales and Other Variables." 137 and totals, and one "work" deck which contained the most used variables on a single card. After transferring the basic variables, indices, scales and other items to a single deck (4&1 card total, with only one card per respondent), testing of the various hypotheses began. Following some initial difficulties with various computer programs which either could not produce tables with more than two variables or which did not.yield the necessary statistics, a program became available which could process up to feur variables simultaneouSly, and which produces contingency tables of any desired size with a number of standard statistics. Due to the size of the sample, only trivariate tables ‘were utilized, that is, the usual table will consist of a cross- tabulation of two variables with a third variable held constant. The results of this analysis are presented in the following chapter. V. THE FINDINGS A. Introduction This chapter is intended primarily to present the findings relevant to the test of the hypotheses outlined in Chapter III. Because this study is both experimental and (to a large extent) exploratory, some of the tables and discussions refer to findings which are less directly related tojfimastudy hypotheses; the relevance of these serendipitous findings, however, is clear enough. It is hoped, therefore, that these additional materials will be useful and theoretically interesting. The chapter will follow an order of presentation largely based on the numerical and alphabetical order in which the hypotheses were listed. Thus all findings relevant to hypothesis I.A. will be pre- sented first, with the rest of the hypotheses and their findings in sequential order. The procedure is to present the data in tables summarizing the most pertinent statistics bearing on a given hypothesis. This will :‘. enable one to ascertain not only the direction, but also the degree and significance of the relationships. The contingency tables and statistical results presented below are based on the computer print-out sheets obtained for the analysis of the data. These computer printnouts contain the observed fre- quencies for each cell by row and column. The particular program used119 also produced two measures of association, Somers' ny and 119The computer utilized for most of this analysis is a Control Data Corporation (CDC) “3#OO” machine installed on the campus of North- western University in Evanston, Illinois. Program ”Nucros" was used in 138 139 Dyx, and Gamma, 120 in addition to the chi-squared value and the con- tingency coefficient C. Even though most of the data in this study have been recoded into ”single-column” variables (on punch cards), a tri-variate dis- tribution could theoretically still result in a table with as many as 1,000 cells. TherefOre, after examining the initial frequency distribution of the variables, "breaking points" were established which served to divide all cases for each variable into groups of approximately equal size. These dividing lines also served the purpose of establishing "table breaks," i.e., they helped to estab- lish the dividing lines between variables represented in each table. This relatively simple and standard procedure resulted in the for- mation of contingency tables with relatively few cells and.more cases in each cell. The establishment of the dividing lines used in these abbre- viated tables follows the rule that they should be placed at or near the median for’the distribution of each variable. This results in as near to equal a division of the marginal totals as is possible. However, there are some cases where skewness obtains no matter where the division of the cells is made - in these cases the dividing line is placed in such a position as to result in as little imbalance of the marginals as possible. the tabulation and the statistical analysis of the data. Most of the preliminary data preparation and processing, and.some parts of the ini- tial analysis was done at Michigan State University's Computer Center in East Lansing. 120nm contingency coefficient (c) is discussed in Sidney Siegel, fign-parametric Statistics, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1956, pp. 196-2028 while the Goodman-Kruskal gamma (G) is described in Linton C. Freeman, Elementgg! Applied Statistics, New York: Wiley, 1965, pp. 79-87. 140 B. Presentation of Data, Tables and Discussion 1. Ideological Commitmmt and Meaninglessness The first test concerns hypothesis I.A., which deals with the expected inverse relationship of particular'ideological commitment (PIC) toward the association (the independent variable) and the degree of’meaninglessness alienation (MA) of the subject (the dependent variable. As can be ascertained from Table 12, the chi-square test of significance of association yields a highly significant result leading to the rejection of the null hypothesis. Table 12 PARTICULAR IIEOLOGICAL commm (PIC) BY MEANINGLESSNESS ALIENATION (MA) L ‘— Idrélcuiazl Mean lessness-Alienation 9° °g ° Low Intermediate High Total Commitment cases Low 16.2 27.5 53.3 64.4 170 Medium. 42.5 47.8 36.3 26.0 168 High 41.3 24.6 10.4 9.6 88 Total Percent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Tbtal cases 80 138 135 73 426* x2 = 68.614 d.f. = 6 p < .0001 C = .372 Direction of relationship hypothesized: Inverse Gamma = -.482 Direction of relationship obtained: Inverse Action on null hypothesis: Rejected *15 cases undefined 141 When controlling for such variables as age, sex, occupational status, educational achievement level, (here designated as educational status), income level of the respondent's father, and religious denominational preference (RDP), some additional findings emerge. It becomes apparent which categories of the sample contribute most heavily to the outccme of the analysis of a particular set of variables. Similarly, it also illustrates which categories do not conform to the hypothesized relationship.121 The following table may serve as an example of the contingency tables which result from the inclusion of age as a control variable into the relationship between "PIC" and ”MA.” Table 13 PARTICULAR IDEOLOGICAL COM’II’IMENT BY MEANINGLESSNESS-ALIENATION BY AGE . Meaninglessness-Alienation in Ideological Low Intermediate High Total years Commitment cases Medium. 58.3 46.3 25.4 26.7 63 High 16.7 18.5 11.1 10.0 24 Total Percent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Tbtal cases 24 54 63 31 171* x2 = 17.885 d.f. = 6 P< .01 = .308 Gamma = -.358 *7 undefined 121 See William J. Goode and Paul K. Hatt, Methods in Social Re- search, New YOrk; McGraw—Hill, 1952, pp. 88-90, fer a discussion onIthe usage and value of analyzing cases which deviate from the hypothesis. 142 Table 13 (Continued) - v-— M 4——v ifige Idrtlcuiazl Meaninglessness-Alienation c 9°,ii ct Low Intermediate High Total years ommi en cases 23-30 Low 17.4 24.4 53.8 66.7 63 Medium 39.1 14809 [+004 2303 59 High 43.5 26.7 5.8 10.0 28 Total Percent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total Cases 23 45 52 30 150* x2 = 30.683 d.f. = 6 P< .0001 c =.- .412 Gamma = -g22 *1 undefined 31 and Low 6.5 21.6 21.1 54.5 20 over Medium 32.3 48.6 57.9 36.4 43 High 61.3 29.7 21.1 9.1 35 Total Percent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Tbtal cases 31 37 19 11 98* x2 = 20.784 d.f.. = 6 P< .005 c = .418 Gamma = -.521 *3 undefined Table 13 demonstrates that the expected relationship between PIC and MA is strongest for those 23 years of age and older (58% of the sample), and while being significant, is not as strong for those 22 years of age and under. A cross-tabulation of age with PIC and age with MA gives some additional hints as to the reasons fer this finding. The cross-tabulation of PIC with age shows that PIC increases with age. The relationship of age and PIC is highly significant (x2 = 28.536, d.f. = 4, P < .0001) and produces a c of .253 and a gamma of .326. Consequently it could be expected (on logical grounds) 143 that MA and age must be inversely related, i.e., that meaninglessness decreases with age. The cross-tabulation of MA and age does indeed demonstrate that this is the case (x2 = 22.268, d.f. = 6, P < .005; C = .222; gamma = -.195). Rather than dealing with separate tables similar to 12 or 13, for each control variable, the findings will be presented in summary fashion. This is done in Table 14, which combines not only the results of several measures of association and their level of significance, but also shows the action taken on each hypothesis and cross-tabulation. The preceding summary of the results of the statistical analysis of hypothesis I A (Table 14) demonstrates that fourteen out of seven- teen chi-square tests substantiate the hypothesis, while three such tests fail to reject the null-hypothesis. In those cases where the hypothesis was not substantiated, additional tests were conducted in order to learn more about the reasons for this deviation. In controlling for sex, for example, it turns out the female portion of the sample, although showing a tendency toward the ex- pected inverse association between PIC and MA (as the rest of the sample), the null hypothesis must be accepted, because the chi-square 'value falls below the 5% level. Another exception to the general trend of highly significant chi-square results (in the analysis of hypothesis I A) is feund among those whose fathers are in the higher income category. The third and last exception is feund among those who have no denomi- national preference. In each of these cases, the chi-square values approach but do not quite reach the 5% level of significance. It is generally recognized that the analysis of cases which 144 memo£p0dzn Hana poomoh op oasafimm “mIpccaams soapom oases mopoohomsh omao>mH* #2 I I mooAQAH. @ Camofifi mmmol NNS. ..Hohm .SOCOU OR = : = = m I I ehuooe. e eme.ce cam.I one. ecceneeoee e s s s m I I mme.henmo. o mme.me Hem.I can. chaoseeo ing a as x UHe s an I I H.Aenmm. e oea.c emm.I emm. a mo esoese seem : s s s m I I mwooAQAmoo @ ammomfi mQJII 04%. 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In summary, the data regarding hypothesis I A, asserting an inverse relationship between particular ideological commitment and 148 meaninglessness-alienation support the hypothesis for almost all categories in the sample, but the relationship is strongest among male Protestants between the ages of 23 and 30, who are in a rela- tively high status occupation, who have comparatively higher educa- tional status and whose fathers have rather low income. One of the major reasons for the somewhat stronger inverse relationship between PIC and MA for Protestants appears to be the relatively lower degree of PIC among Protestants which, when coupled with their somewhat lower age (which in turn is related to higher MA), would appear to explain the above findings. 2. Ideological Commitment and Normlessness Hypothesis I B postulating an inverse relationship between particular ideological commitment and normlessness-alienation was not supported by the data. In all but one of’the seventeen cross- tabulations, the chi-square test of association did not reach the .05 level. In fact, the direction of the relationship was signifi- cantly pgsitive in one of the subgroups. Although the expected inverse relationship did not obtain in four of the tables, the majority (the remaining thirteen) show expected tendencies and thus provide some, although admittedly weak, support of the general expectations regarding the direction of association between ideological commit- ment and nomlessness. The two measures of association, 0 and gamma clearly illustrate the relatively low degree of this association. There are some minor exceptions to these generally low gamma values. The G value fer females is somewhat higher, as is the gamma for those in a medium.to low occupational status category, and fer those who reported no denominational preference. 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Hem. enema mm on we owe E «a x QHm <2 - . m.xnxmm. a omm. mmo.- see. as x OHm Awuomopmo .aamuo sheets sop oapsase> esoapea>ehnhs so Ibo Ioooao a MC Nx magma o Hoapsoo mam cabmflhm> coavo< mestOflchoa mo soapooaflb IlO..‘-..I.'. moHDmfiam> %o sowpmddbmplmmoao Il'll m H mHmmmeomwm mo mHmMHdz¢ AdoHHmHB p) .001 C = 0202 Gamma =.199 *Rounding error **12 undefined The results Show that although Catholics are relatively less normlessness-aliented than either Protestant or the non-denominational portions of the sample, it should be noted that Protestants actually are more normless than non-denominational respondents. Despite the fact that the result of the chi-squared analysis indicatesthat the relationship between RDP and NA is significant, the fact of higher normlessness-alienation among Protestants demands additional analysis. 152 Fortunately, the data contain another index which might provide such an analytical point of departure, namely, the religiosity index (REL). The reasoning for the usage of this index is as follows. If the RDP dimension does not reveal a consistent pattern, perhaps the degree of "religious ideological commitment" would. In essence, the REL index is equated with the PIC scale in this application. The former may be said to measure religious ideological commitment; the latter, particular ideological commitment (regardless of type of content) to a specific association or group. In.any case, the cross-tabulation of REL with NA.might be held somewhat equivalent to the cross-tabulation of PIC with NA presented above. Table 18 below presents the results of relating REL with NA. Table 18 RELIGIOSITY BY NORMLESSNESS-ALIENATION “.— I ~-.-_— .1 Normlessness-Alienation (in percent) Religiosity Low Medium High . Totals 1f % Low 35 32 32 102 99* Intermediate - low' 31 27 #1 102 99* Intermediate - high 42 32 25 102 99* High 62 26 12 77 100 Totals 159 114 110 383** x2 = 26.672 d.f. = 6 .OOO5> p> .0001 C = .255 *Rounding error Gamma = -.253 **59 undefined; the major reason fer this rela- tively large number of undefined cases is the fact that most of the non-denominational res- pondents did not answer the religiosity items. 153 It is quite clear from this contingency table that the higher the degree of REL, the lower is the degree of normlessness.122 In effect hypothesis I B may be substantiated after all, if the substi- tution of REL fer PIC is valid. These results appear to indicate, then, that commitment to a religious belief system.may not only be related to a lower degree of normlessness, but conversely that such commitment may also be associated with a higher degree of a condition opposite to normlessness- alienation, namely, a relatively higher degree of adherence to a given set of social system norms. This assumes, of course, that religious ideology functions to provide norms to its adherents (in a manner similar to the supply of meaning by any type of ideology). It should be born in mind that ferms of alienation are rela- tive; any one person is never "completely alienated" along any of the dimensions. On the other hand, everyone may be said to be alien— ated to some degree. It.may be concluded, therefOre, that while the differences between sample members in their degree of meaninglessness or normlessness may be relatively slight, they are measurable, and they are related in a systematic manner to other measurable variables. Referring to Table 16, it can be noted that the non-denominational portion of the sample also shows a significantly lower degree of normlessness than the Protestant group. As a matter of fact the non- denominational sample members are closer to the Catholic sample, in 122When controlling fer religious denomination preference (RDP), it turns out that the inverse relationship between REL and NA holds true primarily for Catholics, is less strong (not significant statis- tically, but still inverse) fer Protestants, and is positive and not significant for non-denominational respondents. Thus it appears that Catholics are largely responsible for the resulting significant inverse relationship between religiosity and normlessness. 15h terms of normlessness, than to the Protestant sample. How could this be explained? Since Table 18 demonstrated a significant inverse relationship between normlessness and religiosity, this still did not solve the problem since non-denominational respondents are not included in this cross-tabulation. The question still remains, what factors or variables are related to the relatively lower degree of normlessness fer non-denominational respondents? How do non-religious, non-denominational respondents maintain a relatively lower degree of normlessness than Protestants? Where do they get their norms from? Is it related to a greater degree of ideological commitment to a political ideology and association - or to one or more other factors? A cross-tabulation on RDP and PIC shows that there is indeed a significant relationship between the two variables, with non- denominational respondents significantly more committed than either Catholics or Protestants. Table 19 presents the data illustrating this relationship. Table 19 may be interpreted to indicate that since non—denomi- national sample members are more committed to their association ideology than either Catholics or Protestants, this helps to explain their lower degree of normlessness. One might infer that such a relatively higher degree of PIC, i.e., a stronger ideological commitment, functions to reduce normlessness. In: other words, commitment to a political belief system may provide the adherent with an effective set of‘norms in a manner similar to religious belief’systems. It will be recalled, of course, that religiosity operates somewhat like secular commitment in reducing normlessness 155 among Catholics and Protestants. Table 19 RELIGIOUS DENOMDIATIONAL PREFERENCE BY PARTICULAR IDEOLOGICAL COMMITMENT Religious Particular Ideological Commitment Dmm‘mum’l Low Medium High Totals Preference - . 1‘ Catholic 3806 3806 2209 1’40 10001* Protestant 45.5 37.5 17.0 224 100 Non-denominational 11+. 5 54. 5 30 . 9 55 99. 9* Total cases 164 168 87 1419" x2 = 18.753 d.f. s 4 .001 > p) .0005 C = .207 l"Rounding error Gamma = . 092 I""‘22 undefined To summarize, ideological commitment, either sacred or secular, does seem to be related to normlessness. Strong commitment to a belief system appears not only to reduce normlessness, but may per- haps also function to provide a set of norms to the adherent. This appears to be true for adherents of any belief system whether sacred or secular. Thus it seems that religious respondents derive their norms primarily from their religious belief system while non-denomi- national respondents apparently derive their norms from a secular political or other type of secular ideoloy. In this sense, secular belief systems function very much like sacred belief systems; that is, content appears to be less important regarding alienation, meaning and norms than degree of commitment. 156 3. Associations Ranked by Ideological Commitment and Meaninglessness The techniques utilized to test hypothesis II A and II B differ from those used to test the remaining hypotheses. This hypothesis postulates an inverse relationship between particular ideological commitment and meaninglessness-alienation when the groups in the sample are ranked according to degree of such commitment. Thus, hypothesis II A is much like I A in postulating an inverse relation- ship between PIC and MA; however, in the case of II A, individual respondents are not treated as separate cases, but are grouped according to their respective membership associations. In essense then, the test of lwpothesis II A should reveal whether the rather significant inverse relationship obtained in the analysis of hypothesis I A would also occur when respondents are grouped together in their various associations. One of the major reasons for using this approach was the asslmption that associations in their entirety, as measured through individual members, should show as certainatie differences. Since associations have been assumed to be a significant variable in this study, the test of hypotheses II A and II B should demonstrate whether membership in certain associations is predictive of other variables such as meaningless and normlessness. As Table 18 demonstrates, there are indeed differences in the degree of particular ideological conmitment among the associations in the sample. There also appears to be a discernible pattern of the arrangement of these associations which emerges as the result of this empirical ranking. The rankings show a not unexpected relationship between what 157 might be termed degree of political or religious homogeneity and particular ideological commitment, i.e., these sample groups which contain the most heterogeneous membership rank lowest in PIC.123 Table 20 ASSOCIATIONS RANKED BY PARTICULAR IDEOLOGICAL COMMITMENT Particular Ideological Commitment (degree of. on part of individual members in groups} Assoc. Low Medium High Mean gotals (Abbrev.) % ‘42_ Very High CGB 0 33 67 6.67 100 6 SPD 6 54 41 6.37 101* 5a 7fi§fi—--75—_1£—--§r-YfiZ--%:—é High CF 1 27 no 33 6.07 100 15 SHB 20 60 20 6.00 100 I5 CF 2 23 62 15 5.85 100 13 Intermediate EIJ 29 71 0 5.71 100 7 CF 3 33 67 0 5.67 100 6 LF 1 no 60 0 5.60 100 5 Intermediate “nee as 3a 18 5.50 100 177 LF 2 50 50 0 5.50 100- -2 Low KSH 55 3# 11 5.32 100 38 AVE 57 33 10 5.37 100 51 Very Low WAHS 67 13 20 n.87 100 :15 *Rounding error #0 39 21 100 #26** **15 undefined 123Several tables cross-tabulating associations by religious denominational preference (REP), political party preference (PPP), and ILiberalimm-Conservatism.(LC) show that associations ranking low in PIC are more heterogeneous in these relevant dimensions than those ranking 158 After rank-ordering all associations according to degree of PIC, they were divided into six groups; two associations with a ”very high" degree of PIC, two with a "high" degree of PIC, five with intermediate PIC, one additional group with an intermediate degree of PIC,124 two groups with low PIC, and two groups with very low PIC. The breaking points for the PIC dimensions are the same as fer all other tables involving this variable. The next step, cross-tabulating these six types of associations with Meaninglessness-Alienation (MA) produced the following results presented in Table 21. Table 21 presents a rank-ordering of all groups in the sample according to degree of particular ideological commitment with a cross-tabulation of the resulting six major groupings with meaningless- ness-alienation. The resulting chi-squared value is significant beyond the .005 level. Thus we may reject the null-hypothesis of no association fer hypothesis II A. However, when the variables used as controls for the test of hypothesis I A andth are applied to this series of computations (for the test of hypothesis II A), certain exceptions occur; i.e., not all the contingency tables produce significant results. Although the direction of the association is generally in the hypothesized inverse direction, only six of the seventeen contingency tables produce significant chi-square results. high in PIC, i.e., the respondents were more scattered about the mean than in high rank PIC associations where respondents usually were more clustered within or around one category of the variable. 12“This association, the DGB (German Labor Federation) was treated separately due to its relatively large size. dz «2 dz «2 m ¢z m <2 K It I'M"-.. . 90310 CO ceases e0 Coasochwe memes Heeeeeeeeem me esaeeem < mcHQmflhe> e0 COflpmfisaspnmmOpo HM c mmmaomwm mo mHmwndzd AdoHBmHadem mo magpmhe mo Mmdmubm Hm cflnme l ®.AQAmm. mH 00w.m mmfi.l mmm. .mohm .Sosofi OZ : c z 2 NH . mo.maAH. we wee.em mmm.- mom. egeeeeeoem e e e e ea . mmo.ApAmo. we www.mm amm.- mam. oeaoeeeo mom an x DHm .OOema me I .mNeAQAWe “H OdNomfi BHMoI mm:. 3 MO GEOOQH SMHE 3 2 3 2 dfi - ecceAaAmoo. ma oem.em omm.- sen. eeeeea co egoeca eem : _. .. .. me . mo.AeAH. me eem.em mem.- com. teases co egoeee seq ocH e.a x a; x OHm .eeee< Na . Ho.AoAmmo. we eeo.mm mmm.- emm. eeeeee .eeee swam . e e e ea . mo.AQAa. ma www.mm mmm.- amm. meeeee .eete seq eem x a: x UHm .eoema ca O.—U\r.Ur. . H.AeAmm. me eme.we eeo.- mom..§aoeeseep a eeceeepm e e e e m . H.Aaamm. ma ewa.me mma.u sen. .eem .eeeeo gee-.eea e e e e m . m.Aeama. me amm.me emm.- eon. eseeem .eeooo swam eem m_o Usm Hm : ; z : : 3 . Hooo.asamooo. we aem.me Nem.- see. enema on op mm m e e = m . maerAm. ma eom.m amo.- emm. enema mm 6e we eae x as x on .eoee< m . Hoo.AoAmoo. me amm.em mam.- mam. an x UHm .ooeea a top hpommpmo noegxc maflmfiam> mQOHpmw>oh££< son a as me eases o Heeecoo sen eaeeeees -sez QflmeOHpmHoa cases 159 160 It may be noted, for example, that hypothesis II A holds true primarily for male Catholic respondents between the age of 23 and 30, who are of high educational status and whose father's fall into the intermediate income category. It is not surprking that fewer cross-tabulations in this series conform to expectations. One major reason is undoubtedly the technique of treating respondents as a group. Even though differences in the means for PIC are obtained between associations, when respondents are grouped together within their associations, it can also be expected that nanyrespondents in each association deviate from the group mean. If these deviations are numerous and large enough, they may very well influence the results as is apparent from Table 21 above. In other words, when treating respondents separately, the relationship of PIC and.MA is bound to be stronger than when rela- tively diverse or homogeneous individuals are grouped together in their respective associations. 4. Associations Ranked by Ideological Commitment and Normlessness The procedure used for testing hypothesis II A was employed for testing II B, i.e., to ascertain whether the expected inverse rela- tionship between PIC and normlessness-alienation (NA) would obtain when all sample groups are divided into six categories along the PIC dimension. This procedure yielded the following results which are reproduced in Table 22 below. Table 22 demonstrates the essential soundness of hypothesis II B. In eleven of the seventeen tests of association the null hypothesis is rejected, and in six tables it is accepted. In the six cases where Hz 1 1 m.Adams. x 1 1 HeepAaAmoo. H 1 1 Ho.AaAmmo. Hz 1 1 mo.AdAH. H 1 1 mooo.Adxuoo. m 1 1 mmodimo. H 1 1 eoo.AdAmoo. H 1 1 Ho.AdaHmo. H 1 1 Hoo.AdAmoo. 4H 1 1 m.AcAmH. <2 1 1 mm.AdAm. a2 1 1 modern. H 1 1 enuooo. «z 1 1 3&5. H 1 1 Ho.AdAHNo. H 1 1 Hoo,Adamoo. H 1 1 enuooo. .eaH1o secede see so use uoodxo d QOHHo< QHJmQOHHchA he QOHHooAHw U) H mHH nHomm OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH OH HO dmm.m MO0.0N HN.HN mwe.me eme.om www.ma OMN.®N Hwo.mm mmm.mm omo.m OOW.OH mmH.mH www.ms wOJ.NH mHm.ON Hmm.mm www.mm ”fl 1'. ‘1‘ it-.- 10...... -4. 'i I‘t‘. mEEmO nee Heeeeneeeen e6 neHeneH 00m .%mh@ .EOQOU OZ Nmm. pneumopoam mom. OHHonpmo de. pospmm Mo oEoocH cmHm mus. temps“ Mo oEooQH pom mmm. accuse Ho escoCH Bog emm. neeeem .eeem swam mmm. meadow .osom seq 2mm. UoHOHcsosd @ .OSpm NOH. .pmpm .ooO BOAI.UoH 0mm. .HmHm .QSOOO SMHWH WNW. ofimgom mHm. onE Hmm. Hobo Una om mom. mpmoh om 0p mm mmm. mhdmh NN OH wH Omm. unouopmo oHDmHhm> o Honeeeo Hem moHflmem» Ho COHpdeQmplmwopo HOL.2 be aHmfifian mm oaflme Ills'.‘-|.- AoAQQd oHQmem> 1852 oHneH 161 162 the hypothesis was not confirmed, the data suggest support in that the direction of the association was as hypothesized. In general, when the respondents are treated in groups, the hypothesis is confirmed; when the respondents are treated separately, the findings are less supportive. The question must now be asked why hypothesis II B was sup- ported when II A was not. Or, to put it another way, why do the data support the hypothesized relationships between PIC and NA when respondents are grouped together in their associations, when this relationship does not obtain when respondents are treated separately? One answer might be that there is a third factor which operates simultaneously when respondents are treated within their respective associations. If this third factor coincides with one of the variables used in this study, then it should be identifiable. In an effort to isolate this "intruding" variable, an additional series of cross-tabulations of Assoc./PIC by NA using all remaining variables as controls, was computed. Some of these results are summarized in Table 23.125 Table 23 appears to suggest that "religion" may be the third factor, the variable which influences the relationship of PIC and NA when respondents are grouped within their respective associations. Even though cross-tabulations 1 through # (where religiosity is con- trolled for) approach significance for those with high religiosity, these four sub-tables are not significant at the .05 level. However, 125In an effort to increase the cell frequencies for this analy- sis, the six categories of Associations ranked by PIC were collapsed into three (now numerically larger) classes. The two high categories form one (the high) group, the two intermediate categories form the second group, and the two low groups make up the remainder. 163 m 1 1 mooo.AdAeoo. a Hem.ma mom.1 men. .ooeao nooewaaon seem a a a : om 42 I I H.AQAmN. .3 mmw.m onel NEH. QHmHUmEBHHH : = = : 0H «H 1 1 meaAer. e mmm.w mmo.1 new. ooeeeeooeeo1cHon seem Hem x. oHQmB 20Hpo< mo QOHpooaHe mecca HmoHpmempm Ho mpHsmom m HH mHmmmHomMm mo mHme¢z< A mo COHpmHSQopImmono |||I11II mm canoe 164 they are close tothat level and thus bear further examination. Another control variable closely related to religiosity, is self-other orientation toward one's religion (SO-Rel). When controlling for SO-Rel, it is found that for those who place religion above the self in importance, the inverse relationship between Assoc./PIC and NA obtains. The preceding results, both those bearing on hypothesis II A (Section 2) and those relating to II B, plus the remaining cross- tabulations in Table 21, appear to give support to the following con- clusions regarding the relationship of PIC and NA: Since hypothesis II A was not supported, several possibilfiies are open. First, the variables (PIC and NA) may indeed be unrelated. Second, the items used to tap these variables may be deficient. Third, another variable may influence the result. On the basis of the analysis done fbr hypothesis II B, the last possibility appears the most plausible. The prime candidates for the role of the third variable inter- vening between the hypothesized inverse relationship of PIC and NA are "religion” (REL, RDP and SO-Rel) and "association." Throughout the several hundred cross-tabulations of PIC by NA and Assoc./PIC by NA , using all available controls, the majority of the significant tables include one of these three religious variables and in all instances where Assoc./PIC is used, the variable of association membership is implicit. From.these many cross-tabulations several specific findings emerge. First, the hypothesized inverse relationship between PIC and NA does obtain for Protestant females, fer Protestants with medium incomes, for Protestants with strong "other" orientation (SO), and fer Protestants whose fathers fall into the lower occupational status 165 categories. Second, PIC and NA are inversely and significantly related for those with medium incomes. By implication, it does not hold for those with high incomes and for Students. Third, PIC and NA are inversely related when respondents are grouped in their respec- tive associations ranked according to degree of PIC. This would suggest then that membership in certain associations, combined with religion, produces the hypothesized inverse relationship between PIC and NA. When these additional variables are absent, however, the null hypothesis of no association must be accepted. This lack of support for hypothesis II A may be due to instrwment error or to faulty assumptions or faulty theorizing. On the other hand, the support for hypothesis II B may stem from the combination of associational and religious variables which in combination substan- tiate hypothesis II B. 5. Ideological Commitment and Isolation Hypothesis III A, asserting an inverse relationship between particular ideological commitment and isolation-alienation (IA), was not supported by the data. Although eleven out of seventeen cross- tabulations of this series produce results which are in the expected direction, the degree of association between the variables, as measured by C and gamma, is lowe In addition none of the seventeen tables produced a chi-squared result that was significant at the .05 level. Thus hypothesis III A was not substantiated in this study. 'we have to conclude, at least tentatively, that ideological commitment has little or no effect on isolation. As some of the sub- sequent results will indicate, isolation appears to be related.more to a person's affective relationships than to ideology. If one may «z 1 1 mméxn. o Rod. oomf mom. Heooflefisoooafooz .. .. .. E «H 1 1 where. o enema mmof omH. peoenoponm .. .. .. 3 «z 1 1 modem. o mood moo... 9m. 3338 mom a «H x Ba 3 «H + 1 3.38. o ones So. oh. boned Ho 282: some .. .. .. 3 «H + 1 Hakeem. o News“ moo. e3. booed Ho oaoofi .ooH .. .. .. 2 «H 1 1 Theme. o not: moor o3. nosed Ho 282: seq 65” Ba x «H x oHa NH «H + 1 mmxoem. o more So. RH. n33... 638 one .. a .. 3 «z 1 1 HKHAHN. o odd mon mom. ages... .266 33 25.3w em a «H a Ba 3 «z 1 1 Texan. o moans omo... 6H. ooHoHeEooo e Boooeom .. a .. o «H. 1 1 than. o moms m3: m8. nfifin doeoo 331.32 .. a «H a oHa o «H + 1 widen. o mote omo. New. monsoon .968 one. wooden So a «H 2 Ba a <2 + I mmekahmmam. m mHm.H mmoe 05H. 03mm : 2 = w «z 1 1 Hakeem. o Sod. 3H: 3H. oHoH won a «H x oHa m «H 1 1 2.33. o lemma omof o2. nobo one Hm .. .. .. e «H 1 1 TAKE. o mums iof RH. 28H om 8. mm a .. a m «z + 1 deamm. o moo.oH moo. mmm. 23H mm 3 3 oo« a «H a oHa N «z 1 1 3&5. o wood 98.1 m3. «H x on H .ghmro boodmp cop Huommmeo Hob so 1no 1oooxo pocHHm> mQOHuofiboHQQH 1352 opoo« aaenoofleHon a He NH esseo o Hoaeooo Em poeHees poeH mo GOHHooAHU apnea ‘ Heoflaeoeem Ho Bgaom npoaHeeH Ho ooeeeHebobaaoao H HHH mHmmmBomwm mo MHmMH p) .005 C = .172 *rounding error **undefined Gamma = -.2511. Whether or’not one views ISP as a measure of affectivity, the above table would.appear to furnish a plausible reason for the associ- ation of ISP with IA. Persons who maintain many affective ties, as indicated by a relatively higher degree of ISP, might reasonably be expected to show a lower degree of isolation alienation. In an effort to learn.more about isolation-alienation and.its concomitants, IA was cross-tabulated with all other major variables used.in this study. This type of procedure usually yields results 168 which, while interesting in themselves, also give some clue as to the reason for the disconfirmation (or confirmation) of an hypothesis. Specifically, in the case of IA,126 it was shown that 1) IA is inversely related to age, i.e., the older a person, the lower the degree of IA. 2) Catholics are less isolated than Protestants or non-denominational respondents,aithough the latter are less isolated than Protestants. 3) There is an inverse relationship between IA and affectivity and be- tween IA and ISP (of. Table 23 above). 4) There is a direct relation- ship between IA and MA, as well as between IA and NA. 5) Also, a direct relationship between IA and CO (change orientation) was found, i.e., isolated respondents demonstrated a significantly higher degree of a desire for change. 6) The greater the orientation toward the self (vs. other areas of life), the higher the isolation, i.e., the less impor- tance the individual attaches to other areas of concern (such as family, community, party, job, religion, country, and association), the more isolated he will be. These results may be used to construct the following profile of the relatively less isolated individual: he (or she; females are less - but not significantly so - isolated) would be an "older" catholic with an above average number of friends, who is low in normlessness and meaninglessness - and who prefers things as they are. He also believes that the individual (the self) is subordinate to other important areas of life (family, religion, etc.). Conversely, the person who is rela- tively more isolated would very likely be a male, somewhat younger, Protestant or non-denominational, have fewer friends, he more meaningless 126Only cross-tabulations which produced a ”significant" x2 result will be listed and/or discussed here. 169 and normless, would like to change things and believes that the self is more important than many other areas of life. 6. Associations Ranked by Ideological Commitment and Isolation The analysis design for the testing of hypothesis III B was identical to that used for II A and II B; i.e., after ranking all groups in the sample according to degree of PIC, these associations are then divided into six major groups in order to ascertain whether PIC and IA are inversely related when several associations are grouped together according to their degree of PIC. Table 26 illustrates the direction and significance of the relationship between PIC and IA for the six types of associations, with and without controls. The data clearly show that hypothesis III B is not confirmed. Even though the hypothesized direction was obtained in all but three of the seventeen contingency tables, the C and gamma results are low, and the chi-square results are all below the .05 level of significance. These results are not surprising in view of the fact that hypoth- esis III A was not supported either. In other words, PIC and IA appear to be unrelated whether or not respondents are tested singly or in their associations. As pointed out above, isolation seems to be related more to such associational variables as informal social participation and affectivity, rather than to PIC. PIC thus has little or no effect on isolation-alienation. The cross-tabulation of isolation-alienation with all other variables confirms the earlier findings that IA is inversely and significantly related to age (aside from affectivity and ISP as men- tioned above); and that IA is directly and significantly related to MA, NA,&CA.. Furthermore, Catholics are less isolated than either «z u I mam.Ae. ma ewe.m mmo.u Nam. Hegeapeeaaeeeeueez e e e e as dz I I meAQAmm. ma N003: ammo... MHN. #CdpmoPOhm : : = : 0H az I I ma.AeAm. ma eeo.oH Hmo.u mmm. eaaospeo mom a «H x 0Hm\eeee< ma «2 u . m.Amaua. ma mmm.ma Hma.u mom. seesaw no eseeea swam e e e e as am + . m.AmAma. ma www.ma ado. awn. seesaw no eaoeea .eez e e = e me «2 u . mN.AmAm. ma moo.sfi mea.- mom. heaven me eseeea_zoq eeH x_ mzofiumw>oann< 1552 so mangOfipeHma a Hp NM magma o Hoapsoo ppm oanmwam> canes soapo< mo soapooaflp memos Heeaemaeepm we weaeeem meanmflhm> Mo newpmadnmplmmoao 0N 0.3mm. m HHH mHmmmHomMm mo mHmMH msofipmfiboannd I352 20 QHanOflpmHon a he 4 esswo o Hoapsoo ppm manwwse> eHnt coapo< Mo coapoohflp memes Heeaemeeeem e6 ceaeccm meanmflam> mo coapmddneplmmopo .0 HHH mHmmmeomMm ho mHmwndzd AdoHemHaaem mo mBAbmmm mo Mmdzzbm mm canes 172 173 remaining study variables (some 37 in number). The resulting sig- nificant cross-tabulations may be listed as fellows: A significant and direct relationshiplwas found to exist between SEA and 1) powerlessness-alienation, 2) normlessness, 3) isolation, h) dogmatism, and 5) meaninglessness-alienation. Furthermore, a sig- nificant inverse relationship obtains for SEA and 1) age, 2) occupa- tinnal status, 3) income, 4) religiosity, 5) affectivity, 6) informal social participation, and 7) formal social participation. And finally, a significant relationship was found between SEA and 1) sex; with females higher in SEA, 2) membership and type of association; with members of the more heterogeneous "non-association” gnyups.being more self-estranged, and 3) marital status; with single respondents more self-estranged than those who are married. If one were to summarize the preceding findings, three major factors seem to emerge from.the results listed above: 1) alienation, 2) social participation, and 3) religion. First, in reference to alienation it was found that SEA is directly related to all other forms of alienation, but is related.most strongly to isolation-alien- ation. Second, both IA and SEA were shown to be inversely related to affectivity, informal and formal social participation. Third, religion appears to be related to SEA also. Not only was hypothesis III C substantiated for non-denominational respondents, but a signif- icant inverse relationship was found to obtain for religiosity and SEA. A subsequent cross-tabulation between PIC and SEA, employing two controls simultaneously, RDP and REL, demonstrates that PIC and SEA are inversely and significantly related.for non-denominational reSpondentsa who are in the lowest category of religiosity (84.1% 17C of all non-denominational respondents are in the lowest REL category} In conclusion of this section it could be said that PIC has little effect on SEA (except for non-denominational respondents and/or respondents low in religiosity). Instead, SEA appears to be related more to other types of alienation, particularly isolation, and to various types of social participation. Apparently PIC can function to reduce self-estrangement~alienation, but only for non-denominational respondents low in religiosity. For all other respondents, such variables as social participation, religiosity, age, sex and others (perhaps in combination) seem to influence the expected inverse relationship between PIC and SEA so strongly as to cancel any effect of PIC. 8. Associations Ranked by Ideological Commitment and Self- estrangement. For the test of'hypothesis III D, all associations were again ranked by degree of PIC and then cross-tabulated with SEA, holding several other variables constant. Table 28 illustrates that although all but two of the cross- tabulations are in the expected inverse direction, only four of the seventeen tabulations are significant at the .05 level or beyond. However, the cross-tabulation of all associations (ranked by PIC) and SEA (without controls) does produce a significant result. Thus the null-hypothesis mey'be rejected when none of the control vari- ables are taken into consideration. By the same token, the null- hypothesis must be accepted in many instances when certain control variables are held constant. An examination of these tables in the cross-tabulations which <2 I I mm.AmAm. we mew.aa ans.I was. HenceeesascsctIccz c s s c as <3 I I mo.AeAu. ma smc.mm mmH.I mom. essencooem : c c e we <2 I I mN.AmAm. ma ame.ma mmo.I can. chaoseeo mom a neceeeaacenn< Iasz so afizmQOflpefloa a me NM mEEmo o Hoapsoo ohm eHQmfihm> canoe 20Hp0< mo cowpoohflp hence Hecaeaaeeem e6 neasncm meHQmHAm> mo soapmadbeptmmoao Q HHH mHmmmBomMm mo mHmMH p > .25 *Rounding error **#‘undefined As may be ascertained from Table 29 above, the direction of the relation is opposite to that hypothesized, and the chi-square result 178 is not significant. Consequently, the null hypothesis must be accepted. The results of the preceding table would seem to furnish sufficient reason to conclude that hypothesis IV in untenable. How- ever, a more intensive analysis of the factors associated with the result as well as a review of the items which make up the PA scale was undertaken. Before going into a discussion of this re-analysis, a review of some more fundamental aspects related to hypothesis IV may be in order. The assumption underlying hypothesis IV is that members in associations which share in the political decision-making process in a society would be less powerlessness-alienated than members of associations and groups which do not share in this process, or do so to a lesser degree. However, another factor enters into this relationship, namely, the focus of powerlessness. In this case, the powerlessness expected on the part of the respondents should focus on the political establishment of the larger society or of the various local and state governing bodies. Instead, the items making up the PA scale were intended primarily to measure relative powerlessness vis-avis the association the respondent belongs to. Therefore, the contingency table (29) presented above, is not a proper test of hypothesis IV. Thus, unless a proper measure of powerlessness re society can be substituted, a decision on hypothesis IV must be held in abeyance. For the purposes of this study,howeVer, hypothesis IV must be judged unsubstantiated. Even though hypothesis IV could not be properly tested, due to the above mentioned improper focus of the scale, certain other 179 cross-tabulations yielded some interesting results. For example, it was found that a rather strong and highly significant inverse relationship exists between powerlessness and informal social participation. Table 30 EGFOPI'LAL SOCIAL PARTICIPATION BY POWERLESSNESS-ALIENATION Informal Powerlessness-Alienation Social . . Participation Low Medium High Total Total cases Agfi High 51.3 30.8 ‘ 17.9 224 100 Total Cases 161 133 120 u14* x2 = 40.5711 d.f. = 2 ' .0001 > p C = .299 *27 undefined Gamma = -.989 As Table 30 above shows, the higher the degree of informal social participation, the lower the amount of powerlessness - or, the more social ties a person possesses within a given association, the more powerful he will perceive himself to be in respect to the associ— ation. It is possible to speculate that the person who has many friends in an association actually does have more real power, more real influence on the association, than the social isolate (or perceives that he does). This seems to be born out by the following table which demonstrates a rather significant direct relationship between powerlessness (PA) and a combination index of items from the isolation 180 index and the self—estrangement index (IA and SEA). Table 31 ISOLATION AND SELF-ESTRANGEMENT-ALIENATION BY POWERLESSNESS-ALIENATTON Isolation and Powerlessness-Alienation iii-igzfizgngement Low Medium High Total Total cases 4% Low 59.4 2#.5 16.0 106 99.9* Intermediate 91.2 28.7 30.1 136 100 " 32.2 36.# 31.4 121 100 High 29.7 35.1 35-1 74 99.9* Total cases 180 135 122 437** x2 = 24.001 d.f. = 6 .001 > p) .0005 C = .228 *Rounding error Gamma = .255 **# undefined Table 31 illustrates that repondents who feel isolated and estranged also perceive of themselves as being rather powerless. It seems that strength lies in numbers and that perhaps the old adage: "It's not what you know, but who you know that counts;" may not be entirely wrong in reference to association activists. There is, however, another facet of this analysis which warrants comment, namely, powerlessness of the respondent vis-a-vis his association. Since the items making up the PA scale do measure this dimension, it may add somethingto our knowledge of ideological associ- ations to ascertain some of the relationships of PA to other variables. The following list consists of all significant relationships 181 discovered in the cross-tabulations of PA with the remaining variables in this analysis. These tables reveal that PA is significantly and directly related to NA, NA, SEA and IA and SEA combined. As pointed out earlier, females are higher in PA than males; while occupational status is inversely related to PA. Other variables inversely (and significantly) related to PA are the fellowingI PIC, Affectivity, ISP, and lastly FSP. This last mentioned inverse relationship between FSP and PA is certainly not contrary to expectations. As stated above, the items making up the PA scale were originally designed to measure alienation vis-a-vis the membership association. Thus it would be expected that respondents who are high in formal social participation (within the association) would also feel more capable of influencing the course of intra-associational events, i.e., would be lower in powerlessness-alienation. This result leads to the expectation that if PA and FSP are inversely related, and since PA and PIC are also inversely related, then FSP and PIC should show some systematic relationship too. Such a relationship should be a direct relationship, i.e., the greater the ideological commitment to the association, the greater the formal social participation in the association. The cross-tabulation of ESP and PIC resulted in the following: x2 = 58.18, d.f. = II, p < .0001, gamma = .51“. This result illustrates the rather strong positive association between FSP and PIC, and helps to explain some additional facets of the functions of ideology in associations. 182 10. Membership in Associations and Isolation For the test of'V A and B, several association and groups were combined in order to create the three membership and non-membership categories required for the analysis. The first category, "Members of Strong Ideological Associations," contains all members of the Social Democratic Party, the Socialist University Federation, the youth-auxiliary of the Christian Democratic Union (the "Young Union"), the three Catholic fraternities (CF) and the Christian Labor Feder- ation.127 The second category contains the liberal fraternities (LF) as well as the Evangelical Industrial Youth Group and the German Labor Federation. These latter groups are formal (membership) associ- ations, but they are more heterogeneous ideologically and less demanding of strong ideological commitment. The third category is made up of the Cologne Student Cooperative, the advanced vocational student group, and the evening college student group, all of which are even more heterogeneous and ideologically "weaker" than the other associations. In this third category, the members of the advanced vocational student group and of the evening college student group are primarily students and as such not really members of formal associations (at least not as defined in the present study). The following contingency table (32) presents the cross-tabulation of membership and association type by isolation-alienation and the chi-square result for the test of hypothesis V‘A. As Table 32 illustrates, membership in a strong ideological association does appear to be associated with a lower degree of 127Assignment to these categories was based in large part on comprehensive knowledge of the character of each sample group and on the results of earlier measures of PIC (within each group). 183 Table 32 MEMBERSHIP AND ASSOCIATION TYPE BY ISOLATION-ALIENATION Type of Isolation-Alienation (in percent) MembeE‘Ship and Low Intermediate High Totals Assoc1ation f % Members of Strong Ideological 26.0 22.1 27.5 24.# 131 100 Associations Members of Formal 22.7 23.6 22.2 31.5 203 100 Associations Non-Members 18.1 26.7 24.8 30.5 105 100 Totals 99 105 107 128 #39* X2 = H.499 def. '-'-' 6 075) p> .5 C = .101 *2 undefined Gamma = .071 isolation alienation than membership in an "intermediate" association (an association with a lower degree of ideological commitment); while membership in any type of association seems to be related to a lower degree of isolation than the lack of'membership in a formal associ- ation. However, despite some support of the hypothesis in terms of the direction of the relationship, the degree of this relationship is low. The chi-square result does not reach an acceptable level, and thus the null-hypothesis must be accepted. In other words, hypothesis V'A is not supported by the data. Much of the same results obtain when controlling for age, sex, occupational and educational status, income of father and religious 184 denominational preference. None of the cross-tabulations reaches the .05 level; however, only three of the seventeen sub-tables are in a direction opposite to that hypothesized Here again, as in the test of hypothesis III A (which dealt with an expected inverse rela- tionship betwaen PIC and IA) it seems that variables other than mem- bership in strong ideological associations or informal associations are related to isolation. From available evidence it would seem that isolation is related more to informal social participation (G = -.25#) and affectivity (G = -.231) than to formal social participation (G = -.014). Contingency tables cross-tabulating IA with ISP, affec- tivity and FSP bear out this contention. Since affectivity and ISP are less dependent on association membership than FSP, their rela- tionship to IA is more direct and consequently association membership and PIC are less directly related to isolation-alienation than ISP and affectivity. This means that isolation alienation is reduced less by formal social participation in various associations (from strong to weak in terms of ideology), but more by informal social participation and affectivity in or out of formal associations. 11. Membership in Associations and Self-estrangement. The test of hypothesis V B utilizes the same combination of membership and association types (as for V A), but substitutes self- estrangement-alienatien for isolation. The table to follow presents the findings relative to thb relationship. The chi-squared result of the above table and the direction of the relationship are significant and in the expected direction. Thus hypothesis V B is supported. It is interesting to note that hypothesis V B is substantiated in view of the fact that the same arrangement of 185’ membership and association types when cross-tabulated with the iso- lation-alienation scale (IA) did not produce the expected significant relationship. Table 33 WERSHIP AND ASSOCIATION TYPE BY SELF -ESTRANGEMENT-ALIENATION Type of Self-estrangement—alienation (in percent) Membership and . . As so c ia tion Low Intermediate High Totals % Members of Strong Ideological 26 38 25 11 131 100 Associations Members of Formal 16 33 25 26 203 100 Associations N on-Members 18 38 20 21+ 10 5 100 Totals 85 158 10 5 91 439* x2 = 15.099 d.f. e 6 .025 > p) .01 '"2 undefined One major reason for this outcome may be sought in the fact that we are dealing with two different scales. Quite obviously, even though SEA and IA are positively related, their relationship is not perfect (G = .318). Thus there remains a statistical difference between these two scales, aside from differences in the items them- selves, which by themselves could very readily account for the above-mentioned discrepancy in support for the present hypothesis, and the lack of support for hypothesis V A (asserting a similar relationship between association membership and IA). In other words, 186 if two variables are strongly related to each other, a third vari- able, being related to one of the first two, still does not neces- sarily have to be related to the other of the two. Support of hypothesis V B thus does not necessarily mean support of hypothesis V A. If IA and SEA are independent, though related variables, the above outcome is plausible and reasonable. This still leaves the need toexplain some of the underlying reasons for the support of hypothesis V B. Toward this end SEA was cross-tabulated.with all other study variables. Again, it is interesting and informative to subject SEA to a more thorough analysis by cross-tabulating all available variables with selfbestrangement-alienation. The following list contains all significant cross-tabulations, their gamma value, and direction of association (where relevant, direction is indicated by a.minus sign for an inverse relationship, and the lack of a sign indicating a positive relationship): 1. Age, G = -.237 2. Occupational Status, G = .205 3. Income, G = -.249 4. Religiosity (REL), G = -.128 50 AffeCtiVity, G = '0270 6. Powerlessness-alienation (PA), G = .189 7. Normlessness-alienation (NA), G = .299 8. Isolation-alienation (IA), G = .318 9. Dogmatism, G = .259 10. Informal Social Participation (ISP), G = -.258 11. Formal Social Participation (FSP), G = -.302 12. Meaninglessness-alienation (MA), G = .396 13. Association type (Assoc. type), G = .141 14. Marital Status (single: higher SEA), G = .248 15. Sex (women: higher SEA), G = .280 It may be noted from the preceding list that SEA is related most strongly to meaninglessness. This positive and highly signifi- cant association explains to some extent why membership in associations 18? ranking high in PIC is inversely related to SEA (since SEA and MA are directly related, and PIC and.MA are inversely related, one might reasonably expect an inverse relationship between SEA and PIC). However, since IA and.MA are related less strongly, G~= .237, this result may also help to explain the lack of an inverse relation- ship between IA and.membership in strong ideological associations and other associations. In other words, a G of .396 between SEA and MA, versus a G of .237 between IA and MA, may help to explain the lesser degree of association of IA with membership in association, especially in associations strong in PIC, since PIC and.MA are in- versely related. The second highest G was obtained between SEA and IA, which was already discussed above. Of somewhat greater interest is the next highest G which was obtained for SEA by FSP. Here again may lie part of the explanation for the lack of a strong relationship between SEA and association type when various controls are used. FSP is simply more directly related to SEA (as it was to isolation) than PIC, or membership in associations, including those ranking high in PIC. 12. Formal and Informal Social Participation Hypothesis VI A, which postulates a direct (or positive) rela- tionship between formal social participation and informal social participation is supported by the data. Table 34 illustrates that the hypothesized positive relation- ship between the two variables of FSP and ISP are obtained in all tests of the direction and.degree of association, holding several control variables constant. While the chi-square results aren't m + + Hooo.AaAmooo. N NmN.NH see. mam. eoaoHanes a ooeoooem a e a ON m + + aAaooo. N emm.mm mmw. emm.noeeen .osooo soau.eoe a a a an ax + + m.AaAma. N Nmm.a aNN. are. houses .oaooo seem .eem ooo x amH a Ema we «a + + H.AmAmN. N mme.N mam. amN. Hoaoaessaaoaoeuaom a a e Na m + + aAHooo. N Nwm.em was. mom. eeooeoooaa e a a on m + + aaaooo. N oom.NN mmm. mmm. oaaoaoso mom a anH a Ema ma ea + .+ N.AaamN. 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N NMVONHOW 0 an» O O O HHNon—twt-AO) O HNNH HO-L‘MIP‘PODV) O O\\OW\O\O\» O\U‘I 129 110 102 107 110 70 19 243 Heine Freunde in unserer Vereinigung (My friends in this organization) NA Gut (Good) Schlecht (Bad) NA Vichtig (Important) Unwi chtig (Unimportant) NA Stark (Strong) Schwach (Weak) NA Bedrohend (Threatening) Nicht bedrohend (Not threatening) NA Mir nahestehend (Related to my life) Mir fernstehend (Not related to my life) NA Aktiv (Active) VOWFUONHO \IOMF‘WNHO \lO‘xU’IT—‘WNHO VOU‘IF‘WNHO \lmm'F‘WNP-‘O \lmUI-PWNHO Nicht aktiv (Not active) F 16 F 17 F 18 F 19 F 20 F 21 p9q11 HNW NNN HNNxomCJHm O\O\U\OOOOOH\.0 O O O O 0 0 0 O O O O O O HHOO\\0HU\O 000 000 O\\»NO\U‘1\}CD-P' (”\OWU‘lrmWO HNCDHW‘QUU‘ o NHHHH O O O O O O kmpwoxxou #mmuoor‘x} \T‘QNNNHCDH HHHH ...; HNNH wwygfmmm wCDOM-h\0\00\\n wkmmwoxtox O 17 124 22 27 27 22 138 127 81 A2 10 13 24 61 122 130 36 10 27 21 27 67 122 25 71 84 84 50 3o 59 28 70 113 109 71 20 15 15 S VOMCth-‘O \70\U\‘P‘wNHO mePwNF-‘O VOU‘L‘WNHO VOW-PWNHO VOMC'WNHO 2H4 moderne Sozialismus (Socialism) NA Gut (Good) Schlecht (Bad) NA Nichtig (Important) Unwichtig (Unimportant) NA Stark (Strong) Schwach (Weak) NA Bedrohend (Threatening) Nicht bedrohend (Not threatening) NA Mir nahestehend (Related to my life) Mir fernstehend (Not related to my life) NA Aktiv (Active) Nicht aktiv (Not active) 111‘] ll F22 F23 F214 F25 F 26 F27 p9q12 HHH ‘88 O O O O O O O N-tOWCDWW-P 141-tram HmmomI—‘H‘Q O\N0\\)(D(DNO\ ONWF’HVCUI \nWNVt—bo O O O O O\U'\CI)N(DO\\OO\ N\OO\HO\N\)\) H Hl—H—sN O O O O O N c on... Kn r—s HHNN wNUxCDNUxem Otyftomm O HNHH O. 0.. o 0\'\)OH\O\OC\H 1...». 228 29 118 89 62 15 18 47 27 69 70 101 80 22 12 2’45 Heine Religion (fiy religious beliefs) metwmwo \lmmg'WNl-‘O VOMC‘UNHO VOUPWNHO \lChU't-F—‘UJNHO \IO‘sknC’le-‘O H 1 Gut (Good) Schlecht (Bad) NA Wichtig (Important) Unwichtig (Unimportant) NA Stark (Strong) Schwach (Weak) NA dedrohend (Threatening) Nicht bedrohend (Not threatening) N A Mir nahestehend (Related to my life) Mir fernstehend (Not related to my life) NA Aktiv (Active) Nicht aktiv (Not active) 2A6 E! p9q13 Berliner Mauer (The Berlin wall) F 28 NA Gut (Good) O-{S'HHOOHH O O O OmeOOHm ...; \OU‘CDOOKAV \O Schlecht (Bad) F 29 NA Wichtig (Important) 81: 212 HNNCDU‘O) o N Unwichtig (Unimportant) N A Stark (Strong) HN Nun) \JUTUOOHKIIO‘x O O O O N H Schwach (weak) F 31 NA Bedrohend (Threatening) 298 HO\ no Nicht bedrohend (Not threatening) NA Mir nahestehend (Related to my life) Hu 0. 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(Following are some general opinion questions which are followed by: 'YES! yes ? no NO! Answer each question as you think best. There are no "right" or "wrong" answers. If you agree strongly, circle the "YES!” If you agree, but not very strongly, circle the ”yes." If’you’re neutral, or can't decide at the moment, circle the "7." If'you dis- agree, but not strongly, circle the "no." If you disagree strongly, circle the "301") Es gibt heute standig so viele Neuerungen, dass man nicht mehr weiss, wie man sich ver- halten 5011. (So many new things come up all the time that a person doesn't always know just how to reaCto ) NA JAI ($331) ja (yeS) ? nein (no) 2:31;“ (1J0!) HNKJ-F'Uto ll Es kdnnte viel in der Welt verbessert werden, wenn die Menschen sich nur dafflr einsetzen Wfirden 0 (Much could be done to improve the present state of affairs if people would only make the effort.) 0 - NA 5 - JAI (1.1.5!) 1+ - ja (yes) 3 - ? 2 - nein (no) 1 - 22131er (HO!) N )\ +44?kaan 0 0 O O\\.ONNO\H 9'1] 55 pquS 87 200 55 24 276 111 23 19 185 178 20 37 137 189 36 19 249 Eigentum ist etwas, das mit Bedfirftigen ge- teilt werden sollte. (Property is something that should be shared.) 0 - HA 5 - YES! 4 - yes 3 - 7 2 - no 1 - HO! Unser Land braucht mehr Gruppen von Menschen, die mit Hingabe die Ursprflnge der gegenwar- tigen Krisen angreifen. (What this country needs is more groups of dedicated people who would vigorously attack the sources of present difficulty.) - YA - YES! yes - ? - no - IO! I—smwc’mo I Es ist wichtig, dass es der Regierung er- laubt ist, persdnliches Eigentum zu fiber- nehmen (natfirlich nur mit Entschadigung der Eigentfimer), wenn es fur das Kohl der gesam— ten Bevdlkerung notwendig ist. (It is im- portant that the government have the right to take over personal property (with payment to the owner) out of a consideration for the common welfare.) - NA - YES! - yes e ? -no - HO! I-ANw-P'UIO Das Wohl der Gemeinschaft ist wichtiger als Bigentumsrechte Einzelner. (The concerns of of the community are more important than the property rights of individuals.) 0 - NA 5 - YES! - yes - ? -no - NO! *4pr 250 F 57 p10q7 Ich mache mir Sorgen fiber die Zukunft, die unsere Kinder erwartet. (I worry about the future facing today's children.) 1.8 8 O - NA 28.8 127 5 - 33! 33.6 148 h - yes 1009 “’8 3 " ? 18.8 8 2 - no 6.1 27 1 - BIO! F 58 p10q8 Im Hotfall ist es erlaubt, das Eigentum an- derer sogar dann zu benutzen, wenn man nicht 1 vorher um Erlaubnis gefragt hat. (In an emergency, it is alright to make use of the property of another, even without permission.) 0 5 2 O - NA 25 2 111 5 - YES! 27.4 121 4 - yes 7 9 35 3 - 7 6 3 72 2 - no 2 7 100 1 - NO! F 59 p10q9 Hanchmal fflhle ich mich ganz verlassen in der'Welt. (Sometimes I feel all alone in the world.) 009 LL 0 - NA “ 9.8 43 5 - YES! 20.0 88 4 - yes 9.3 41 3 - ? 32.2 1&2 2 - no 27.9 123 1 - NO! F 60 p10q10 Im Allgemeinen finde ich, dass es besser ware, Freunde zu haben, die meine politi- schen Ansichten teilen. (In general, I think it would be better to have close friends who share my political beliefs.) 0.7 3 O - NA 25.2 111 5 - YES! 33.3 lb? 4 - yes 1702 76 3 " 7 17.2 76 2 - no 6.3 28 1 - BIO! F 61 F 62 F 63 - 64 In p10q11 p10q12 911q13 pllqlu CB\J{?C)C>hb O Oxc>u>nnc>;r NFOKDH o 133 110 119 29 156 115 10 35 73 55 105 163 68 121 34 136 75 251 Heutzutage ist es oft notwendig, wachsamer gegendber Gedanken zu sein, die aus der eig- enen Gruppe kommen, als gegenflber Auffassung- en, die von Leuten aus anderen Gruppen ver- treten werden. (In times like these it is often necessary to be more on guard against ideas put out by people or groups in ones' own camp than by those in the opposing camp.) 0 - NA 5 - YES! 4 - yes 3 - ? 2 - no 1 - NO! Ich werde von meinen Freunden nicht so oft eingeladen, wie ich es mir wflnsche. (I don't get invited out by friends as often as I'd really like.) A 38! es ~%HH: no NO! HNWvlrU'IO Der Zweck heiligt die Mittel. [often] justifies the means.) (The end 0 - NA YES! yes ? no KC! HNU PU’I Eine Organisation oder Gruppe, die zuviel heinungsverschiedenheiten unter ihren Mit- gliedern erlaubt, kann auf die Dauer nicht existieren. (A group which tolerates too much differences of opinion among its own members cannot exist for long.) 0 - NA 5 - YES! h - yes 3 - T 2 - no 1 - NO! 252 F 65 p11q15 ‘fio es eben mdglich ist, unterstfltze ich die Leute, die mit mir politisch einer Meinung sind. (Nhenever possible, I try to Support those businessmen who agree with me politically) .l 1.4 6 O - NA 22.2 98 5 - YES! 41.0 181 4 - yes 17.2 76 3 - T 12.0 53 2 - no 6.1 27 1 - NO! F 66 p11q16 Ich gebe gerne Geld aus. (Ilike to spend money. 0.9 4 0 - FA 19.7 8 1 - YES! 42.0 185 2 - yes 14.1 62 3 - ? 17.0 75 4 - no 6.3 28 5 - H01 F 67 p11q17 Man sollte die politischen Auswirkungen und Gesichtspunkte des Alltagslebens niemals fibersehen. (One should take into considera- tion the political implications of every major aspect of day-to-day living.) 1.6 7 0 - NA 34.0 150 1 - YES! 34.0 150 2 - yes 7-3 32 3 - 7 11.6 51 4 - no 11.6 51 5 - KO! F 68 p11q18 Obwohl jeder Staatsbflrger politische Verant- wortung trfigt, wollte man nicht vergessen, dass andere Bereiche des Lebens gleich wich- tig sind. (While every citizen has political responsibilities, one should remember that there are many other aspects of life which are equally important.) 0.9 4 0 - NA 43.1 190 1 - YES! 40.8 180 2 - yes .509 26 3 - ? 6.1 27 4 - no 3.2 14 5 - N0! F 69 F 70 F 71 p11q19 p11q20 p11q21 0.9 20.4 29.7 10.9 24.9 13.2 108 93 51 111 65 23 79 45 175 116 90 131 110 52 28 191 163 253 Bin wahrer Freund ist der, der sagen wfirde: "Was mir geh8rt, gehdrt auch Dir". (A true friend is one who says, "what's mine is yoursfl 0 - NA 5 - YES! 4 - yes 3 - ? 2 - no 1 - NO! Benn jemand etwas besitzt, was ein anderer mehr braucht als er, ist er verpflichtet, es dem anderen zum Gebrauch zu fiberlassen. (If a person owns something which another needs more than he does, he has an obligation to let it be used by the person in need.) 0 - NA 5 ~ YES! 4 - yes 3 - ? 2 - no 1 - F0! Eines der stdrendsten Dinge im Leben ist die Tatsache, dass einige Leute zuviel besitzen und andere zuwenig. (The trouble with life is that some people have too much property and others don't have enough.) NA YES! yes 7 no 2‘50 1 HNw-C'UIO Allgemein gesehen, glaube ich, dass die‘welt so ziemlich in bester Ordnung ist. (Gener- ally speaking, the world I live in is about as good a place as it can be.) {A "1. P4 1 I NHO Ill < I H\OO\-CT Bekleideten Sie frfiher mal ein Amt in dieser Vereinigung? (lave you held any office in .L‘ this association in the past?) 0 - 3A 1 - Yes 2 " .‘IO In wolchen anderen Gruppe, Vereinigungen . .) LiSt Of all Other groupS o o o o o o o o o 0) Total No. of groups mentioned NA or no groups mentioned - one (1) - two (2) - three (3) - four (4) five (5) - six (6) - seven to eight (7-8) - nine to ten (9-10) - eleven (11) or more groups mentioned \O(D\l0\\.n-P'\JONHO I 16/17 p19q1 I 19 p19q2 I 20 p19q3 I 22 pl9q5 I 23 p19q5 000 00000 HNNH O\O\\OHI\>1'1‘OU\ON O O OUxO VON U'IO\\OG)\JO no +4(%\o{?h> 0 3...; O\\O o 4:- H00 .0. CI) \IN\O O CDVUI 11 24 46 108 101 so 43 29 29 305 120 42 12 337 278 Alter (Age) \lcxkntwmpo a- 9- NA 01 - 15 years of age 16 - 18 19 - 20 21 - 22 23 - 25 26 - 30 31 - 4O 41 - 50 51 - 99 Geschlecht (Sex) 0 - 1 - 2 _ HA male (l-lénnlich) female (Neiblich) Familienstand (Marital Status) \n-P‘wNHO \OODV O‘sU‘x #WNHO I Sind Sie selbststandig, . . . O- 1.. 2- ma Single (Ledig) Narried (Verheiratet) Widowed (Verwitwet) Separated (In Trennung lebend) Divorced (Geschieden) Welchen Beruf . . . . (Occupation) NA Professionals, Government, etc. Semi-professionals Owners, Managers and officials White collar, clerical, sales and kindred workers Skilled craftsman, foremen, artisans Semi-skilled, specialists, operatives, protective service Farm owners and managers Unskilled laborers, farm laborers Unemployed (Are you self- employed, . . .) NA Ja (Yes) Rein (No) I 24 91997 I 25 131948 126/27 p19q9 I 28 p20q10 I 29/30 pzoqioa NM 0 \J" N OOOONKJICIDW o o o o o o NOO‘QW-C'Cfim O\\) NNHHH H\O-F‘W£\J-F'\.ON O HmO«L‘-'O\n{:‘o 324 C 64 53 59 106 130 21 361 59 279 Ist Ihre Frau (Ihr Mann) berufstfitig? your wife [or husband] employed?) (Is 0 - NA 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 - Nein (30) Hit Ihrem jetzigen Nehnort . . . (Beginning with your present hometown . . . .) Total No. of localities lived in (from 1952 to 1962) - NA only 1 community mentioned (Present com- munity) HO - 2 communities mentioned II II 3 4 u n 5 II II 6 n u 7 iv a! 8 H II 9 \OCOMO\U\-F'\DN or more communities mentioned Schulbildung (Education-highest level attained) - NA Grade school Trade or vocational school "Middle" school High school Technical college University - Doctoral Degree \lCfiU‘i—‘WNHO Nollen Sie sich noch weiterbilden? want further education7) (Do you NA Ja (Yes) - Nein (No) NI—‘O II Venn ja, wollen Sie: (If yes, do you want to:) I 35 I 31/32 p20q11 p20q13a 1.8 6.3 500 1.4 49.0 Hp Hp NVKJJUN o o bib) n>c> O O c>u) u>c>no4ru> OHIO O O \OCI)\O 153 1 28 22 216 126 32 25 24 219 57 14 75 57 92 53 13 \l 0\ kn {1' k.) I 280 NA Volksschulausbildung beenden (finish grade school) Berufsschulausbildung beenden (finish trade school) Nittelschulausbildung beenden (finish middle school) hit der mittleren Reife abschliessen (H.3. half-way certificate) Hit dem Abitur abschliessen (obtain high school diploma) Vblksghanhule (Evening college) Nit dem Doktor abschliessen (Doctoral Degree) Wenn Sie einmal ganz . . . (Realistic esti- mate of further education expected) 0- 1.. NA Volksschulausbildung beenden (finish grade school) Berufsschulausbildung beenden (finish trade school) Mittelschulausbildung beenden (finish middle school) Nit der mittleren Reife abschliessen (H.S. half-way certificate) Nit dem Abitur abschliessen (obtain high school diploma) Volks clanhule (Evening college) Nit dem Doktor abschliessen (Doctoral Degree) 1"‘.TelChen Bemf {1th 1111‘ Vater o o o o 0 (Father's occupation) \OCIJV O\\.n «F‘WNHO I NA Professions, high government official, etc. Semi-professionals Owners, managers and officials White collar, clerical, sales and kindred workers Skilled craftsmen, foremen, artisans Semi-skilled, specialists, operatives, protective service Farm owners and managers - Unskilled and farm laborers Unemployed ..... I 36 p20q13b 137/38 920q14a I 43 p21q15 I 44 p21q16 U\#W»\nraré\oedre O O O C ox» (3wa 00V N03 c>cnoxn¢rouvxo O O O O 0 Nu) kaan o o o \JON \nO \JDVO‘xknp réreggwé lvkn £?£793 Kn 000 o o 21 107 313 mm 82 65 19 22 11 WOH Ist Y\) CO H (war) Ihr Vater selbststflndig? (Was your father self-employed?) o - 1 - 2 - uPanU13Wbtv+Ac> I Nit NA Ja (Yes) Nein (No) . monatliche Nettoeinkommen Ihres Vaters . father's monthly income after taxes) NA Under 400 RH, DH 401 - 600 601 - 800 801 - 1000 1001 - 1200 1201 - 1500 1501 - 2000 2001 or more Ihrem jetzigen Beruf anfangend . . . (Beginning with your present occupation . . ) Total No. of job, i.e., occupational changes 0 1 2 3 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - NA only one job mentioned two jobs mentioned three jobs mentioned four jobs mentioned five jobs mentioned six jobs mentioned seven or more jobs mentioned Stellen Sie sich vor, Sie k6nnten jeden be- liebigen Beruf haben. (Imagine 'you could have any job you wanted, regardless of the location or the amount of extra training or experience required, what job (occupation) would you choose? List the complete name or title of the occupation you picked. \o(D\J OWn #WQPOP*O I NA Professionals and government etc. Semi-professionals Owners, managers and officials White collar, clerical, sales and kindred workers Skilled craftsmen, foremen, artisans Semi-skilled, specialists, operatives, protective service Farm owners and managers Unskilled laborers and farm laborers Unemployed lkS pfl21c1177 I 61 p22q19 I 62 p22q20 25.4 32.0 5.7 14.5 11.8 112 141 25 64 52 23 10 11 140 235 55 16 26 85 19 21 103 39 72 282 Wenn Sie einmal ganz nflchtern an Ihre Zukunft denken . . . (Now, considering your occupa- tional (or job) future very realistically, what is the best occupation which you think you will actually hold befbre you retire? List the complete name of the job you think you will actually hold. - NA Professionals and government etc. - Semi-professionals Owners, managers and officials White collar, clerical, sales and kindred workers Skilled craftsmen, foremen, artisans Semi-skilled, specialists, operatives, protective service Farm owners and managers Unskilled laborers and farm laborers - Unemployed \OmV O\UI «F'boNI-‘O I Welcher Konfession gehdren Sie an? denomination7) Religious - NA - Katholisch (Catholic) - Evangelisch (Evangelical - Protestant) - Nicht konfessionell zugehdrig (Non- denominational) \ut0t4<3 Hie oft besuchen Sie einen Gottesdienst? (How often do you attend a church service?) 0 - N 1 - Nehr als einmal in der Noche (Kore than once a week) - Einmal in der Wbche (Once a week) - Zweimal oder dreimal im,Monat (Two or three times a month) Einmal im.Nonat (Once a month): - Ab und zu einmal (Occasionally) - Einmal im Jahr oder seltener (Once a year or less) Sehr selten (Very seldom or rarely) - Niemals (Never) (hm-{2' UN I (DV I L 63 p22q24 H 1 65 p22q26 I 66 p22q27 \nOJF'F-‘mfluo 0 O O O O O \O\O\0CDH\0\O NNHHH 18 111 122 121 69 114 49 246 146 22 62 70 62 82 99 283 Hie wichtig ist Ihnen Ihr religidser Glaube? (How important to you are your religious beliefs?) - NA - Sehr wichtig (very important) Ziemlich wichtig (Somewhat important) - Nicht sehr wichtig (Not very important) - Uberhaupt nicht wichtig (Not important at all) (rooms-so I Wenn Sie wichtige Entschlfisse fassen, fragen Sie sich, ob Gott diesen Entschluss billigt? (When you have important decisions to make in your everyday life, do you ask yourself what God would want you to do?) - NA 1 - Jedesmal (Always) - Heistens (Often, i.e., most of the time) 3 - Ofters (Often) 4 - Manchmal (Sometimes) 5 - Selten (Seldom) 6 - Niemals (Never) 0 2 Glauben Sie, dass Gott Gebete erhdrt? (Do you believe God answers, i.e., listens to prayers?) O - NA 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 - Nein (No) Hie oft beten Sie? (How often do you pray7) NA - Mehr als einmal am Tag (More than once a day) - Einmal am.Tag (Once a day) - Ein paar Mal in der Noche (A few times a week) Ab und zu einmal (Occasionally) Selten (Seldom) Niemals Never) HO I (hm-K: WM I I 67 p22q28 I 68 p22q29 J 16 p24q1 J 157 p24q1. may 00 O me CAN 0 (I)\O -{:'\D\.O (DO 13 118 244 17 39 13 191 165 67 33 78 88 86 56 41 O x) 17 34 284 Nenn heute Bundestagswahlen waren, welcher Partei warden Sie Ihre Stimme geben? (If parliamentary elections were held today, which party would you vote for?) O - NA 1 - CDU (Christian Democratic Union) 2 - SPD (Social-democratic Party of Germany) 3 - FDP (Free Democratic Party) 4 - Sonstige (Others) 5 - Nfirde nicht wahlen (Neuldn't vote) 6 - Schwer zu sagen (Difficult to say) Hie wichtig is Ihnen Ihre eigene politische Einstellung7 (How important to you are your political beliefs?) - EA Sehr wichtig (Very important) Ziemlich wichtig (Somewhat important) Nicht besonders wichtig (Not very impor- tant) - Uberhaupt nicht wichtig (Not important at all) {2' wNI-‘O I 'Velche Zeitungen und Zeitschriften lesen Sie regelméssig? (Nhat newspapers and magazines do you read regularly?) Total No. of papers, magazines etc. read. - NA - One - Two - Three - Four Five - Six - Seven to eight - Nine to ten - Eleven or more \OCDVO‘xkn-P'wNI—‘O I Type of paper or magazine read - N. - only local paper(s) only local and/or regional papers - local and national paper(s) and magazineéfi - national publications devoted to politics economics, etc. 5 - natbnal publications devoted to "culture" (the fine arts, etc.) 6 - international publications {TmNI—‘O I 285 J18/19 p2hq2 Kennen Sie die folgenden Persdnlichkeiten mit ein oder zwei Worten kurz beschreiben? (Could you identifly the following personalities? OO - NA 07 - 6 mistakes 01 - 12 mistakes 08 - 5 " 02 - 11 “ O9 - h " 03 - 10 " 10 - 3 " Ob - 9 " 11 - 2 " O5 — 8 “ 12 - 1 mistake O6 - 7 “ 13 - All correct J 20 p24q3 Eaben die ein Sigenheim? (Do you own a home?) 4.3 19 0 - NA 11.1 49 1 - Ja (Yes) 84.6 373 2 - gain (30) J 21 p24qh Hie hoch sind Ihre monatlichen Ausgaben fur Ziete, beziehungsweise fur die Ruckzahlung Ihrer Bigenheimkredite einschliesslich der Instandhaltungskosten? (How much do you pay in rent; or, if you own your home, how much do you pay in monthly mortgage installments etc. including maintenance?) 3#.9 15b 0 - N 11.8 52 1 - under 5QrDH 17-5 77 2 - 51-75 12.5 55 3 - 76-100 5.9 26 4 - 101-125 8.2 36 5 - 126-150 3.2 1# 6 - 151-175 3.6 16 7 - 176-200 0.5 2 8 - 201-225 2.0 9 9 - 226 and. more 111 per month «I 22 p2hq5a Eaben Sie ein Auto? (Do you.have a car?) 12.0 53 o - NA 24.0 106 1 - Ja (Yes) 63.9 282 2 - Hein (no) .1 23 p24q5b haben Sie ein Rotorrad? (Eb you have a motor- cycle?) 17.7 '3 O 10.2 45 1 - Ja (Yes) 72.1 318 2 - Jein (No) *fik>.frequencies or percentages computed because results from this double coliumn item were merely added to column J 16 and 17 to yield the Infor- zmation.Index (13??) raw score total. 24 25 (‘3 CI\ pZNqSC panii 924q59 75 80 286 69 104 268 59 182 200 286 Haben Sie eine Naschmaschine? (Eb you have a wash machine?) 0 - NA 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 - Rein (Ho) Haben Sie einen Fernsehapparat? (Do you have a TV-set?) - NA Ja (Yes) Main (30 NHO II Haben Sie einen Kfihlschrank? (Do you have a refrigerator?) 0 - HA 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 - Rein (No) Instructions for Occupational Ranking Fur jeden der folgenden Berufe geben Sie uns bitte an, welche der vorstehenden Beschrei- bungen (A, B, C, D, E) Ihrer Ieinung nach am besten zutrifft. Umkreisen Sie bitte den Buchstaben, der dem Ansehen des nebenstehen- den Berufes am nachsten kommt. A--sehr hohes Ansehen B--gutes Ansehen C--durchschnittliches Ansehen D--geringes Ansehen E--sehr niedriges Ansehen ?-—weiss nicht, we ich diesen Beruf einordnen kann $or each job mentioned below, please pick out the statement that best gives your own per- sonal opinion of’the general standing that such a job has. (Circle the letter which cor- responds to your opinion of the general stand- ing of each job.) A--excellent standing B--good standing C--average standing D--somewhat below average standing E--poor standing ?--don't know where to place that one) J 27 J 28 J 29 J 30 J 31 pZSqé 7.0 0.5 14.7 59.0 15.2 2.3 Nkn OONO\\O-(2‘O\ O O NVOU‘IOVOM) NO\ 0 OOOWWO\O\ O NNNIO¢VH NEH oooo\ CNN 0 \n-PHNVMV +4me WHVKRNHO‘s O O\CD'\)OO\IOOO\ 31 65 260 67 1o 28 260 117 13 27 294 103 1a 11 47 195 115 37 29 56 122 52 16 Kleiner Geschfiftsinhaber (Small businessman) .1) mmthH-O I I l I NPJUL‘3LU:>§:1 Zahnarzt (Dentist) 0 HA 1 - A 2 - B 3 - C 4 - D 5 - E 6 - ? Universitatsprofessor (College/University professor) O - NA 1 - A 2 - B 3 - C Q - D 5 - E 6 - ? Bauer (Farmer, i.e., Farm owner and operator) 0 - HA 1 - A 2 - B 3 - c 4 - D 5 - E 6 - ? Gewerkschaftsfunktionar (Labor union official or union officer) 0 - NA 1.11 2-3 3-c 4.13 5-3 6-? J32 J 33 J 34 J 35 J 36 ratn+4 OVWHNHCA . MOVWWHCI) rs" OOHUI O\} O O O O O 0 \INH-F‘Nl own 29 121 170 75 33 30 166 210 33 30 57 229 87 31 32 223 153 24 31 25 162 18 5 288 Priester (Clergyman) O-NA l-A 2-3 3-c 4-D 5-3 6-? Arzt (Physician, i.e., medical doctor) 3:: (hm-PWNHO I I l I I I I ”LIJUOtflbi-Ti Schlosser (Mechanic) O-NA l-A 2-3 3-C 4-1) 5-3 6-? Wissenschaftler (Scientist) H m mmFWNHO I I I l I I l ”WUOWP Volksschullehrer (Teacher in grade schools) we i—d 3:. Oxm-P'wNu-Ao I I I I I I I wmwowp J 37 J 38 J40 J 41 31 53 136 156 57 34 173 148 18 10 36 80 213 78 15 1o 42 27 137 49 11 83 33 159 126 16 289 Krankenschwester (Nurse) O-NA 1-A Z-B 3-C 4 - D 5-3 6 - ? Krankenhausdirektor (Hospital administrator) O-NA 1-1 2-3 3-c 4-9 5-3 6-? Student (College/University student) O-NA 1-A 2-3 3-C 4-9 5-E 6-7 Chiropraktiker (Chiropractor) O-NA 1-1 2-3 3-C 4-3 5-3: 6-7 Psychiater (Psychiatrist) O-l-EA 1-1 Z-B 3-c 4-9 5-2 6-1 J 42 J 43 J44 J45 kn n>n>w>w3334rsa c>\o\o\n\ore\o '\}\ONODO\O\) Hgm ONkn mflfl 0 Miles HHKJJO\ \nfl O O O I 0 H?\OQ\\ONO o o o o ’0 o \OUI\OOD\}NO 35 18 154 174 41 10 31 113 180 67 13 31 242 73 17 31 111 197 31 81 209 81 20 11 290 Bibliothekar (Librarian) O - EA 1 - A 2 - B 3 - C 4 - D 5 - E 6 - ? Fflsorger (Social worker) 0 - NA 1 - A 2 - 3 3 - C 4-D 5-3 6 - ? Anwalt (Lawyer) O - HA 1 - A 2 - B 3 - C 4-9 5 - E 6 - ? Schiffskapitan (Captain of ship) ,x> I I I I I I I ~3e1c1czu;>-?: Chkn4=u3h3ksc> Eflrovorsteher in der Verwaltung (Head of a department in state government) >- Chanrboh3hsC> I l l I l I l NEGUOU‘JbL-fi K 16 p25 K 59 p26q5 ~ / ,’ I K 00 p21qo K 61 p27q7 80.0 18.1 18 Q L) 82 173 59 79 86 242 29 34 54 353 22 184 61 80 291 Nieviele wirklich gute Freunde . . . (How many close friends would you say you present- ly have? 0 o o) - HA - Keine guten Freunde (No good friends) - Einen guten Freund (One good friend) - Zwei bis drei gute Freunde (Two to three good friends) - Vier bis ffinf gute Freunde (Four to five good friends) - Sechs oder mehr gute Freunde (Six or more good friends) \n -(:‘ \JJNHO Sind die meisten Ihrer Berufskollegen katho- lisch, evangelisch . . . . (Are most of the people you work with Catholic, Protestant . ) - NA - katholisch (catholic) evangelisch (protestant - evangelical) - anderer Konfessionen (other denominations) - beides (katholisch u. evangelisch) (mixed; catholic and protestant) cwyleA<3 I Ware es Ihnen lieber, wenn die meisten Ihrer Berufskollegen . . . (dould [do] you prefer to have most of the people you work with . . ) O - NA 1 - Es ware mir lieber, wenn die meisten meiner Berufskollegen derselben Konfes- sion angehdrten. (would prefer to work with people of the same faith as myself.) 2 - Das ist mir egal. (It doesn't make any difference.) Bind die meisten Ihrer Nachbarn katholisch, evangelisch . . . (Are most of the people in your neighborhood catholic, protestant . . .) 0 - NA 1 - Die meisten sind katholisch (Most are catholic) 2 - Die meisten sind evangelisch (Most are evangelical/protestant) 3 - Heine Nachbarschaft ist unterschiedlicher Konfession (My neighborhood is mixed) ' - Ich habe keine Ahnung, welcher Konfession meine Nachbarn angehdren (I don't know which denomination my neighbors belong tcO K 62 p27q8 K 65 p27q11 K 66 p21q19 K 67 p21q20 26 65 22 328 39 20 94 185 15 228 198 27 44 370 292 flare es Ihnen lieber, wenn die meisten Ihrer Nachbarn derselben Konfession angehdren wie Sie? (would (do) you prefer to have most of your neighbors of the same faith?) 0 - NA 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 - Nein (NO) 3 - Macht keinen Unterschied (It makes no dif- ference) Wenn Sie gefragt warden, welcher der folgenden Begriffe Ihre soziale Schicht, d.h. Ihre Stellung in der Gesellschaft am besten wie- dergeben wflrde, zu welcher der aufgefflhrten Schichten warden Sie sich zfihlen? ( ) Arbeiterschicht ( ) Unterschicht ( ) Oberschicht ( ) Untere Mittelschicht ( ) Mittelschicht ( ) Obere Mittelschicht (If’you were asked to use on of these words to describe your social class, that is, where you stand in society, which would you say you belonged in? ( ) werking class ( ) Middle class ) Lower class ( )Upper middle class ( ) Lower middle class ( ) Upper class - NA - Oberschicht (Upper stratum/class) Obere Mittelschicht (Upper middle strabmd Mittelschicht (Middle stratum) Untere Mittelschicht (Lower middle strabmfl Arbeiterschicht (worker stratum) Unterschicht (Lower stratum) HNKDF'U‘CBO A I Haben Sie Verwandte in der DDR (Sowjetischen Besatzungszone?) (Do you have relatives in the Soviet occupied zone?) 0 - NA 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 - Nein (No) Haben Sie Verwandte in den ehemaligen deutschen Ostgebieten? (Do you have relatives in the former German Eastern territories/areas?) 0 - NA 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 - Nein (No) 293 K 68 p21q21a Halten Sie die Wiedervereinigung Deutschlands fur wfinschenswert? (Do you prefer to see Germany reunited?) 34 15 O-I‘JA 95.9 423 1 - Ja (Yes) 0 7 3 2 - Nein (No) K 69 p21q21b Wenn ja, wfiren Sie dann bereit, militflrische Gewalt anzuwenden, um die Wiedervereinigung herbeizuffihren? (If'yes, would you be willing to use military force to achieve reunificatiofl) 10.9 48 1 - Ja (Yes) 84.8 374 2 - Nein (No) K 70 p21q2lc Oder wfirden Sie es vorZiehen, die Wiederver- einigung auf friedliche weise herbeizufflhren? (Or would you prefer to achieve reunifica- tion in a peaceful manner?) 93-9 414 1 - Ja (Yes) 2 o 9 2 - Nein (No) 294 V E R T R A U L I C H Bitte Namen NIGHT angeben! M E I N U N G S B E F R A G U N G Die folgenden Fragen und Feststellungen wurden von Forsahern und Professoren des Soziologischen Forschungsinstituts der "Michigan-State University”, Michigan, U.S.A., entworfen. Diese Meinungsbefragung hat den Zweck, unser Wissen fiber die Ansichten und Erfahrungen von Mitgliedern verschiedener Gruppen und Organisationen zu ver- tiefen. Wie andere Mitglieder dieser Gruppe mbchten wir auch Sie bitten, uns Ihre fleinungen, Ansichten und Erfahrungen mitzuteilen. BITTE LESENI - Es ist wichtig, dass Sie alle Anweisungen vor deI‘Ausfullung jedes Abschnittes sorgfaltig lesen. Manchen deI'im Folgenden genannten Fragen werden Sie zustimmen, Jnanche verneinen und bei anderen unentschieden sein. Kreuzen E3ie bitte jedesmal die Antwort an, die Ihrer Meinung am .néchsten kommt. (Um diese Meinung vollstandig auswerten zu liénnen, sollte jede Frage beantwortet werden.) \Nir danken Ihnen im.voraus daffir, dass Sie uns in dieser ‘wichtigen Forschungsarbeit behilflich sein wollen. 295 I. Sie sehen hier zehn numerierte Linien vor sich. In jede Linie setzen Sie bitte jeweils eine Antwort auf die einfache Frage "Wer bin ich?" Bitte stellen Sie sich vor, dass Sie sich selbst danach fragen und nicht, als ob ein anderer Ihnen die Frage stellt. Schreiben Sie die Antworten in derselben Reihen- folge, in der sie Ihnen eingefallen sind. Machen Sie sich keine Sorgen fiber die "Logik" oder "Wichtigkeit" der Antworten. .3 o ) Oxoooumxnewm .3 296 -2- sich Jeder legt/selbst als Person einen gewissen Wert bei, und wir ordnen auch anderen Bereichen unseres Lebens einen bestimmten Wart zu. Es folgen nun einige Begriffe, deren Wichtigkeit Sie bitte mit derjenigen Ihrer eigenen Person vergleichcn wollen. Kreuzen Sie bitte die Antwort an, die Ihrer eigenen Meinung am nachsten kommt. A. Maine Fagilig ( ) Ich bin viel wichtiger ( ) Ich bin etwas wichtiger ) Uir sind gleich wichtig ) Maine Familie ist etwas wichtiger ) Maine Familie viel wichtiger ( ) Ich bin vielT ewichtiger ( ) Ich bin etwa s wichtiger ( ) Wir sind gleich wichtig ( ) Maine Wobngemeinde ist etwas wichtiger ( ) Maine Wohngemeinde ist viel wichtiger O O '7’ H .(J H. ePr _rtei ) Ich bin viel wichtiger ) Ich bin etwas wichtiger ) Wir sind gleich wichtig ) Meine Partei ist etwas wichtiger ) Maine Partei ist viel wichtiger iq‘Pcru ) Ich bin viel wichtiger ) Ich bin etwas wichtiger ) Wir sind gleich wichtig ) Me in Beruf ist etwas wichtiger )b biein De: u: ist viel wichtiger U 1) Ana’s/«3:: AAAAA at) E. eine_ Religion ( ) Ich bin viel wichtiger ( ) Ich bin etwas wichtiger ( ) Wir si.nd gleich wichtig ( ) Mof.ne P.eligion ist etwas wichtiger ( ) Maine Religion ist viel wichtiger ‘F. Main Vateglang ( ) Ich bin viel wichtiger ( ) Ich bin etwas wichtiger ( ) Wir sind gleich wichtig ( ) Main Vaterland ist etwas wichtiger ( ) Main Vs.tcriand ist viel wichtiger ne Vereinigung Ich b 1n viel wichtiger Ich bin etwas wichtiger (3. H.3Q () () ( ) Wir sind égleich wichtig () () ‘Meine Vereinigung ist etwas wichtiger Maine Vereinigung ist viel wichtiger _ 3 297 (A) Wir wollsn alle bestimmte Ziele im Leben errsichen. wenn Sie nun (C) (D) (E) mal daruber nachdenken, worauf es Ihnen wirklioh ankommt, was sind dann Ihre Wunsche, Hofinungen und stensziele? Mit anderen Worten, wie musste Ihre Zukunft aussehen, damit Sie sich glficklich fUhlen konnten? Nehmen Sie sich bitte genugend Zeit zur Beantwortung dieser Frage, denn solohe Dingo sind nicht leicht in Worte zu lassen. Nun zur Kehrseite disses zukunftigen Lebensbildes - worfiber machen Sie sich Sargon und was befurchten Sie fur die Zul Hunf ? Das heisst, was ware das Schlimmste, das Ihnen passieren konnte? Also, wenn Sie sich Ihre eigene Zukunft als vollkommen unertraglich vorstel- len, wie wards Ihre Zukunft dann aussehon? :Jehmsn Sic sich bitte wiederum g enugend Zeit zur Beantwortung dieser Frags. Hier sehen Sie die Skizze ein r Leiter. Nehmen Sie einmal an, dass die ob-;1steSprosse (10) dieser 40 Leiter die Erfullung Ihrer hbchsten Lebe nsziele und Hoffnuna en darstellt, und dass die unterste 9 Sprosse (O) das Schlimmste und Ubelste darstellt, das Ihnen in Ihrem Leben passieren konnte. 8 W0 auf dieser Leiter, finden Sie, dass Sie sich 7 heute befinden? Tragen Sic bitte die Sprossen- nummsr in das untcnstehende Kastchen ein. 6 Sprosse Numm r 5 Auf welcher Sprosse standen Sis vor fUnf Jahren? 4 * Sprosse Nummer 5 Und auf welcher Sprosse gedenken Sie in ffinf 2 Jahren zu stehen? Sprosse Nummer 1 v> 298 (A) Wie stellen Sie sich die Zukunft der Bundesrepublik vor? Wie (B) (C) (D) (E) warden Sie die Zukunft der Bundesrepublik beschreiben, wenn Ihre gpossten Hoffnungen und Wunsche fur die Zukunft der Bundes- republik in zehn (40) Jahren erfullt \urden? Und nun wiederum zur Kehrseite dieses Wunschbildes; wie stellen Sie sich die Bundesrepublik vor, wenn sich das Schlimmste ereig— nen wfirde? Beschreiben Sie bitte in kurzen Worten, wie Sie sich die Bundesrepublik in zehn Jahren vorstellen, wenn das Schlimmste passieren wfirde. Nun.sehen Sie sich die Leiter wieder an, und stellen 1 Sie sich vor, dass Ihre grbssten Hoffnungen fur die Bundesrepublik der oberston Sprosse en tsprechen, und dass Ihre schlimmsten Befurchtungen der untersten Sprosse entsprechen. Auf welche Sprosse Warden Sie die heutige Bundesrepublik stellen? Sprosse Nummer .Auf welcher Sprosse stand die Bundesrepublik vor funf Jahren? Sprosse Nummer .Auf welcher Sprosse wird die Bundesrepublik in ffinf Jahren wohl stehen9 no \N #' U1 (D ”Q a) q) (3 Sprosse Hummer .5 ) 299 Hier sind nun ffinf weitere Fragen, die mit Hilfs der Leiter beantwortet werden konnsn. 1. Wis weit, glauben Sis, ist Ihnen sigentlioh die Mogliohkeit gsgeben, das zu tun, was Sis wirklich gerne tun mochten, vergliohen mit dem, was von Ihnen verlangt wird? Stellen Sis sich vor, dass die oberste Sprosss der Leiter der volligen Freiheit des Tuns entspricht, und dass die untersts Sprosse nur dem Tun ent- spricht, das von Ihnen verlangt wird. Mit der Leiter vergliohsn, auf welcher Sprosse befinden Sie sich zur Zeit? Sprosse Nummer .1 C) Wis weit, glauben Sis, dass Sis durch eigenes Zutun Ihr Leben glfioklicher und zufriedener ge- stalten kennen? Dis oberste Sprosss soll bedeu- ten, dass Sis viel fur Ihr eigenes Glfiok tun konnen, die unterste besagt, dass Sie so gut wie hilflos sind. Sprosse Nummer Einige Menschen sind anscheinend ganz glficklich und zufrisden mit ihrsm Schicksal, wahrsnd . andere offensichtlioh sehr unzufriedsn und un- glfioklich sind. Nun, nehmen Sis diesmal an, dass sine Person, die‘vollkommen zufriedsn und glfioklich ist, auf der obersten Sprosse steht, und dass sins Person, die ausserordentlich un- zufrieden ist, auf der untcrsten Sprosse steht. Auf welohe Sprosse warden Sie sich im 1 Vergleich dazu selbst stellen? ru xx -¢ Km Ox \3 (n xo Sprosss Nummer Stellen Sie sich bitte vor, dass die gberste Sprosse dsr Einstellung eines Menschen ent- spricht, der mit der Lage der Deutscnsn Bun- desrepublik vollkommen zufrisdsn ist; und dass die untersts Sprosse der Einstellung eines Menschen entsprioht, dsr mit der heutigen Lage der BUndssrepublik vollkommen unzufriedon ist. Wsnn.Sie Ihre eigene Zufriedenneit mit dcr Lage in der Bundesrepublik mit diesen zwei Beispielen verglsichen: auf wolohe Sprosse xNUrden Sis sich dann selbst einordnen? Sprosse Nummsr Stellen Sie sich bitte vor, dass die gbsrsts Sprosse der Leiter dem "bestmogliohsn" Lands sntsprioht, einem Lands, das Ihrem Ideal am nachsten kommt, in dem Sie gerne leben mochten; und dass d1e unter— ste Sprosse dem Lands entSpricht, in dem Sis unter ks1nsn Umstandsn leben wollen. Auf welche Sprosse warden Sie die untenstehenden Lender einordnen? Sprosse Nummsr _ Sprosse Nummer Costa Rica ..... Msx1oo ................. Ostzone ........ Sowjetunion ............ Finnland ....... Vsreinigte Staatsn ..... Tannin Wmcffinnfcr‘h'land ...... .. 300 - 6 - im Folgsndsn finden Sie einige Bsgriffs aufgsffihrt, unter denen Sis Jeusils sechs gsgensatzliohs Wortpaars finden. Kreuzen Sis doch bitte ZW1schsn Jedem dieser4Wortpaars disjenigs Stells an, die Ihre Vorstel- lung am besten wisdsrgibt. Untsr jsdem Bsgriff mfisstsn Sis also sechs Kreuze sintragen. Hier sin Bsispisl zur Erlauterung: gehmsn wir einmal an, dass Sie den Begriff Dsmokratis beurteilen wfir- en. 1 Demokratie Gut : : : : : . +3 ‘+2 +1 0 -1 -2 -3 fienn Sis Demokratis ffir Sehr gut hielten, wfirden Sis in der Skala fiber '+3" sin Kreuz sstzsn. Wsnn Sis Demokratis ffir gut hielten, wfirdsn Sis : Schlecht fiber "+2" sin Krsuz eintragsn. Wenn Sie Demokratie ffir sinigsrmassen gut hielten, wfirden Sis "+1" ankrsuzen. Wenn Sis Dsmokratis wedsr ffir gut noch ffir schlecht hielten oder dsr Auffassung wfirsn, dass ksines der Eigenschaftswfirtsr zu dem Bsgriff passt, krsuzsn Sis fiber dsr Null an. Sis wfirden fiber "~fl" ankrsuzsn, wenn Sis Demokratis ffir einigera masssn Schlecht histtsn; fiber dsr "22", wenn Sis sis ffir schlecht hielten und fiber der "-5", wenn Sis Demokratie ffir sehr schlecht hiel- ten. Machen Sis bitte zu jedem Begriff (z.B. 1.”Gswsrkschaften) zwi- schen allsn'Wortpaarsn jeweils sin Kreuz, so daB unter jsdem Begriff sechs Kreuzs erscheinen. Tun Sis das bitte so schnell wie mfiglich und gebsn Sis ruhig Ihrsn‘srsten Eindruck wisdsr. 1. GEWERKSCHAFTEN Gut ___ : Schlecht Wichtig ___ ___ : Unwichtig Stark u__ : Schwaoh { Bedrohend ___ g : Nicht bedrohend Mir nahestehend __ : Mir fernstehend Aktiv ___ : Nicht aktiv . . 2. MEINE WOHNGEMEINDE Gut ___ : Schlecht Wichtig ___ : Unwichtig Stark : : Schwach Bedrohsnd : Nicht bedrohend Mir nahsStehsnd Aktiv : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiv . ' I ‘ . . ‘ r ' .. . ‘ , . 'A‘ .... ' . a , . ‘ . . ‘ . ' . l ‘ A .. _,. . I I. ‘ . . - ‘ . ‘ " , . . ‘ o 3 ‘ ‘ I . . ' . ‘ l . . . U ‘ v . , , \. , . , n I. ~ . I .. . _ . . . ~ - ~ I ‘ . .. .‘ I > ‘ . I A ' ‘ v i r. .7 u‘ _ . . i r - . V 1 ‘ I I . 7' .- . h ' . , ~ " 7‘ . r . . . v - . . . . Y ' ' I .. ‘ A- . . -. . ‘ . ~ . . \ . I ‘ V‘ . ‘ .‘ , V 1 V . . -. ~, . g . . . ‘ h I ~ . g r 4. f I ' l ' ‘ I ‘. I . a . l . . ‘ ' i . . ' A I ‘ 4 ... ‘ I ‘ . o . I D 1 \ ‘ ~ . . V . . . A . ‘ . . ' .. ..h. , _ .. . .. .-. . A . o . C ‘ v, . .. A .. ,. , ~’ ‘- ' I , .. . ‘ I . . . . I .1 - ... A . .. ,. _ H V . ,. . 1 . r I ‘ ‘ . ‘ , . ‘ . - ‘ . I u , -inh ’ . t - ' ‘v . r ‘ I . , . i I . . .1 .. ' . ’ . ‘ r . . . , . _ . ‘ ‘ . ‘ 1 A- 1 ’ _ I I . I . - v . I ‘ ‘ a.-- ‘ . - o u h ‘ . ‘- ‘1" ‘ v. . ‘ - . I ‘ I ‘ . . . > ‘ . , ‘ I! h . I . ' . k . ‘ I . . , . , i , .' I . - .. - . . . ‘ l . . ‘ , . . . ‘ . -i . up .. , w" ~ N n - . r ‘ . ‘ ‘ . . . ., . . ., .— .>- h I . ‘ . . . ' ' v ' . . ~ . A . . H ‘ ‘ H I . i I ‘ ' ‘ ‘ ¢ ‘ . Gut Wichtig Stark Bsdrohend Mir nahestehend Aktiv Gut Wichtig Stark Bsdrohend, Mir nahestehend Aktiv Gut Wiohtig Stark Bedrohend Mir nahestehend Aktiv Gut Wiohtig Stark Bedrohsnd Mir nahestehend Aktiv 4-7 _ —- -j: -MfIN—ffRUF 4. MEiNfBEPiFSKOLfEGEN 5. ~DIE EEEENMEEERSGM 6- KAPIEEEISgg; —-— : Nicht 301 Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwach : Nioht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiv : Schlecht : Unwichtig . Schwaoh : Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiV' : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwaoh : Nioht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend aktiv (Soziale Marktwirtsohaft) : Schlecht : Unwichtig Schwach : Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiv v' ...”. ~-~ _ v ‘ a A. ....»v C u n n . a u . a u s v. . . H ‘ ‘ - ....- I . u . o . ‘ o Gut Wichtig Stark Bedrohend Mir nahestehend Aktiv Gut Wiohtig Stark ’ Bedrohendi Mir nahestehend Aktiv. Gut Wichtig Stark Bedrohend Mir nahestehend Aktiv Gut Wichtig Stark Bedrohsnd Mir nahestehend Aktiv 7 -7'8 - 302 . UNSERE VEREINIGUNG ODER ORGANISATION ——— : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwach : Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend- : Nicht aktiv : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwach . Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nioht aktiv MEINE POLITISCHEN UBERZEUGUNGEN : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwach : Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiv . MEINE FREUNDE IN UNSERER VEREINIGUNG : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Sohwach : Nioht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiv . . h . . n . . n ‘ D . t ,. .. ... , -. , o n ' ‘ I . Q C i . _ ,.. . . . - . ,7 , 1 . . . , . . . . i .- i - .. ,.. .. .. ,1 A . . n , 1, 7‘. v ... . . a .., , , , ‘ . . . . I ‘ . .1 . 1,. ... .. .-. . . .- . | . u u , ', I . , , . . . . . f . . , - . , . .. ...... . , ‘. , .. . -~ .. ..V . . . . . . u ‘ . . . . .,1 < r ., . - ... 7.7 ' n . . . . o . . - ¢ , . . . . .. - _ ... .. .-. . .. ,, _ . .. . i. . - .- ‘ i . - . i ., . n . o o . . . . . . . . A i . .. A, . ‘ . - ... . . ,- , .-- . .. . . . . . . .4 a-.. ' . V i. , . .' , . . ‘ , 1 . I ' ‘ "o. A 1 “ . ~ , . ,t I -‘ . - .. . . .. Q .A \ , . . . ~ v . . o - . o , - . v . 1.‘ V., .. ..V . -.. r... - , .-. . u... -. _, ' r , . o , . . . . O r I g ‘ . , . .— -... ... -... ......"- ' . o . o . n n , . ‘ u ~ . ... ...... ... . 7.”...- ...t. ..o ..- ’ — . ‘ | a . n o . . . . o . . . ., . - ..., -. .. 1 . -.. --. _ .. .,.. a . . “ ’.( ‘ a , ‘ n . . . , u ' . ' - ' - - - a n . . . ",4 .. . . . .. .. ..._. -.. ... . . . ..A. i . ‘I . . . . o . .7 . g . u o . ,_ . a". —~o—-..p - -... - . .. . H . . ', ' . ~ 7 1 , ~ . . 7 . . 1 . '. ' ._ ., , . . . » . . v . ‘ '- ‘ ' \‘ o o u 1 . .. . . . . . . . ..- ...- ,.,_ ... . .. 7.. . t . _ I ' . - - . . . ‘ . o . o , . o .. . a. , ..- - . - ..-. . . 1 -a..- ' . .‘ . n . . . _ . u c l o ‘ '1’0m ... . . . .. ‘ .. ~». .. 4 . ,.. .q . .-. ... —. ‘ 1 . ‘- . r. . , ' . . f t ‘ . ,_ - . ‘ --. .-.-. .... .1. .V »- . ., . . ., ,. I . . . ' ° ' I a . ' . u , _ . .m. -:.. ... .-.--m . . .. . . . - _. 4 ‘ - n . ‘ A . . . . l - . Gut Wichtig 'Stark Bedrohend Mir nahestehend Aktiv Gut Wichtig Stark Bedrohendw Mir nahestehend, Aktiv Gut Wichtig Stark Bedrohend Mir nahestehend Aktiv Gut Wichtig Stark Bedrohend Mir nahestehend Aktiv 1i. : Nicht aktiv DER MODERNE SOZIALISMUS : Schlecht MEINE RELIGION O O S. O 0 l ' * ~ ~ * ” “*m“ 303 : Unwichtig : Schwach ° Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend. . Nicht aktiv : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwach : Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiv : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwach : Nicht bedrohend. : Mir fernstehend IM ALLGEMEINEN GLAUBE ICH, DASS ANDERE. IN UNSERER VEREINIGUNG MICH WIE FOIJGT BEURTEILEN u_*_ : Schlecht : Unwichtig : Schwach : Nicht bedrohend : Mir fernstehend : Nicht aktiv - n - - u v .. 7 7 , - , . o . , _ . r ‘ 7 . . . ._.,,,... .. .. .. . . ...--h. . . ‘. A . . r . ‘ .n- .A - ... 7 7. v . ... c A. - - 7., . _~ , ........\.. . r . . . I . . I o I A ~ ,_ 7‘ 7 . _ nu- --o‘- -.... . .i ~ ~ - o 1 ' ' ' 7 . u . , u - . - 7 s . . . ‘ --- . ...-.7 -- 7 .,-V . 7 . V 1 l - ' A - 7 a . . u . u 7.. .7. - -.. .o .. . ..7 . --.A".-. , A A, -- ' . | a ‘ « ‘ . H . Y . -. . f . . ‘ .. ‘ . - A - ~ 7' -O-C‘ . .. ... Li... —. 7 , . . o O 7‘ 7 -,--.. . - -.. . - '- . . . 0 . o n v 7 - -.- nu ...... -A . ~ 0 ._ -.. . . ~---‘ - --.4-——- 7 . u I .7 . 7 . . .. . - . . ... ,v . ‘ u o .- . u ., . 7A. . ii- ~..7 .4. v , . 7 .7 . u o I . - t a . . , . . s. .. . o I ' O n _ A" . . ' . . . .7 . . . . .7 . . . . ‘ ‘ " . , . . 7 , .7 7‘ ... 7.- ,' ' . A . . . . . _ . -- ...- , . n ‘ .. . . .. .77- . .-...r .- .. . " . . \ 7 ‘ u . - . . . . a . 7. 7' A 7 ,. , . . ‘ ‘ 7. ‘ ._ . ~ . 7 . K. ,, _ . .- ' ' . r - . . - . ~ , . , . z ' - . '- ' C. J . 77 .. '_ . ' 7 ' ' »‘ ‘ I . . ‘ ‘ . . ' 0 ~ 7 ' - . ' ‘Y 7 ~ . 7 . . o \ . ... . .7 7 . A. 7 . . a . u . . u . . -. _ -.— ... .... .7 , ‘ i - - , ~ . . 4 i u.‘ a u g . H-mv‘ . -— - - i _. . ‘~ my... v . . ~ ~ ‘ . - . . n - - .7 ‘ 7- . ~ 7a....n,‘ .. 7 , l' ' n . o . . ....7.7 ‘ .... . .- 7--. . o —--. o a 7. ...... u o -- . .- ¢ . ......;.- I .. o v o» - . . . .... - .... v" - s . -- ‘9‘-.— L, n « . » .. .. o . . . Q u ~...~o.- . .7 -— . -.-7 . o .. v-A . . ...-.4 o..- . ..._. 7,. . 7 . . ~o~~w » 7.-~ I . A. ...: ~ 1 7 ‘1 u ‘7 r.- ..- - ..--~- I ‘ .- . 7 7 . ... . . u _ .,7...- 7 Q o o ..7 ..., .~<_7 7 .1“. -- . ......A .- a a . - .i. ».,~ -- - ~- 7 . . . u o. . 7‘ - 4— 304 - 10 - Nachstehend finden Sie einige Aussagen, die bestimmte Meinungen wiedergeben, und auf welche jeweils ein "JA! ja ? nein NEIN!" folgen. Wenn Sie mit der wiedergegebenen Meinung v611ig einverstanden sind, machen Sie bitte einen Kreis um das "JAI", wenn Sie einverstan- den sind, aber nicht vellig, dann um das "ja". Wenn Sie keine bestimm- te Meinung zu der Aussage haben, machen Sie einen Kreis um das "?", wenn Sie mit der ausgedrfickten Meinung nicht fibereinstimmen, dann um das "nein", und wenn Sie die Aussage vellig ablehnen, machen Sie einen Kreis um das "NEIN!" Zum Beispiel: ' Die Wiedervereinigun; Deutschlands wird von allen Deutschen gewfinscht. ‘ ja ? me in NEINI 1. Es gibt heute sténdig so viele Neuerungen, dass man nicht mehr weiss, wie man sich verhalten 8011. JA! ja ? nein NEIN! 2. Es kbnnte viel in der Welt verbessert Werden, wenn die Menschen sich nur daffir einsetzen wfirden. ‘ JA! ja. ? nein NEINI. 3.-Eigentum ist etwas, was mit Bedfirftigen geteilt werden sollte. .JA! 3a ? nein NEIN! 4. Unser Land braucht mehr Gruppen von Menschen, die mit Hingabe die Ursprfinge der gegenwértigen Krisen angreifen. JA: ja ? nein NEIN! 5. Es ist wichtig, dass es der Regierung erlaubt ist, persénliches Eigentum zu fibernehmen (natfirlich nur mit Entschédigung der Eigentfimer), wenn es fur das Wohl der gesamten Bevblkerung not- wendig ist. JAE ja. ? nein NEIN! 6. Das Wohl der Gemeinschaft ist wichtiger als Eigentumsrechte Einzelner. i JA! ‘ ja ? nein NEIN! 7. Ich mache mir Sorgen fiber die Zukunft, die unsere Kinder erwartet. JA! ja ? nein NEIN! 8. Im Notfall ist es erlaubt, das Eigentum anderer sogar dann zu be- nutzen, wenn man nicht vorher um Erlaubnis gefragt hat. JA! ja ? nein NEIN! 9. Manchmal ffihle ich mich ganz verlassen in der Welt. JA! ja ? nein NEIN! 10. Im Allgemeinen finde ich, dass es besser were, Freunde zu haben, die meine politischen Ansiohten teilen. . JA! ja ? nein NEIN! 11. 15. 14. 15. 16. 170 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 305 Heutzutage ist es oft notwendig, wachsamer gegenfiber Gedanken zu sein, die aus der eigenen Gruppe kommen, als gegenfiber Auffassun— gen, die von Leuten aus anderen Gruppen vertreten werdcn. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich werde von meinen Freunden nicht so oft eingeladen, wie ich es mir wunscne. 'JAE ja ? nein 'NEINE Der Zweck heiligt die Mittel. JAE ja ? nein NBINE Eine Organisation oder Gruppe, die zuviel Meinungsverschieden— heiten unter ihren Mitgliedern erlnubt, kann auf die Dauer nicht existieren. JAE j ? nein NEINE W0 es eben mbglich ist, nterstfitze ich die Leute, die mit mir politisch einer Meinung sind. CD JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich gebe gerne Geld aus. JAE ja ? nein ' NEINE Man sollte die politischen Auswirkungen und Gesichtspunkte des Alltagslebens niemals fibersehen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Obwohl jeder Stantsbfirger politische Verantwortung trégt, sollte man nicht vergessen, dass andere Bereiche des Lebens gleich wichtig sind. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ein wahrer Freund ist der, der sagen wards: "Was mir gehbrt, gehbrt auch Dir”. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Wenn jemand etwas besitzt, was ein anderer mehr braueht als er, ist er verpflichtet, es dem anderen zum Gebrauch zu uberlassen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Eines der sterendsten Dinge im Leben ist die Tatsache, dass einige Leute zuviel besitzen und andere zuwenig. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Allgemein gesehen, glaube ich, dass die Welt so ziemlich in bester Ordnung ist. JnE ja ? nein NEIEE' Das Experimentieren in der menschlichen Gesellschaft vergressert nur die Schwierigkeiten. JAE ja ? nein EEINE Die meisten Menschen fUhlen sich heutzutage solten einsam. JAE ja ? nein NEINE I 25. 26. 27. 29. 30. 51. 52. 35- 34. 55- 56. 57- 306 .. ”E- a /‘ l Manchmal kommt es mir so vor, als ob die Mensohon mich ausnutzen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Die Ansohauungen der Menschen sind einem so starken Wandel unter- worfen, dass ich mich manchmal frago, ob wir uns jemals wieder aux irgondetwas verlassen konnen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Die heutige Welt ist so kompliziert, dass man nie genau weiss, was 103 ist. Deshalb muss man sich auf das Urteil von Fahrungs- kraften und Experten verlassen, denen man vertrauen kann. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Es ist oft wfinsohenswert, sich mit seinem Urteil fiber die heuti— gen Ereignisse zurfiokzuhalten, bis man erfahren hat, was diejeni- gen, die man respektiert, darfiber sagen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Es ware am besten, politische Fragen vom Berufsleben zu trennen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Es ist besser, sich den gegebonen Zustandon anzupassen, als "gegen den Strom zu schwimmen". JAE ja ? nein NEINE Fur die Probleme dor heutigen Gesellschaft sind die Mensohen selbst verantwortlich, und deshalb konnen sie auch von ihnen gelost warden. JAE ja ? nein ' NEINE Heutzutage macht es einem Angst fur die Erziehung eines Kindes verantwortlioh zu sein. JAE ja ? nein NE IE Wie zu allen Zeiten findet man auch heute noch leicht gute Freunde. ’ JAE ja ? nein NEINE Alles ist relativ, es gibt keine bestimmten MaBstabe, nach denen man sich riohten konnte. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Auf die Dauer ist es besser, sich Freunde und Mitarbeiter zu wahlen, die den eigenen Gaschmack und die eigenen Ansiohten teilen. ' JAE ja ? nein NEINE Im Grunde genommen, ffihlen wir uns in der Welt, in der wir leben, sehr verlassen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich bin der Auffassung, ass meine politischen Uberzeugungen Privatsache sind. JAE ja. ? nein NEINE _ 49 _ 307 58. Es gibt zu viele Leute, die sich fiber die heutige politische, wirt- 59- 40. 41. 42. 45. 44. 45. 446. LU7. 4&3. 1+9. 5C). 5’1. sohaftliohe und soziale Lage einfach keine Gedanken machen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Sowohl der Einzelne als auch die Gesollschaft mfissen sich andern, um Fortsohritte zu machen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich wfinschte, ich konnte mehr tun, die heutige Lage der Bundes- republik zu verbessern. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Man kann immer Freunde gewinnen, wenn man sich selbst freundlich verhalt. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich frage mich oft, was der eigentliohe Sinn des Lebens ist. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich kann gar nichts oder nur wenig tun, um den Anfang eines neuen ‘Weltkrieges zu verhindern. JAE ja 'Unglfioklicherweise verstehen viele Leute, mit denen ich wichtige sozial-politisohe Probleme diskutiert habe, gar nicht, worum es . geht. ? nein NEINE NEINE JAE Ja ? nein IDie meisten Leute wissen nicht, was gut ffir sie ist. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 7Ictlversuohe bei jeder Gelegenheit, die politischen Einstellungen nueiner Freunde, Bekannten und Nachbarn herauszufinden. JAE ja' ? nein NEINE Ikie Sohulbildung ist mehr dazu bestimmt, uns unsere Lebensweisen umyd Gesellschaftsformen schatzen zu lehren, als sie zu andern. JAE ja ? nein NEINE “kxhrscheinlioh gab es in der Weltgeschiohte nur wenige wirklich grosse Denker. JAE ja ? nein NEINE jDixe Welt in der wir leben, ist im Grunde genommen ganz ertraglich. JAE ja ? nein NEINE IMaJI hat heutzutage so viele Entscheidungen zu treffen, dass man Inalmohmal wirklich in die Luft gehen konnte. JAE ja ? nein NEINE IMaJI wird heutzutage so weitgehend reglementiert, dass man selbst :Ln,jpersonliohenAngelegenheiten kaum noch eigene Entscheidungen treffen kann. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 1316: ffihrenden Leute unserer GesellSchaft sollten mehr in die thkninft schauen, als sich an der Vergangenheit zu orientieren. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 55- 54. 55- 57. 58. 59- 60. 61. 62. 65. 64. £55. (56. £57- 308 - 14 _ Wenn ich mich erst einmal in eine scharfe Diskussion einlasse, kann ich kaum aufhoren. JAE ja ? nein NEIN! Man ist eigentlioh nur ein kleines Zahnrad in der grossen Masohine des Lebens. - JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich erwarte mit grosser Spannung und Vorfreude die bestimmt ganz anders geartete Welt der Zukunft. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Obwohl ich es mir nicht gerne selbst eingestehen will, gent mein geheimer Ehrgeiz dahin, ein grosser kann wie Goethe, Beethoven oder Einstein zu werdan. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Die Mensohen sind von Natur aus freundlich und hilfsbereit. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich habe das Geffihl, dass sich heutzutage alles viel schneller andert als fruher. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich meine, dass ich mehr von anderen bestimmt werde, als dass ich mein.eigenes Schioksal in der Hand habe. JAE ja ? nein NEINE ‘Wenn.ioh die mogliohkeit hatte, wards ion etwas tun, was fur die Menschheit von grossem Segen ware. JAE ja. ? nein NEINE Die Zukunft sieht sehr trube aus. JAE ja ? nein NEINE iNir konnten in fuhrenden Stellungen mehr junge Leute und auoh zindere gebrauchen, die bereit waren, neue Wage zu beschreiten. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Inn grossen und ganzen gesenen, sind Veranderungen besser als ggleichbleibende Vernaltnisse. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ikas Sohlimmste, was jemand tun konnte, ist, diejenigen offentlich amizugreifen, die seine Ansonauungen teilen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ikas Einzige, auf das man sich heute noch mit Sioherheit verlassen kzinn, ist, dass man sion auf nichts verlassen kann. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ex; gibt kaum noch verlassliohe Beziehungen zwischen den Mensohen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE IDixa einzige Mogliohkeit neben dem Experimentieren im Bereich der Gresellsohaft ist der Stillstand. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 68. 69. 70. 71. ' 15 ’ 309 Es macht mich wutend, wenn jemand keinesfalls zugeben will, dass er unrecht hat. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Jemand, der sich nur um sein eigenes Wohl kummert, ist veraohtens- wert. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ohne besonders glUckliohe Umstande hat man kaum eine Mogliohkeit, 1m Beruf vorwérts zu kommen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Man kann sich in seinem Beruf nie wohl fuhlen, wenn die Arbeits- bedingungen dauernd geandert werden. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 72. Ich wurde es vorziehen, in einem Beruf zu bleiben, den ich beherr- 75- 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. £30. 81. 82. sche, als in einen anderen zu wechseln, in dem fast_alles neu ware. JAE ja ? nein EEINE Ich bevorzuge einen Beruf, in dem ich meine Arbeit stats in gleioher Weise erledigen kann. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Es ist bedauerlioh, dass viele Leute nicht in ihrem erlernten Beruf bleiben. JAE ja ? nein NEINE ‘Wenn.ioh mich einmal an eine bestimmte Arbeitsweise gewohnt habe, finds ich es storend, mich umstellen zu mussen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE ENer so hart und fleissig arbeitet, wie er es vermag, hat Anspruoh ziuf einen angemessenen Lebensstandard. JAE ja ? nein ’EINE 'Viele der heutigen Sohwierigkeiten lassen sich auf die grossen Ilnterschiede zwischen denen, die alles haben, und denen, die fast xiichts haben, zurfickfuhren. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Elie Bundesrepublik hat sich schon zu weit dem Sozialismus genahert. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Efinaes der grossten Probleme unserer Gesellschaft ist der fiber- nfiissige Einfluss der Gewerksohaften. JAE ja 9 nein NEINE [kn gute Arbeit zu leisten, ist es notwendig, dass unsere Vorgesetz- taxi uns genau erklaren, was wir zu tun haben uni wie Wir unsere jurbeit ausffihren sollen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Nhua kann die Menschheit in zwei verschiedene Klassen einteilen: dim} Schwachen und die Starken. JAE ja ? nein NEINE ;DeI? einzelne Mensch ist ein hilfloses und unglfickliches Geschopf. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 850 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 95. 94. 95- 96. _ 310 _ 10 _ Freundschaftliche Beziehungen zu anderen Mitgliedern unserer Vereinigung sollten geférdert werden. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich ffihle mich dazu berufen, unsere Vereinigung zu verteidigen, wenn jemand sie mit Worten angreift. JAE 3'9. ? nein IJnII'E Die ffihrenden Leute unserer Vereinigung sind in jeder Weise darauf bedacht, unser Wohl und unsere desche zu ferdern. JAE 3a ? nein NEINE Als Einzelner ist meine Stimmc bei den Entscheidungen unserer Ver- einigung wirkungslos. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Es ist schwierig, ohne guts Beziehungen eine gute Stellung zu er- halten, d.h. es kommt nicht darauf an, was man kann, sondern wen man kennt. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Unsere Vereinigung gibt uns das Geffihl, dass es sehr wichtig ist, ihr anzugehbren. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Die Ziele unserer Vereinigung sind mir vollkommen klar. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Es hat wenig Sinn, zu irgendweldhen Versammlungen unserer Vereini- gung zu gehen, wenn man nicht mit den fUhrenden Leuten uberein- stimmt. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Die Mitglieder unserer Vereinigung sollten nur ffir diejenigen politischen Kandidaten und Parteien stimmen, die von unserer Ver- einigung gutgeheissen werden. JAE f 3a ? nein NEINE Trotz aller demokratischen Grundsétze sind es doch nur ein pear der ffihrenden Leute, die alle Angelegenheiten unserer Vereinigung wirklich bestimmen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich habe oft den Eindruck, als ob mein ganzes Tun hier auf die Angelegenheiten dieser Vereinigung wenig Einiluss hat. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich wfirde es vorzienen, dieser Vereinigung nicht anzugehbren. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Wenn unsere Vereinigung eine bestimmte Stellung gder.Meinung ver- tritt, dann schlieBe ich mich dieser Meinung gewohnlich an. JAE ja ? nein NEINE Ich versuche soweit wie ich kann, stendig unsere Vereinigung zu verbessern. , JAE ja ? nein . NEINE 311 _ q/ - 97. ion bin ziemlich sicnen, dass ich weiss, was die offizielle Meinung unserer Vereinigung ist. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 98. Ich mbchte bei der ersten besten Gelegenheit aus dieser Vereini- gung austreten. L13 IN! 99. Es kommt mir so vor, als ob zn viele der Fragen und Probleme schon vor der Versammlung gelost worden sind. JAE ja ? nein N' JAE 3a ? nein NEINE 100. Man sollte nie die Stellungnahme der eigenen Vereinigung in der Offentlichkeit kritisieren oder angreifen. JAE ja ? nein NEIN! 101. Die Interessen eines Mitgliedes unserer Vereinigung sind vbllig verschieden von denen anderer Vereinigungen. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 102. Ich weiss gar nicht, warum ich dieser Vereinigung Uberhaupt bei- getreten bin. JAE jg ? nein NEINE 103. Ich habe nicht viele Freunde in unserer Vereinigung. JAE ja ? nein NEINE 104. Ich.wfirde mich freuen, wenn man mir in dieser Vereinigung etwas freundlicher entgegentreten wfirde. JAE 3a ? nein NEINE 105. ICh.wurde Mitglied dieser Vereinigung, weil meine Freunde auch beitraten. JAE jd ? nein , NEINE Wixrviele gute Freunde haben Sie in dieser Vereinigung? Damit meinen wixru..dcs(oder Freundin)9 Arbeiten Sis zusammen(aui derselben Arbs itssts ll )9 Ja ( ) Ncin ( 7 Gshéren Sis mit inm(oder ihr) zu irgendwclchsn anderen Vsrsinigungsn9 .——’ Ja ( ) Nsin ( ) k) Stimmt Ihr Freund(odsr Freundin) fur dissslbe Part.‘-- . . -- -- . -. —~ . l . . A .. . . _ .. ..»..- .« ...-w? . — ...—.... .V. .. .-. ... . 2. 326 (A) Now, what are your wishes and hOpes for the future of our country? If you picture the future of the United States in the best possible light, how would things look, let us say, ten years from now? (8) And what about your fears and worries for the future of our country? If you picture the future of the United States in the worst possible light, how would things look about ten years from now? (C) (D) (E) Now, looking at the ladder again, suppose your greatest hopes for the United States are at the top; your worst fears at the bottom. Where would you put the United States on the ladder gt thegpresent time? Step number Where did the United States stand five yea rs 939? Step number Just as your best guess, where do you think the United States will be on the ladder five years from now? Step number 327 10 - .... v-‘, M'r‘._.‘, u...— i... .4.. -... ..---.p—n . Oormvu... y" l ...u. ‘6 328 Now, a few more questions which can be answered by referring to the ladder at the right. l0 l. How about the extent to which you feel you have an opportunity to do what you would like to do, as contrasted to the feeling that you are doing only what you have ”not“ to do. Think of the top of 9 the ladder as being completely free to do what you want to do, and the bottom as doing only what you have to do. Step number 2. To what extent do you feel there 1§_a good deal you can do yourself to make your life happier and more 7 satisfying than it is, as contrasted to the feeling that there isn't very much you can do about it yourself. Let the top of the ladder stand for being able to do a good deal for yourself, the bottom stand for a feeling 6 of rather complete helplessness. Step number 3. Some people seem to be quite happy and satisfied with their lives, while others seem quite unhappy and dis- satisfied. Now, suppose that a person who is entirely satisfied with his life would be at the $22 of the ladder, and a 1» person who is extremely dissatisfied with his life would be at the bottom of the ladder. Where would you put yourself on the ladder at the present stage of your life in terms of how satisfied or dissatisfied you are with 3 your own personal life? Step number 4. Put at the top of the ladder a person who is entirely satisfied with things as they are in the United States, and at the bottom a person who is completely dissatisfied \vith things as they are in the United States. Where would i you place yourself concerning how satisfied you are with things in the United States? Step number _______ 0 ‘Would you name the countries that you think the U.S. should cooperate with xery closely at the present time-~or aren't there any such countries in your opinion? s l l ’v-I ..a.—- . -.. . - -- . . . .- y A i I '. .‘.-..--. ... ~...« ... . .-. .- ...-—.... Q l i o . b. ...- ._ ... , -, i . Wur-uu-v- “.....- --—l l I i ll.- .... . . ... r . . .. - . o ~~..----.,. . .. I I e ‘l | e—. ... -. . . -- . - -.. .a , ... <7. . . ...- . n - A .~ 0 - 9.. ,-...~.... V I u ..- ...-Mm“.- .--4‘- u... . "“.*‘~~ - O -‘ W.“. ...»- -.¢-.- .-.. o. —. ~ —- -..“... c -1 .... g ., r ' . . e i- ,q I "o C) l., 7. 'V ‘ - '., I . ., . I -' -' .D'WQQCOQ , .. . I . . 'i l .-..-.u..." . . . .- ... -.— .. -..- , . . _ ., . . . .‘a g .I . .. J o I V I . ". . . ~ .. £4- ' -I . .' .. f .. . I. .l..‘ I ' ‘- ‘ —.,v wvvv -~*0~ 'ocr. . .-.-....-. o..- .. 1» s . ...— ., ’ V . A - Hit '1 . _A o N I II " I "\ . I . .5 i. I . I - ~ . -. v .« ' .l 1“ I .l - r . ,- , .. V, ’ l D ..1 I . . "i ," . . - . l. J . ' . -, .‘. ‘ ....- OI . . p ,. - I l . .‘l' I‘ .- 'I i .- - . a-m‘.’ I U A . . . “ I D . ,, .. . .. . . ... ., . . . U . . . _ _ . . . . . .. . .C t . ,3, N -‘ " .1 ...-.- ._. . ..., I ... , -‘ I‘. ." '1 u.‘ I. ' _ , .. -, , . .,,_ .r z. I .... i . o. ,. .. . . 3’ ‘. \J . .‘ fl- ‘0 . , . . .. g . ‘-i ’ at ‘ I . . 0'. u I? . . y. ':- .. . ' . .-.." . . -.¢ - I o I I - I a I t I 4 I l a r i h I “v-fl‘" -1 ~>~‘ - . - . I - . a ‘. t - . I \ ‘- ,‘_.. ..-.. ...... . o .. .~ ~ ‘ . . " ~ . I ‘ o I ‘ ‘ n ‘v I I . ' .- .. . --.... ' , ' l o I' , -L a I I . I _ . . l ,- _,\ - _ . I. . n . ‘ .- . I ‘ ,1 .' ‘V I I . so u " ' _. ,, ‘I- . ‘\ I l 4. '.' ‘ .' I f x l - . . .7 L , . - q . ‘ . . V'JA a . .. . - I . 9‘. ‘ ,- x . 0 - > -. ”...-o-NA . . .v V .. ‘ . ‘ I O‘ . ‘ f I .’ . . .. . '. -.. r .. - .... .....'., 1.. . 7 . - . i . . . ."'~ _' ... . z ‘. .~ . ‘f - _ . ...—... . . a. " v). I , l" ‘ ‘ t u‘ I ' "‘ y, . I l p I I I .0 ' I . .. . \ . f v - ' . l A _ ..l ' v . - o ' ‘ O | . buiwv -- .-. .. , I -. --.. ..y o m. . -..." -.. .... ,. "V,’ I . . . f . 'l ' 1H . . .I ~- ‘ K ..— 329 he following situations are ”made up” for the purpose of this study. Treat them as if hey were real, however, and after reading each statement, indicate as accurately as you an how you would behave in this situation. Ybu are a member of the school board. While on the school board, you discover that another Board member, who is a good friend of yours, had taken advantage of his Board membership, and contrary to law, had won an illegal profit. Which of the following would you most likely do under these circumstances? ( ( ( ( ( ) ) ) ) ) I would report the matter to the authorities. I would tell my friend that it was important that he turn himself in to the authorities immediately. I would talk it over with my friend and try to find a way for him to ”make good" without reporting the incident. I would ignore the matter and let things run their own course. I simply don't know what I would do under these circumstances. Each of us attach some importance to ourselves as individuals; we also attach importance to other aspects of our total life. Below are some objects which you are asked to compare with yourself in terms of importance. For each, place a check on the statement which comes closest to your case. A. My;Political Party: ) I am much more important ) I am somewhat more important ) Both equallty important ) My political party is somewhat more important ) My political party is much more important AAA/\A my Community: ( ) I am much more important ( ) I am somewhat more important ( ) Both equally important ( ) My community is somewhat more important ( ) My community is much more important My Fami 12: ( ) I am much more important ( ) I am somewhat more important ( ) Both equally important ( ) My family is somewhat more important ( ) My family is much more important My Field of Work: I am much more important I am somewhat more important Both are equally important My field of work is somewhat more important My field of work is much more important AAA/\A vvvvv E. My Religion: '11 . AAAAAE AAA/\A VVVVV vvvvvo I am much more important I am somewhat more important Both equally important My religion is somewhat important My religion is much more important ountgy: I am much more important I am somewhat more important Both are equally important My country is somewhat more important My country is much more important 330 9 331 Below are a number of questions. Each question consists of a word or a group of words, and a seven-space scale with an adjective at each end. For each question, place a check.mark (y/) on each scale. Place the check mark in the space that best shows how you feel about the thing you are rating. Here is an example: DEMOCRACY Good : : : : : : - Bad T’T'T‘T'iTTT‘T‘ If you feel that DEMOCRACY is highly good, you would place a check mark in the space marked ”3"; if quite good, at ”2”; if slightly good, at ”i”; if neither good nor bad, or if you think the adjectives do not apply to the word in question, place your check mark at "0”; if slightly bad, at "-l"; and so on. Be sure to put a mark somewhere on each scale, but do not put more than one mark on any one scale. Work as rapidly as you can and feel free to put down a check mark which represents your first impression. I. LABOR UNIONS Good _: _: _: _: _: _. _: Bad Important _: _: _: _: _: _: _: Unimportant Strong : : : : _: _: _: Weak Threatening _: _: _: _: _: _: _: Not threatening Related to my life : : : : : : : Not related to my life Active _: _: _: _: _: _: _: Not active 2 MY COMMUNITY Good _: _: _: _: _: _: _: Bad Important _: _: _: _: _: _: _: Unimportant Strong _: _: _: _: _: _: _: Weak Threatening : : : : : : : Not threatening Related to my life : : : : : : : Not related to my life Active : : : : : : : Not active Good Important Strong Threatening Related to my life Active A. Good Important Strong Threatening Related to my life Good Important Strong 332 10 3. MY FIELD OF WORK .___-.___-.___:.___i.___i.__.3....3 Bad _. _: _: _: ____: _: _____: Unimportant ' ' 3 3 : 2 2 Weak Active 6. Good Important Strong Threatening Related to my life Active Not threatening Not related to my life : Not active 0. Bad Unimportant Weak Not threatening Not related to my life Bad Unimportant Weak Not active Bad Unimportant Weak Not threatening Not related to my life Not active - Ibo—A- ..-.- — ...—... ‘--—- ..- . ----.- . -- --»¢. . a. .. .._—.-I..-— __.-..... -..-n- a .— -.. —.—— a D o Good Important Strong Threatening Related to my life Active Good Important Strong Threatening Related to my life Active 9. Good Important Strong Threatening Related to my life Active Good Important Strong Threatening Related to my life Active 11 COI‘MUNISM C3 MY POLITICAL BELIEFS MY 0. FRIENDS IN THIS ORGANIZATION lO. SOCIALISM 333 Bad Unimportant Weak Not threatening Not related to my life : Not active Bad Unimportant Weak Not threatening Not related to my life Not active Bad Unimportant Weak Not threatening Not related to my life Not active Bad Unimportant Weak Not threatening : Not related to my life Not active 334 12 ll. SENATOR GOLDWATER Good : : : : : : : Bad Important : : : . : : Unimportant Strong : : : : : : : Weak Threatening : : : : : : : Not threatening Related to my life Not related to my life Active : : : . : : Not active 12. JOHN BIRCH SOCIETY Good : : : : : : : Bad Important : : : : : : : Unimportant Strong : : : : : : Weak hreatening : : : : : : : Not threatening Related to my life : : : : : : Not related to my life Active : : : : : : Not active 13. MY RELIGIOUS BELIEFS Good : : : : : : : Bad Important : : : : : : : Unimportant Strong : : : . : . : Weak Threatening : : : : : : Not threatening Related to my life : : : : : : : Not related to my life Active : : : : : : : Not Active 14. THE ”BERLIN WALL” Good : : : : : : : Bad Important : : : : : : : Unimportant Threatening : : : : : : : Not threatening Related to my life Not related to my life Active Not active Strong : ° Weak 335 13 dlowing are some general opinion questions which areifollowed by: YES! yes ? no N0! ewer each question as you think best. There are no "right" or "wrong" answers. If you tee strongly, circle the "YES!" If you agree, but not very strongly, circle the "yes." ‘you're neutral, or can't decide at the moment, circle the "?." If you disagree, but t strongly, circle the "no." If you disagree strongly, circle the "NO!" Property is something that should be shared. YES! yes ? no N0! In an emergency, it is alright to make use of the property of another, even without permission. YES! yes ? no N0! It is important that the government have the right to take over personal prOperty (with payment to the owner) out of a consideration for the common welfare. YES! yes ? no NO! The concerns of the community are more important than the prOperty rights of individuals. YES! yes ? no NO! Sometimes I feel all alone in the world. YES! yes ? no NO! I worry about the future facing today's children. YES! yes ? no NO! In times like these it is often necessary to be more on guard against ideas put out by people or groups in ones' own camp than by those in the opposing camp. YES!I yes ? no N0! In general, I think it would be better to have close friends who share my political beliefs. YES! yes ? no NO! So many new things come up all the time that a person doesn't always know just how to react. YES! yes ? no ND! Much could be done to improve the present state of affairs if pe0p1e would only make the effort. YES! yes ? no N0! What this country needs is more groups of dedicated pe0p1e who would vigorously attack the sources of present difficulty. YES! yes ? no NO! I don't get invited out by friends as often as I'd really like. YES! yes ? no NO! The end often justifies the means. YES! yes ? no NO! 336 14 A group which tolerates too much differences of opinion among its own members cannot exist f): long. YES! yes ? no NO! Whenever possible, I try to support those businessmen who agree with me politically. YES! yes ? no NO! I like to spend money. YES! yes ? no N0! One should take into consideration the political implications of every major aspect of day-to-day living. YES! yes ? no NO! While every citizen has political reaponsibilities, one should remember that there are many other aspects of life which are equally important. YES! yes ? no NC! A true friend is one who says, ”what's mine is yours.” YES! yes ? no NO! If a person owns something which another needs more than he does, he has an obligation to let it be used by the person in need. YES! yes ? no NO! The trouble with life is that some people have too much property and others don't have enough. YES! yes ? no NO! Generally speaking, the world I live in is about as good a place as it can be. YES! yes ? no NO! Tampering with society will only lead to a worse state of affairs. YES! yes ? no NO! Most people today seldom feel lonely. YES! yes ? no NO! Sometimes I have the feeling that other people are using me. YES! yes ? no NO! Peoples' ideas change so much that I wonder if we'll ever have anything to depend on. YES! yes ? no NO! In this complicated world of ours the only way we can know what's going on is to rely on leaders or experts who can be trusted. YES! yes ? no NO! It is often desirable to reserve judgment about what's going on until one has a chance to hear the opinions of those he respects. YES! yes ? no NO! 337 15 It would be best to have political issues separated from our jobs. YES! yes ? no NO! It is better to adjust to things as they are rather than swim ”against the current.” YES! yes ? no NO! The problems of present society are man-made, and man can solve these problems. YES! yes ? no NO! Real friends are as easy as ever to find. YES! yes ? no NO! It is frightening to be responsible for the development of a little child. YES! yes ? no NO! Everything is relative and there just aren't any definite rules to this life. YES! yes ? no NO! In the long run the best way to live is to pick friends and associates whose tastes and beliefs are the same as one's own. YES! yes ? no NO! Fundamentally, the world we live in is a pretty lonesome place. YES! yes ? no NO! I always try to keep my political beliefs to myself. YES! yes ? no N0! L8.Too many people just don't care about present political, economic and social issues. .9, ‘3! yes ? no NO! Both individuals and societies must change in order to progress. YES! yes ? no NO! I wish I could do more to improve the present state of affairs in my country. YES! yes ? no NO! One can always find friends if he shows himself friendly. YES! yes ? no NO! I often wonder what the meaning of life really is. YES! yes ? no NO! There is little or nothing I can do toward preventing a major "shootingf‘war. YES! yes ? no NO! Unfortunately, a good many peOple with whom I have discussed important social problems don't really understand what's going on. 8! yes ? no NO! ‘Most people just don't know what's good for them. YES! yes ? no NO! Whenever possible, I try to find out about the political beliefs of my friends, my acquaintances and my neighbors. YES! yes ? no NO! 338 16 The purpose of education is more to make us appreciate our customs and social processes, and less to change them. YES! yes ? no NO! In the history of mankind there have probably been just a handful of really great thinkers. YES! yes ? no NO! The world in which we live is basically a friendly place. YES! yes ? no NO! There are so many decisions that have to be made today that sometimes I could just ”blow up.” YES! yes ? no NO! With so many religious beliefs today, one doesn't really know which to believe. YES! yes ? no NO! We're so regimented today that there's not much room for choice even in personal matters. YES! yes ? no NO! Rather than being in control of things, I feel that I am being controlled. YES! yes ? no NO! Leaders in this society should look to the future rather than the past. S! yes ? no NO! Once I get wound up in a heated discussion, I just can't stop. YES! yes ? no NO! We are just so many cogs in the machinery of life. YES! yes ? no NO! I look forward with excitement and pleasant anticipation to a vastly different world in the years ahead. YES! yes 3 no NO! While I don't like to admit this even to myself, my secret ambition is to become a great man, like Einstein or Beethoven, or Shakespeare. YES! yes ? no NO! People are just naturally friendly and helpful. YES! yes ? no NO! I have the feeling that things change more rapidly today than they ever used to. YES! yes ? no NO! If given a chance I would do something of great benefit to the world. YES! yes ? no NO! The future looks very dismal. YES! yes ? no NO! Do you feel that friendly relations with other members of this union are encouraged. YES! yes ? no NO! We could well use more young peOple and others willing to experiment in responsible positions in this society. YES! yes ? no NO! 65. 66. 67. 68. 70. 71. 72. 74. 75. 76. 83. 81. 339 17 All other things equal, change is better than stabilityi YES! yes ? no NO! The worst crime a person could commit is to attack publicly the peeple who believe in the same thing he does. YES! yes ? no NO! The only thing one can be sure of today is that he can be sure of nothing. YES! yes ? no NO! There are few dependable ties between people any more. YES! yes ? no NO! The alternative to experimentation in social affairs is stagnation. YES! yes ? no NO! My blood boils whenever a person stubbornly refuses to admit he's wrong. YES! yes ? no NO! A person who thinks primarily of his own happiness is beneath contempt. YES! yes ? no NO! There is little chance for promotion on the job unless a man gets a break. YES! yes ? no NO! One can never feel at ease on a job where the ways of doing things are always being cheng>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>> Guava:aauiaiuiuiuiaauiuzaaaau!aauaaacan: C$C)C)C)C,CIC)C)C)C)C)C)C)CIC)C)C)C)C)C) cacac1cac1c:c1c3c7c7c7c1c3c1c7c7c7c:crew fl1fi1fi1fl1fl1fi1fl1fiIfiIfllfilfl!fl1fi1fl1fl1fl1fllfilfll oooooo~o~o-9oo-o-v.o-ooo~o-o-ooo-q.o.o-o ‘ 9 I. if n .‘ ‘ \- ,. I. 5.4. . | l .... g ,.| ..l ' . . ~ i . .. , '2l'.i .,,,._Ak_.. I . Vi . O : " ~ . . ' O . . O ‘l . u '-'I ’ . . l C ‘. . I “. I ‘. , . . . ,~ i 3; ,, I," ’. v :. 27 349 How many close friends would you say you presently have? Those would be those peOple whose company you particularly enjoy, with whom you exchange confidences, and who would help you or be helped by you in time of need. (Do not include mem- bers of your immediate family. [ ] None [ ]Dne [ ]Two or three [ ]Four or five [ ]Six or more Following are some additional questions regarding your best friends. For each friend, please answer the questions which follow. You may use only the first name or initial if you prefer. I. My best friend is Sex: [ ]male [ ]female How old is he or she? years What school grade did he or she complete? grade Is he or she related to you? [ ]Yes [ ]No Are you neighbors? [ ]Yes [ ]No What is his or her religion? Do you go to the same church? [ ]Yes [ ]No What is his or her nationality? That is, from what country did his or her family originally come? [ ] Don't know 4500.000) LO h. What kind of work does (did) he or she do? i. Do you work together? [ ]Yes [ ]No j. Do you belong to any other organizations or clubs together? [ ]Yes [ ]No k. Do you have the same political preferences? [ ]Yes [ ]No 2. My second best friend is Sex: [ ]male [ ]female a. How old is he or she? years b. What school grade did he or she complete? grade C. Is he or she related to you? [ ]Yes [ ]No d. Are you neighbors? [ ]Yes [ ]No e. What is his or her religion? f. Do you go to the same church? [ ]Yes [ ]No 9. What is his or her nationality? That is, from what country did his or her family originally come? [ ] Don't know h. What kind of work does (did) he or she do? i. Do you work together? [ ]Yes [ ]No j. Do you belong to any other organizations or clubs together? [ ]Yes [ ]No k. Do you have the same political preferences? [ ]Yes [ ]No 3. My third best friend is Sex: [ ]Male [ ]Female a. How old is he or she? years b. What school grade did he or she complete? grade C. Is he or she related to you? [ ]Yes [ ]No d. Are you neighbors? [ ]Yes [ ]No e. What is his or her religion? f. Do you go to the same church? [ ]Yes [ ]No 9. What is his or her nationality? That is, from what country did his or her family originally come? [ ]Don't know (CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE) 350 28 h. What kind of work does (did) he or she do? i. Do you work together? [ ]Yes [ ]No j. Do you belong to any other organizations or clubs together? [ ]Yes [ ]No k. Do you have the same political preferences? [ ]Yes [ ]No 4. All of us know certain individuals who are particularly important to us. These are peOple to whom we would go for help and advice on life's problems. In the spaces below, please list individuals who are most im- portant to you (please do not include your relatives). Include only adults who are 22; members of your family. 0) (name)‘ (sex) (What kind of work does he or she do) (2) (3) .. . 5. Are most of the people you work with Catholic, Protestant or Jewish? [ ]Catholic [ ]Jewish [ ]Protestant [ ]Don't Know 6. Would (do) you prefer to have most of the people you work with be of the same faith as yourself, or doesn't this make any difference? [ ] I would prefer to work with people of the same faith as myself. [ ] it doesn't make any difference. 7. Would (do) you prefer to have most of the people you work with be of the same race or nationality background as yourself, or does this not make any difference [ ] I would prefer to work with people of the same race or nationality as myself. [ ] it doesnlt make any difference. 8. Are most of the people in your neighborhood Protestant, Catholic or Jewish? [ ] Most are Jewish [ ] Most are Protestant [ ] Most are Catholic [ ] Neighborhood is mixed [ ] Don't know 9. Would (do) you prefer to have most of your neighbors of the same race or nationality background as yourself, or doesn't this make any difference? [ ] I would prefer neighbors of the same race or nationality as myself. [ ] It doesn't make any difference. l0. What language is spoken most frequently in your home? Suppose you inherit five thousand dollars. Would you spend it or invest it? would definitely spend all of it. would probably Spend all of it. would Spend some and invest some. would probably invest all of it. would definitely invest all of it. AAA/NA vvvvv H H Hl-l H 351 29 ll. What would you say are your most important assets (positive factors) at the present time? That is, what factors contribute most to your personal satis- faction with life? 12. What would you say are your most important liabilities (negative factors) at the present time? That is, what factors contribute most to your personal dissatisfaction with life? l3. If you were asked to use one of these words below to describe your social class, that is, where you stand in society, which would you say you belonged in? [ ] working class [ ] lower class [ ] lower middle class [ ] middle class [ ] upper middle class [ ] upper class IT Willi'liifiilslfliflifllMlllililifliilflliiiills 169 5491 ——fl--—-‘