ABSTRACT

GUAMBIA: AN ETHNOGRAPHY or CHANGE AND STABILITY
by

Ronald Allan Schwarz

Guambia is an Indian community in the Southwest Andean region
of Colombia. In contrast to the deculturation experienced by other
indigenous groups in the area, the Guambianos have maintained much of
their tribal culture while incorporating new features and adapting to
the complex demands of national institutions. The dissertation
describes the culture and social organization of the Guambianos and
the Changes which have occurred during more than four centuries of
contact with the outside world. The major questions dealt with are:
Who are the Guambianos? What was the content and structure of their
society before the Spaniards arrived? What has been the effect of
Outside influences on their culture and social organization? And,
What institutions, values, goals and conflicts were involved in their
adaptation to internal and external pressures?

To answer these questions a major part of the content devoted
to historical and ethnographic description. In addition, a case
StUGy of the politics of a current development program is analyzed with
respect to its implications for community development theory and
practice.

The influence of other cultures on the Guambianos may be traced

t° Pr°°°nquest times and their sociocultural organization in 1971

Ronald Allan Schwarz

combines Indian, Spanish, Colombian and other Western components.

While their partial integration into national economic, political and
religious institutions require they be classified as "peasants," they
maintain much of their indigenous culture and social organization. They
continue to wear Indian clothing, speak their native language (and
Spanish), and strive to maintain their territorial integrity and a
measure of political autonomy.

Two major periods of change may be cited: the conquest and
imposition of colonial institutions and; the 20th century. During the
past seventy years the reservation population grew from 1,500 to more
than 7,000. This radically altered the man/land ratio§a surplus gave
way to scarcity. Though the unequal distribution of land became the
basis for a new form of social stratification, other developments
mitigated some of the potentially disruptive effects. Among these are
the increase of educational opportunities, technical assistance and
new forms of communication.

The ability of the Guambianos to persist as an indigenous
community is related in part to the attitudes of the surrounding White
community, but more importantly to their conscious desire to maintain-
social and cultural integrity. They value the persistence of their
Indian community, and their history combines a selective stubborness
with a flexibility to adapt to shifting circumstances and a willingness
to incorporate new ideas and technology.

Data was collected during twenty-four months of field work in

Guambia and eight months of library research between 1966 and 1972.

GUAMBIA: AN ETHNOGRAPHY OF CHANGE AND STABILITY

BY

Ronald Allan Schwarz

A THESIS

submitted to

Michigan State University

in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Anthropology

1973

623' Copyrisht by
RONALD ALLAN scswanz
1973

A la memoria del Payenes

JOSE MARIA ARBOLEDA LLORENTE

ii

 
 

 

I 7|;

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Seven years have elapsed since work on this dissertation formally
'began. Many individuals have contributed to it in many ways and my
first acknowledgment is to those persons who I have unintentionally
failed to note in the paragraphs which follow.

Charles C. Hughes, served as my advisor throughout the disserta-
tion period. Thank you Charles. Peter Wilson, my friend and intellec-
tual companion while times were difficult helped reignite a smoldering
anthropologist. Thank you Peter and Joan. John Donoghue, Ralph
Nicholas, Marc Swartz, Seymour Parker, Stephen Brandes, Bernard Gallin
and Albert Wahrhaftig made concrete contributions at various stages in
the researdh and writing of this dissertation.

In the field I was assisted by a number of North American and
Colombian students. Eladio Solarte reviewed archive documents in P0-
payén, and Oscar Osorio, Esperanza Carvajal and Alvaro Sarasty, anthro-
pology students at the University of Los Andes, worked with me in
Guambia in the summer of 1967. I am especially grateful to Oscar and
Esperanza for making their material available to me after the fire and
wish to thank Alicia and Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff for recommending
them to me. William Coyle helped in obtaining library material and
worked as my field assistant for six weeks in 1970. Five undergraduates,

Margaret Howes, Michael McClintock, Mark Levine, Donald Marchetto and

iii

iv

William Schwarz, were students of mine on an anthropology field program
in Guambia in 1971 and their work added to the information available

on the Guambianos, and our discussions helped to sharpen and reinforce
some points of interpretation. Jane Kamine worked as research assis-
tant on a full time basis in 1967.

In Colombia I received the generous help of numerous public
officials and institutions. Gonzalo Pesantez-Reinoso, Director of the
Andean Mission of the International Labor Organization, deserves special
mention for his cooperation and support of my work. Gregorio Hernandez
de Alba, Director of the Colombian Division of Indian Affairs, and other
officials of the Division, especially Jaime Valencia, Angel Reyes, Marco
Aurelio Pa: and Luis Alfredo Torres all contributed to my understanding
of the situation in Guambia and facilitated the acquisition of various
types of data. Jose Maria Arboleda-Llorente, to whom this dissertation
is dedicated, opened the magnificent archives of the University of
Cauca to me and made available other important resources. Miguel Men-
dez, Director of the Ethnological Institute of Cauca kept an active
interest in my work. Herman Felstehausen, Director of the office of
the Wisconsin Land Tenure Center at the National University in Bogota,
made valuable space and facilities available to me. The friendship of
he and his family made writing periods in Bogota a pleasurable experi-
once.

I am grateful for the financial and administrative support I
received from the Office of International Programs of Michigan State
university, the Midwest Consortium, the Department of Anthropology at

Michigan.8tate University, the Wisconsin Land Tenure Center Office in

Bogota, Williams College, and the Organization of American States.

Nicholas Delbanco critically reviewed parts of the thesis for
style and grammar but airline strikes, a tight writing schedule and
other diversions prevented me from more fully utilizing his services
and suggestions. Nicholas and Ellen made their magnificent house
available to me for two periods of writing and his desk bears the marks
of fallen pipe ash in testimony of the many hours I spent working there.
Thank you Nick and Ellen, for everything.

Thank you Isabel Sherwood for typing the final draft of the
thesis and translating my fractured grammar into serviceable prose.
Thank you William Bertrand for making the facilities of your office in
Cali available to me during the final stage of preparation of the
multilith version of this dissertation. Thank you Marlene Vera for
taking your vacation time for the typing of the stencil and for putting
all the final details of the dissertation in order.

To my friends in Guambia my unbounded gratitude. I hope they
forgive my failing to acknowledge them individually and understand
that it is my respect for their privacy which leads me to keep their

identity anonymous.

CHAPTER

I.

II.

III.

IV.

V.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
INTRODUCTION 1
The problem. Methodology and schedule of activities.
Literature on the Guambianos. Guambia: a historical
and ethnographic perspective. Stability and change
in Guambiano society.
ARCHAEOLOGY AND PREHISTORX 24
Early developments in the Andean Core Area. Regional
and local developments in the Andean Core Area. The
archaeological record in the Upper Cauca Zone.
Guambiano origins: popular accounts and a few hypoth-
eses.
THE GUAMBIANO-COCONUCO TRIBES AT THE TIME OF THE
SPANISH CONQUEST 40
Culture and social structure. Sociocultural integra-
tion of the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes: the role of
warfare.
GUAMBIANO HISTORY 59

The conquest. The colonial period. Independence (1819)
through 1890. Stability and change in Guambiano
society: the colonial period through 1890. Guambfa:
1890-1940. Guambia: 1941-1971.

THE CONTEMPORARY SETTING: ECOLOGY AND ECONOMICS 98

Guambia and its boundaries. Ecology and climate.
Agricultural products. The non-agricultural economy.
House types and construction. Clothing and adornment.
New sources of income. Buying and selling. Market
place organization in Silvia: a critique of Ortiz's
model. Loans. Summary.

THE KINSHIP SYSTEM 148

Part 1: Kinsh p. Household composition. The develop-
ment cycle. Daily activities of the fireside group.
The structure of kinship. Behavioral aspects of
kinship.

vi

VII.

VIII.

IX.

X.

vii

Part 2: Cogpadrazgo. Principles of compadrazgo in Latin
America and Guambia. Fictive kin in Guambia. Selection
of godparents.

Part 3: The division of labor. Age and sex. The organiza-
tion of work. The role of the minga in Guambiano society:
case studies.

THE POLITICAL SYSTEM 238

Rights to reservation land. Veredas. Stability and change
in the vereda system: 1900-1970. The cabildo system. The
cabildo officers. The interesados. Recruitment to political
office. The resolution of conflict: case studies.

RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND RITUALS 297

Myths and legends. Supernatural forces and spiritual beings.
Catholicism and the annual ceremonial cycle. Rituals of
status elevation and life crisis ceremonies. Curing, divina-
tion, witchcraft and sorcery. Stability and change in
medical practices.

DEVELOPMENT IN GUAMBIA 336

Part 1: The road: a case study. The political background.
The election of a governor from Cacique. The politics of
the road.

Part 2: Community development: theory and practice. The
complexity of events in Guambia. The role of the develop-
ment agent: ‘personality and politics. The man with
experience: social control and the educated native.
Villagers as development agents.

CONCLUSION 369
REFERENCES CITED 370
Documents in the Archive Central del Cauca.

Unpublished reports in the archives of Colombian agencies.

Unpublished United Nations Documents.

10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.

LIST OF TABLES

Social organization in Guambia: 1731. .

Clin‘te in Guambia. 0 0 0 0 o o o e o

Utilization of major agricultural products. . . . . . .

Materials used in house construction.

Size of Guambiano homes. . . . . . . .

Items sold in stores in Guambia. - . . .

Size of fireside units in Guambia. . .

Composition of fireside units. . - . - . .

noughOld compositions O 0 O s e e e e s e e e s e s e

Development cycle statistics in case study.. . . . . .

Guambiano kinship terns. . . . . . . .

Guambiano affinal terms.. . . . . . .

. . . . .176, 177,

Division of labor in Guambia.. . . . . . . . . . . 217,

Composition of exchange labor groups in Guambia.- . . .

Changes in the man/land ratio in Guambia.. . . . . . .

Adjudications from 1903 - January 1964.- - . . . .p. .

Veredal growth in Guambia: 1913-1970.

Political aspects of population growth. . . . . '.° . .

coma-1:10“ Of the C‘b11d0.e e e s e e s e s e e e s e

Residence of Governors and Alcaldes from 1951-1970.. .

viii

Page
.74

. 103

114
121
123
136
150
152

153
166
178

.183a

218
224

240
241

253
255
261

263

1.

3.
4.
5.
6.
7.

8.

10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.

17.

18.
19.
20.
21.

Colombia:

LIST OF FIGURES

with special reference to the present day
boundaries of the department of Cauca . . . . . . . . .

Principal topographic features of Colombia . . . . .

Map of Silvia and the Reservation of Guambia . . . .

Seasonal cycle in Guambia . . .

Topographic profile of Cauca

Agricultural zones in Guambia .

Agricultural calendar:

Floor plan:
Floor plan:
Development
Development
Development
Development

Development

one kitchen house

two kitchen house

cycle:
cycle:
cycle:
cycle:

cycle:

stage I
stage II
stage III
stage IV

stage V .

western

Lineal and collateral relatives

Affinal terms

Compadrazgo:
communities‘

Compadrazgo in Guambia:
Compadrazgo in Cusmbia:

Formal organization of the cabildo

(lower) Guambia . . .

normal pattern found in Latin American

BaptiimO O O O O O O O O O 0

Marriage . . . . . . . . . .

Some kinship ties among governors of Guambia. . . . .

ix

Page

25

97
102
107
107
108
122
122
161
162
163
164
165
174

183

204
206
206
259
287

 

 

I. INTRODUCTION

Studies of Latin American communities reveal the strong impact
European civilization has had on the culture and social organization of
indigenous societies. The similarity of political, social and religious
institutions found in villages from Mexico to Chile are testimony to the
acculturative and assimilative forces that have transformed a variety
of Indian groups into what may be referred to as a "Latin American
peasantry" (Adams 1969; Gillin 1947; Lewis 1951, 1960; Fals-Borda 1955;
Reichel-Dolmatoff G. and A. 1961; Tax 1952; Stein 1961). In the sourth-
‘west Highlands of Colombia outside influences havh led to the assimila-
tion--in varying degrees--of indigenous groups into the predominantly
peasant subculture. In contrast to the radical loss of indigenous
culture experienced by Indian societies in this region, the Guambianos
have been able to maintain an exceptionally high degree of traditional
culture while at the same time adapting to demands for cultural and
structural change by the dominant White society.1 According to John E.
Rowe (1954:155) Guambiano culture represents "one of the most successful

adaptations made by any Colombian Indian group."

'THE PROBLEM
In 1971 there are more than 7,000 Guambianos living on the

reservation of Guambia in the Municipality of Silvia, Cauca. Several

 

 

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Q

 

J‘

hundred others live on neighboring haciendas and small farms in adjacent
municipalities. Before the arrival of the Spanish in the 16th century
the Guambianos were one of the more than 100 indigenous societies occupy-
ing the Popayan Valley and the surrounding mountains. These tribes are
referred to in the literature as the Guambiano (or Moguex)-Coconuco.
Today, while reservations are numerous in Cauca, only the Guambianos

and the Pies continue to speak an indigenous languages and only the
Guambianos wear distinctive clothing.2

Most Indians in the region were either killed during the conquest,
destroyed by diseases during the 17th century, or have gradually assim-
ilated into the Colombian peasant subculture.

This dissertation deals with the culture and social organization
of Guambiano society and the changes it has undergone as a result of
several centuries of contact with the outside world. More specifically,
the major questions I deal with are:

1. 'Who are the Guambianos--in prehistory, history, and the
contemporary world?

2. How was their society organized before the arrival of the
Spanish and what has been the effect of more that four

centuries of contact on their social organization and
culture?

3. What structures, organizational principles, goals and
conflicts have characterized Guambiano society as they
have adapted to shifting internal and external pressures?
In order to answer these questions a substantial part of the
dissertation is devoted to historical and ethnographic description and
explanation. Various theoretical frameworks are utilized throughout.

Selection of these was based on their suitability in helping elucidate

certain aspects of Guambiano society rather than by a predetermined

theoretical orientation. In an extended case study which focuses on
the politics of a road building program I attempt to bring history,
culture, social organization and personality together in a limited
space-time setting. The case ties into conflicts which are current in
Guambia and has implications for the broader question of the role of

outside agents in development projects.

METHODOLOGY AND SCHEDULE OF ACTIVITIES

The research for this thesis began in the Spring of 1966, and on
an intermittent basis continued until October, 1971. Periods of field
'work in Guambia were: July 1966—mid-January 1967, March 1967-December
1967, mid-July 1970-September 1970, and March 1971-October 1971; a total
of 24 months which included time spent doing archive work in Popayan,
rest periods ranging from a few days to two weeks, and about twenty
days supervising work of students on an anthropology program.

Two other aspects of the history of this thesis are important
to note. The first is that my experience with the Guambianos dates
back to 1962 when I was a Peace Corps Volunteer working with the Divi-
sion of Indian Affairs. I had frequent contact with Guambiano officials
at this time and worked actively on the road building program and in
leadership training courses for them. I made frequent visits to the
reservation, participated actively in community work days, and attended
various ceremonial events. When I returned to the reservation in 1966
many Indians believed it was for another tour as a Peace Corps Volun-
teer. For several Guambianos, including some who have served exten-

sively as informants, my role as an anthropologist and my previous one

as a Volunteer are not completely separated. In general, however, I
believe that my Peace Corps experience on the reservation helped sub-
stantially in facilitating my investigation and acceptance into the
community. I believe that in Guambia, as in other parts of Latin America,
the activity of volunteers has accelerated the development of a category
of Whites who are not there to exploit the local population.

Second, about 90 per cent of the material collected during 1966
and 1967 was destroyed in a fire which reduced my house in Vermont to
ashes. This occurred during Spring vacation 1969 when I had brought
‘most of my notes together to organize them for a writing period I
planned for the summer. In order to continue my work I used slides
and photographs (over 1000) and obtained copies of materials collected
for me by Colombian assistants during the Summer of 1967. I also did
a larger amount of work than I had planned on the prehistory and history
sections since I had not lost my archive materials and sources were .
available in the U.S.A. to do most of this work. About 75 per cent of
my time during field trips in 1970 and 1971 was spent redoing work lost
in the fire. I did not, however, re-do the quantity that I had done 4
during earlier trips. The greatest losses include: data on household
composition and land holdings, questionnaires on political knowledge.
and participation, and in-depth material with present and ex-cabildo
officers.

Methods employed in obtaining material for this thesis were
those of standard anthropological practice. I participated in and
observed almost all phases of domestic, economic, political and religious

activity. I lived in Guambiano homes during all phases of field work,

doing some cooking for myself but mostly boarding with Guambiano families.
I witnessed all life-crisis ceremonies except the female puberty ritual,
and participated in numerous marriages and mortuary services. I wit-
nessed all ceremonies on the annual calendar at least once, and observed
frequent curing ceremonies as well as being cured myself by three local
curers. Though my time observing and interviewing religious specialists
'was small compared to my work in social and political spheres, I did

hold several interviews with them and accompanied two Péez shamans

during a house-cleaning ceremony for an important Guambiano leader.

Two men served as key informants during the early phase of my
field work. In the second phase and after the fire I worked regularly
with four men. I did some interviewing with women but did not work
with any single one on a regular basis. Material from female informants
was made available to me (and often expressly collected under my direc-
tion) by two female research assistants and one of the girls on my
anthropology field program.

Statistical information was obtained from government documents,
archives in Popayén, Silvia, and from church records. Census material
was collected in 1970 and 1971 to supplement official documents. Six
complete genealogies were collected and supplemented by numerous partial
genealogies in areas where material was contradictory and variations
were exhibited. These were supplemented by observation and interviews
about kinship behavior. That I had become a padrino to seven Guambia-
no children gave me ample opportunity to probe the details of this type
relationship. Case material was collected in most areas of family

and political life, and many were followed up by the in-depth interviews

with several of the participants. During the initial research period
(before the fire) I held over forty interviews designed to probe be—
havior and motives with respect to recruitment to political office.
About ten of these were re-done during return trips. Maps, photographs
and life history material (three complete and three partially finished)
are also part of the courpus of information collected. Projective
tests were administered to several persons and used in connection with
life history material. The tests were a mixture of modified standard
T.AsT. cards and others specifically designed to probe areas of Guam-

biano culture.

LITERATURE ON THE GUAMBIANOS

There are a number of articles published about the Guambianos.
There is an excellent early publication in French by Douay (1890) which
gives a general ethnographic description of their society. More recent
publications also of an ethnographic nature, include: Hernandez de Alba
(1946), Lehmann (l945-1946b), Osorio (1966-1969, 1969), Otero (1952),
Reyes (1945), and Rowe (1954). A collection of ethnographic vignettes,
legends, and drawings of Guambiano life are presented in EEEEZHEEEEE:
Nuestra.§gg£g (1949), written by Hernéndez de Alba with sketches by
an Indian, Francisco Tumififi-Pillimué. Two publications include material
on physical characteristics and blood groupings (Lehmann, Duque-Gomez
and Pornaguera 1943; and Lehmann and Marquer 1960).

Linguistic work on the Guambiano language has been done by
Branks, T. and J. (1965-1966), Rivet (1946), Otero (1939), Caudmont

(1954) and Rowe (1948). It has been commonly accepted that Guambiano

 

belonged to the Chibchan family but recent comparative work by Matteson
(1972) on Amerindian languages does not support the earlier classifica-
tion. According to Matteson (1972:22) Guambiano, Péez (neighbors of
the Guambianos), and Camsa (a group in Southern Colombia near the
Ecuadorian border) are linguistic isolates or of uncertain classifica-
tion.

Over the centuries Péez, Quechua and Spanish words have been
added to the Guambiano vocabulary. Today, most residents of the
community speak Spanish and want their children to be fluent in both
Guambiano and Spanish.

The most misleading aspects of earlier writings concerning the
Guambianos occur in the Handbook gf South American Indians. The Guam-
bianos are discussed in Volume II, The Andean Civilizations (Hernandez
de Alba 1946; Lehmann 1946b) while neighboring tribes in the Cauca
valley with whom the Guambianos shared a cultural and linguistic base
are described in Volume IV, The Circum-Caribbean Tribes (see: Hernéndez
de Alba 1948:297-327). Steward (1948:xv) acknowledges this error and
concludes that many Colombian tribes discussed in Thguéndggg_Civiliza-
tiggg_volume, including the Chibcha, are not properly classifiable
as true Andean.

A more serious problem, however, is that in his discussion of
the Highland Tribes of Southern Colombia, Hernandez de Alba (1946:915-
960) presents the culture of the Guambianos and the Paez together
(Ibid:937-956). While acknowledging linguistic discontinuity--"different
dialects (Ibid:937)"--among the groups, he cites their similar agricul-

tural base and sharing of certain cultural features as justification

for treating them together (Ibid). He erroneously refers to the Guam-
bianos as the Moguex (Ibid,) and one gets the impression that the Péez
and Guambianos are but minor variants of a single underlying cultural
reality. In fact, the Guambiano and Paez have radically different
cultural and linguistic roots and are strikingly dissimular even to

the casual Observer in terms of physical features, clothing and chracter.
They have, however, been neighbors for over 500 years and their sharing
of certain cultural features, are the result of diffusion, similar
ecological conditions and exposure to the same post-conquest economic,

political and religious institutions.

CARIBBEAN SEA

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FIGURE I: Colombia with special reference to the present boundaries
of the department of Cauca.

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10

GUAMBIA: A.HISTORICAL AND ETHNOGRAPHIC PERSPECTIVE

A summary of the major sections of this dissertation is presented
here to provide the reader with a context for examining the historical
and ethnographic details discussed in the following chapters.

Guambiano society in 1971 is a sometime mixture, sometime blend
of Indian, Spanish and Colombian elements. In addition, goods from
Europe, the United States and Japan may be included as part of their
material culture, and though less widespread, ideologies ranging from
the concept of the Israeli kibbutz to the Marxian doctrine of class
struggle. .Old patterns of behavior and beliefs are occasionally
syncretized, frequently co-exist with, and sometimes actively compete
with modern technology and ideas, new patterns of social and economic
activity, and new frames of reference for evaluating events. Areas of
change are numerous and during the past century the pace of change and
development has accelerated rapidly making systematic evaluation of
isolated factors a difficult and sometimes futile exercise. In addi-
tion, one should note that before and after the conquest Guambianos
were in continual contact with neighboring tribes and Indian traders
from Southern Colombia and Northern Ecuador. Curing practices, witch-
craft and sorcery, legends, and artifacts have been introduced by
these outsiders and are now part of Guambiano culture.

My position with respect to the contemporary situation in Guam-
bia is that is still very much an Indian culture and in terms of social
organization still very tribal. While the present nature of economic
and political relationships with the larger society clearly require

including them in the category of "peasants" they are ties which have

11

developed over a strong Indian sociocultural core. Indeed, a significant
aspect of Guambiano society and one which has enabled them to persist

as a tribal entity throughout the centuries is a native ability to adapt
to shifting circumstances and demands by more powerful groups. They
value the persistence of their Indian community and culture, and their
history combines a selective stubborness with a flexible social organiza-

tion and willingness to incorporate new ideas and technology.

Ethnic Boundaries

The primary characteristics distinguishing Guambianos from other
groups in the region are: language, a particular style of clothing
and adornment, and physical features. Guambianos have physical features
which make it easy to tell them apart from neighboring Whites and Mes-
tizos whose skin is much lighter. It is also a simple matter to
distinguish them from the Pfiez based on the distinctive nasal structure
of the latter and other facial features. Though it is difficult to
separate Guambianos from related Indian groups (especially the Totor6
and Quisg6), Lehmann and Marquer (1960) demonstrate that statistical
differences in physical characteristics exist, and that the Guambianos
of all the Indian groups in the region preserve the highest percentage
of Amerindian characteristics (Ibid:233).

The Guambiano language is another feature which sets them off
from other groups in the region. Only the Indians in Quizg6 (about
1000) and Totor6 (less than 400) speak a similar language. "In addition,
while most Guambianos are bilingual, the way in which they speak Spanish

reveals a distinct Indian influence; for example, Guambianos tend to

12

pronounce the Spanish "0" as a "u." Also, there are grammatical patterns
and aspects of discourse structure (Branks 1970) which reflect the
influence of the Indian language on their style of Spanish.

The feature of Guambiano culture which most dramatically sets
them off from Indian and non-Indian neighbors is their style of clothing
and adornment. The women weave skirts for themselves and ponchos for
the men which, when combined with the bright blue cloth used for comple-
mentary items, make a Guambiano immediately recognizable. The Guambia—
nos continue to use Indian style dress in spite of the availabity of

manufactured items which are less expensive.

Dominant Themes in Guambiano Culture: Accompaniment and Equality.

Though language, clothing and physical characteristics initially
set the Guambianos apart from other groups, they are features which
quickly fade into the background. As I learned some of the language
and began to participate in the secular and religious events of the
community two themes emerged, and as I came to know more of life in
Guambia their significance as organizing principles in Guambiano cul-
ture and society was confirmed.

The themes of ligjgb_(accompaniment) and lggézlggé (equality)l
are part of almost every aspect of Guambiano culture and social life.
Their relative importance shifts with the context, and the themes are
often patterned together in a single setting. The concept of ligjgb_
is related to the notion of reciprocity, inequality and cooperation.
A.man must have a family to accompany him in his work, a political

leader needs others to assist him in the cabildo, a woman needs a

13

daughter to help her in the kitchen, a man must have others to work
with in the field. The word liglgb is expressly used in asking others
for assistance; you ask them to "accompany" you. A "good man" asks
others to accompany him in turn responds to others requests. The notion
of reciprocity is part of the theme of liElEE because each situation in
which a person accompanies another there is the understanding that the
person who accompanies is "giving" and thus has some claim on the future
services of the other. The hierarchical dimension is omnipresent since
the person sponsoring the event is always the dominant figure. Accom-
paniment is thus at the center of the dynamics of social relations in
Guambia in which a mutual exchange of services and participation in
community events develops into a complex overlapping network of dyadic
ties which are never completely balanced (never lgtgglggg).
I§g£§:l;£§.(the same for one as for the other: equality) is the
other dominant theme and expressive of a cultural goal or ideal state
rather than descriptive of an actual situation. It has a rhetorical
function and is used to support claims for fairer treatment and more
equitable distribution of resources. Guambianos say all are equal,
no man or woman is better than any other; activities may be different
but they should be equal in value. Even the differential distribution
of inheritance--more to the youngest eon--ie explained in terms of his
greater services to the parents; to make it equal, he should get more.
While the complementary themes of reciprocity (with the implicit
idea of hierarchy) and equality are both present in Guambiano society
it is the latter which serves as the starting point for understanding

social relations. Inequality and hierarchy are always aspects any

14

relationship but equality, often used to mask the hierarchy and im-

balance of exchanges, remains the cultural ideal.

STABILITY AND CHANGE IN GUAMBIANO SOCIETY

How and.why the Guambianos'have continued to function as an
indigenous society may be seen as an aspect of goals which have remained
important to them throughout the centuries. They want to live as In-
dians with other Guambianos as neighbors. They want to maintain as much
political autonomy as possible while at the same time integrating
themselves into the wider economic and political systems. They see the
latter as essential to their dignity and necessary if they are to
maintain the desired degree of self-government. They want to continue
to speak their native language while at the same time being fluent in
Spanish. They wish to retain a traditional (though constantly changing)
style of clothing without sacrificing the convenience of modern elements
such as sweaters and boots.

Some of their sentiments may be traced to centuries of exploita-
tion and hostility of the surrounding White community. Most Whites
in Silvia deeply despise the Indians. Recent successes by the Guambia-
nos and their adoption of economic roles previously held by Whites have
increased the hostility of the latter, though they have superficially
become more civil in their behavior towards the Guambianos. Negative
attitudes on the part of Whites is not, however, sufficient to account
for the Indians' desire to maintain their cultural and tribal integrity.
many, if not most, Guambianos, have the technical and linguistic skills

to make a living off the reservation. Assimilation to the surrounding

15

Mestizo subculture is a relatively simple matter to those who desire
such a move. All they need do is leave Guambia. Few do, and those who
do leave are usually forced to do so because of the shortage of land on
the reservation. Even those who feel compelled to leave for economic
reasons usually return. The reason for staying or returning is related
to the quality of life in Guambia; life there is more satisfying in an
emotional and social sense than in other areas. There is a feeling of
personal and cultural identity, difficult to articulate perhaps, which
is never experienced on the outside. I often feel the same way after
leaving Guambia for more than a few days. The reservation is a good
place to be. One has a clear identity and the security of family and
friends; outside one must always be wary, few Whites can be trusted.

Another aspect of stability in Guambia is a flexible and prag-
matic approach to technical and social change. While most are conser-
vative, there are always a few persons willing to take risks. Once an
innovation is adopted others watch to see how it works. If it is
evaluated positively others are quick to follow. This pragmatism
extends to the area of social relations including the demands for change
made by Colombian authorities. For example, when conversion to
Catholicism'was essential if they were to get the protection of the
Church, they converted. When Colombian officials make demands they
either comply or use the established legal offices to protect their
interests. They have fought vigorously to maintain those things they
cherish most deeply--their native land and clothing.

In short, one may cite elements of stability and change at the

level of material culture, beliefs and values, social organizations

 

u

 

 
 

.e

 

‘0‘!

16

and external relations. What appears to be central to their culture is
a pragmatic attitude towards change, a social structure with enough
flexibility to adapt to new conditions whether they be imposed from
above or the result of internal pressures, and a desire to maintain
their cultural integrity. Had they been indiscriminate in adopting
more of the dominant culture and/or disparaging of their traditional
ways, the tribal quality of life would have disappeared and they would
now be like most of the surrounding peasant villages. On the other hand,
if they had been unbending when faced with demands from the outside
authorities, they would have been killed off, dispersed, and/or forced
to function at a subsistence level without the benefits of modern
technology. While the pressures for change are greater today than in
the past, they continue to maintain the goal of social and cultural
unity while allowing for changes in the material aspects of life and
in patterns of relationship to the economic and political institutions

of Colombian society.

Social Stratification in Guambia: Cultural and Ecological Factors in
Historical Perspective.

Before the Spanish conquest the Guambianos were one of the more
than one hundred tribes loosely associated with a regional military
confederation. Various forms of differentiation and hierarchy were
found among the groups but basically they were divided into noble and
commoner classes. Class endogamy was the general rule and social
mobility achieved through prowess in warfare and demonstration of leader-
ship skills. The soil was very fertile and land was available to anyone

willing to cultivate it.

17

The conquest radically altered the regional social system and
had a severe impact on the internal structure of tribes which continued
to exist after Spanish domination on the region was established. Decima-
tion of the Indian population was caused by brutality of the conguista-
ggggg.and several epidemics which occurred during the Colonial period.
The Spanish Colonial economic, political and religious institutions,
introduced new elements of material culture,and relationships within
the Indian population were altered. The most important early changes
were the reduction of the Indian papulation to encomiendas (later
changed to reservations), and the Catholic church. The effect of
several centuries of alien control on the traditional social system was
a leveling of class distinctions. By the end of the 19th century the
practice of endogamous marriage declined as did the prestige associated
with membership in the upper class (Douay 1890:761-2).

Though the Spanish introduced the council (cabildo) system as a
way of-maintaining political order, the traditional system of lifetime
leaders (cacigues) continued to function within the reservation
communities. During the Colonial period and until the early part of
the 20th century the reservation population was less than 1500 and
virgin land was available to those willing to cultivate it.

During the 20th century the convergence of several factors
caused substantial changes in the content and structure of Guambiano
society. The most important factor was the growth of the reservation
population from less than 1500 to more than 7000. This radically
altered the man-land ratio from one of surplus (or at least balance)

to one of severe scarcity. Competition for good farming and grazing

n,

18

land increased and became a source of conflict within and between
families. During the past forty years some Indian have emerged with
large holdings while others, who a generation ago had sufficient land,
are now forced to look outside the reservation for to meet the needs
of their growing families. Though the unequal distribution of land
became a basis for a new form of social stratification in Guambia,
Home of the potentially disruptive effects were mitigated by the open-
ing of new sources of income. New economic roles, mostly as store
Owners, traders and government employees, and the purchasing of small
fem off the reservation, enabled those with less land to improve their
s<><.~.:ial position.

In 1972 land and cattle are still the primary forms of wealth
and preferred areas of investment for surplus capital. The relative
atamding of persons is, however, sometimes difficult to determine as
new economic opportunities become available and government land reform
Pro grams are introduced. One trend which has emerged, however, is a
de crease in the authority of household heads and a leveling of hierar-
Q1‘l-Zl.cal distinctions between the sexes. At the political level conflict
‘nd schism, rather than competition for traditional positions, charac-

tQI-ize the situation .

\SO Qial and Cultural Components: Indian and Spanish Elements.
The purpose here, in addition to introducing the reader to the
“‘3 or features of Guambiano society, is to indicate which aspects are

°f Indian origin and which are derived from contact with other

cultures .

'

19

(1) Material culture: most traditional items of material cul-

ture ranging from cooking utensils, tools, house types and forms of

transportation have undergone some additions, modifications and/ or

replacements. There are a few old style pots for brewing chicha (corn

beer) but most cooking is done in metal pots.

dian style two room, wattle-and-daub style homes in use but these are

There are some old In-

quickly being replaced by adobedwalled, tile-roofed structures. Metal
tipped tools introduced by the Spanish have replaced the wood digging

ltick, but the verticality of the terrain prevented the introduction

Of the Spanish style ox-drawn plow. This method was introduced in a

f“ areas in the early 1960's but has not spread. Looms remain as they

wcre before the conquest, and clothing has undergone a series of changes

but remains distinctively Indian. Todays' Indian outfit includes skirts

md ponchos woven by Guambiano women, blue cloth manufactured in Mede-
llin (Colombia), felt hats, white bead necklaces imported from the San

B:Las Islands; manufactured boots, shoes, sneakers and socks; hand-

wOVen belts and pouches; and jewelry ranging from Japanese-made earrings

to Bulova watches.

(2) Kinship and marriage: descent is traced bilaterally, and

poet-marital residence is patri-virilocal. This traditional pattern

e'Dlltzlnues but the growing size of neighborhood units (veredas) now ,.

“can it increasingly possible for a girl to marry within her natal

Spanish kinship terms are combined in’various ways with

“C ighborhood .
Inherié

1h‘tive ones and there is internal variation in their usage.

tinns is ideally divided equally among hairs. The youngest son should

Bit a slightly larger share if he fulfills the traditional obligations

20

of caring for the aging parents. The tendency, however, is for males

to get a larger share of the father's patrimony and during the past

fifty years the holdings have become small and scattered.

The traditional extended-joint family continues as the ideal but

independent nuclear families are the norm. Traditional supports for

the authority of the father have decreased and younger men are seeking

new ways to establish their social and economic independence. In

general, the authority of older over younger, and male over female has

declined.
The Catholic godparenthood system (cmadrazgo) is integrated

into the native system of kinship and marriage. It is used in connec-

tion with birth, marriage, and confirmation. The Guambianos have their

Owen variation of the compadrazgo system and extend it both horizontally
and vertically to a wide range of persons. In addition, compadrazgo

terms tend to replace kinship terminology when the two overlap.

(3) Politics: the traditional system was based on lifetime

leaders, recruited on the basis of membership in the upper class and
Personal qualities which enabled them to maintain support. Over the
years the cabildo system became more important, and during the past

Qentury a pattern of formal elections and registration of land titles

“as made operative. As the reservation system received greater atten-

tIl.on from Colombian authorities its traditional authority to punish
uiteral and criminal infractions declined. Although, cabildo's prestige
decreased, the institution continued to keep pace with shifting circum-

‘tances and facilitated many of the changes which have brought progress

(and conflict) to Guambia.

21

(4) Religion and Curing: this area is perhaps the most difficult

to discriminate between the source of various beliefs and more work than
I have done is necessary to obtain a satisfactory classification of

components. With regard to major life crisis rituals--birth, marriage

and deathuthere is a mixture of Catholic and Indian elements. Except

for the few hundred Protestant converts, Guambianos are baptized,

married and have funeral services in the Catholic Church. Related

practices which may aleo‘be traced to the Spanish heritage are the forty
day post-partum rest period (a diets), a nine day mourning period after
death, wooden coffins, and recently, enterment in brick tombs above

ground (b6vedas). Indian practices include techniques. used to accelerate

birth, and methods of abortion. At marriage there is Indian style

dancing and music, and special feasting following the service in Church.

Traditionally, there was a period of "trial marriage" which in modified

form continues today.
Death is the area richest in Guambiano beliefs and practices
though many concepts are blended with Catholic ideas of heaven, hell

and the devil. Most activity and attention is given to dealing with

the two lingering souls of the deceased.
Guambianos use "hot" and-"cold" in. classifying foods and ill-

nesses. Methods of curing vary greatly and some are of Indian origin

find others derived from Spanish sources including books on witchcraft

and magic.

22

A Summary of Chapter Contents
Chapter II covers the archeological background and the problem

of determining prehistoric interelationships among groups which have

occupied the region. Chapter III includes a general presentation of
the culture of the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes which inhabited the Popayan

Valley at the time of the conquest and an analysis of the role of war-
fare in the regional sociocultural system. (hapter IV is a historical

account of the Guambiano community and relates internal developments
Special attention is

to events within and outside the reservation.
given to the impact of population growth and recent changes which have

increased their integration with regional and national institutions.
Chapters V, VI, VII and VIII cover ecology, economics, kinship and
f:Lctive kinship, politics and religion, and are essentially ethnographic.
In Chapter IX I make a detailed presentation of events and individuals

involved in a road building project started at the suggestion of develop-

mcnt agents in 1962. An analysis of the impact of the project on life
1!: Guaubfa concludes with a discussion of its possible implications for

tlites theory and practice of community development.

23

NOTES TO CHAPTER I

Hernandez de Alba (1946:916) states that the Péez and the
Guambianos have maintained much of their indigenous culture.
Though it is true the Péez have a strong Indian culture, much
of their ability to "resist" White influence may be attributed
to their large numbers (over 15,000) and their relative isola-
tion from centers of cultural and political importance.

The Indiars from Quizg6 also use Indian style ponchos, and the
women wear clothing similar to the Guambiano women. Traditional
styles are rapidly changing there, however, and probably within
a generation or two the Quizgueflos will only speak Spanish and
wear standard peasant dress.

.Ilh

II. ARCHAEOLOGY AND PREHISTORY

The topographical and climatic diversity of Colombia have been

crucial factors influencing the character and development of its
aboriginal inhabitants. Its position between Central America and the
rest of South America made it one of the major crossroads of cultural

exchange. People from cultures to the north and south reached Colombia

Eund spread out at different rates, settling in some regions, passing

The irregular pattern of contact gave rise to varied

through others.
local cultural developments in the inter—Andean valleys and coastal

These are reflected in the archaeological picture; many

P lains .
iLEBolated styles, with little overlapping between geographical regions

( Bennett 1944: 15) .
The prehistoric origins of the peoples of the Andean Core region

No systematic archaeological inves-

are, at best, partially understood.

tIl.gation has been made of the area inhabited by the Guambianos, but a
1
There is,

t1tanker of studies have been done in the Andean Core region.
however, sufficient archaeological, linguistic and historical evidence

to outline major developments there, and relationships to other regions.

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN THE ANDEAN CORE AREA
From approximately 1500-1000 BC, during the Barlovento phase of

the Formative Stage in Colombian prehistory, there was considerable

I“(svement from the north coastal lowlands southward along the rivers
and toward the mountain fringes. The migrating peoples adapted to the
ecological demands of the large rivers and fresh water lagoons.

24

25

IERRA J
NEVA DA I;

l
causal-MN} ,‘

I I

 

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‘I I,
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1’ ’
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5 LLANOS i
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v «- ; .
‘3’ y ' r ’ “\
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u 3° ". . \-
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K1 muses a
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ECUADOR k, BRAZIL
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O 100 200 300
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FIGURE 2‘. Principal tapogrephlcol features
of COLOMBIA.

26

Sedentary life evolved in these inland sites. The successful adaptation

to this environment is attributed to the introduction of manioc which
could be systematically cultivated (Angulo-Valdez 1963:58; Reichel-
Dolmatoff 1966:62). During the period manioc cultivation facilitated
southward migration Mesa-American influences appeared on the Atlantic
coast and in the Pacific coast region of Tumaco. Elements introduced
about 1200 BC included burial mounds, obsidian mirrors, many pottery
shapes and the jaguar cult (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:115).

About 500 BC, another period of Meso-American influence began.

The major component of this complex was maize agriculture. Material

components included figurines, vessels, spindle whorls, necklaces
and pendants. The quantity, quality and stylistic consistency of
these items suggest cultures with increased occupational specialization
and social stratification (Angulo-Valdez 1963:58—59; Reichel-Dolmatoff,
G- and A. 1956:278-81; Rouse 1962:48-49; Willey and Phillips 1962:172—3).
The introduction of maize farming had a far reaching impact on
the subsequent pattern of sociocultural evolution in Colombia. The
high nutritional value of maize, and its adaptability to different
8(>113, climates and altitudes, made it easier for natives to penetrate
the interior. The population migrated south, following the valleys of
the Cauca and Magdalena Rivers. They settled in intermount valleys
trad hillsides where they built houses singly, or in small groups.
The movement to the mountain interior added many stimuli to the
intensification and diversification of agriculture. The wide range
of micro-environments produced a diversity of wild plants and
Provided an ideal opportunity for experimentation and eventual domesti-

cation of new food sources (Kidder 1964:453; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:80-1).

 

n

27

A rapid increase in local and regional cultural variation developed
with the spread of maize farming. Local cultures, sometimes those in
neighboring valleys, differed from their neighbors in scope and content.
This diversity is reflected in the archaeological record for this
period which lacks "co-traditions" and "horizon-styles " such as those

recorded for the Central Andes at this time (Bennett and Bird 1964:47;

Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966: 82) .

REGIONAL AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENTS IN THE ANDEAN CORE AREA
The earliest archaeological site (600 BC) in the Andean Core
Region for which there is evidence of human settlement, is San Agustin,
ebout 80 kilometers southeast of Popayén. About 500 BC local cultures
‘developed in Cantanguero and Calima, forming the base of the well-known
(buimbsya culture. Some later developments in Tierradentro and Narifio
they be related to the Cantaguero-Calima zones (Bennet and Bird 1964:
50-52; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966: 84-88).
Developments in the Upper Cauca sub-area provide a mixed picture.
L‘La'ny elements, however, are related to earlier developments within and
outside of the Andean Core Region. Outside affiliations include the
elastern Colombian lowlands, the Pacific lowlands,"Meso-America, and
northern Peru. Therelative influence of the regions is hard to
determine. For example, stylistic parallels have been noted between
‘cveral San Agustin traits and North Peruvian complexes which, in turn,
atopear to have been influenced by Olmec Culture in Mesa-America (Coe
1962:579-80; Kidder, Lumbreras and Smith 1963:94).
Four cultures in western Colombia, San Agustin, Tierradentro,

Calima and Quimbaya, reached the Sub-Andean stage of sociocultural

28

development (Reichel—Dolmatoff, G. and A. 1956:300). Though differing
in many particulars, these local cultures share a number of significant
Maso-American influences which reached them at varying times and
intensities (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:110).

Reichel-Dolmatoff (1966:109-110) presents a concise summary of
the major features of Sub-Andean cultures in Southwestern Colombia:

All of them are based on intensive maize farming and
sedentary village life; ancient fields with ridges and
furrows are common to all of them; a well defined social
order is suggested by the discriminative treatment of

the dead; burial rites point to an emphasis on ceremonial.
The pottery has the following traits in common: double-
spouted bridged vessels, multiple bulbous supports, pedes-
tal bases, negative painting, finely decorated spindle
whorls, and anthropomorphic vessels or figurines. Stone
carvings are found in all four areas, and the metallurgy
of gold and c0pper also links these regions together.
Calima gold-work shows stylistic relationships with San
Agustin and, technologically and stylistically, many
Calima and so-called 'Quimbaya' ceramics are quite similar.
There is a relationship between San Agustin and Tierradentro,
and the painted sepulchral chambers of the latter area

are found also in other regions of the Cauca valley,
extending towards the south at least as far as Pasto.

At the time of the conquest the prehistoric cultures of the
Calima, Tierradentro and San Agustin regions were no longer functioning.
The Tierradentro and San Agustifi regions were occupied by aggressive,
warlike tribes of Carib origin who had earlier established themselves
in the Colombian lowlands (Cuervo 1920:244; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:
138-9). The Quimbayas were a relatively small and peaceful tribe when
the Spanish arrived. They were excellent gold craftsmen, but 'Quimbaya'
ceramic vessels and pottery were the work of earlier cultures and not
the Quimbaya tribe encountered by the Spanish (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:

101-2).

 

 

.unuv

29

The relationship between prehistoric Sub-Andean chiefdoms and the
societies occupying the Upper Cauca Zone and Popayan region at the time
of the conquest, is difficult to determine. The archaeological record
indicates diffusion of a variety of features throughout the region, but
also includes many points of differences and discontinuities within a
single zone. Reports of early chroniclers indicate they were similar
to sub-Andean cultures in many aspects of social, political and reli-
gious life. Meso-American influences were strong throughout the area.
Before discussing the archaeology of the Popayfin Valley in detail, how-
ever, brief mention of the most thoroughly investigated Colombian culture

is in order.

The Chibcha

The Chibcha occupied the large intermont basins of the Eastern
Cordillera centered around the contemporary cities of Tunja and Bogoté.
The basins average about 7000 feet above sea level, and it is the one
region in Colombia which has the requirements for the maintenance of
concentrated, sedentary, agricultural population needed for the develop-
ment of the Andean culture pattern (Bennet 1946:842). The Chibcha are
the best known preconquest peoples in Colombia because of the numerous
historical accounts of them by the conquering Spaniards. Information
provided by the chronicles shows the Chibcha developed an integrated
pattern of political organization and that they were on their way to
attaining a political structure at least similar to that of the Aztecs,
if not the Incas (Kroeber 1946:887). When they arrived, the Spanish
found the Chibcha organized into two loose federations, one centered

around Bogoti and the other around Tunja.

30

The Chibcha were an agricultural people whose main staples were
potatoes, maize and arracacha. Agricultural terraces were occasionally
used in the northern sections. Produce was distributed by means of
periodic markets and through trade with surrounding tribes. Besides the
agricultural products, the major items of these transactions were salt,
emeralds and cotton cloth which the Chibcha exchanged for gold and other
luxury articles. In spite of the formal division into two "states,"
political authority was highly decentralized, and local rivalries,
similar to those in the valley of Mexico, prevailed. Within each region,
however, status differences were clearly marked and both the political
rulers and priests lived in well built homes and palaces, and received
tribute from their followers. Religion centered on a sun cult. Idols
of wood, stone and cotton were placed at sacred spots and offerings
of golden figurines and emeralds were made to them. Human sacrifices
of enslaved prisoners were made to the sun (Angulo-Valdez 1963:62-63;
Kroeber 1946:887-909; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:158—60; Steward and Faron
1959:212—16; Thompson 1936:115-19).

Turning to the archaeological evidence for the Chibcha, the
record is disappointing, and data indicating antiquity for this area is
lacking. Large village sites have not been discovered, but some house
foundations marked by rings of stone have been found. Chibcha burials
are in dry caves, pit graves, some with stone slab coverings, and there
is evidence of secondary burials in urns. Grave goods include pottery,
stone spindle whorls, swords, wooden spear throwers, and some textiles.
Chibcha ceramics, although technologically adequate, lack artistic
elaboration. In some dry caves, large pieces of cotton cloth decorated

with designs have been found. The Chibcha worked gold and tumbaga,

31

using most of the techniques used by Quimbaya craftsmen but with less
skill. Typical pieces are flat cast figurines, hollow and solid casted
idols, birds and animals, crowns and scepters. Utilitarian stone arti-
facts were also found in abundance, and petroglyphs and rock paintings
are common.

Chibcha house and midden sites lack time depth; the shallow de-
posits cover a small area. Furthermore, there is no evidence of a pat-
tern of shifting village sites which would account for the shallow de-
posits. From this it must be concluded that the Chibcha arrived in the
highlands at a relatively late date and that they formed a scattered
rural population. The lack of time depth of Chibcha sites indicates
that this culture, like the ones in the Popayén valley, was not the
center of diffusion but a receiver whose source cannot yet be determined.

Soon after the Spanish arrived, the Chibcha became tributary '
Indians and began to cultivate the new crops and raise the cattle
introduced by the Spanish (Angulo-Valdez 1963:63; Bennett 1944:104;
1946:842-44; Bennett and Bird 1962:48-49; Kroeber 1940:898-900;
Reichel‘Dolmatoff 1966:161-67; Broadbent 1965:35-36).

Although there remains much to be discovered about the prehistoric
cultures of Colombia, enough is known about the major.features of those
who reached the Sub—Andean level (or higher) to present a brief summary
of their essential characteristics. These are:

-permanent settlements based on seed agriculture (although
shifting cultivation continued among some groups);

-the concentration of large numbers of people around
ceremonial centers;

-increased specialization and stratification; technologi-
cal development and trade;

32

-a priest—temple-idol complex as a focus of religious
organization; jaguar cults, artificial mounds and large
cemeteries; utilization of figurines in curing rituals;
occasional human sacrifice and display of skulls;

-occasiona1 political integration of neighboring tribes

under the leadership of a single chief (Angulo-Valdez
1963:59; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:115).

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD IN THE UPPER CAUCA ZONE

In the Upper Cauca zone two regions and a number of complexes
are distinguished. One region is located near the city of Cali, and the
other in the Popayén-Silvia area. The ceramic complexes associated with
Cali are Pichindé, Rio B010 and Quebrada Seca (Ford, 1944). These com-
plexes are comparatively recent-~a few centuries before the conquest--
and the pottery finds show no affiliations with Tierradentro, Calima,
and Quimbaya (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:134).

Further south, but still part of the Upper Cauca zone, is the
region of Popayfin. In contrast to the apparent isolation of the com-
plexes near Cali, the archaeological remains unearthed in Popayan reveal
substantial affiliations with the surrounding Sub-Andean cultures.

Items found here include: sculptured stone pieces stylistically similar
to, but simpler than, those uncovered in San Agustin; pictOgrsphs; deep
shaft graves (20435 feet) whose contents included small ceramic vesselsé-'
some with zoomorphic relief lugs; decorated conical spindle whorls,
bowls, Carib-type stone axes, adzes, and small gold nose ornaments.

The shaft tomb-figurine complex found there may be derived from western
Hexico (Nayarit-Jalisco-Colima). One shaft grave yielded several large
anthropomorphic warrior figurines seated on short four-legged benches,

holding rounded shields, and wearing crested headdresses. The

33

figurines' calves are swollen and deformed by tight ligatures applied
above the ankle and below the knee, a feature which recurs in several
regions of Colombia. 0n the back of one figure there is an animal in a
climbing position similar to the al£g£:ggg representations found in
Calima and San Agustin. Also found with one of these was a large, gold
anthropomorphic ornament in which the lower part was shaped like a
Peruvian.£gmi knife (Lehmann 1946a:861-64; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:132-3).
From an archaeological standpoint the area lacks many of the
features common to the Sub-Andean level cultures of Quimbaya, Calima,
Tierradentro and San Agustin--the pottery is not as complex and diverse,
the golddwork is simpler, the carvings smaller, there are no large grave

sites, no subterranean galleries, and no monumental stone structures.

The Problem of Classification

Using the archaeological evidence available, it would be difficult
to argue with Reichel-Dolmatoff (1966) and 0th- who do not include the
Popayin Valley tribes in their list with the Quimbaya, Tierradentro,
San Agustin, and Calima cultures--all referred to as having reached the
Sub-Andean stage of development. Indeed, my own exhaustive review of
the literature on the archaeology of the area fully confirms the lack
of this kind of data for cultures in the Popayan Valley. Thus I have no
quarrel with either the evidence nor with conclusions based 2;; t_h_e_
archaeological figgg. My argument with anthropologists writing on
Colombian prehistory (Bennett 1946, 1964; Hernandez de Alba 1941;
Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966; Thompson 1936) is that they inconsistently use
non-archaeological materia1,-essentially chroniclers' accounts, in the

evaluation of prehistoric cultures of Colombia.

~.

in

 

 

 

 

 

‘I

 

34

In most cases, anthropologists do not review the chronicles, or
do so for some cultures only. Even without the work of historians
(Arboleda 1952; Arroyo 1907; Mosquera 1855; Perez de Barradas 1943;
Vergara 1958) and "historically-oriented" anthropologists (Hernandez de
Alba 1946; Otero 1952), substantial material exists in the records of
the Spanish Chroniclers (Andagoya 1865; Ciezna de Leon 1864; Juan de
Castellanos 1881; Pedro Simon 1882-92; Velasco 1881-4). This may permit
the inclusion of the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes among those classified at
the Sub-Andean level of development. In fact, I believe further research
may reveal the culture and social organization of the Guambiano-Coconuco
tribes at the time of conquest was as complex and sophisticated as the
Tairona and Chibcha. I must acknowledge, however, that one or more of
the cultures now classified at the sub-Andean level may have been, at
their apex, larger, more complex and better integrated than those func-
tioning when the Spanish arrived.

I do not propose an extended debate on the classification of
prehistoric cultures in Colombia nor to argue about methods of
prehistorical analysis. Some comment on each, however, may help put in
perspective material presented in the following chapter (III).

The first problem, and one which in most cases we have no
satisfactory solution for, is the heavy reliance on pottery, metal and
stone artifacts as a basis for evaluating--if not establishing--the
relative complexity of sociocultural organization. While the
archeologist can only work with what is available, he should at least
on occasion remind himself that relevant artifacts of less durable
material may have perished. Not only may wood construction be large

and technically complex, but weaving, rather than stone, metal or

35

pottery, may be the significant focus for aesthetic activity in a culture.
Clearly, neither wood nor cloth survive as intact and for as long a
period as artifacts made of other material. In this context it is
appropriate to mention that while the Tairona have a rich architectural
and ceramic tradition, weaving, at least among their contemporary
descendants (the Kogi), is not an area of artistic elaboration or inno-
vation (Reichel—Dolmatoff 1949-50:62-3, 192-4).

In addition to the rapid deterioration of wood and cloth
(compared to stone, ceramic and metal), they are highly susceptible to
destruction through accidental and purposeful actions. For example, in
the Popayfin Valley we find large wooden enclosures, forts, bridges and
fine weaving destroyed by fire in warfare and in the ritual burning of
clothing. This, however, is merely a preface to the way archaeological
and historical evidence has been used in developing comparative frame-
works of Colombian prehistory.

From a common sense point of view, it seems, insofar as first-
hand descriptions of societies functioning at the time of the conquest
are available that this information should be used in relation to
comprehensive attempts at comparison and classification. My position
is that anthropologists have unevenly, and/or uncritically used
chroniclers accounts in evaluating the relative development of pre-
conquest societies. While such writings are used to support assertions
of the advanced stage of development of the Chibcha and Tairona (e.g.
Kroeber 1946:887-909; Reichel-Dolmatoff 1966:143—168) scholarly use of
similar documents for the Popayén region seems lacking. This is an
unfortunate oversight since descriptions of the situation in the

Popayin Valley in Andagoya (1865; 1892), Ciezna de Leon (1864; 1945),

36

and Castellanos (1881), indicate the region was heavily populated and
the land among the most fertile in all of South America. In 1535 the
Popayin Valley contained some large settlements, well constructed wooden
forts, imaginatively engineered bridges, carefully woven garments, gold
ornaments, and loose political-military organization in which more than
one hundred tribal units coordinated activities to protect themselves
from surrounding warlike tribes.

It is ironical and sad that after almost four and a half centuries
the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes, who fought to defend their territory and
'way of life against a brutal army of Spaniards and Indian recruits from
Ecuador, have been relegated to virtual obscurity, while the capitulating

Chibchas are often discussed along with the Incas and Aztecs.

GUAMBIANO ORIGINS: POPULAR ACCOUNTS AND A FEW HYPOTHESES

There has been considerable speculation by professional and ama-
teur historians and anthropologists about the origin of the Guambianos.
The "theories" are based on superficial investigation and-imagination
rather than scientific inquiry. The only reason for mentioning them is
that they have been repeated to me by Whites in Popayan and Silvia, and
by several Guambianos. A complete critical summary of these stories is
found in Otero (1952). One set of tales links the Guambianos with their
neighbors, the Pfiez and Pijaos, and concludes they are of Carib origin.
Other accounts present them as having an Ecuadorian origin. In one
version, Inca*warriors are said to have brought them from Ecuador, and
another suggests that it was the Spanish Conquerers who took them from

Quito to the Popayfin Valley. Fortunately, there is enough evidence

I“!

in
I.

3'1

37

using archaeological and sociocultural data to outline a few scientific
hypotheses about the origin of the Guambiano-Coconuco culture.

One is that the tribes occupying the Popayfin Valley at the time
of the conquest have some historical connection with one or more of the
sub-Andean cultures that had ceased functioning by the time the Spanish
arrived. It is possible that the Guambiano-Coconucos are descendants
of peoples who at an earlier period were organized around one of the
large ceremonial centers. Tierradentro and San Agustin are the likely
choices because of geographical proximity and the presence of ancient
roads from Popayin and Silvia to these areas. What appears to have
happened is that centuries before the Spanish arrived, these centers
and their surrounding populations were overrun and pushed west by mi-
grating warlike tribes of Carib origin (see: Cuervo-Marquez 1920:244;
Thompson 1936:144).

The contemporary situation in Guambia lends support to this hy-
pothesis. The Guambianos are a relatively peaceful tribe clearly re-
lated to others in the Popsyin region, and on their eastern border are
the Pies, who speak an unrelated language. In addition, there are
Guambiano legends (Hernandez de Alba and Tumihi 1949) which tell of.
invasions from the east by the cannibalistic Pijaos. 'The Pijaos were
totally destroyed by the Spanish, but Guambianos continue to fear and
exercise ritual precaution with respect to Pijao burial urns found
throughout the reservation.

Another hypothesis is that the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes original-
ly migrated to the Popeyin region from the south or east. A comparison

of Murdock's (1970) ethnographic sample of kin term patterns with my

38

Guambiano data reveals that of the S66 cultures for which terms are
listed (which include the other highland Colombian and Ecuadorian tribes:
Chibcha, Pfiez, and Cayapa), the closest affiliations are with tribes in
the Llanos region, east of Guambia in the area of the Caqueté River.
Neither hypothesis excludes the other, and it may very well be
that 1500 to 2000 years ago groups migrated from the Caqueté region, and
became part of and/or helped develop one or more of the phases of San
Agustin and/or Tierradentro culture. These groups would have proceeded
west (towards the Popayén Valley) when invaded by the hostile tribes that

eventually dominated the San Agustin-Tierradentro area.

1.

39

NOTES TO CHAPTER II

Major sources dealing with the Archaeology of the Andean Core area
are:

Bennet (1944, 1946); Cuervo (1920); Duque-Gomez (1963);
Ford (1944); Hernandez de Alba (1938, 1946); Lehmann
(1946a); Perez de Barradas (1943); Piedrahita (1936);
Root (1961); Reichel-Dolmatoff (1961a, 1961b, 1966), and
Samper (1936).

III. THE GUAMBIANO-COCONUCO TRIBES AT THE TIME OF
THE SPANISH CONQUEST

The Guambiano-Coconucos, and most tribes surrounding them, can be
classified as "militaristic chiefdoms," using the criteria established
by Steward and Faron in their comparative summary of South American
Indians (1959:177-212). The organizational patterns of household, vil-
lage and community life of the militaristic chiefdoms resemble those of
tropical forest peoples. In both, households and villages are relatively
self-sufficient economic and religious units. The chiefdoms, however,
produce a greater economic surplus and have a more differentiated social
organization. In certain religious and military patterns, architectur-
al features and manufactures, the militaristic chiefdoms were similar
to the "state" societies of the Central Andes and Mesa-America. Polit-
ically, they were united under a chief who led them in warfare. Some
practiced human sacrifice and cannibalism‘which were related to their
religious system. Human trophies obtained in warfare were important
for prestige and social status.

In contrast to the cultural and environmental uniformity of the
Central Andes, there were significant ecological and cultural variation
among the chiefdoms of the Northern Andes. The following section
describes in detail the culture of the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes at the

time of the conquest.

CUDTURE AND SOCIAL STRUCTURE
The first Chronicler to visit the Andean core region after the

conquest was Pedro Ciezna de Le6n. He states (1864:XXXII:114-5) that

40

41

the Popayén Valley and the surrounding mountains and valleys were densely
populated.

This city of Popayén has many large villages within the

boundaries of its jurisdiction. Towards the east it

has the populous province of Guambia, and others called

Guanza, Maluasa, Polindara, Palace, Tembio, and Colaza,

all thickly peopled. The Indians of these districts

have much gold. . . of which they make ornaments, . . .

They are warlike, and as great butchers as those of the

provinces of Arms, P020 and Antiochia.

According to Pascual de Andagoya, another early chronicler of the
region, there were 1000,000 houses in the vicinity of the Popayén Val-
ley, which suggests a population of approximately 500,000. This figure
is disputed by the historian Sergio Arboleda, editor of the Historia
General.gg lg Gobernaci6n g3 Popayén, who believes the population was
closer to 100,000 (Lehmann 1946b:973). Arboleda's figure is generally
accepted by historians and anthropologists to be a more realistic
estimate.

The area was divided into various "provinces" occupied by relative-
ly autonomous tribes which, at the time of the conquest, were organized
into a confederation (Ciezna de Le6n 1865:xxx:1o9; Vergara 1958:19-20).
They shared a common linguistic and cultural base and are referred to
as the Guambiano (or incorrectly, the Moguex)-Coconuco group (Lehmann
1946b:969).. With the exception of the Pubén, who inhabited the "city"
known today as Popayfin, tribes in the region were known by the name of
their chief. Among the tribes who shared a cultural base and partici-
pated in the confederation are: the Amba16, Tunis, Coconuco, Guambia,
Polindara, Puracé, Totor6, Guanaco (the only one located on the eastern

side of the Central Cordillera), the Chisquio, Palace, Colaza, Guamza,

Timani, Guachicono, Malvazfi, Piendamo, Zhotarfi, and Usendaz (Ibid:969-70;

lit'

—.

42
Ciezna.de Le6n 1864:XXXII:114-5).

Ecology, Economy, and Settlement Patterns
The Province of Popayin was one of the most populous
in South America and, had it been conquered by the Incas,
would have been the best and richest of all (Ciezna de
Le6n 1864:XXXII:118).

Andagoya (1865:74) mentions that near Popayfin a special variety

of "ihort" maize (niorocho) could be cultivated after two months.

Meize of all types was especially important. It was used to make

dough (which was toasted, not baked) and ghighg, an alcoholic beverage
(123g: 75). In the tropical zones to the east and south, sweet manioc
and beans were cultivated. Additional food sources included fruits,
grenadilla, guayaba, guama, papaya, pineapple, plantains and chirimoya.
Deer, some large birds and fish were also eaten. Guinea pigs were the
only domesticated animal consumed in the region (Hernfindez de Alba 1946:
918-928). Besides ghighg, the only other important stimulant used regu-
larly was cocaine. Cocaine leaves were chewed with powdered lime
(gagbg) to relieve hunger (Ibi_: 934). Trade was carried out between
the tribes in the different climatic zones.

In contrast to the low percentage of cultivable land and the high
population density of the Central Andes, the Northern Andes (Ecuador and
Colombia).had a higher percentage of arable land and a lowerpopulation
density (Steward and Faron 1959:53).1 Community size in the Northern
Andean region has been estimated as varying between 500 and 3000 persons
in contrast to the 3000+ figure cited for the Central Andes (Ibi_: 57).
In the region inhabited by the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes the Pubén,

living in the Popsyin Valley near the banks of the Cauca River, were

43

reported to be living in a large concentrated settlement or "city."
Other villages were located along the river, and most groups occupied
territory on the slopes of the Western and Central Cordilleras.

The territory of each tribal group was communal property with
usufruct rights allotted to individual families by the chief or cacique.
Clothes, ornaments, tools and dwellings, were personally owned. The
distinction between private property, and communal property--which the
entire population had the right to exploit and the obligation to
maintain-~continued in many sections during the Colonial and post-
Independence periods (Hernandez de Alba 1946:932). In modified form the
pattern is still characteristic of Guambia.

The typical house in the region was a square or rectangular
‘wattle and daub construction, covered by a neatly thatched straw roof.
Near each home was a circular hut used exclusively by menstruating women.
In the Pub6n capital the homes had four doors, and that posts supporting
the extension of the roof over a patio were sometimes carved.

Local historians (Arroyo 1907; Otero 1952; Vergara 1958) estimate
the population of Popayén at 40,000. There were plazas, streets, aque-
ducts leading to public fountains, and attention was given to maintaining
their cleanliness. This heritage has continued, and Popayén today is
the best kept city in Colombia.

In the "city" there were two large circular homes located near
one another. These were the residences of the leaders of the Pubén tribe.
The derivation of the word Popayén can be traced to the Guambiano-Coco-
nuco language in which pu-pa-ya means "two houses of paja" and, according
to Hernandez de Alba, Otero and J. M. Arboleda, refers to the "houses

2

of the caciques." Other large constructions included a high roofed

44

"community house" with sides of 400 large diameter (32") poles. This
house was reportedly used for large drunken feasts and "orgies." At
the entrance to several native villages were large fences or forts,

50 paces to a side, made of bamboo trunks. Each fort had two narrow
doors, one on the east and the other on the west side (Otero 1952:206;
Hernandez de Alba 1946:928—9). Tunnels through mountains and large
caves are found in the territory of the Guambianos which, according to
legend, were used to hide the civilian population from the invading

Pijaos and Spanish (Hernandez de Alba and Tumifié 1949:111-120).

Clothing and Adornment

Chroniclers' accounts of the dress of the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes
at the time of the conquest are complicated by several factors. First,
while sharing a cultural and linguistic base, tribes were relatively
autonomous and used clothing, hair styles and adornment to express
differences. Second, though the chroniclers noted variation in local
styles, they did not always identify the groups using them. Third,
dress varied within some groups according to social position. Finally,
in warfare, special body paint was used and this context is not always
clearly indicated in the literature.

In the summer of 1970 I reviewed early accounts of dress (Anda-
goya 1865:66; Ciezna de Le6n 1864:117; Hernandez de Alba 1946:934-39,
991; Otero 1952:205; Vergara 1958:13—16) with several informants to
determine which passages could be applicable to the Guambiano-Coconuco
tribes. Final selection was based on references to hair styles, jewel-
ry, general descriptions, and native terms for clothing recorded by the

chroniclers.

45

One interesting aspect of the evolution of Guambiano clothing
is that present-day men's styles are in some respects closer today to
the pre-conquest costume than they were during the 19th and early 20th
centuries. Today, as then, men wear a blue cloth wrapped around their
waists (Vergara 1958:13).

At the time of the conquest, men wore cotton undergarments
secured at the waist by a narrow woven belt (£22992) which was sometimes
decorated. Attached to the belt was a double pouch used to hold the
scrotum and penis. Men still use small pouches to carry money, keys,
handkerchiefs, etc. These pouches are called 325 or jiggg, which also
'means "scrotum." Around the waist the men wore a doubled-over blue
cloth. This kilt (mgré) reached the top of the knee, and the ends met
at the side but were not sewn or pinned together. The men used narrow
ponchos (£25!) with an opening along the shoulders. This horizontal slit
contrasts with the vertical opening characteristic of most ponchos used
in Colombia. After the Guambianos were converted to Catholicism by
Andagoya, crosses of red cloth were attached to the ponchos.

The women wore long tunics which covered their breasts and
reached to below the knee. The cloth was secured by a pin above the
breasts and around the waist by a yellow belt (chumbe). A blue shawl
was worn over the back and shoulders. Some garments worn by both sexes
were embroidered and/or painted.

Around their necks women wore jewelry of gold, bone and teeth.
Other adornments, used by both sexes, included bracelets, earrings,
and nose ornaments of gold and tumbaga. Hair wasqcut short, and both
sexes wore headbands of cloth decorated with figures and designs.

Some men and women wore fiber sandals.

 

4*!-

46

Political and religious functionaries and "nobles" wore special
items to indicate their status. Some used waist length capes covering
the left side of the body. Gold crowns capped with colored feathers
were worn by political and religious officials.

The cotton cloth used in the garments was woven on a vertical
loom made of wooden poles. A similar one is still used in Guambia and

other Indian villages in Cauca.

Music and Dance

Music was an important aspect of Guambiano-Coconuco culture.
Flutes, drums, and instruments of cane, bone and large sea shells called
"fututos" were used. Music and singing accompanied the warriors into
battle. Music and dancing were part of religious rites, communal cere-
monies, marriage, the death of a child (and some adults), and sexual

initiations (Hernéndez de Alba 1946:934, 951).

Kinship and Marriagg

Information on the kinship system and interpersonal relations
among the Guambiano-Coconuco peoples is extremely limited. According
to Steward and Faron (1959:210-11), descent in the North Andean region
(Ecuador and Southern Colombia) was traced through the female line.
The argument for the occurrence of this pattern among the Guambiano-
Coconuco groups is based on the rule of succession by which a sister's
son inherited the position of chief (Otero 1952:211; Hernandez de Alba
1946:931), and the practice of avuncular marriage. Avuncular marriage,
however, like the brother-sister marriage practiced by the Inca and

Chibcha rulers, may be more related to the goal of keeping descent

47

within ruling family than to matrilineality (Steward 1949:719).

My kinship data on the Guambianos indicate a fully developed
bilateral nomenclature and seems appropriate at this point to assume
continuity in this aspect of the system. This does not eliminate the
possibility of special marriage rules for the upper class which did
practice endogamous marriage (see: Douay 1890).

Villages consisted of several groups of kin. Post-marital
residence was patrilocal, and like many tribes in the Central and

Northern Andes a "trial marriage,"

or period of gmg§g_preceded the
Inarriage ceremony. The adolescent period was relatively free of sexual
restraint and the trial period in which the girl lived in her boyfriend's
household, tested the girl's domestic skills and the couple's compati-
bility (Price 1965:312; Hernandez de Alba 1946:933). Although the girl
moved into her father-in-law's house after marriage her husband was
expected to perform labor service for her parents during an unspecified
period of time (Hernandez de Alba 1946:933; Otero 1952:211).

Polygyny was allowed. In some parts of the Province of Popayan,
females were permitted to have extra-marital affairs provided her
"lover" gave her something in return (Hernandez de Alba 1946:933). Also

"in some places" the first male child was sacrificed (Jijon y Caamafio

1936-38:2:l79-82 [quoted in Hernandez de Alba 1946:931]; Otero 1952:210).

Religion and Ritual

The most detailed information on supernatural beliefs of the
Guambiano-Coconuco tribes is based on specific references to the Pubén
and Coconuco groups. Among the Coconuco, the sun was associated with

good and the moon with evil. The sun was a beneficent power and the

48

3
object of worship. The moon was an evil power and the cause of misfor-
tunes such as storms and crop failures (Bogert 1860:5-6; Hernandez de
Alba 1946:935, 952-3; Otero 1952:177). They also believed in a Supreme
Being and a devil. The stars and planets were cosmological forces.
They distinguished between heavenly bodies and measured time by lunar
months (canapuil). Birds were viewed as omens of both good and bad
fortune. Snakes were bad omens (Otero 1952:177; Hernandez de Alba 1946:
935-6).

The Guambiano-Coconuco peOples believed in reincarnation. Rituals
‘were performed at a ceremony after death to assure the rebirth of the
departed soul in the body of a newly born child (Ciezna de Le6n 1864:
XXXII:117). The dead.were buried with their possessions and supplies
of food. Status considerations influenced the type of treatment
received after death. According to a soldier who wrote of the religious
practices of the Indians of the Popayan Valley:

When they [the principals, caciques and "kings"] die
they have the custom of burying what they own with
them, including some of their women and servants,
whom, they say, will serve them where they go.
(Quoted Ig_0tero 1952:211).

Cremation and preservation of dried bodies were also practiced
(Ciezna de Le6n 1864:XXXII:117). The Guambianos sometimes buried a dead
man in his house with his possessions and then abandoned it (Hernandez
de Alba 1946:933, 948).

Though there was a large decorated "temple" in Popayan, it is
not clear whether worship and religious ceremonies were conducted in it.

Castellanos (1881) states that the principal gods were not portrayed

in statues or idols.

49

Offerings were made to metal and wooden idols kept in homes
(Ciezna 1864:XXXII:117; Hernandez de Alba 1946:935, 952). Religious
activities, including ritual celebrations and curing, were performed by
specialists. There is no evidence to determine whether these roles

.5

were full or part time, or whether the status was inherited or achieved.
The likely pattern, consistent with the other North Andean communities,
‘would have a single person serving the dual role of priest and shaman,

recruited on the basis of personal supernatural experience rather than

heredity (Steward 1949:723-4). According to Ciezna de Le6n (1864:117)

the shamans in the region "... converse with the devil, and, by his ad-
vice, they do many things in accordance with his wishes."

An annual mourning ceremony, reported for tribes in and adjacent
to the Popayin region, involved a ritual of simulated warfare. Andagoya
(1865:75) gives the most detailed description of the ceremony as it was
performed by the Lile tribe who bordered the Guambianos to the North.

In these festivals those of one village united with
those of another, or the followers of one chief with
those of another, being friends, and ate and drank to-
gether... After dinner, ... they came out to play at
tilting with reeds, a leader of one side with fifty to
thirty men, and another with as many more, all with
.their shields ... and their darts, ... Having taken
their places, they came out to skirmish, as the troopers
do in Spain, darting at each other like enemies ...
skirmishing, sallying forth and retreating in skirmish-
ing order, during the whole afternoon. Many came out

from the game wounded, and some were killed: and there
was no penalty or ill feelings for him who killed another.

Political Organization
Tribes in the Popayén Valley were for the most part independent

political units. Some, including the Pubén, Guambiano and Coconuco,

50

were subdivided into smaller groups. Each tribe had a chief, or
cacigue, who kept his position until death. The cacique was assisted
by lesser authorities with political and administrative functions.
General Mosquera's (1855) description of the political organization of
the Pubén group gives some idea of the regional pattern.

They have a Supreme Chief, called Yasgfien, who is like

a king. The caciques governed divisions of peoples

(pueblos); under them were caschus, the equivalent of

governors. [the word] carabic designated lesser

authorities who were comparable to mayors (quoted i3

Lehmann; 1946b:973).

Mosquera's translation of Yasgfien as "king" and "Supreme Authority"
must be qualified, however. Ciezna de Le6n (1864:XIII:55) emphasizes a
rather different view of the allocation of authority.

... the Indians of the government of Popayan ... have
never been ruled by a chief whom they feared ... and
... they detest being under subjection to any one, ...

Ciezna's statement indicates that independence and self-suffi-
ciency, characteristic of their economic, religious and territorial
organization, were fundamental to their political system and attitude
towards authority. The power of Pubén officials was apparently very
limited. .

Ciezna de Le6n's statement may also reflect the exasperation of
the Spaniards who had so much difficulty in establishing control in the
region. In fact, one of the greatest problems one encounters in evalu-
ating chroniclers' accounts involves an understanding of the personality
and philosophy of the author. It should be remembered that before arriv-
ing in Popayin, the Spaniards with few men conquered a large territory

and gained control over millions of people. As we will see in the next

chapter, they had a rather difficult time in southern Colombia.

51

The Pubén Confederation

During the late 14th or 15th century the tribes of the Popayén
region were organized into a political-military confederation by Pubén,
a leader of the tribe occupying the "city" of what is today Popayan
(Ciezna de Le6n 1864:XXX:109; Vergara 1958-19, 39). Under his direction,
trade increased, a council of caciques was organized, and a small per-
‘msnent military force was established. Four forts were built in differ-
ent sections of the territory. The major purpose of the confederation
twas to defend the population from the frequent raids by neighboring
‘militaristic and cannibalistic tribes--the Petequies, Patias, Bojoleos,
Pijaos, and Ysporogos (and later the Incas?).

The territory covered by the tribes of the confederation included
most of the present day departamento (State) of Cauca, the southern part
of Valle, and the western third of Huila. It is impossible to deter-
mine without extensive additional research how many of these tribes
‘were also culturally and linguistically part of the Guambiano-Coconuco
complex. What is relevant for present purposes is that while there may
have been other cultural groups integrated into the political structure
of the confederation, its leaders, and almost all the tribes immediately
surrounding the Pubén capital (Popayén), were of Guambiano-Coconuco
stock.

For military purposes the territory was divided into two sections--
the high mountainous region to the east and the valley region in the
west. Authority, or more accurately organizational responsibility, was
divided between two brothers, Calambfis and Payan. Cacique Calambas, the

older of the two, was in charge of the mountainous region, and, in

52

general, had greater authority in political and military affairs. The
younger brother, Payén, had responsibility for guarding the gold and
other riches in the valley and for the ”city" of Pubén. A religious
leader, Yasgfien, lived in Pubén capital, but it is not possible to
establish the extent of his religious authority outside of the "city"

limits.

Warfare and Weapons

Invasions from neighboring hostile tribes were frequent. Ciezna
de Le6n describes them as being in a continual state of warfare. The
weapons used were: darts, cast by a spear thrower (atlatl); stones,
hurled with and without the aid of slings; six to nine foot clubs made

' and long lances with

of hard black wood (£52333) called "macanas,'
fire-hardened points. Decorated wooden shields were use for defense
(Hernéndez de Alba 1946:933; Otero 1952:171, 200).

There is disagreement as to whether the Guambiano-Coconuco
tribesmen were "good" or "poor" warriors. Regardless of their military
skill, they were probably inferior to the tribes surrounding them. The
Pijao, Piez, and Patias had disciplined, aggressive fighting forces and
well developed combat strategies (Ciezna de Le6n 1864:XXXII:116; Cuervo
1920:244). The Pijao and Péez groups continued to wage war against the
Spanish until the early part of the 17th century whereas the Guambiano-
Coconuco groups were conquered a half-century earlier (Hernandez de
Alba 1946:923-7).

Women of the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes accompanied the men in

battle, supplying them with darts, spears and stones . The men went to

53

war with their bodies painted, wearing feathers, necklaces, breast-
plates, and bracelets of gold and tumbaga. Battles were initiated with
songs and yells accompanied by music from flutes.

The Guambianos, in fights against the Pijaos and Spanish were led
by a female "chieftaness" (Hernéndez de Alba and Tumiflé 1949:111-120;
Andagoya 1865). Women also were leaders of a few other tribes in the
region.

Enemy victims and prisoners were sacrificed and skulls displayed
as trophies on high posts at the entrance to dwellings. Sometimes the
victims' skin was dried, filled with ashes to restore its shape, and
kept against a wall (Hernéndez de Alba 1946:933-4). Cannibalism,
practiced by many of the surrounding tribes, was rare among Guambiano-

4
Coconucos.

SOCIOCULTURAL INTEGRATION OF THE GUAMBIANO-COCONUCO TRIBES: THE ROLE
OF WARFARE

The purpose of this section is to present an analysis of the way
in which warfare contributed to the unity of the Guambiano-Coconuco
~ tribes at several levels of sociocultural integration. In an analysis
of military and other institutions, functional statements refer to a
condition directly or indirectly related to the maintenance of a system,
and are used to emphasize the importance of those conditions connected
in some way to the maintenance of systems (Brown 1963:109-110). A
functional analysis of social systems should also take into account
the psychological as well as social and cultural variables (Spiro 1961).
An interpretation of the role of warfare is presented at this point

because after the conquest intertribal warfare was rapidly eliminated.

54

This contrasts to the effect of Spanish control on other institutions
in which change was gradual and the post-conquest pattern a blend of
Indian and Spanish systems.

Among the possible functions of primitive warfare discussed by
anthropologists are: the regulation of demographic variables, territo-
rial expansion, acquisition of goods and services, regulation of rela-
'tions with other groups, and the regulation of psychological needs
(prestige, security and aggression) (Bohannan 1954:2-16; LeVine 1961:
3-15; Malinowski 1941:521-550; Vayada 1968:468-72).

The precise demographic effect of warfare in the Popayén region
is difficult to determine. However, intertribal warfare was reported
as "frequent," and it is likely that the number of battle and sacrificial
victims--together with infanticide and abortion--contributed in a mess-
urable way towards slowing the rate of population growth.

Territorial expansion, an important function of Inca Militarism,
was not a major concern of the chiefdoms in the Popayén region. A vari-
ety of conditions can be seen as being related to the lack of a territo-
rial goal: sufficient land and resources within the Province, and
tribes, which were militarily superior, surrounding them. Although the
population was fairly dense, there were uncultivated areas separating
them. If attacked, they would leave their homes, move a few miles, and
begin anew (Ciezna de.Le6n 1864:XIII:55). Sufficient territory, and
the demographic effects of warfare, abortion and infanticide, enabled
them to maintain a fairly stable balance and/or allowed for a rate of
population growth that could be accommodated within their territory.

The presence of well-constructed forts indicate a concern for

the protection of people and a defensive military posture. Ciezna de

55

Le6n notes that "above all, they detest being under subjection to any
one (M55) ."

Warfare had an important role in regulating relations between
the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes and their neighbors. Although politically
autonomouap.the tribes were united in a military confederation to protect
their pereons, possessions, and territory from invading Pijaos, other
tribes (the Incas?), and finally the Spanish.

While I stress the defensive nature of the Pubén political and
military organization, there is not enough evidence to conclude that
‘warfare was solely with groups outside the region. It is possible
that intertribal warfare of a different type, and for different motives,
occurred among Guambiano-Coconuco tribes. Vayada (1968:278-9) mentions
that among tribal groups which lack a central government with penal
jurisdiction over the various units, intertribal warfare is often a
means of regulating disputes. This is especially common among groups
practicing swidden (slash and burn) agriculture. Among such groups,
warfare is often a matter of fighting for revenge.

In such circumstances the punishment for offenses by
members of one group against members of another--and,
presumably, the deterrence of more such offenses--may
be effected by fighting-and killing undertaken by the
offended group to avenge the insult, theft, non-pay-
ment of bride-price, abduction, rape, poaching, tres-
pass, wounding, killing, or other offense committed
(gypsum-9).

The latent social function of this type of "fighting for revenge"
is to maintain the integrity of the group and their possessions (gpgg;
278-279).

Fighting also provided warriors the opportunity to obtain

additional women, and trophies for display outside their homes. Success

56

in combat was a means of obtaining prestige and increased the possibil-
ity of social mobility into the class of "nobles." It should be noted,
however, that peaceful relations existed among many, if not most,
Guambiano-Coconuco tribes, and were sometimes extended to different
cultural groups. For example, the Guambianos and the Paez, in spite of
their many differences, have apparently never been at war with one
another (Cuervo 1920:154).

The relationship of warrior achievement to social status among
the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes is different from the Inca pattern, but
similar to that found in Mesa-America. Inca warriors were conscript
soldiers who had limited opportunity to improve their social status
(Steward and Faron 1959:189). In Central Mexico and the Popayén region
community leadership and social status were related to military prowess
(Carrasco 1961).

From a psychological perspective, warfare is a means of reducing
tension and displacing aggression. The source of tension may be
related to.factors within and/or outside its boundaries (Coser 1957;
Tolman 1968:166-8; Vayada 1968:277). It is inevitable that there would
frequently be members of one tribe angry at members of another. The
motive for revenge was probably omni-present, and the initiation of
combat--or actions leading to combat--provided opportunities for acting
out the hostile feelings.

Another identifiable source of tension is traceable to the norms
governing interpersonal relations within the family and tribe. In
agricultural communities in South and Mesa-America there existed--and
still exists in many sectors today--a strong ethos of mutual aid, reci-

procity and community solidarity. This is expressed and reinforced

57

during religious and secular activities such as mortuary rites and co-
operative work parties in agriculture and house construction. It is
likely that then, as today, overt expression of hostility within the
tribe was condemned and subject to punishment by political officials.
In this context intertribal warfare can be seen aS'a major activity

through which repressed hostility was displaced and acted out.

1.

2.

3.

58

NOTES TO CHAPTER III

Native Population densities in South America about 1500. (Based
on Steward and Faron 1959:53).

 

Persons per

 

 

 

 

 

 

Area Population square mile

Inca Empire

Central.Andes 3.500.000 10-0
Chiefdoms

Northern Andes 1,500,000 6.6

Central America 736,500 4.8

Northern Venezuela 144,000 1.1
Southern Andes

Southern Chile: Araucanian 1,050,000 7.0
Tropical Forests 2,188,970 0.6

 

 

This interpretation was given to me by the persons noted during
conversations in 1966 and 1967. Vergara (1958:21-2) disagrees
with this version and suggests it is partially based on fPayén,"
the name of the Cacique who lived there.

The religious importance of the sun among these groups is a matter
of dispute. Accounts by chroniclers are contradictory.

Ciezna de Le6n (1864:XXXII:116) mentions that all the tribes of
the Province except the Coconuco were cannibals. Hernandez de
Alba (1946:934), however, denies that cannibalism was as wide-
spread as other historians suggest. He states that the Guambiano
and Pfiez were not cannibals, although they did keep trophy heads
and stuffed the skins of dead enemies. Curiously, Hernandez de
Alba says the Coconuco were cannibals (Ibid:934) which contra-
dicts Ciezna's observation: "among the tribes of the Province

of Popayén only the Coconuco do not eat human flesh" (1864:
XXXII:116).

IV. GUAMBIANO HISTORY

subi a una altura, I climbed a hill,
alli me senté; There I sat;
encontré una cruz I found a cross
me puse a llorar. And began to cry.

--Coconuco poem translated into Spanish by
General Mosquera (1855). (My translation)

THE CONQUEST1

Sebastian de Belalcazar first heard of the riches of the Pubén
Valley from an Indian in Quito. He dispatched a group of 4000 Ecuadorian
Indians and a small complement of Spanish troops under the leadership
of Captains Juan de Ampudia and Pedro Afiasco to explore the region. As
they moved north they had several encounters with Indian tribes whom
they defeated, often taking male prisoners. In a few instances friendly
relations were established with Indians, including one tribe from the
Guambiano-Coconuco group. They assisted the Spaniards in combat against
their enemies in southern Cauca--the Patias and Bojoleos.

After their initial victories, which were not easily won, the
Spanish forces arrived at Mastales, the southernmost fortress in Pubén
territory. The Pubén leaders had received word of the invaders' activ-
ities, and Cacique Payén was at Mastsles when the Spanish arrived. An
eight-day battle took place and Ampudia and Aflasco were victorious.
Cacique Payfin was killed in the fighting.

Notified of the defeat, Yazgfien, the old religious leader in the

Pubén capital, directed a general evacuation, and removal of the gold

59

60

and other riches. The inhabitants moved to the mountains in the east.
Yazgfien's strategy was to allow the invading troops to occupy the city,
leaving it to the insects--which could only be controlled by burning
special plants--to drive them out.

There were several skirmishes with troops led by Calambés. Final-
ly, the Spaniards, molested by the fleas and lice, and furious at not
finding gold, burned the city and went north to Jamundi. The Indians
returned and began rebuilding the Pubén capital.

The Spaniards often had difficulty in "recruiting" reinforcements
from local villages. Some groups, not able or willing to engage in
combat with the Spanish, took advantage of the uninhabited areas and
favorable ecological conditions. As Ciezna de Le6n (1865:XIII:55)
explains,

Another reason Efor the difficulty the Spaniards had in
gaining control is to be found in the fertility of the
soil ... so that when the Spaniards press on these In-
dians, they burn their houses, which are of wood and
straw, and retreat for a league or two, making other
dwellings within three or four days, and sowing as much
maize as they require, which they reap within four months.
If they are still pursued, they once more abandon their
homes, and retreat; for wherever they go they find a
fertile land ready to supply them.with its fruits, so

that war or peace are in their own hands; and they never
want for food.

Belalcazar and the Foundingpof Popayén

Belalcazar, hearing of the riches of the city, and the unsuccess-
ful efforts of Ampudia and Afiasco, organized a force to gain control of
the Pubén capital. Without informing his superior, Pizarro, who was in
Peru at the time, Belalcazar with 300 Spanish soldiers, eighty horses,

dogs, 5000 Indian warriors (from Peru, Ecuador and southern Colombia)

61

and 6000 supply and auxiliary forces, led the march to Pubén.

The first encounter between Belalcazar and the Pubén forces, led
by Cacique Calambés, occurred at Guazabara. The ensuing combat, accord-
ing to one historian (Vergara 1958:48—9), was one of the largest that
ever occurred between Spanish troops and Indian warriors. The Spanish
forces were outnumbered two to one, but better armed. After thirty days
of battle, Belalcazar was victorious, and among the dead was Cacique
Calambés.

In spite of the loss of several thousand troops, Belalcazar chose
to move on to the city of Pubén. His first efforts to capture the city
were unsuccessful. He decided to move north and recruit additional
forces. Belalcazar, a rather vicious soldier, had not been pleased by
the events which prevented him from achieving rapid victory. His ven-
geance was felt by the peoples whose villages were on the route he took
to Cali (then Lila). Human slaughter and the burning of homes became
his policy. Whole populations were destroyed or reduced to a small
fraction of their original size. Pascual de Andagoya, who served brief-
ly as Adelanto of the Province of Popayén, described what he encountered
on his first visit to the area:

On the ten leagues of road towards Popayfin [from Cali]
there are many villages with five hundred to eight
hundred houses; of which, when I arrived, no memory re-
mained, except the ashes; for all had been destroyed,
and the inhabitants killed by Belalcazar... The whole
is a very beautiful land, with plains, rivers full of
fish, and abundant hunting of deers and rabbits. This
land, now laid waste, was a most populous and fertile
country... When I arrived it was so laid waste that
there was not a duck fit to breed, ... and where there
were over one hundred thousand houses in the space of

these thirty leagues, I did not find ten thousand men
(1865:64-5).

62

Reinforced by warriors from local tribes, and reunited with his
captains Ampudia and Aflasco, Belalcazar returned south to assault the
Pubén capital. In the first line of defense was Cacique Piendamfi, one
of the leaders of the Guambias. The Spanish advanced slowly and eventu-
ally surrounded the city. One major battle was fought on the large
parallelogram-shaped plaza on the outskirts of town--a battle famous for
the participation and leadership of several women. After several months
of continual fighting, and hampered by heavy rains, Belalcazar was not
able to capture the city. Finally, taking advantage of the calm which
occurred each night, a squad of Spaniards entered the city and killed
the Pubén leader, Yazgfien. This occurred on December 24, 1536. The
year 1536 is now celebrated as the "founding" of the city of Popayén by

Sebastian de Belalcazar.

The Indians Continue to Resist
The Spaniards' difficulties with the Guambiano-Coconuco tribes
did not end, however, with the conquest of Pubén. It must be remembered
that these tribes, though joined in a loose confederation, were not
accustomed to pay tribute to a centralized authority. And, as described
by Ciezna de Le6n (1864:XIII:55),
... they detest being under subjugation to anyone,
which is sufficient cause for resisting the yoke of
strangers.
The conquerors' demands on the native population for women, goods
and services increased as their rule in the area was consolidated.

Initially the Indians supplied them with food and helped in some battles

against their traditional foes, including the Pijaos. As the Spaniards'

63

need for Indian products and labor increased, force was used to gain
compliance. Some Indians fled to the more inaccessible parts of the
territory. Others refused to plant and cultivate their crops. The
use of this tactic, however, contributed significantly to the decline
in population in the region.

In Popayén, the Christians never sowed during the whole

time they were there, having the crops of the Indians

to live on... [to resist the Spanish] the Indians de-

termined not to sow, and there was no maize for eight

months, which caused so great a famine that many ate

each other, and others died (Andagoya 1865:66).
Ciezna de Leon (1864) observed that the natives' refusal to sow was not
just a protest, but part of their strategy of opposition to the con-
querors.

... they preferred to die rather than be subjected,

such was their hardihood and they believed that the

want of provisions would force the Spanish to leave

the country (XXXII:115).

But the Spanish, impressed by the climate and natural resources
of the region, were determined to stay. Popayfin became an important
political and religious center during the colonial period, and the
capital of an intendencia with boundaries stretching from Ecuador to
the Caribbean.

It is interesting to note that among the chroniclers there are
differences of opinion as to the causes of the warfare in this part of
Colombia. Ciezna de Le6n (1864:XXXII:115) states that combat with the
Guambiano-Coconuco tribes was caused by their refusal to "keep the peace
which they had promised."

Andagoya, whose policy towards the Indians was humane and diplo-

matic (Markham.i§,Ciezna 1864:ii), offers an explanation which

64

contradicts Ciezna's. He notes:
... the principal cause of their [the Indians] de-
struction was that they received such evil treatment,
without having the faith kept with them (Andagoya
1865:66).

Not surprisingly, it was Andagoya who was made to return to Spain,
and the Chibchas--conquered in 1538 by 166 Spanish soldiers--who became
known as the most "advanced" society in Colombia. As for the Guambiano-
Coconuco, well, to the casual reader of Latin American history and
anthropology, they are just another of the "savage and mutually indepen-

dent hordes of cannibals and sodomites" (Madriaga 1963:53) who sur-

rrounded the Chibcha of Nueva Granada.

THE COLONIAL PERIOD

Relative peace was established in the Popayén Valley and nearby
mountainsides by the middle of the 16th century. To the Northeast, how-
ever, the Pfiez and Pijaos continued to resist the Spaniards for another
fifty years. Once their position of dominance was secure, the Spanish
subjected the remaining Indians to a variety of economic, religious and
political institutions which affected, but did not always destroy,

native community life.

Conversion to Catholicism

In some areas the clergy began its work immediately. Among the
earliest New World Indians converted to Catholicism were members of the
Guambiano-Coconuco tribes, including the Guambiano Chieftainess.

Andagoya (1865:66-68) describes their conversion:

65

The few that remained [in the Popayén valley] were
friendly, and I wished to convert them to our holy
faith, and to learn whether they had any religion.
They had none whatever, and did not even worship the
sun, like those of Cuzco. But they lived according
to the law of nature, with great justice... The
first who were converted in Popsyén were one hundred
of the natives of that land, and fifty of those of
Quito, who had come here with the Spaniards. Among
them was one chieftainess, and two or three chiefs...
They delighted greatly to hear the things concerning
the creation of the world; for they themselves have a
tradition of Noa's flood, just as we have. But they
have no other information in this province concerning
Him who was able to cause the water to rise and cover
the land.

Having already instructed these one hundred and
fifty converts in the essentials of our holy faith, not
touching on the passion and incarnation of our Lord,

... but only on matters easy to be believed, I wished

to convince them that there truly was a God the Creator
... I showed them that neither the earth, which was
without life, nor the sun and moon, nor the first man,
could do anything of themselves; whence they might truly
believe that it was the Creator and Maker of all things
who is God, whom we must worship. I did not think it
right to baptize them on the first day... When they came
to be baptized, I asked them if they remembered what I
had said to them the day before,... They replied they
had not slept all night, but had conversed concerning all
that had been said to them, holding it all to be good,
and that they desired to do as God willed. I then placed
crosses of red cloth on their shirts, and took them in
procession to the church,... Mass was solemnly said, and
having explained somewhat concerning it, they all ate with
me, and I ordered that the captains and officers of his
Majesty should serve them, at which they were astonished.
After eating, I gave them to understand that on that day
they had merited to be changed from beasts to sons of God
and heirs of his kingdom. I ordered a tournament, and a-
great festival to be celebrated, and they held it to be
very grand; and after four of five days there were three
hundred more, for whom the same festival was celebrated.

Their formal religious conversion brought them into the Christian

universe. Their acceptance of Christianity was facilitated by the
lack of a formal "confederation-wide" religion and the curates' con-
cessions to the lesser gods, sacred objects, magic, etc., which were

dismissed as "superstition."

66

In contrast to Andagoya's enlightened view of the Indians, most
Spaniards then, and some Colombians today, saw them as savages to be
tamed, and a source of labor to be exploited. Unfortunately, Andagoya's
rule over the province was short-lived. Belalcazar, who directed the
brutal and vicious conquest of the Indians, asked Charles V to grant
him the government of Popayan. The King complied with his request main-
ly for the purpose of having someone in the region who would be able to
check the ambition of the Pizarros in Peru. Belalcazar returned to the
region, took Andagoya prisoner and in 1541 returned him to Spain (Mark-

ham ig_Andagoya 1865:XXIX; Ciezna 1864:XXIX:104-5).

Indians Laws and Economic Exploitation

In the year following Belalcazar's installation as Adelanto of
Popayfin, Charles V, influenced by Bartolomé de Las Casas, well known as
a protector of Indian rights, and Pope Paul III, promulgated a revised
set of laws for the colonies. These laws declared the American natives
free persons, vassals of the Crown of Castile, and prohibited anyone
from using them against their will (Haring 1947:44-54). Shortly there-
after, from 1545-50, the colonists imported African slaves to New
Granada. Many were brought to the Popayén region to work in the mines
(Arboleda 1948:68). The Blacks replaced the Indians as the lowest
and most exploited group on the social ladder and made possible some
enforcement of the laws prohibiting Indian slavery. Nevertheless, abuse
was common, and the Indians had few civil liberties and minimal econom-
ic freedom. On encomiendas and haciendas they were almost totally sub-

ject to the rule of the colonial landlords.

67

What the Crown wanted most from the colonies was gold to purchase
manufactured goods from outside Spain. The key problem was to mobilize
manpower to work in the mines, in agriculture, and on public works.

The colonial institutions developed to meet these needs were: the
repartimiento (called the gigs in Peru)--a forced labor draft; encomien-
‘gggr-temporary land grants, usually accompanied by limited rights to

the labor of a group of Indians living on or near the encomienda;
tributos--taxes of a fixed sum paid directly to the King or encomendero
and, later, resguardos (reservations) or parcialidades-communal land
grants to a group or groups of Indians who continued to pay tribute in
coin and labor to the King's representatives (corregidores and alcaldes),
and the church (Haring 1947:38-68; Stein and Stein 1970:37-45; Steward
and Faron 1959:151-2).

In contrast to the generally poor treatment of the Indians by
encomenderos and administrators, there are numerous events which show
that in the province of Popayén personal and legal concern for the
Indians was still present (Arboleda 1948:40-67). This concern, however,
usually related to Spanish paternalism and personalism rather than their
rights as citizens. For example, the widow of an ex-governor of Popayén,
defla Magdalena de Vega y Arag6n, states in her will: I

. It is my desire and my will that they distribute to the
male and female Indians of the encomienda and estancia
of Guambia fifty fanegas [80 bushels] of corn, without
their being required to do any labor for it (Archivo
Central del Cauca 1683: Sig 1801 [Col.-J.I-]).
There are also numerous cases in the archives in Popayén which

show that abuses by landlords and other authorities were sometimes

punished by officials of the Crown. For example, in response to a

68

complaint by the cacique of Tunis that he had been physically mistreated
and humiliated by the priest of the village, the court in Popayin in
1738 ordered the priest to pay a fine of 25 patacones to the Indian
leader (arboleda 1948:45-7).

In general, however, the Indians in Colombia suffered the same
ills as those in other parts of Latin America. Hernindes de Alba sum-
marises the impact of the Spanish rule on the Indians in Popayin and
surrounding regions:

The encomiendas made no effort to Hispanicise the In-
dians, but continued to loot and massacre them. The
Indians, reduced to utter misery, gave up all their
industrial activities, and devoted the greater part

of their time to the service of the master or to seek-
ing products to pay the obligatory tribute. To remedy
this situation, the Spanish Crown decreed the native
"parcialidad," giving surviving groups reservations
and prohibiting their employment in transporting men
and goods over the highways. This reform was never
carried out, however, and the Indians, in spite of
having their own government, the cabildo or Indian
council, continued in servitude or debt slavery
(19463926).

Colombia during most of the colonial period was a poverty-
stricksn, disease-ridden part of the Spanish empire, and much less
important to it than Peru and Mexico. There were few industrial ac-
tivities as long as gold could be mined. 'Medicine was.almost entirely
lacking: what there was was very rudimentary. Diseases were prevalent,
and the Indians had no immunity to many of them. Mbst severe were
leprosy, smallpox, typhus, typhoid fever and paratyphoid. Two
smallpox epidemics in the latter part of the 16th century increased the
decimation of the Indian population which continued to decline during
the colonial period. In 1789 the total population of the Province of

Popayin was 64,463 persons, approximately 25,000 of whomnwere Indians

69

(3,603 families of Whites, 6,022 families of Indians, 4,793 families of
Black freemen, and 3,247 families of Black slaves) (Silvestre 1927 in

Hernandez de Alba 1946:927).

Origin and Development of the Reservation System in Guambia

In 1562 the son of Sebastian de Belalcazar, Francisco, was granted
the encomienda of Guambia which included partial rights to the labor of
the Indians of the region. Provisions were made for religious instruc-
tion and Hispanization of the natives. In addition, the pueblo of San
Felipe y Santiago de Guambia, known as Guambia (and after 1838, Silvia)
was established within the encomienda's boundaries. In 1589, groups of
Guambianos became part of two other encomiendas, Amba16 and Usenda,
granted to Lorenzo Paz de Maldonado and to his wife, Catalina de Belal-
cazar (Otero 1952:255-6). Usenda became a mestizo town, while Amba16
continues today to function as a hacienda worked by Guambiano tenant
farmers.

Many important local developments occurred during the century and
a half following the initiation of the encomienda system in Guambia.
Unfortunately, a fire in the archives in Silvia in the latter part of
the 19th century destroyed most of the records of the municipality and
limits the precision of the historical record. Documents preserved in
Popayin, however, permit a limited amount of historical reconstruction.

Changes in Guambia, like those occurring throughout the Colonies,
are often related to developments in Spain. Several of these affected
the nature of the institutional relationships between the Indians and

their colonial masters. In Spain, the Hapsburg kings incurred large

70

financial burdens and tried to remedy their problem by demanding larger
payments from encomenderos. They demanded half the annual income of
each encomienda from 1687 through 1965, and reinstituted the policy for
a two-year period beginning 1703 (Haring 1947:66-7). Under this policy
the encomienda of Juan Alvarez in Guambia reverted to the Crown because
of the encomenderos' failure to pay the required tributes (Archivo Cen-
tral del Cauca, Sig: 26-79 [Col. -c I—17t]). In addition, decrees is-
sued in 1701 and 1720 directed all encomiendas to revert to the Crown
when its holder died (Haring 1947:67). Under this regulation the enco-
mienda in Guambiano territory held by Manuel de Belalcazar reverted to
the Crown after his death in 1720 (Archivo Central del Cauca 1737 Sig.:
38-29 [001. - c II 7t]). The last encomienda in Guambia was returned
to the Crown in 1729 by Agustin Fernandez de Belalcazar (Otero 1968:17).
In order to maximize returns from the Colonies the Crown took
over the direct administration of the lands and Indian labor. Corregi—

dores or alcalde mayores assumed the administration of the pueblos and

 

collected the tribute for the royal treasury. For the Indians, the cure
was worse than the ailment. The new representatives of the Crown, be-
cause of their limited appointments and low salaries, often increased
the exploitation of the native population. They increased the use of
forced labor, exacted illegal tributes, charged excessive fees and fines
in judicial suits, and required the natives to buy, at inflated prices,
objects which were often unnecessary or useless to them (Haring 1947:67,
133).

During the late 17th century, the Crown passed additional laws

to protect the Indians from the widespread abuse of their persons and

71

usurpation of their lands. Recognizing that the attempt to reduce
Indians to village life, which had been Colonial policy since 1503, was
not effective, the Spanish rulers instituted the system of communal land
holdings, resguardos and parcialidades, which took into account the
territorial claims and leadership structure of the natives. 0n the
reservations, rights to the land belonged to the group as a unit. The
territorial integrity of the reservation was protected by law and the
sale and rental of land was prohibited. The territorial demarcations

of the reservations generally paralleled the earlier encomienda
divisions. Non-Indians were prohibited from residing within the
reservation. The distribution of land to the Indians was made to the
native cacigue or leader in his capacity as representatives of a social
group. The size of these groups varied considerably. In some instances,
a reservation consisted of a single parcialidad, usually a localized
section of a tribe, and in others it consisted of several such units
(Rodriguez 1949:276-7).

Each reservation was divided into several zones. One zone
consisted of territory divided into lots to which individuals could
obtain usufruct rights. Another zone was set aside for communal fields
for pasturing animals and included wooded areas to provide materials
for construction and firewood. A third zone was designated for the
production of cash crops: corn, onions, and wheat, to supply the towns
and urban areas (Aguirre 1961:Vo1. 1:195). As the Indians increased
in numbers and integrated economically into the larger society,
communal lands were gradually assigned to individuals demanding usufruct

privileges.

72

The same legislation established a system of native government,
the cabildo or Indian council. Although there was some local variation,
the Indian government generally consisted of a governor, a first and
second magistrate (alcalde mayor and alcalde segundo), a trustee (sindico
or figggl), and constables or deputies (alguaciles). The Governor and
alcaldes shared the decision-making authority. The job of the alguaci-
les was to transmit orders from the higher authorities and administer
punishments such as whipping and imprisonment in stocks. Elections for
these offices were to be held annually.

In Guambia and other neighboring reservations the office of
captain (capitan) was added to the cabildo. This official was not
responsible to civilian authorities, had life tenure, and greater power
than the elected officers. "The captain was, therefore, like the orig-
inal hereditary cacique, the chief of each aboriginal group" (Hernandez
de Alba 1946:926-7). These actions, though forcing some changes in the
native way of life, had the general effect of preserving the social and
cultural integrity of the tribal and subtribal units.

The reservation of Guambia and the neighboring ones of Quizg6,
Pitay6 and Quichaya (the last two inhabited by Paez speaking groups)
were established in 1700. In that year the Real Audiencia de Quito, in
the name and by order of "His majesty King Felipe V gave to the Indian
pueblos of Pitay6, Quichaya, Guambia and Quizg6, ... represented in the
person of cacique Juan Tame, the rights to the lands which later consti-
tuted the Indian reservations of the same names" (Min. of Agriculture
1960). The boundaries of the reservations of Quizg6 and Guambia are
described in the escritura N. 703, dated May 5, 1881 (Archives, Minis-

terio de Gobierno, 1883).2

73

Although the reservation lands were initially given over to Juan
Tama, by 1731 the cacique of each of the four reservations was recog-
nized by the authorities and responsible for collecting tributes (Ar-
chivo Central del Cauca 1731: Sig. 32 10 [C01. II 7t]), The cacique
or captain responsible for collecting the tribute was personally exempt
from taxation. The amount of tribute paid by each adult Indian male to
the officials was 7 patacones (Archivo Central del Cauca 1801: Sig.:
67 13 [Col-C II l9t]). This sum was among the highest in the province,
especially when compared with the tributes paid by Indians in the neigh-
boring province of Péez who paid a mere 20 reales per year (Arboleda
1948:69). The relatively high tribute required of them suggests their
standard of living and agricultural output was probably higher than

most other Indiana in the region.

Population Growth in Guambia during the Colonial Period

The population of the four reservations located in the territory
of Guambia, now known as the municipality of Silvia, was very small
during the Colonial period. Census lists are rare, and though the
names of the caciques of each are listed, the name of the reservation
(or parcialidad) is not. This reflects the persistence of the pre-
conquest pattern of referring to places by the name of the cacique or
capitfin. The chart below is the most complete census list available
in the archives in Popayan for the territory of Guambia during the

Colonial period.

74

TABLE 1.

 

Social Organization 13_Guambia: 1731
(Archivo Central del Cauca 1731: Sig.: 34 68 [Col-C 11 7:1)

 

 

Cacique Husbands* Wives* Children Totals
Juan Calambas 17 22 58 97
Luis Cantero 18 21 43 62
Gonzalo Paz - - - 32
Cayetano Tombs - - - 67
T o t a l 258

 

*Widowers and widows are listed as "husbands" and "wives." Bachelors
are listed as "children." All men married or over 18 years of age,
however, would have to pay tribute.

 

From the above table it is not possible to tell which of the ca-
ciques was the chief authority in what is today Guambia. All surnames
listed except Paz are used by Guambianos. It is likely, however, that
Juan Calambfis was in charge of Pitayé, one of the two Péez parcialidades
in the territory. This would leave either Cayetano Tombe or Luis Can-
tero as cacique of Guambia proper, and the other in Quizg6. Since the
population figures between them differs by only five (62-67) the figure
65 will be used as a base point. There were, however, other Guambianos
(as opposed to Quizg6 Indians) living on repartimientos and, later,
haciendas. In addition, the rather low figure may be partially the re-
sult of the diseases which caused many deaths during the previous cen-
tury.

We must now shift from population figures to lists of tributors

which include all married men and all single males over the age of

DI":
'I‘I

.Ne

..4‘
b“,

9 v
F3-

0..

‘
9a
egg

is-
.1
.

l

(I.
r~o

75

eighteen. Estimating that 25 per cent of the total population falls
into the category of those paying tribute, then we have approximately

65 such persons in the four parcialidades in 1731. About sixteen would
have been of the Guambiano tribe. Comparing the above with the 1807 list
(Archivo Central del Cauca 1807 $13.: 67 13 [Col-C II 19t]) which con-
tains 221 tributors from the Indian groups, we find an increase of 340
per cent in population over a 76-year period.3 Using 25 per cent as a
basis for estimating the tributor/population ratio, the total number of
inhabitants on the four reservations would be 877. Of this total,
assuming no change in relative proportions at this time, the parcialidad
of Guambia would have 258 residents in 1807. This is twelve years
before the Battle of Boyaca on August 7, 1819, the date celebrated as
Independence Day in Colombia. The rate of growth was maintained, and

by 1890 there were approximately 1200 Guambianos on the reservation.

INDEPENDENCE (1819) THROUGH 1890

During the wars of independence the Indians of Southwest Colombia
were divided in their loyalties. The Pasto followed the Royalist units.
The Guambianos' neighbors, the P3ez-—led by a Ca1amb§s--fought with the
revolutionary forces. Sim6n Bolivar crossed through Guambiano territo-
ry, and some fighting occurred there. The Indians did not participate
as soldiers but were made to supply food and shelter to the Combatants.
Stories about the war indicate their reaction to the events was one of

fear and withdrawal.

Reservation Poligz: Dissolution and Integration

Developments following the establishment of the Republic of New

Granada (Colombia, Venezuela and Ecuador 1821-2) worked against the

76

interests of the Indians. During the Colonial period the Church and
Spanish administrators had often intervened on their behalf and repre-
sented their interests against those criollos who wanted to control the
Indians' land and services. After the revolution the Indians lost sup-
port of the Crown, and the political influence of the Church decreased.

Immediately following consolidation of the Republic, some laws
were passed correcting some of the abuses suffered by the Indians during
the Colonial period. These included return of lands illegally obtained,
full citizenship and the right to education, protection against exploi-
tation by church officials, and the elimination of tributes and forced
labor (Decreto de 1820, articles 1, 3, 8, 9, l4; Ley de 1821, Article 1;
ig.Balcizar 1954:5-11). The laws had little effect, however, in pre-
venting the exploitation of the indigenous population.

The main thrust of the new legislation was the gradual dissolu-
tion of the reservation system. The new criollo aristocracy wanted to
abolish reservations and allow local landlords to increase their
holdings. They also wanted to foster the development of a class of
small landholders. In addition, the reservations were, correctly, seen
as institutions which contributed to the maintenance of Indian culture
and therefore as barriers to the development of a national cultural
identity. The destruction of the reservation system was, thus, part
of the overall policy of "civilizing" the Indians and integrating them
more fully into emerging political, economic and religious institutions.

The undermining of the reservation system began as early as
1820. Simén Bolivar, then President of Colombia, declared that upon

return of the land which rightfully belonged to the Indians, each

77

family should be allocated as much land as its members could cultivate.
Land not distributed was to be rented to the highest bidder (Decreto
de 1820, July 5, articles 1, 3, and 4; ig_Balcazar 5-6). Twelve years
later details of the distribution process were specified and included
safeguards prohibiting the sale of parceled land for a period of ten
years (Lay de 1832, March 6, in Ibid:35-6). When the new regulations
were implemented and land divided among the native inhabitants, breakup
of the indigenous communities quickly followed. Fals-Borda (1955:20)
describes the sequence of events in a community north of Bogota.

The saucites . . . lost their communal title to the land;

eaCh individual became responsible for his own plots and

for the subsistence of himself and his family.

This land distribution was, indeed, a democratic measure,

but it proved to be unrealistic. . . ‘

Unable to use their landlord apprenticeship to good ad-

vantage, Saucites . . . sold plots to local hacendados

and sundry speculators at less than the assessed value of

the property; misery asphyxiated many peasants. . .
Implementation of national policy, however, was slow and subject to
modification by local authorities.

From.1849 through 1885, conflict between Liberal and Conservative
forces was especially intense. Attitudes and policy towards the indig-
enous population were part of this conflict and had an effect on devel-
opments in Guambia. In 1849 the Liberal Party came to power under the
leadership of General Jos6 Hilario L6pez. Grouped around‘himnwere
young professionals strongly imbued with the ideas of British economic
liberalism and political views inspired by the revolutionary events of
1848 in France. In a rush to consolidate their position they pushed

through a variety of reforms designed to increase the scope of polit-

ical participation and strengthen the egalitarian aspects of society

78

(Helguerra 1969:227-8). Among these were the abolition of slavery,
secular control over church affairs, and a lifting of all restrictions
on the sale of Indian land. The latter increased the pace of large

scale usurpation and purchase of land by latifundistas and the subse-

 

quent decline of Indian communities.

Federal Decentralization and Conservatism in Cauca

In 1853 a new constitution was passed which decentralized much
of the governmental structure. Under the presidency of a Conservative,
Mariano Ospina Rodriguez (1857-61), the decentralization of powers
increased, and in 1858 New Granada became the Granadine Federation made
up of six nearly sovereign states (Ibid:229-30). The liberal Constitu-
tion of 1863 increased the fragmentation of power and its dispersal into
the hands of state and local officials while extending, in theory at
least, the liberal principles of equal human rights (Ibid:230).

While most of the country was responding to concepts of equality
and democracy prevalent in European intellectual circles, Cauca in the
middle of the 19th century was the bastion of the Conservative forces.
According to the Liberal governor of Cali at the time, Cauca

presented such a picture of Spanishness and colonial-
ism that an impartial Observer would not have found
much difference between its civilization and that of
fourteenth-century Spain-~the Spain of the military
orders, holy miracles and infernal spirits, privileges
for the few, oppression of the majority, and the fatal
rule of the nobles and the friars (Mercado, 1853).

Ironically, the colonial structure and medieval world view ofv
the Caucanos were beneficial to many indigenous groups in the region.

In most of the nation the policy of division resulted in deculturation

and increased poverty of the indigenous population. In Cauca, the

79

Conservative legislature under the laws of the Granadine Federation
nullified provisions of the 1850 law. They declared that until further
notice purchases of reservation land made under that law were void and
they were to continue functioning as communal entities (Ley 90 de 1859,
articles 10 and 11. ‘In_Balcazar 1954:61). One of the consequences of
the Conservative Indian policies pursued by the Cauca Legislature is
that the Departamento (State) presently has fifty-four reservations--
more than any in the nation.

The 1859 Law also sanctioned many earlier provisions dealing with
reservation government. It limited the period of cabildo service to
one year and recognized the right of outgoing officials to name their
successors. It supported the cabildoa' authority to punish "moral"
offences, prohibited the sale, mortgage and rental of reservation land,
and assured them the right to legal protection (Ibig:57-63).6 Under
these latter provisions the Guambianos, in 1883, obtained an escritura
for the reservation. The titulo protected boundaries, but this was
after some of their territory had been usurped by aggressive Whites.
The opposition of the Cauca Legislature to the national government's
policy of division continued until 1886 when a new constitution, the

one which, with amendments, is still in force today, was passed.

The Usugpation of Guambiano Land

Actions of the Cauca Legislature, while protecting the reserve-
tion from the national policy of dissolution, did not prevent White
encroachment on lands belonging to the Guambianos. Several large
haciendas were organized in territory which had originally been part of

Guambia. The Indians' struggle to maintain their territorial integrity

80

became an important feature of their political life during the years
following independence. It was not until 1966 that full title to the
land (more binding than the escritura of 1883) was obtained.

Otero (1968), whose historical monograph focuses on developments
in the White community and is generally uncritical of the treatment of
the Indians, mentions some of the actions by which Indian land was
taken. For example, Marcelino Rodriguez, testifying in 1848 against an
Indian wanting to rebuild a house on the outskirts of town, states:

Since 1820 I know this town [called "Silvia" since 1838]
and I have.heard it said that its founding is very old.
I have also heard that in the time of Governor Nieto [of
the Province of Popayin] all the Whites in the area were
obliged to build homes in the town, and that the Whites
never paid the Indians any rent for the land on which
their houses were located; only a school tax (ig|0tero
1968:26-7).

Of greater significance is the usurpation of large tracts of
land which today are haciendas belonging to some of the most powerful
families in Colombia. The story of the loss of this land to the Whites
continues to circulate in Guambia. Below is a version obtained from
one of the old political leaders. It is included not only for its
historical value but because the Guambianos want it recorded.

The Story of the Theft of Guambiano Land by White Men in the
19th.Century. "Long ago all the land south of the river
Piendam6 [from Panes Negras ?] to the stream called Rio
Molino [Mill River, later changed to Quebrada de Fajardo]
formed part of the reservation of Guambia. The stream is
called "Mill River" because long ago a stone mill was
established there, and with that begins the story of the
fight. I do not know why they built a mill since at that
time there was little wheat cultivated here [it was built
by the Indians to help pay their taxes to the Church].
Nevertheless, it was built, and used by many who came
from.various parts of the Province of Popayin to have
their wheat ground. These people had to ask permission
from the Guambiano cabildo to pasture their pack animals
on reservation land. Such requests were always granted.

81

Under this pretext they kept asking for additional land
and soon began to cultivate some of it. In this fashion
the Whites began to gain possession of the land. The
Cabildo, noticing what was happening, refused to rent any
more land. And the fight began.

The cabildo of the reservation, realizing that the Whites
would not return land to the community once they had rented
it, initiated litigation to recover the area usurped by the
Whites. The papers went to Popayén, to Bogota, and the
Indians attending to this matter had to make many trips
and return trips. This was because the White authorities
did not attend to Indians quickly and because the Indians
at the time were very ignorant. The authorities deceived
them'with stories and made them make many useless visits.
The only White man to help them was a man named José
Edubije Sinchez.

The afore-mentioned papers went from office to office and
were delayed for a long time. Finally they heard that in
Bogoti there had been a decision in favor of the Indians.
Upon hearing the news they were going to get their land
returned, the Guambianos were very happy. When the word
got out that the papers were in the mail from Bogota--
which in those days was carried by horseback on mountain
trails-~the Whites left Silvia to meet the courier and
stole the papers from him. Shortly afterwards, the
Whites produced a document showing that they had won the
case and that the Indians had lost the land.

Since the cost of all the trips by the Indians was
expensive, they were forced to sell even more of their
land to the Whites who had forced them to make the trips
in the first place.

These lands were sold from one hacienda owner to another
and form the present-day borders of Guambia.

It is said that the titles to the land granted by the
King are to be found in the archives in Quito, but some
say that these too have been removed by the Whites."

STABILITY AND CHANGE IN GUAMBIANO SOCIETY: THE COLONIAL PERIOD THROUGH
1890

The military conquest and epidemics in the 16th century had a
devastating and, perhaps, traumatic effect on the Indian population of
the Popayin Valley. Many groups were annihilated while others were
substantially destroyed. The ensuing 355 years of contact with

Hispanic culture and social institutions resulted in many Changes in

82

those Indian societies which survived the conquest. Most of them
underwent a period of deculturation which was followed by a gradual
process of acculturation to the Colombian peasant way of life. This
process occurred with most groups, even those living on reservations.
The Guambianos and Péez, while affected, were in many ways exceptions
to this general trend.

The resistance of the Péez is not difficult to explain. To begin
with, they were fierce warriors and fought savagely against the Spanish
for many years after the Colonial government was established in Popayfin.
More importantly, they were a numerous people inhabiting some of the
most inhospitable terrain in the regions-rugged, poorly suited for
agriculture, with a cold and wet climate.

In contrast, the Guambianos were less isolated, their soil and
climate was well suited to agriculture and, soon after the conquest,
were located on encomiendas. This same sequence of events in other
areas of southwest Colombia invariably resulted in the deculturation-
acculturation process described above. Although many changes in
Guambiano society and culture did take place over the centuries, the
striking aspect of their situation is the extent to which they have
been able to preserve so many aspects of their tribal culture and
organization while incorporating many new elements and adjusting to the
polnical, religious and economic demands of the ruling groups. They
are truly an exception to the general course of events in this part of
Colombia, and are the only remaining group in this part of South America
whose culture is fundamentally Andean and who were not conquered by the

Incas (Rowe 1954:155).

83

A summary of Guambiano society is offered at this point because
Douay's (1890) account of their culture is the earliest systematic pre-
sentation available5 and because the late 19th century was a significant
turning point in Colombian and Guambiano history. In 1886, Colombia's
modern Constitution was adopted and many changes, including policy to-
wards the Indians, began to bring the people and regions together as a
nation.

Early in the Colonial period changes in material culture and
foods were introduced by the Spanish and adopted by the Indians living
on the encomiendas. Wheat, onions and garlic, cattle, sheep, goats,
pigs and chickens provided new sources of food and material for clothing.
The encomenderos required "their Indians" to wear more "civilized" dress.
Then men adopted white knee-length linen pants, over which they wore a
wider version of the traditional poncho. They began to make and wear
tightly woven straw hats (Hernandez de Alba 1946:941-2).

The female dress at this time combined the traditional shawl
(25355) which covered the back and breasts, with two ankle-length skirts
made of wool, worn one over the other. The skirt worn underneath was
white and the one above black (Ibid:942; Douay 1890:766). The skirt
was secured at the waist by 2"-3" wide chumbes, which often were
decorated with geometric and naturalistic designs. The woman‘s hat was
made of dark blue cloth, had a round brim, and was lined with cloth in
alternating bands of yellow and red. They no longer used adornments of
gold and tumbaga but wore various types of silver jewelry, including
large earings, and necklaces which hung down to their waists. They also
wore necklaces made of colored glass beads with silver ornaments (Douay,

1890:766). Both sexes continued to use pouches of hemp called

84

jigggg_or guambias. The men used a small woolen pouch, decorated with
colored triangles, for carrying cocaine.

Horticultural techniques remained basically the same, with the
major development being the introduction of more efficient metal points
added to the traditional digging sticks. Horses were adopted for per-
sonal use and the transportation of goods. Neither horses nor oxen
were employed as draft animals. Whereas many Indian communities in the
Andes and Mesa-America began to use the ox-drawn plow the mountainous
terrain in Guambia did not allow wide-scale use of this technique and
the traditional slash and burn method of soil preparation continued.

The pro-conquest settlement pattern of small groups of houses
dispersed throughout the territory was still typical. The population
increased gradually, but some of the traditional Indian lands were
usurped by Whites and turned into large haciendas. A small number of
Indians chose to remain on the haciendas. Douay (1890:757) explains the
reluctance of those Indians to leave in terms of their desire to remain
living and working on the land of their ancestors.

The aboriginal two-room mud and straw house, and the circular one
for menstruating women, continued to be used. Although forts were no
longer constructed, the Indians held their large feasts in a communal
house on the outskirts of town. Reciprocal labor exchange and large
mingss were still basic to the organization of economic activities ine
eluding planting, harvesting, house-building and life crisis ceremonies.

Population on the reservation of Guambia grew from 65 in 1731 to
258 in 1807, and to approximately 1200 in 1890. Population density was
still low, and communal land was available for allocation to those who

needed it.

85

The Guambianos adopted Christianity and participated actively in
many Catholic religious festivals. The priests' practice of adjusting
the Church's cycle of religious activities to native patterns, incorpo-
rating native concepts into Catholic doctrine, and their indifference
to many aspects of the native religious system, facilitated the devel-
opment of a syncretic pattern and the preservation of many indigenous
beliefs and practices. The Indians' understanding of Catholic doctrine
was severely limited because few of them had more than a rudimentary
knowledge of Spanish. The compadrazgo system was introduced by the
clergy and used for baptisms, marriages and other ritual events. The
Indians sometimes chose Whites and Mestizos as god-parents for their
infants, whereas Indians always served as padrinos at marriages.

Music and dance continued as important aspects of their culture.
The guitar and Eiplg_(12 strings) were added to their inventory of
musical instruments, and Colombian melodies were sometimes played during
festive occasions along with the Indian music.

The practice of burying personal objects in graves stopped,
probably because of widespread grave robberies. Instead, the elderly
hid valued items which they expected to utilize after death. The
custom of abandoning a house after the death of its owner ceased and it
was ritually purified instead. The extent to which this and other
beliefs and practices are pre—Colonial, or introduced after the Conquest
through contact with other Indiana and Whites, is difficult to determine.
In spite of their many differences, the Guambiano system of magic and
curing is similar to that of the Pfiez, and may be partially derived from
the latter's system. Even today, the Guambianos view the Paez as having

greater supernatural powers, and frequently use them for sorcery, curing,

86

and housecleaning rituals. Thus it is probably accurate to view their
system of curing, withchcraft and magic as a synthesis of a process of
diffusion which began before the Conquest and continued throughout the
centuries following.

Other important changes resulted from the elimination of cannibal-
ism and warfare. Traditionally, these activities were part of their
political-religious and class system. Warfare was an important aspect
of intercommunity ties, tribal leadership and social mobility. By pre-
venting these activities from occurring, the Spanish undermined the
traditional basis of support for social inequalities of power, prestige
and privilege. It also closed off the customary path for social mobil-
ity-military'prowess.

The decrease in the numbers of Indians (conquest and disease),
their spatial mobility (reservations), the power of the leaders, and
restrictions on polygynous marriages, undermined the traditional sup-
ports of the indigenous system of social stratification. In pre-Con-
quest_times, marriages, at least among the ruling class, followed a
pattern of class endogamy. By the latter part of the 19th century the
sanctions for this marriage rule were either substantially reduced or
non-existent, and persons with a "noble" heritage began to marry indi-
viduals of a "lower" class. As Douay (Ibi33761-2) notes, the violation
of the endogamous marriage rule led to an even greater loss in the pres-
tige of the upper class. Thus, as a consequence of 350 years of exploi-
tation and rule by outsiders, the degree and kind of social inequality
within Guambiano society decreased. This tendency, although dominant,

was by no means the only one reinforced by Hispanic rule.

87

The introduction of the cabildo system gave outside support to
an authority structure similar to the traditional one, thus mitigat-
ing against some of the structural changes following the elimination
of warfare. Nevertheless, the system imposed by the Spanish was devoid
of the supernatural supports of the indigenous system and restricted
the scope of authority of political officials. The new system differed
substantially from the earlier one with respect to its role in allowing
for and supporting social inequality.

In summary, the effect of three and a half centuries of alien
rule was not particularly favorable to Guambiano society. Much of their
population and territory was reduced. They were forced into a network
of economic, political and religious institutions controlled by persons
indifferent or hostile to their interests. At the same time, however,
they continued to speak their native language, continued to wear dis-
tinctive Indian dress, maintained a world view which was still basic-
ally tribal in outlook, and continued to perform many activities in a

fundamentally indigenous way.

GUAMBIA: 1890-1940

In 1890 the Guambianos were an exploited Indian tribe with a
primitive technology, a surplus of land, marginal to a cash economy,
monolingual, and with little awareness of events outside the region.
In 1971 the Guambianos control much of their own marketing, use chemical
fertilizers and gas generated threshing machines, do not have enough land,
are linked to the nation and world by buses and transistor radios.
They own stores, buses, typewriters, and coffee farms. They borrow

from banks, teaCh in local schools, work as government extension agents,

88

send their children to high school and college, and are represented in
the Municipal Council. Two Guambianos have been to New York, and one
has studied in Israel. Almost everyone is bilingual. Through all of
this they have maintained much of their tribal structure and culture,
and continue to value the persistence of their indigenous community.

Colombia began the 20th century in civil war. It was not an
inter-regional conflict but a political war in which Liberals and
Conservatives throughout the country fought for control of the govern-
ment. Fighting occurred on Guambiano soil but the Indians maintained a
neutral position, feeding and caring for soldiers on both sides.

Early in the century ties between the reservation and Colombian
society began to increase. A White secretary was appointed to the
cabildo to record land transactions and enforce other provisions of
reservation and Colombian law. The growing urban population stimulated
the demand for their agricultural products, and they entered into a
monetary economy as consumers.

During the 1920's a school staffed by Catholic nuns was estab-
lished in the vsreds of Pueblito. Some early graduates of the school
are still today among the wealthiest and most powerful men on the
reservation. Other schools were organized during the following decades

and Guambianos, in and out of schools, learned to speak Spanish.

Indian-White Conflicts
During this period Guambianos and the Whites in Silvia had
several serious conflicts. The Whites made various attempts to usurp

reservation land. The Guambianos fought these through the courts and

89

were often successful. They hired lawyers, and made trips on horseback
to Popayin and Bogoti to present their case. One group made a trip to
Quito to obtain a copy of the original title to the reservation but did
not find it.

Whites were illegally renting reservation land and owned all the
local stores. Most trade and commerce was carried out through White
merchants and middlemen (negociantes) who resold the Indians' produce
at profits ranging from 200 to 400 per cent. During the 1930's, after a
White tenant tried to get title to her land, the Guambiano leadership
began a seven-year struggle and forced all Whites except those married
to Guambianos off the reservation.

About 1930, the merchants in Silvia with the support of local
politicians tried to force the Guambianos to wear pants in lieu of their
white shorts and blue kilts. They even tried bribing the Indian leaders
to assist them in getting others to change. Finally the municipal
council issued a decree making the native costume illegal. Again with

professional help the Indians were able to have the statute annulled.

GUAMBIA: 1941-1971

Ecological and Demographic Changes

One of the major changes affecting practically every aspect of
Guambiano life during this century was the growth of the reservation
population and the subsequent decrease in land available for distribur
tion. The population grew from about 1500 at the turn of the century
to almost 4000 in 1940 and to over 7000 in 1971. Land.which, during

the early part of the century was available to those willing to clear

90

it, was by 1940 controlled by individuals and redistributed among their
heirs. As more communal lands were parceled out, property values
increased, and competition for this scarce resource resulted in frequent
and serious conflicts. While many increased their holdings by hard work
and careful investment of surplus, some used their political position
and engaged in illegal transactions to acquire additional land. Commu-
nal lands used for grazing were parceled out, and very little remains.
The few areas left are hours from most homes and are very wet most of
the year. Trees used for firewood and construction were cut down, and

soil erosion and infertility are now major problems.

ghggges in Economic and Social Organization

A class system based on control of large land holdings emerged
during the century, and economic stratification became a permanent
feature of social organization. Wealth became linked with political
power, though not enough to cut off poorer persons with leadership
qualities from obtaining high political office and prestige. Even in
the economic sphere it was possible, until recently, for a man who
worked hard, invested wisely in animals and had some luck, to increase
his holdings. Renting and working half-shares became a common practice
within the reservation.

Other developments related to population growth included a
greater tendency towards local endogamy resulting in a decrease in the
role of kinship as a link between various neighborhood (vereda) units.
At the turn of the century the adult population was small enough so

that marriages, funerals and religious festivals would bring a large

91

percentage of this group together. Older informants note that in the
past the Guambianos were more united. This gemeinshaft quality dimin-
ished as their numbers increased, and formal ties (especially marriage)
and interpersonal relations with individuals from distant veredas are

minimal.

National Politics: La Violencia

In 1948 following the assassination of the popular Liberal leader
Jorge Eliécer Gaitén, Colombia once again erupted into civil war. This
was a murderous affair known as'§g_Violencia in which the Army acted as
an arm of the Conservative government. Several hundred thousand persons
were killed, and in the early 1960's groups organized against the govern-
ment were still operating in the eastern region adjacent to the reserva-
tion. During.Lg_Violencia, Silvia, a Liberal town, was occupied by the
Army, and many of its illustrious citizens were molested and thrown in
jail. The Guambianos, who were compadres with some of these men and
cooperated with them by voting for Liberal candidates, were also
bothered by the troops. Conservative Army officials trying to establish
control in the region tried to enlist the support of Antonio Valencia,
a popular ex-governor of the reservation. Valencia was one of the few
politically informed Indians and a staunch Liberal. When he refused to
assist the Conservatives he and a friend were taken to Silvia and
murdered. The story of this event is fast becoming a legend in the

Guambiano community.

Change in the 1950's and 1960's
The changes which began early in the century emerged on a large

scale during the 1950's and 1960's. New elements were added, the rate

92

of change increased dramatically, and new patterns of relationship
emerged. Rowe (1954:140) estimates that during his stay there in 1947
and 1948 only 19 per cent of the population could carry on a conversa-
tion in Spanish. By the late 1950's the majority of the population

spoke Spanish, and by 1971 only about 10 per cent could not converse in
Spanish. This facilitated economic transactions and allowed much greater
numbers of Guambianos to travel throughout the region.

The Municipal government during the 1940's and 1950's reduced the
cabildo's authority to punish legal and moral infractions. Whipping and
locking transgressors in a stock were gradually replaced by fines which
were not nearly as effective in making violations public. The element
of public shame was absent.

As land on the reservation was distributed the price per hectare
climbed to double and triple that of non-reservation land. Conse-
quently many Guambianos began purchasing small coffee farms (fincas) in
adjacent municipalities.

While many of the developments during this century resulted from
a slow cumulative process of change, many events were directly and

indirectly the result of development agencies and programs.

Development Aggpcies and Projects

During the 1920's an all-weather road was built between Silvia
and Piendam6. Motor transportation became more frequent by the middle
of the century and commerce between the regions increased substantially.
Some Guambianos began to sell their produce in Piendamé, Popayén and

other markets in the Cauca Valley. Additional schools were built, and

93

in 1959 the Ministry of Education got permission from the Indians to
construct an Indian school on the reservation. A team of extension
workers operates out of this unit.

The Ministry of Agriculture opened an office in Silvia in the
late 1950's, and the Division of Indian Affairs later began a program
of extension and community development. In 1962 Albert Wahrhaftig and
I, both Peace Corps Volunteers, became part of the Indian Affairs
Commission. The construction of access roads to reservations was a
major focus of our work. During our stay a road to one Guambiano vereda
(Cacique) was completed and another begun (to Pueblito).

The roads were built mostly by the manual labor of the Indians
using the traditional system of mingas (communal work). The flow of
goods and services accelerated rapidly with the new roads, and several
Indians purchased buses. Others opened stores on the reservation, and
many took over the traditionally White man's role as middleman. These
developments along with the details of the road project are discussed
further in Chapter 1x.

Other events of importance during the past few decades include:
the opening of an Agricultural Bank (£315.5graria) in Silvia which the
Indians use for loans and savings, the formation of local community
action committees, the organization of several cooperatives, the
electrification of one vsreds, scholarships at the local high school,
a Guambianossat on the Municipal Council, the appearance of The Virgin
in the vsreds of La Campana, and a victory in the struggle to obtain

legal title to the reservation.

94

The Protestants

A major conflict developed during the 1940's when a Protestant
Evangelical group began converting Guambianos in the vereda of Puente
Real. Opposition from the Priest in Silvia, the nuns, and the
Archbishop in Popayin was strong. Physical violence erupted on various
occasions, and harrassment continued into the early 1960's. In recent
years the anti-Protestant sentiment has diminished considerably and
Protestants now serve in the cabildo. A school and small church function
in the Protestant section of the reservation. In 1971 there are between

300 and 400 Guambianos who consider themselves Protestants (evangélicos).

{Agggrian Reform

One of the most unusual events of the past decade was the purchase
of a hacienda by a group of Guambianos. The project was initiated by a
young Indian who spent six months in Israel studying cooperatives. He
organized the hacienda tenants, and they obtained a loan from. the
Agricultural Bank and began to work the hacienda as a cooperative.
Unfortunately, poor administration and supervision of the project by the
Agrarian Reform Corporation (INCORA) led to additional conflict in the
community, and the program failed to meet many of its economic goals.

Some of the Indian leaders in this project have been recently
politicized by radical extension agents employed by INCORA. Invasions

of other haciendas are now frequent and have been partially successful.

Summagy: The 20th Centugy
In short, the 20th century has been a period of rapid and in

many ways radical change in the content and organization of Guambiano

95

society. Problems caused by an exploding population have to a certain
extent been mitigated by other developments. Technological improvements
made it possible to farm more intensively, and output per hectare has
improved. The value of agricultural products has increased, and
Guambianos are well integrated into a regional and national economy.

. New economic opportunities were grasped by some Indians, and new forms
of association supplement, and have partially replaced, traditional
institutions. The cabildo has had some of its authority reduced, but

it has grown in size and has modified its activities to keep pace with
most of the shifting internal and external demands.

In spite of all the changes the Guambianos maintain their native
language, an indigenous style of clothing, and continue to carry out
many activities in a fundamentally indigenous manner. Their successful
adaptation is related to their utilitarian approach to technological
Change, a flexible social organization, and their sophistication in
dealing with the outside world. Most important, however, is their

strong desire to maintain their tribal integrity as Guambianos.

3.

4.

5.

96

NOTES TO CHAPTER IV

Information presented under the heading THE CONQUEST is a
synthesis of material contained in the following sources.
Primagz sources: Castellanos (1881); Andagoya (1884, 1892);
Ciezna de Le6n (1895, 1945). Secondary sources: Arroyo
(1907, 1957); Vergara (1958); Hernandez de Alba (1944,
1946, 1948); Otero (1952); Mosquera (1855).

 

There is an interesting historical footnote to the establishment
of these reservation lands which illustrates one of the sometimes
tragic, sometimes comic, legacies of Spanish rule. To illus-
trate this in the context of the Guambiano situation one may go
back to legal documents the Guambianos have used to support their
claims in various disputes with Whites and neighboring Indian
groups. The records of the Real Audiencia de Quito refer to
orders issued by King Felipe !_in 1696, 1698, and 1700, which
orders legalize and turn over to the Indians in the person of
Juan Tame the reservation lands of Guambia, Quizg6, Quichaya

and Pitay6. This would be a simple matter except that during

the period indicated, and until November 1700, Carlos I;_ was

the King of Spain, and Felipe, who succeeded Carlos II, was at
the time merely the Duke of Auj6n-with no authority over events
in the colonies. Felipe V was not installed as King until
February 1701, almost a year after the reservation had been
formally turned over to the Indians (T. de Wiesinger and
Echeverry 1964:30-32).

The errors in these documents and the lack of precision in the
delineation of the boundaries in the titles have contributed to

the confusion and problems the Guambianos have encountered as
they defended their territorial claims in courts not especially

sympathetic to their position (Ibid:32).

Part of this increase might be due to a policy of more efficient
collections which the Crown attempted in the 18th and early 19th
centuries.

In 1873 the laws of Cauca were modified to allow for the division
of reservation land if a majority of the adult population agreed
to such a course of action (Ley #44, Oct. 17, 1873, Article 20.
12_Balcazar 1954:77). The office of secretary was also added to
cabildo. No one occupied this position in the Guambiano cabildo
until 1913, when a White man was appointed to serve by the Mayor
of Silvia.

I have heard that there is a manuscript of Ciezna de Le6n's
somewhere in Spain which has a full report on the customs of the
Guambiano-Coconuco tribes as he encountered them shortly after
the Conquest.

97

"and" k
Tofihie
Hum upie “

Jambal-

Hunie-p‘w do.
(Olden.

    
 

"“fhclplo dz
lnza

Meme-pm de
Cay-53°

Munitipfie d; Tofu.

MAP or SILVIA, Cauca am _ ,

 

 

 

c
v'fiii'

Figure 3: Map of Silvia and the Reservation of Guambia.

V. THE CONTEMPORARY SETTING: ECOLOGY
AND ECONOMICS

GUAMBIA AND ITS BOUNDARIES

Guambia is the name of an Indian reservation in the municipality
of Silvia, Department of Cauca, Colombia. West of Guambia is another
group of Guambiano speaking peoples, the Quizgueflos. The Indians in
Quizg6 live within a few kilometers of Silvia and have changed many
traditional ways to become more like the neighboring White communities.
To the north and east Guambia is bounded by reservations of Piez speaking
peoples. The eastern border formed by the Paramo de Las Delicias, di-
vides Silvia and Guambia from the municipality of Inzfi. The region is
cold, wet, uninhabited, and almost 4000 meters high. To the south is
the municipality of Totor6 which includes the reservation of Totor6,
Paniquitfi and Polindara. To the east is the "urban center" of Silvia

and several large haciendas.

The Haciendas

The haciendas are owned by Colombians who spend most of the year
in Popayén or Cali. All the haciendas use Guambiano labor, and on Las
Mercedes and Amba16 there is a resident Indian population. Ambalé has
its own school, and the relationship of the Indians to their absentee
landlord is reminiscent of the colonial situation. Although some
farming is done on the haciendas they are more important for beef and
dairy products. Fighting bulls are raised on two haciendas, and those

of Las Mercedes owned by the Piedrahita family are among the finest in

98

e".

99

South America. One of the haciendas bordering the reservation was
purchased by its former tenants with a loan from the Colombian Agricul-
tural Bank (Caja Agraria). It is now run as a cooperative supervised
by.smployees of INCORA (National Institute of Agrarian Reform). The
membership includes former tenants and Guambianos from neighboring

veredas.

The Urban Center of Silvia and Other Markets

The town of Silvia serves as a market center for only part of
the goods produced on the reservation. Guambianos directly market much
of their produce in Popayfin, Piendamé, Morales, Santander and other
towns in the Cauca Valley.

The Silvia market and local stores supply the Indians with most
of the items they need. Municipal, Departmental (State) and Federal
agencies have offices in town and provide a wide range of legal, educa-
tional and extension services. The Church and, on rare occasions, the
cemetery in Silvia are used by Guambianos, although they have their own
parish and cemetery on the reservation. Recreational facilities in
Silvia include a movie house, a bull ring, soccer fields, and a strobe-
lighted discotheque. These are used by the White inhabitants, students,
and tourists who frequent the town during July, August, December and

January. Several Indians are enrolled in the local high school.

ECOLOGY AND CLIMATE
The reservation of Guambia occupies approximately 6000 hectares

(one hectare equals 2.471 acres) on the western slopes of the Central

100

Cordillera. Reservation land ranges in altitude from a low of 2500
meters in the western part, to a high of 3982 meters in the eastern
section. About 40 per cent of the total is cold, damp and relatively
flat grassland referred to as "paramo." It is poorly suited to agricul-
ture and used mostly for grazing cattle, sheep and horses. Potatoes
and ullucos are planted in the lowest parts of the piramo. The remain-
ing land consists of rocky mountains and cliffs. Steeper slopes are
more common in the upper eastern section.

The hills and mountains are sculpted by numerous small streams
and several rivers flowing in all directions. The larger rivers, Cacique,
Hacha, Michambe and Agua Blanca all empty into the Piendamé River which
bisects the reservation along an eastdwest axis. The River Piendamo
flows by the town of Silvia and down the mountain until it reaches the
Cauca River. All the valleys, rivers, creeks and hills form a complex
topography. There are depressions, caves, waterfalls (some several
hundred feet high), marshy grasslands and small stretches of relatively
flat valley bottoms. Trails and paths crosscut the landscape in all
directions joining homes with fields, roads and neighboring households.
Roads from Silvia penetrate the lower regions of the reservation and
have been extended to reach Indian settlements.

The slopes are covered with old volcanic ash and form a sandy,
clay-like cover. The soil is of average fertility and slightly acidic
(Ph 5-2 to 5-5). Topsoil averages from four to six inches in most
parts and is well suited for the cultivation of wheat, potatoes, onions
and garlic (1967 Minagriculturs). The level of fertility in many parts

has diminished rapidly during the past few decades, and erosion has

.
.'s._ _

101

become a problem. This change is the result of: (1) the exploitation

of the upper slopes and consequent destruction of the natural vegeta-
tion; (2) the traditional method of cultivating with, rather than across,
the incline; and (3) the increasingly intensive use of land which
previously was allowed to lie fallow for from five to ten years. The
introduction of contour farming and fertilizer has helped alleviate

some of the problem.

The climate is generally cool and varies according to the time
of day, season and altitude. The average daily temperature is between
7° C. and 15° C. (45° F. and 59° F.) (Instituto Agustin Codazzi 1969).
On sunny days the temperature reaches into the high 60-degrees F., and
frost forms in the upper sections on cold nights. Rainfall is plenti-
ful, averaging between 300 cm. and 400 cm. (118 inches to 157 inches) a
year in the municipality (Ipig:1969).

The Guambianos divide the year into summers and winters; normally
there are three of each (Rowe 1954:140), but recent climatic shifts have
increased the seasonal variability. The winters are marked by clouds,
precipitation, and cooler, more stable temperatures. Summers are sunny,
windy, and have warm days and cold nights. The Guambianos distinguish
between two types of precipitation, aguacero and'péggmg. "Aguacero"
refers to the normal type of rainfall, and "pEramo" to the heavy wet
fog which saturates the area with moisture. The charts below give a
general picture of the climatic cycle on the reservation. There are
annual variations with respect to the onset of each season and the
characteristics of the transitional period. The cycle varies in

different parts of Guambia but the pattern is the same. In general,

a":

 

 

103

TABLE 2

Climate in Guambia

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Temperature
Season Sun and Rain Winds day night
Summer (1) Mostly sunny, rain one or
two dgys a week. calm warm cold
Winter (1) Sunny mornings, frequent moderate
afternoon rains. W+E cool cool
Summer (2) Little rain, frequent moderate
to strong
clouds, occasional paramo. E+W warm cold
Winter (2) Highly variable. Some
sun, frequent clouds, paramo
moderate
for brief periods daily, warm cool-
SW+NE cold
some rain.
Sumner (3) Mostly sunny, occasional strong and
shifting
rain. S+N, W+E warm cool
Winter (3) Mostly cloudy. Rain
moderate
and/or clouds every to calm
, W+E cool cool
afternoon

 

 

 

 

 

104

the upper parts receive more moisture and are colder.

The climatic cycle determines the rhythm of agricultural activi-
ties in Guambia. Since this frequently changes, the following examples
are presented to show ways in which climatic variation affects the
lives of the Guambianos as individuals and as a community.

In 1966 the "third" summer lasted almost a month longer than ex-
pected. Since wheat planted at this time requires water, the fields
planted in September and early October received less than usual.

During the harvest in 1967 several Indians attributed their diminished
yields to the extended dry season during planting. Such events may
result in having to reduce expenditures. One informant reported he
would have to postpone constructing a new house unless he could get a
bank loan to make up for the loss suffered. In 1965 the ”first" summer
was so prolonged that potato crop throughout most of the reservation
was threatened with almost total loss. This required concerted action,
and money was raised for a special mass which was held to bring rain.
In addition, the aid of several shamans-some local and others brought
in from neighboring reservations-dwas enlisted to help bring about a
change in climate. Ritual activities were performed by these persons
on the mountaintops, and within forty-eight hours the rains came.

House buildings, weddings and large-scale cooperative work days

are usually scheduled for summer when the weather is warm and sunny.

Technology and Ecological Change

Profound ecological changes have taken place on the reservation
since the conquest. Early innovations following the arrival of the

Spanish included steel tools and domesticated animals. These, together

105

with the territorial restrictions and the traditional slash and burn
practices of the Indians began to modify the plant cover and chemical
composition of the soil. The rapid increase in population from 1500
in 1900 to more than 7000 in 1971 added to the rate and intensity of
ecological transformation. Today, land is used for cultivation which
until a generation or two ago, was either neglected or used to pasture
animals. Trees which previously covered much of the territory have been
cut down for firewood and construction purposes. The only large trees
in inhabited areas are eucalyptus, planted during the past thirty years.
Removal of much of the natural plant cover coupled with the traditional
practice of planting in vertical rows contributed to the erosion of the
rich topsoil.

These developments led to new pressures, goals and conflicts.
At the same time land was becoming increasingly scarce on the reserva-
tion, the needs of the growing urban centers for agricultural products
were increasing. To meet the new demands adjustments in the traditional
technology and economic organization were needed and a new balance
between man and land had to be achieved. Some of the problems remain
to be solved, but contact with more technologically advanced systems
and the activities of many extension workers have facilitated adaptation
to the altered conditions. During the 1930's Guambianos began to use
fertilizer to improve their crops. In the past ten years agridhlthral
extension workers have introduced contour farming, improved seeds, and

have reduced the practice of burning off the plant cover.

Patterns of Land Use
The character of the land and the way it is used varies with the

altitude. The diagram below presents a simplified cross section of

106

the reservation from east to west. The western part of the reservation
is the most diversified and agriculturally productive of the two sections.

Land use, in general, corresponds to altitudinal differences and
may be divided into three major zones. Zone A is warmer and more fer-
tile than the other two. It is the only zone in which corn, a tradi-
tional Guambiano staple, is grown. In Guambiano the word for a stalk
of corn is aggi, which also means "left." The association of lower-
left-west is important in other contexts. Wheat, introduced by the
Spanish, is also concentrated in Zone A, although there is some pro-
duced in the lower portions of Zone B. The land in Zone B is higher,
colder, wetter and generally steeper than in Zone A. The production of
potatoes, ullucos, onions and garlic is concentrated in this zone.

The highest region, Zone C, is generally unsuited for agriculture.
Traditionally, it was used only for grazing animals and as a source of
firewood. It is a "dangerous" area, inhabited by supernatural forces
located in trees, animals and lakes. A person must ritually cleanse
his hands with leaves before venturing into the zone. The region is
especially dangerous during the winter months. Women must exercise
greater caution than men and are prohibited from visiting the zone
while they are menstruating. Besides the danger of illness, the fe-
males risk becoming impregnated by the spirits of the.y§§h_(borrachero)

tree.

AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS
Potatoes, onions and garlic are major crops produced throughout
the reservation. Both are grown for domestic use and for sale to non-

Indians. Potatoes are planted two or three times a year and are

107

Nevodo del Hu'llo L

J Volconoof Purses7 —

/
I Li
A' J :

? ...... 4

['1
7
We
SIIVM

Use: H Eoso

  
   

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIG’URE 5:Topogrophlc profile of Canon.
Rollo vertical to horlzonlol lilO

-— , .7 ....s.- e .—._- t.. .- m— . -..o-"em—
_ m. ... a.

 

 

 

 

 

4000M. ..__--_-.--..._._____.__
LONE 2.
3.30014. ________ _ __ __
gowep
so ________ __ ____ ______
W .......

W909 H ‘00!

FIGURE 6: Agricultural zones in Guambl’o.

one A 2.500- 2.750 m. Zone 8 2.750 - 3.300111
Zone _(_:_ 3.300- 4.000!!! Flo? (Fawn to scale

108

 

FIGURE 7: Agrlculhsd Calendar; weslem (loner) Guambia.

109

harvested within four to six months, depending on the type and region
in whiCh they are planted. The rule of thumb is the higher the field
the longer the time needed to ripen. Three types of potatoes are grown:

ata, colorada and ice purace--the latter recently introduced by mis-

 

sionaries and Peace Corps volunteers.

Potatoes, compared to other crops, receive a substantial amount
of care. In preparing a piece of land it is first cleared of weeds and
large rocks. Then the soil is turned over and the large chunks of dirt
broken up and formed into rows with raised beds about thirty inches wide
and six inches high. The fields are weeded several times, and soil is
added to cover the potatoes.

Much of the extension help the Guambianos received focused on
potato production. Most Indians now use chemical fertilizer when
planting, and fumigate the plants several times before harvest. Fumiga-
tion and the use of fertilizer are a necessity rather than an option.
Depleted soils and new seed varieties require the use of chemical nutri-
ents.

The results of these innovations have reduced the frequency of
loss due to parasites and plant disease, made satisfactory crops possible
in the less fertile areas, and in numerous instances increased the yield
per acre to double or triple the previous level. The major barrier to
the adoption of these modern techniques is economic rather than cultural
or psychological.

Guambianos take pride in the way their fields look, the quanti-
ty of the harvest, and the size of the potatoes. After harvesting,

the potatoes are sorted by size. The largest are worth more in market

110

and most are sold. The smallest are kept for home use.

Onions and Garlic. Onions, and in smaller quantities, garlic,

 

are also produced throughout the reservation. They are more important
to the economy of the upper section where corn and wheat are not culti-
vated. For about six months of the year, a hilltop view of the lower
veredas is a patchwork of green, brown and yellow fields; the upper
veredas are almost always a sea of green from the stalks of onions,
garlic and leaves of potato plants.

All households have a garden adjacent to them. Each adult and
adolescent female has at least one garden. They market the produce as
they wish, although much of it is consumed in the home. Besides the
onions and garlic, most gardens have some coles, arracacha, cabbage,
and occasionally other vegetables. Onions and garlic are less seasonal
than the other major crops, and some are always available for consump-
tion or sale. They are important to each household since they guaran-
tee a minimal cash supply throughout the year. The sale of ten to
twenty bunches (wangos) usually brings in enough cash to purchase the
salt, panela (blocks of brown sugar), rice, coffee, bread and matches
to last a week or two.

In the upper section of Guambia onions are cultivated on a larger
scale as a cash crop. They serve the same economic function that wheat
does in the lower region.

Unlike the production of potatoes, the growing of onions is a
relatively simple matter. It does not require the raising of beds,
chemical fertilizer or fumigation. Once the ground is cleared, part of

mature onion plant with its stalk halved is placed in a hole two to

111

three inches deep, and covered. The gardens and fields are weeded
regularly, usually by the females. Ashes from the kitchen fire and
leaves of weed (122822.92HXEEE) are sometimes added to the gardens.
During the past years there was a dramatic rise in the price of onions
from 1.00-1.20 pesos a "bunch" in 1967 to 2.50-3.20 pesos in 1970. This
was causing a minor boom, and many Indians began planting onions in
fields previously used for other crops.

Corn, Beans and Melons. Corn is grown exclusively in the lower
part of the reservation and is a highly valued food plant. Fresh, ripe
corn is available only during a few months of the year and is consid-
ered a treat by the Indians. Corn is the basic ingredient in chicha,
an alcoholic beverage which earlier was consumed on a regular basis.
Today, chicha is more important as a special beverage, used in conjunc-
tion with ceremonial occasions such as weddings and mingas.

One variety of corn is planted in late December and January and
has a six-month growing season. The other, planted in July and August,
takes about ten months to grow. Both are normally harvested in July
and August. The hybrid corn seeds are planted in raised beds without
the use of fertilizer. Beans and peas are frequently planted in the
same beds as the corn. The seeds for the beans are put in the same
hole as those for the corn, and the peas spaced between them. The bean
rand pea plants are often fumigated, and the plots are weeded several
times during the year. A small number of mejicanos, a variety of melon
which grows to the size of a watermelon, are frequently planted in the
same plot. The planting and harvesting of corn is carried out only by

those who will later consume it, whereas potato and wheat plantings

112

often involve neighbors and kindred. After harvesting, most of the
corn is left to dry. When the kernels are hard the women rub them off
the cob with their fingers. They are stored and later prepared by
boiling. In some instances corn is sold or exchanged for other items
but this is always with other Indiana on the reservation.

Wheat and barlpy production is concentrated in the lower section
of the reservation and is an important source of cash income. Many
families living in the upper section have a plot of land in the lower
part of Zone B or Zone A where wheat and barley grow well. The plant-
ing, and to a lesser extent the harvesting of these crops, is a co-
operative effort. Fifteen to twenty is an average for planting, but
I participated in mingas where as many as fifty individuals were in the
fields. The planting season is from late September to mid-November.

No chemical fertilizer is used, nor is the wheat or barley fumi-
gated. A few families have recently begun to use a weed killer in
wheat plantings and say their yield has been improved. The plants
grow close together and no weeding is done. After eight to ten months
they are harvested, tied in bunches and hung from porch and ceiling to
dry. Six to eight weeks later the dry plants are threshed in one of
the privately owned machines. The old method of threshing by hand and
horses has been completely displaced by the modern method. The cooper-
ative aspect of this activity is maintained, since machine threshing:
requires the labor of from fifteen to twenty persons. They are needed
to transport the machine and generator, to feed the kernels into it,

collect the grain and remove the chaff.

113

All the barley produced is sold, whereas some wheat is always
kept for household consumption. There are two water-powered-mills on
the reservation, owned by Indians that do the grinding in return for
one-fifth of the flour produced. Guambianos without pressing financial
needs store some wheat until December of January when the price in-
creases from 25 to 40 per cent of the September rate.

Ullucos, a root plant, is produced for sale and home consumption
by most Indians. It grows well in the colder parts and usually is
planted in a field previously used for potatoes. It requires little
care. It is an important crop because it can remain unharvested though
fully mature with little danger of rotting. It is harvested when needed
for consumption or cash sale. Like onions and garlic, ullucos provide
each family with a measure of security during periods when there is
little to eat or sell.

Other food plants grown in smaller quantities include 22133,
arracacha, brown beans, lima beans, linaza, string beans, beets, cab-
bage, lettuce, carrots and radishes. The last six garden vegetables
were introduced recently by extension workers, missionaries and Peace
Corps volunteers. Although some families_have added these vegetahles
to their diet, most are reluctant. They do not like the taste and
prefer to market rather than consume them. Coles and arracacha are"
used mostly as food for animals. The lenaza plant yields oil-producing
seeds and is another source of cash income. Many women also grow a few

medicinal herbs in the gardens near their homes.

Crop

Potatoes
Ulluco
Corn
Onions
Garlic
Wheat
Barley
Lima beans

Brown beans

114

TABLE 3

Utilization of major agricultural products

(1967 Agricultural Extension Agent of the

Ministry
Guambia).

of Education. Indian School,

Per cent sold or exchanggd
65

6O

9O
94
50

100

Per

cent consumed

35

40

100

10

50

100

100

115

THE NON-AGRICULTURAL ECONOMY

While agriculture is the basis of the Guambiano economy various
non-agricultural activities are also important. Over the centuries
Changes in the relative emphasis placed on the various non-agricultural
pursuits have shifted. Hunting has declined, some Guambianos now fish,
and other enterprises associated with a cash economy have become common.
The domesticated animals brought by the Spanish have played a role in
the Guambiano economy for the past four centuries and are integrated
into other aspects of their culture and social life. The increased
monetization of the local and regional economy and the introduction
of new forms of transportation have increased the value of some animals

while the importance of others has declined.

Domesticated Animals

MM M are used primarily as pack animals. Today, most
goods from the reservation to surrounding towns and cities are trans-
ported by bus. The work of the animals is limited to carrying the goods
from the fields to houses and/or the road. ‘Horses are also ridden, but
only a few wealthy men use them exclusively for this purpose. Pack
animals provide an additional source of income to their owners who rent
them to other Indiana.

935513, Most families have at least a few head of cattle and
all but the poorest families, a cow. Several families own more than
twenty head, and anyone owning ten or more is considered wealthy. Some
milk is sold, some made into cheese and then sold, and the rest consumed.
A new Cheese factory in Silvia has stimulated milk production and the

price paid to Indians is on a par with urban factories.

116

Cattle are an important form of savings and investment. Twenty
to thirty years ago cattle would normally be slaughtered for special
meals during various ceremonial events. Their cash value has increased
steadily over the past two decades, and now they are rarely killed for
consumption. It is not unusual, however, to find an animal dead or
seriously hurt from a fall. When this occurs the meat is distributed
to family and friends. During my stay in Guambia, animals were
slaughtered for a few weddings, mortuary ceremonies, a Saint's Day
celebration, and festivals sponsored by outgoing political officials.
Cattle are sometimes sold to middlemen who visit the reservation, and
in Silvia on market day.

Oxen are never used as pack animals but a few are now trained to
pull plows. Cattle are kept mostly on the higher parts of the mountain
slopes and in the paramo. Cows about to give birth and those nursing
calves are kept in fallow fields. If the plot is unfenced the animals
are tied to stakes which are moved periodically.

Guambianos take good care of their cattle. Each person in the
family is responsible for the care of his own animals, though parents
often send their older sons to check them. They are vaccinated and
given injections when ill by government extension workers or by one of
the Guambianos who has the equipment. Cattle theft has become a seri-
ous problem as their value has increased. When they are missing,
neighbors and police in surrounding towns are alerted, and the males
in the family put aside other work to search for them. Diviners are
consulted when animals are lost or believed to be stolen, and they are

usually successful in helping locate them. Loose cattle are sometimes

117

a problem because of the damage they do to planted fields. When this
occurs the cabildo may be called on to help arrange a settlement.

§hggp, Most families own a few sheep. The wool is sheared once
a year in June or July. After cleaning, washing, dyeing and spinning,
it is used to make much of the clothing worn by the Indians. Like
cattle, they are grazed in the paramo and sometimes slaughtered for
special feasts.

‘gigg, raised by many families, are sold and consumed. Households
generally limit themselves to one pig, fattening it on weeds and gar-
bage. Most are slaughtered, cut into strips, fried and eaten during
the month of November beginning with All Souls Day (November 2).

‘Qgigggnpigg|(ggygg), common to most Andean Indian groups, are
still kept by most Guambiano families. Their importance as a source
of food has declined, as alternatives have become more readily obtain-
able. The guinea pig is an "Indian" food and never consumed by local
Whites. The cuyes run loose in the kitchen and feed on leaves of wild
plants, soles and arracaCha. Several families also raise goats, bees
and rabbits. ‘

Chickens. In Guambia and throughout Colombia Chicken is expensive
and considered a special dish. Almost every Indian family owns a few
chickens. They are usually allowed the run of the house and perch on
nearby trees and bushes; a few persons have constructed coops. Chickens
and eggs are important as mediums of exChange in Guambia and Silvia.
They are rarely consumed by the Indians but are often served to outsiders.
Chicken and chicken soup are frequently prepared for sick persons and
always served to women after they have given birth. DuCks, geese and

turkeys are raised by a few families.

118

.Qggg Egg gggg are common household pets. In contrast to the lean,
maltreated, frightened dogs found in most Latin American villages, the
Guambiano's dogs stand out as relatively healthy and mild tempered.

Dogs sometimes accompany men to the fields and are always taken on
hunting trips. They are given Spanish names and have no special im-
portance in Guambiano tradition. Cats, however, traditionally have had
a special place in Guambiano culture. God is believed to have cats
which accompany him as dogs follow people. Cats were given human names

and in the past were buried with a special prayer.

Hunting and Fishing

Most males still hunt, usually during January and February when
the piramo is free from heavy mist and rains. Hunting is less important
to the economic system now due to the decrease in forest land and the
increased time spent in agricultural production. There are many small
animals in the hills, and armadillo is a favorite quarry. Mountain
lions and bears are now rarely seen but the results of earlier kills
hang from some porch rafters in the upper veredas. Dogs, traps, and
occasionally guns are used in hunting. Some birds are hunted, mostly
by young boys using a small blowgun with pellet ammunition, and slings.

Up till twenty years ago fishing played no role in the economy
(Rowe 1954:141). During the 1950's the government seeded the rivers
and lakes on the paramo with trout, and fishing has become a popular
pastime among the boys. Tourists sometimes visit the reservation to
fish in the lakes and rivers. A few Indians make money by renting

horses and serving as tourist guides. Occasionally Whites from Silvia

119

use dynamite and nets to get fish from the rivers, though this practice
is illegal.
Berries and wild fruits are picked when encountered, but play a

very minor role in the economy.

Illggal Distillipg

Next to coffee the most popular beverage on the reservation is
a uardiente, made from sugar cane and flavored with anise. The produc-
tion of aguardiente is government controlled and its sale an important
source of state revenue. The legal beverage has doubled in price over
the past six years and is too expensive for most Indiana (20-30 pesos
a liter in 1967) when large quantities are needed. Most aguardiente
consumed on the reservation is obtained from one of the more than thirty
illegal distilleries which operate intermittently. A liter of the local
beverage costs from five to eight pesos with discounts given for large
orders often placed for special celebrations. The quality of the 11-
legal brew varies substantially but some results are close to the legal
product. Aguardiente during the 20th century has replaced chicha as the
major alcoholic beverage consumed in Guambia.

Several manufacturing methods are used, most of them learned from
Whites in the areas where sugar cane is grown. Dried anise buds are
usually added to the liquid to give it flavor. The operation is simple
and profitable, but requires the cooperation of several persons. Senti-
nels are sometimes stationed outside the house to watch for officials
whose job is to crack down on illegal production. The fine is 100

pesos for each liter of illegal aguardiente found. The officials know

120

who the producers are, but since production is on an intermittent basis
they must rely on Indian "spies" for information as to when a large
quantity is being produced. Some Indians, after being caught, have
discontinued aguardiente production while others have absorbed the loss
and kept right on manufacturing it.

Chicha, an alcoholic beverage made from fermented corn, is the
traditional drink of the Guambianos. Its use has declined but it re-
mains an important part of ceremonial events like weddings and large
mingas. The traditional manufacturing process involved forming a cake
of moist corn kernels which was briefly cooked in the ashes of the
kitchen fire. Then the men, women and children masticated the corn,
spitting the mixture into a large bowl where it was left to ferment

(Douay 1890:769). Today the corn is ground in a cast iron grinder.

HOUSE TYPES AND CONSTRUCTION

The home is the center of a wide range of secular and sacred
activities. It is a place where people eat, sleep, weave, are born,
married, cured, and die. Two types predominate: a traditional two-room,
straw-roofed, wattle and daub model, and a more modern type of adobe
with baked tiled roof. Several have walls of pounded earth (£22i2)» and
recently a few brick-walled homes were constructed. Some houses have
roofs of corrugated tin or molded asbestos. The construction of a house
requires a considerable cash investment for most Indians. Often more
than four years elapse from.the time the adobes are started until the

full set of doors and windows are in.

121

TABLE 4

 

Materials used in house construction

 

W A L L S R O O F S

 

Brick and
Wattle Brick pounded
Adobe and daub or tapia Tile Straw earth

 

 

Number of
homes with 39 8 3 33 12 5
Per cent 78% 162 62 662 242 102

 

At the turn of the century all the homes were of the wattle and
daub type. In the mid-1940's "most" houses were of this type (Rowe
1954:193). Today they represent less than 20 per cent of the total.
This shift is indicative of the increased flow of cash and information
into the Guambiano community. More than 40 Indians work part time as
adobe makers, construction supervisors (maestros) and carpenters. These
skills were acquired by Guambianos during work periods off the reserva-
tion.

The old style house in Guambia normally had two rooms. Most
Guambianos now have homes with at least three or four rooms.

The most commonly used floorplans are L and U designs. New homes
are frequently built adjacent to old ones. Serviceable items from old

houses are often employed in the new construction.

Building a Home

The first step in planning a new home is the selection of a

building site. Normally the land is owned either by the person or his

122

 

bedroom kitchen

 

Ilvinq room ,o’\ ,\
-—'

 

’4

 

 

 

 

\ potlo ‘ bedroom

FIGURE 8: Floor plan: one tlrsslde unit.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

_.:/
1n
5
bedroom A bedroom A ,5? kitchen A
? 8
7 \ corrldor .>
Ilenq '
room
A storeroom
(llvlnq room)
A

 

 

storeroom <
B

 

 

1 storeroom B

K

| " bedroom 8

 

 

 

kltchen B /

 

 

 

 

 

 

FIGURE 9: Floor plan: two fireside units.

123

TABLE 5

 

Size of Guambiano homes

 

 

 

Number of

rooms 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 T o t a 1
Number of

homes 3 8 10 22 3 3 1 50
Per cent

of total 62 162 202 441 61 62 22 1002

 

father. After the initial site is chosen it is customary to invite a
diviner to determine its suitability. The diviner may suggest changing
the location or, more likely, he performs a brief "cleansing" ceremony
on it as a precautionary measure.

There are many levelled plots on the reservation which are said
to be old Pijao house sites. The Pijaos, greatly feared by the Guambia-
nos before the conquest, are still believed dangerous if their remains
are unearthed. Some Guambianos spend weeks levelling a house site
rather than use one suspected of being of Pijao origin. Others will
use the Pijao site but only after "cleansing" it. My neighbor in the
vereda of Cacique avoided a Pijao site but accidentally uncovered a
burial urn. Since then he has been visited on several occasions by a
Pijao spirit.

When the site is selected the owner contracts a builder who
advises on the number of adobes, tiles and other materials needed. He

contracts a person to make adobes or, with the aid of other members of

124

the household, he makes them himself. The adobes are stacked, covered
and left to dry for six months to a year. Construction is delayed
until wood and roofing materials are purchased.

Most houses are built during January and February, or June and
July, when the reservation is relatively dry. Kinsmen and neighbors
assist in building the walls and roof. Men who are too busy to
"acompafiar" on weekdays frequently send their sons. Between five and
twenty persons normally help on a weekday, and the turnout doubles and
triples on weekends. Men bring tools, and their activities are organ-
ized by the owner and his construction "maestro." Activities I observed
on one Saturday minga included: fifteen to twenty men and boys laying
adobes; two boys on horses circling around a mud hole mixing cow dung
and straw for the mortar; two boys with wheelbarrows transporting the
mixture to those laying adobes; several old men squaring off logs for
beams; two men bringing roof tiles on muleback from Silvia; and several
persons cleaning the ghgglg poles used to support the tile roof. While
we were working on the house about ten women were across the road
preparing the evening meal.

Women may assist one another in the kitchen even though no male
from their household is working on the new house. The atmosphere during
these housebuilding mingas is relaxed and an occasion for conversation
and joking. Older men tease the young men and boys about their girl-
friends, and the latter reciprocate with sarcastic comments. The owner
feeds those who attend and towards the day's end will sometimes pass
around a few bottles of aguardiente. In addition to the meals provided
the workers they are given food to bring to their families. All bring

pots to the building site for that purpose.

125

As the house nears completion the number of participants at the

mingas increases with the largest number arriving on the last day.

Most who helped during the earlier stages of construction return for

the final day to participate in the festivities. The drinking begins
while the tiles are being put in place and continues till the following
morning, interrupted briefly by a two-liter bowl of potatoes, onions,
rice and corn. After the final tile is located the maestro performs a
brief ritual to protect the house from misfortune. He circles from left
to right (counter-clockwise) in each room, throwing aguardiante with his
right hand into the corners and where the walls and ceiling meet. Often
a family moves in once the basic structure is finished. The rest of the
work is done by a carpenter (often the same person who supervised the
construction) and the occupants of the new house.

There is a variety of options left to the home builder, and the
choices made, to a limited degree, are indices of his relative economic
status. Wood floors are the most expensive and are preferred in the
bedrooms. Ceramic tiles (some with colors and designs) and cement are
also used for floors in the house and patios. Pounded earth floors
remain the most common type and with few exceptions are found in all
kitchens. From the standpoint of health and comfort dirt floors are
preferable to tile and cement floors which are cold and damp. In many
of the wattle and daub homes windows are simply small openings in the
walls covered at night with wood, cloth and/or cardboard. Most homes,
however, have wooden shutters covering the openings. Some are crudely
constructed--a few pieces of wood nailed together--and others have well—

made Spanish style doors and windows. A few homes have pane glass

126

windows. The doors are now secured by various types of locks, and only
the poorest families use rope or wire.

After the basic house is completed the walls are covered with a
mixture of mud, straw and cow dung, which leaves a smooth surface. The
outside is usually whitewashed and bands of color painted around top and
bottom. Red and blue are the most common colors with the red strip
painted around the bottom. More elaborate decorations and Spanish names
are sometimes painted on outside walls. Last to be added but absent
from most homes are ceilings and whitewashed interior walls. Artisti-
cally inclined Guambianos paint designs on interior ceilings and walls.
Family "portraits," calendars and religious pictures are also used as
decorations. Rooms are sometimes added years after the basic house is
constructed. A special plant is usually hung over the front door to
protect against misfortune. If it wilts or dies it is interpreted as

a sign of impending misfortune.

Rooms, Furnishings and Utilities

The most important room in a Guambiano house is the kitchen. It
serves as dining room, living room, bedroom and storeroom. Placed
around the kitchen fire are pangus, low stools shaped from a single
block of wood. The style of the pangus is of a shape nearly universal
in tropical South America (Rowe 1954:144). Each member of the house-
hold usually has his own. Cooking is done over a wood fire around which
three ceramic cylinders (pingus) or rocks are placed. Meals are
prepared in pots balanced on these ceramic pieces or hung from‘wires

suspended from a ceiling beam. Ceramic pots and bowls are rare in

127

Guambia today, and most cooking is done in large aluminum pots. Wooden
bowls and spoons are common, but porcelain covered metal bowls, cups
and spoons predominate. These items are stored on shelves located in

a corner of the room. A metal grinder attached to a small table, a
bed, a few chairs and a bench or large flattened log are often found in
the kitchen.

The largest room in the house, the gala, is used as a storeroom,
bedroom, and for ceremonial events. A few chairs and a bed or two are
usually placed in the sala. The traditional bed, still used by many
older people, is a dried cowhide placed in a corner of the room, on
the floor. A crude bed made up of planks placed over saw horses and
covered with a cowhide is also used. Today, western style beds and
straw filled mattresses are becoming popular. Some Indians own blankets
but most cover themselves with old ruanas and skirts. Good clothing
and ceremonial garments, jewelry, personal papers and other small items
are stored in wooden boxes kept in the bedroom.

Other items found in Guambiano homes include: kerosene lanterns,
Coleman lanterns, sewing machines, transistor radios, typewriters and
record players. In the vereda which has electricity, all the homes have
,at least one light bulb, and several have hot plates. Two Indians own
movie projectors, and one has a movie camera, tape recorder and loud-
speaker system.

A source of running water is within thirty yards of most homes.
Water is carried to the house in large pots by the women and children.
Several groups of men in various veredas have built small aqueducts to

bring water within a few yards of the kitchen doors.

128

Approximately half the homes have latrines within ten to twenty

yards of the house but they are rarely used.

CLOTHING AND ADORNMENT

Guambiano dress during this century has undergone continuous modi-
fication. Although major changes are few, each generation seems to add
its own distinctive touch to the costume. It is impossible to designate
a single mode of dress as characteristic for the whole society at any
one time; there are always some older persons who refuse to adopt the
new items. For example, during my first visit to the reservation in
1962 there were still some older men who continued to use the white
shorts which were typical of 18th and 19th century clothing. Once a
new item is introduced, however, the tendency is for most of the popula-
tion to accept it.

A dramatic change in dress styles occurred around the turn of the
century when the men began weaving flat, circular hats which take a
slightly conical shape when.worn. Both sexes adopted this style of hat.
Another dramatic change was the adoption, by the man, of blue kilts
worn over the white shorts. This occurred during the 1920's, and the
cloth was the same as that used by the females for their shawls. The
story of how this innovation was introduced gives some interesting
insight into the pragmatic nature of Guambiano personality and the
process of cultural change.

Guambiano men frequently spent the early part of the morning
weaving the slim, flat braids for the hats. To protect themselves from

the cold they often wrapped their legs in the blue cloth the women used

129

for shawls. One younger man decided he liked the warmth and continued
to wear the cloth in the fields while working. He was strongly
ridiculed but soon others began using the material in a similar fashion.
The style spread to other parts of the reservation and was soon the ac-
cepted fashion for men. Similar stories were told to me about the
adoption of shirts, felt hats, red scarves, rubber boots and sneakers.

During the late 1930's there was a scarcity of primary material
for the hats, and the men began using the modern-style felt sombreros.
Other changes in men's clothing include the use of shirts, red handker-
chiefs (tied around the neck), wool sweaters, leather belts, leather
sandals with old tire bottoms and, recently, rubber boots, leather and
plastic shoes, and socks. The red handkerchiefs were replaced in the
1950's by red woolen scarves made by Otavalo Indians.

Changes in women's dress during this century included: adding
blouses made by seamstresses in Silvia and dropping the white under-
skirt. The women now use two of more black skirts and sometimes add a
crocheted woolen skirt beneath these. For most of this century women
wore the same conical style hat as the men. Today most wear felt hats
identical to those the men wear.

‘White beads brought to the reservation by the Sibundoy Indians
replaced the old style necklaces as major items of adornment in this
century. A kilo or two are worn regularly, but on ceremonial occasions
or when going to town many females wear up to seven and eight kilos of
beads. Old style jewelry is still worn on special occasions, but inex—
pensive earrings and rings made in Japan and the U.S.A. are also used

for adornment.

130

In 1962 most women went barefoot, but by 1970 the majority were
using basketball-style canvas sneakers, blue being their favorite color.
Women continue to wear the blue shawl, and for ceremonial events and
visits to town often use a red cloth beneath the blue one.

Both sexes continue to use pouches (jigras) of cotton, wool or
hemp. The man's pouch is smaller and decorated with small triangles
in red, blue and green. It is worn in front, under the poncho, or on
the right side. The female's jigra is larger, never decorated, and
worn around the shoulders with the pouch resting on the back. The

pouches are called war (scrotum) and are also referred to as "Guambias."

NEW SOURCES OF INCOME

wage Labor

The Guambianos increased involvement with the larger society over
the past twenty years has resulted in a sharp increase in economic op-
portunities on and off the reservation. Many Indians leave Guambia to
assist in the coffee harvest in the semi-tropical region to the west.
Some poor families move as a unit for a few months, and husband and‘
wife work as wage laborers. Teenage boys and young men in their early
twenties make up the other large group doing this type of work. Among
the former, the reason for leaving the reservation is basically econ-
omic--they need the cash and wage labor on the reservation is intermit-
tent and pays poorly. The boys' and young men's motives are more come
plex. Many see it as a chance to assert their independence from their
parents. The money they earn enables them to obtain machetes, clothing
and transistor radios without asking their parents for the cash. For

some it is the only way they could obtain these items.

131

The desire for adventure and experience are also cited as
reasons for working temporarily off the reservation. For young men
whose parents are wealthy the "experience" is more important than the
economic factor. Boys accompany their friends and share their
experiences. Occasionally the adventure is brief and terminated
because of maltreatment by the work foreman or Mestizo laborers. Poor
food and the inability to adjust to the hot, humid climate are also
given as reasons for returning early.

Guambianos are highly valued as workers by many hacienda owners.
They are characterized as reliable, hardworking and honest, and are of-
ten asked to stay on as year-round employees. These offers are some-
times accepted for a year or two, but in most instances the Guambianos
return to the reservation and the company of their family and friends.

The practice of wage labor is becoming increasingly common on
the reservation. The daily wage, which includes meals, has increased
from two pesos a day in 1962 to four pesos in 1967, and in 1971 some
Guambianos were getting up to seven pesos for agricultural work. Many
Guambianos now use a "contract" system rather than pay daily labor.

A man will receive between 300-500 pesos to clear a one-hectare field.

Guambiano Coffee Farms

More than 100 Guambiano families have purchased small coffee
farms during the past fifteen years, and the numbers increase each year.
Often a group of related families combine resources to buy a coffee
farm. Once a family establishes itself in a lowland community the owner

may serve as a broker in the sale of neighboring farms to other Indians.

132

Small communities of Guambianos have recently developed in several
nearby municipalities.

Indians from Guambia, rather than local Whites or Mestizos, work
for the Indian owners if extra labor is required during the coffee
harvest. This pattern is related to the Indian's distrust of Whites
and the latter's view that working for Indians is degrading. Another
reason is that wages paid by Indians to other Indiana is less than half
demanded by Whites. Although room and board are provided to Indian
workers, the food comes from the reservation and the lowland farm, and
thus does not involve any cash expenditure.

Life in the lowlands is different in several respects from life
on the reservation. Some males continue to wear Guambiano clothing,
but most wear long cotton pants. These are cooler than the wool skirts
and provide more freedom of movement and better protection from mosquitos
and other insects. Women continue to wear Indian dress, although the
number of skirts and mantas are reduced to a minimum. Frequently,
Guambianos who have spent extended periods living off the reservation
continue to wear alien dress when they return to Guambia. Most, however,
change back to the traditional clothing after a few days or weeks of
ridicule by friends and neighbors. Statements like "when's your White
girlfriend coming to visit you?" are made to those who persist in
wearing pants.

Spatially and socially the family in the coffee region is more
isolated than in Guambia. Even in areas where several Indian families
own land the distance between homes is greater, often exceeding a

quarter of a mile. Visiting and reciprocal labor exchange occurs much

133

less frequently. Within the household, however, the pattern of life
changes very little. Most cooking continues to be done over fires on
the floor even though stand-up stoves are available. Low benches and
"banquitos" arranged in a circular fashion are used rather than chairs
and tables. There is a change in diet since yuca and tropical fruits
like coconut, pineapple and oranges are more readily available.

Most coffee produced on the farm is marketed. The rest is con-
sumed and given to neighbors and relatives when the family returns to
the reservation. Other crops cultivated on the farm include: sweet
manioc (yuca), plétano (a small, sweet banana), sugar cane, oranges,
pineapple, coconut, lemons, limes and peppers. Hemp (figgg), a good
cash crop, is also raised, and most families have a cow and some

chickens.

Employment with Government Agencies

Two Guambianos have relatively good paying jobs with the federal
government. One is a school teacher in the vereda of Pueblito. The
other, who received six months of training in Israel, works for the
Division of Indian Affairs as a cooperative extension agent (1965-1970).
He was instrumental in arranging the acquisition of the hacienda by
the Indian tenants. A few Indians have permanent jobs with the govern-
ment, and others do government work on an intermittent basis. They
work as agricultural helpers, carpenters, carpentry instructors,
laborers on road construction projects, and bulldozer operators. These

jobs pay from eight to twenty pesos a day.

134

Buses and Middlemen

Since the road system on the reservation has been improved,
several groups of Indians have purchased buses. Initially, White drivers
from Silvia were hired, but most were quickly replaced by Indians.
Since these buses provide regular services to Silvia and other surround-
ing towns and cities, many Indians now market their goods directly
instead of selling to White intermediaries. Also, the number of Indian
middlemen and the volume they handly have increased substantially since
direct bus service was initiated. Indians who have become middlemen
are generally those with little land of their own. A few women have

adopted this role.

Marketing of Craftwork

A few Indians sell traditional style straw hats, ruanas, skirts,
chumbes (decorated woven belts) and‘jigggg to store owners and hotel
managers in Silvia and Popayan. These are resold to tourists. Hats
and chumbes are sometimes sold to other Guambianos. A few Indian
women in need of funds sell their silver jewelry to Whites in Silvia.
In most veredas there are females who work for others as weavers for two
or three pesos a day and meals. They do not make the entire garment
but are employed solely to fill in the woof after the warp has been
prepared. Women who do this are from the poorest families. Several
women weave small saddle rugs.

Before metal bowls and pots became popular, Guambiano women would
make these items from clay. Especially important were the large jars

used to ferment and store chicha. Many old jars are still in use but

135

new ones are purchased in the market. Only a few old women continue
ceramdc work, which is limited to the small cylindrical pingus used to

support pots around the kitchen fire.

Local Stores and Cantinas

 

Guambianos obtain most of their goods in Silvia and from vendors
who visit the reservation. During the past ten years, however, there
has been a sharp increase in the number of local stores and cantinas
owned and managed by Indians. There are now more than thirty stores,
including four consumer cooperatives, owned and managed by Guambianos.
Wives and children help in the selling, and most stores are open all
day. Indians from all economic levels operate stores but it has been
especially important to those with little land as a path to economic
advancement.

The price of most goods sold in reservation stores are 10-30
per cent higher than in Silvia. Only the co-op stores organized by
Peace Corps volunteers and Colombian officials sell goods at prices
competitive with those in town. The cost of many items varies from
store to store. For example, a pound of rice sells for 1.20 pesos in
one store and 1.80 pesos in another; lard costs 4.00 pesos in one and
5.00 pesos in another (1966-1967 prices).

Credit is usually available but most payments are made in cash
or kind. Eggs and onions frequently serve as mediums of exchange.
This type of transaction is called a "trueque." In terms of retail
value the seller receives more for the product than if cash is paid.

For example, a pound of coffee costs 4.00 pesos or 6 atados of onions

136

TABLE 6

 

Items Sold in Stores in Guambia

 

 

 

Foodstuffs Other Goods
*bread rolls cigars rubber boots
*salt *cigarettes shovels
*rice *matches baras
*coffee notebooks machetes
*panela pencils flashlights
*lard ink light bulbs
margarine *batteries *candles
noodles *hand soap kerosene
*canned tuna *detergent white gas
*eggs *alka seltzer
*soda pOp *aspirin
*beer various stomach
*sweet wine remedies
*aguardiente (home made *horseshoes
and legal types) *horseshoe nails
cinnamon screws
*cominos nails
bananas sewing needles
*hard candy fungicides
*chocolate bars sneakers
*flour sandles

 

(*) Starred items are those most commonly found. Others are available

only in some stores.

 

(retail value 6.00-9.00 pesos).

Even if the store owner resells the

onions at wholesale prices he benefits from the trueque.

BUYING AND SELLING

Guambianos are linked to the Colombian economy through various

trading channels: itinerant traders, stores and regional markets. Guam-

biano families use all of these systems, often within the same week or

137

month. For those with coffee farms the National Federation of Coffee
Growers (Federacién Nacional gs Cafeteros)is an additional channel and

links them to an international market.

Travelling Salesman

There are two types of itinerant traders. White and Mestizo mid-
dlemen who exchange hard goods, staples and sometimes cash for agricul-
tural products and animals (large and small), are seen every day through-
out the rsservation. Most of these men and women are from Silvia,
Usenda and Inzi. Many have frequented the reservation for twenty years
or more and have compadrazgo ties to Guambiano families. Another group
of traders are Indians from the Sibundoy Valley in Putumayo. They are
the sole source of supply for the white bead necklaces worn by the
Guambiano women. Beads originally come from the San Blas Islands off
the north coast of Colombia. In addition they sell needles, thread,
dyes, medicinal herbs and drugs. The latter items are sold to the

local shamans.

Stores in Silvia

Stores on the reservation and in Silvia are important exchange
points. Those on the reservation are comparatively small and generally
restricted to items with a high turnover. In Silvia the stores are
large and sell a full range of hard and soft goods. In Antonio Lozada's
one can buy everything from cloth for Indian mantas to Delmonte peaches
and Campbell's cream of asparagus soup. Many Indians have close ties

to the store owners, some reinforced by a compadrazgo bond. Credit is

138

often given between harvests and paid for in kind rather than cash.
Ten years ago there were almost twice as many stores in Silvia as today.
Many have folded because of competition from stores on the reservation
and in the cities. This decline in Indian trade with stores in Silvia
is also true of their relations with itinerant White and Mestizo traders.
The pattern of diminishing exchanges with the traditional market channels
is related to the Guambiano's increased involvement in the regional
market organization. New roads and buses have stimulated this change.
Daily trade takes place in Silvia on a relatively small scale in
thirty-five stores--all owned by Whites and Mestizos. Every day a few
Guambianos are in town buying small quantities of foodstuffs, medicines
and items of clothing. Those who shop in town on non-market days often
do so to avoid social activities (especially drinking) and expenditures
of the Tuesday market. They shop on other days to avoid seeing persons
to whom they owe money or because they cannot afford to buy drinks for
friends and compadres whom they are sure to encounter on market day.
When a group of Indians makes large purchases in Silvia on non-market

days it is because someone has died or is to be married.

Market Day_in Silvia

Tuesday is market day in Silvia. It is a colorful event in which
two to four thousand people participate, depending on the season. It
is not, however, as diverse or colorful as Indian markets in Mexico,
Guatemala and Ecuador. Indians from seven neighboring reservations
attend, but only the Guambianos, Quizgueflos (who wear Guambiano style
dress) and a handful of Sibundoy, Otavalo (Ecuador) and Riobamba (Ecua-

dor) Indians use distinctive dress.

139

Late Monday night and early Tuesday morning buses from surround-
ing highland and lowland communities converge on Silvia. Traders bring
a wide range of manufactured goods and foodstuffs. The market is more
or less arranged in sections where certain types of goods are sold.

The Sibundoy Indians have a monopoly on most herbs, and the Otavalefios
and Riobambefios market sweaters, scarves and ponchos. Between five
and thirty persons compete in most categories.

The largest group of sellers in a single category is the Guambia-
nos who bring small quantities (from 20-50 wangos) of onion and garlic
to obtain cash for needed supplies or special purchases. Guambianos
and other middlemen also sell potatoes and ullucos. A.wide range of
fruits and vegetables are sold in the market by White, Mestizo, Mulatto
and Black traders. They sell limes, oranges, pineapple, bananas,
carrots, stringbeans, cabbages, tomatoes, manioc, chile peppers and
other assorted vegetables. Guambianos usually limit their purchases.
in this category to hot peppers, limes, oranges, and manioc. Haggling
is part of the transaction, but the Guambianos are less skilled in it
and less persistent than townspeople. It is also customary for the
seller to add another item or small quantity of the product once the
cash is handed over. This is called 3.22222 and if not given will
often be requested by the buyer.

About a quarter of the marketplace is occupied by stands filled
with pants, shirts, hats, belts, cloth, blankets, ponchos, saddles,
harnesses, and other items of textiles and leather. Near them are
stands with manufactured hard goods: hand tools, nails, grinders,

machetes, knives, pencils, pens, flashlights, and pots and pans of all

140

sizes. Lining the passageways are tables with boots and shoes; candles,
cigarettes and matches; bread and other baked goods; tamales, coffee,
chocolate, rice, and tables with a variety of small manufactured items--
from pocket knives to pictures of The Virgin. A small section is
occupied by about ten peOple selling blocks of brown sugar (paggla),and
there are stands selling hot food. Off to one side are men who sell
rope and sacks of hemp. There is an enclosed section where beef, lamb
pork are marketed. Meat is also sold in other parts of town and can

be obtained on most days of the week. Guambianos occasionally purchase
meat but most is bought by townspeople. An area adjacent to the market
is set aside for trade in livestock. Indians sometimes participate in
transactions here, usually to sell cattle, a horse, or sheep.

Most Guambianos come to town to make purchases and to socialize.
Some, however, bring several sacks of produce which they sell to mid-
dlemen who meet them several blocks east of the marketplace. These
buyers haggle and compete with one another for the Indians' products.

An Indian not satisfied with the price being offered may store his
goods in a local warehouse and either hold it for the following week
or sell it later in Popayén or in one of the other regional markets.

A great deal of buying and selling takes place outside of the
marketplace. All the stores and cantinas are filled with Indians. There
are pitchmen hawking cloth and medicines from the back of small trucks.

In addition to the thousands of purely economic transactions
which occur each Tuesday in Silvia, market day provides the setting
for a whole range of other activities. A quasi-carnival atmosphere is

created by an array of magicians, performing monkeys, talking birds,

141

shooting galleries, a roulette game, ubiquitous lottery salesmen guar-
anteeing instant wealth, and occasional music and singing by Protestant
missionaries.

On Tuesday Guambianos receive medical attention at the health
clinic, get their teeth pulled, attend mass, fix dates to get married,
have children baptized, arrange for technical assistance from the
extension agents, take care of legal matters with municipal officials,
and check to see if they have received any mail. The Indian cabildo
also meets in Silvia each Tuesday to hold hearings and resolve disputes.
Request for their services are brought to their attention at this time.

Market day is a time for a great deal of informal socializing,
and Guambianos take care to look clean and neat. Before leaving their
house they wash all the exposed parts of their bodies and outside of
town rinse off med which may have splattered their calves. Their
clothing is usually relatively clean and new. Women, especially those
looking for a husband, wear as many strands of beads as they can, often
as much as six kilos.

A great deal of drinking occurs on market day. Heavy drinking
of aguardiente always follows baptisms and is part of political meetings.
Most, however, is social drinking that develops when Indians have money
to spend and encounter friends, kin and compadres. Those wishing to
escape getting too inebriated make their purchases quickly and return
on an early bus. After the noon hour the chances of leaving town with-
out consuming at least some aguardiente is slim.

Some Indians never leave Silvia on Tuesday, and others spend

the night drinking at a store on the reservation. The older pattern

142

of two days of drinking has, however, declined substantially since the
roads were constructed to the reservation. When I was in Guambia in

1962 and 1963 the trails and stores were always full of drunken Guambia-
nos, their wives waiting patiently at their sides. Today, buses deposit
the Indians near their homes passing by most tiendas. The Tuesday after-
noon landscape is different now, and the women seem quite pleased with

the change.

‘Rggional Markets

Although the Guambianos do some of their marketing and most of
their shopping in Silvia, they also do business in regional markets.

A small number of Guambianos have traded for decades in surrounding
towns. In the past they travelled for days on foot, horse, and on the
train which runs between Popayén and Cali. Today, roads and buses
make transportation easy, and more than one hundred Indians make
frequent visits to markets in Piendamo, Morales and Popayan. Hundreds
of others make occasional visits to these markets, usually after
harvests. In addition to the towns mentioned, Guambianos regularly
attend markets in Totor6, Tunis, Timbio, Carmel, Santander, Caloto,
Corinto, Pescador, Mondomo, Suarez, Cajibfo and Inza.

One important consequence of this increased involvement in
regional trade is that Guambianos now have much greater knowledge of
prices and price fluctuations. This information is rapidly communicated
within the reservation and has substantially improved the Indians'
bargaining position with visiting middlemen. Those middlemen I spoke
to complained about how their margin of profit had dropped and that
they were sometimes forced to sell at a loss just to obtain cash for

new purchases.

143

MARKET PLACE ORGANIZATION IN SILVIA: A CRITIQUE OF ORIIZ'S MODEL

Ortiz (1967) has developed a model for Colombian rural market
organization which is designed to distinguish it from markets found in
other parts of the world: Africa (Bohannan and Dalton 1962), China
(Skinner 1964—5), and Mexico (Malinowski and de La Puente 1957; Foster
1948). The bulk of Ortiz's field work was carried out in an Indian
region adjacent to Silvia, but he also obtained data from the Silvia
market, and his model is intended to apply to the situation there. In
the following section the major features of Ortiz's (1967) model are
outlined and critically discussed using information I gathered in

Silvia.

Import Market Place Organization

Market place organization in Colombia, unlike Africa and medieval
European organizations, is not embedded in a network of social, polit-
ical and religious ties. 'There are, however, some socio-economic
constraints limiting the relatively free flow of goods and services into
a community (Ortiz 1967:402). The chain of market places is organized
around the import of goods, there is a minimum of horizontal trading,
and nggg££.££gdg.is forbidden bz_local authorities" (Ortiz 1967:402.
Italics Mine.). Market day provides an opportunity for friends from
different parts of the reservation to see one another. Drinks are
exchanged with friends, kin and compadres, but the economic transactions
themselves do not bring the peOple into close contact with one another.
Sales in the market are for cash and rarely involve credit arrangements

(Ibid:402).

144

Sellers belong to a different social environment, class
and income group from buyers. The transaction and the
bargaining relation stress the existing social distance
rather than diminishing it. There is only one common
element in the relationship: that the preference to sell
the product overlaps with the peasant's preference to
buy it. (_I_b_i_d: 402).

In general Ortiz's description of the structure and organization
of the "import market" is applicable to the situation in Silvia. However,
his statement that "export trade is forbidden by local authorities"
(M4402) reflects special conditions o_fth_elnL§m markets 3513
5211531533 mayb_e a temporary situation. Colombian law allows municipal
authorities to tax but not restrict the export of produce except under
certain conditions and for limited duration. The region of Tierradentro
where Ortiz did most of his field work was frequented by forces opposed
to the government and under direct Army control or strong Army influence
during the past twenty years. This and the shortage of locally grown
food supplies (Ibigz403) allowed either for legal control on the export
of goods or extra-legal restrictions enforced with the cooperation of
the Army. The mayor in Silvia on various occasions tried to impose a
similar ban on the export of products, but they have always been
quickly rescinded before or after legal action was threatened. Even
when these restrictions were enforced in Silvia they were limited to
the flow of goods on market day and did not prevent the export of
produce to other regional markets during the rest of the week.

The second aspect of Ortiz's model which is not appropriate to
the situation in Silvia deals with the Indians' refusal to sell cash
crops in the market.

Indians bring food for sale at the San Andres market

only when they desperately need some cash; they never
sell their cash cropsiignghg.sguare (Ibid:397).. . .

145

The Indians explain their refusal with reminders of
the criticism which a member of the community undergoes
when he is seen to be selling at the market place too
often; he is said t_9_ be g:¢aedy and irresponsible and _a__s
a sanction cooperation is withdrawn, labour exchanges—
are stopped and food is— not loaned or sold to him when
he needs it. (Ibid: 401. Italics mine.)

Ortiz is referring to Pies Indians, linguistically and culturally
distinct, poorer and more isolated from national institutions than the
Guambianos. Guambianos,.ig_fact, regularly sell onions and garlichg
the market to obtain cash needed to buy staples. While maintaining
patterns of reciprocity and corporateness with respect to the organiza-
tion of work on the reservation Guambianos gg.not interfere with how
and when .e_a; individual disgoses g_f_ his suglus. Sanctions in the form
of withdrawing support and ostracism occur only when a person fails to
cooperate with family and neighbors end/or refuses to participate in
community work days. As long as these patterns are maintained he is

free to market to whomever and wherever he pleases.

LOANS

Guambianos are often in need of cash for seed, fertilizer,
medical expenses or to pay off a previous debt. When possible they
borrow money from a member of their family or a compadre. These are
usually short-term loans involving small sums, usually from.twenty to
one hundred pesos. They are repaid at the next harvest or sooner.
No interest is charged in this type of transaction, but the borrower
sometimes incurs an additional expense when purchasing aguardiente
consumed when the loan is made and/or when it is paid back.

Many Indians have close ties with wealthy persons in town from

whom they borrow money. In some instances this loan is also interest

146

free, but the Indian always brings gifts of food to his creditor's
house to supplement the repayment. Many individuals in town advance
money to Indians in return for a fixed amount of some agricultural
product, usually potatoes or wheat. Guambianos whose relatives or
friends cannot or will not loan them money may also borrow from loan
sharks in Silvia. Here the interest rates are high, from 10 - 20 per
cent monthly. Increasingly, Indians use the Agricultural Bank (£313
Agraria) for loans related to the purchase of seed, animals, tools,
fertilizer and house construction. A few borrow from banks in Piendamé
and Popayén.

Indians are extremely reliable in repaying loans. Their rate of
default at the bank in Silvia is less than 5 per cent, and the bank
officers consider them the best credit risk in the region. I made five
loans to persons while doing field work and actively had to seek
repayment in only two cases. The others sought me out when they heard

I was getting ready to return to the United States.

SUMMARY

The Guambianos are involved in a subsistence and cash economy.
Some cash transactions take place on the reservation, but reciprocal
labor exchange, cooperative work and food sharing dominate the local
economic picture. They produce part of the goods they need to feed,
cloths and house themselves but depend on various trading channels to
supply them with other basic items. They obtain most items within the
municipality, but there are not enough inhabitants to consume all their

surplus production. Uhtil recently most of the trading was done

147

locally with White and Mestizo middlemen who made substantial profit on
goods obtained from the Indians. This pattern modified as the roads
and buses facilitated communication with other regional markets. In
response to this and diminishing economic opportunities locally, an
entrepenurial group of Indians has emerged. This outward commercial
extension has been complemented by the establishment of Guambiano owned
stores on the reservation. These stores now help supply the Indians
and keep scarce capital in Guambiano hands. In addition many Indians
have purchased farms in the surrounding area and supplement farm income

with jobs in the public and private sector.

VI. THE KINSHIP SYSTEM

Guambia is a rural component of the municipality of Silvia. It
is divided into 19 veredas (rural neighborhoods, villages or hamlets).
Bonds of kinship and compadrazgo extend beyond veredal boundaries and
have a political function insofar as they contribute to the integration
of the reservation population.

The purpose of this chapter, is to describe the structure and
organization of behavior related to the problems of making a living and
socializing children. It is divided into three parts: kinship, compa-

drazgo, and the division of Labor.

PART 1. KINSHIP

Social life within the vereda is organized around nuclear
families, fireside (or domestic) units, households, extended kin groups,
and residential clusters (my designation of sub-units of a vereda).
These are analytical distinctions, and in fact the units are overlapping
and frequently coterminous. For example, the nuclear family is some-
times the fireside group and the household. By "nuclear family" I mean
the husbanddwife-children (offspring or adopted) unit; "fireside (or
domestic) unit" refers to those persons sharing a kitchen and cooking
on the same fire; "household" refers to a group living under a single
roof but which is sometimes composed of two or more domestic units
occupying separate kitchens. Less than ten per cent of the households

contain two kitchens and such an arrangement is usually a temporary one,

148

149

lasting only until the occupants of the second kitchen build their own
home. The "extended kin group" are those persons within the individual's
network of kindred with whom he maintains an active relationship. The
"residential cluster" refers to households within a limited radius of a
person's home, usually within a few hundred meters, who are considered
"neighbors (vecinos)."

The Guambianos consider both male and female members necessary
for a domestic unit to function properly. This holds for the children's
generation as well as the parents'. With two exceptions, one male liv-
ing alone and one all-female group, all the fireside units in my sample
contain both male and female members. Ideally, labor in the domestic
group is divided equally (l2EéfiléEé) among the adult members. Females,
however, contribute more to the economic and domestic tasks: caring for
children, weaving clothing for all family members, cultivating their

own gardens and helping their husbands in agricultural activities.

HOUSEHOLD COMPOSITION

The nuclear family made up of husband, wife and unmarried children
(legitimate offspring or adopted), and living in their own house, is
the most common type of domestic unit. While this pattern is the most
typical (31 of 82 cases), the majority of fireside units contain
additional members,--usually children's spouses, grandchildren, siblings
and/or a widowed parent. Within the more inclusive groups the nuclear
family is recognized as a distinct entity, but those who share the same
fire cooperate extensively in agricultural and domestic activities.

This is the fireside unit, and I use it rather than the nuclear family

150

as a basis for discussion. When part of a fireside group establishes
it's own kitchen, even if it is only in another room in the same house,
the extent of cooperation with the original fireside group declines
substantially. My sample of fireside units, taken from the veredas of
Pueblito, Cacique and Mishambe, contains 475 people (approximately 6.6
per cent of the reservation population), 95 nuclear families, 12 widows,
7 widowers, 4 unmarried women with children, and are organized into 82
fireside units. The number of persons in these units range from one to
thirteen, and the average size of the fireside group in each vereda is

between 5.76 and 5.86.

TABLE 7

 

Size of Fireside Units in Guambia

 

* Number of Persons in Total Total Average
Vereda Fireside Unit (FSU) FSU Persons per FSU

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

 

Pueblito 1 0 3 3 3 4 1 3 3 1 O 0 O 22 129 5.86
Cacique 0 5 5 6 5 6 8 1 3 1 O 2 1 43 248 5.77

Mishambe012152310200017 98 5.76

 

TOTAL 1 6 10 10 13 12 12 5 6 4 0 2 1 82 475 5.79

 

*The sample is based on the following:
1. Pueblito (1970), 22 of 62 fireside units.
2. Cacique (1970), 43 of 232 fireside units.
3. Mishambe (1967), 17 of 43 fireside units.

 

151

An interesting comment on the household sise is that an examina-
tion of the figures for these veredas in the 1949 Census (Tumdfié-P.o
Hernandez-V. et al. 1949) reveals approximately the same average number
of persons per fireside unit (5.8) as I found when I carried out my
investigation twenty years later.

The statistics reflect the large number of households with only
a single married couple which are formed when extended families divide
into component nuclear families. Fireside units with only one married
couple characterize 54 of the 82 fireside groups. 'When two or three
married couples share the same fire (13 and 5 cases respectively) they
normally contain parents with a married child (or children) and their
young offspring. Domestic units with three married couples are tem-
porary arrangements and considered, especially by the younger women,
to be unsatisfactory.

Though patrilocality is the norm for early post-marital years,
there are five cases of husbands moving into their wife's father's
home. Other categories of persons found in fireside groups include
siblings, some married and with children, and various types of in-laws
(e.g. WiSb, WiSbCh). The tables below summarize various features of

the composition of fireside units in Guambia.

152

TABLE 8

 

Composition of Fireside Units

 

Fireside units with:
V e r e d a
Pueblito Cacique Mishambe Total Per cent

 

No married couple 3 5 2 10 12.22
One married couple 15 30 9 54 66.32
Two married couples 3 6 4 13 15.82
Three married couples 1 2 2 5 6.12
Three generations 8 8 10 26 31.62
Adopted children 7 2 3 12 14.62
Siblings of head of FSU* 6 7 l 14 17.02

 

*FSU -- Fireside Unit

 

The table below presents in more detailed form the relationship

of the major categories of residents to the head of the fireside unit.

153

TABLE 9

 

Household Composition

 

V e r e d a s

 

 

 

 

 

Status of Status of others in Per
head of FSU relation to FSU head Pblto. Cq. Mis. Tot. cent
Married *
male wife, no children (+) 2 3 0 5 6.1
wife, unmarried children 8 19 ' 4 31 37.8
wife, unmarried children +** 3 6 4 13 15.8
wife, So-Sow1,*** (+) 1 5 l. 10 12. 2
wife, Da-DaHu, (+) 1 O 0 1 1.2
wife, So-SoWi, Da-DaHu (+) 1 2 0 3 3.7
Widower unmarried children (+) 1 O 0 1 1.2
So-SoWi, (+) 0 1 2 3 3.7
Da-DaHu, (+) 1 1 0 2 2.4
Widow unmarried children (+) 0 3 l 4 4.9
So-SoWi, (+) 1 1 l 3 3.7
Male (never
married) (+) 3 2 O 5 6.1

 

Female (never
married) + (compadre) O O 1 l 1.2

M
Totals 22 43 17 82 100.0

* (+) indicates there may or may not be others attached to the group.
** + indicates there are definitely others attached to the group.
*** So-ScWi and Da-DaHu are used to indicate married couples.
Cq-Cacique; Pblto-Pueblito; Mis.-Mishambe.

(+) usually refers to ChCh, Mo, Fa and/or siblings. Other categories
of persons attached to the units in the sample include: BrWi, BrDa,
SiSo,’SiDa, BrSdWi, BrSoSo, BrSoDa, WiBr, WiBrWi, WiBrDa, WiDaHu,
WiSiDa, WiMoSiDa, DaSoWi, plus the following persons born to women
while they were unmarried: WiDa, WiDaDa, soWiDa, Dana, and DaSo.

154

Ecological and Cultural Factors

 

Although the average number of persons per fireside group is
approximately the same for all veredas sampled, and examination of the
above charts indicates differences between them in terms of the
categories of persons making up the units. These are found in the
number of married couples, units with three generations, and siblings
of the head of the domestic group. Approximately 59 per cent (10 of
17 cases) of the fireside units in Mishambe contain three generations;
in Pueblito the figure is 36 per cent (8 of 22 cases), and for Cacique
19 per cent (8 of 43 cases). With respect to the inclusion of siblings
in the domestic unit, only 6 per cent (1 of 17 cases) of the fireside
groups in Mishambe have such an arrangement, while the corresponding
figure for Pueblito is 27 per cent (8 of 22 cases) and 16 per cent for
Cacique (7 of 43 cases). How are these differences explained?

Initially, the factors I considered were: (1) ecological differ-
ences; (2) local variation in residence rules, and (3) differences in
wealth. Preliminary investigation showed ecological differences to be
significant, but residence rules were interpreted consistently, and
economics was a secondary rather than primary factor. As I considered
the results along with other information about these veredas, it became
clear that in addition to ecological variations there were cultural
differences among them which could be related to patterns of household
composition.

In Pueblito ecological conditions support the continuation of
three-generation and multiple sibling units. Pueblito is crowded. The

terrain is very steep and there is relatively little flat or gently

155

sloping land. Houses are often constructed adjacent to old ones and
rarely more than thirty meters apart. Building a house in this vereda
invariably involves using good income producing onion gardens which the
owners are reluctant to part with even for their own children. The
choice for many married men here is either to continue living with their
parents or siblings, or moving to another vereda which may include having
to purchase a plot of land suitable for a house and garden. These
factors result in there being a higher incidence of extended and joint
families than would otherwise occur.

In contrast to Pueblito, houses in Mishambe and Cacique are
relatively dispersed, land is less steep and there is more of it. In
spite of these similarities, Mishambe and Cacique dramatically contrast
with one another in terms of household composition. Families in Mishambe
tend to be organized "vertically," three-generation families with fewer
members representing each generation. In Cacique the emphasis is more
"horizontal," two-generation units with more persons in each generation.

Explanation of these differences lies not in ecology, which is
similar, but in cultural variations at the veredal level. The differ-
ences center around the relative emphasis on hierarchical vs. egalitar-
ian values and the way they are manifest in family organization. In
Mishambe, one of the more "conservative" veredas, the emphasis is
hierarchical and the pattern of family life characteristic of how
Guambianos say it used to be in all part of the reservation. In
Mishambe 59 per cent of the households have three generations repre-
sented.

In contrast, Cacique is one of the most "progressive" veredas.

Social relations there tend to be more egalitarian and this appears

156

to be reflected in it having the lowest percentage of three generation
households (19 per cent). In Cacique cooperation in agricultural work,
house building and communal activities is common and normally involves
larger numbers than in other veredas. Political affairs there are
handled in an open democratic fashion, and wealth is of minimal impor-
tance in selecting persons to serve as higher officials (alcaldes) in
the cabildo. While causal relationships are difficult to establish,

it seems the emphasis on egalitarianism in Cacique and the tendency for
sons to build their own homes soon after marriage are related to both
ecological and cultural factors.

Another difference between these two veredas, and one which
cannot be answered with the limited statistical data I presented, is:
why is it that Mishambe, with the highest percentage (59 per cent) of
three-generation families, has the same average number of persons per
household as Cacique (where only 19 per cent of the fireside units have
members from three generations)? The statistical differences reflect
the fact that only four units in MHshambe contain more than two children
of the unit head, whereas in Cacique 21 of the 43 domestic units hays
three or more children. Why should this difference occur?

While it would take more investigation than I have carried out
to answer the question properly, I believe it is again related to
cultural differences in the veredas. In this case I refer to abortion
and infanticide. The data I have on these traditional Guambiano prac-
tices suggest they occur more frequently in Mishambe than in Cacique.
The abortions sometimes succeed and occasionally result in the death
of the mother as well. This not only leaves lass children but a lower

number of fertile women available for reproductive purposes.

157

THE DEVELOPMENT CYCLE

The kinds of domestic arrangements discussed in the previous sec-
tion come about as the unit moves through phases of development and
responds to a variety of internal and external pressures. Within a few
years after the individual reaches puberty occasional sexual relations
with members of the opposite sex are established. The liaisons are
often temporary, and as long as the couple is discreet and the girl
does not become pregnant there is little interference in their activ-
ities.

When a relationship lasts for several months or if the girl gets
pregnant, the parents of one or both partners soon find out about it.
Sometimes the children themselves inform parents of their activities.
The question of marriage is then discussed in what appears to be a sin-
cere and frank atmosphere. Parents ask the children if they intend to
marry the person, or, if a boy has relations with several girls, which
one he prefers. Children, in turn, may solicit opinions from their
parents.

From the parents' point of view the important questions have to
do with the economic standing of the potential spouse's parents and ..
their reputation in the community. The families should be of a similar
economic position. Guambianos say that when differences of wealth are
substantial the marriage is likely to be marked by problems and conflict.
A person is less desireable as a spouse (in-law) if: they have a reputa-
tion as being "lazy;" their family is known to have serious conflicts;

and their family does not cooperate with others.

158

Since the boy normally brings his wife to live with his family,
it is more important he and his parents agree on the marriage than it
is for the girl and her family. Girls often take the initiative in
proposing marriage, and if they cannot get their parents' approval may
simply leave home and live with their boyfriend.

In the past, a period of trial marriage (amagg), where the girl
lived with her boyfriend for a few months to a year, was a common prac-
tice. Guambianos still consider it important for the couple to know
one another and have sexual relations before they marry. When this
does not occur the relationship is criticized and people say the couple
will have problems later on. If neither set of parents approves, the
couple may elope temporarily and later return to live with one of their
parents. In most cases, however, parents and children reach an agree-
ment, and contacts are made between the couples' parents. The first
contact is often informal, through an intermediary, and later directly
by the boy's parents and the persons asked to serve as godparents.
After marriage the couple normally resides with the boy's parents and
form part of their fireside unit.

While patri-virilocal residence is the norm there are times when
a young man is invited to live with his wife's family. Such moves are
related to one or more of the following circumstances: (1) the girl's
parents are much wealthier than the boy's; (2) the male is an illegit-
imate child; (3) the girl's parents have no male children living with
them; (4) the girl's father is poor and there are no other children
living with them; and (5) the boy's parents do not like their daughter-

in law. Matrilocal residence which results when a poor young man moves

159

in with his wealthier in-laws is criticized, the assumption being he
married the girl merely to get land.

Returning to the usual pattern of an initial period of patrilocal
residence, we find that the son continues to work closely with his
father while his wife assists his mother in the domestic chores and in
the fields. As a wedding present, or soon after the marriage, the
father gives his son the use of a piece of land, and a cow or two. The
bride's parents may also give the couple use of some land and/or an .
animal.

As long as the son remains in his father's house he and his wife
are subject to the father's authority and spend a great deal of their
time and energy working for him. The father in turn supplies food and
in general manages the affairs of the entire group.

If younger unmarried brothers live at home, it is understood that
the older brother will eventually establish a separate fireside unit.
Such a move requires capital and while a father may give his son some
economic help, the latter usually earns additional cash through tempo-
rary wage labor off the reservation (usually accompanied by his wife),
and/or by entering into "half-share" arrangements with relatives or
neighbors.

As long as no serious problems exist among members of the fire-
side group the couple may continue this arrangement for more than ten
years, although the normal period is less. Eventually, however, the
elder son and his family must leave. Economic factors play a part in
the decision--his income from crops and animals and the availability of

credit--end many moves are made smoothly. The most common reason cited

160

for establishing a separate home or kitchen, however, is a dispute among
members of the fireside group. While brothers may not get along, in
only one case I know was this the cause of leaving the natal home.
Arguments between female members of the household usually underlie fis-
sion in the domestic group. Mothers-in-law sometimes dominate their
sons' wives and have them do the bulk of the work. In other cases
disputes between sisters-in-law precipitate a split. This is not meant
to imply that male siblings live in harmony but rather that, in spite

of the conflicts, households usually remain united until one of the
women decides she's had enough.

When the decision to leave is made the son asks his father for a
plot of land on which to build a house. Usually the request is granted
and the father pays for some of the material and helps with the con-
struction. If a father refuses, the son may ask another relative to
give or sell him some land. In other cases, the son may get the adobes
ready and build a house on land owned by his father even though he does
not have permission. There is little the father can do since the
cabildo in these situations will support the son, justifying the son's
actions on the basis of services the boy performed for his father.
Often new "homes" are merely rooms added to the father's house. Once
a new home is constructed the son and his family continue to work with
his father, though on a reduced scale.

The process of growth and fission continues, and while parents
are in their middle years they are often living with at least one
married child and his family. The process of fission stops with the

youngest son who, after marriage, remains in his parent's home.

161

Often the youngest son builds a new house his parents move in with him.
If, however, he is living in his parents' home when they die, he inherits
the house, and his share of the inheritable wealth is normally slightly
larger than that received by his siblings.

Since most sons build a house on their father's property, one
finds clusters of homes in Guambia occupied by patrilaterally related
kinsmen. Most men build in the vereda they were born in, and a move

beyond veredal limits is considered a distant one.

A Case Study: The Development Cycle

The case below is presented to illustrate the process of growth
and fission in the development cycle in Guambia. The family discussed
lives in one of the more crowded upper veredas.
Stage I: Ego, the oldest of four children, is living in his father's
home with: his father (1), mother (2), his father's mother (3), two
sisters (4) and (6), and two brothers (5) and (7). They constitute a

single fireside unit.

(3)

“Q
(n I (2)

E60 (4) (5) (61 (7)

FIGURE IO: Development cycle: Stage I

162

Transition to Stage__I_I_: Ego marries; his wife (8) joins the fireside
unit; three boys and a girl are born to the couple but the girl dies.
Both sisters marry and go to live with their husbands' families. A

brother (5) marries, his wife (9) comes to live with him; they have a

daughter, but several months later both mother and daughter die.

Stge II:

¥ ., T9
1A A—g

A AT A A A

FIGURE ll: Oevelopmenl cycle: Slugs ll.‘

 

 

 

 

163

Transition to Stage III: Ego's father (1) dies; his brother (5)
remarrias, his wife (10) joins the fireside unit, they have three
children but two die; Ego's youngest brother (7) marries, his wife (11)
comes to live with him, they have five children but two die. Ego's
father's mother dies. Ego's wife gives birth to a girl but she dies.
Stage III is the maximum point of growth for this fireside unit and
includes three nuclear families and one widow for a total of fourteen

persons.

Stage III:

 

 

EGO UO) (7

~ - ——ll
go
a>—
A.
l
j

 

 

 

 

 

AAIAA AAA AAAAA

FIGURE 12 Development cycle: Stage III

164

Transition to Stage IV: At the urging of his wife, Ego builds a separ-
ate house about 100 meters from where they were living (household "A"),
and establishes an independent fireside unit (household "8"). At this
point they have been married twelve years. Since there are no women
other than Ego's wife in household "B," they ask her brother who has

three daughters to let them adopt the youngest.

Stage IV:

_8_ L A

 

 

EGO 8) (5) (IO) I7) II)

 

 

 

 

 

AAA—7% o (5AA

WlBrDo f ;

FIGURE I3: Development cycle: Stage Iv.

165

Transition to Stage V: Ego's brother (5) and his second wife (10) build

 

a separate kitchen in household "A". Two more children are born to the
couple and one dies. Several years later they build a separate house
(household "C") adjacent to the one they were living in (household "A").
Ego's oldest son (12) marries and his wife (13) joins the fireside group
(B); they have three daughters but one dies. Ego's youngest brother (7)
and his wife (11) stay in the original kitchen (household "A") and his
mother continues to live with them. One more child is born to the couple.

In Stage V there are three separate household.

 

 

Stage V:
I: . ;
I“ (2)
.8. *‘ _c; A
$0 3 A? E A?
EGO ! (5) (I0) I I?) (ll)

 

 

 

 

 

 

oAAAAAA AAAA

FIGURE l4 Development cycle Stage V

 

“M“

166

TABLE 10

 

Development Cycle Statistics in a Case Study

 

 

 

 

 

 

Additions L9§§e§_ Living in FSU
birth adoption marriage death marriage A B C Total
Stage I - — - - - g - - 3
Stage II 5 O 2 3 2 10 - - 10
Stage III 9 0 2 7 O 14 - - 14
Stage IV 0 1 0 0 O 9 6 - 15
Stage V 6 0 l 2 0 , 7 9 4 20
Totals 20 1 5 12 2

 

 

Remarriage

A man or woman whose first spouse dies will often remarry. It is
a common practice when the person is less than middle-aged and I was
told of a widower in his seventies marrying a widow several years 21355_
than he. There are also cases of men and women outlasting as many as
four spouses. Remarriages, especially when both partners are widowed,
are viewed favorably; in Guambia it is always better to live "acompaflado."
Also, widowed persons, unless they remarry are dependent on others,
usually a younger person, to carry out some of the essential household
activities. This is especially true for a widower who needs a women
to cook and weave his ruanas. Dependence on a member of the younger
generation is an uncomfortable situation for widowers and frequently

leads them to marry again.

167

There are cases of widowers marrying young girls (first marriage)
and of widows marrying young men (first marriage). Such events are
mildly criticized and joked about, but in both instances it is the fe-
male who tends to be the subject of the comments. The young wife of a
widowed man is said to have married in order to get the first wife's
clothes and gargantilla (a white bead necklace). A widow marrying a
young man is kidded about having married one of her children: "Is that
your son you are walking with?"

Such criticism is related to the notion of equality (laté-laté)
which is expected in a marital relationship and is also linked to reli-
gious beliefs. Guambianos believe that when a person dies they are
reunited in the afterworld with their figst spouse. Thus an individual
marrying for the first time and marrying a widow or widower will find
himself alone (unaccompanied) in "heaven." Besides old age and extreme
poverty, another barrier to remarriage is having a reputation as being
lazy or gamik_(angry, serious, untalkative). Very authoritarian types
(especially in the case of females) and men who are heavy drinkers are

also at a disadvantage in finding a second spouse.

DAILY ACTIVITIES OF THE FIRESIDE GROUP

A typical day for the Guambiano female begins before dawn. After
waking, the wife or daughter-in—law goes to the kitchen and rekindles
the covered embers left from the previous day's fire. She brings fresh
pots of water to the fire and prepares sweetened coffee for breakfast.
While the water is heating she mixes a batter for corn or wheat cakes,
or begins peeling the potatoes for the morning stew. The other women

of the family soon arrive in the kitchen to help in these tasks.

 

168

After the women have been working, but before sunrise, the rest
of the family gets up. Some men go to nearby fields to milk their cows.
In the past they would spend part of these early morning hours weaving
hats for themselves and family. If there are no cows to milk the men
busy themselves in a nearby garden, get agricultural products ready for
market, or clean and sharpen tools. Mornings are usually cold and damp,
and upon finishing their chores the men enter the kitchen and sit on a
solid hand-hewn bench (2&282)a warming themselves until the coffee is
ready.

If all the family is present the head of the household is served
first, then the other men according to relative age. If, however, a
younger man enters the kitchen first and the coffee is ready, he is
served before the others. If others were invited to help in the day's
activities they arrive between 6:30 and 7:00 and are served with the
rest. After coffee, the women serve the stew of onions, potatoes,
ullucos, salt and corn (when available). The food is served in large
metal bowls. Salt and dish of oil, onions and hot peppers are passed
around for those who wish to add it to the stew. Soon afterwards the
men accompanied by some of the women of the household leave for the 1
fields. One or two women may stay behind for a while preparing a large
pot of coffee and some arepas. These are later carried to the place of
work and served at midday. From September to June one or two of the
school age children (between seven and thirteen) leave to attend
classes; the rest help at home or in the fields.

The women and children who stay at home work in the kitchen clean-

ing, preparing the evening meal, and taking care of the young children.

169

Women spend their time working in a garden near the house, spinning
wool, or weaving. They also feed the chickens, dogs and, if there is
one, the pig. White tradesmen selling bread and housewares, and/or
buying onions and chickens, often break up the woman's day, as do visits
by kin, neighbors and in-laws.

Those in the field work under the direction of the owner and
spend the time clearing land, weeding, planting, or harvesting. Women
bring their infant children with them and occasionally stop to nurse
them. Slightly before midday one of the females starts a small fire
and heats the coffee. When it is ready, work stops and all gather in
a comfortable place to eat. After resting for an hour or so they resume
work. Then in the late afternoon, if there is a source of firewood near,
a few persons cut enough for a load or two. This is tied together and
carried by the women on their backs. Even if there are animals to carry
some of the wood or products harvested, women will always carry ten to
twenty kilos of something with them. For a woman to be seen without
something on her back while returning from the fields would invite
immediate comments from the neighbors. Men, on the other hand, simply
carry their shovel on their shoulder and walk home while the women
follow with the wood or potatoes.

When people return from the fields they clean themselves, enter
the kitchen and immediately are served coffee and bread. The returning
women attend to children they left at home, and help in domestic chores.
Sometimes the evening stew is immediately served. Other times, after
having coffeejand resting a short while, men and women utilize the

remaining daylight to attend to other duties, usually moving animals

170

from one place to another, or simply checking on them to make sure they
have not gotten out of the fence and into someone's crops. When they
return the meal is served.

In the evening the family stays around the fire where they talk
about crops, marketing, purchases, marriages, local disputes, sicknesses
and death. Today, national politics, especially the agrarian reform,
are also subjects of conversation. If someone owns a transistor radio
it is usually on at this time. Visits between neighboring households
are common during the evening hours.

Young children move around the kitchen and are picked up, hugged,
laughed at, and played with by many of those present. Women nurse their
young children, swaddle them, and put them to rock in hammocks strung
in a corner. If not otherwise occupied, the women spin wool or "finger-
knit" pouches (jigras) of hemp. An additional round of coffee or'agga
gg_panela (brown sugar and water) is served between eight and nine
o'clock, and the families are asleep soon afterward.

On Tuesdays, one or more members of the household go to Silvia,
if not to sell products, at least to buy a few items needed for the-
following week. Several hundred Guambianos go to Silvia ea¢h Tuesday,
and many men (about one in five) take their wives and/or children‘withv‘
them. In Silvia, Guambianos meet friends, relatives, compadres, sit
and talk with them on the grassy park in the plaza, share aguardiente
with them or go to drink at one of the numerous small bars in town.

By noon many return to the reservation by bus, and by 4:00 PM the last
buses full of the most inebriated make their final trip up the mountain.

Some continue drinking into the night.

171

Saturday is another special day. Five or six busloads of Guam-
bianos travel to the market town in Piendamé to sell potatoes, onions
and other products. Saturday is also the day for community and private
mingas. Groups of from ten to twenty Guambianos are frequently seen on
Saturdays working together in the fields and on new homes. If the
cabildo has sent out word, groups of from ten to one hundred and fifty
men and boys work on the roads, paths and bridges. Saturday evening
men and boys drink in the local bars, play bingo or sapg_(a ring toss
game), and listen to the radio. If there is a wedding dance in the
area, they may attend that. Men and women visit their friends and
relatives, sit around the fires, drink, eat and exchange gossip.

Sunday is a day of rest but a good deal of work continues. Men
tend the animals, sharpen tools, get their hair cut, and organize things
in the house. The women spend their free time spinning, weaving, and
washing clothes, beads, and their babies. If there are several married
women in the home one of them may "get the day off" and visit her
parents or other relative in a nearby vereda, usually bringing one of
her children with her. Men stretch out on a soft patch of grass to
relax and visit with friends and relatives. Young men and girls "dress
up" and go for walks, and sometimes keep prearranged meetings.

Special foods are prepared on Sundays, usually a soup made with
milk, brown sugar and ground corn (mazamorra.dgflmaig) or melon Qmagg:
‘ggggandg_mejicano). This is served to all visitors. Some Guambianos
go to mass in Silvia, in the vereda of Las Delicias or in the vereda
of La Campana. Relatively few are regular church goers, and attendance

slacks off substantially when the weather is wet.

172

Other recurrent events which break up the routine of the domestic

group are the cycle of religious festivities, the Taita Puro festivities

 

in November and going on one of the annual pilgrimages to visit famous
Virgins and Saints. These pilgrimages are big social events and Guambia-
nos prefer the ones at Las Lajas in the Department of Narifio, Nataga in
the Department of Huila, and Bugs in the Department of Valle. I

The members of the fireside group also are the structural unit
essential to successful performance of a continuous round of cleansing
activities following a female's menstruation. There is often and addi-
tional cleansing for the house every three to six months, more or less

as a prophylactic measure.

THE STRUCTURE OF KINSHIP

The extended kin group in Guambia is an "ego-focused" one as
opposed to an "ancestor-focused" (Fox 1967:164) group, and may be
referred to as ego's "kindred." In such a system, similar to what we
have in the United States, no two persons except siblings will have

the same kindreds.

Consagguineal Kin
Kinship terminology is a mixture of Guambiano, Spanish, Péez'(?)

 

and, according to John Rowe (1954:146), Quechua words. The native
classificatory system remains basically intact but reference terms for
many positions have been influenced by Spanish kinship terminology. In
a few instances additions to the native system are fully integrated

into it. Spanish terms (e.g. tio) are replacing native terms for some

173

positions, and older native terms are rarely used by young people.
There are several relatives for which two or three reference terms may
be used. In the charts below I list the oldest term together with
alternatives. A full list of terms in historical perspective and
their range of application is presented in tables 11 and 12.
Terms for lineal and collateral relatives are shown in figure
15. It should be noted that terms for brother and sister are rela-
tive to the age and sex of the speaker and that ggghak with the appro-
priate prefix is reciprocal between siblings of the opposite sex.
Mam (Spanish: older) is added to refer to all older siblings, £933;
to those that follow, and.§é2£2.t° the youngest of each sex. The same
modifying terms are applied to offspring but only the oldest of each
sex is'gazgg, those following aremgggdg, and the last of both sexes,
Eabgz, If there are only three children in the family the middle one
is referred to as tiwitag (the one in the middle) gfiékgy (or nimbas).g
Reference terms for grandparents' generation have twice in this
century been influenced by the Spanish system. The first change, gggl§_
and'ggglé, are modified from the Spanish.a§gglg_andpgbgglg,; Today the;
tendency is to use papa senor for grandfather and mama sefiora fer grand-
mother. Within one set of options, grandparent spd_grandchildren use. A
reciprocal terms: ‘gggl§.andlaugl§. In the Spanish system.abuelo(a)'
refer to grandparents only, and gig£g_and'giggg are used for grand-
children. The reciprocal use of‘gggl§.and.aggl§_among alternate genera—
tions suggests that in the past _t_a£g §_u_r_ and mg :s'Lrg (or 's'ur and Eura)
‘were also reciprocal, and I have heard gur and Sure used in a joking

sense to address grandchildren.

174

 

 

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175

Whereas the above discussion refers to replacement of native
terms with Spanish ones, the use of the Spanish term for "older (mayor)"
to refer to elder siblings and the oldest child represents in my view a

modification or addition to the traditional Guambiano system. There is

 

no Guambiano term equivalent to "older" and no way of referring to such

a person without use of the Spanish adjective meygr, This is in sharp
contrast to the two Guambiano terms 333$: a d gabgy used to refer to
younger siblings and children. The attention given to people and events
that "follow" or "come last" is a ritual aspect of many areas of Guambia-
no culture including politics and religion, and I view these distinctions
in the kinship system as another example of this theme or principle.

In addition to the terms shown in table 11 Guambianos often use 33;
(child) to refer to their offspring.

Cousin terms for male speakers follow a normal Eskimo pattern,
distinguishing between siblings and cousins and making no distinction
between cross and parallel cousins. Cousin terms are formed by adding
.12 (distant) to the regular sibling terminology. Females use the same
principles in reference to male cousins, but female cousins are referred
to by the same term used for sisters (numisay).1

In the second ascending generation there is an inconsistency re-
flected in the different sets of terms with respect to distinguishing
between lineal and collateral relatives. In the oldest syStem tags (or
Eaiga) and Eggs are added before §2£_and‘§g£a to denote lineal rela-
tives. In the two other systems, however, no distinction is made

between lineal and collateral kin in this generation.2

Guambi

Fa - Father So
Mo - Mother Da
Pa - Parents Ch
Br - Brother Hu
Si - Sister Wi
Sb - Siblings Sp

Terms in parentheses ( ) are

176

TABLE 11

ano Kinship Terms

- Son El - Elder

- Daughter Yo - Younger

— Children Yst- Youngest

- Husband (m.s.) - male speaking

- Wife (f.s.) - female speaking
- Spouse

either Spanish or derivatives of Spanish terms.

 

 

Oldest terms Alternatives Range of application
miskay tata, taita, (papa) Fa
ufif mamé Mo

(mayor) nunek
(mayor) nuchak
(mayor) numifiay
wendinunek
wendinuchak
wendinumisay
sabey nunek
Babey nuchak
Eabey numisay
nufikay

nimbas

(mayor) nufikay
(mayor) nimbas

wendinufikay

ElBr (m.s.)

ElSi (m.s.), ElBr (f.s.)
ElSi (f.s.)

YoBr (m.s.)

YoSi (m.s.), YoBr (f.s.)
YoSi (f.s.))

YstBr (m.s.)

YstSi (m.s.), YstBr (f.s.)
YstSi (f.s.)

So

Da

Oldest So

Oldest Da

YoSo

177

TABLE 11

(Con't.)

 

Oldest terms

Alternatives

Range of application

 

wendinimbafi
sabey nuakay
sabey nimbéfi

tata (taita) fiur

mama Burs

Eur

's'ura1

kuchimiskay or
kasGk
kuchiuUI

numiflay or
lenumiaay

lenuchek

(aue16) or
papa senor

(auelé) or
mama sefiora

(aue16)

(auela)

papa sefior

mama sefiora

(aue16) or
papa sefior

(auelé) or
papa sefior

(tio)

(tia)

YoDa
YstSo
YstDa

FaFa, MoFa

FaMo, MoMo

alternative for
FaFaBr, FaMoBr,
MoMoBr, SbChSo,

alternative for
FaFaSi, FaMoSi,
MoMoSi, SbChDa,

alternative for
FaFaBr, FaMoBr,

alternative for
FaFaSi, FaMoSi,

FaFaBr, FaMoBr,

FaFaSi, FaMoSi,

FaFa, MoFa;
MoFaBr,
SoSo, DaSo.

FaMo, MoMo;
MoFaSi,
SoDa, DaDa.

FaFa, MoFa,
MoFaBr, MoMoBr

FaMo , MoMo ,
McFaSi, MoMoSi

MoFaBr , MoMoBr

MoFaSi, MoMoSi

FaBr, MoBr, FaSiHu, MoSiHu

FaSi, MoSi, FaBrWi, MoBrWi

FaSbDa (f.s.), MoSbDa (f.s.)

FaSbDa (m.s.), MoSbDa (m.s.),
FaSbSo (m.s.), MoSbSo (f.s.)

178

TABLE 11 (Con't.)

 

 

Oldest terms Alternatives Range of application

lenunek FaSbSo (m.s.), MoSbSo (m.s.)

kasugun! BrSo, SiSo

kuchiun! BrDa, SiDa, alternative for
BrSo, SiSo

 

1. Used only in lower veredas. Upper veredas use tata (taita) fiul
and mama Bulya for grandparents' siblings.

2. Used only in upper veredas.

179

In the case of remarriages Guambianos terminologically distinguish
adopted parents and children by the use of pans or panab in front of
the normal kinship term. Half-brothers and half-sisters are classified

as cousins. Adopted children are referred to as nuranik nuskay or

 

nuranik nimbas.

 

Examination of the terms used for consanguineal kin shows the
following variables to be significant: (1) sex of the referent; (2)
sex of the speaker; (3) relative age; (4) generation, and (5) lineal
or collateral kin. Generation is the most important variable reflected
in all terms used for consanguineal kin. Sex of the referent is
reflected in all terms used for consanguineal kin. Sex of the referent
is reflected in all terms except for nuchak (sibling of the opposite
sex). This term is used reciprocally between brothers and sisters,
and the sex of the referent is understood to be different from that
of the speaker. Relative age is important in ego's generation, and
special modifying terms are employed to differentiate between siblings
older than ego, those younger, and the last born of each sex. Relative
age (or birth order) is also used in distinguishing the oldest child
of each sex from those that follow, and the last born from the rest.

Lineal relatives are differentiated from collateral ones in ego's
and the first ascending generation, and with one set of terms (Egg,
£52 ELLE; Egg, may; §u_r_a_) in the grandparent generation. There is an
exception to the lineal-collateral distinction with respect to female
speakers who extend sister (numisay) terms to female cousins.

There are no native terms for the third ascending generation,

but when pressed for one some Guambianos give a modification of the

180

Spanish terms: pisoauelé and pisoauela (Spanish--bisabuelo and Bléé?
22213). Pisoaue16 and pisoauela are also used for the third descending
generation. Some informants use the Guambiano adjective le_(distant)
rather than pi§g_in front of 32316 and Eflfil§°

Since the brother and sister terms exhibit more complexity than
the others they merit some additional attention in order to determine
what aspects of the culture they might be related to. One of their
functions is to distinguish the sibling group from other relatives.
The term express a sentiment of solidarity of those descended from the
same parents, who, even after marriage, continue to help, visit, and
have a responsibility towards one another. The use of different terms
by male and female speakers I view as having a rhetorical function
underscoring the different roles of each sex and relationships among
siblings of the same sex as opposed to those with siblings of the
opposite sex.

Political and religious situations sharply differentiate male
and female roles. Those associated with domestic and economic activ-
ities, however, are much less sharply defined, especially among chil-
dren. Within this context the use of different terms by male and
female children provide some basis for sexual identification and
differentiation during a period when roles are minimally, and often
not at all, related to sex.

With respect to the use of terms identifying relative age of
siblings, the functional relationship seems rather straightforward.
Older siblings, in fact, have authority over younger ones, and if one

or both of the parents die, the oldest ones assume the authority and

181

responsibilities of the deceased parent(s). Distinguishing the youngest
sibling from the others reflects his special status as responsible for
care of his parents when they are old and his favored position in
claiming inheritance.

The female's extension of sister terminology to cousins of the
same sex is the only instance where different principles of classifica-
tion are used by siblings. These differences I view as socially and
psychologically related to rules and activities surrounding residence
and inheritance which emphasize the male line. The tendency in Guambia
is for patrilaterally related cousins (male and female) to grow up
together, frequently in the same household. Before marriage cousins of
the same sex, and roughly the same age, spend more time with one another
than with siblings who are much older or of the opposite sex. It is
accurate to say that "sentimentally" cousins of the same sex and age
are "siblings." For female cousins who upon marriage move to their
husband's home there is little in their adult life which merits a
change in sentiment Rf behavior toward one another.

The situation is different for males on two levels: first, they
continue living close to one another and, secondly, there is the
element of competition for land and prestige. From a psychological
perspective the need for differentiation would seem to be greater
among those continuing to live in proximity to one another. Also,
terminological differentiation of cousins from siblings would tend
to reinforce "voluntary" as opposed to "obligatory" aspects of coopera-
tion among adult males. The community expects brothers to work togeth-

er, but among others, even other kin, it depends on "good will"

182

(buena voluntad). Thus the distinction between cousins and siblings

 

maximizes the network in which "free choice" rather than "necessity"
determines mutual aid. Also, in inheritance it is the brothers who

have the most claim to their father's land, and there is often conflict
in determining who gets what. Keeping cousins in another category would
seem to reinforce the boundaries and minimize possible disputes over
inheritable property.

It is important to underscore that while I am a "sentimentalist"
with respect to understanding and explaining kinship terminology, I do
not, consciously at least, make any claim for existential priority or
causal relationships in the above discussion. My aim is solely to
point out areas where there seems to be a functional relationship be-

tween terminology, cultural rules and behavior.

Affinal Kinship

When a Guambiano marries his (her) status changes within his own
family and he acquires a set of affinal relatives. These changes are
expressed in kinship terminology. Though post-marital residence nor-
mally brings the woman to her husband's home, affinal terminology is

fully bilateral--the same range of affinal kin for both husband and

wife.

183

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TABLE

12

*

Guambiano Affinal Terms

 

Oldest terms

Alternatives

Range of Application

 

tata (papa)

mama (mamita)

hi, or kieg

hi, or Say, or kan
kuchindata
kuchimama

(mamita)

nutata

(mamita)

numama

/ as
11111188

(cuflada)

HuFa, WiFa, ChSpFa'
HuMo, WiMo, ChSpMo
Hu
Wi

YoBr, YoSiHu, PaSbSo(-),
PaSbDa(-)Hu, SpYoBr, SpYoSiHu,
YoSo, YoDaHu, SpPaSbDa(-)Hu.

YoSi, YoBrWi, FaSbDa(-),
PaSbSo(-)Wi, SpYoSi, SpYoBrWi,
YoDa, YoSoWi, SpPaSbSo(-)Wi.

ElBr, ElSiHu, PaSbSo(+),
PaSbDa(+)Hu, SpPaSbDa(+)Hu,
SpElBr, SpElSiHu, Eldest So,
Eldest DaHu. Variant for
YoSo, YoDaHu.

ElSi, ElBrWi, PaSbDa(+),
PaSbSo(+)Wi, SpPaSbSo(+)Wi,
SpElSi, SpElBrWi, Eldest Da,
Eldest SoWi. Variant for
YoDa, YoSoWi.

SpBr(single). Variant for SpBr,
SiHu, PaSbDaHu, SpPaSbDaHu,
SpSiHu.

SpSi (single).

 

 

*Unless otherwise noted categories of persons in the "range of
application" column are assumed to be married.

 

184

The terms £353 (or papa) and mama are used for spouses' parents
and Children's spouses' parents. In the first instance (spouses'
parents) the use of gags (or papa) and Eggs are consistent with the
principle that a person uses the same terms as his spouse in referring
to and addressing members of ascending generations. There is, however,
one slight shift in that in referring to one's own parents the final

vowel is accented (e.g. papa, mama). This emphasis is dropped in re-

 

ferring to spouses' parents.

In the second case (children's spouses" parents), the use 9f.£2£2
(or 2522) 339.2222 is an expression of formality and respect. The fact
that their children are married to one another does not bring the sets
of parents "closer" to one another. If anything, the girl's parents
are wary that her mother-in-law and father-in-law are not treating her
well, and are sometimes angry because they no longer have her services.

In general, affinal terminology reflects the changed status of the
married person and the importance of relative age or junior-senior
status. In addition they express the close ties, frequently activated,
among in-laws of the same generation (see Table 14 on the composition
of exchange labor groups). The variables which characterize the system
of affinal kinship in Guambia are: (1) generation, (2) sex of the
referent, and (3) age. The age variable may be subdivided into three
categories: (a) age relative to ego--for consanguineal kin in ego's
generation, (b) age relative to spouse--for spouse's siblings, and
(c) age relative to other siblings (birth order) for ego's children.

The core of the system is based on the older-younger distinction

contained in the prefixes gg_(big) and kuchi (little). 'Married

185

siblings and cousins younger than ego are referred to as kuchimama (fe-

males) or kuchindata (males); those older than ego are referred to as

 

nutata or numama. The complementary term is used to refer to and ad-
dress their respective spouses as well. The same principle applies
to spouse's married siblings in which case it is age relative to the
spouse which determines the appropriate term.

Nutata and numama are used for the oldest married children "because
they are the oldest," implying the greater respect parents should have
for their senior offspring.

The application of affinal terms occurs gradually as children,
siblings and cousins achieve marital status. The terminology is used
only after the person marries (except gggag). Thus, while a cousin or
brother may address his married kin as nutata, the latter would con-
tinue using the consanguineal term as long as the other remains single.
The exception to this is ppgag, which is used to refer to male in-laws
regardless of their marital status. It should also be noted that unless
the kinship relationship is clear to the listener consanguineal terms
continue to be used in reference. All terms except Eggaé, cuflada,lkigg,

say and kan are used in address as well as reference.

186

Although rules applying to the use of affinal terms are inter-
preted consistently, there are situational factors governing their
actual usage. For example, Guambianos find it incongruous and humor-
ous for a young man of eighteen whose younger sister is married to a
man of twenty-five to address his brother-in-law as kuchindata (imply-
ing subordination). In such cases, and when the in—laws or married
kin are of roughly similar age, the tendency is to use gggggg'and
numama (implying seniority) on a reciprocal basis. More data than I
have, however, would be needed to establish the extent to which these
and other modifications occur.

The system of affinal terms in contrast to much of the consanguine-
al system has only recently begun to be influenced by the Spanish sys-
tem. Some Guambianos now use Eggggg (Spanish term) to refer to an un-‘
married sister-in-lew. This is an addition to the system, since there
is no Guambiano term for spouse's unmarried sister.

The other change is the use of‘gggigg_(8panish: little mother")
which is replacing both‘gggggg and kuchimama. This leveling of hier-
archical distinctions among female sffinas, both within and between
generations, may be interpreted in two ways. First, the fact that
many of the younger women have attended school and feel differently
about their status in the household. They no longer accept the tradi-
tional subordinate status to the extent their mothers did. Secondly,
the use of "mamita" reflects the egalitarian emphasis in structure and
sentiment which is greater among females than among'melas. Hierarchy
is much more important among men in the symbolic (political and re-

ligious) world they manipulate. ‘Mela dominated situations, while not

187

necessarily reflecting any permanent hierarchy, are usually structured
into superordinate and subordinate relationships. Thus, I view the
reciprocal use of mamita between female in—laws and sisters as an ex-
pression of the sentiment of equality which today, and perhaps to a
large extent in the past as well, characterizes the relationship among

them.

Summagy
The system of kinship and affinity in Guambia has shown a high

degree of stability. While outside influences are clearly reflected

in some of the terms used today, the categories and system of classifica-
tion have remained relatively unchanged for at least the past century
and probably much longer. My reasons for suggesting that much of the
system is at least several centuries old are: (1) before the 1940's
few people on the reservation spoke Spanish; (2) though population was
continually expanding it was below 4000 until the 1940's and there was
sufficient territory to allow for growth without forcing any major
changes in patterns of relationship, and (3) other groups in the

region which might have had some cultural and linguistic effect on the
Guambianos were destroyed during the conquest, and contact among
remaining indigenous tribes of the region was reduced. The only excep-
tion to the above-dwhich is important to note since their influence is
significant in other contexts-~18 the Paez, neighbors of the Guambianos

to the north and east. One informant stated that the terms "taté" and

H ’II
mama
—

were taken fron the Péez.
Native terms which have shown the highest degree of stability

are those used to refer to siblings, children, spouse, and cousins.

188

Some Spanish words have been added to the system, e.g. mayor and more

recently papa sehor, while others have replaced, or function as options

 

to, Guambiano terms (e.g. aue16, tio). The affinal terms remain es-

 

sentially indigenous, but recent additions, cufiada and mamita, reflect
Spanish influence, a general drift towards greater equality of male

and female, and a leveling of superordinate-subordinate relations.

BEHAVIORAL ASPECTS OF KINSHIP

Guambianos enjoy being with other Guambianos. They rarely work or
travel alone, they do not drink alone, they criticize people who eat
alone, and during wedding celebrations none of the principal actors
urinates or defecates alone. The concepts of linjab (accompaniment)
and l2£§fil££§ (equality) are central to interpersonal relations in the
kin group as it is in all aspects of social relations in the Guambiano

community.

The Quality of Inteppersonal Relations

My comments on relations between kinsmen deal with struggles and
conflicts as well as with the kinds of obligations and positive aspects
of behavior. Before pursuing these matters in detail, however, I feel
some general comments on the quality of interpersonal relations in
Guambia are necessary.

Leaving aside references to tropical forest communities whose
diversity makes generalizations impossible, the impression one gets
reading about villages in Mexico (Foster 1967; Lewis 1951) and Central

and South America (Gillin 1947; Adams 1959; Fals-Borda 1955;

189

Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. and A. 1961) is that interpersonal relations are
brittle, filled with tension, and at the root of a great deal of concern
and anxiety. References to gossip, criticism and envy are made to under-
score and describe many situations and leave the reader with the notion,
often explicitly stated, that life in the family is rather unpleasant,
sad, and stoically endured. Risk to one's self-image is minimized by
ritual formality and a defensive strategy, thus limiting the number of
significant relationships. While some of the descriptions and comments
made about these communities are applicable to relations in Guambia, it
would be very misleading to discuss them without noting some major dif-
ferences. Visitors to the Guambiano reservation in the 19th century
(Perez de Barradas 1943; Douay 1890) and 20th century (Hernandez de
Alba 1946; Lehmann 1945, 1946b; Rivet 1946, Rowe 1954; Reyes 1945) have
been quick to point out the basically open and friendly disposition of
the people there. Guambianos are quick to laugh, ready to lend a hand
to someone in need, and are a trusting and non-violent group of people.
In many ways the contrast between life in Guambia and the neighbor—
ing village of Silvia where I lived for a year (1962-3) is greater than
that between the U.S.A. and Colombia. In Colombian towns and cities,
as in much of the United States, one is frequently concernedabout the
security of person and property. The possibility of theft is omni-
present, and open conflict and aggression all too often involve the
use of knives and guns. To protect yourself you lock your door, and
have a maid or live in an apartment house with a doorman. In Guambia,
at least until recently, few doors had locks, direct physical aggression

involved fists only, and the incidence of theft and murder within the

190

community was very low. While the possibility of negative sanctions is
certainly a factor in maintaining order, the major one seems to be the
high degree of respect Guambianos have for other people and property.
Though they are aware of the danger in trusting outsiders they are
quick to accept them after a short period of time. They prefer to

trust others.

Principles of Social Behavior

Anthropologists writing about bilateral systems and kindred (Fox
1967; Freedman 1961; Murdock 1960; Davenport 1959; Foster 1967) note
that the wide range of relatives and overlapping networks provides the
individual with a good deal of "flexibility" in determining which ties
become socially significant. Guambianos, while maintaining.the ideal
of family unity and cooperation of kin, are quick to point-out that'
people get along with some relatives and not others. Within the fire-
side unit and among members of a nuclear family there exists a strong
Obligation to support and work with one another. Beyond that range,
however, sentiment and circumstantial factors rather than structure
pgguggdetermine who an individual works and socializes with. In all
aspects of behavior, including relations within the family and in
activities such as weaving and house building, the notion of "voluntary"
action is crucial. For example, a man works with his cousin because
he "wants to (Eiggg_voluntad)" and a woman weaves because she "wants
to."

Underlying the structure of social relations are the long term

struggles for survival, wealth and prestige. on a day to day basis

191

activities evolve around crops, marketing, sickness, and marriage,
occasionally punctuated by death, witchcraft, physical violence, adul-
tery, incest, abortion, theft, and suicide or murder.

In addition to the themes of equality and accompaniment the prin-
ciples guiding social relationships in Guambia are the authority of old
over young and of male over female. Elder males in the community are
addressed as kasuku. For males whose contributions to the community
have been especially noteworthy, usually those who have held high polit-
ical office, the term Eaiga is employed. Males and females in higher
positions expect the obedience and respect of those with lesser status
but in turn are expected to reciprocate by providing support and

leadership.

Relations Within the Fireside Unit

Interpersonal relations within the domestic unit are based on a
few principles which, in accordance with the activity being performed,
become temporarily dominant. The father can demand the immediate atten-
tion and services of any member of the fireside group. Parents' influ-
ence over children continues even after the latter marry, and especially
while they share a single kitchen. The mother's dominance over the
children is second only to her husband's, and with respect to many
decisions for the home she is in control. Other principles are equal-
ity of household members who are roughly the same age, and a generalized
respect for all persons regardless of age or sex.

Although hierarchical principles are important in many situations,

and are always a latent factor, the general impression one gets after

192

observing family life is one of a high degree of equality, respect, and
personal freedom. Members of the domestic unit share ideas and opin-
ions, organize activities together, care for one another's children,
and during the non-working hours come in and out of the kitchen as they
please. Children enter into conversation with and offer opinions to
elders, and they are listened to. Frequently, women and children would
correct or add to information presented to me by the household head.
High value is placed on the individual and on letting him do what he
wishes. Even seemingly involuntary behavior, such as getting well from
an illness and dying, is sometimes framed in terms of willfulness (327
M)-

In contrast to the picture presented above there are homes, and
situations in all homes, where fathers are authoritarian and control
carefully the behavior of other members. In addition, the atmosphere
in the home often becomes stressful after children marry and begin
to have children of their own. Splitting into separate fireside units
tends to restore peace to the household.

Within the family the concept of personal ownership of property
is important but tempered by the obligation to share and cooperate.
Males own most of the land, but widows control their husband's prop-
erty, at least until the children are fully grown. In addition, women
normally have some land and animals of their own. Animals, tools and
clothing are personally owned. Tools are freely borrowed by family
members, and if it is clear the owner has no need for the tool there
is no need to ask permission. Clothing is also borrowed, but permission

should be obtained in advance. Unless the individual has a pressing

193

need for the item loans are readily granted. Cooperation in agricul-
tural work is frequent, but in all cases the owner of the property has
the right to dispose of the harvest as he or she wishes. A portion of
one's earnings are for personal use, but a major part is contributed to
the maintenance of the household.

While there is a clear division of labor between husbands and
wives in some activities, the couple spends a good deal of time together
at home and in the fields. Infants are carried to the fields and
attended during the day by their mothers. Children between three and
six or seven years old are sometimes taken to the fields but more

often are left at home with a relative.

Disputes Between Husbands and Wives

Guambianos fully expect that husbands and wives will have occa-
sional disagreements. Though some men still beat their wives, Guambia-
nos say that the use of physical force within the family has declined
substantially during the past forty years.

Explanations for husband-wife arguments given to me by men center
around: women not having meals ready on time, not taking proper care
of the children, not weaving clothing for the family, not responding
to husband's demands, and leaving the home to make visits without first
getting permission. Women get mad at men for arriving very late from
the fields, for spending excessive amounts of money on aguardiente, and
for getting drunk too often.

Other disputes involve sexual matters and the belief (or knowl-

edge) that adultery has been committed. There are women, single and

194

married, who are known to have sexual relations with men "for a gift,"
and others who are simply "very hot." Adulterous women are criticized
and gossiped about and, up till fifteen years ago, were stripped and
whipped by cabildo officials. Men were punished for adultery when the
partner was married, but they received a less severe punishment out of
recognition that they "worked for the community interests."
Extra-marital relations with single girls or willing women are
often engaged in by younger married men, and their activities become
the subject of joking and kidding between them. A woman who suspects
(or knows) her husband has frequent relations with another female will
often consult a shaman. The shaman either prepares herbs to be added
to the food to keep the man from continuing these activities and/or
uses sorcery to harm the offending female. In general, women rather
than men are blamed for taking the initiative in establishing extra-
marital relations. There are various instances of women physically

assaulting other women with whom their husband were having affairs.

Parents and Children

Husbands prefer male children, wives prefer females, and both
seem to derive a great deal of satisfaction in watching children grow
up. Children are important as sources of labor in and outside the
home, and early in life participate in activities essential to the
organization of a household. Not having children is viewed as an
unfortunate situation, and childless adults are said to appear in the
afterworld in the form of a mule. Guambianos recognize the dangers of
having too large a family and use various methods of population control

including abortion and infanticide.

195

Children help in domestic activities, run errands and take care
of their younger siblings. Most seem to enjoy helping their parents
but on occasion refuse to comply with adult demands. Their refusal
may be met with a repetition of the demand, but frequently parents
will respect the child's wishes. As children reach adolescence there
is marked change in their attitude and behavior with respect to perform-
ing activities associated with childhood. They are ashamed to run er-
rands to local stores, adolescent boys stop carrying younger siblings,
and both sexes pay more attention to clothing and adornment.

Some conscious training of children occurs with respect to elimi-
nation, language learning, walking, weaving, farming, and some domes-
tic tasks. There is no fixed timetable, however. Children are not
"forced" to learn, and Guambianos readily acknowledge that some chil-
dren learn things faster than others. They expect the child to do
what he is able "when he wishes to (cuando tiene la_voluntad)."

Children in Guambia have an important role to play in family life.
At a relatively early age (12-15) they are given resources (animals
and/or small plots of land) to begin earning money to meet some of
their own needs (especially clothing and tools). Adolescent boys have
a good deal of personal freedom.and spend much of their time with
brothers, cousins and friends of a similar age. Adolescent girls are
somewhat more restricted in their movements. and mothers are responsible
for keeping watch over their behavior. Adolescent girls, however,
manage to find time to meet boyfriends, and as long as they are discreet
and do not get pregnant no fuss is made over these relationships. If
a girl's relationship(s) become the subject of community gossip her
parents will take care to assure she is accompanied on trips outside

of the home.

196

Two aspects of parent-child relations in Guambia which in my mind
sharply distinguish family life there from most other Latin American
families are the extent to which children participate in and know about
almost all areas of life, and the relative absence of fear. While
fathers may on rare occasions hit their children there is, in general,
little physical punishment. Child beating is criticized, e.g., "Why
did you have children--so you could hit them?" Most punishment is an
immediate verbal reprimand which is usually a great embarrassment and
brings the child to tears. In short, the high level of interpersonal
tension and social distance between members of a nuclear family found
in many Latin American villages is not characteristic in Guambia.

There the home is a relaxed and pleasant setting to be in. It is a
place of love and security, not tension and fear.

Stories about little spirits (kalyim) and modifications of Span-
ish folktales are part of the socialization process. They are directed
at keeping young children from straying too far from home and emphasize
values of family loyalty and hard work.

Children are responsible for the care of their parents as they
become old and widowed. Ideally, the care of aging parents is the‘
responsibility of the youngest son and his wife. If most offspring
are young, older children share the obligation of looking after the
remaining parent, at least until the youngest male is married and
able to manage things on his own.

Old widowed parents continue to play a significant role in the
household. Unless they are sick they work as equals with their chil-

dren and grandchildren in the fields and kitchen. People in their

197

sixties and seventies who are no longer strong enough to perform the

heavy agricultural work do whatever they can to help around the home.

Siblipgpand Cousin Relationship

Brothers and sisters grow up playing together, sharing responsi-
bilities, and sleeping in the same bed with their parents until they
are six or seven years old. As they get older each sex spends more
time with the parent, siblings, cousins, and friends of his own sex.
Household composition and residence patterns result in most children
having a pool of cousins with whom they begin to spend a great deal of
time. When children reach adolescence they are discouraged from.being
seen alone with cousins of the opposite sex. This is done to keep them
from developing strong feelings toward one another which might lead to
sexual relations and possibly marriage.

While seeking friendships with others of their own sex, brothers
and sisters spend much time together at work and around the fire.
There is little basis of competition between sexes as there is among
males. Close ties often develop between male and female siblings, and
these often continue after each is married. A married sister whose
husband does not treat her well may seek support from her brother.

Relationships between sisters and female cousins are generally
very close in Guambia. They play, work, go to school and share secrets
with one another. When they are past puberty the may serve as inter-
mediaries in helping to arrange each other's meetings with boyfriends.
Marriage reduces the amount of time sisters and cousins are together

but relationships are maintained through visiting and sometimes

198

exchange labor arrangements. Sisters and female cousins leaving their
natal vereda after marriage occasionally find themselves living near
one another in which case their close ties are maintained. Husbands,
however, are often wary of their wives spending too much time with
sisters and cousins and suspect they aid their wives in making arrange-
ments to meet old boyfriends.

The situation is different among male siblings who are in a com-
petitive situation because of the father's control of and their need
for land. While disputes between brothers often lead to a severing of
ties, they also bring some brothers closer together. Brothers often
form "coalitions" with one another and work in opposition to a third
and/or fourth brother. Many brothers long after they are married
continue to work, travel, drink, and in general spend a lot of time
together.

The eldest male sibling is viewed as a father surrogate and
shares in the responsibility of running the household. If the father
dies while there are still unmarried children at home he becomes
responsible for them and may be referred to by his youngest siblings
as pgp_, He assumes responsibility for helping to pay for his younger
brothers' marriages and is the person to whom his sisters' prospective

in-laws must address themselves.

édoption and Illegitimate Children
Adoption of children is a frequent and uncomplicated affair.
When a couple is childless or have children of one sex only, or an

unmarried girl with a child, to give them a dhild "as a gift (regalar ."

199

In other instances a young man wishing to marry a girl who has had a
child by another man may ask her to give the child away before they
marry.

In return for receiving a child the couple makes some "gifts" to
the parent(s), usually items of clothing, blankets or a young animal.
While giving children away is not uncommon, the parents or girl who do
this may be criticized, especially if they do it a second time. The
adopted child generally becomes a permanent member of the family with
full rights to inheritance. In a few instances, however, children
return to their natural parents, who compensate the couple who cared
for the child, usually by giving them an animal. In addition to
obtaining children from other Guambiano families there are several
cases of adoption involving children from the neighboring Pfiez tribe,
and one from the peripatetic Sibundoys.

'Within Guambiano society adoption can be seen as serving various
social functions: (1) reducing the size of large families; (2) balanc-
ing the male/female ratio (laté—laté) among children in a home, thus
providing eadh parent with at least one child of each sex to accompany
the parents in work activities; (3) providing an opportunity for
bastard children to be raised by a full set of parents; (4) keeping
bastard children from interfering with the possible future marriages
of their mothers, and (5) making it possible for childless couples to

raise a family.

Other Kin and Neighbors
Grandparents, aunts, uncles and in-laws are an important part of

a person's social world. Many social and economic relationships involve

200

persons outside the domestic unit, and these are normally established
with other kinsmen.

Grandparents have especially warm relationships with grandchildren
and display a great deal of affection for them. Grandparents frequent-
ly give grandchildren small gifts, and, if they can afford it, land and
animals when the children are older. Grandparents often take care of
grandchildren when the parents are away from home. If grandparents are
still active in agricultural work they are often accompanied by grand-
children.

There is a reciprocal joking relationship among alternate genera-
tions. Most kidding is of a sexual nature, for example: (Grandparent
with grandchild, to third person) "This is my girlfriend; when she
grows up we are going to get married." Or (others, to grandchild and
grandparent of opposite sexes walking together) "Who's that you are
walking with, your boyfriend?" 0r (grandparent to grandchild) "Let's
go to my house and go to bed."

Guambianos usually spend part of their childhood around the same
fire with uncles and aunts. They often work together, and these rela-
tionships sometimes continue after the nephews and nieces marry. Favor-
ite uncles and aunts may be asked to serve as godparents to a couple's
baby, or at marriage.

Another group of persons who play an important role in a person's
life are the in-laws. A married woman carries on many day-to-day
activities with her mother-in—law and her husband's siblings and their
spouses. Close relationships sometimes develop (or may already exist)
among sisters-in-law and/or with their husband's mother, but the situr

ation is often unpleasant for younger women. Mothers-in-law and older

201

sisters-in-law have authority over the younger woman in the house,and
some choose to exercise it regularly. Interpersonal problems among
women in a fireside group often lead to a woman's asking her husband
to build a separate house.

Complaints about mother-in-law--daughter-in—law relationships
suggest there are differing notions of proper behavior with regard to
these roles. 0n the one hand mothers-in-lsw are often accused by
daughters-in-law of being domineering and uncooperative in domestic
activities. They say'their mothers-in-law pass on too much work to
them. Mothers-in-lsw, on the other hand, complainthat their daughters-
in-law do not work as hard as they used to (which is true). There are,
of course, many households in which these relationships run smoothly.

Men sometimes help members of their wife's and sisters' families,
occasionally establishing working ties with them and exchanging house-
hold visits. There is an avoidance relationship among siblings-in-law
of the opposite sex, and being seen together on several occasions re-
results in criticism and gossip. ‘

Neighbors form another category with whom close ties frequently
develop. Mutual aid and visiting characterize the relationship.

Regardless of the normal relationship with aunts, uncles, in-laws
and neighbors, events such as house construction and funerals bring
them all temporarilytogether. "Accompaniment" in these activities

is obligatory even when there is an active dispute among them.

202

PART 2. COMPADRAZGO

In addition to the bonds of kinship, affinity and residence, the
Guambianos utilize the fictional kinship (compadrazgo) system to in-
crease, reinforce and formalize social relationships. The compadrazgo
system is common throughout peasant and tribal communities in Latin
America, and Mintz and Wolf (1950) have shown how variations in the
system are related to differences in social organization. The situa-
tion in Guambia, however, is somewhat different from the communities
they discuss, both in terms of the nature of compadrazgo and community

type, and I shall utilize my material to modify their conclusions.

PRINCIPEES’OF COMPADRAZGO IN LATIN AMERICA AND GUAMBIA

The basic principle of compadrazgo is the sponsorship of an indi—
vidual or couple by another person or persons, with the consequent es-
tablishment of formal ties among them and members of their family. In
Guambia there are two major types of compadrazgo and two lesser ones.
The major types are the compadrazgo gg_§lgg (godparent of the holy oil
or anointment) performed by the priest in a regular church baptismal
ceremony, and the compadrazgo gg_matrimonio established at the Catholic
marriage of a couple. Of the two minor types, one is the compadrazgo
.dg.ggu§_(water) in which the chosen godparent personally baptizes the
child with water within hours after birth. This is a preventive measure
for the child's spirit (mggig) lest the child die before baptism in
church and thus be condemned to limbo. The other minor type is the
compadrazgo g5 confirmacién, which occurs at the child's first con-

firmation. Respect among compadres and the requirement to greet one

203

another when passing hold for all compadrazgo ties regardless of when
they were established. The major ones, however, are considered more
serious. Ceremonies such as the first hair cutting and nail cutting
are practiced in Guambia. While there is sponsorship of these events
by adults, they do not result in the establishment of compadrazgo ties
as they sometimes do in other Latin American communities (e.g. Fals-
Borda 1955; Gillin 1947).

Anthropologists writing about compadrazgo in Colombia (Fals-Borda
1955:197; Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. and A. 1961:170—30) and in other parts
of Latin America (Foster 1967:75—85; Lewis 1960:66-68; Mintz and Wolf
1950) are in agreement as to the kinds of structural relationships
established by the ritual sponsorship. Foster (1967:76-77) summarizes
the basic structure as follows:

In all forms of compadrazgo the terminology is the same.
The sponsoring persons, the godparents, usually a married
couple but occasionally an unmarried pair, and sometimes

a single individual only, are known and addressed as the
padrinos (padrino-godfather; madrina-godmother). The
sponsored person, the godchild, a single individual except
in marriage, is called ahijado ("godson") or ahijada (god-
daughter"). In addition to these ties, the godparents and
the parents of the godchild also enter into a new formal
relationship; they become compadres, or co-parents. A
male in this relationship is called and addressed as

co adre, while a female is called and addressed as

comadre. (Italics his.)

These relationships may be diagrammed in the following manner:

204

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205

FICTIVE KIN IN GUAMBIA

In Guambia the principles presented above are used but the system
is extended to cover a larger number of persons and there are termino-
logical changes. These are diagrammed in Figs. 17 and 18. One extension
also found in some Latin American communities (e.g. Foster 1967) is
that of compadrazgo with siblings of either partner. This occurs when
a sibling of the parents of the initiate, or a sibling of the godpar-
'3223, is present at the event and voluntarily participates in the hand-
shaking ritual which ends the ceremony. In Guambia a fictional kin
relationship is always established among the children of the sponsoring
parent and the initiate'(s) parents. In addition, the initiate and
his siblings and the children of the godparents refer to one another as
hermanto and hermanta, the terms being reciprocal among sibling groups.

In referring to godparents, Guambianos use native terms instead
of the Spanish "padrino" and "madrina." Different terms are used
according to the kind of event (baptism or marriage) in which ties were
established. To refer to godparents formed at baptisms the godchildren
and their siblings use mutaptata and mutamama. These terms are also
used by the godparents' children to refer to the parents of the
initiate. The prefix‘mggg (or 23522) means "to carry in one's arms."
Earlier in the century the terms for godparents were mutamiskay and

mutabuai.3

206

 

 

 

compadres"
l l
l I F l
compadre comadre compadre comadre
MUTAPTATA MUTAMAMA

MUTAPTATA MUTAMAMA

    

A
A <5 e.

hermanto hermanto
L

 

 

 

hermanto:

FIGURE l8: Compadrazgo in Guambia: Baptism.

LoWer case letters: terms used within a single generation.
UPPER CASE LETTERS: between generations.

*Possble extension at compadrazgo to siblIngs.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

compadres! oompgcrefi
l I? 1 l I
compadre oomadre oompode oomadre compadre cornodre

 

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AHIJADO A JADA

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hermmio
I L MI 1 l
T l I
hermantos

FIGURE l9: Comparkazgo in Guambia: Marriage.

Loiner case letters: terms used within a single generation.
UPPER CASE LETTERS: between

3" Possible extension at compadrazgo gomtion m.

 

 

 

C5

hermanto
I

 

 

hernmtos

207

For godparents who serve at weddings, godchildren use the term

kwalimdata and kwalémama (father and mother "of the day"). In marriage

 

the ties between hermantos, compadres, etc. extend equally to the
bride's family as they do to the bridegroom's, even though it is the
latter's parents who choose the godparents.

Ideally, a spiritual bond is established among those individuals
linked through these fictive kinship ties. According to Church doc-
trine the function of godparenthood is to guide the religious upbring-
ing of the godchild. Anthropologists writing on compadrazgo in modern
Latin America (Foster 1967:75-77; Mintz and Wolf 1950) suggest that
while the custom derives from the notion of spiritual parenthood,
"emphasis seems to be rather on ritual co-parenthood; the compadre-
compadre relationship outweighs the godparent-godchild relationship"
(Mintz and Wolf 1950:355). While this assertion generally holds for
compadrazgo ties established in Guambia at baptisms, i£_i§“gg£_egually
applicable 53 £5922 f_or£eg a_t marriages. After the wedding dance in
Guambia godparents give "advice (consejos " to their new godchildren.
They share responsibility with the parents of the couple for maintAin-
ing domestic tranquility and sometimes play an active role in mediating
family disputes. In addition, the reciprocal joking relationship
between grandparents and grandchildren is extended to include godchil—
dren's children.

Regardless of the occasion, the bonds established in ritual co-
parenthood ideally result in a more formal and serious relationship
between the persons involved. Compadrazga relationships are said to

increase in importance if an individual is a godparent to two members

208

of the same family. In their ideal form godparent-godchild ties also
imply mutual assistance in work activities. This aspect is not seen
by the Guambianos as essential to the relationship but rather as a
function of the "good will (buena voluntad)” of the individuals in-
volved. Godparents sometimes ask godchildren to assist them in agri-
cultural work, and both feel the obligation to help one another in
house building.

It is customary for individuals linked through compadrazgo bonds
to greet one another respectfully. This often results in an invitation
to drink together, and it is impolite to refuse such an offer. This
factor is taken into account when selecting compadres, heavy drinkers

being less desirable.

SELECTION OF GODPARENTS

The process of choosing godparents and asking them to serve is
one which the Guambianos do not enjoy. Shame is sometimes involved,
and there are stereotyped jokes which an individual being asked to act
as a godparent may direct at the person soliciting his services. For
example: (Prospective godparent of baptism to child's father) "Your
work finally produced results? (zg’resultélgl trabajo?)." Or, (pro-
spective godfather of marriage to the bridegroom's father) "Your son
now wants to be warm when he goes to bed? (it; 32.12. y_a 121.332 _dgr__mi£
caliente?)."

More significant for understanding the embarrassment Guambianos
feel on these occasions is the relative lack of material reciprocity

in the arrangement. Unlike other situations in which there is an

209

immediate return for goods and labor services, or only a brief delay,
these aspects are not a part of the compadrazgo system. Insofar as
the system is one of exchanges it is more a matter of the godparents
spending time and money in return for respect and prestige.

IE selecting ggdparents the Guambianos use different criteria

according _t_o_ whether the child is going 33.135 baptized gr married.

 

This question has either not been raised by anthropologists studying
compadrazgo, or it is simply not a factor in any of the communities

they have considered. Mintz and Wolf (1950) refer to sixteen monographs
published between 1937 and 1950 and do not take the matter into account.
Monographs published more recently (e.g. Foster 1967; Fals-Borda 1955;
Lewis 1960, and Reichel-Dolmatoff, G. and A. 1961) which consider the
question of compadrazgo selection make no reference to the possible

use of differential criteria in selecting compadres for different
occasions. Perhaps the matter is not important in these communities,
but the evidence in Guambia indicates a significant difference in the
kinds of persons and the way in which they are recruited for the various

godparenthood roles.

Baptism

In selecting godparents for baptisms Guambianos choose Whites as
well as Indians. Sometimes a couple, or the father accompanied by a
female relative, simply brings the baby to Silvia and seeks out a suit—
able White or Guambiano to serve as godparent. In these cases the
godparent(s) purchase either a baptismal dress or small item of clothing,

and pay for the baptismal certificate. After the ceremony they purchase

210

a small bottle of aguardiente, sweet liqueur, or wine which is then
consumed. This latter purchase is matched by the godparents' new
compadre. In these instances the relationship comes to little more
than the formalities of greetings and an occasional invitation to drink.
However, if the godparents are Guambianos and the godchild dies, the
former are obligated to purchase the funeral dress, share in other
funeral expenses, and participate in various activities precipitated by
the death of the godchild. Reciprocally, when a godparent dies the
godchildren are expected to accompany the mortuary services and burn
candles in the deceased's home. Even if the godparent, godchild or
compadres live far from a fictional kinsmen who dies, the family of the
deceased is obligated to inform them and they have the duty to ac-
company the dead person and his family. Once established, compadrazgo
ties are permanent and not broken when godchildren die.

For baptisms Guambianos select Whites from Silvia, including
temporary residents such as extension workers and teachers, and other
Guambianos, normally those from another vereda. The reluctance of
Guambianos to select compadres of baptism from among their neighbors
reflects the general seriousness with which compadrazgo ties are re-
garded by the individuals and the community at large.

One of the reasons for looking for a child's godparents outside
the vereda is to avoid aggravating difficult situations which tend to
occur between persons living near each other. In Guambia most of the
disputes, fights, criticism, gossip etc. are localized. Disagreements,
arguments and fights are more or less recognized as regular features

of community life, but if compadres are involved, then community

211

criticism is particularly strong. Fights between compadres are particu-
larly reprehensible because their relationship, unlike that among other
kin, is entered into voluntarily. It is said that compadres who fight
will appear before God as goats and punished for their behavior. Thus,
one of the most important criteria in selecting godparents for baptisms
is the negative one of refraining from too many local compadrazgo ties
which might prove difficult to maintain properly.

Some compadres, including Whites and other Indians, are selected
because of their higher economic position. Borrowing money from com-
padres (and sometimes from godparents) is a common practice, and thus
large landowners, local merChants and bus drivers are frequently se-
lected. In Silvia and on the reservation there are individuals with
over fifty godchildren.

Within the group of those compadres selected for utilitarian rea-

sons are local curanderos and pharmacists. There are also instances

 

when Guambianos select compadres of baptism from among the kin group.
This is done only when the relationship between them is already a good
one and they are secure in feeling that there will be no future can-
flicts. Such ties often are established among uncles and nephews and
in-laws. In all cases the terminology of the co-parenthood system re-
places any pre-existing terms used in reference and address.' An uncle
who becomes a compadre is subsequently referred to and addressed as
"compadre." While my view is tentative, I believe that one reason
Guambianos establish compadrazgo ties with kin and in-laws is to reduce
the hierarchical distinctions found in consanguineal and affinal termi-

nology.

212

Marriage

Selection _fg couple t_o_ serve ggodparents for _a_ marriaggigg

 

 

more serious matter than choosing compadres for baptisms, and is a sub-

 

 

ject of discussion for the entire family. Godparents for g_mar£yipg

 

couple are usually Guambianos livingirl 313% 9_r_ adjacent M3:
Underlying the selection process is the knowledge that the godparents
will share in the responsibility for the behavior of the couple and
thus an occasion will be intimately involved in emotional affairs of
the entire family. The most important criterion used in the selection
process is the reputation of the couple within the community. People
whose marital relationship is free from conflict, who get along well
with their children, kin and neighbors are considered ideal godparents.
A couple with a tarnished history of family relationships has less
prestige, and thus their effectiveness in setting an example and
reconciling differences is diminished. Another factor is the behavior
of the godchildren which the couple already has. If godchildren live
without marital strife the godparents are given part of the credit,
and their value as potential godparents for others increases.

Relative wealth is also a factor involved in the selection of
godparents for weddings. This may be subdivided into poverty with
respect to potential compadres and the economic standing of the family
sponsoring the wedding. A family which is very poor and so cannot
afford to sponsor a large wedding feast may seek compadres from.Silvia.
Such weddings are not followed by a ceremony on the reservation, thus
sharply reducing the cost of the event. They simply have the service

in Silvia, go briefly to the house of the White godparents, have

213

something to eat and consume several bottles of aguardiente before
returning to the reservation. If the godparents are Guambianos a feast
and dance always takes place on the reservation.

Economics sometimes plays a role in a couple's refusal to serve
as godparents. The pre—ceremonial activities of godparents for a
wedding take several days and involve expenditures of a few hundred
pesos. Thus, while poorer couples are sometimes asked to serve, the
tendency is to select persons whose financial position is solid enough

for them to help in some of the wedding expenses.

214

PART 3. THE DIVISION OF LABOR

The system of socioeconomic roles in Guambia is relatively undif-
ferentiated in comparison with many other tribal and peasant communi-
ties. There are no true specialists whose individual or household
economies are exclusively dependent on the specialty. Bus owners,
carpenters and government employees all cultivate some land. There is
division of labor by age and sex but the categories are general. Ac-
tivities usually associated with one sex are sometimes performed by
members of the opposite sex. Older informants, however, stress that
in the past the differences were more rigidly enforced. The decline
in sexual differentiation occurrred as the community was increasing
in size, participating more fully in Colombian institutions, and learn-
ing skills which enabled the Indians to perform activities previously
carried out by non-Indians. In short, sexual differentiation in
traditional economic activities has decreased as new economic roles
have developed and specialization increased. Guambianos continue,
however, to organize many agricultural activities within the tradi-

tional framework of reciprocal and cooperative labor.

AGE AND SEX

Almost all the people of Guambia are farmers who till the soil
and tend livestock. For some, specialties are primary occupations,
but for most they play a secondary role. As soon as a child is able,
usually when he is six or seven years old, he begins to contribute

to the household. Young boys and girls help carry water and firewood,

215

tend animals, and assist in the fields with small tools made especi-
ally for them. Children of both sexes aid in taking care of their
younger siblings. Infants are swaddled and carried under shawls on
the backs of their older siblings. Some differences in socialization
begin between four and six years of age. Boys then spend more time
with their fathers, and girls generally accompany their mother. It is
not unusual, however, for a girl to accompany her father or other male
relative while her mother stays home.

Young boys assume greater domestic responsibilities when there
is no female to assist the mother. They stay home to assist in the
cooking and care of younger siblings if their mother is busy in the
fields.

Boys help in agricultural work, in house building and on community
projects. Many begin travelling outside the reservation and work in
coffee and sugar cane harvests and other cash-paying jobs. By adoles-
cence a female can perform all of the necessary domestic activities
and soon masters the skills involved in spinning, weaving cloth, and
knitting jigras. She is often given a plot for a garden and uses the
produce to buy weaving materials, jewelry and items of clothing for
herself.

The next change of status occurs when a person marries. In the
past couples married while they were still in their early and middle
teens. They wait a little longer today, but most marriages still
occur while the partners are in their teens or early twenties. After
marriage men become more serious about economic affairs and are eli-

gible to hold political office. A.woman must adjust to a new home,

216

cultivate her own garden and produce clothing for herself, her husband
and her children. If, as is usually the case, she moves in with her
husband's family she helps her in-laws in the kitchen and fields.

Women are more limited than men in the choice of secondary occupa-
tions. A few become middwives, and others help tend store if their hus-
bands own them. A few single and widowed women are part-time traders.
The most common specialties for women, both of which are lowbstatus
occupations, are weaving and agricultural wage labor. Weavers are paid
two to three pesos a day plus meals to fill in the woof of looms on
which the warp has already been readied.

There are several retarded mutes on the reservation. They main-
tain themselves by performing simple tasks such as weeding or cleaning
freshly shorn wool. They are not paid in cash but fed and given old
clothing in return for their services. In Guambia everyone is part
of the community, no one is left out and there are no rewards for
laziness.

The table below provides a general guideline to the division of
labor in Guambia. It shows the men and women sharing tasks related to
agricultural production and dividing most responsibilities in other
areas. Affairs relating to the welfare of the vereda or the reserve-

tion are basically male activities.

TABLE

217

13

Division of Labor in Guambia

 

 

 

 

ACTIVITY Men Women Children
Domestic
fetch water x x
clean house x x
prepare meals x x
serve meals x
clean pots and utensils x x
get firewood x x x
feed small animals x x
fetch horses x x
Handicrafts and construction
clean, dye and spin wool x x
weave ponchos, skirts, chumbes x
"finger knit" pouches (jigras) x
weave hats x
carpentry (looms, bancos, etc.) x
make adobes x
Huntipg, production and commerce
hunting and fishing x x (male)
clear fields for planting x x
plant, weed and harvest craps x x x
fumigate plants x
buy and sell in market plaza x x
market major crops in bulk x
buy and sell large animals x
buy and sell land x x (rare)
milk cows x
own stores x
tend store x x x
manufacture aguardiente x x
work for government agencies x
obtain credit from banks x
purchase clothing x x
purchase beads and jewelry x
do wage and contract labor x x

(continued)

218

 

 

 

 

 

TABLE 13 (Con't.)
ACTIVITY Men Women Children

Political activities
membership in cabildo x
use services of cabildo x x
vote in cabildo elections x x
participate in municipal and

national politics x
Religious activities
attend mass x x x
attend weddings, funerals, wakes x x x
make pilgrimages x x x
organize Saints Day festivals x
make offerings to souls x
chant prayers (rezanderos) x
curing x x (rare)
house cleansing x
Other
play musical instruments x
dance at special ceremonies x x
drink at local bars x x (rare)
use services of extension agents x x x
visit relatives x x x

219

THE ORGANIZATION OF WORK

Events during the past fifty years have modified Guambianos'
attitudes towards work and certain aspects of labor organization. Never-
theless, a tribal pattern continues in many activities.

Until recently, Guambia was a "little" or "gemeinschaft" community.
As my older informants say, "we were more united." Economic exchanges
were strongly tied to the prevailing pattern of social relationships.
A person who had more than others was expected to share part of it, and
the community was small enough to exert social pressure to get confor-
mity. Today the community is much larger, more involved in activities

outside the reservation, and there are many new ways to spend surplus.

Symbolic Aspects of Food

 

Food is highly valued in Guambia. It is used as a medium of com-
munication in many contexts and has symbolic as well as economic func-
tions. Gifts of food are regularly given to kin, fictive kin and neigh-
bors. Everyone entering a household is seated and given something to
eat and drink. Meals are always served to those who accompany agri-
cultural, house-building and ceremonial activities. Even when a person
is paid in cash for a service rendered he is still fed at the end of
the day.

Gifts of food and drink are part of the process of asking another
to do you a favor. They are also given to repay a favor and express
gratitude for help which can never be fully reciprocated. Douay (1890:
759) remarks how even the old and very poor Indians he aided never

failed to bring him something.

220

Guambianos consider it bad manners to refuse an offer of food.
However, by accepting food or some other gift, the receiver becomes
a "debtor" and is obliged to comply with future demands for his goods
and/or services.

Today the symbolic aspect of food exchange is more important than
its economic or nutritional function. Before technological improve-
ments resulted in a more regular supply of food, the semi-annual periods
of scarcity were times of real hardship for most Guambianos. Wealthy
persons and others wishing to improve their standing in the community
used their surplus to sponsor cooperative labor parties (mingas) during

these "periods of hunger."

Prestige and Accompaniment

Guambianos emphasize the importance of hard work. Having plenty
of land and cattle does not assure a person of prestige. A poor person
who works hard and shares what he has with others is held in higher
esteem than one who, though richer, is viewed as lazy or selfish.

The organization of economic activities varies seasonally and ac-
cording to the tasks to be done. Attending to livestock, marketing,
care of the crops, and handicraft production are shared by members of
a household. Guambianos are rarely seen working alone. If the wife
does not accompany her husband to the fields one or more of the children
goes with him. It is not just a matter of not liking to be alone (which
is true) but of being afraid of being alone. Many fields are an hour
or more walk from.home. Since getting to these fields involves hard

climbs, they stay late to accomplish as much as they can during the

221

daylight hours. This often results in part of the return trip being
made after dark when dangerous spirits are more active. Unaccompanied
persons, moreover, are the most vulnerable to attack. Thus, people
prefer to take someone with them when working in these distant fields

in order to prevent encounters with malevolent beings.

Types of Reciprocal Labor

 

A large part of agricultural work involves persons outside the
household in some form of reciprocal labor exchange. Erasmus (1965),
in a discussion of reciprocal farm labor in Latin America, distinguishes
between "festive" and "exchange" forms of reciprocal labor. His categor-
ies are applicable to the situation in Guambia.

The distinctions made between exchange and festive
labor concern the degree of obligation to reciprocate
labor as well as the quantity and quality of the food
and/or drink served the workers. In the first case

the obligation to reciprocate is strong and food or
drink provided are usually considered ordinary fare.

A day's labor is expected in return for each day

given; and if one is unable to meet an obligation due
to sickness etc., he must send someone in his place. . .
At festive labor parties the host wines and/or dines his
worker-guests in extraordinary fashion, and his obliga-
tion to reciprocate their labor is not only weaker but
in most cases obviated (175).

The concept of symmetry in these exchanges is part of the "ideal" model

rather than descriptive of the "real" pattern.

Exchange Labor Groups
Most activities related to the production of agricultural goods
involve labor exchange among persons who are kindred and/or live near

one another. Depending on the time of year Guambianos spend one, two

222

or three days a week working with others. Exchange labor takes place

on all normal work days, whereas festive labor is usually organized for
Saturdays. Labor reciprocated in an exchange agreement does not have

to be for the same tasks. For example, help in a planting may be recip-
rocated by aid in clearing a field or a loan of horses. Guambianos
mention the ideal of symmetry and reciprocity in the exchange agreements.
However, the inequalities in land holdings and/or labor needs among in-
dividuals in labor exchange networks result in an assymetrical pattern
of exchanges. Those with large holdings utilize the services of more
persons more often than those with little land.

Unreciprocated labor is sometimes compensated by gifts of food or
sharing part of the harvest with those who helped in the cultivation.
Today hired labor and work contracts are replacing the traditional ar-
rangements for some. Another new practice is the combining of exchange
and hired labor in a single work group. Payment in cash or kind dis-
charges the payee of further obligation to reciprocate labor. In
short, one pattern emerging in Guambia as it becomes more closely in-
volved in a monetary economy, is similar to what Foster (1967:217)
calls "patron-client" contracts.

"Patron-client" contracts . . . tie people (or

people to beings) of significantly different

socioeconomic statuses (or orders of power),

who exchange different kinds of goods and

services.
In Tzintuntzan described by Foster (1967) and other Mesa-American com-
munities (e.g. Vogt 1969), these "patron-client" contracts operate al-

most exclusively between villagers and non-villagers (Foster 1967:217).

In Guambia, however, these contracts have been established between

223

wealthy persons and their poor neighbors and between the new group of
Guambiano traders and wage earners (government employees and other
specialists) and their poorer neighbors. The traditional pattern of
exchange labor appears to persist most strongly among the middle
economic groups who continue to earn most of their livelihood farming.

Another difference between Guambia and other societies in Latin
America practicing labor exchange deals with the role of women in
these groups. Erasmus (1965:176) states that in exchange labor groups
the women generally prepare the food and "may reciprocate among them—
selves for this purpose." This is true for house building and festive
mingas, but in exchange labor groups Guambiano women participate as
equals and generally do an equivalent amount of work. A.man who cannot
attend another's work party may send a mature female member of his
household to replace him.

Exchange labor groups in Guambia usually have from six to twenty
participants. They normally include persons from one to seven families
in addition to those from the sponsor's household. Kinship and resi-
dence are the major principles along which these groups are organized. ’3‘” f‘
In my analysis of exchange labor patterns of 31 families almost 75
per cent of the 320 persons involved were related to the sponsor

through descent or marriage ties. ' . '1 .

224

TABLE 14

 

Composition of Exchange Labor Groups in Guambia

 

 

 

 

 

KINDRED NON-KIN

Type of Fictive Neighbors,
relationship Descent Marriage kin no kin ties TOTAL
Generation:rela-
tionship to
household head same other same other

Number 80 77 69 11 26 57 320
Z of total 25.0 24.1 21.6 3.4 8.1 17.8 1002
Z of total 49.1 25.0 8.1 17.8 1002
Z of TOTAL 74.1 25.9 100%

 

 

 

 

225

Within the bilateral descent group most exchanges are between ego
and siblings, siblings' children and patrilateral kin (FaSb and FaSb
Ch). In most cases they are ties between individuals who at one time
or another lived in the same or adjacent households.

Affinal kin makes up one quarter of the participants in these
labor exchange groups. In contrast to the multigenerational participa-
tion within the descent group category, exchanges among affinal kin are
concentrated among those of the same generation. This reflects the
tendency for siblings to cooperate after they establish independent
households, and the custom of bringing spouses to assist in the work.

In the case where the participants are fictive kin these ties
were usually established among neighbors already involved in a recip-
rocal exchange agreement. The addition of the fictive kin bond makes

the relationship more permanent and serious.

Festive Work Parties: the Mingg

Guambiano society has always allowed for various types of struc-
tured inequality. The social class distinction characteristic of
earlier days was followed in the twentieth century by an emphasis on
material possessions and land. In itself, however, control of large
amounts of land and goods does not automatically result in respect
and prestige. Prestige and influence continue to be related to
traditional norms of distribution of goods and/or service to others.
The organization of festive work parties (pipggg) is a traditional
institution for limited redistribution of goods and is used by rich

and poor to demonstrate their community spirit and acquire prestige.

226

The festive work party or minga is a form of labor organization
common to many Indian, Mestizo and Black communities in Latin America
(Beals 1966; Fals-Borda 1955; Faron 1961; Foster 1967; Reichel-Dolma-
toff, G. and A. 1961; Stein 1961, and Whitten 1965). Although mingas
are organized to get some task accomplished (e.g. a field cleared or
planted), serious questions have been raised as to whether it is the
most efficient or "economical" method (Erasmus 1965:179). Faron
(1961:41) suggests that the symbolic and integrative functions might
be more important than the economic aspects--at least among the Mapuche.
Guambianos agree that large mingas are expensive and inefficient. They
prefer exchange, wage and contract labor to the minga, which today
occurs less frequently and generally on a smaller scale. In the past,
mingas were often organized outside of any larger ceremonial context.
Today they are almost exclusively held in conjunction with special oc—
casions in which the host or sponsor is required to make a large expen-
diture (e.g. weddings, funerals, etc.). Drum and flute music which
accompanied the workers to the fields and as they worked are rarely

part of these events today.

‘Qgganization of the Miggg
In this section I concentrate on mingas in which agricultural
activities are involved. Those related to house construction and
community projects are dealt with in the sections about those activities.
Cooper (1946:701) and Faron (1961:41) suggest "invitation,"
"communal work" and "feasting" as stages in the organization of a minga.
Their categories are useful for my purposes, but I add "preparation"

as an additional stage preceding the others.

227

Preparation for a minga may begin from a few months to a year
before the event is scheduled to occur. Extra quantities of food are
planted and a calf or lamb is purchased and fattened. Decisions are
made about what land is to be worked, what is to be done to it and
how much seed will be required to plant it. Large quantities of fire-
wood are collected. In the weeks preceding the minga the sponsor
places his order with one or more of the local aguardiente manufactur-
ers, and the family prepares the chicha. Large quantities of the fol-
lowing items are purchased: coffee, panels, salt, rice, bread, lard,
matches, candles and cigarettes. Arrangements are made by various
members of the household to borrow cups, plates, pots, spoons, beams
(used as benches) and lanterns.

During the final phases of preparation household members invite
family, friends and neighbors to participate (acompafiar) in the minga
and evening's festivities. The proper method of invitation involves
visiting a person's home. In fact, the process is less formal, and
chance encounters on trails, stores and in Silvia provide opportunities
to invite others. Special visits are often made, however, to the
homes of godparents, musicians and prestigious individuals (e.g. ex-
governors).. In mingas sponsored by outgoing political officials
(alcaldes and governors) the alguaciles (deputies) assist in making
the invitations. The number of households contacted varies consider-
ably according to the quantity of work to be done. From 30 to 150
families are normally informed.

On the morning of the minga participants arrive at the sponsor's

home between 7:00 AM and 8:00 AM. They are served coffee, two rolls

228

and a small bowl of stew. Between 8:00 AM and 8:30 AM they leave for
the fields led by the sponsor. They are met in the work area by others
who did not go to the morning meal, usually individuals who live close
to the plot being worked for whom the fifteen-minute to an hour walk

to the sponsor's home is not worth the trouble.

Men assisting in the minga bring their own tools. While the men
work in the fields their wives and daughters go to the sponsor's home
and help prepare the evening meal. Some bring small quantities of
firewood with them. Most spend the day peeling potatoes while others
are busy readying the other ingredients, fetching water, and watching
over the boiling pots. When meat is included in the menu, the animal
is killed the day before, and on the day of the minga it is cooked and
chopped into small pieces. The killing, cutting and chopping of the
beast are done by males.

Work in the fields is supervised by either the sponsor or a male
member of the household. The work done during the minga is usually
physically demanding--preparing a field or planting wheat. The men
form a single line at the bottom of the slope and compete with one
another as they work their way to the top. There are periodic rests,
and those who finish first relax while the others complete their sec-
tions. At midday the men rest for about an hour. A group of women
arrives and serves coffee and two rolls to each participant. They
leave and return several hours later to serve chicha.

During the afternoon a group of men commissioned by the sponsor
periodically gives aguardiente to the workers, two shots in succession.
No one refuses (except some Protestants) although they may not finish
either drink. The work and intermittent drinking continue until about

4:00 PM.

229

The atmosphere during these mingas alternates between serious,
hard work carried out in a competitive spirit, and informal moments
when the workers rest, talk, and occasionally joke with one another.
As the day progresses and drinking increases, the atmosphere becomes
more relaxed, and participants converse while wielding a shovel or
metal digging stick. When the work is finished the remaining aguar-
diente is consumed at the site.

Some men go directly to the house where the eating and drinking
continue, but most return to their homes to clean up, rest, and change
clothes.

Between 6:00 PM and 10:00 PM the musicians (who come early) and
some who assisted in the fields arrive at the sponsor's home. They
are seated on raised boards placed around the perimeter of the 5213
(living room). The sponsor appoints a group of men to attend to the
guests. They serve aguardiente and bring two-liter bowls of food to
the guests. They take the bowls, when each person finishes, and serve
them coffee and two rolls. While others are eating, the men continue
to drink aguardiente, chat and joke. Older men tease the younger about
their work habits and girlfriends. The younger men respond with re-

' sexual desires and capacity.

Inarks about the others' age, "girlfriends,'
Between 8:00 PM and 9:00 PM the musicians begin playing. They

continue until dawn, with only brief intermissions, when they are

served aguardiente. Several veredas have musical groups (conjuntos)

that use modern instruments--guitars, tiples and mandolins. They are

played in another room independently of the drum and flute group.

230

Between 9:00 PM and midnight, relatives and neighbors who did not
participate in the day's work arrive for the evening's festivities. The
late arrivals are mostly boys, young men, and aguardiente peddlers (10-
20). The vendors are of all ages and both sexes and include some
Whites from Silvia. They bring legal and illegal aguardiente, matches
and cigarettes, and occasionally set up stands to sell hot empanadas.
All who attend are given something to eat and drink. Those who did not
work during the day, however, receive less aguardiente and are served a
one-liter bowl of stew. They are expected to bring most of their own
aguardiente or purchase it from the vendors present.

By midnight several people are usually drunk enough to begin
dancing. Guambiano and varieties of Colombian dances are performed.
The native dances involve groups of men dancing with groups of women.
Men frequently lock arms, face one another and dance a modified form
of a Colombian pasillo or bambuco. Dancing and drinking continue
throughout the night though fist fights occasionally interrupt the
festivities. The cursing which accompanies these fights is often in
Spanish. In most instances the participants are too drunk to do much
harm to one another, and in the twenty odd fights I have witnessed,
only one man was really well clobbered. Women do not get involved in
these skirmishes, but on rare occasions fight with one another. Their
battles are vicious and almost always are about men and accusations of
adultery and/or "romantic" witchcraft. Many participants in these
festivities pass out during the night and after a rest of an hour or
two get up and continue drinking.

During the night the young girls wash the dishes and have the

job of getting water from the nearby waterholes and streams. They

231

make arrangements to meet and/or are met by young men on their trips
from the kitchen. At sunrise the leftover food is served to those
still present and most go home after this meal. There is always, how-
ever, a hard core of from twenty to fifty men who continue the festiv-

ities into the afternoon and evening.

THE ROLE OF THE MINGA IN GUAMBIANO SOCIETY: CASE STUDIES

The minga, or festive labor exchange, is associated with many
aspects of Guambiano life. They are held in conjunction with marriages,
death, religious celebrations, community work, and for personal projects
like house building and planting. In the past they were part of puberty
celebrations for females and cultivation of land for the church. The
increased cash value of agricultural products, new economic roles, and
the availability of a wide range of material goods contributed to the
decrease in the size and incidence of mingas. It is cheaper to use
labor exchange, contract or wage labor than to go to the expense and
time of organizing a minga. In spite of these developments the minga
continues to be an integral part of Guambiano social life. The reasons
for this lie in its relationship to a complex of related sentiments
and activities with strong historical roots.

Earlier I discussed the theme of "acompaflar" as central to Guam-
biano culture and social life. "Acompafiar" is related to prestige and
status because it is by accompanying others and reciprocating help
given that a person acquires esteem from his fellows. In spite of the
changes which have affected the organization of work in Guambia, the

tie-in of "accompaniment, reciprocity and prestige persists. The

232

minga represents the most direct expression of this complex of themes
and sentiments.

In order to analyze the social and psychological functions of the
minga in Guambiano society I present two cases which illustrate the

various ways this custom relates to different situations and individuals.

Case 1: Antonio

 

Antonio is the second of three brothers who range in age from 21
to 29 years. The oldest and youngest brothers live together in their
dead father's house, and Antonio lives in a small two-room wattle and
daub house of his own. All are married and have children. Together
they share rights to a medium-sized plot of land (about 1% plazas) in
the vereda of Cacique. They are relatively poor and work frequently
with others in exchange labor arrangements and for cash. They work
more for others than others for them. The brothers are well thought
of by others in the vereda. The eldest served in the cabildo, and all
participate actively in community projects. They are mild-mannered
and have no major conflicts with others in the vereda.

A year before the minga the field was used for corn, and wheat
was the logical crop to be planted next. They organized a minga to do
the planting and invited their friends, family and neighbors to
acompafiar. Fifty-four men helped in the field and about thirty-five
women worked in the kitchen and on the patio. Among the participants
were members of the wealthiest and most influential families of the
vereda. Aguardiente and chicha were served during the minga, and a

large fiesta, attended by more than 250 people, was held at night.

233

Two musical groups, one modern, the other traditional, played through-
out the night, and the dancing and drinking continued until dawn. The
serving of food and drink followed the traditional pattern but no meat
was included in the stew.

Why did the brothers decide to sponsor a minga and what was
accomplished by the event? One purpose was to get the work done quickly.
Without extensive help it would have taken them the better part of two
weeks to finish, and it is a hard, tedious activity. Scheduling the
work on land held in common among them facilitated the sharing of
expenses and pooling of other resources.

Just as important was their desire for self-respect and the
esteem of others. Sponsoring a minga demonstrated to the community
that they were men of "good will (buena voluntad)." Respect of others
is an important personal goal. Sharing what they had, expressing their
"buena voluntad" and having others acompafiar gave them a good deal of
satisfaction. The fact that wealthy and influential persons attended
was clear evidence of the high regard others had for them. The success
of their minga illustrates the extent to which prestige and wealth
function somewhat independently of one another in Guambia; one need not

be rich to have a festive minga.

Case 2: 5535i

José is one of the most educated persons on the reservation. He
spent six years in schools outside of Guambia and served two years in
the army. He has a moderate amount of land, most of which was pur-

chased with money he earned working as an extension agent with the

234

Division of Indian Affairs. His father is one of the few Guambianos
who travel to distant markets on a regular basis, and neither his
father nor brothers participate actively in community activities. Ten
years ago his immediate family and their close relatives were among the
poorer families of the vereda. The increase in the value of agricul-
tural products and José's job with the government improved their
economic standing during the 1960's.

José's job limits the time he can spend on the reservation and he
rarely helps others in agricultural work. He does, however, provide
legal, medical and veterinary services (which he learned in school and
the army) to many persons in the vereda. He drinks a lot, has a person-
al feud with one of the local leaders, and is a notorious liar. His
family background, experiences off the reservation, occupation and ag-
gressive disposition make him somewhat of a deviant socially and psycho-
logically in the community. He is aware of the negative and ambivalent
feelings others have about him. His heavy drinking is probably related
to this awareness and is a way of coping with it.

In 1967 José decided to sponsor the local Saint's Day festival.
Normally a group of men get together to organize this event and divide
expenses among them. José took on the full burden alone. Two animals
were slaughtered for the feast, a band of White musicians from Usenda
supplied the music, and the Priest led the procession to the templete
of The Virgin. More than 110 men attended the minga and over fifty
women helped with preparation of the meal. José purchased more than
100 liters of aguardiente for his guests. The fiesta continued until
the afternoon of the following day. More than 300 persons attended

the various activities related to the celebration.

235

Why did José decide to sponsor the fiesta and what role did the
minga play in the affair? At one level his sponsorship of the event
relates directly to the tie-in between redistribution of wealth and
prestige. Up till then his special knowledge of the world outside the
reservation and his ability to manipulate that world had made him an
important person in Guambia. Though he did provide some needed services
he was distrusted by others, especially those with some degree of power,
and by sponsoring the fiesta he was attempting to acquire prestige
through traditional institutions.

Besides the obvious difference between sponsoring a Saint's Day
Festival and a festive minga, both involve cooperative agricultural
work. Focusing just on the economic aspects of these events we find
a number of important differences with respect to the cooperative labor
feature and the motives of the participants.

In the first case (Antonio), getting a substantial amount of agri-
cultural work accomplished was important. The sponsors and the partici-
pants put in a full day's labor. Costs were shared among the three
brothers and no animal was slaughtered. The return in labor done in
the wheat planting came close to balancing the expenses involved in
sponsoring the event--or at least that's what two of the brothers I
spoke to thought about it.

In José's case the agricultural work played a much less important
part in the day's activities. Although more than 110 men assisted,
their motives were more varied and differed in some respects from
those attending the wheat planting. Some participants were there

because they were family and neighbors, others because José had done

236

them a favor in the past, but there was a third group who fitted into
neither of these categories. No one told me they went to José's minga
because they wanted a good meal with plenty of meat, nor did they tell
me they went because they expected him to distribute lots of aguardien-
te and chicha. However, other informants interviewed a few days later
said the desire for food and alcohol contributed substantially to the
large turnout. Besides the matter of food and drink, a few persons I
interviewed suggested others may have attended for "insurance" reasons.
Although they had never asked José for a favor, they accompanied during
the minga so that if the need for his services developed they would

feel more at ease in asking for his help.

SummaEy

In both cases the sponsorship of a festive minga was related to
the desire for prestige and security that come from demonstrating a
willingness to share what you have with others. It is a social event
which brings large numbers of individuals together in a situation come
bining work and recreation. Tasks performed during a minga are often
physically demanding. Guambianos feel better working with others, and
the drinking and competition that are part of the festive minga take
the edge off some of the drudgery. The importance of the agricultural
work varies substantially from case to case. In the case of Antonio
and his brothers the exchange of labor came close to balancing their
costs. In the case of José the labor return was from 10 to 20 per
cent of his costs (his estimate). The reasons for sponsoring mingas
and the motivations of those attending show some variation from case
to case, but the desire for prestige and self-respect is involved in

both instances.

237

NOTES TO CHAPTER VI

The system has changed in Pueblito and other upper veredas.
Women here distinguish cousins of both sexes from siblings.

The lineal-collateral distinction in what I have noted as the
oldest system in the second ascending generation is to my knowl-
edge only used in Cacique. Even there my information is not
completely consistent, and in all other areas of the reservation
from which I have data no distinctions are made between persons
in the grandparent generation. I believe it is accurate to say
that sur and aura (or §ul and §ulya) are the oldest terms and
refer to PaPa and PaPaSb.

This tends to support the statement made by one informant that
"tats" and "mama" are additions to the Guambiano system. They
are probably taken from the Paez or Quechua speakers.

VII. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM

The 20th century brought several important changes in the organi-
zation of political activities in Guambia. During previous centuries,
and in the early part of this one, lifetime captains directed most
of the political affairs on the reservation, including the allocation
of usufruct rights and the selection of cabildo officers. There was
no scarcity of land, and most critical matters dealt with by political
leaders had to do with moral offenses, communal activities and pro-
tecting the reservation from encroaching Whites.

In this century the political power of the captains declined and
the position was gradually eliminated. They were replaced by a more
active and increasingly numerous cabildo and an influential group of
ex-cabildo officials referred to as "interesados." The most important
development during the century which had a tremendous impact on po-
litical affairs was the growth of the reservation population and sub-
sequent decline in the amount of land available for cultivation and
distribution. Increasingly the role of the cabildo became one of
supervising the allocation and registration of land holdings. As the
proportion of unclaimed land diminished, the activities of the cabildo
dealt increasingly with the transmission of property rights to heirs
and the sanctioning of land transactions such as purchases and mort-
gage defaults--although such transactions were illegal. During the
past thirty years the cabildo has become increasingly involved in
settling disputes arising out of conflicting claims on land holdings

and the transmission of prOperty.

238

239

RIGHTS T0 RESERVATION LAND
All land rights in Guambia are usufruct rights. By law, reserva-
tion land in Colombia may not be sold, rented or mortgaged to outsiders

p£_other Indians pp_the reservation (Art. 7 of Law 89 of 1890, i3;

 

Balcazar 1954:117). The legal framework for reservation affairs has
remained relatively constant for centuries but the government until
very recently has done little to enforce provisions relating to land
transactions short of its sale to non-Indians. During the last century
and early part of this one, Indians often rented land to Whites. Mort-
gaging, renting and selling--usually under the pretext of selling im-
provements (mejoras)-—were, and continue to be, common practices.

Before 1890 the only permanent land a person had was his home and
surrounding garden. The rest belonged to the community. Lots were al-
located by the local cacique (captain) for a two-year period. There
was sufficient land to permit an individual to cultivate as much as he
desired. In this context, economic status was dependent mostly on a
person's ability and good fortune.

By 1970 this pattern was radically altered. The major factor
causing the change was the growth of population from 1500 in 1900 to
approximately 7030 in 1970. Taking the maximum estimate for land
suitable for cultivation at 3000 hectares, the hectare per person

average declined from 2.00 in 1900 to 0.43 in 1970.

240

TABLE 15

 

Changes in the Man/Land Ratio in Guambia.*

 

Year 1900 1913 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

 

Population 1500 2100 3100 3830 4700 5750 7030

 

Average number
of Hectares** 2.00 1.43 0.97 0.78 0.64 0.52 0.43
per Person

 

*Based on an estimated size of the reservation as 6000 hectares of
which a maximum of 50 per cent is suitable for cultivation. The
actual figure is closer to 40 per cent and the ten per cent is
added as a corrective factor to account for inaccuracies in the
map used to estimate area and the difficulties in calculations
stemming from the uneven topography.

**One hectare - 2.471 acres.

 

Government policy after 1890 also contributed to the change in the
man/land relationship. The main thrust of government policy was aboli-
tion, which could be accomplished once reservation land was divided
among families. Prohibiting the sale, rental and mortgaging of land
among residents was a secondary concern. The role of the White sec-
retary appointed to the cabildo by municipal officials in 1913 was to
encourage Indians to obtain adjudications for their holdings. A docu-
ment of adjudication gives the holder the right to maintain permanent
control of his land and transmit it to his heirs. The government wanted
to have land registered as individual holdings in order to lay the foun-

dation for future dissolution of the reservation.

241

Although the government in Cauca did not follow through on the
policy of abolishing the reservation, obtaining adjudications became a
permanent feature of Guambiano economic and political life. Since the
statute prohibiting the sale of land within the reservation was never
effectively enforced, some individuals, most of them ex-governors and
ex-alcaldes, were able to acquire substantial holdings. The table below
shows the distribution of lots to which individuals have title. They
represent approximately 50 per cent of the total parcels distributed,
and about 80 per cent of them have been fully legalized by the mayor

of Silvia.
TABLE 16

 

Adjudications from 1903 - January 1964 (Robalino 1964:32)

 

Number
of lots 1 2 3 4 S 6 7 8 _9 14

 

Number of
persons with 1383 702 330 175 75 102 28 16 27 14
each

 

The number of persons asking for adjudication documents increased
very gradually during the first sixty years of this century. In the
thirties, forties and fifties most cabildos attended from thirty to
fifty claims per year. During the past decade this rate has more than
doubled and during the past few years has averaged over 100 per year.

Guambianos cite two major reasons for going through the expense
and bother of getting their claims legalized: (1) it enables them to
obtain bank loans, and (2) it gives them additional legal protection

for their land against those who might seek to take it from them. As

242

conflict over land became a regular feature of social life, outside
authorities were frequently involved in bringing about a settlement.
These authorities, mayors, judges and Indian Affairs officials, tend
to support litigants who have legal title to the land in question,
and in general this practice applies even in those cases where the

land was acquired illegally (e.g. purchase).

Possession,1 Acquisition and Transmission of Land

The norms governing the possession, acquisition and transmission
of land rights are a mixture of tribal custom and Colombian law. In
the 20th century the legal codes governing reservation affairs increased
in importance. The basic provisions, however, were not fully understood
by most Guambianos until after the Division of Indian Affairs estab-
lished an office in Silvia in 1962. Today, although many are not fully
aware of the laws, the cabildo secretary, other cabildo officers and
many many ex-officials do possess such knowledge, and anyone in doubt
knows whom to ask.

During the early decades of the century the information gap worked
in the best interests of educated Indians and those who had held high
posts in the cabildo. They often obtained legal sanction for land il-
legally obtained, sometimes through payoffs to the White secretary,
other times by getting adjudications for land over the legal fivefplpgg
limit (one plaza - 80 M. x 80 M.).

The cabildo is obligated to distribute land to anyone who meets
the following conditions: (1) is a member of the reservation, (2) is

over 18 years or married, and (3) is not in possession of enough land

243

to meet the needs of his family (Decree #74 of 1898, Department of
Cauca ip_Balcazar 1954). The importance of these regulations has
diminished since all good farm land is now distributed. Persons with
physical or mental defects are prohibited from holding land. White
men or women with spouses who are members of the reservation do pg;
have the right to obtain adjudications even of land belonging to
their spouses. In practice, however, the cabildo has ignored this
regulation and granted usufruct rights to these persons when their
Indian spouse died. In addition, the law discriminates against the
children of mixed marriages when the Indian partner is female. Legal
status is transmitted through the male line which allows individuals
whose father was a member of the reservation to inherit land, but
prevents transmission of property if only the mother is a member of
the reservation. Today there are no families in Guambia in which the
father is White and the female Indian. And I know of only three
families in which a Guambiano male has a non-Indian wife.

From about 1930 to the present most land has been obtained through
purchase and inheritance. It is now sold only to meet some pressing
financial need such as medical expenses or a mortuary ceremony. A.weal-
thy individual frequently arranges to pay for all the funeral expenses
of a poor person in exchange for rights to a piece of that person's
land after he dies. Land is also lost by individuals unable to repay
debts and mortgages. Lots are obtained by exchanging animals or
another parcel for a desired plot. This is done when a person wants a
piece of land adjacent to some he already owns, or wishes to get land

in a different climatic zone. Invasion of communal land and invasion

244

of another person's property were methods used in the past but are rare
today. If the invasion went unchallenged for at least ten years the

individual asked the cabildo formally to adjudicate the land.

VEREDAS

The residential group which may be viewed as having a political
or quasi-political character is the vereda. Distribution of most
positions in the cabildo is done according to veredal composition, and
many communal activities are organized within this unit.

Vereda is the Colombian word used to denote a rural neighborhood.
It refers to either a large cluster of homes and surrounding fields or
a bounded area in which homes are scattered, each family living on its
own plot of land. Both patterns are found in Guambia. In areas where
the terrain is steep the cluster pattern predominates. In sections
having a larger proportion of gently sloping land, distances between
households tend to be greater.

Veredas are units officially recognized by the Colombian and
Indian governments. Each has a name, and within the municipality a
Guambiano generally identifies himself as a resident of "Pueblito,"

"Cacique," "La Campana," etc...Veredal boundaries are normally defined,
ending at a river or the edge (filp) of a string of mountains. There
is ambiguity about some boundaries, and except for persons who served
in the cabildo, most Guambianos are only clear as to where their vereda
and those bordering on it begin and end.

Each of the nineteen (1970) veredas in Guambia is represented in
the cabildo by at least one alguacil (deputy) who communicates messages

to the residents about work-days, meetings and other special events.

245

Some of the larger veredas have local Virgins for which annual fiestas
are held; most have at least one store (tienda), and five have primary
schools. Veredas range in size from 232 fireside units (Cacique) to
14 fireside units (El Cofre); most have between 25 and 90 such units.
To provide a more concrete idea of the veredas and the nature of vari-
ations among them I offer a few brief sketches of those with which I

am most familiar.

MISHAMBE is located midway between the town of Silvia and the up-
per vereda of Piendam6 Arriba. The full range of Guambiano staples,
including corn, wheat, onions and potatoes are grown there. Mishambe
begins near the major road to the reservation, and most homes are
located within a half hour's walk from it. All homes are on the western
slope of a mountain. The Mishambe River separates the vereda from a
neighboring hacienda. Houses are relatively dispersed, and most are
separated from their neighbors by 50 to 150 meters. There is no school,
but three small stores provide residents with the needed commercial
items. In addition to working their own plots, twenty-two families are
affiliated with the hacienda Cooperative which is under the supervision
of the Colombian Agrarian Reform Corporation (INCORA). Their affilia-
tion with the Cooperative, which is a radical organization, is not so
much a matter of their modernization but relates to the fact that many
of them used to work on the old hacienda and they have many kinship
ties with families there.

Guambianos from.other veredas and outsiders familiar with the

reservation view Mishambe as one of the most conservative or backward

246

(atrasado) veredas. It is one of the few areas where I found frequent
cases of individuals of both sexes who could not speak Spanish. The
people of Mishambe tend to be less receptive to outside ideas than most
others, and in the areas of dress, curing, music, and family organiza-
tion, show a strong bias towards maintaining traditional ideas and
patterns of behavior.

The political importance of Mishambe was substantial during the
19th and early 20th century when one of the four reservation captains
lived in the vereda. The power of the captains diminished in this
century, and when Mishambe's captain died the vereda came under the
jurisdiction of alcaldes (magistrates) from neighboring upper veredas.
In 1963 the cabildo increased the number of alcaldes to four, and the
following year leaders from Mishambe and Puente Real worked out an
agreement with the cabildo to have the new position reserved for their
area. Since then one alcalde in each administration has been from either

Mishambe or Puente Real.

EL CACIQUE, the largest of the eighteen veredas, is relatively
isolated from the others and in my sample has the highest rate of vere-
dal endogamy. Cacique is in the lower western part of the reservation
and its soil and climate are favorable for a full range of agricultural
products. Houses are located on both sides of the Cacique River.

The settlement pattern is a mixture of clustered homes five to
fifty to one hundred and fifty meters apart. Cacique is one of the
most progressive veredas and first in adopting many technological

innovations. For example, the Caciquefios accepted the Ministry of

247

Agriculture's offer of a threshing machine after other veredas rejected
it; they gave the greatest support to road building projects in the
early 1960's, and many leaders of recent cooperative, union and communi-
ty action movements are from this vereda. Cacique has eight small
stores, most of which double as bars; a school constructed by the
Indians; a templete for the local Virgin, and a wheat mill. Practi-
cally all the inhabitants are bilingual, and approximately ten men
between the ages of twenty-five and forty-five wear White men's clothing
full time. Two families own buses which serve the vereda.

There is a traditional rivalry between the people of Cacique and
political leaders residing in the upper veredas. The Caciquefios con-
sider them to be rich, greedy and against change. Those in the upper
veredas view Caciquefios as capricious, irresponsible and interested
only in themselves. Funds and machinery for road construction have
been the focus of conflict between these areas for the past ten years
and in the Spring of 1971 led to a secessionist movement in Cacique.
Only the intervention of a high official from the National office of
the Division of Indian Affairs prevented the separation into two

reservations.

248

EL PUEBLITO, one of the oldest upper veredas, is surrounded by
steep slopes, and all homes are located on the southern side of the
Piendam6 River. The 62 fireside units are crowded into a limited space
between the river and mountains. Most homes are within twenty meters
of another and frequently closer. The vereda is located above the
2900-meter altitude level which limits major crop production to pota-
toes, ullucos, onions and garlic. The road to this section, begun in
1963, reached Pueblito in 1969, and in 1971 was extended to several
other veredas to the east.

In the early part of the century Pueblito was merely one of sever-
al clusters of homes located between the bridge (Puente Real) and the
Quebrada de Rio Claro. Today it has four stores including a well man-
aged consumers' cooperative outlet, a primary school and electricity.
The impetus and organization of these projects are due in large measure
to an educated Guambiano, now the local schoolteaCher. This man lived
with the anthropologist John Rowe in Popayén in 1947-48 and served as
his informant (Rowe 1954).

Several cabildo governors over the past fifteen years have been
hand picked or at least "suggested" by the teacher, and his influence
in policy decisions affecting the reservation is great. This concen-
tration of power in the hands of an individual who never served in an
official capacity in the cabildo is not viewed favorably by some
leaders in his and other veredas. He is often at the center of polit-
ical conflict and presently (1971) is using his influence against the
movement led by Guambianos in Cacique who want to work with the

Agrarian Reform Agency.

249

LA CAMPANA is a twenty-minute walk east from Pueblito and is lo-
cated on the other side of the Piendam6 River. It is notable for the
presence of a Catholic missionary school and an abundance of resident
ex-governors. The final selection of candidates for the governorship
is held here annually and of the thirty-one governors Guambia has had
since 1940, thirteen were from La Campana. It is a wealthy, political-
ly conservative and very Catholic vereda whose leaders are strong an-
tagonists of the Protestant group and in the early 1960's were actively
against the construction of the road. Today these leaders are working
with those of Pueblito in opposition to the program of agrarian reform.

There are several stores in La Campana, and a festival is held
here annually to celebrate the appearance of The Virgin witnessed in

1961.

PUENTE REAL, located in the center of reservation, is the focus
of Protestant missionary activity. A Protestant chapel and school
operate here. Violence directed towards Protestant Guambianos was
frequent in the late 1940's when the mission began, and continued
intermittently during the 1950's. Some hostility against their pres-
ence continues, but Protestants are now generally accepted and serve

in positions of authority in the cabildo.

LAS DELICIAS is important because of its two schools. One is a
multi-purpose complex, operated by the Federal government, which serves
as a boarding school for Indians (girls only) from other reservations

in Cauca. It operates as a day school for Guambianos of both sexes,

250

and a team of extension agents in literacy, agriculture, health and
home economics operates out of this complex. The other is a Catholic
missionary school run by nuns and is the oldest school on the reserve—
tion. Most present reservation leaders were educated here. For five
years, from 1965 to 1969, the school had a resident priest who held

weekly mass and conducted funerals, occasional baptisms and marriages.

Upper and Lower Veredas
Throughout the following pages I frequently refer to "upper" and
"lower" veredas. These are my categories and not the Indians'. The

Guambianos use '

'upper" and "lower" to refer to veredas but only in a
relative sense; if you live in Pueblito, Pena de Coraz6n is a "lower"
vereda. My distinctions, however, are not entirely arbitrary. While
the matter requires additional investigation, my research revealed that
a combination of ecological factors, networks of kinship, political
interests and linguistic patterns united large areas of the reservation
into situationally flexible but nevertheless identifiable groups.

Some of the ecological differences have already been discussed, and in
this chapter I consider some of the political differences between

these areas. It should also be noted that a few veredas (e.g. Mishambe
and Puente Real) are, ecologically speaking, "lower" veredas, yet they
have been classified as "upper" in this chapter. My reason for this
choice is that until recently political affairs there were organized
under the supervision of upper vereda political officials, and in

other areas of social behavior and outlook they had more in common

with the upper veredas than with neighboring lower ones.

251

STABILITY AND CHANGE IN THE VEREDA SYSTEM: 1900-1970

The most significant change in this century is the growth of the
reservation population from approximately 1500 to more than 7000 in
1970. This seCtion deals with two aspects of the political response
to this population change: the establishment of new veredas and the
addition of low-level positions in the cabildo (alguaciles). Develop-
ments indicate areas of stability in certain aspects of Guambiano
social organization and reveal a strategy of adaptation which facil-
itated the maintenance of tribal unity. The process of veredal growth
seems also to be related to a need for identity at a level beyond that
of the family or network of kin, yet within which relationships are
primarily of a personal rather than bureaucratic nature.

In addition, new veredas provide a setting in which new and

younger leaders emerge.

The Growth of Veredas

 

During the early part of the 20th century the settlement pattern
in Guambia consisted of isolated households, usually with several nu-
clear families and small clusters of households widely separated from
one another, 200-500 meters apart. There were only five veredas in
Guambia, each of which encompassed large sections of the reservation.
For example, the region referred to as "Piendam6" during the early
decades of this century was a single vereda stretching for almost
five kilometers on both sides of the Piendam6 River. Between thirty

and fifty households were dispersed throughout the area and serviced

252

by a single alguacil. It took him from four to six hours to visit
these homes. Today (1970) the same territory as divided into nine
veredas, contains more than 300 households, and is represented in the
cabildo by 12 alguaciles. The table below presents a synopsis of the

growth of veredal units in Guambia.

253

TABLE 17

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Veredal Growth in Guambia: 1913-1970
1913 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970
PIEMDAMO Campana Campana Campana Campana Campana
Pueb lito Pueb lito Pueb lito Pueb 11 to Pueb li to
Nimbe Niube Nimbe Nimbe
m Piendam6 Piemdam6 Piendam6
<
a Pei’ia Cor. Pefia Cor. Pefia Cor.
m
as Cumbre Cumbre Cumbre
m
> Malvazé Malvaza
as Cofre
till
a. San Pedro
94
D
MISHAMBE Mishambe Mishambe Mishambe Mishambe Mishambe
Puente R. Puente R. Puente R. Puente R. Puente R.
GUAMBIA _ Guambia Guambia Guambia Guambia Guambia
m LA VIEJA
4 Delicias Delicias Delicias Delicias
Q
a: Buj io Buj io Buj io
ad
m Tapias Tapias
>
9‘ [EL CACIQUE Cacique Cacique Cacique Cacique Cacique
In]
: EL SALADO Salado Salado Salado Salado Salado
.4 E LOS
GALLINAZOS Tranal Tranal

J uanambfi

 

 

 

 

254

In some instances veredas were established by the division of
older ones. Nimbe, for example, was part of La Campana, and El Tranal
was a section of El Salado. Some of the newer veredas were organized
in regions which until recently had no permanent settlements, El Cofre
and Malvaza, for example.

As the cultural and administrative influence of Colombian society
became an important feature of life in Guambia, Indian place names for
places were replaced with Spanish ones. This shift coincides with and
is related to the demands of the national government for registration
of land holdings and the desire of Colombian officials to incorporate
the reservation into the national administrative and tax structure. At
the turn of the century the present day vereda of La Campana was known
simply as "Almendra pggk," place of the Almendras, and El Pueblito was

"Morales chak," place of the Morales. Before La Cumbre was established

 

as a vereda it was known as "kalym gulli," the hollow of the little
spirit. In other veredas Guambiano place names were retained, e.g.
Nimbe.

The usual process by which a settlement establishes itself as a
vereda has been a gradual one. Several conditions are generally met
before an area requests to be considered as a vereda. To begin with,
there are normally from ten to twenty homes in the area. Second, there
is an alguacil with sole responsibility for residents of the vereda.
The naming of an alguacil tends to precede any split and is a fig £3553
recognition of the administrative separateness of the settlement.
Finally, there must be some action by residents to have the cabildo

recognize the veredal status of the area. This is normally done in

255

the recording of land titles so that adjudications read "vereda of
. . . . . . . ." as opposed to using just a place name. Recently, a
more formal procedure which includes a written document (memorial) has

been introduced to give official recognition to a new vereda.

Political Aspects of Population Growth

 

I now return to a discussion of the relationship between the growth
of population, number of veredas and low-level positions in the cabildo
(the alguaciles). I will demonstrate that the growth of veredas and
increase in the number of alguaciles reflect elements of stability as
well as change and show how these are related to themes or principles

operative in Guambiano society.

TABLE 18

 

Political Aspects of Population Growth

 

Y e a r
1913 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970

 

 

 

Number of Veredas 5 7 9 13 16 19
Population 2100 3100 3830 4700 5750 7030
Number of Alguaciles 6 14 15 16 22 27

 

Average number of
persons per vereda 420 443 425 361 359 370

 

Average number of
persons per alguacil 350 221 255 294 261 260

 

256

The above table shows there is a clear pattern of growth in the
number of veredas and number of alguaciles which roughly follows the
increase in Guambiano population. While the figures cited above reveal
a pattern of growth, the two lines, which present averages of persons
per vereda and persons per alguacil, show relative stability. On the
one hand, there is a tendency which is incremental and linear, and
on the other a sequence of numbers which suggest that organizational
aspects of the society involve flexibility, stability of social units
and political structure.

Guambiano population has more than quadrupled during the 20th
century. The number of veredal units and political positions have
undergone a roughly proportional increase. The stability reflected in
the ratios presented is more than just a statistical accident or the
result of the application of formal rules of social organization to
increasing numbers of inhabitants. There are pp_explicit rules
governing either the formation of veredas p£_the numbers of persons
an alguacil should represent. Each case is worked out in terms of
itself and takes into account the special circumstances and needs of
those involved in making the demands. In the case of the alguacil
the process works from either the top or the bottom. In some instances
the alguacil indicates to his alcalde that there are too many houses
and people for him to cover efficiently, and the alcalde may add
another. In other cases the alcalde takes the initiative in adding
an alguacil.

This informal and pragmatic approach to veredal and cabildo
growth reflects one of the key features of Guambiano social organiza-

tion, its flexibility. Guambianos take into account the needs of

257

groups and individuals, and adjust the system to meet changing circumr
stances. It is the flexibility of the system which has been among the
more constant elements of their society during this century.

The tendency for stability in the size of social units and system
of representation may also be related to the question of sentiments and
social mobility or the desire for prestige. Except for the largestve-
reda, Cacique (which is actually divided into localized groups), veredas
are "little communities." Bonds of kinship, affinity, compadrazgo and
those established through working together and participating in ceremoni-
al events, link members of a vereda together in a multiplex network.

The inhabitants know one another primarily as individuals, human beings
with idiosyncratic qualities. Leadership and prestige within this
group is a function of performance. Within the vereda a person's skill
as a political leader or religious specialist is tested and evaluated.
Command over material resources gives a person an initial advantage
insofar as it reflects the results of his labor, but wealth is neither
a necessary nor a sufficient condition for prestige and power. These
are reserved for those who work with and for others and serve community

interests.

Accompaniment, Equality and the Pattern of Veredal Growth

The organization of new veredas can also be viewed in relation-
ship to the two dominant themes in their society, lipjgp_(accompaniment)
and lgpéglggé (equality). Events such as funerals, weddings, festive
work-days and house construction ideally include all members of the

vereda. As a vereda increases in size the frequency of these events

258

is greater and it becomes difficult for a person to participate in all
of them. Guambianos feel strongly about accompanying those sponsoring
the events and are uncomfortable when they do not attend. The source
of discomfort may be shame or guilt or fear of being criticized by
others for not attending. As I see it, one of the functions of the
increase in the number of veredas is to limit the size of each, thus
reducing the frequency of events when accompaniment is expected. As
the number of obligatory events are reduced, so is the frequency of
non-compliance and the negative social and psychological consequences
that would follow. It is important to note that I did not find a
single case in which the desire of members of a newly settled area to
become a vereda was met with opposition.

The tie-in of equality (lgpézlgpé) and the pattern of veredal
growth may be seen at two levels; the individual and the social. In
an old established vereda not only is there no land, but political
power is relatively concentrated in the hands of those with several
decades of service and leadership experience. In contrast, in a newer
and smaller vereda a person is likely to be nearer his fields, the
cost of land is lower, and the potential for acquiring prestige and
power within the vereda is greater. In Guambia it is invariably the
younger adult men who move from their natal home and take up residence
in a less populated area. In so doing they become part of a social
unit where others are closer to themselves in age and social rank.
Opportunities for recognition and power within a new vereda are greater

than in the more established ones.

259

At the social level, the initiative in recruiting additional mem-
bers and obtaining recognition as a vereda is also related to the de-
sire to obtain independent and, formally at least, equal status within

the reservation social system.

THE CABILDO SYSTEM

Civil affairs of the reservation community are managed by the £37
pilgg. The cabildo officials are responsible to the reservation com-
munity, the mayor of the Municipality of Silvia, and to various branches
of the departmental and national government. The present cabildo (1970)
consists of a governor, four alcaldes'(magistrates), 27 alguaciles
(deputies), and two secretaries.2 Except for the secretaries, whose
period of service is not fixed by law or custom, all officials serve
for one year.

A general model of the cabildo structure is depicted below.

 

I Governor?

 

 

 

 

 

 

LSecretary} JLSecreiarW
l l

 

 

..-..rie.

l
i
l
l
I
A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[Alcalde MOW! [2nd Aloalde] [Era Alcoldej [1m Alcaldej

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[NQUOCHGS l INQUOCNOS I [Algmciiegj [Alguaciles I [Aiflacllesj

FIGURE 20; Formal organization of the Cabildo

260

The lowest position in the cabildo is that of the alguacil. One
alguacil is designated as "first alguacil (alguacil mayor)" but no
other distinctions of rank are made among the rest.

All alcaldes are ranked from first through fourth (23125, segundo,
tercero, and cuarto). In principle the ranking indicates relative im-
portance. If the governor is incapacitated or off the reservation the
alcalde mayor assumes his position temporarily. This principle does not
hold in the event of the death of a governor--which occurred once in
1956--when the defeated candidate for governor replaces him. Although
there are ritual aspects of behavior related to cabildo ranking, the
distribution of aguardiente, for example, no alcalde has authority over
another. Each is responsible for his own region and they all work to-
gether in political activities throughout the reservation. More impor-
tant than ranking in determining political influence is the personality
and legal and oratorical skills of the office holders.

The governor and the four alcaldes each have a number of algua-
ciles (ranging from two to nine) directly under their authority. Those
working for the governor, in addition to their normal responsibilities,
are used to transmit messages to the alcaldes. The number of alguaciles
assigned to each alcalde varies in relationship to the area the alcalde
is responsible for. This organizational feature varies from year to
year. It depends on which vereda the governor is from, the willingness
of an alcalde to assume responsibility for additional veredas, and the
relative confidence the governor has in the alcaldes in his administra-
tion. The table below gives some idea of the shifts in the organization

of cabildo positions.

261

TABLE 19

 

2
Composition of the Cabildo

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Y e a r
1961 1966 1968 1970
Vereda of the Governor Campana Campana Pueblito Cumbre
# alguaciles of Gov. 4 5 5 5
:g====================..-.--s
Vereda/Alcalde mayor Pueblito Pueblito Piendamé A. Campana
# alguaciles/Alc.Mayor 7 4 3 5
3;:—
Vereda/2nd Alcalde Cacique Mishambe Mishambe Puente Real
# alguaciles/2nd Alc. 8 , 3 5 2
a==============================
Vereda/3rd Alcalde Salado Cacique Cacique Cacique
# alguaciles/3rd Alc. 4 9 7 7
Vereda/4th Alcalde ---* Salado Salado Salado_
# alguaciles/4th Alc. ---* 4 5 8

 

 

 

* In 1961 there were only three alcaldes in the cabildo.

 

Although there is some variation in the area and numbers of algua-
ciles assigned to each alcalde and the governor, there is a stability
in the distribution of offices. With few exceptions the governors and

the highest ranking alcalde come from upper veredas. In addition,

262

older veredas exercise strong control in maintaining a pattern of
distribution which favors their region. The table below lists the
residential veredas of the governors and alcaldes of Guambia over the

past twenty years.

263

TABLE 20

 

Residence of Governors and Alcaldes from 1951-1970

 

 

Year Governor Alcalde 2nd Alcalde 3rd Alcalde 4th Alcalde
Mayor

1970 Cumbre Campana Puente Real Cacique El Salado*

1969 Campana Pueblito Mishambe Cacique El Salado

1968 Pueblito Piendam6 A. Mishambe Cacique El Salado

1967 Campana Cacique Pueblito Puente Real Los Bujios

1966 Campana Pueblito Mishambe Cacique El Salado

1965 Campana Pueblito Mishambe Cacique E1 Salado

1964 San Pedro Campana Puente Real Cacique El Salado

1963 Pueblito Pueblito Campana Cacique El Salado

1962 Cacique Pueblito Campana El Salado

1961 Campana Pueblito Cacique El Salado

1960 Pueblito Campana Cacique El Salado

1959 Campana Pefia Corz. Cacique El Salado

1958 Pueblito Pefia Corz. Guambia El Salado

1957 Nimbe Puente R1. Cacique El Salado

1956 Campana Pueblito Cacique El Salado

1955 Nimbe ? ? ?

1954 Pueblito Piendamé A. Cacique El Salado

1953 Pueblito Piendam6 A. Cacique El Salado

1952 Campana ? ? ?

1951 Nimbe Mishambe Cacique El Salado

 

Some names of the veredas listed above are shortened.
Cumbre - La Cumbre; Pueblito - El Pueblito; Campana -

names are:
La Campana; Piendam6 A. - Piendamé Arriba; Puente R1. = Puente Real;
Cacique I El Cacique; Pefia Corz. -

Pefla de Corazén.

The complete

 

*El Salado and the adjacent veredas of El Tranal and Juanambfi form a

complex which is known to most Guambianos only as El Salado.

Whereas

information on other veredas was checked with informants from dhe
area, the El Salado designations are based on information in official
documents.

 

264

The Distribution of Power and Authority Amongpyeredas

The table above indicates that not only do the upper veredas
control the governorship (19 out of 20 years), but that 85 per cent
(17 of 20) of the governors were from three veredas: Campana (8),
Pueblito (6), and Nimbe (3). Only twice since 1913 (1918, 1962) have
persons from lower veredas held the governorship-both of these were
from Cacique. Also significant is that all but two of the last twenty
governors were from veredas established before 1940.

The emphasis on the authority of upper (eastern) over lower (west-
ern) and of older over younger is also reflected in the ranking and
distribution of the alcaldes. With one exception (1967) the alcalde
mayor is from an upper vereda, and the two lowest ranking alcaldes
are from lower veredas. In addition, only one of the 62 alcaldes3
since 1951 is from a vereda organized after 1950.

The principle of distribution of power and authority reflected
in the above table 20 indicates a superordination of pppgg (eastern)
veredas and a subordination of lower (western) veredas. In addition,
the authority and power of ElQEE veredas over younger ones are also
exhibited in distribution of governorships and alcaldes. The latter
tendency, older veredas maintaining political control, requires little
explanation if one assumes that once a group of individuals acquire
power they will act to increase, legitimize and defend their super—
ordinate position. The same assumption can be used to support the
asymmetrical gelationship of political status among upper and lower
veredas. There are, however, additional frames of reference which,

while not explaining the asymmetry, do help to widen our understanding

265

of its relationship to other dimensions of Guambiano culture.

The association of upper and east with greater political power
and authority is a structural principle that can be traced back to pre-
conquest times. During the late 14th and 15th centuries, when the
Guambiano-Coconuco tribes were organized into the Pubén Confederation,
the political military leader of the group, Cacique Calambas, resided
in the mountainous region to the east of the urban center (now Popayén).

Another way of viewing the situation involves the analysis of
the relationship in Guambiano culture of space, body and sex, to power.
In the lower, warmer, western section of Guambia, control over events
related to meeting human needs is primarily physical. In the Guambia-
no world view, power increases as one ascends upwards (and eastwards).
As one ascends, human control becomes less direct, and intellectual,
oratorical and magical skills (men's skills) become more important.
Politics, in short, is "heady business" and it is not surprising that
the most skillful and powerful politicians live in the upper, eastern

veredas.

Qualifications for Office

Service in the cabildo is for a one-year period, and a man must
be married in order to hold political office. A few exceptions to this
rule have occurred at the level of the alguacil to which several bache-
lors have been appointed. Occupants of higher offices are always
married and a man who is widowed or separated from his wife is excluded
from service. This rule is supported by the Guambiano belief that

only after marriage is a man fully an adult. In Guambia the word for

266

an older male (late twenties and up) is kilimatisina which means "old

 

youngster" or "old adolescent." There is also the practical considera-
tion that without a wife to take the added responsibility for economic
affairs, attending to claimants and visiting cabildo officials, and
weaving additional ponchos, a man would be unable to assume the duties
of office.

In Guambia the relationship of widowhood to cabildo service fre-
quently provides an opportunity for joking and a motive for postponing
remarriage. In 1970 I was with one ex—governor (1968) interviewing an
elderly widower who had served as governor in 1950. After the interview
the younger said, "Why don't you find a new wife, then we can make you
governor again; I'll even serve as your Padrino."

In another case a widower postponed a second marriage until he
completed a new house and accumulated additional capital. He knew that
shortly after his remarriage he would be named to serve as governor.

This was in 1966. In 1968 he remarried, and in 1970 he was the governor.

Symbolic Aspects of Political Office

 

Membership in the cabildo is symbolized by a one-meter staff (EEEEQ
made of a hard black wood (chants) and decorated with silver bands.
This same wood was used by Guambianos centuries before in the manufacture
of weapons. 0n the first Tuesday of the year the governor of the outgo-
ing cabildo hands his bara to the incoming governor in a symbolic trans-
fer of political authority. Cabildo officers are expected to be well
dressed on all occasions when they act in an official capacity. Wives

of cabildo officers must weave ponchos for their husbands and have at

267

least four new ones completed for a cabildo-sponsored Christmas celebra-
tion held in Silvia. Other aspects of clothing worn by cabildo members
include new hats and sandals. Even today as rubber, plastic and leather
shoes are gradually replacing sandals as standard footwear, Guambianos

acting in an official capacity tend to wear the sandals.

General Activities

Each Tuesday the cabildo meet in their "office," a section of a
bar in the eastern part of town. There they sign documents, listen to
old and new disputes, and plan activities for the coming week. Part of
the day is spent in the office of the mayor of Silvia and/or the office
of one of the judges. When the Division of Indian Affairs had an office
in Silvia (1962-66), the cabildo would also appear there to discuss
matters with Colombian and united Nations officials.

During the Cabildo meetings the two secretaries are busy typing
documents and soliciting signatures of the interested parties and mem-
bers of the cabildo. There is often a great deal of noise and confusion
as individuals argue their cases before the cabildo, and others whose
cases have been attended to go from person to person, bottle in hand,
pouring shots of aguardiente and demanding its consumption. I tried
to make a point of having a large breakfast onTuesday to sustain my
mind and body through these affairs, which often lasted from ten in the
morning until four or five o'clock in the afternoon.

Except for the secretaries, no member of the cabildo receives
remuneration for the loss of time and money incurred during the year

of service. Occasionally the governor orders the alguaciles to take up

268

a collection to help defray costs of special trips to government offices
in Popayén and Bogoté. While these collections take some edge off the
economic loss, ex-governors and alcaldes estimated their cost of serv-
ice at between one thousand and seven thousand pesos ($50-$350). In
Guambia occupying a political office is indeed service, and they refer

to it as a year of "suffering."

THE CABILDO OFFICERS

ThegAlguacil

Alguaciles are under the authority of the alcaldes and the
governor. Each has responsibility for from fourteen to forty-five
households. The alguacil works under the direct supervision of either
an alcalde or the governor and spends part of his time accompanying this
person on official business. They serve as human links in a communica-
tion network that ties cabildo officers with one another and with the
residential components of the reservation. They assist higher officials
in organizing and supervising community activities such as road con-
struction and bridge, road and school repair.

Alguaciles do not initiate political action. They have no author-
ity to make demands on the services and resources for others unless such
authority is specifically delegated to them by alcaldes or the governor.
Among their most important duties is as witnesses to the adjudication
of land titles and resolution of interpersonal disputes. They are
responsible for making sure parties and required witnesses are present

for land distributions and other political events. They carry out

269

technical aspects of measuring land, marking its boundaries, and record-
ing these on a sketch map. The results of these activities are given
to the secretary and used in writing up adjudication documents. Most
alguaciles act as observers while higher officials engage in discussion
and interrogation. As they acquire experience in political matters
some alguaciles begin to participate actively in these proceedings.
Higher officials often develop a close relationship with one or
two of the alguaciles and regularly discuss matters with them. Most:
alguaciles, however, though proud of serving in the_cabildo. are simply
not interested in much that occurs. Many, if not most, would rather'
use the time to take care of their personal affairs. For those indi-
viduals who are interested in politics and, for whatever reason, choose
to use the political arena to increase their prestige and power, serving
as an alguacile operates as a training ground. They have the opportunity
to observe experienced officials in action, to become familiar with
the way in which cases are investigated and settled, and to demon-

strate to others their interest'and skill in handling political affairs.

The Alcalde .

The Guambiano word for alcalde is karubig which means "he.that‘
orders (e_l_ 3g $93)." Alcaldes are responsible to thegovernor but
exercise a good deal of autonomy in handling affairs in their area.
Governors also rely heavily on the advice of the alcaldes in dealing
with matters in their regions. Citizens' demands for cabildo services
are normally channeled through the alcalde unless the governor lives

in the same vereda.“

270

Serving as an alcalde provides an individual with a significant
opportunity for acquiring prestige and power. It is, however, time:
consuming, frustrating, emotionally and physically demanding, and ac-
casionally an anxiety-ridden job. And their wives suffer with them.

Almost daily people arrive at the house of the alcalde. They so-
licit advice, ask to have the cabildo supervise a land distribution,
and ask for assistance in settling interpersonal and family conflicts
which have not been resolved through other less official means. The
alcalde must listen to these, give advice, decide which ones to deal
with himself and which he must bring to the attention of the governor.
His wife is expected to provide at least coffee and something to eat
for each visitor, and when other members of the cabildo are in the area
on official business she serves meals to all.

Alcaldes attend to the daily visits and weekly cabildo meetings,
and spend from one to three days a week on official business--usually
the supervision of land distribution and community work projects.
Whereas alguaciles participate in only a portion of these events
(though ideally they too should participate in all),alcaldes are
expected to accompany the governor in all of his official activities.

Alcaldes sometimes ask for and almost always receive permission
to be absent to attend to personal matters. The surprising thing to
me, however, was the extent to which they met their obligations to the
governor and the community. Whereas no more than one—third to one-
half the alguaciles were normally present on any given occasion, all
four alcaldes were usually there, and rarely less than three. Governors

often delegate authority to the alcalde to deal with matters in his

271

region that require only administrative action (e.g. marking bound-
aries).

Issues brought to the attention of the alcalde are often of vital
and emotional concern to families. Arguments over land, animals,
boundaries, marital fidelity, and domestic obligations, some of which
involve or threaten to involve physical violence, are ones which he
confronts regularly. It is difficult and sometimes impossible for the
alcalde, even with the help of the others in the cabildo, to bring
about a solution which satisfies both parties. More likely, neither
will be completely happy with the result. Thus, not only does the
alcalde end the year with less wealth than the otherwise might have,
but with a few less friends and some new enemies. And the enemies are
not to be taken lightly. It is consistent with the Guambiano way of
interpreting events for persons harboring ill feelings towards another
to seek some sort of revenge, either through the direct use of force
or indirectly in sorcery. A

An alcalde who "suffers" through his year and does his job
conscientiously does, however, merit the esteem of his fellows and
becomes a man who may unapologetically continue to participate in

political affairs of the reservation.

The Governor

The individual on whose shoulders the burden of responsibility
for political affairs rests is the governor. He is subject not only
to the demands and circumstances described above for the alcalde, but

he also has to judge what course of action to pursue when the other

272

officials disagree or when no consensus is established. In addition
he is Ehg official who from the standpoint of outside authorities
represents the interests of the entire reservation community. His
signature is required on all documents including bank loans made from
a special Indian loan fund. He is responsible for organizing community
work projects and religious events such as All Souls Day and Christmas
celebrations. In addition he is expected to give support to local
activities organized by each of his alcaldes and to accompany them for
at least part of the day. In the past the governor had the authority
to order whippings (administered by the alguaciles) and to confine
individuals to a stock in Las Delicias. Civil authorities in Silvia
divested the governor of this authority but gave him the right to levy
fines on individuals who failed to heed a request to appear before the
council, or who failed to comply with its decisions.

Material wealth in the form of land and animals is not a pre-
requisite for any cabildo position. Some poor individuals have served
in the top position and not infrequently as alcaldes. Dividing the
reservation into poor, average, and wealthy groups, however, the
assertion that governors tend to be "rich" is unavoidable. There are
several ways of looking at this phenomenon. First, the fact that a
person is wealthy is to a limited extent attributed to his skill, in-
dustriousness, and good luck. Even if a person is fortunate enough
to have received a substantial inheritance, it requires substantial
effort and good management, skills (and luck) to maintain a high output
and a decent level of profit. Thus, being rich indicates to a certain
degree that a person may have some of the qualities needed to serve

the community.

273

Secondly, the ethic of sharing is strong in Guambia. Individuals
who do not accompany others and who fail to invite others to accompany
them are the subjects of gossip, ridicule, disdain, scorn, and, in ex-
treme cases, ostracism. Service in the cabildo is another way of shar-
ing, and those who have more are expected to make a greater return in
one way or another.

Since the time and expense of serving as governor is greater than
that of serving in the other offices, the economics of the position
serves as a limiting factor in the recruitment of those with little re-
serve capital. I must point out, however, that while serving as gover-
nor and in other positions has some "leveling" effect, the economic
significance of this for the distribution of wealth in Guambia is negli-
gible. The governor may become a bit less wealthy and/or his rate of-
increased production temporarily slowed, but there are no-cases where
this service has resulted in a change of economic status.

As material resources in Guambia increased in value, customary
practices associated with holding office.have been modified to reduce
economic loss. Here I refer to the fiesta organized by each outgoing
alcalde and the governor. This includes a large minga, an all-night
party, and the slaughter (for consumption) of at least one ox or calf.
Before 1930 it was customary for the governor and each alcalde to
sponsor a separate fiesta-their highest single expense of the year.
Since then officials have occasionally combined efforts, divided costs,
and in some instances simply failed to organize the event. Now, only
the governor is obligated to sponsor this fiesta, although wealthy out-

going alcaldes continue to organize separate ones.

274

There is another way in which the role of the governor may be
distinguished from other officials, especially from those closest to
him in authority. While the analogy exaggerates the role requirements
to a certain extent, one way of viewing the differences in the posi-
tions of governor and alcalde is to consider the governor as a combina-
tion judge and jury foreman, and the alcaldes as the prosecuting and
defense attorneys. Ideally, the governor seeks consensus. He is often,
however, faced with differences of opinion based on differing judgments
as to the facts of the case and motivations of the participants. Much
of the questioning is done by alcaldes, as the litigants and other
interested parties present their arguments. Once these are heard, the
governor generally asks others in the cabildo for their opinion as to
what course of action would be appropriate. What is sought is a solu-
tion that is equitable taking into account the circumstances of the
action, the economic position of those involved, the particulars of
the event, Guambiano norms, and legal principles codified in reserve-
tion law. The governor is often the last to speak, and though he
ultimately pronounces the decision, the course of action selected
usually reflects the consensus or widest area of agreement of other

cabildo members.

The Secretary

Before 1913 there was no cabildo secretary. From 1913 through
1959 the secretary of the Guambiano cabildo was a White man from
Silvia, appointed by the town's mayor. During the past eleven years

the position has been occupied by Guambianos, and since 1964 the

275

responsibilities have been divided between two secretaries-~one from
the vereda of Cacique and the other living in Pefla de Corazén who works
in the cooperative store in Pueblito.

The official duties of the secretary include transcribing and
registration of land holdings, the recording of resolutions relating
to interpersonal conflicts, and the writing up of petitions to govern-
ment agencies for material and technical assistance. The secretary
does not take minutes of cabildo meetings except for those pertaining
to selection of candidates and election results. Both secretaries
have portable typewriters and attend the weekly cabildo meetings.

They may on occasion accompany the cabildo during one of the frequent
visits to the site of a land distribution, but this is rare and not
required of them.

In addition to official duties, secretaries acting in a private
capacity are used by many persons in need of documents. They ask them
to type petitions to challenge cabildo decisions, to solicit loans,
and to transact affairs directly with agencies of the municipal, depart-
mental and national governments.

Unlike other cabildo officers who serve for one year, the period
of service of a secretary is indefinite. The custom of appointing
Guambianos to the position began in 1960, and since then one has
served for seven years, one for one year, and the two presently
occupying the position have held it since 1965 and 1967 respectively.
Secretaries are important in the operation of the cabildo because of
their handling of the administrative details and their extensive

experience with political matters. They are the most well informed

276

members of the cabildo, both with respect to the application of reserva-
tion law“ and in detailed knowledge of specific cases. The latter is
especially important since cases are often carried over from one admin-
istration to the next.

The opportunity for illegitimate use of the office of secretary
is relatively easy since cabildo officers rarely read the documents
they sign. In the past White secretaries frequently were bribed and
apparently, with rare exceptions, did little to discourage this
practice. Cabildo officials were sometimes the very persons who did
the bribing. In return for a cash payment White secretaries would
modify boundaries to include territory to which a person had no legiti-
mate claim, and would sanction transactions that had not gone through
the proper administrative procedures (e.g. not notifying kin and adjac-
ent landholders). Several cases brought before cabildo officials I
worked with had their origins in these incorrectly written documents.
Since Guambianos have assumed the secretarial roles this type of cor-
ruption has been virtually eliminated. Errors in documents still-
occur, but now it is almost always due to claimant and witness lying
and to occasional deals made between cabildo officers and private
individuals--usually relatives. In these cases the secretary, even if
he has evidence to dispute a claim being made in an official document,
must nevertheless transcribe it according to the desires of the
governor.

The key to understanding the shift in the behavior of secretaries

lies not so much in the change from Whites to Guambianos, though that

is part of it, but in the integrity of the Guambianos who have held

277

the position. With the exception of one questionable individual who held
the post for a year, the Indians who served and are serving as secretaries
are intelligent, honest men whose economic status is in the middle

level or lower. Their presence in the cabildo, in my opinion, serves

as a check against the abuse of power by officials who might be tempted

to use the power of the office for illegal purposes. The secretaries

are men who want respect and esteem, but they are not ambitious for

power.

THE INTERESADOS

The interesados, or "interested ones,‘ are individuals who occupy

 

a political status, who help make and implement decisions but who hold
no official position in the cabildo. Most interesados are ex-cabildo
officials, normally persons who served as governors and alcaldes. The
number of persons identified as interesados varies with the vereda
where the question is asked, and with the informant. There are, how-
ever, between forty and fifty persons who make up what might be called
a "core group" of interesados. These are individuals who participate
in the decisions with regard to candidates for political office and
deal with matters of reservationdwide significance. In addition to
this core group each vereda has its own group of interesados. These
include local members of the core group and others--again usually ex-
cabildo officials-dwho take an active part in local political affairs
but whose political status is not recognized outside their vereda or
locality.

Whereas support for political positions in the cabildo is based

in part on legislation dating back to the colonial period, support for

278

the position of interesado is based almost entirely on legitimacy:
. . . a type of support that derives not from force or
its threat but from the values held by the individuals
formulating, influencing, and being affected by politi-
cal ends (Swartz, Turner and Tuden 1966:10).

In addition to their role in candidate selection and policy formu-
lation interesados serve as consultants to cabildo officials in cases
under litigation and in obtaining aid from government agencies. Also,
persons making demands on the cabildo may channel these to an intere-

sado who is a kinsmen, friend or neighbor, rather than go directly to

the alcalde or governor.

RECRUITMENT T0 POLITICAL OFFICE

During my period of service in the Peace Corps when I worked with
the Division of Indian Affairs in Silvia (1962-63), and in 1966 when I
was in the early phase of my research, I spent much of my time part-
icipating in and observing political events. I became friends with
members of several cabildos, and a few served as informants for a wide
range of topics. They spoke of times they remembered when the cabildo's
authority was greater and whipping was used to punish violators of the
legal and moral code. Several showed me the four-stranded leather
whips used in their day of cabildo service, and remarked on the decline
in prestige associated with holding political office. Since my observa-
tions on the functioning of the Guambiano cabildo led me to conclude
it was still a strong and well organized group, I became interested in
how it was that in spite of the erosion of authority the institution
continued to serve vital community needs in an effective manner. It

did not take long to determine the answer to this question, which had

279

to do with the dedication, oratorical skill, and intelligence of the
political officials and the actions of the interesados.

The next question I had to deal with, and one on which I spent a
large part of my time in 1967 investigating, was how they recruited
men into the cabildo and why, given the demands of service in time and
energy, men accepted or sought office.

In addition to my observations I interviewed between forty and
fifty men about their recruitment into the cabildo and their role in
the selection of new members. The investigation revealed that in
varying combinations and degree the following factors were related to
political recruitment: a desire for prestige and power, a desire to
serve the community, a sense of obligation to the community (a man
ought to serve if asked), a sense of obligation to the cabildo (they
have helped me and/or my family and I must return the service), a
concern or fear over negative social sanctions (withdrawal of cabildo
support in the future, criticism, ostracism), and the threat of
monetary sanctions (fines imposed through the mayor's office in
Silvia). The relative importance of each varied significantly with
regard to the person and position involved.

The major requirements for political office are that the indi-
vidual be male and married. Women do not hold political office, and
the whole notion of women in the cabildo is dismissed without much
comment by women as well as men. Guambianos living on neighboring
haciendas and other adjacent areas are not eligible to hold office--
the man must be a resident of the reservation. Individuals not born

on the reservation and/or whose parents are not Guambianos are permitted

280

to hold office if they at present reside in Guambia. Guambianos some-
times adopt Indians from other tribes, and one of the most famous
governors of the reservation, Antonio Valencia, was born to Péez parents
but reared by a Guambiano family. There are no economic requirements

to holding office and informants stress that anyone is eligible, rich

or poor. In fact, though alcaldes and alguaciles represent all economic
levels, governors tend to be wealthy or at least above average.

Previous service in a lower position is a prerequisite to holding
higher office. Alcaldes are normally selected from those who have al-
ready served as alguaciles, and governors from among the available ex-
alcaldes. From four to twenty years (usually from five to ten) elapses
before a man returns for another year of service.

Since 1879 fourteen governors have occupied the office of governor
twice, and three have held the position three times. During the past
ten years, however, no governor has held the position for more than a
single term. And in no case has any official ever succeeded himself
in office. Alcaldes and alguaciles may, after a period, repeat a term
in the same office but this is rare.

The prerequisite of previous service in the next lowest position
is sometimes waived. Individuals with no experience as an alguacil
have served as alcaldes, and men whose only previous experience in the
cabildo was as alguacil have been elected to the governorship.

Elections have been part of the selection process since 1913.
Except for the 1966 election (discussed below) and one other year, they
have been a formality: a ratification of the principal candidate (as

opposed to the suplente) selected in caucuses by outgoing cabildo

281

members and the interesados. In the early part of the century and
before, captains (capitanes) played a key role in deciding who held

political office.

Recruitment of Algpsciles

 

Alguaciles are selected by outgoing alguaciles. In November each
alguacil tells his alcalde or the governor his choice for his replace—
ment, and this name is included on a list presented to the new cabildo.
The new alcaldes and governor may make some changes but the list general-
ly remains intact.

Some men look forward to serving as alguacil. Many, though mar-
ried, are still living with their parents and siblings and can spend
time with the cabildo without having much effect on the household econ-
omy. For others, serving in the cabildo is more a matter of obligation,
something the community expects of them and another aspect of life which
simply must be endured. No one, even those who want to be in the cabil-
do, expresses this sentiment to others or actively seeks appointment.

Occasionally men try to escape cabildo service. The smoothest
way to avoid serving is to minimize or eliminate the possibility of a
personal encounter with the alcalde-designate in the area. Protocol
demands that each high official personally invite those named to
accompany him during the coming year. Usually this involves a visit
to the alguacil's house and the sharing of a bottle of aguardiente
with him and his family. There is a stylized speech in which the
higher authority humbles himself in asking the younger man to share

the work and suffering, adding that "after all, it is only for a year."

282

A man knowing he is on the list and wishing to avoid or postpone
cabildo service has several alternatives. If he has the support of
others in the household they may tell the alcalde or governor-designate
their son (brother, husband) is not home. Since Guambianos do not like
to lie and do not like liars, a preferred strategy is for the young'4
men to flee the house if he sees the higher official approaching or
hears his voice. A more extreme course of action, but one which is
sometimes used by a man wishing to avoid any category of office, is to
leave the reservation until the date for swearing in of the new cabildo
(first week in January) passes. Most go to a farm off the reservation
owned by family or friends. Most recalcitrants, however, are eventual-
ly cornered, even those who go to the lowlands. Once confronted with
the plea for their assistance few are able to refuse the request. And
those who continue to resist may ultimately find themselves taken
physically to the mayor's office where either they agree to serve or
are fined. Few higher officials, however, go this far, preferring to
replace the individual with someone else.

The prestige of the persons named as alcaldes and governor
affects the disposition of alguacil with respect to serving during _
their administration. If the individuals named to serve in high, I
offices are already men of prestige and power they encounter little
difficulty in getting young men to accompany them for the year. To
serve with a man of importance gives the person a sense of pride.

Also, persons named as alguaciles are more disposed to serve when
one or more of their friends are also on the list. Regardless of

the circumstances and disposition of the individual towards cabildo

283

service, some resistance is always exhibited and the higher authority
is required to "persuade" his followers to accompany him. It is a
ritual aspect of recruitment, and occurs for all positions.

The authority of the alguacil to designate his successor is im-
portant to his role. It provides a major area of support for the po-
sition and affects the alguacil's ability to mobilize other married
men to work on community projects. A married man with no cabildo ex-
perience who does not cooperate with the alguacil, either through
labor or contributions, puts himself in the position of being named by
the incumbent as his replacement for the coming year. This course of
action is sometimes made explicit to the uncooperative individual,
usually in a casual encounter when both have been drinking: "Next
year it's going to be your turn to suffer." Between one quarter and
one third of the persons whom I asked about motives for selecting
replacements indicated that lack of cooperation on the part of the
other was a factor in their decision.

For many Guambianos, even those with no political aspirations,
serving as an alguacil is an interesting and often enjoyable experi-
ence. They visit veredas far from theirs, develop new friendships,
learn the procedures involved in registration of titles and other
transactions, and develop ties with officials whose support they may
need at some future date. While on official business alguaciles are
under little or no pressure in their role as witnesses and observers.
They have a great deal of time to converse with the other alguaciles,
and mutual joking and kidding occur whenever they are together.

Friendships made during cabildo service are sometimes continued, and

284

occassionally formalized in compadrazgo ties. All persons in a cabildo,
regardless of the position, refer to and address one another as compaflero
(companion) after their period of service. During the year, however,

only alguaciles refer to and address one another as compafiero.

Recruitment of Alcaldes

Selection of alcaldes is a more serious affair than the recruit-
ment of alguaciles. Potential candidates are the subject of discussion-
among the interesados and cabildo officials as early as August. In
October and November the interesados in each area hold caucuses to
select candidates for the position and formulate work plans and polit-
ical demands for the coming year. Except for the caucus in the upper-
most veredas (La Campana, Nimbe, Piendam6 Arriba and Pueblito) where
the final decision of candidates for the governorship is made, selec-
tion of the local alcalde is often the most important aspect of these
meetings. Men who know they are being considered for the position
usually do not attend.

The interesados and cabildo officials from the area discuss the
suitability of the candidate. They talk about his participation in
community affairs, his willingness to serve, his past performance as
an alguacil and his ability to initiate and continue work on communal
projects. They want a man who is a hard worker, who is honest, who
cooperates with and has the respect of his neighbors. They want a
nun whose relations with his family are free from scandal and conflict,
who "speaks well" and has the intellectual capacity and integrity to

deal with political matters justly. Needless to say, few men meet

285

all these criteria but, as I mentioned earlier, they seem to do a good
job in selecting qualified men.

Unlike the selection of alguaciles where willingness to serve is
an irrelevant concern, it is important, though not always crucial, in
selecting the alcalde. For the interesados, the alcalde is their link
to the governor and the man responsible for organizing the community to
work on projects they are interested in. Also, the alcalde's influence
on the governor has some effect on the amount of support the latter
gives to their community programs. The interesados have enough experi-
ence and common sense to recognize that men who do not share their in-
terest in these matters and who do not want to serve make poor alcaldes.
Men named to be alcaldes, though sometimes men of limited economic
resources, often want the opportunity to serve and the prestige which
follows when such a role is performed well.

While most alcaldes are selected on the basis of competence and
willingness to serve, there are cases of alcaldes who neither aspired
to the position nor were well suited for it by skill, reputation or
disposition. Factors related to the naming of such men include the
lack of available candidates with the talent and willingness to accept
the position, and the availability of wealthy individuals who in the
recent past have been recipients of services of the cabildo--settling
disputes, registration of land holdings, and the securing of loans.
Their selection and acceptance are related to the principle of reci-
procity. With others unavailable these men are "persuaded" and cajoled

into service.

286

Recruitment of the Governor

The selection of a governor ideally involves a discussion similar
to that for an alcalde. In fact, however, three additional factors play
a role in his recruitment. One is the wealth of the person. Whereas
alcaldes are often men of few or moderate means, governors during the
past twenty years have had more than an average amount of land and ani-
mals. Secondly, though the rhetoric of the interesados is that neither
money nor residence is important, governors invariably come from the
oldest veredas in the upper section. As I noted in an earlier section,
17 of the past 20 governors have been from La Campana, El Pueblito and
Nimbe. Taking this back to 1913 we find that during the entire period
from 1913 to 1970 only two governors were from lower veredas (Cacique
in 1962 and 1918), and a total of 55 were from the Campana-Pueblito-
Nimbe-Piendamé Arriba area. The remaining ten were from the Puente
Real-Pena de Coraz6n-San Pedro-La Cumbre area, all upper veredas.

In addition, there is a kinship aspect to political recruitment
at this level. While the large network of bilateral and affinal kin
makes the influence of kinship on political recruitment difficult to
determine, forty governorships since 1913 have been distributed among
eight families. The table below gives some idea of the extent to)
which the governorship is concentrated among certain families. In
addition to the bonds diagrammed below there are numerous affinal links
among these and other families of ex—governors. There are four families
in which son, father and grandfather have all been governors. Ties of
fictive kinship (compadrazgo) also reinforce and extend the network-

of persons who have occupied the office.

287

l92| 1889
l895

.904} A A

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

l9|9 l927

A A (I) Amd :fiid

l920

 

A A 1:. AA Ans

93l l932 l96l B43 l950 l966 l945 l947

1937 l938 1952 l959
l94l

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I: » A

'964 l969

FIGURE 2|: Some kinship ties among goverliors of Guambia.
Dates indicate the year(s) In which the person held office.

288

Candidates for the office of governor are selected by the intere-
sados and cabildo officers of the upper veredas. The names of the pre-
liminary candidates are passed on to all cabildo members and to intere-
sados in other veredas. After a period of informal discussion two
meetings are held in each section of the reservation. The first is
attended by cabildo officials of the area and the local interesados.
The second is a public meeting, but participants are mostly men with
at least a year of cabildo service behind them.

In 1966, in the vereda of Cacique, between twelve and fifteen
persons attended the first meeting and at the second there were 35 to
40 men present. They discussed the candidates for alcalde and reviewed
the qualifications of the preliminary candidates for governor. In
the past they usually accepted the principal candidate chosen in the
upper vereda caucus. On several recent occasions, however, the men
from Cacique opposed the principal nominee. In 1965 they questioned
his integrity and competence, and believed he would be of little help
to them in matters relating to local problems--primarily additional
government funds for the road. They tried to persuade the interesados
of the upper veredas to change the principal candidate but were unsuc-
cessful. Consequently, most of the votes in Cacique went to the
alternate candidate (suplente , who, to everyone's surprise, but
especially his, won the election. This was only the second time anyone
could remember that the suplente had become governor. The following
year Caciquefios also refused to support the principal candidate but
could not abtain enough votes to secure his defeat.

The final official selection of candidates is made at a meeting

in a private home in the vereda of La Campana. Present are members of

289

the cabildo (mostly just those from the upper veredas), ex-governors,
ex-alcaldes, and the teacher from Pueblito. Interesados from any part
of the reservation have a right to participate, and are sometimes
invited. Some years, however, they simply do not inform persons from
lower veredas of the reunion, even those in the cabildo.

Traditionally the meeting opens with the governor stating his
term of office is coming to an end and that it is for the people to
decide who will replace him. The meeting is opened for nominations,
and potential candidates are again discussed, taking into account the
opinions of the interesados in the other veredas. Discussion continues
until a consensus is reached, and meetings sometimes last through the
night. Two candidates, a principal and suplente, are selected with
the understanding that the former is to be elected governor.

Anyone who has not yet served as governor and who participates
in this meeting is considered a potential governor for some future
date. For example, three of the men present at the forementioned
1966 meeting were at the time ex-alcaldes. By 1971 all were ex-
governors. Thus it seems that the price of political influence is
service. For those who want to participate in the power politics
of the reservation, serving as governor is a type of gigs g3 passage.
As for those who must serve as governor but who have no long-term
interest in reservation politics, well, "you only suffer for a year."

Issues of community interest are also discussed at the nomina-
tion meetings. The most important of these during the past ten years
have been roads, obtaining title to the reservation, and the agrarian

reform program. Thus, when the new governor takes office he is more

290

or less committed to initiate or continue programs decided on by the
interesados.

Persons being considered for the governorship are normally not
present at the nominating meeting. They are informed either verbally
or in writing about the decision and are then visited by a delegation
made up of members of the cabildo and several interesados. The reac-
tion to being informed of the nomination is characteristically negative:

" "there are others who are more qualified," "I

"I'm not smart enough,
am in debt and have much work to do on my farm." Even those who expect
the nomination and have resigned themselves to serving, go through the

motions of refusal and self-abnegation. 'A good ggvernor‘is_always

 

humble. Bottles of aguardiente are brought out and the candidate is
reassured of his competence, reminded of his obligations, told that it
is the people who want him to be governor, and is pledged the support
of the interesados. In some instances resistance is not simply a
ritual of refusal/acceptance but a serious effort to escape the burdens
of office. One nominee in the late sixties whose only previous service
was as an alguacil refused the appointment, and several letters and
visits were necessary unconvince him to accept. Another instance, also
in the late sixties, involved a candidate who threatened to sell the
reservation to the agrarian reform corporation (equivalent in the
upper veredasto selling to the devil, and legally impossible) if he
teas elected governor. He added that he would not serve unless he got
two thousand votes, not impossible but unlikely in a community where
total votes cast average less than 500. He won with less than four

hundred votes and served his term.

291

The final act of the nomination meeting is to set a date for the
election. In recent years it has been held on the Sunday of the fiesta
of The Virgin held in La Campana. The fiesta is attended by Guambianos
from all parts of the reservation, which facilitates the work of the
interesados in gathering large numbers of votes for the principal
candidate.

After being notified of his election and repeating his feelings
of doubt about his capabilities, the governor-elect reviews the list
of those selected to accompany him as alcaldes and alguaciles. He may
decide to make some changes at this time. He then visits the house of
each alcalde, and those alguaciles directly responsible to him, offering
them aguardiente and asking them to accompany him.

On the first Tuesday in January the incoming and outgoing cabildo
officers go to the mayor's office in Silvia and sign a document listing
them as officers. The bara is passed from the old governor to his
replacement and, accompanied by their respective cabildos, they retire
to a local bar for an afternoon of drinking.

The cabildo officials "suffer" through their year of service.

The momemtum generated by the demands for their services combined with
the dedication of a few and the vigilance of the interesados keep the

organization functioning for another year.

THE RESOLUTION OF CONFLICT: CASE STUDIES
In this section I present a summary of several cases which may
be viewed as a sample of the kinds of conflicts brought to the atten-

tion of the cabildo and how they are resolved. I was a witness to

292

the first three cases, and information on the fourth was obtained
in several interviews.

Case 1: A man stabs his brother-in-law. Juan and Manuel, the
latter married to Juan's older sister, were in a bar on the reserva-
tion when Juan made a remark about Manuel's handling of a mortgage
arrangement. Manuel, who is considered an angry (pgmik) type, with
one jail term behind him, took a swing at Juan, and a fight began.
Guambianos normally use fists, but Manuel drew a pocket knife and
stabbed Juan six times in the chest. There was no intent to kill,
and the knife only entered about one-half inch in each wound. Juan
was prepared to take the case to Silvia and have Manuel thrown in jail.
Before this could happen Manuel went to his padrino, an influential
ex-alcalde, and asked him to get the present alcalde to intervene.

He admitted his guilt and said he was ready to settle on a friendly

basis (por 1as buenas). His padrino arranged a meeting in which the

 

brother-in-law, the alcalde, two alguaciles and a secretary were
present. At the meeting Juan was persuaded to settle the matter
directly with Manuel and not get the community involVed with the
police. He settled for sixty pesos. Both signed a document stating
they would refrain from further fighting and that the next manTto‘
start a fight would pay a fine of 200 pesos.

Case 2: Returnipgjland to its heirs. Sam, a man with substan-
tial land holdings, purchased a plot of land from an old woman who
often worked for him as a peon. He allowed her to use the land while
she was alive, but when she died he used it to pasture his sheep.

Her daughters, away much of the year working on a neighboring hacienda

293

were unaware of the deal their mother had made. Several months after
the old woman's death Carlos, the adopted son of one of her daughters,
found out about the sale and tried to return the money to Sam. Sam
refused and Carlos went to the alcalde claiming he and his aunts had
rights to the land and that the sale was made without their knowledge.
The alcalde took the case to the cabildo, and the governor decided to
intervene. The cabildo agreed with Carlos and his aunts, saying that
since this was the only piece of land left in the family the old woman
had no right to sell it without consulting her daughters.

Sam argued that the woman had spent the money, had use of the
land until she died, and had made the sale voluntarily. He added that
Carlos, who was pressing the claim, had lived off the reservation for
many years and earlier had sold a puke of land given to him by his
uncle. The cabildo agreed this was relevant, but that only one-
quarter of the small piece was for him and the rest for the woman's
daughters. The cabildo divided the land among the four and told them
to return Sam's money.

Case 3: Negigct of domestic obiigations. Maria is a young
woman married to Thomas, a.widower and much older than his wife. Maria,
without her husband's permission, frequently came home after dark and
sometimes stayed away all night. Thomas beat her when she persisted in
staying out. Since this failed to change Maria's behavior Thomas asked
the cabildo to intervene. Maria was escorted by several alguaciles to
the next meeting of the cabildo in Silvia and asked to explain her be-
havior. She said she had been at her parents' house (only partially

true) and had stayed away because her husband beat her (true, but after

294

the fact). Her parents, who were not very fond of her husband (he was
poor and this was his second marriage), defended their daughter and
supported her story that she was with them. Members of the cabildo who
knew that on occasion she had committed adultery reprimanded her, not
for the latter but for not meeting her domestic obligations. "If you
wanted to stay with your parents why did you marry?"

They told her to return to her husband and obey him. This was
the second time the case had been before the cabildo, so Maria was made
to sign a document stating she would pay a fine of 500 pesos if she re-
‘mained away from‘home at night. The husband promised he would refrain
from beating his wife if she stayed home.

Case 4: Takipg_land that does not belopgfto you. Felipe, an ex-
governor, bought a large piece of savanna (paramo) land from.his bro-
ther-in-law, also an ex-governor. The land borders a large plot which
had been kept as communal land by earlier cabildos and used for pastur-
ing animals. Felipe invited his nephew, the governor and the rest of
the cabildo to supervise the distribution of the land which he divided
among his three children--seven parts to the youngest son, five parts
to the oldest son, and one part to his daughter. In showing the
cabildo where the boundaries were, however, Felipe included a large
portion of the adjacent communal land. Apparently no one in the
cabildo was aware of the communal status of part of the land (if the
governor was, he was not likely to tell anyone), and the boundaries
Felipe designated were included on the map used in drawing up the
adjudications. Several days later as the secretary was typing the

necessary documentation, an ex—alcalde in casual conversation asked

295

him about the adjudication he was working on. The secretary showed him
the map, the ex-alcalde recognized the area and informed him that part
of the land "belonged to the community" and could not have been
purchased. The secretary said he must follow the boundaries according
to map given to him by the governor. Both agreed, however, that some-
thing had to be done.

The ex-alcalde then went to the man who was governor when he was
in office. The ex-governor in turn informed the man slated to be
governor for the coming year. The ex-alcalde and the nominee met with
the secretary and suggested he complete the documents as ordered, but
that he inform the mayor's secretary in Silvia and have him withhold
action on the document until the new cabildo took office. He agreed,
and several months later, when the papers were forwarded from the
mayor's office, the new governor refused to sign them. When Felipe
asked why they refused, the governor asked him to produce copies of
the original adjudications granting the land to the seller. After a
delay of several months Felipe asked the cabildo to visit the land
and distribute it according to the boundaries of the purchase. This

was immediately done.

3.

296

NOTES TO CHAPTER VII

My use of the terms possession and ownership must be viewed in
the context of Colombian law. Indians "possessing" or "owning"
reservation land do not have the right to sell the land but
rather the right to use it and pass it on to legal heirs.

 

These and all figures on cabildo size are based on an analysis
of documents in the cabildo archives. They refer to the number
of persons actually partigipatipg_in official political action,
and do not always coincide with the number of persons appointed
in December and early January to serve in the cabildo. Only
persons whose names appeared on official documents in the ar-
chives are listed.

Data from 1952 and 1955 (six alcaldes) is missing and thus the
figure used is 62 instead of 68.

All secretaries have participated in courses organized by the
Division of Indian Affairs which deal with Laws governing the
reservation, services offered by the various agencies of
government, how to obtain resources from them, and election
procedures.

VIII. RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND RITUALS

Among the categories traditionally used by anthropologists to
organize material on social and cultural life "religion" and "ritual"
are perhaps the most problematic. As Nadel (1954:7-8) notes:

Whichever way we propose to circumscribe the province
of things religious, we are bound to encounter a border
zone which defies precise allocation on this or that
side of the boundary. . . What we set out to do is
describe everything in a particular culture that has a
bearing on religion. And since "religion" is precisely
one of those words which belong to the more intuitive
portions of our vocabulary, and hence cannot be given

a sharp connotation, we have no choice but to feel our

way towards the meaning it should have in given circum-
stances.

Taking the broad view that "religion" has to do with supernatural
beings and powers and their relationship with man and other natural
phenomena, then all of life in Guambia is in one sense "religious."

The supernatural is an implicit dimension of life, and the origins of

and reasons for specific concepts and practices are often vaguely

understood and sometimes not at all.

Since a full discussion of Guambiano religious beliefs and
practices are beyond the scope of this thesis, my treatment is limited
to major beliefs and summaries of recurrent ceremonial events.

The information presented is based on: (1) myths and legends
recorded in Nuestra Qgppg_(Hernandez de Alba and F. TumifiérP. 1949);
(2) personal observation of ceremonies, and (3) interviews about
religious phenomena and ritual events. Except for the myths,which

few inhabitants today are able to recite, the perspective presented

297

298

is that of a "layman" rather than a religious specialist. There are
variations in the rituals I observed and in informants' descriptions

and explanations of supernatural phenomena and rituals.

MYTHS AND LEGENDS

There is a superb book by Gregorio Hernandez de Alba and Fran-
cisco Tumifia-Pillimue (1949) which contains anecdotal descriptions of
everyday life and a number of myths and legends about Guambia. They
provide the best source of information available about what might be

appropriately called the "mythical charter" for Guambiano society.

Mama Manuela Caramsya

Dona Manuela, about whom there are a number of legends, may be
viewed as the mother of the modern day (Catholicized) Guambianos. In
this context it is relevant to restate that at the time of the conquest
several tribes in the Cauca Valley had chieftainesses (Andagoya 1864).
The legend of Mama Manuela is presented in unabridged form.

The old woman Cayetana is telling the story of best
woman who has ever been mother of the people of
Guambia: the one from whom those living today come
and who several times saved her people; the one who.
for all, with respect, is Mama Manuela.

Dafia Manuela Caramaya lived in tears, the conquerers
were nearing to take her land and crops.

The soldiers, armed and hairy, were coming up their
own path; thus she gathered much grass, called her
guinea pigs which were big and black, and accompanied
by her husband and children went to the cliff atop the
plains of prabalc on the large farm they called "the
forest," known today as San Fernando.

299

The conquerers, coming to get them so they could be
baptized, were about to catch them when she opened the
door of the cliff and entered with her husband and guinea
pigs, but closed the door before the children arrived;
the Spaniards had already caught them and were going to
have them baptized.

These poor young boys, never having tasted salt, upon
eating it at baptism remained for a week without desire
for food, which they found unpleasant, and passed their
days vomiting until they finally learned to like things
with the salt of the Kingdom. They were called Tombé
and Tumifia since those were the surnames they were
baptized with, but no one remembers their first names.

One Holy Thursday evening many years after the Conquest

a man passing by Nuyablac was tired and fell asleep near
the cliff, and at midnight was awakened by a noise which
sounded like a door opening. It was the door of the cliff
and from it came a man and his wife: in her arms she
carried a bunch of grass and called and called saying
tova, tova, tova, tova, Behind her in single file the
guinea pigs followed in order to eat. It was Mama Manuela
who had left to see her animals, those she had when she
lived on these plains before the Spaniards arrived.

 

 

Afterward the cliff closed again, sounding like a very
large door when it shut.

The guinea pigs existed until a few years ago under the
large rocks one finds on the hacienda next to the hill
DOHa Manuela entered when the conquering men were going
to catch them and give them salt to baptize them Christians.
Another Mama Manuela Caramaya legend tells of her saving her
people from defeat at the hands of the Pijao Indians (Ibid:115-l6):
Mama Manuela, using magical phrases and her milk bush (lechero)
branch, turned the cannibalistic invaders into frailej6n plants.
These plants are found today in the high paramo region of the
reservation.
Other legends deal with:

Ligptning--a dangerous phenomenon attributed to a naked, pimpled old

‘manuwho uses a gold cane in his work (99-100).

300

Winds--Tombé was a vain, beastful man who with his sons became a power-
ful wind. This wind, though pure, carries sickness (contamination

sucio) from person to person (103).

Origipfof the Mountains, Rivers and Lakes

While this story appears to be an adaptation of the biblical
acxount of Noah, it is more likely the indigenous version of the flood
told to Andagoya in the 16th century (1865:66-8). The story is one
of the few which continue to be told in Guambia today.

Pedro gg_Urdimales. Of this Pedro, many things are told
but what seems most important, since it was his greatest
prank, is the following, . . .

Long ago, here in Guambia where we are now, the land was
very flat, like a table. Then this Pedro de Urdimales
appeared and innundated everything with water. It caused
all the people and animals to come up to this flat-topped
hill. Their weight caused the hill to split away and it
came to a stop at the point straight and distant from here
that today is called the hill of Patia.

This Pedro that caused the flood had a drum, and in it he
put a man, a woman, and a pair of each kind of animal,
male and female, saying it was for seed when all the
people died.

Over the waters he went without drowning, playing his

drum and laughing. Later he dried the land and the waters
disappeared taking most of the land away to the seas. The
rivers sank, and because the water took the land, there re-
mained these gullies, these canyons and the mountains of
the world. All of this was, before this man Urdinales ap-
peared, flat, very flat.

One day, perhaps when he was old, Pedro told the people

that he should be buried with a strong cord of hemp tied to
his foot with the end of it sticking out of the earth. But
when he died, the people, not trusting him, buried him in

a stone coffin with only a single thin strand of hemp knotted
to his little finger, and left only the tip of it sticking
out over the surface of the earth.

301

They did right because Pedro was not dead, and when he
moved his little finger and stretched the thread he made
the earth shake. How would it have been had they attached
the strong rope?

And Pedro is still forming rivers and swamps. If not, how

could he walk on the water playing his drum? (Hernandez
de Alba and Tumifia 1949:107-108. My translation.)

Origin of Cold Climate

 

The story presented below is one rich in symbolism and moral
import. It shows the consequences of not allowing a daughter to have
relations with men, the impregnating powers of the supernatural, trans-
formations of cat-serpent-man, the responsibility of a mother (as op-
posed to grandmother) for her child, and the power of nature (water)

over man s

Legend of the Lake

 

On land of the reservation of Quizg6, in front of a hill,
there was a house. There, lived a woman and her daughter
whose mother never let her go out alone. She did not want,
perhaps, for her daughter to have love affairs or a family
with a man. For this she was also made to sleep in a room
which could only be entered after passing three well locked
doors with three keys.

Curious men, watching, saw one night that a cat entered

the bedroom of the girl, but they were mistaken since it was
really a snake (serpent) that appeared to the men in the form
of a cat.

Finally, after some time, the daughter gave birth to a baby
boy but never let anyone, not even her mother, touch him.
Then one day the young girl went to the woods to gather fire-
wood. She left her son well-swaddled, saying to the old
woman: "Take care, don't take the baby out no matter how
much he cires; just swing the hammock." After a short while,
the baby began to cry and would not stop no matter how much
the grandmother rocked the hammock. She then took him out,
put him on her knees and began to undress him when, in an
instant, the boy became a snake and escaped the arms of the
grandmother.

302

The young girl returned and upon seeing the hammock empty
asked her mother, and on learning the truth only remarked:
"Well, if that's what it was, so be it." She then laid
herself crosswise in front of the door, and at that moment
fountains of water gushed forward from each part of the
house and formed a lake.

Much time later, the people wanted to remove the lake and

open a canal,but the water left with such force that its

violence killed many workers. When the pond was almost

dry they found a fern that when picked would bleed, and

for that reason they believed it was the mother of that

baby boy-serpent.

The waters that left formed another lake near the town

of Ovejas. Still, even today, one finds the lake, and

the people believe that if the grandmother hadn't dared

let the child out of the hammock to become a serpent, then

the land up to Quizg6 would produce all the fruits of the

hot country.

But now, because of that, the cold wind blows. (120. My

translation.)
SUPERNATURAL FORCES AND SPIRITUAL BEINGS

Guambianos believe in a variety of supernatural beings and

powers which affect the course of natural and human events. In this
category are such "natural" phenomena as the sun, moon, plants, winds,
rain, rivers and rainbows. There are also a number of anthropomorphic

spirits, including the Catholic "God (Dios)," Jesus Christ, the Virgin,

a few Saints, the devil, little spirits, and souls of the dead.

Iggligious aspects of Natural Phenomena

The Guambiano concept of the world is that it is flat, square
and static. The sun and the moon complement one another, and the moon
is believed to follow the sun in a circular path around the earth.
Direct exposure to the sun is dangerous to man, and looking directly

at it is believed to cause blindness. The heat of the sun weakens

303

a person and thus is especially dangerous to those who are weak, sick
or contaminated (22232)-

Too much sun is dangerous to crops, and its rays on paramo mist
causes "dangerous" rainbows to form. Women and children exposed to a
rainbow may become ill or pregnant. Appearance of a rainbow is a
sign someone will die shortly.

The moon is good and bad, helpful and harmful. Exposure to a
full moon is dangerous for horses and other animals but helpful to the
growth of agricultural products as long as they are planted at the

correct times.

Planting and Phases of the Moon

The relationship among types of food plants, phases of the moon,
and "owners" of the seed exhibits a definite pattern.

Crops may be divided into two categories: root (potatoes, ullu-
cos, onions and garlic) and stalk (corn and wheat).* They may also be
categorized according to the sex of the person who owns the seed (and
is responsible for their growth); males are associated with potatoes,
ullucos, wheat and corn, females with onions and garlic. This may be

diagrammed as follows:

 

 

Root Stalk
potatoes corn
Male
ullucos wheat
onions
Female

garlic

 

304

Guambianos believe the moon is an "attracting" power. It
"pulls" plants upward, towards itself. Thus the stalk plants (corn
and wheat), for which height is desired, are planted at a new moon.
The seed then has the benefit of several weeks of continuous "pull."
Root crops, as a rule, should be planted when the moon is full or on
the wane. With no moon the root plant would rat; with too much moon
at an early stage, the plant would grow tall but at the expense of
the root. If the rule applied consistently to all root plants, then
onions and garlic ought to be planted at the same time as potatoes
and ullucos. In fact, and in principle, the opposite is true. Root
plants traditionally cultivated exclusively by women (onions and
garlic), follow the same planting schedule as stalk plants (corn and
wheat) associated with men.

Whether this is just another example of the structural opposi-
tion of male and female, and/or tied to the notion that the moon does
not attact or "repels" female plants, I do not know. The relation-

ship of moon-seed-sex is, nevertheless, evident, and is diagrammed

 

 

 

below:
ROOt Stalk
potatoes (-) corn (+)
Male
ullucos (-) wheat (+)
onions (+)
Female
garlic (+)

 

(+) new moon
(-) full moon or moon on the wane

 

305

Eclipses are dangerous to crops and a concern of the entire come
munity. When they occurred in the past Guambianos left their homes and

yelled "like roosters;"

musicians came out to play their flutes and
drums. They believed that failure to act would result in the end of
the world. Some continue these practices but the extent of participa-
tion has declined. Eclipses are also taken as signs of an impending
war or natural disaster (e.g. earthquakes).

.nggp Spirits. Pishin is the principle water spirit and there
are several others, all "sons" of Pishin. These spirits are both good
and evil, but water from the high pfiramo region is always dangerous.
It may not be consumed, and fish caught there cannot be eaten. Water
spirits are located in lakes, rivers, swampy areas, rain and mist.
They are especially dangerous to menstruating women-and may cause them
to become pregnant. For this reason menstruating women must be kept
at home and prevented from going near rivers or to the paramo.. Vio-
lation of this endangers not only the female but others who may be-‘
come ill from the water she contaminates with her "dirty" (pegs)
blood.

Pregnancies, especially in unmarried women, are sometimes attrib-
uted to water spirits, and fetuses resulting from miscarriages are
diagnosed in this framework. Spiritual impregnation is also used to
legitimize abortion and infanticide.

Water spirits are dangerous to crops when they transform them-
selves into hail and frost. To prevail against this, Guambianos in
the higher sections of the reservation put pieces of thread across

the field, or crosses of straw in them.

306

One form of water is important for its curative power. This is
urine, "water from the groin." Only men's urine has this power, and
it is applied to cuts to stop the flow of blood.

M m M. Guambianos believe in the harmful and curative
powers of a wide range of trees and plants. The borrachero (2335) and
the lechero (35533, milk-plant) trees have the power to impregnate
'women who are menstruating and who have not been "cleansed (purified)"
since their last period. The borrachero is the more powerful of the
two (it is found in the highest regions), and eating its leaves may
cause death. The father of one of my hosts on the reservation died
after he swallowed water in which borrachero leaves had fallen.

Powerful plants, including cocaine, are used by shamans to cure
illnesses attributed to water spirits. Only men may handle these
plants, and if touched by a female they lose their power.

subterranean Spirits. The most important subterranean spirit
is 25;, He appears to people in the form of a pig and is said to fre-

quently cause headaches (eating part of a man's soul?).

Anthropomorphic Spirits

There are a number of anthropomorphic spirits which affect events
in the Guambiano world. Whereas the spiritual forces discussed in the
preceding section are invisible (except uré, the underground spirit),
those dealt with in this section appear in the form of humans, man-
enimal combinations, and as insects (moths and fireflies). In insect
form they are viewed as transformations of an anthropomorphic spirit.

In addition, the anthropomorphic spirits in human and part-human form

307

appear only to people when they are alone. Anthropomorphic spirits
thus serve as supernatural supports to one of the dominant themes in
Guambiano society, linjab or accompaniment. An individual will not be
harmed by them'while he is "accompanied."

There are three kinds of anthropomorphic spirits: the devil
(nugpgazpansig), child-spirits or goblins (Spanish-1gpgpgg; Guambiano--
kalzim), and spirits (ghosts) of the recently deceased (ngymansig).

Tppnggyil_(ppguwaymansig) and Gold. There is only one.
nuguwaymansig. He lives in the still active, snow-capped volcano of
Puraci located about thirty kilometers south of Guambia. He visits the
reservation at night during the period between 9:00 and 12:30. Many
Guambianos have had encounters with him, and accounts of his appearance
show some variations. He is always depicted as a large man with a
big black hat, and gold teeth that shine in the night. He sometimes
appears seated by the side of a road or path, and on other occasions
is mounted on a horse. He is described by some as having the right
foot of an animal and the left foot of a man. A person who goes near
the nuguwaymansig sees a skeleton face which is sometimes transformed
into a pack of moths. This may cause the person to become ill, and
death can result.

In addition to his personal appearances, the power of the
nuguwaymansig is manifiest in gold. Gold belongs to the devil and is
poisonous to man. If found, it may not be touched. When found, gold
must be purified by burning, by leaving it exposed to the sun, or by
a special Catholic mass (in which case the priest takes the gold).
Guambiano shamans are not powerful enough to rid gold of its poisonous

effect.

308

Products obtained from the sale or exchange of unpurified gold
are contaminated and endanger all who come in contact with them. Even
after purification the money received must be exchanged four separate
times before it can be used to make a purchase. The relationship of
the number four to purification and transformation is a structural
principle and processual regularity which occurs throughout Guambiano
religious and social life.

My view is that the beliefs attributing evil power to gold and
linking it with the devil is a post-conquest change which reflects
their experiences with the gold-hungry Spaniards. It is not difficult
to imagine how their possession of gold was linked to shemans' explana-
tions of the conquest. Another reason for this interpretation is that
before the conquest Guambianos used yellow in their chumbes (belts),
and the flag of the Pubén confederation was also yellow. Even today
the beneficial (protecting or prophylactic) power of yellow is ex-
pressed in beliefs about urine and certain plants, and was used on
the underside of the hat worn by Guambiano women during the 19th
century (Douay 1890). The yellow side was turned upwards when it
rained and worn permanently in this fashion by widows. This hat is
still used in wedding ceremonies.

.Ehpgg Spirits pf 225 Recently Deceased (Hwazpansig). Kway-
'mansigs appear while a person is on the death bed and linger until
the house, its inhabitants, his possessions and fields have been
"cleansed." They are seen during the late afternoon as the sun is
setting and around midnight. The male or female kwaymansig sometimes

appears coming from fields carrying a bundle of wood or sack of food.

309

If the kwaymansig appears as a women it is a sign a man will soon die.
If the kwaymansig is a man, the unfortunate one will be a woman. They
believe the ghost of the deceased, without malice, wants someone to
accompany him to Puracé to share in the suffering.

Child-Spirits pg Goblins (Kalyim pg Duendes). The anthropomor-
phic spirits which have the greatest effect on daily activities in
Guambia are the small childlike spirits referred to as "kalyim." They
are the "owners" of the mountains and live in all parts of the reserva-
tion-in the paramo, along the banks of rivers and streams and near
other sources of water.

The kalyim do not deliberately try to harm anyone unless the
person is contaminated. But even an uncontaminated person may become
frightened, faint and/or ill if he accidentally encounters one of
these creatures. The kalyim may touch and accompany a person who
comes near them, and a pain develops at the point of contact. They
do not, however, enter the person's body.

The concept of the kalyim is closely tied to the many recurrent
curing rituals. Ideally, everything in Guambia is cured as a preven-
tive measure before use and again after it has been contaminated.
Houses, tools, clothing and people undergo ritual cleansing by a re-
ligious specialist, and every member of the household must be cleansed
four days after each woman in the household begins her period. A
person who is contaminated "angers" the kalyim who then may enter the
house and cause a person to feel pain or become 111. Anyone going to
work in the mountain fields while he, or a woman in the family, is

in a contaminated state will likewise cause the kalyim to act.

310

The kalyim take a negative view of the use of uncured tools such
as machetes and may cause them to break. They may express their an-
noyance indirectly by causing a tree to fall on a man or by forcing
an animal to have an accident. The kalyim are particularly mischievous
with children and dogs. If adults do not watch them carefully the
kalyim may lead them away and they are temporarily lost.

Diviners and curers are used both to prevent against misfortunes
caused by the kalyim and to remedy illness attributed to them. Ac-
cording to Rowe (1954:151), Guambianos used to place plates of food
in their gardens once a year as an offering to the kalyim.identified
‘with it. This was done so the garden would produce a better harvest.

There is also a spirit known as the "crazy" kalyim.(ipgp_kalyim).
In contrast to the kalyim who merely touch and/or accompany the con-
taminated person, making him 111, the loco kalyim enter the body caus-
ing the person to become numb or paralyzed. A few Guambiano shamans
have been able to cure this sickness but it is difficult, and penetra-

tion normally results in death.

Birds and Stars

Birds and stars have no power to affect human events although
they are important indicators of the state of things and what will
happen in the future. The type of bird, its direction of flight and/or
the time it is seen or heard are related to the message. They signify
good or bad fortune, sickness, death, rain and the coming of a visitor
from a distant point. The movement of stars is used in divining, and

indicates whether the time is propitious for a curing or cleansing

311

ceremony. A star moving towards a person from the east or north is an
evil omen of an imminent death. Such a movement may also be a sign that
sorcery is being practiced, and counter-sorcery must then be used.

The movement of the stars is looked to as a sign the counter-sorcery is

working.

CATHOLICISM AND THE ANNUAL CEREMONIAL CYCLE

The Catholic interpretation of God (Dips) is accepted by Guambia-
nos, most of whom have been exposed to some religious training. A
presentation of the Holy Trinity is part of the school curriculum, in-
cluding those run by civil authorities. Almost all Guambianos have
some idea of Jesus Christ and the Virgin Mary. For most, however, the
rituals and ceremonies of the Church are more important than its meta-
physics. Attending mass, baptism, confirmation, church weddings, funer-
als, Christmas, Easter, Corpus Christi and All Souls Day are socially
significant events. San Pedro, previously an important part of their
ceremonial calendar, is now poorly attended. This may in part be at-
tributed to the addition of festivals on the reservation to celebrate
local Virgins.

The Guambiano cabildo is responsible for getting the Indian
community to support these events, and the political officials are
part of religious processions led by the Priest. In the past the
cabildo also supported the Catholic Church by cultivating a special
plot of land on the reservation and caring for the cemetery. 'Today
the Indians have their own cemetery on the reservation and no longer

use the one in town.

312

Except for All Souls Day the beliefs and practices surrounding
the religious festivals follow patterns established by the Church in
Colombia and are similar to those found throughout Latin America. They
include a mass, a religious procession in which statues of Jesus, Mary
and/or saints are displayed and music played by a band from the mes-
tizo village of Usenda or Silvia. Christmas, All Souls Day, San Pedro
and the festivals for the veredal Virgins involve fireworks, drinking

and dancing.

The Ofrendas and the Taita Puro Celebration

The month of November is a special one for Guambianos and inte-
grated with the All Souls Day celebration which occurs on November 2nd.
The celebration referred to by the Indians as.Lsg_Ofrendas (the offer-
ings) centers around the belief that on this day the souls of those who
are remembered return to their homes for a visit. On the night of No-
vember let a special meal is prepared for the souls and placed on a
table lit by candles. This is left out all night, and the following
morning Guambianos go to the cemetery, clean the graves of relatives,
and sprinkle some aguardiente on them. The priest, accompanied by ca-
bildo officials, leads a procession between the graves. They then'
proceed to the church where the women sit on the floor facing each
other in a circle. In front of them are pouches (jigras) filled with
potatoes, onions, and bread. On top of each jigra is a candle lit for
a particular soul.

The women sit silently while the cabildo collects cash contribu-

tions from the men of the community. Afterward, a mass is held and

313

the contents of the jigras and the money is donated to the Church. The
Indians return to their homes and a round of house visits begins. Hot
chocolate, fried wheat cakes and pieces of fried pork from freshly
killed pigs are given to all visitors. In a modified fashion these ac-
tivities continue throughout the month of November.

Almost every Saturday in November there are one or more festive
mingas. Mingas may include native music played during the walk to and
from the fields and while the men are working. Music is said to make
the spirits happy.

During the month some young men dress as White men, some as
Guambiano women, and some wear masks. They make a straw man called
"Taita Puro," put him on a mule and parade him through the reservation.
It is a big joke and a time for a great deal of kidding and clowning.
Rowe (1954:153) mentions that "To add realism, he [Taita Puro] is
dressed in old clothes and furnished with sheep's intestines filled
with water."

The costumed young men go from house to house feigning sorrow
and lamenting the inevitable fate of Taita Puro, death at the stake.

On the last day of the month Taita Puro is taken to a level hilltop,
paraded around, danced with and placed on a cross. Theyoung men'; 7
dance with one another; a Guambiano male in western clothing pairs off
with another dressed as a Guambiano female. The movements and patterns
of these dances differ from those used on other occasions. They trace.
quadrilateral outlines within which circular movements and patterns
occur. Finally, at sunset, a testament is read, Taita Puro is burned,

and the celebration continues into the night.

314

This celebration may be classified as a "ritual of status rever-

sal" (Turner 1969).

By making the low high and the high low, they reafirm
the hierarchical principle. By making the low mimic
(often to the point of caricature) the behavior of the
high, and by restraining the initiatives of the proud,
they underlie the reasonableness of everyday culturally
predictable behavior between the various estates of
society (176).

The will and testament of Taita Puro is humorous, and its contents
provide an interesting insight into some of the concerns of Guambiano
social life. I was fortunate in obtaining a copy of one while in '
Guambia in 1962. Below are several excerpts from this document.

. . . I Cornelio U. am going to distribute my in-
heritance among my children. I must do it now so
they don't end up fighting for my underpants after
I am gone. . . .

. . . For my daughter-in-law Elena, I leave this
black sheep from which she should cut wool and make
some skirts for herself. . . for my son Antonio I
leave the brown horse which is very restless and
wanders alone in the road. He must watch it care-
fully otherwise someone will rob it. . . For my
son Joaquin, I leave 300 pesos so he can marry
Clementine. . . for my son Ignacio, I leave a par-
cel of land near the cliff where he can keep his
calf fenced in so it won't be robbed by the son of
Samuel. . . for my son Jesus I leave the phonograph
and 25 records so he can dance with his wife. . .
For my son Antonio I leave 400 pesos so he can mar-
ry but if he can't find a woman he wants soon, he
should marry the daughter of Felipe H. For my son‘
Pacho C., I leave 600 pesos for him to buy a set

of dentures because without teeth he is eating the
kernels of corn whole. . . My son Juan 5., though
he is my youngest, turned out very bad. The last
time I was sick he sold everything including my
underpants. For that I leave him a pair of shoes
and no more . . . For my son Manuel Y., I leave
2000 blocks of adObe so he can pay off the debt
left by my father's parents . . . I Cornelia U.
leave you all this inheritance. GOODBYE MY CHILDREN
. . . GOODBYE FOR ALWAYS.

315

Two changes in the celebration of the November festivities should
be noted. The first is the decline in the numbers participating. In
1962 I saw several hundred peOple in church and at the Taita Puro cele-
bration. In 1966 and 1967 there were less than one hundred women in
church and only rare parading of Taita Puro. The second change is the
shifting of the burning of Taita Puro from the last day in November to
New Year's Eve. This change was encouraged by the Priest who lived in

Las Delicias during the mid-1960's.

RITUALS OF STATUS ELEVATION AND LIFE CRISIS CEREMONIES

Rituals of status elevation are ceremonies that occur as a person
moves "upward" from one social position to another. Life-crisis ritu-
als are a class of status elevation rituals which occur during criti-
cal moments of transition to publicly mark the occasion and impress
on living members of the community the significance of the individual
and the group. "These are the important times of birth, puberty, mar-
riage and death" (Warner 1959:303).

In Guambia,life crisis rituals occur on those occasions men-
tioned by Warner, with the exception that there is no puberty ceremony
for males. In addition, there are two ceremonies which may be re- A
ferred to as status elevation rituals but are of such minor signifi-
cance that they do not merit classification as life-crisis rites.
These are the first hair-cut and first cutting of fingernails.

With the exception of the female puberty ceremony, life-crisis
rituals in Guambia combine native and Catholic features. Sometimes

these are blended together as in the prayers recited until the house

316

of the deceased is "cleansed," and in others the Catholic and native
elements are separated, e.g. the church wedding and the native music
and dancing which follow. "Cleansing (decontamination, purification)"
is part of all life-crisis rituals, though more important in some than

in others.

Contamination

The notion of contamination ("dirt"--sucio) is the key concept
linking ritual behavior to their view of the supernatural world.
"Dirty blood (2333)" from a menstruating woman or from one who has
just given birth is the major source of contamination. It can endanger
other people and things that touch or come close to it. Other sources
of contamination are the spirits (or ghosts) of the dead.

Two classes of rituals are performed by specialists in dealing
with contamination. One is preventative, a prophylactic treatment;
the other a purification process. Both, however, are related to the

notion of "cleansing."

9.1521

Up till the time she is to give birth a woman works, but restric-
tions on her behavior begin an estimated forty days beforehand.2 She
is not allowed to cook, and her meals ("hot" foods) are prepared
separately. For four consecutive nights preceding the estimated day of
birth a shaman cleanses the house and the woman to keep harmful spirits
from entering her. He passes a staff of chonta (like the one used by

political officials but without the decorations) over her body four

317

times, moving it from right to left. The same procedure is repeated
with a machete and a jigra containing several herbs.

Birth can take place in any room of the house as long as it is
kept warm by a fire. The pregnant woman kneels on old clothes or sacks,
or holds on to a rope suspended from a ceiling beam. She is assisted
by other women of the household and usually a midwife (partera). Her
husband may be present and sometimes aids by holding his wife. The
umbilical cord is cut two finger lengths from the child's navel and
tied with a red ("hot") yarn. Sterilized scissors and knives are used
today to cut the umbilical cord but traditionally a special leaf was
used. They believed that the use of metal would weaken the child.

Various techniques are used to help rid the woman of the placen-
ta. The placenta is buried in a corner of the kitchen or on the patio
surrounding the house. It is wrapped in a warm cloth and covered with
ashes before being placed in the ground.

If twins are born, only one is kept; the other is given away to
a relative or a neighbor.

There is a forty-day period (ls_digps) following birth, during
which time the woman must stay at home, refrain from cooking and is
prohibited from eating certain foods. After birth, and again at the
end of the dieta, the house and inhabitants are cleansed by a shaman.

Catholic aspects of birth include a ritual baptism immediately
following birth, and a Church ceremony after the forty-day period.
.The first is performed by anyone present at the birth by sprinkling
water on the child and making the sign of the cross over him. The

second is done by the Priest in Silvia. Both baptisms are linked

318

with the compadrazgo system, but those who hold the child in church

are more important.

The First Haircut and First Nail-Cut

When a child is able to speak properly (4-6 years old), a friend
of the family is invited to cut the child's hair. The cutting is done
by a person of the same sex as the child, and a gift, usually a chicken
(also of the same sex as the child), is made by him to the child. The
mother makes a small poncho (or skirt if the child is female), and from
then on greater attention is paid to sexually appropriate clothing.

The hair, for both men and women, continues to be worn short during
adolescence and adult life.

The first nail-cutting also marks a stage of growth, and cuttings
are burned in the fire to prevent their being used by persons or spirits
wishing to harm the child. Guambianos continue to exercise care in
nail-cutting as adults, and such activities are always performed in the

house or on the adjacent patio.

Puberty3

There are no puberty rites for males, but the first menstruation
is an important event for women. In the past it was marked by a cere-
mony in which the entire vereda participated, and a special circular
straw but was constructed for the young woman. It is still significant
but neither a large fiesta nor a special house is involved.

The onset of puberty signifies the girl is able to give life,

contaminate and marry. The puberty ritual symbolizes this actuality

319

and potentiality. The basic aspects of the ritual are: four days of
isolation, a special diet featuring boiled potatoes (and in the past no
liquids of any kind), the spinning of wool and finger—knitting of four
small jigras. The stick with wool is called "child," and the Guambiano
word for the finger-knitted pouches (335) also means "scrotum."

At the end of the fourth day the mother bathes her daughter with
a preparation of herbs and water, some of which is also used to rinse
her mouth. The mother dresses the girl in new clothes, and as they
return to the kitchen she throws pepino fruits at the girl's back. In
the kitchen the girl sits far from the fire and is served soup and hot
chocolate. She puts some water in her mouth, lights some straw and
blows four times into the fire and on a potato. Later in the after-
noon pansy petals are put on her face, and the girl goes alone for a
walk outside the house. Along the path she discards the pouches and
stick with wool in four directions without looking at where they fall.
That same afternoon, before the girl takes her walk, a shaman performs
a brief cleansing ceremony. Eight days later the girl is permitted to
return to work in the fields. In the past, when festive mingas were
part of the ceremony, the young girl would sit in the doorway of her
home serving each guest two shots of aguardiente followed by two small
cups of chicha. A meal and dance followed.

The ritual activity and symbolism of the items used in the
ceremony reflect the importance of this change for the girl and her
family. She has new powers, a new social position and new responsi-
bilities. Her family, especially her mother, must see to it she

behaves appropriately.

320

Confirmation

 

A Catholic ritual of confirmation has recently been introduced on
a large scale through the schools. It follows Catholic tradition and
is loosely tied to the compadrazgo system. Both boys and girls partici-

pate in the ceremony.

Marriage

Marriage is more a secular and social event than a religious one.
There are, nevertheless, a number of ritual aspects related to the
"status elevation" of the participants, and these revea. a great deal
about the structure of social life in Guambia.

To begin with, more than status elevation is involved. Marriage
unites the couple and incorporates the bride into her husband's family
and residential group. Though the bride's ties to her family of orien-
tation are by no means completely severed, there is a qualitative shift
in authority and rights to her services to her husband and his family.
The secular and ritual aspects of the marriage ceremony reflect this
structural change. In fact, since the female's procreative powers have
already been socially acknowledged in the puberty ceremony, one might
argue that for her the "lateral" rather than "upward" movement is the
crucial one in marriage.

The entire wedding ceremony is organized and paid for by the
family of the husband. The young man's father normally absorbs the
bulk of the cost, but elder brothers, grandparents, aunts, uncles and
other relatives usually contribute something. The persons assisting

are generally patrilateral kinsmen living in a single residential

321

cluster. They are responsible for selecting the padrinos, organizing
the minga, preparing the food, and are the major participants in the

wedding feast and marriage dance. The major part of the affair takes
place in the house owned by the bridegroom's father. Members of the

bride's immediate family do not normally participate in any of these

events.

Weddings are expensive. If an animal is killed the cost at
today's rate of exchange may run as high as 200 dollars (4000 pesos),
although 150 dollars is closer to the average. Once the economics of
the event are worked out and the padrinos selected, a date is set for
the wedding and the Priest in Silvia is informed. Several weeks pass,
and the day before the wedding, usually a Friday afternoon, a small
wedding party made up of the bride and bridegroom, the bridegroom's
parents, the padrinos and others4 go to Silvia. This group marches
down the hill single-file with the bridegroom's father leading the way,
all the men walking in front of the women, and the wedding couple in
the middle. Today some go by bus. In Silvia they visit the priest,
confess, and pay for the wedding service.

They arise early the next morning. The bride, bridegroom and
padrinos put on special wedding clothing. The men wear white ponchos
with blue stripes, and the women wear white skirts (also with blue
stripes), red mantas and a special wedding hat. In addition the women
wear 8-12 kilos of beads and up to fifty silver crosses. At 6:30 AM
the couple are married in a brief church ceremony. They return to the
house where they spent the night, breakfast, and by 10:00 or 11:00 the

first of the two wedding tables is set up. The events which follow

322

express the complementary themes of accompaniment and equality in their
fullest sense. They are underscored by a ritual show of humility and
deference by the bride and bridegroom.

On the table are bottles of aguardiente, wine, a pot of chicha,
a plate of cigarettes and one of cookies. Some alcoholic beverages
displayed on the table are gifts from others in the wedding party.

The couple are flanked by the padrino and madrina, with men
seated to the right of the women. Everyone in the party passes by the
table (from the male side to the female side) and receives two shots of
aguardiente from the first man (either the boy's father or another male
meder of the wedding party) and, ideally, one from the padrino, bride-
groom, bride and madrina, in that order. Relatives and close friends
often receive an extra drink or two. After drinking, each person takes
a cigarette and cookie.

When members of the wedding party have finished, two men are
posted at the entrance to the house. They invite all Guambianos and
"friendly" Silvianos to accompany the couple at the table. No Guambiano,
male or female, passes without being made to enter and visit the table.

Late in the afternoon, ideally accompanied by flute and drum
music, the wedding party makes its way back to the house. If the bride's
home is on the way, the padrino may make a brief stop and offer his new
compadres something to drink. Normally, they just proceed to the house
where a special wedding meal is consumed.

While the events described above are taking place it is common
for the bridegroom's father to sponsor a large minga which is super-

vised by his brother or other male relative. These mingas are attended

323

from 15 to 100 or more men. While the men are in the fields, the women
clean the vegetables (onions, corn, potatoes) and do the cooking. The
men kill the animal and cut the meat into little pieces with their
machetes.

Everyone eats and rests for several hours. About 9:00 PM the
musicians begin playing and guests begin to arrive. Anyone who wishes
to may attend the party. Everyone who comes is given coffee, bread and
a bowl of food. Several persons are assigned the responsibility of
making sure no one is left out--even if one wants to be. By 11:00 PM
the couple and the padrinos, still dressed in their wedding costumes,
go outside the house, wait at the door and, after being blessed by the
bride's father, enter and take their places at a table similar to the
one set up in Silvia. Again, everyone who is there including young
adolescents must pass by the table to receive the drinks, cigarettes
and cookies. Frequently those who attend bring gifts of aguardiente
and leave them on the table as they pass by.

Outside the house vendors sell bottles of aguardiente, usually
the home-made type. The flute and drum music continues, and occasion-
ally another group of musicians playing guitars, tiples and mandolins
are in an adjacent room entertaining. Young boys, and men when they
get drunk, begin dancing with each other. The girls and women line the
sides of the room which is lit by a Coleman lantern. The room is
crowded, hot, smoke filled, noisy, and literally throbs to the sounds
of the native music.

Between 3:00 and 5:00 AM the padrino decides it is time to begin

the wedding dance. The major participants are the couple and the

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padrinos, though they are usually accompanied by others from the wedding
party. With lighted candles in their right hands the men and women

form lines facing each other. The dance begins with a forward step
with the right foot. They approach each other and fall back four times.
Then they dance in separate lines with the men using a modified box

step and the women shuffling their feet in a circular pattern. Other
features of the dance include interlocking clockwise circles (like a
do-se-do in square dancing) and changing sides. There are rest periods,
and four separate dances (piezas) must be completed. In two of these
the bridegroom faces his wife, and in the other two he faces his madrina;
the opposite pattern holds for the bride and her padrino.

After the fourth dance the couple, the bridegroom's parents and
several others from the wedding party go to a bedroom. Here the pa-
drino lectures the couple on their responsibilities towards each other
and to their in-laws. Following this the couple change into everyday
clothes and retire. A day or two later they make a short visit to her
parents' home where the young man assists his father-in-law in his work.

It is important to note that the state of inebriation of the
participants sometimes affects the events. I have been at one wedding
and have heard about others where the dance did not take place. If the
padrino is too drunk to give advice (consejos) to the couple after the
dance, it is done within the next few days. Also, the proceedings are
often punctuated by fist fights among the male guests. 0f the ten or
more weddings I have attended, none passed without at least one scuffle.
Few are seriously injured, however, which may be attributed to the lack

of coordination resulting from the high level of alcoholic consumption.

325

2252

Death in Guambia is a sad and serious event. To be carried out
properly, mortuary ceremonies require the participation of relatives,
fictive kin, neighbors and friends of the deceased and his survivors.
Prom five to nine days of concentrated activity follow death, and one
month passes before the spiritual danger passes. Catholic and indig-
enous beliefs and rites are involved. The Catholic aspects include a
mass, a cemetery burial, symbolism of the crucifix, prayers, and a
four to nine day wake. Native elements include: two spirits (souls)
of the deceased, food and behavioral taboos, contamination, purifica-
tion, the use of diviners and a pair of shamans.

The family normally know in advance that one of their members
is going to die. They are informed of this by the person trying to
effect a cure. If they doubt his judgment they will consult a diviner.
A coffin and a White man's suit or shroud (mortaja) are purchased
beforehand in Silvia. The sooner the deceased is rid of his Guambiano
clothes the easier it is to send his spirits away.

The day the person dies a bier is brought from the chapel in the
Guambiano cemetery. The Priest is informed, and food is purchased.
That night the deceased is dressed and put in a coffin, crucifix in
hand, and laid to rest in the main room (gglg) of the house. The head
is placed away from.the door, and a small altar is constructed behind
him. On the altar are personal pictures, images of saints, identifica-
tion cards, a cross, and some food and drink.

Family and neighbors arrive to help prepare the food, an activity

now prohibited for the inhabitants of the household. They bring gifts

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of food, firewood and cash (one or two pesos). Most women help in the
kitchen and the men sit in the room with the deceased. Large candles

brought by the ahijados are placed around the bier, and the rezanderos
pray for the deceased.

The next morning a mass is held in the school in Las Delicias
(or, rarely, Silvia), and the group led by the dead man's family pro-
ceeds to the cemetery. For an additional contribution the Priest will
accompany the procession to the cemetery, and for the largest funerals
part of the band from Silvia also attends. Small funerals are attended
by about thirty people, and the larger ones involve more than one
hundred.

If a child dies, then only the members of the immediate family
and the padrinos attend. The dead child is referred to as an angelito
(little angel) and is believed to escape "burning" in Puracé (the
Guambiano hell), In the past the death of a child was followed by a
dance in which members of the family passed it among them as they moved.

The deceased is placed in a lateral shaft grave or, more common
today, in a Spanish-style cement tomb (b6veda). The head of the person
faces north. When the body is placed in the grave the women of the
family wail briefly, and after several minutes aguardiente and ciga-
rettes are distributed. A period of mourning follows during which the
survivors are prohibited from performing their normal activities.
Prayers are said each night for a period ranging from four to nine days.

The above activities are carried out in a rather perfunctory
manner. The concern manifested is related to the organizational and

economic aspects of the event. The anxiety and tension generated by a

327

death in the family center more around the activities of the soul of

the deceased and the ritual purification which follows the mourning

period.

The Souls of the Deceased

 

The Guambianos believe a person has two souls, a mggig_ (a life-
giving force) and a pirrmisig (sun spirit, shadow of the sun, or ggmbrg
Igg_ggll, Ritual activities following death are related to the dangerous
powers of the souls and ultimately getting them to leave the world of
the living.

While a person is alive the misig may temporarily depart the
body, usually in sickness, sleep or in sexual activity. Dreams are
often interpreted as the experiences of the misig when it is outside
the body, and illness may likewise be attributed to such departures.

The misig is the more powerful of the two souls.

After death the misig is referred to as the kwabmisig (dead soul,
also kwabiguay) and is transformed into a moth or white or yellow fire-
fly. These are dangerous to humans and may cause illness or death by
attracting the souls of the living. Such creatures are always killed
by Guambianos and thrown into the kitchen fire. The kwabmisig is the
soul which goes to burn in the volcano of Puracé and later joins the
souls of other Guambianos.

The pirrmisig (sun soul) keeps its human form after death and
may appear to others as a ghost. This is the spirit referred to earlier
as the kwaymansig (pirrmisig+death+kwaymansig) who may frighten others,

causing them to become sick or even die.

328

The ritual activities described below are used to cleanse the

house, possessions and family from the dangerous powers of these souls.

The Cleansing Ceremony

 

Contacting a Diviner. This may be the same person who determined
the illness was to be fatal. The diviner suggests which shaman should
be contacted to perform the first of two cleansing rituals.

Contactigg the Shaman. During the week of mourning a male member
of the deceased's family visits the house of a shaman. He brings a 7
small gift of money, aguardiente, cocaine and cigars, and explains to
the shaman the circumstances surrounding death. The shaman gives him
an estimate of the items needed by him and his assistant. For example:
three liters of aguardiente, ten hugggg (literally, egg-size) of co-
caine leaves, ten cigars, a package of cigarettes and thirty-five pesos.

Preparing for the Shaman. All the old clothes, blankets, the
stool and bed of the dead person are put in one pile. Newer items of
clothing, tools, plates and other articles in good condition are put
in another pile. When the shaman arrives these are put outside the
house. Food and drink are prepared for those who are expected to
accompany the cleansing ceremony. .

Arrival o_f Es Shamans. On the designated night the shaman and
his assistant arrive at the house. They are given a specially knitted
jigra with a small amount of the items requested. They drink and begin
masticating the cocaine, and inspect the house and the surroundings.

A black staff (baggfldg.chonta) used to "capture" the kwabmisig is

located outside the front left corner of the house.5

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Capturing_the Spirit (kwabmisig). The two shamans drink, masti-
cate and smoke for an hour or more, spending most of their time near
the staff. Labor for the ceremony is divided between the chief shaman
(muerivig) who captures the spirit and purifies the house and family,
and the assistant (miribig) who is mostly responsible for divination.
The miribig is the "one who feels," and it is this man who receives
the signs (Egggg) used to determine the scheduling of events and whether
an activity has been successful or must be repeated. A movement in the
right foot means the ritual action will be effective and may begin. A
feeling in the left foot means the shamans do not have enough power
to capture the spirit and more cocaine and aguardiente must be con-
sumed. The miribig also works with the muerivig in other aspects of
the ceremony.

Both shamans masticate, drink and blow (ggplg) mouthfuls of the
mixture towards the sky. When the time is right, the shamans, accom-
panied by a member of the deceased's family, proceed along the paths
frequented by the dead man, and to his fields. They "sweep" the trails
with branches of a thorny bush and a machete, blowing mouthfuls of
aguardiente and cocaine along the way. After several hours in the paths
and fields, they return to the house and continue the pattern of
earlier activities.

Between 2:00 AM and 4:00 AM the dead person's family, including
the remaining spouse, all primary kin and household members, sit on the
front patio. The surviving spouse sits on the far left (closest to
the chonta rod), and the others are arranged by sex and age: women to

the right, men to the left, youngest child to the right in each sex

330

groupings. The principle of age and sex positioning in this ceremony
is the reverse of that used in the marriage rituals.

The principal shaman (muerivig), his mouth filled with aguardien-
te and cocaine, goes first to the kitchen (normally located on the right
side of the house) and with the thorny branches and machete sweeps and
blows his way around the room in a counterclockwise pattern (the re-
verse of the pattern exhibited in the marriage dance).l This is repeated
in each room moving from the right side of the house to the left. The
activity terminates at the chonta rod at the left corner of the house..
He then goes to the patio and blows four times into the head of eaCh
person, moving from behind the youngest female child on the right to
the surviving spouse (or household head) on the left. The piles of Old
and new possessions are also cleansed.

These actions are repeated a second time and end with the burning
of the pile of old clothes, bed and stool. The goal of these activities.
is to frighten the kwabmisig from people and places he may be lingering
near and to get him to accompany the EEEEHQSHSEQEEEr The dead soul is
believed to be afraid of the branches and machete and thus is swept
towards the rod. If squeaky noises are heard in the house the'spirit I.
is said to be there and abrief_search for other items takes place.

The diviner is consulted again, and when he indicates the kweb-
misig is by the bare, then the house and itsmembers are "refreshed." I
The chief shaman goes from room to room sprinkling a mixture of water,
ground corn and herbs on things and people. Sometimes the members of
the family are washed with this mixture. This part of the ceremony is

also performed twice.

331

Though the above procedures are more or less standard, each
shaman has his own special modifications and additions. Each of the
eight house cleansings I attended was slightly different from the
others. After this ceremony, which ends at dawn, the members of the
family can return to the normal round of activities.

The Second Cleansing, Several weeks after the first cleansing
and refreshing, a diviner is consulted to determine if the first was
effective and who should do it the second time. If there have been no
strange events, illnesses or noises since the first cleansing, then the
same shamans are usually invited to return. Procedures used during the‘
first ceremony are repeated, but attendance is generally limited to the
immediate family and household members. The goal of this ceremony is
to get rid of the other soul, the pirrmisig (sun soul, shadow). After
this ceremony the family may use the items, fields and animals left by

the dead man.

CURING, DIVINATION, WITCHCRAFT AND SORCERY

Many aspects of curing follow the procedures outlined above.inl
the house cleansing ceremony. The most recurrent ritual is the clean-'
sing of a woman, her family and the house on the fourth.dayxafter"
menstrual blood begins to flow. Only one shaman is needed for this
ritual which takes less than a half hour to complete.

Divination occurs whenever a person becomes ill. Once the cause
is determined, a curer is contacted, though some diviners.can also cure.
The range of curing practices is varied and techniques are learned from

many sources including pharmacists in Silvia, shamans (Guambianos and

332

others), books, and dreams. Some curers are herb specialists, others
use massaging techniques, and some use antibiotic drugs and administer
injections.

While most curers work to help people, Guambianos are suspicious
of anyone who has a special relationship to the supernatural, and some
of them are considered powerful enough to perform black magic or sor-
cery. The category of "sorcerer" is a rather ambiguous one, since it
is true--figuratively and literally--that one man's soup is another
man's poison. The technique employed by these sorcerers is a branch
of "sympathetic magic" referred to by Frazer (1911-15) as "contagious
magic." According to this principle of "Law of Contact or Contagion"
the magician

. . . infers that whatever he does to a material
object will affect equally the person with whom
the object was in contact, whether it formed part
of his body or not.

Accusations of witchcraft and sorcery are not unusual in Guambia,
and the cabildo is often brought in to deal with these cases. Accusa-
tions and magic of this type are, with rare exceptions, among members
of an extended family and/or in-laws. Sorcery is a serious matter,
and an individual who believes or is told by a diviner that he is the
object of such action must contact another shaman to employ counter-
sorcery. Few Guambiano shamans, however, are believed powerful (or
malicious) enough to be effective in the black arts, and outside
shamans, usually from the neighboring Péez tribe, are called on when
such services are desired. These outside sorcerers are greatly feared

by Guambianos. They are also used to clean the houses of powerful men

(e.g. ex-governors and shamans) who have died.

333

STABILITY AND CHANGE IN MEDICAL PRACTICES

The Guambianos' relationship to western medicine and curing prac-
tices involves a set of problems and solutions that have implications
for understanding stability and change. In 1961 a hospital was built
in Silvia and carried out a program of preventive and curative medicine
in conjunction with the Division of Indian Affairs. Doctors and nurses
visited the reservation on an intermittent basis. Services of the hos-
pital were also made available to the Indians. In spite of the lack of
continuity in personnel and rural visits, many Guambianos were helped
by these trained medical technicians. Attitudes towards western medi-
cine began to change, and pills and injections were accepted as part
of the inventory of "things that can cure." They have by no means
replaced traditional medical practices, and consultation with doctors
in Silvia was no more frequent in 1971 than it was in 1963; it has, in
fact, declined. White doctors and hospitals are still a last resort
even among those who are change-oriented in other areas of life. There
are several reasons for this.

One reason is that since the early 1960's several Guambianos have
learned to diagnose common illnesses and administer antibiotic pills
and injections. One Guambiano received six months of training in the
hospital in Popayan, another in the army, and a third did his initial
learning with a pharmacist in Silvia and then had some "post-graduate
work" with a respected shaman in the Cauca Valley. Another factor is
the activity of two missionary-linguists who spend much of their time
administering drugs to the sick. One of these has gone completely na-

tive and wears Guambiano clothing. A third factor is the expense of

334

going .to doctors. Though consultation in the clinic in Silvia is free,
the cost of medicine is expensive compared with the herbal treatments
used by native shamans.

The major reason for the failure of the western medical system,
including its technical personnel, to displace native methods and
cursrs is, however, part of a larger context. Like other changes
whid: have occurred in Guanbiano society, western medicine is either
added on to and/or syncretissd with the traditional system. Thereason
for this was succinctly stated by a Guambiano cursr to one of my stu-
dents in the Spring of 1971: he said, "The White man doesn't M what

his medicine can't £13!"

1.

3.

4.

5.

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NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII

Esperanza Carvajal and Margret Howes were especially helpful in
assisting in the collection of information about this aspect of
Guambiano life. My observations were limited to two births and
three focused interviews.

The reference to periods of time before birth reflects the ideal
number of days which are calculated by a diviner. The important
factor is that there are at least four days to allow for the
proper number of rituals to be performed.

'Margrst Howes assisted me in the collection of data about this
area of life.

Persons normally accompanying the wedding party in addition to
those already listed are: siblings and padrinos of the bride-
groom's father; a few of the bridegroom's siblings; the padrino
of the padrino; and godchildren (of marriages) of both the
father and the padrino.

All directions are from the perspective of someone inside the
house looking towards the main entrance.

IX. DEVELOPMENT IN GUAMBIA

Throughout this thesis I have described changes in various
aspects of Guambiano society and culture. Mentioned on several oc-
casions was the fact that with an increasing population land previously
available for the asking became a scarce and costly resource. The
potentially disruptive pressures of a diminishing land base have been
mitigated by a variety of developments during the past ten to twenty
years. Improved agricultural technology has improved crop production.
The nutritional needs of Colombia's growing urban population has driven
up the price of agricultural and animal products. The increase in
educational opportunities for Guambianos both on and off the reserve-
tion has given many the background needed to cope with the surrounding
White community. And there is the transistor radio which has contrib-
uted to bilingual skills of most Guambianos today.

No single development, however, has had a greater impact both
in terms of the Guambianos' relation with the larger society and,
internally, in terms of the relationship of groups and political con-
flict than the construction of all-weather roads to the veredas of
Cacique and Pueblito.

To briefly recapitulate the major changes in Guambia during the
past ten years which directly or indirectly are related to the roads,
there are:

-tha purchase of buses by several Guambiano families;

-direct bus service from the reservation to Silvia and other

regional markets: the increased flow of geods to these
markets;

336

337

-higher prices for their products;

-more accurate information about market value of goods and
price fluctuations;

-an increased number of Guambianos serving as middlemen in the
marketing process;

-an increased number of Guambianos purchasing coffee farms in
the neighboring lowland region (though using them mostly on
a seasonal basis);

-employment with government agencies (mostly as workers on
roads).

This chapter is not, however, about the economic aspects of the
roads, nor about their impact on family and religious life. It is
about the events which led to the building of the road and the effects
of its construction on reservation politics. It is an attempt to shed
light on.ghz_events happened the way they did. Central to the analysis
are descriptions of the people and groups involved in making the de-
cisions, the factors they considered, and the outcome of the choices.
The information includes reference to intentions and reasons motivating
the actors, as well as the dispositions which characterize Guambianos
in certain kinds of situations. Insofar as social groups and cultural
norms are part of the analysis, it is their relationship to the goals
of the actors in the political field generated by the "problem" of the
road that I am concerned with. It is, in short, a study of the
politics of the roads in Guambia.

The study of politics, . . . is the study of the processes
involved in determining and implementing public goals and
in the differential achievement and use of power by meme

bers of the group concerned with those goals. (Swartz,
Turner and Tuden 1966-7. Italics his.)

338

This chapter differs not only in content from the preceding ones
but also in method, scope and structure. The first part is a variation
of the "extended-case method" (Gluckman 1961), also referred to as
"situational analysis" (Van Velsen 1964, 1967). Though I do not adopt
his framework, Turner's (1957) notion of "social drama" and his use of
sequential case studies have influenced my manner of presentation. In
addition, Kenneth Burke's (1945) concept of the "dramatic act" which
includes reference to act, scene, agent, agency and purpose, was used
in organizing the material.

The case study may also be viewed as an illustration of the
"community development" process. In the second section of the Chapter
I consider the implications of the events described, together with
other material, in order to examine some of the fundamental principles
of community development.

I call this a case study in "development" rather than "change"
because the construction of the road was, and still is, part of
deliberate effort by employees of national and international agencies
to implement a planned program of social action among the Guambiano

tribe.

PART I: THE ROAD: A CASE STUDY

THE POLITICAL BACKGROUND
Swartz (1968:6-18) in a discussion of "local-level" politics
presents a set of operational definitions for "field" and "arena."

Though his suggestions for a clarification of the terms are still open

339

to discussion and debate, I shall adOpt his definition of them in the
presentation of the case study.

A field is defined by the 'interest and involvement

of the participants' in the processes being studied

and its contents include the values, meanings, re-

sources, and relationships employed by those part-

icipants in that process (pp. 9).

The justification for the additional concept of "arena" is that
it focuses attention on a social and cultural area which, though not
immediately part of a political field, is "adjacent" to it and conse-
quently establishes a more total context within which activities in the
field may be examined. The arena depends:

upon relations with participants in the field but it
includes more than the field. In addition to the
actors who populate it, the arena also contains the
repertory of values, meanings, and resources these
actors possess, together with the relationships

among them and with the members of the field. Values,
meanings, and resources possessed by the field part-
icipants but not employed by them in the processes

which constitute the field are also part of the term
(pp. 9).

All the actors in the case may be viewed as having a political
status whether they are Indians or outsiders. All the outsiders in-
volved in the case are part of a governmental structure and are thus
referred to as "officials," "agents" or "development workers." Within
the Guambiano community I distinguish members of the cabildo (political

officials)from the interesados also referred to as "leaders." The

 

latter occupy a political status but are not political officials.

The Establishment of the Andean Mission Program in Silvia
During the early 1950's the Technical Assistance Board of the

united Nations organized a special mission to deal with the problems of

340

integration of "tribal" and "semi-tribal" populations into their respec-
tive national communities. The aim was to develop a program for "inte-
grating" Indian communities of the Andean countries without having them
experience the loss of indigenous beliefs and customs which occurs when
such communities are "assimilated" into the larger society (Rena 1961:
10). By the middle of the decade the Andean Mission was established

as part of the International Labor Organization (ILO) with programs in
Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia--but not in Colombia.

In 1955 several educational and political leaders in the Depart-
ment of Cauca asked the Colombian government to take preliminary steps
to have the Andean Mission program extended to Colombia (Geneva 1959).
Among the persons making the request were Julio Cesar cubillos and
Gregorio Hernandez de Alba, both anthropologists, the latter having
done field work among the Guambiano and Péez Indians (Hernandez de
Alba 1946; with Tumiflé: 1949). Both were concerned that without better
government protection the Indians in Colombia would continue to undergo
a process of cultural loss and impoverishment. They were especially
interested in groups living on reservations in Cauca and protecting'
their reservation status during a period of development and integra-
tion.

In 1955 and again in 1956 a U. N.--I. L. 0. commission visited
Colombia and surveyed the Indian situation in Cauca. They filed a
report with the Colombian Government with recommendations for a program
of Indian integration. The President of Colombia.was then General Rojas
Pinilla who has been described "as one of the most savage, venal, and

altogether incompetent administrators in the history of the nation"

341

(Herring 1961:519). He took no action on the commission's recommen-

dations.

In 1957 Rojas was thrown out of office and the following year

Alberto Lleras Camargo, a reform oriented President was elected and

installed in office. To take responsibility for Indian Affairs of the

Nation President Lleras appointed an old friend and neighbor, Gregorio

Hernandez de Alba. Even before Lleras took office the U. N. was asked

to resume consideration of Colombia's request, and within two months

of his assumption of the Presidency the Andean commission was back in

Colombia preparing a program of development for the Cauca region.

commission found:

. . . that while the 60,000 indigenous rural popula-
tion of Cauca possessed, on the whole, sufficient
fertile land suitable for agriculture and pasture,
their low standard of living, primitive methods of
work and lack of technical knowledge were an obstacle
for the development of the region and for the imple-
mentation of national development and rehabilitation

plans (Memorandum on the Andean Indian Programme
1959:9).

The

The commission noted that the most immediate need was for the

construction of primary and secondary roads in the regions inhabited

by Indians in Cauca. The report states:

A precondition of the application of a program of
rehabilitation of the Indian reservations is the
improvement of the system of roads in the Cauca
region (Geneva 1959:23. My translation).

After listing the major roads needed the report adds:

This system of roads must be completed by means of
access roads to the reservations . . . in many cases
it will be sufficient to stimulate the Indians' own
initiative, who with minimal technical orientation
demonstrate excellent aptitude for this class of
work (Ibid:23-24. My translation).

342

In addition the report recommends that the first rural center be
established in the Municipality of Silvia (Ibig;29).

Hernandez de Alba requested that they include in the report a
recommendation for upgrading the administrative level of the Chief of
Reservations. Though the report does not specify such action (it would
have been undiplomatic) it implies that close coordination with the
Ministry of Government is needed and in their conversations with the
President made such a recommendation (Hernandez de Alba 1966).

President Lleras agreed to the change, and Hernéndez de Alba
became the first director of the Division of Indian Affairs organized
directly under the Ministry of Government (Decreto No. 1634 de 1960,
Julie 11). This was an important shift since the Ministry of Govern-
ment is the most powerful political branch of the government and all
Department Governors are appointed through this office. Lleras organ-
ized all local level development programs through this Ministry, and
sufficient budgetary support was provided to implement the Indian
development program in Cauca.

In 1960 a regional coordinating office was opened in Popayén.

In addition to Colombian officials a U.N. expert from Ecuador was
assigned to assist in program development and implementation. The U.N.
official, Gonzalo Pesantez-Reinoso is the most informed, competent and
diplomatic development agent I have ever observed. His influence

both with Colombian agencies and Indian leaders was great, and his
participation in the program a crucial element in both initiating and

sustaining the road building program during its early years.

343

In 1962 a rural commission was established in Silvia and began
providing a wide range of legal and technical services to reservations
in the municipalities of Silvia, Totor6 and Jamba16. The employees
included:

-A Commission Chief, Luis Alfredo Torres, who had a law
background;

-a doctor;

-a social worker (mejoradoraldg_hogar);

 

-a health worker (educadora sanitaria);

-an agricultural extension agent (préctico agricola) and;

-a manual trades specialist (carpentry and bricklaying).

Six months after the commission began operations in Silvia, Albert
Wahrhaftig (a graduate student in anthropology) and I, both Peace Corps
Volunteers, requested and received reassignment to work in this program.
Our job was to work with the Indians on "community development" projects

and shortly after our arrival we were involved in the road program.

THE ELECTION OF A GOVERNOR FROM CACIQUE

During their planning visits to Guambia in 1961, the U. N. official
and his Colombian counterpart met with leaders and cabildo officials'
from various sections of the reservation. Among the things they mentioned
as major elements of their program were the introduction of "democratic
elections" using paper ballots and the construction of access roads.
The system of paper ballots, they said, was to educate the community in
the process of voting so they would be better prepared to participate
in national elections and to protect Indians from cabildo officials who

might use their position to get more land for themselves at the expense

344

of others. The governor at the time happened to be from one of the
most powerful political families on the reservation. His grandfather
and uncle were ex-governors, and two of his first cousins had each
served twice in that capacity.

The Indian Affairs officials also suggested that since they were
going to establish a commission in Silvia, it would be good to have an
active "progress-oriented" governor during the coming year (1962);
someone who would work hard to get the road built. The plan at the
time called for construction of a road from Las Delicias to Pueblito
and La Campana--upper veredas. As part of their program the Division
of Indian Affairs held a five-day educational program for cabildo
officials from Guambia and other neighboring reservations. Material
covered included:

-reservation law; emphasizing the prohibition on sale,

rental and mortgaging of reservation land even when the
contracted party is another Indian (by then a common
practice in Guambia);

-methods of holding democratic elections (colored paper
ballots, several polling places, boxes for depositing
ballots, etc.);

—assistance available from government agencies (health,
education, agricultural extension, equipment for road
construction), the services to be provided by the com-

mission in Silvia, and;

-development planning for each reservation with the emr
phasis placed on the need to build secondary roads.

When the time for political caucusing arrived in Guambia the
political field was quite different from what it had been in previous
years. The Indian Affairs officials and their programs were now a

very real element of Guambiano politics. It was not so much the matter

345

of elections (the political leaders in Guambia never had much trouble
persuading the community to vote for their choice of principal candi-
dates), but the road.

The political leaders in Pueblito and other upper veredas wanted
no part of the road planned for them. The upper vereda politicians were
not simply being obstinate, capricious or even against progress. They
were, for example, very much in favor of additional schools, agricultural
extension and the visits of a licensed physician. Their opposition to
the road.was based on a long history of unsatisfactory relations with
the surrounding White community. Whites stole part of their land in
the 19th century, tried to buy land from them in the 20th century,
exploited them in economic transactions, tried to get them to discard
their traditional clothing, ridiculed them in town and occasionally
stole their animals. And there were those White missionaries, the
"meestsrs" who had caused serious conflicts within their Catholic
community. The read, they claimed, would do nothing but bring more
Whites to the reservation and make it easier for them to steal from.the
Indians. They also felt that once the road was built the government
would be more likely to take away their reservation status, thus making
it possible for Whites to purchase Indian land. Some also believed
that if the reservation was divided they would lose part of their large
holdings, some of which were obtained in rather questionable trans-
actions.

In Cacique, leaders had also been contacted by Indian Affairs
officials, and a few participated in the educational program. In

contrast to the sentiments of the upper vereda leaders, the interesados

346

and most residents of Cacique were very much in favor of a road to their
vereda. Though the initial plans called for construction of a road to
Pueblito, they secured support of Indian Affairs officials for a road
to their vereda after the other was finished. This was not the first
time leaders from Cacique had adopted a position contrary to that of
the upper vereda leaders, whom they viewed as always against progress.
Just a few years before, when the Ministry of Agriculture opened an
office in Silvia, the upper vereda leaders rejected an offer of a wheat
threshing machine which was subsequently accepted by the Caciqueflos.
Among the group in Cacique who argued in favor of the road were several
Guambianos with extensive experience off the reservation (schools and
the Armed Forces). One of these was Manuel A., soon to be elected
governor. These individuals made it clear to the government officials
that even if the other areas were not interested in the road they wOuld
cooperate.

Before the political caucuses were held that year, several
things happened. First, word got to the upper veredas that the Indian
Affairs officials thought Manuel A. would make a good governor--the
kind of man they could work with. Secondly, after the five-day educa- I
tional program in which the governor, several alcaldes and the secretary
attended, it became clear that these Indian Affairs officials were
serious; a road was going to be built. This caused a bit of a dilemma
for the interesados in the upper veredas. They wanted some of the
assistance this agency promised to provide, so they needed a governor
who would cooperate with them; but they did not want one who would

support a project to build a road to their region.

347

The way out of the dilemma was to nominate Manuel A. from Cacique
as governor (principal candidate). Whether the decision was made before
the caucus in Cacique which nominated Manuel A. for the position, or
after, I have not been able to determine. When I asked leaders in the
upper veredas what occurred they stated they arrived at the decision
independently. "After all," they say, "in Guambia there are capable
persons in all veredas; anyone can serve as governor." Although when
pressed for additional comments they usually add a few disparaging
remarks about the unreliability, capriciosness and veredal chauvinism
of the Caciqueflos. They do, however, insist it was their decision.

In Cacique they say his candidacy was their idea and that his nomina-
tion by the others was the result of their influence.

When the final meeting for candidate selection was held in La
Campana, Manuel A. and a few interesados from Cacique were invited to
attend. He was asked if he was willing to serve as governor, and he
humbly said he was. He was nominated by some of the powerful ex-
governors and subsequently won the paper-ballot "democratic" election.
He received over 75 per cent of the votes cast in La Campana, Cacique,
El Salado and Las Delicias but got less than half the votes in Pueblito.
Several leaders there, including the Guambiano sChoolteacher, had
opposed his nomination. The teacher's brother, however, was appointed
to serve as alcalde for Pueblito, and later refused to cooperate with

the governor.

Manuel AL, Governor of Guambia 1962: the Man
Manual A. was by no means a typical Guambiano. He served in the

Amazon with the Colombian Army during the 1932 dispute with Peru, and

348

along with other experiences he acquired a case of malaria. He was one
of the few men in Guambia.who did not wear Indianciothing. He had large
land holdings on the reservation and a coffee farm in the lowlands.

He was nervous, aggressive, outspoken, and tended to dominate conversa-
tions. In my talks with him while he was governor, and later when I
lived in Cacique, he continually boasted of his importance in the
community and his experiences off the reservation which had made him

a unique individual. To me, his anxiety and insecurity were his major
characteristics. He was a Guambiano, yet he was different from the
others. Like several others with extensive experience in the larger
society he had prdblems reconciling what he knew to be the Colombian's
image of an Indian with his own view of himself. Only when telling
others what to do was he sure of who he was. In Manuel A.'s case the
fact that his older brother left the reservation and became a Catholic
priest had something to do with his own feelings of inferiority and
personal ambition for wealth and prestige. Serving as governor he
could order members of the cabildo, and others, to do his bidding.

It was perfect for a man of his disposition, and he worked very
hard while in office. He was strict in enforcing moral and legal
codes, and he adjudicated twice the number of holdings as his predeces-
sor. He held frequent mingas, which were attended by as many as two
hundred men and boys, to get the road built to Cacique. Except for
the alcalde from Pueblito, those who served in the cabildo say Manuel
A. was an excellent governor. And when he died in 1967, hundreds of

Guambianos from all parts of the reservation attended the funeral.

349

THE POLITICS OF THE ROAD

As originally planned, the road was started to Pueblito. With
few exceptions, however, those assisting in the work there were from
the heavily Protestant vereda of Puente Real. As promised, and after
Wahrhaftig and I had made several visits to Popayén, the Division of
Neighborhood Roads (Caminos Vecinales) sent a bulldozer to assist in
the construction of the road. In addition, we were able to get weekend
use of dump trucks from the Department of Public Works, but only after

we had become friends with the chief's secretary.

The Road to Cacique

 

The first weekend the bulldozer was available it was used on the
section of the road to Pueblito. But when I arrived in Guambia the
following weekend it had moved to the road which had already been
started to Cacique. What apparently happened was that during the week
Manuel A. in his capacity as governor of the reservation told (and
probably bribed) the bulldozer operator that work on the road to Caci-
que was further advanced and that the machine was needed there. For
several months it was used, when available, in Cacique. By December
of 1962 almost three kilometers of road were completed and it was
within 100 meters of the school in the center of the vereda. Most of
the work had 22£_been done by the bulldozer but by the Indians during

Saturday mingas ordered by the governor.

Factionalism in the Upper Veredas
Most of the interesados in the upper veredas were content the

road was being built to Cacique and not to their region. There were

350

several persons, including an ex-alcalde who represented Pueblito in
the previous cabildo, who, in spite of the unpopularity of their posi-
tion, wanted a road to the upper section. When they saw that was oc-
curring in Cacique and that bulldozers and dump trucks were being used
they began recruiting workers for the road. And they did this over the
protests of the alcalde and other leaders who still refused to cooper-
ate. A new faction in the upper veredas crystallized around this ex-
alcalde who also had the support of several of the local alguaciles.
The alcalde in Pueblito was not a very popular or respected official
and not able to interfere much with the activities of the emergent fac-
tion in his vereda. When the road to Cacique was almost complete the
dissident group in Pueblito was able to get occasional use of the
bulldozer.

The motives of the faction leader in Pueblito were not completely
altruistic. He was a man who loved machines. He bought a threshing
machine on his own when leaders there had rejected the Ministry of
Agriculture's offer. He also had a large pedal—driven loom, and when
Pueblito got electric power he bought a movie projector. This ex-

alcalde had visions not only of the road but of owning a bus.

Continued Opposition to the Pueblito Road: 1963-1965
The course of events described above had several effects on polit~
ical activity in Guambia during the years following. To begin with,
the Caciquefios had their road, but they also owed a political debt to
the anti-road faction in the upper section who had nominated and

supported the candidacy of Manuel A. The leaders in the upper veredas

351

could count on the support from Cacique but they had to do something
to reduce the split in Pueblito and prevent the continuation of work
on the road. Their solution was to nominate a governor from Pueblito
who was opposed to the road but who also had political experience and
the respect of the community. Work on the road to Pueblito continued
at a snail's pace and only to complete the part already started to the
bridge in Puente Real.

In spite of the efforts of the faction in Pueblito who wanted
the road, oppositon of most upper vereda leaders continued. The follow-
ing year the son-in-law of the most powerful upper-vereda leader was
nominated and elected to office (again with support from Caciqueflos),
and though several years later he was to buy a bus, he too maintained
an antiroad policy. This was in 1965.

When I returned to the reservation in July of 1966, which was
almost four years after the road to Pueblito had been started, only
the section to the bridge was complete. Attitudes towards the project,

however, had begun to change.

The Road to Pueblito

By 1966 opposition to continuing the road to Pueblito had waned
substantially, even among those leaders who had been its vigorous
opponents. The efforts of the pro-road faction in the upper veredas
were partially responsible, but more important was what they saw
happening in Cacique, or rather, what was not happening. The fears of
hordes of Whites coming to rob them, and of the government using the

road as a pretext for elimination of the reservation, turned out to

352

be groundless. And in 1966 legal title to the reservation was obtained,
which meant that division could only take place if a majority of the
inhabitants voted for it. In addition, Guambianos, who used buses to
travel to their lowland fincas and to market their products in other
municipalities, liked the convenience. There was also an economic
factor. Transporting large sacks of produce by bus is cheaper and
eliminates the need of owning and/or renting horses and mules. Thus

by mid-1966 what had once been vigorous opposition gave way to active
support--not in all cases, but among most residents.

Large mingas were organized in the upper veredas and requests
for government assistance renewed and received. CARE, which assisted
in the early phase of construction, provided picks, shovels, wheelbarrows
and food packages. The Division of Neighborhood Roads provided earth-
moving equipment, technical assistance and cement for bridge construc-
tion. The Peace Corps sent in civil engineers to complete the survey-
ing for the road. By 1968 several kilometers had been added and the
road reached Pefia de Corazén. By 1969 it extended to Pueblito, and in
1971 an alldweather road was completed to La Campana, and there was
talk of extending it an additional fifteen kilometers to join with the
national highway linking Popayén and Inza (also part of the 1958 United

Nations development program).

_anflict with Cacique
There is more to the story, however. While all the road building
continued in the upper veredas, the leaders in Cacique became concerned

and a bit jealous of the attention and funds directed towards this area.

353

They wanted to widen and extend their road. Besides, in the early 60's
they had talked with upper vereda leaders about rotating the governor-
ship. Their disenchantment began to manifest itself in 1966 when they
tried to prevent the nomination of the man preferred by the upper vereda
leaders. They were unsuccessful in this, but in the election were able
to obtain the votes necessary to elect the suplente--on1y the second
time this had happened in Guambia. They refused to support the princi—
pal candidate again in 1967 but did not get the votes needed to secure
his defeat.

From the point of view of the leaders in the upper veredas, their
experience with Manual A. was sufficient to confirm their suspicions and
fears about leaders from Cacique. Though he had done his job well he
had not consulted with them and had focused his attention on Cacique.
When settling disputes in their region he had gone by the book and was
not influenced by the prestige and political service of those involved
in the cases. Besides, some now blamed him for ng£_working actively to
get the road to Pueblito!

Even more important to their stand against another governor from
Cacique was the fact that several leaders there were working actively
with the Colombian Institute of Agrarian Reform (INCORA). To the
leaders in the upper veredas INCORA was anathema; they would sooner
sell their souls to the devil than cooperate with this agency. They had
no doubt that if a governor from Cacique was elected he would cooperate

with INCORA and the reservation would be divided.

354

A Political Compromise: 1968-1970.

 

The problems with the leaders from Cacique had to be worked out
diplomatically. They could not afford to alienate leaders there and
risk having a governor from Cacique legally elected. Their request to
leaders in Cacique was essentially that Cacique already had its road,
and until theirs was finished it was necessary for them to maintain the
governorship. This was acknowledged by the leaders in Cacique who
agreed to support their nominations on the condition they were consulted
in the selection process. This was agreed to, and in 1968, 1969 and
1970 the men chosen as principal candidates were all relatively young
(between 32 and 40 years old), active, and worked hard to complete the
road. All received full support from Caciquefios in the balloting for
governor. They attended to the political affairs in Cacique, and since
members of the vereda were still divided in their views of INCORA, the
failure of these men to support the pro-INCORA faction did not have a

damaging effect on their ability to deal with other matters.

The Reservation Divides. . .and Unites(?)

 

By 1971, however, completion of the road was no longer an issue.
Leaders in the upper veredas, without the support of the interesados in
Cacique, nominated and elected an older man with little political
experience and even less interest in doing the job. It was a return
to the "old politics" and a display of raw power by interesados in
the upper section who had much control over the governors' actions.

In sharp contrast to the wealthy, insecure, bland governor,

was the alcalde of Cacique. Felipe C., alcalde of Cacique, though

355

very poor, was one of the most community-minded, active and intelli-
gent men in the vereda, a person who in spite of his poverty was held
in high esteem by his neighbors. He and most of the other leaders in
the vereda were angry at the way in which the election was conducted--
the upper veredas had even failed to provide Cacique with ballots and
a ballot box for the 1971 election. They were disappointed in the
governor's performance and viewed him, correctly, as a pawn of the
Guambiano schoolteacher in Pueblito.

The final crisis, a veritable camel-breaking straw, occurred
when the alcalde in Cacique accused the governor of allocating govern-
ment funds, destined for road improvement on the reservation, to the
upper section instead of dividing them between the veredas. It was a
false issue since, in fact, the money had been specifically allocated
for the Pueblito-Campana road, but it served as a pretext for a major
schism.1

The leaders from Cacique and a few neighboring veredas met and
decided to withdraw from the political community of Guambia and form a
separate cabildo. On May 30, 1971, in a meeting in the school in Las
Delicias, the motion to divide the reservation was made and approved.
Guambia Nueva (New Guambia) was formed, and Felipe C., the alcalde of
Cacique, was elected as its first governor. Veredas included in
Guambia Nueva were Cacique, Guambia El Tranal, El Salado, Juanambfi, Los
Bujios, Las Tapias, Las Delicias, and the region of Mendez. Mishambe
and San Pedro were going to be asked to join with them. Only the
intervention of a high government official from the Division of Indian

Affairs and a man well known to many of the Caciquefios prevented full

356

legalization of this action. It took him almost a full week of meetings,

and a promise of financial aid for their road, to resolve the conflict.

It is still questionable whether the reservation will continue united.

Analytical Summary

 

The development program in Guambia can be traced to the interest
of two anthropologists who wanted something done to protect the Indians
in Cauca from the loss of their reservation land and indigenous culture.
Their reasons were altruistic but not without elements of paternalism
and professional self-interest.2

The election of Lleras Camargo and his friendship with the
anthropologist Hernandez de Alba made it possible to implement a program
designed by Andean Mission officials which called for the construction
of access roads to the Indian reservations. When operations began in
Silvia road building was not a question to be decided with the Indians
but a policy to be implemented. The officials did their best to con-
vince the Guambiano leadership that the roads were essential.

The response of the Guambiano leadership was divided. One faction
was anxious to cooperate and the other, while opposed to the road and
wary of outside influence on reservation affairs, did not want to offend
those officials who were willing and seemed able to help them in other
projects. Their solution, which underscores their pragmatic approach
to politics, was to select a governor from Cacique. They were thus able
to provide a governor who would cooperate on the road building program
and, predictably, would concern himself with getting the road to his

vereda.

357

Selection of a governor from Cacique, however, intensified the
always latent factionalism within the upper veredas. Two factions
crystallized: one opposed having a governor from Cacique under any
conditions, and the other wanted the road to be built there. The
former was the stronger of the two, and one of its members was appointed
to serve as alcalde.

The construction of the road intensified the conflict among the
various regions and factions though it was the strongest among compet-
ing groups in the upper veredas. Most of the old line leadership in
the upper veredas was pleased that the road was being built to Cacique,
as were the Caciqueflos. The upper vereda faction that wanted the road
was angry at the leaders in Cacique because the original plan called
for the road to be constructed there and the Caciquefio governor had
diverted the machinery to his vereda.

Under the leadership of an ex-alcalde, and with the cooperation
of the Protestants in Puente Real, some work began on the Pueblito road.
This intensified the factionalism in the upper veredas where most
leaders were adamantly opposed to the road.

To prevent continuation of the project the interesados in the
upper veredas selected a series of governors who sharedtheir opposition
to the road. They were supported in their selection of candidates by
the leaders from Cacique, and little work was done on the road during
1963, and almost nothing in 1964 and 1965. By 1966 sentiments towards
the project had shifted, and many leaders previously against it had
changed their position. The convenience and lower transportation

costs were factors, and their fears of increased White influence and

358

robbery had not materialized. Almost the contrary. With buses to the
reservation more Guambianos were marketing produce directly.

After two elections in which the men from Cacique refused to
support the principal candidate--defeating him once-young, energetic men
were nominated as principals and won with the support of the Caciquefios.
The fact the Caciqueflos had been able to defeat the principal candidate
for 1966, and their participation in choices for the late 1960's, re-
flected the fact they had increased their power and influence in the
political system. They agreed, however, to support the upper vereda
nominees while they were still working on the road.

There was also an understanding that the governorship would ro-
tate to Cacique when the road.was completed. Upper vereda officials,
however, had no intention of returning the governorship to Cacique
while leaders there were in favor of cooperation with INCORA.

In 1970 a "Pick and Shovel" program sponsored by the Division of
Neighborhood Roads assumed major responsibility for the road which was
almost complete. If the upper vereda leaders were sincere in their
willingness to share the governorship this would have been the appro-
priate time to reconsider a candidate from Cacique. Instead, a secret
nomination meeting was held, and ballots to Cacique went undistributed
and had to be claimed by a deputy. Caciquefios were not pleased with
the new governor, and when he refused to share funds which they
believed were for the entire reservation, the Caciquefios held the
meeting to divide the reservation formally. The political field and
arena had indeed changed during the decade, and the construction of
the road was a key factor in precipitating the shifts in sentiments and

the distribution of power in Guambia.

359

PART 2: COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT: THEORY AND PRACTICE

The rules and values by which one group governs its
affairs must not create among its side effects condi-
tions that seriously interfere with the ability of
members of other groups to pursue their affairs in
accordance with their own rules and values. (Goodenough
1963:104. Italized in the text.)

The sequence of events in the road case and the individuals dis-
cussed in various sections of this thesis are used in this part to
examine views of "community development" published during the past
decade: Arensberg and Niehoff (1964); Brokensha and Hodge (1969);
Cochrane (1971); Goodenough (1963), and Foster (1962, 1969). In their
books one finds a relatively high degree of sensitivity to the problems
of community development programs and their effect on factionalism and
conflict in the client population. For example, Foster (1962:3) states:

. . . in contact situations where people are faced
with many new alternative choices, tradition and
custom do not provide all the answers. Opportunity
for disagreement is heightened, and such disagree-

ments may erupt in the form of bitter feuding between
factions.

Ward Goodenough (1963:104) notes that problems may emerge even
where attention has been given to avoiding such conflicts:

To assume that careful planning and initial accept-
ance of development proposals by several interested
groups will be alone sufficient to prevent social
conflict is to indulge in wishful thinking. Conflict
emerges as part of the development process itself and
must be anticipated as such. Develgpment agents 332:
§2£_hope £2 avoid conflict. Their prOblem‘i§_£g_learn
£2_deal with i£_wisely (my italics).

 

It would be hard to disagree with these anthropologists both with

respect to the accuracy and import of their remarks. Where I take

360

issue with them and other writers on community development is in the
practical application of their suggestions and the ethics of employ-
ing development agents from outside the community. Goodenough's
superb book is in essence directed towards the outsider as the develop-
ment agent, as is Foster's and the others.
The three points I wish to emphasize in this section are:
1. The factors involved in any particular case are too
complex and dynamic for a development agent £2,.ig
fact, "deal with it wisely."
2. Change is part of life, and individuals and commun-
ities already possess mechanisms for adjusting to
new situations and controlling individuals from

their sociepy who may have been exposed and partial-
ly socialized in an alien context.

 

3. Development agents should be members of the group
participating in the development program.

I am not saying that we should throw out the baby (the develop-
ment agent) with the bath water (poor planning and implementation) but
rather that over the past decade or two the baby has grown too big for

the bath and the water a little too murky.

THE COMPLEXITY OF EVENTS IN GUAMBIA

The case of the road in Guambia was presented in a manner which
I believed would underscore the complexities, subtleties and unintended
consequences of a development project. From the point of view of ac-
complishing the manifest goal of road construction it must be judged
a success. But its success may be attributed more to what the devel-
opment agents did not do than what they did. They did not stick to
the original plan--the road to Pueblito first--but they had nothing

to do with changing it either; that was the governor's idea.

361

Once the program started the development agents did very little
other than help get material support. After a year the Indians gener-
ally dealt directly with other government agencies. When the work on
the Pueblito section came to a virtual halt in the middle 1960's, the
development agents left it alone. Not intentionally; it was simply a
matter of having a large territory and several reservations to attend
to. The personnel were either too busy or indifferent to the project.
The Peace Corps Volunteers who replaced Wahrhaftig and myself had
little disposition to follow up our work and became involved in other
areas in different kinds of projects. In 1966 the Commission in Silvia
was transferred to another region, and from then on the Indians were
completely on their own. Had development personnel been present in
1970 and 1971 the move to divide the reservation might have been avoided,
but as I have already indicated, that too has deep roots and division
might have been a good solution to political problems on the reserva-
tion.

Would it really have been possible, even with more careful
planning and anticipation of factional conflict, for a development
agent to understand and follow the events in Guambia? Possible, yes,
but not very likely. My view is that the preparation of such personnel
is rarely adequate, and even when it is, the complexities are too subtle
and the bureaucratic demands on his time too great for him to be able
to understand, no less than do something about, the course of events
precipitated by a development program. I doubt that even the most well
trained development agent could have understood what and why certain

changes were occurring at the time. Even assuming he could, what

362

ethical basis would there be for his intervention in the internal

political affairs of a community to which he did not belong?

THE ROLE OF THE DEVELOPMENT AGENT: PERSONALITY AND POLITICS

The real problem I believe does not come with too much understand-
ing, or intervention based on thorough investigation and planning, but
on the need for development agents to get something done--and done
quickly. Ego needs are sometimes involved as are bureaucratic pressure
for results. And today, in the highly politicized atmosphere of de-
veloping nations, political ideology is becoming a significant factor
in determining what changes should take place and how programs should
be implemented. The era of "apolitical" development programs, if there
ever was such a thing, is dead! In the 1950's and the early 1960's we
might have been able to convince ourselves that development programs
were aimed at meeting "human" needs and could be isolated from the
political context in which they were occurring and from the governments
sponsoring them. Such an illusion is no longer even a luxury.

Today in Latin America, from Chile to Colombia to Mexico, develop-
ment agents tend to be highly politicized individuals. Some may support
the politics of the government they work for, but it is also true that
some are opposed to it. In Colombia many young government workers use
their position to undermine the government's credibility and cause
conflict.

Regardless of the political and other factors impinging on the
activities and consciousness of the development worker, the client

population becomes an object. Individuals in the community the agent

363

is working to "develop" are judged, often unconsciously, in terms of
their support of the program, whether it was imposed from above or
generated by some of the members themselves. The humanity and idio-
syncracity of people take second place to their momentary position with
respect to the goals of a particular project; they become objects who
are either for or against the programs.

Before suggesting a possible solution to this problem I must
briefly deal with the question of change and social control within the

client community.

THE MAN WITH EXPERIENCE: SOCIAL CONTROL AND THE EDUCATED NATIVE

It is an occasion for headlines when in 1972 we hear about a
group which has had no contact with the outside world. Western tech-
nology is omnipresent and the bureaucratic structure of developing
countries, including the schools and armies, have provided tribal
peoples everywhere some experience with the material and cultural world
of our "civilization." Indeed, one finds in almost every village
individuals whose identity, both from his perspective and that of the

"out-

community, is in some way associated with his experience in the
side" world. I shall call this native the "educated man." If, as is
the case in many tribal and peasant communities, limited experience
in the outside world is common to most residents, then "educated man"
refers to those with 22£2.than just the average exposure.

Though I have not dealt extensively with case studies of partic-

ular individuals, I have mentioned: the Guambiano schoolteacher who

worked with two anthropologists (John Rowe and Hernandez de Alba); the

364

leader of the group which purchased the hacienda, who received training
in Israel; the Guambiano "doctors" who learned the use of antibiotic
drugs, and the ex-army man who was governor when the road was started.
All may be distinguished from the other residents of Guambia by the
fact that when they returned, their activities and identity were in
part related to what they learned there. All used information and
skills acquired in their sojourns to increase their prestige and power
within the community. In a few instances their attempts to control
people and resources were rather crude. They reflected the extent to
which they either had forgotten the proper way to behave or, more likely,
they believed their outside experience would allow them to disregard
certain customary procedures. I have watched these individuals, several
of whom I have known for ten years, try to maximize their control over
events and peOple in Guambia. While their education has undeniably
led to an increase in their power, it is also true that they have been
forced to adjust their behavior to established institutions and values.
Through a combination of positive and negative sanctions--from esteem
reserved for ex-governors, to witchcraft--these individuals have
willingly or grudgingly adapted their activities to mesh with tradition.
I do not mean to imply things have remained static. To the con-
trary, the activities of these men in the field of medicine, in cooper-
atives, roads and the school system, have made a permanent impact on
the community. Whatever their personal motives for power, and they are
very strong in some, the prestige and esteem they need and want depend
on the evaluation of their activities by their fellow villagers. While

their activities have contributed.£g_factionalism and conflict within

365

the community, the fact i£_was caused by_one 2£_their own members made

 

 

i£_possib1e for traditional mechanisms 2f conflict resolution £2_func-

 

tion. Villagers have 22_such power over outsiders who cause similar

 

 

problems.

VILLAGERS AS DEVELOPMENT AGENTS

The contrast in the kinds of sanctions a society can use on its
own members, as Opposed to the power they have to control the behavior
of an outside development worker, seems to me to be the crucial vari-
able. As long as the outsider is the program planner and/or directly
involved in project implementation, then the client community can only
accept, reject or grudgingly accommodate themselves to his skills and
programs for resource utilization. Often what occurs is that some in
the community like the person and/or part of his program and thus
follow the agent's program to get the part they want. What they cannot
do, however, is integrate him into the community in a way which would
allow customary methods of social control to be used. I am suggesting,
in short, that community development agents should be members of the
communities they work in. There is a role for outside technicians and
extension agents, but only temporarily. And with rare exceptions these
outsiders should have little to do with the formulation and implemen-

tation of the development programs.

Training Development Workers

 

Insofar as the planning and implementation of development programs

at the community level are part of every government's activities, there

366

should.§e_members 2f that community trained.£g_help plan and implement

 

such projects. Ideally, these individuals would work within the exist-

 

ing framework of institutions, though in some instances major adjust-
ments may have to occur. I am not naively suggesting that governments
should base their programs on the "felt needs" of thousands of villages
within their borders. Governments always have their own set of pri-
orities, and one must at least give them the benefit of the doubt that
their planning reflects an evaluation of local needs as well as nation-
al ones. My suggestions deal with the manner in which local communi-
ties are integrated with and participate in local development programs.
I believe that top priority should be given to the training of
villagers (or residents of urban neighborhoods) in the skills needed
to implement and plan development programs at the local and regional
level. Specifically, I refer to schoolteachers, and extension workers
in health, sanitation, agriculture, cooperatives and public works
projects. In addition to technical training some attention should be
given to program planning, budgeting and the use of outside technical
and material resources. Emphasis should be placed on having these
individuals work with others in their villages in determining what
special projects are desireable and feasible with the resources
available to them. Resources should be allocated to communities based
on priorities they determine in cooperation with the trained develop-
ment workers from their own villages. If there are special government
programs and/or resources available because of national priorities,
then this sort of information will inevitably be among the factors a
group of local leaders and native development workers will take into

account. But the decision should be theirs.

367

There ig_a1ways the danger that the newly trained natives may use

 

their skills and prestige_£2_persona1 advantage and even occasionally ip_

 

‘5 disruptive fashion. But i£_programs are planned and implemented by_

 

local personnel, then 55 least the ppssibility exists that such problems

 

and those 2£_increased factionalism and conflict may bg_dealt with by_

 

indigenous institutions and sanctions.

 

One procedure which might minimize the frequency and/or intensity
of disruption is to fully communicate information about the availabili-
ty of such training, and then selecting, insofar as possible, trainees
from various residential, political and other groups already there.
Other than that we should leave it to the gooddwill of men, the quest

for prestige, and the power of witchcraft to work things out.

368

NOTES TO CHAPTER IX

Though the judgment of the Caciquefios was inaccurate with respect
to this particular grant for road construction, there had been
another dispute in the mid-1960's about a 210,000 peso allotment
which apparently should have been divided but ended up being used
solely for the work in the upper section.

Several Guambianos are aware of the paternalistic and professional
interests related to the establishment of the Division of Indian
Affairs. Though they exaggerate the importance of these factors
they see it as another institution designed to keep the Indians
outside the mainstream of Colombian society. A few of the new
radical political Indians have formally requested the abolition

of the Division of Indian Affairs, but theirs is still very much
a minority opinion. Most Guambianos recognize the work of the
Division has been helpful to them and welcome technical assist-
ance and the legal services provided.

X. CONCLUSION

In 1967 as I was departing from Guambia, one of my hosts said to
me, "Reinaldo, when you return I would like you to bring me a pitch-
fork from the United States and a pair of boots like those you are
wearing."

In 1971 as I was leaving the reservation, the same man--still
wearing Guambiano clothing, speaking the indigenous language, head
of the same extended family, and still farming--said to me, "Reinaldo,
when you return next time I would like you to bring me a Dodge truck
chassis and a color television set."

He meant it.

369

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WILLEY, GORDON R. and PHILLIPS, PHILIP
1962 Method and Theory in American Archeology. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.

381

WHITTEN, NORMAN E. JR.

1965 Class, Kinship and Power in an Ecuadorian Town: the
Negroes of San Lorenzo. Stanford, Stanford University
Press.

DOCUMENTS IN THE ARCHIVO CENTRAL DEL CAUCA
1683: Sig.: 1801 (Col. - J. 1.).
1721(?) Sig.: 26 79 (Col. - I - 17t).
1731: Sig.: 32 10 (C01. II - 7t).
1731: Sig.: 34 68 (C01. c II 7t).
1737: Sig.: 38 29 (C01. C II 7t).

1807: Sig.: 67 13 (Col. - C II - 19t).

UNPUBLISHED REPORTS IN ARCHIVES COLOMBIAN AGENCIES
1883 Ministerio de Gobierno. Escritura #703 May 5, 1881

1949 Censo Agropecuario (Guambia, Silvia). Tumifié—P. and V. Hernandez.
Ministerio de Agriculture.

1960 Ministry of Agriculture, Seccién de Silvia, Cauca. Informe
Anual.

1967 Ministry of Agriculture, Seccién de Silvia, Cauca. Informe
Anual.

1960 Decreto No. 1634 de 1960, Julio 11. Ministerio de Gobierno.

1967 Ministry of Education, Internado de Las Delicias. Servicio de
Extensién.

1961-1967
Informes Trimestrales e Informes Anuales. Divisién de Asuntos
Indigenas, Comisiones de Silvia and Popayén.

UNPUBLISHED UNITED NATIONS DOCUMENTS

1959 Geneva. The Indian Problem in Colombia.

1959 Memorial on the Andean Indian Program.