Y .. .1... .7... .3. . . . . . . . .. . ..!. ...: m.” . Ah. ... . . . .‘. . q... S e T 7 . . . 5.3 .w . C S S I. mu m .3 film um W h M, ‘ T y L. nu . A I1. . m... T P m S R. H Tl. , .2 ... .7 V.V...... . . x . r , . .V v: v2?t ~-‘ 0. A. . l .r . . r. xar‘fidxr .. x .. .. . . x .. . . LIBRARY " Michigan State University THFQS This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Spatial Impact of Isolation on Urban—Rural Relationships in Setesdal, South Norway presented by Vincent Paul Miller, Jr. has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Geography Major professor Date Wish/CH 1&7J97O 3 A / 0-169 ABSTRACT THE SPATIAL IMPACT OF ISOLATION ON URBAN-RURAL RELATIONSHIPS IN SETESDAL, SOUTH NORWAY By Vincent Paul Miller, Jr. This study focuses upon the economic, social, and political relations between an interior valley in Norway, Setesdal, and urban centers on the coast. The study is an evaluation of the relative importance of economic, social, and political forces to the process of centrality and the growth of small urban places. In order to better understand the processes at work in the growth of towns two hypotheses are posited and a holistic model of the forces of centralization constructed. The major hypothesis states that central places are unable to develop in areas of a stable agricultural land use system. The minor hypothesis states that a subsistence land use system may be recognized by an analysis of combinations of land use criteria. The two models represent a deductive schema for the investigation of the problem. The model of the forces of centralization shows hypothetical relationships before and after the process of urbanization occurs. The model depicts the forces to be unbalanced in favor of the social come ponents and to the disadvantage of the economic components during incipient phases of the growth of towns. After the process of urbanization has progressed the social forces are disfavored and those of exchange economy become dominant. Politics may become a medium of feedback in attempts to restore social dominance or maintain equilibrium in the intermediate stages of growth. Vincent Paul Miller, Jr. The empirical phase of the study focuses upon the dichotomous and the interactional components of urban-rural relationships in the study area of Setesdal. Dichotomous components are those which tend to retain isolation in Setesdal. The research shows that the forces against urban centralization and the economic dominance of the major urban node of Kristiansand have been primarily social and political. The social force of traditionalism has been particularly important as ex- pressed in extolling the gamalt (old things) of that mountain valley, as interpreted from published accounts of life in the valley, field work, and statistical data on land use practices. The interactional components are those which link Setesdal to the "outside world," particularly the urban center of Kristiansand. These components are principally trans- portation and communication. A railway was constructed to the head of the valley late in the last century and the growth of urban-like clusters has been linked to changes in accessibility into and in the area. Accessibility is analyzed here in travel time and frequency of service relationships between places. The data shows that trans— formations have occurred in the hinterlands of the small places of Setesdal and can be correlated with changes in accessibility into and within the valley. The study shows that for the valley of Setesdal the models of centrality are fairly realistic, namely that economic forces have overcome social forces and that these changes correlate with the growth of small urban-like clusters. The major hypothesis that a stable land use system Vincent Paul Miller, Jr. can resist economic changes eminating from outside the study region is concluded to be false. An analog of land use stability is seen to be a boundary of traditionalism, which in the case of Setesdal is complex, blocking out some but not all economic forces for change, allowing land use transformations. The minor hypothesis that a subsistence economy may be recognized through land use is concluded to be true for Setesdal because of the persistence and stability of certain land use practices. THE SPATIAL IMPACT 0! ISOLATION OH URBAN—m WHONSHIPS Ill SHESDAL, SOUTH ROMA! by Vincent Paul Miller, Jr. A TEE-SIS Suhitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the manta for the degree of NONE OP PHILOSH’H! Depart-eat of Geography . .. .~ u ’- ~' I I f A .1 t! ,4 - J ; / u. h*‘ ‘ one" I l “‘7" / -.~ / 5‘ “,7 .‘i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study is the outcome of a long and abiding interest in things Scandinavian and a view that the world is not a simple place. Towards these ends I have attempted to show that contact between different cultural components is fit subject matter for the geographer in his pursuit of Truth. The subject matter of this study is complex, all the more so for a nonqNorwegian audience requiring some explanations in the way of a preface. The use of the Norwegian language throughout the thesis is minimal, thus translations from the Norwegian unavoidable. Many of the translated terms and phrases come out rather poorly in English and in that sense represent only the approximate meaning of the original Norwegian. Such approximate translations are desig- nated by single quotation.marks ('). Exact translations are accord- ingly undesignated. Whenever Norwegian or other non—English terms are used in the text of the study they are underscored, however, proper’names of individuals or groups of individuals or place names are not. Throughout the thesis statistical analysis is used in places. Every effort has been made to render the analysis accurate. The data has mostly been taken from the official Norwegian statistics. All cards were punched by the author and checked for accuracy. In ii. the fourth chapter multiple correlation procedures have been used as well as the residuals from those correlations. A certain amount of experimentation thus is implied in the analysis of these data. In an heuristic vain the residuals were normalized in order to see if'more distinct patterns emerge, a procedure which in the author's opinion yielded negative results, thus the normalized residual data is omitted from consideration. This study represents the efforts of numerous people other than the author. Much appreciation and thanks must be extended to Dr. Lawrence Sommers of Michigan State University, the principal adviser of the study for his time and patience in guiding these efforts. Appreciation is also extended to those in Norway who were so helpful, particularly Tor Rasmussen formerly of the University of Oslo for his contacts in that city and mr. and Mrs. Augund Brettveit of valle i Setesdal for their valuable assistance in a number of ways. In this country Miss Jaimie‘warns, a student at Indiana University of Pennsylvania, provided invaluable help in typing and editing the text; Miss Dorothea Munshower of Indiana typed the final copy in a very exact and professional way. Lastly I must express my'thanks and devotion to my family, my wife Alida and.my son Bradley, for living with this enfgnt terrible for so long in a sane and loving manner- to paraphrase Milton, "they also serve" in an inestimable way. Vincent P. Miller, Jr. Indiana, Pennsylvania Summer 1970 iii. TABLE OF CONTENTS ACEOW’MTSeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee LISTOFTAHJESeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee LIST OF FIGURES O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Chapter I 0 INTROHICTION O O O O O O O O O O O O O O The Theoretical Foundation . . . ResearchDesign. . . . . . . . . Geography and Cultural Change . The Hypotheses e e e e e e e 0 Basic Assumptions and Terminology Other Antecedents to this Research Methodology . . . . . . . . . . . . The Classification of Centrality . The Classification of Rural Land Use A Note on the Areal Statistical Units The Plan of the Dissertation . . . . . II. SETESDAL: THE GEOGRAPHY OF ISOLATION . . ThePhySicalSetting eeeeeeeee The Nature of Setesdal's Isolation . . varying Definitions of Setesdal . . . Recent Views of Setesdal's Culture . Setesdal's Physical Geography and its Interior Isolation . . . . . . . Degrees of Isolation Within Setesdal Evidence of Isolation . . . . . . . Econmnic Relationships 0 e e e e $0018.]. Relationships e e e e e 0 Political Relationships . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv. 0 O O O O O O O O O O Page TABLE OF CONTENTS-Continued Chapter III. SETESDAL-THE GEOGRAPHY OF CIRCULATION . . . . . . . . Accessibility . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Interregional Accessibilityb-Sdrlandet and Setesdal Intraregional Accessibility . . . . . . . . . . . . The Villages of Setesdal-Forsteder or Arbeidsteder . The Evolution of Retail Trade in SZrlandet 1891-1950 smal'y'andconClUSionseeeeeeeeeeeeee IV. THE GEOGRAPHY OF EXCHANGE AND SUBSISTENCE IN SERLANDET AND SETESDMJ O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O The.Method of Obtaining the Regionalization of Economic Development . . . . . . . . . . . Regionalization of Economic Development . . . The Individual Counties . . . . . . . . . . . veSt Agder O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Aust Agder O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O A Comparison of Aust and Vest Agder' 8 Correlation vaJ-ue 8 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O 0 Analysis of Residuals . . . . . . . . . . . Parameters of Relative Subsistence . . . . . 3mm 0 O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O V. URBAN-RURAL RELATIONSHIPS IN SETESDAL - A SUI-IMARY The Dichotomous Components of Urban-Rural RelatiOHShipso.............. The Hypotheses and the Model . . . . . . . . . The Interactional Components of Urban-Rural Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O APPEN‘DICESeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Appendix 1, A Statement of Relevant Anthropologic and Geographic Theory and Cultural Change . . . . . . . Appendix 2, meetionnaire e e e e e e e e e e e e e e V. Page 75 76 80 85 104 110 114 116 117 125 125 126 129 135 147 147 150 153 163 163 183 Table 1. 2. 3. A. 5. 7. 8. 9. 10. LIST OF TABLES County of Migration Statistics, Setesdal and Vicmty195o-59eeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee Setesdal: Newspaper Reading Habits according to the Newspaper, Sources of Newspaper and.Politica1 “mution, 1963 I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Setesdal: Newspaper Reading Habits according to Geographical Source of’Paperbby Subscribers, 1963 . A Survey of’Politico-eoononic attitudes in Setesdal, w mma O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Coefficient of Correlation, Service Ratio with selected independent variables, by geographical "gm,“rlmdet,1929eeeeeeeeeeesee Coefficient of correlation, service ratio with selected independent variables, by geographical region,8{r1endet,l9l.9.............. Setesdal, service personnel change, 1930-1950 . . . . Setesdal, total population change, 1930-1950 . . . . Residuals of regression(Greater Setesdal, 1929) Residuals of regression(Greeter Setesdal, 1949) Page 70 71 72 120 134 134 137 138 1. 2. 3. 1.. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 15. 16. 17. 18. LIST OF FIGURES Sflrlandet,LocationMap............... Setesdal,LocationMap ............... Models of the forces affecting centrality . . . . . . Thecomponentsofculturalchange.......... Plateau (m) surfaceto the East of Valle . . . . LocationMap, SouthNorway ............. Atypicalfarnsteadinhlestad........... Portion of a m - Compound (W), Bykle . . View of the southern approach to Byklestigen in 11013.11!!!va................... Waterfall imediately south of Vane—mm . . . . 3.“.481, 61.0.. L“ U‘. I O O O O O O O O O O O O O 80“.“, m. Lad U” II 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O sham: Distribution of Services, in service uployeesper1,000residents............ Sdrland: Areas of significant difference with respecttoservices fornon-urbanareas . . . . . . . Setesdal,!ransportationroutes........... Interregional accessibility, Byglandsfj ord - mm 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Intraregional accessibility, Bygland - Byglandsfj ord Intraregional accessibility, filestad - Byglandsfj ord Page 10 13 30 37 1.3 49 51 5/. 55 59 81 90 LIST or HW Intraregional accessibility, Valle - Byglandsfjord Intraregional accessibility, Bykle - Ryglandsfjord Intraregional accessibility, Mon-Byglandlfjord.............. Vbst Agder, Retail service employees /000 adult population by geographical region, 1891-1950 . . . lust Agder, Retail service employees /000 adult population by geographical region, 1891-1950 . . . Change in correlation values, 1929-1949 . . . . . viii. Page 91 92 93 105 106 124 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Geographers have extensively studied the functional relation- ships of city and village, rural area and urban area. Some have attempted to define systems of cities that exist in exchange economies; others have been concerned with the relationship between central places and surrounding rural areas, or urban-rural interaction. Urban and rural interaction may be analyzed as a primary phase of the development of an exchange economy. Such an analysis is the focus of this research. THE THEORETICAL FOUNDATION Research into the development stages of urban-rural interaction may provide further needed insights for central place theory.1 Theoretical geographical research into the development of urban-rural relations has been relatively rare to date. The study of emerging economic systems has been left to other scholars, particularly economists and social anthropologists. Anthropological concern with emerging (mostly nonéwestern) areas largely omits the details of the systa' s spatial interaction.2 1See‘Walter Christaller's Centggl Plggggyig‘§ggthg§g . Trans. C. R. Baskin, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 19 . 280ne anthropologists (notably Clark Nissler) favored a geo— graphical approach in their discipline, which has suffered a relative decline in.recent years. Moreover, nany geographical studies of evolving urban-rural relations seem to be attempts to perfect the tool of geographical analysis rather than to understand the forces at work in economic developnent. The geographers endeavor to develop a sounder method- ology seems to be a logical necessity, but more attention must be paid to understanding processes of causation. Technique should not out- distance understanding.3 The recognition of causal process is as difficult as it is funda- mental. Process may be viewed as a phenomenon changing through time and space. Many problems have arisen in attempts to isolate and examine the processes of economic development. Moreover, once such changes are isolated, students do not agree on their significance, i.e., their relevance to theory. with reference to economic geography, one school of thought, for example, insists that an equilibrium theory of econanic development, such as Adam Smith's systmn of economic checks and balances , is adequate for understanding the workings of the space seem. A proponent of equilibrium theory in geography might suggest that a given space-economy is the result of a balance—equilibrium— between certain forces affecting the space-econaxw.4 3 Despite persistent methodological proposals studies of incipient centrality are few. The importance of process has been underscored in geographical literature. Perhaps the most notable emphasis on process by geographers is to be found in V. L. Thomas, Ed. Man'g Role in W the I'm at the Earth. Chicane): University of Chicago Press. 1956. ’The ample was suggested by J. W. May in Thomas, Abid- ~O -- '- -e-s—pflo-v 3 Others may criticise such an explanation as being superficial. They would prefer to go beyond the analysis of countervailing forces at a given time for a particular place. Such researchers might state that a given economic landscape is caused by accumulative forces that have operated through time and space. Such advocates may also suggest that eoonuic forces bring about different reactions at different places in the same economy, e.g., giving support to the idea that “the rich get richer and the poor get poorer". With respect to these two schools of thought, the Swedish political economist, Gunnar Hyrdal, suggests the latter, that of the analysis of time-space con- tinuum, as being suited to the isolation of process.5 Myrdal's assumptions are seen as an ideal basis for this research. RESEARCH DESIGN The focus of this stow is mainly centered upon two adjacent areas—one declining, one expanding—in the Norwegian econom. The general focus of the investigation is the section of Norway called Slrlandet (The South-Land) . Within Sdrlandet specific attention has been given to the rapidly changing urban area of Kristiansand and the tributary rural area to the north in the valley of Setesdal. The areas were chosen not only because they approximate opposite ends of a continuum of economic development, but also because they 50mm Myra-1. some men as W mam-s. London: Gerald» Duokworth and Co. , 1963, particularly Chapter 2. This concept is often called The Theory of Circular Causation. 4 are spatial "near neighbors". The areas are also quite diverse in societal nature.6 Such a situation offers possibilities for the cultural geographer interested in the effects of social change on the econmics of land use or the economic impact on land use and its effect on society. Setesdal, for the purposes of this dissertation, then is the landscape-laboratory. Certain twpotheses concerning the nature of economic change in a socially conservative section of Norway may be tested here. This writer' s attention was first drawn to Setesdal when he studied in Norway in the summer of 1959. During this visit several lecturers at the Oslo University International Summer School pointed out that Setesdal was somewhat different culturally.7 More specific attention was focused on Setesdal in a research seminar conducted by Dr. L. M. Scanners of Michigan State University.8 At this time the rate of change of certain population characteristics for southern Norway was examined in detail. The stub indicated that Aust Agder county and particularly the four townships of the county called Setesdal have had an extranely slow increase in population when com- pared to the minder of southern Norway. Relative to all of Norway, Setesdal's birth rate is lower than almost every other area of similar size. In contrast, Kristiansand, the major urban center, has had a 6Documentation for this statement is presented in Chapter 2. 7These courses were: "Norwegian Music”, taught mostly by Miss Liv Greni, Rikskringkastinghns (Royal Broadcasting Studio), and"The Social Systms of Norway“, taught mostly by Dr. Knut Kolsrud, then curator of the Bygddy Polkemuseet, currently professor of Sociolog, University of Oslo. 81.1.1 quarter, 1960, Michigan State University. 5 rapid population increase in recent years. Figures 1 and 2 show pertinent details of Sdrlandet and Setesdal respectively. The problm of the dissertation is to investigate the develop- ment of urban centrality in the rural area of Setesdal. Figure 1 shows that centrality basically occurs along the coast. The objective is to gain further insight into the effect of the pro- cesses of urbanisation through an analysis of the spread of urbanism towards the interior of sariandet. The strategies used to obtain this goal are: (l) posing and investigating basic questions con- cerning the economic effects of urbanism in a rural area, and (2) investigating yet other urban-rural relations often omitted through a disregard of non-economic factors in central place theory. Geographers have only begun to systematically investigate questions relevant to the developnent of the urban hierarchy. A recent notable example of such research is Bergsten's description of the changing relations between a medieval Swedish factory town and its surrounding area. Bergsten describes the transformation of the town's economy from a subsistence to an exchange base.9 (In a sense Bergsten has described a qualitative change from one economic situation to another trough time .) Allen Prod has expanded such historically-oriented research through (1) the study of a larger geographical area, and (2) the introduction of a series of hypotheses that have been tested using historical data.10 9m1 Erik Bergsten, "Methodical Study of an Ancient Swedish Hinterland, The Iron Factory of Finspong, Sweden," 1M m in W, Series B, Human Geography, n.d. 1°Allen Fred, The External Relations of Cities During the "WW." mammnm. Men. 1868- 229. Chicago: Department of Geography Research Paper No. 76,7532. al Study Area (op) ' S @RLANDE T LOCATION MAP. I25 2” 575 Central Place. (in)- Industrial Place l s- ‘ Hyleslad (l ) \J\5' / 4 / , r /( Hornnes : / \ y. l l : / H (z N HYGiANDSFJORD Evie } “NEWS; 5 \f‘\~ . ‘~ lvela N 3 ' a. i o o VENKSLA . _ - ‘ r‘ '4 \ / I, ": / r—m / \ l \ \ \ / \ "d / /‘\l (’ "- memL as) g J) ff! GRIMS TAD (c 9} (ts) N’) m g , Inhabitants ‘(h Moms) 500 200 @3 \ 9 I Source: Figure 1. Urban Data from Myklebost, 1960 LEGEND ‘ Up to 25 l 2510 I00 ------- Township Boundary -~—-— County Boundary / Highway Lake Forested Highlands 8° —— 59° S E T E 5 IA IL LOCATION MAP 0 I9 29 so 49 km. Figure 2. 8 The contrasts that exist between the landscape laboratory of Setesdal and the coastal region may be indicative of a deep and funda- mental difference between different economic situations similar to those investigated by Bergsten11 and Fred.12 These differences may be more than quantitative, more than variations . Using the assumption that ”econanics makes the world go around," the above quotation seems perfectly obvious and plausible. From the perspective which sees economic scale shift as a result of complex cultural situations, the statement appears to oversimplify the case. In light of the foregoing discussion, an alternative view of the developnent of exchange economy and central place is proposed. Cen- trality as viewed here results from the various forces of cultural change and can be expressed symbolically:13 (1) c: (r) e£+pr+ sf C is centrality, of, pf, and sf are economic, political, and social forces respectively. The above fomulation (1) is a synthesis of forces that appear to exist in the real world; that these forces affect the developsent of central places is the thesis of this research. Equation (1) may be represented by the use of a model. Model building, according to Chorley,” involves the association of suppos- edly significant aspects of reality into a systan possessing sane special properties of intellectual stimulation, and is so employed here. ”an. sit. 1222- sit- 131a the formula (r) should read ”function of“. 1’"Richard Chorley, ”Geography and Analogue Theory," A“; 91 the must a: mm W: 51.. (1964). pp- 107-126. 9 Figure 3a gives a very general picture of the forces of central- isation. The various forces are shown to be equal (as represented by the equilateral triangle) and to operate in the described direction; thus, political forces impel economic forces which in turn impel social forces. Figure 3a should be refined, however, because the three-fold caponents of culture are normally unequal in am given situation; the model fails to represent the various elements of cultural lag.” Cultural lag may be described as a force against change; thus, an econmic impetus for a change to our urban society may be counter— balanced by a social or a political reaction favoring rural society. Figure 3b includes an additional dimension of cultural change i.e., a reaction to an economic stimulus. The solid lines represent econanically impelled forces for change and the dashed lines repre- sent "feedback" forces which mitigate M change. If the feedback is equal to the force for change, the whole system is then considered static or unchanging. In this respect, from the perspective or equilibrium theory,16 Figure 3b is actually an approximate” model of the forces affecting centrality through a subsistence economic spatial continuum at a given point of time. Figure 3b may be a fairly 158cc George Carter's discussion of cultural lag on pp. 84-85 of his 1.4.52 and its Land. .9. film; W New York: Holt. Rinehart and Winston, 1964. One of Carter' s chief criteria for the identifi- cation of lag is the failure of an area to develop a ". . .town dwelling metye' 16See the discussion of equilibrium theory, p. 3. 17The model is approximate because it is still somewhat unreal- istic. No subsistence society appears to have a "perfect" balance of forces in any respect. This topic of lag and change in culture has been the subject of considerable anthropological discussion. 10 fegdback Sf // sf \ economic §‘ inpuT ef pf \~// A B sf / FUTURE pf of r“ sf I | r \ \ PRESENT / pf social imput —-—r \ I PAST w ef NM C Figure 3 .. Models of the forces affecting centrality. ef ll realistic model of the forces affecting centrality. The model is not predictive or particularly explanatory, however, because it fails to show changes in those forces through a time contimnnn. Figure 3c represents a three dimensional model showing the growth of central places. The first two dimensions depict earth-space relationships as in Figure 3a and 3b. The third dimension(arrow) shows time relationships . The model illustrates how one would expect the components of culture to change as urbanization expands. Note that town life is more dependent upon social forces (sf) in the direction of the past; a factor that is also illustrated in angular separations between lines of, sf, and pf. Hypothetically, a developing exchange economy does exhibit the economic trends accounted for in central place theory. This model, however, shows that exchange economy may also be caused by social and/or political goals coming closer to the economic goals of culture, which is represented by the "closing" of the angles between ef, sf, and pf in the model. In this last ample questions ranain as to process. Thus has economic development pranoted central- ity or have changing socio-political goals permitted centrality? The questions are important in the investigation of the concept of an urban-rural dichotalw. The future time increment in Figure 3c repre- sents a cultural systan that is almost cmpletely dominated by an exchange econaw. Here centrality is more or less free to migrate through the space according to the locational attractions of the market and raw material as described in more traditional location and central place theory. Figure 3 illustrates that, hypothetically, change in a cultural 12 syst- need not progress to a total economic-materialistic orientation but may for example become socially dominated. Such a social system may result fran the forces of traditionalism having become entrenched through a long period of trial-and—error type experimentation. Social duinance might also be, in part, the more immediate reaction to grow- ing urban control. The typolog of the dynamics of cultural change as shown in Figure l. helps to explain the latter situation.18 A highly static society would resist a trend towards urbanization or other land use change through a strong and stable traditional system, resulting fran a viable core value system, as illustrated in Figure 1.. Thus, an unchanging society is the result of powerful stabilizing forces for the traditional life. To completely resist change, however, the canponent of traditionalism must somehow stifle or redirect resistance to its authority. The creative system is then called upon. This creative component in a changing culture may increasingly take its clues frail innovations in the perceptual realm, perhaps through per- ceiving sate more profitable land use practice introduced through the spread of exchange economy. The real task of the traditional component of culture in this example is, therefore, to somehow redirect the disturbance in the traditional land use practices in such a way as to forestall greater urban dominance. This is illustrated on Figure 3b and 3c as a social and/or political feedback to the economic forces. 18This diagram was suggested by a reading of Morten H. Fried's, "Land Tenure, Geograplw and Ecology in the Contact of Cultures," W mu ii We and 29.12323. XI (1952), pp. 391-412. 9 a... 13 Perceptual System Former Future Core Value )Traditional System ) Core Value Systa System Creative System Figure 1.. The Components of Cultural Change. See p. 12 for The Analysis of the Diagram. Diagram suggested by Fried, pp. git. As will be shown, such may well have happened in the case of Setesdal. Problems of social reactions to economic change has been well-noted generally in the behavioral sciences but perhaps less so in the geographical study of land use.19 Two examples from the recent geographic literature serve to illustrate how the social forces have been ignored by geographers to help explain centrality. Reino Ajo investigated the development of the hinterland of Helsinki, Finland.20 The pranise upon which Ajo constructed his model is that urban entities generate their own hinterlands and that the magnitude of these hinterlands might be explained through mathematical models. Ajo uses a bimetric model 19Political activity may be the outgrowth of conflict between social and econanic systans, according to Franz Neumann's "Approaches to the Study of Political Power,” Pgliticgl Sciengg My, LVX (1950), pp. 161-180. The topic of cultural lag may thus be properly assigned to political geography; however, political geographers have largely ignored this; at least substantive literature is nearly non- existent on the subject. 20'“ Approach to Demographical System Analysis," Economic m, 38, (1962), PP- 359-371. 11. which indicates that the "city lights" (attractive forces) of Helsinki are the stimuli for rural emigration and that city's growth—the analogy to the growth of the cell is obvious. He uses a deterministic model which is based upon "...the classic mathematical notion of direct cause and effect."21 This model seems inappropriate if human beings really do have a choice in selecting place of residence. In essence Ajo ignores an important question: are "city lights" the positive cause of centralization or the result of a “negative" or pemissive factor, the breakdown of rural society? Richard Morrill more closely comes to grips with this question while avoiding the problems of applying deterministic models to human inter-relationship . 22 Morrill attempts an explanation of urbanian through the application of a simulation model. Individual models of central place distributions are constructed for a period of time. A model for a new time level is then compared with reality to test the validity of the hypotheses used to construct the new model. If proven valid, the hypotheses then become theoretical explanations for the new model. The use of such "stochastic" or probabilistic models appears to be more realistic than a deteministic model because of "...the element of uncertainty or indiscriminancy in all 5111mm] behavior."23 21 92- 2.1- 22"The Development of Spatial Distributions of Towns in Sweden: A Historical-Predictive Approach," m g; 34.13 Aggociation 9; MW 53 (1963). pp. 1-14. 23 Ibis-s Po 1- . a .o ' ' a I , \ w ,t-.....r -u'v..otola‘lt‘ I e . 1.; , __ r _ . . . . . a- . - fl - . v I a . l5 Morrill's model allows for, but does not isolate, the social forces of centralisation. That is, it does not isolate the social forces that may disfavor economic centrality. He indicates that agriculture " . . .is a close link between the natural environment and human settl.ent"24 and so is an important factor in centrality, but he does not discuss this subject further. Apparently, only the cosmic forces for centralisation have been investigated in Ajo's and Morrill's studies; other causes have been ignored. WNWM- FigureAfurther serves to .phasise the subtle but serious misrepresentations of a purely eoonaaic analysis of the process of urbanization. The illustration shows the contemporary spatial organization of any given taxman tra- ditional cyst. is the product of the creative and perceptual sub- systus. The three "levels of living" thus interact to form a future core value systal which will in turn be manifest through the sub- syst-s of life. One may assume that in an affluent culture the per- ceptual systu, particularly its spatial phase, tends to daninate the other two systms. Underdeveloped peoples, however, even though they desire to own land do not have a well developed pattern of spatial organisation. The development and justification of the concepts thus far pre- sented may follow several paths of analysis. The ideas of the study are closely related to several approaches in both geography and “Lug, p. 2. 16 anthropolog. This dissertation focuses upon spatial diffusion, and thus is related to the topic of acculturation, a focus of the discipline of anthropology. Central place theory may be generally thought of as an explan- ation of the spacing of cities and the hierarchical integration of their econmies. The overall theme of central place theory is that of spatial integration, and so antithetical to spatial isolation.25 In a sense then central place studies seem to be biased towards an integration perspective and so have failed to stress degrees of isolation that may exist between urban units. The stuck of acculturation (the process of cultural change) is in similar fashion biased towards an understanding of the transmittal of culture traits and perhaps neglectful in developing the theoret- ical aspects of cultural lag. The diffusion studies of geographers while in many ways different from the acculturation research of snthropolog tend also to focus on change, that is the spread of ideas and material culture thrmgh space. In general isolation is seen as being implicit to and perhaps overly neglected by the approaches cited in the preceding paragraph. 25 Research in central place theory has apparently not considered the topic of isolation, even to the point of refuting the idea that one can isolate himself frm a well developed exchange econany. Brian Berry presents an interesting theoretical alternative that differs frm the approach of this study for substantiating the presence of and the effect of isolation upon central place theory in his "Cities as Bystans within Systans of Cities" in J. Friedman and W. Alonzo, Eds. W W and m- Nudge: The M-I-T- Press, 1964. pp. ll 133. These concepts are elaborated in Appendix 1. -N-O-M- 17 An analysis of the reason for such neglect will lead to an appraisal of sane of the fine points of these geographical and anthropological perspectives. Such a discussion would become a critique of central place theory and an overview of the status of the theoretical views of acculturation and diffusion.26 m W. The problems of applying the models of Figure 3 to the explanation of centrality are many. So complex is the situation that one may proceed in several directions. The purpose of this research is to understand and test the validity of the models relative to Setesdal. One key to the relationship between an ecologic systqn and the other dimensions of culture in this Nor- wegian valley seems to be that of land use. Two hypotheses concerned with land use are tested here. The major hypothesis is that central places in Setesdal are unable to develop because of a stable subsistence agriculture. The purpose of the major Impothesis is to explore the proposition that in Setesdal agricultural stability” has precluded or slowed the 26A full elaboration and justification of these concepts are presented in Appendix 1 "A Statement on Geographic and Anthropologic Theory and Cultural Change." 27A working definition of a stable land use system (in the case of a tradition-oriented system) is interpolated from Parsons ' comments on agricultural development and land reform. Simply, stability is the absence of change, change that allows either greater effective partici- pation in the farm economy, and an improvement in farm production and land use practices, or, a deterioration of the status of economic participation and farm production and land use practices. See Kenneth H. Parsons, "Land Refom and Agricultural Development," in Parsons, Penn, and Banp, Eds., Lag, W. Madison: The University of His-- consin Press, 1956, p. 6. 18 development of central places. This negative (nul) hypothesis pro- vides a major vehicle for the analysis of the impact of isolation on the development of central places. Setesdal was chosen as an area most ideally suited to invest- igate the Impothesis. The uniqueness of Setesdal, stressed previously, represents an excellent type of landscape laboratory or control sit- nation for this kind of analysis. As will be shown subsequently, Setesdal is distinct because of past and present social, economic, and political isolation. The minor mothesis is that the traditional culmral systan in Setesdal may be recognized and mapped through the analysis of canbina- tions of land use. Specifically, cultural lag can be recognized by high population density and a great fragnentation of land holdings, coupled with low values of urban services. The research is concerned with accepting, adjusting, or rejecting this Impothesis. The adjust- ment of the hypothesis may involve rejecting some of the criteria used and/or finding a better canbination. In this respect the ideal subination is considered to be one that approximates a stable sub- sistence land use situation as is assmned to exist in portions of the study area, Setesdal. Agricultural stability is here primarily viewed as a cultural phencnenon. Setesdal has been chosen as an ideal area to investigate the man-land and other cultural relations that have brought about such stability because of the marked persistence of the old ways (in lorwegian Ell-11) in Setesdal. In this respect Setesdal may be seen 19 as an ample of a peasant subculture. These concepts and basic docu- mentation for Setesdal are provided in succeeding pages and particularly in chapter II. The hypotheses are complementary. The minor lvpothesis provides a means for evaluating the stability of a given land use system, and the major hypothesis provides a way of integrating such conclusions with central place theory. The testing of the hypotheses and the sub- sequent interpretation will allow for the isolation of pertinent centrality forces in Setesdal. The question is whether the development of urbanism in the stuck area is primarily related to the deterior- ation of a subsistence land use system or to forces issuing from a large expanding exchange center. m Asggmptions gag General Teflolog. The focus of this research is the development of centrality in a traditionally-oriented, relatively self-sufficient segment of the Western World};8 The residents of the study area, Setesdal, have been typified as being so tradition-oriented as to not subscribe to the mores and norms of urbanized Norway.29 These peeple are assumed to be relatively self- sufficient in that they are fairly representative of Westem-mropean 28 The terms "Western" and "Non-Western" are used in accordance to the concepts expressed by V. M. Dean in m Nature 9: the Non-ngtgrn M, New York: Mentor, 1958. 291310 ten tradition-oriented society is used in accordance to concepts expressed by David Rieman, gt. _a_l_. in 2'99, Lonely M, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953. There is ample evidence of the traditional-orientation of Setesdal; this documentation is indicated throughout this stuw. 20 peasantry, hence ”...nine-tenths...are...just able to maintain them- selves and their families by hard and unremitting work."30 The term."subsistence" implies a complete dependence upon oneself and family for the necessities of life. The citizens of Setesdal are only'partially dependent upon themselves, and thus the notion "relative selfhsufficiency" is introduced to avoid semantic diffi- culties. A relatively selfbsufficient society makes or produces most of the necessities of life and buys relatively few goods from the "outside" world. A necessary corollary to the concept of relative selfbsufficiency'is that an exchange economy is not greatly developed in an area of relative self-sufficiency. Thus, if an exchange economy has not attained a great degree of development, then urbanism and centrality must be minimal. As wagner notes, however, some central- ity exists even in the most undeveloped region.31 Therefore, the difference between trading towns of developed and undeveloped areas se-ingly is related to the presence of an urban hierarchy. Underb developed areas have a poorly developed hierarchy. 'Well developed areas have a.more strongly linked system. _ Setesdal has been selected as the landscape-laboratory of this research because it retains a high degree of relative selfhsufficiency. The area has only recently been exposed to the influence of an exchange 30 G- 6- Coulton. maul will . 142221;. ans W- New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1960, p. 32. In the passage Coulton compares the plight of theIModern European peasant-proprietor to that of his medieval descendant. 31P. L. Nagner, "On Classifying Economies," in Ginsburg, Ed. Elam as me: and W W. University of Chicago, Department of Geography, Research Paper No. 62, 1960, p. 62. 21 econm. The basic assumptions of this dissertation, therefore, are that Kristiansand is an urban place representative of exchange econau and that Setesdal is a non-urban area representative of rel- ative self-sufficiency. Other premises used during the initial design of this research and subsequently verified through field or library work in Norway are (1) that Setesdal actually has been exposed to the effects of exchange economy and (2) that the impact of the expansion of exchange economy has affected the cultural geography of the area. The former assumption is developed in chapter two; the latter is the general focus of the study and will be summarized in the final chapter. OTHER ANTECEDENTS TO THIS RESEARCH The hypotheses may represent an unusual approach to the prob- l-s of centrality, but , none the less, have precedent in the liter- ature of geography, other than those already noted. The work of M. Aurcusseau is fundamental to the minor hypothesis.32 Aurousseau suggested an approach to the study of the distribution of population in rural areas using land-use criteria rather than "range" of urban functions.33 Aurousseau based his proposal on the supposition that, in areas poorly exposed to the effects of an exchange economy, the 32M. harousseau, "The Distribution of Population," W m 11 (1921). pp. 563-592. 33The "range of a good" is indicative of the extent of central service hinterlands. k- m 0‘.- .en-‘ 0- e n-.- 22 relationships between town and country are atypical of functional urbanism.“ Others” note that the structure of small towns is different from that expected through a study of the urban hierarchy, perhaps indicating a weakness of central place theory. David Ward36 and Jerome Fellmany’ approached the problem of incipient central- ination in another fashion, by empirically tracing the "natural history" of cities from their pro-urban land use patterns. Literature cited above suggests that the geographer's view of urban structure33 and the urban hierarchy is incomplete. For example, 3"The term "dispersed city" has been used in lieu of "functional urbanism" in the United States, although precise terminolog is not agreed upon. Howard Stafford, "The Dispersed City, " 11g W W XIV. No. 1.. (July. 1962). pp. 8-1 10- 3silictor Roterous and Wesley Calef, "Notes on the Basic Non- Basic Employment Ratio, mg m, 31 (1955). pp. 17-20; and John Alexander, uThe Basic Non-Basic Concept in Urban Geography," mm 922mm: 30 (1951.). pp. 246-261. 36David Ward, "The Pre-urban Cadaster and the Urban Pattern of Leeds. "Wfiflawflsa 1a nefAmmasWa. 52. No- 2 (June 1 , pp. 150-166. 37Jerme D. Fellman, "Pm-Building Growth Patterns of Chicago," Annalee: new 2f menses grammars. 1.7 (1957). pp. 59-82 and "Urban Intent and Urban Expansion," _apg Ego neg; s, 31 (1955), pp. 280-282. 38The three traditional theories, as listed by Ward, 92. git" p. 165. See also: E. w. Burgess, "The Growth of the City," in R. E. Park, I. W. hrgess and R. D. MacKenzie, Eds., In; City, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925, pp. 47-62; Homer Hoyt, 1'29 m m 93:23.?! 21 W M391... borh in MILE Eli—168. Hashingtonz U. S. G. P.O. 1939. 23 finailes alludes to the urban rural dichotomy but doubts that "there. . . is a clear out dichotomy of town and country. . .there is no definite 39 point where rural ends and urban begins." Berry and Fred have reinforced this opinion by stating that the effects of exchange 0 econmy extend to the smallest built-up unit, the hamlet]+ Under the heading of acculturation, anthr0pologists have focused a great deal of attention on problems that are direct analogies of the urban-rural dichotomy. In a broad summary of acculturation, Fried states: Three factors are of vital importance in the detemination of the nature of cultural contacts between two societies which are of unequal socio-political com- plexity. These factors are geography, ecology, and social organization; they do not work singly but always in tandem. Geography, the spatial distribution of natural environmental features about the earth, plays a significant role in setting the place and time of contact. It also conditions the continuity and intensity of sub- sequent contacts and eventually may offer a source 9; ram is: the We“ tiv W1 ente 22 a 9.an Matened by gh_a__ng_e_ from the outsidg. Ecology, the interaction of man as a cultural animal with his environ- ment through the medium of technology, plays an even more direct part in deciding the broad nature of acculturation. Finally, the forms of social organization, especially as megmgffilendmwmmmm mm. The critical diagnostic clue is the difference between the ways in which exploitative rights to gtrategc We an M .is the in genetics- In a certain sense, as we have attempted to indicate, the focus of the fionflict between invader and invaded lies in this arena. ‘ 39A. E. Smailes, The W 9; Towns, Hutchinson University Library, London: 1960, p. 33. whim Berry and Allen Pred, Central Placg Ms, A, gim- mm at m and W, Philadelphia: Regional Science Research Institute, 1961. 41 Fried, 93. £1.10 , p. 1.12. Underlining added in order to empha- size passages which are especially pertinent to this research. 24 If viewed simply, Fried might well be speaking of the urban-rural dichotmy, the range of goods on either side of the dichotomy, and the social reaction (feedback) on the part of the subsistence group to an invasion by an exchange economy. Based on the preceding samples from literature, it would seem that highly developed nations might have areas of relative subsistency that are poorly integrated with their exchange econanies. Are such areas of relative subsistency to be called "functionally urban" because the residents can afford a few manufactured articles from the outside? These may be a-urban rather than ex-urban in their outlook. Thus, smelling the existence of subsistence and exchange type entities some- where at some level, an urban-rural dichotomy must exist. The liter- ature cited indicates that the assumption of a subsistence economy is plausible, even in well developed nations. This study will indicate the possibilities of its existence in Setesdal.‘2 METHODOLOGY Before the reasons for the kind of data used can be explained, sue note of the nature of the area of enquiry must be made because of its significance to the selection of data. In this reapect the function of the "agglomerated settlement" seems to be of primary importance. Here "contact'I between exchange and subsistence economies could be expected to produce change in the human activity of the latter. Such 4211‘ light of this discussion, the generic tom "agglomerated settl-ent" will be used in lieu of "central place" for the urban-like clusters of Setesdal. The use of the former is fairly consistent with current geographical usage as defined by Stamp, A film 91 M, New York: John Wiley, 1961, p. 11. 25 changes have been recorded in some of the scholarly literature on Nor- way. Barth well documents the changing functions of society in a Norwegian community as it evolved into a well-developed exchange entity. Peter Munch and M. Cabouret have narrowed the focus to the sociological aspects of the urban-rural dichotomy in a lengthy study of Aurdal in Valdres.43 As expressed by Parsons, the key issue appears to be that "land tenure relations are social relations, central toward which is man's relation to man in the use of the 1and,"l'4 a precept that directly invites the use of geographic analysis. This reference indicates that the functions of the central places of Setesdal and their relation to Kristiansand must be delimited. A suitable schane for the classification of an urban system must be explored and selected. m W93 91 99M. Geographers have devised many means for the analysis and classification of urban systems, several of which could be of interest here. A. K. Philbrick's classification of areal functional organization,‘5 for example, is concerned with qualitative functional difference between low and high-order central places in an urban "hierarchy.” ”Fredrik Barth, "Subsistence and Institutional Systems in a Non- wegian Mountain Valley," Mg Sociology, 1'7 (1952) pp. 28-38; Peter A. Munch, “A Stuw of Cultural Change, Rural Urban Conflicts in Nor- way," Stugia Norvggiga Vol. III (1956), M. Cabouret, "L'Evelution de la vie pastorale dans la vallee de l'Otta," m 513 W Alain. LII (1961.), pp. 631-684. ‘ u’lenneth B. Parsons, pp. 213., p. 3. 45A. I. Philbrick, "Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," W W, 33 (1957 pp.299-336- 26 6 Other classifications!+ more directly concerned with the importance of services to the urban systan basically analyze the existence of a hierarchy using a combination of techniques, i.e., statistical test- ing and class-ratio arithmetic!"7 Yet another group of scholars approaches the problem of urban systems through spatial analysis in an endeavor to test for random or non-random scatterings of urban units.“8 The Scandinavian literature, too , contains studies somewhat sim- ilar in nature to Philbrick's work, i.e., efforts which are purely classificatory and highly suitable to the general needs of this research. A Swedish geographer, Gerd Enequist, has published many papers on centrality, two of which are interesting here: "Sweden's filler Urban Places,“+9 and "What is an Urban Place."50 In these studies Enequist distinguishes between urbanized central places and rural agglanerated settlements. Hallstein Myklebost has followed 46The examples are numerous, but attention is especially drawn to two articles of B.J.L. Berry and U.L. Garrison in W o for V. 31. (1958), "The Functional Bases of the Central Place Hierarchy," (pp. 145-151.); and "A Note on Central Place Theory and the Range of a Good,” (pp. 304-311). 471$. , the ranking of entities and the statistical testing of the dispersion of these entities for clustering in a hierarchy pattern. For an abstract explanation, see Braithwaite, Scientific Explanation, New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1960, pp. 134-140. “See Daoey. 22- 92.1- 49"Severiges mindre Tatorter." 12193.: 1947: P- 35- 50'Wad 3: en t3tort,” in Tatorter och omland, Lund, 1951, p. 45. 27 this lead and classified all of Norway's central places.51 The latter study is suited to the classificatory problems of this research. Once the method for the classification of the function of the central places and agglomerated settlements has been selected, one must select appropriate land use data and measure cosvariation of such data frat place to place. mammmamallmama- Manama orlandusaee hare been selected from the vast amount of data available in Norway, rural pepulation density and an indication of the degree of fragmenp tation of land holdings, i.e., the number and the size of the hold- ings. The minor hypothesis will be tested by noting the codvariation of’these criteria according to the primary function of the community which serves the rural area.” The analysis of the data as it changes from urban field to urban field will enable the establish- ment of a set of (maximum and minimum) parameters using the land use data fer the study area. Some general conclusions will be sought concerning the value of the method and criteria in.understanding the nature of the linkage between an exchange and a subsistence economic system. A m 9g j;_h_g Ar__e_a__l_ sgtistig M. Basically this research is an attempt to uncover the meaningful aspects of the interaction 513. Myklebost, m Tgttbygdg Steder, 1875—1950, Oslo and Bergen: Universitetsforlaget, 1960, 371 pp. "Tettmgde" in Norwegian means I'built up area" and here is translated rather loosely as "central place." 52Regression analysis will be used for determining quantitative parameters. -4 s 27a. between a denselyhpopulated region of exchange economy and a sparsely populated area having a near-subsistence economy. The relative size of these units becomes important in order to understand the level of significance of the findings. Rorway has a range of statistics which corresponds to a hierarchy of spatial units. Rather complete statistical coverage is available for the country (git Land.) as a whole and such statistical material is herein designated as of first order significance; for 'county' units, (gzgggg), the second order of significance; and for 'township' units, (hygggg or herreds), the third order of significance. Additionally, some statistical data is available for scattered 'sub—portions' of 'townships' (Eggtg), of a fourth order of significance. Fourth order data has been utilized whenever feasible. Other data for'grgfirsized areas has been gathered through the use of questionnaires and field work. PLAN OF THE DISSERTATION Chapter I has provided a theoretical-methodological introduction to the aims and the problems of the research; the hypotheses have been presented and the means of the testing explored. The next chapter is devoted to a description of the landscape-laboratory from the vantage points of time and space. The third chapter focuses upon the evolution of the use of space in Setesdal under the general heading of accessibility. The fourth chapter is devoted to an analysis of changes in land use in Setesdal and Scrlandet, the con- cern of the minor hypotheses and other conclusions of the study. CHAPTER II SETESDAL: THE GEOGRAPHY OF ISOLATION The late A. R. Radcliffe-Brown saw great value in ...a procedure that presupposes that every system can be conceptually isolated from every other and from all else in the universe; it further presupposes that this con. ceptual isolate will have a relatively high degree of confermity with phenomenal reality.1 Setesdal is now considered as a conceptual isolate in order to (1) document the general assumptions of Chapter I, (2) present an objective view of the degree of this isolation, and (3) describe the landscape-laboratory of Setesdal. Isolation.may have several distinct definitions. The word may mean distant with respect to physical distance, divergent in the sense of alien or foreign, or separate as to be aloof from or inaccessible.2 Setesdal is neither distant from nor alien to the heart and pulse of modern Norway, but it seems to have achieved an aloofness. Such aloofness in part stems from the physical setting. 1A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, _A_ Naturg Science Q; My, Glencoe: Free Press, 1957, p. 23. In effect Radcliffe-Brown proposes treating societies as closed systems. This chapter in part documents the extent to which Setesdal is a "closed system." 2Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, Springfield, Massachusetts: G. and C. Merriam Co., 1961, p. 716. 28 29 THE PHYSICAL SETTING The traditionalism of Setesdal has been seemingly fostered and/or reinforced by major physical barriers. The tapography of Fin- land and Northern Scandinavia is dominated by one of the oldest and largest continuous rock complexes in the world, the Fenno-Scandian shield. The pre-cambrian and younger rocks of the shield are partic- ularly prominent throughout Norway, forming the Keel (Kjdlen) of that country. Portions of Southern Norway and the interior of Sdrlandet consist of an eroded plateau area which is part of the pre-cambrian shield. This interior is a vast natural wilderness with economic exclaves existing only in the valleys such as Setesdal that breaks the continuity of the plateau surface. These valleys have been the models for classic geomorphic description. William Morris Davis called such pathways from the sea "bluntheaded valleys, "3 terminology that must be taken only figura- tively in the case of Setesdal. The valley leads to the barren high m (plateau-surface), and the valley's floor is an extension of the high m surface. In such a physical situation egress is possible but economically unimportant because of the surrounding desolation, except to the South. (Figure 5). Setesdal has been isolated from exchange economy because it, along with ease other of Norway's interior valleys, lacks an inland focus. The high plateaus of southem Norway generally have remained 3mm mm a. Mead. nmmamw v1 m m M. London: University of London Press ,1958 , p. 29. 30 I"??? - r flurry. Figure 5. Plateau (vidda) surface to the East of Valle. Note the large expanse of area valuable for grazing. (Photo: Augund Brottveit) 31 economically dormant because of distance, inaccessibility, and a lack of economically imported resources. The central portion of the southern m has remained economically staglant through what is judged to be a basic conflict of interest between the interior and the coastal regions, perhaps well-described as a land-sea dichotomy.‘ Whatever the reason, all-weather routes have not been provided into the interior (including Setesdal) in the past. The Norwegian Ligdg is an underdeveloped area. The 13285121.: ('townships') of the region share the miseries of economic prostration and lack of common interests. If commonality exists, it is in the landscape: high altitudes, extremely variable climates (from summer to winter, hilltop to valley), and poor 8011.5 As if to emphasize this environment Norwegians have classified them as the W (mountain 'townships' ).6 Bykle, the innermost 'township' of upper Setesdal (¢vre Setesdal) is classified as one (the southern—most) of the underdeveloped W. Traveling northward through Setesdal the contrast between the 4Elements of proof for this assertion are presented in the remain- ing material of the chapter. Some geographers implicitly affim the concept, e.g., Isachsen notes that the concept of Sdrlandet is gener- ally associated with the exchange of the interior. See: Werenskiold, 2E0 9&1": P0 114- 5See: George Hubbard, "The Unity of the Physiographic History of South-8t NOW." 22.112112 Lf 32.1.12 M22221 29.2121 t 2!. __ri_.Ame on X“ (1931.), pp. 637-51. for some details of the physiographic unity. Eskeland indicates that the fj ellbygder have a great many problems in cal-Ion: '12-. A! nuke mm: 1 W, 0810: Norges Landbrukokonomiske Institute, Saermelding No. 2, 1953. 6Many sources describe the problems of the fjellbygder, the two most pertinent to this discussion are: Axel Somme ,Iordburkets M i 112:3: (Geograplw of Norwegian Agriculture), Bergen: Skrifter fra Norges Bandelshoyskole, J. E. Eides Forlag, 1954, and Eskeland, pp. git. 32 valley floor and the mg is striking. On such a journey one feels as if he has ascended long, gently rising stairs. At Bykle the top is all but attained. Here the valley bottom lies near the lower limits of smer snowfall,7 and the farmer must cautiously choose the fields on solsiden (sunny side) of the mountain if he is to have a crop. Climate, particularly microclimate, is critical. The mountain townships of Norway experience certain climatic anomalies when compared to the valleys. In the winter the mountain and plateau surface of South Norway is blasted by stoma from the South and Southwest. The intensity of these stone is comparable to the 'Westerlies' of the Lofoten Islands or the Northeasterlies of New England. Even though the storms are bitter, the tanperature characteristics of the w (mountains) are not as severe as those of the valley bottoms. Average tuperatures for the higher altitudes in January are above -ll°C (12°F) whereas average minimum temperatures for the valley floors range frm -25°C (- 23°F) and -37°C (-34.6°F).8 Summer brings a rever- sal of this situation; the 21911 is bathed mostly by winds fran the Northwest and West-Northwest causing colder temperatures at the high points. Typical July tanperaturesg for the mountain 'townships' range 7'Hans U:son Ahlnann indicates that manner snow comes above 1000 m. (ca. 3250 ft.) ; HM. Ahlmann: Norge, Natur 9g W, Norsk utgave ved Fridtjof Isachsen og Hallstein Myklebost, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1957, p. 85. 8m. Bykle-gentrum (-center) is ca. 650 m. Byglandsfjord at the entrance to the valley is 203 m. 9This data has been culled from Ahlmann, pp. 931., pp. 84-85, and she, 32. 23., pp. 12, 15, and 11.3-11.9. 33 between 10°C (50°F) and 14°C (58°F), while in the valleys the range is several degrees higher. The temperature conditions of the fjellmgder have a certain economic importance. The 10°C (50°F) July isotherm is generally the limit of cultivation. Areas having temperatures below 10°C (50°F) usually are devoted to pastures; land whose July temperatures range between 10°C (50°F) and 14°C (58°F) are marginal for agriculture. The most productive land in Norway is found in areas having average July temperatures greater than 14°C. In terms of these agricultural requirements, Bykle has but one-third the heat resources of the richest (i.e., wannest) agricultural region along the coast of 10 Oslofjord. Other agricultural problems in fine (upper, northern) Setesdal occur because the Western Kjflen produces a rain shadow and locally irrigation must be practiced.11 In general the physical isolation of Setesdal is topographic and climatic . Topography has reduced communication and transportation into as well as in the valley. Access to Setesdal is difficult in all directions, save the South. Climate has further affected contest with the world beyond the mountains in basically two ways . Primarily the climate of the gig; is too severe for productive agriculture in the ordinary sense, allowing the higher surrounding plateau surfaces 10The W receives [.00 or less growing degree days whereas the coastal agricultural areas receive 1200 or more growing degree days. See: She, pp. 211., p.15. nConfirmed through private correspondence with Augund Brottveit , Supt. of Schools, Valle i Setesdal, 27 Novanber, 1965. 34 tor-ainvirtuallydepopulatedaost oftheyear. Secondarily clinte has restricted transportation in the winter, especially in {hrs Setesdal. Regardless of topographic and climatic impediments, Setesdal's contact with other parts of erlsndst has evolved rapidly in recent times. The following section recounts the ever increasing complexity of these contacts in an att-pt to document the degree to which the valley still retains its traditionalism. THE mm 0? SETESDAL'S ISOLATION The very first published reference to the valley treats it as being (even) beyond the seters, “mm and the area became knownasthe 'valleyofthem," Setesdal. Thennewasnever of local invention, but rather was brought in fraa suewhere to the Vest, probably the agricultural area south of Stavanger called Joren. The manner through which Setesdal received its name empha- sises thatfrmtiaei-caorialthevalleyhasbeenmm known of, but not understood. Through the the lowland omnication into the valley was slow to develop, as indicated by Setesdal's language, folklore, and tra- ditional ways of life. The folktales of Setesdal are classics of their kind.13 12The ten appeared in Magnus Lagabflte's M191 (1274?), see Lars Benton, W in m v. 111, pp. 6406, Oslo: Universitets- forlag, 1955. Stagg states that the first specific mention of the area It‘s fra 1020 in m m, London: Allen and Unwin, 1958, p.138. 13The tales have been edited and published by Dr. Olav Ed, The Folklore Institute, University of Oslo. Dr. ad is s native of Setesdal. 35 The language is a softly inflected version of nygorsk ("new" Nor» wegian) reaching back to Viking times, atypical of the urban language of Norway. This area's land use has attracted great interest on many counts, of which the retention of the £232; is the most famous.14 A ggtgg_is a small hut constructed in the uplands where needed addi- tional pasturage (gtmagg) for the family farm is feund. The structure is used by shepherds (teenagers and women) in the summer and is ‘usually unattended during the winter months. Today the ggtgr,syetem 15 is declining, as is transhnmance in general. The rate of decline in Setesdal is less than the Norwegian average and the area is well- known as a stronghold of the ancient land use system.16 Culturally Setesdal lies between two dissimilar centers of development. To the north and northeast lie the counties of Telemark and ¢stfold, areas that have been responsive to the older lAFbr a critique of publications on the seter see, Halvard Bjorkuik, "Norwegian Seter-Farming," 2h; Scandinavian Economic Elm 323.21% 11 (1963). P- 15. lE'Tl'anshumance is the periodic or seasonal movement of flocks or herds of domestic animals between two areas of different climatic conditions according to Stamp, 92, git,, p. 458. lfihaterial partially culled from Benton, pp, 91 . A question- naire circulated for the purpose of this research indicates that some seterbfarming still occurs in all of the four townships of Setesdal, but most ggtgrs have been abandoned. In Bygland the earliest abandonment reported occurred in 1920, latest in 1947, median 1938-1940. In Valle the earliest reported abandonment occurred in 1945, latest in 1962, median year 1953. No range of figures available for Hylestad; 23mggg herding is an established industry in Bykle, but none of the residents of this sparcely popu~ lated area returned the questionnaire that was circulated. 36 center of development, ¢stlandet (the East Land), (Figure 6). fistlandet developed as a cultural node from the conservative agri- cultural areas north of 0810.17 hiring the formative period of Norwegian nation-statehood, ¢stlandet retained a regional identity and struggled quite successfully with the other centers for leader- ship.18 ¢stlandet continued to remain aloof from "provincial" areas such as Vestlandet and Trp'ndelag through a slow identifica- tion with the ways of the Swedes and, to a greater degree, the Danes. To the south and southeast of Setesdal (Figure 6) is the sec- and cultural core area of interest, namely, sdrlandet (the South Land). Sdrlandet, a term of relatively recent origin, is the region that has been successively occupied by the Egder trihe1°and Swedish groups. During prehistoric times the Egder people effect- ively controlled the coast from Boknafjord to Skienfjord, hence the name Agdersiden (the Agder Coast). During the 800' s the Swedes established a kingdom that included the entire Agdersiden as well as its hinterland. The present geographical concept of Sdrlandet is more an historical than a geographical concept. The ”Material fran Magne Onnmmdson's A m m g; t_h_9_ 953g- M 91 Norway, mimeo, Oslo, 1958, p. 9. 18A relatively isolated nodal region that has grown from within. 19A very powerful group, first referred to by J ordanes (ca. 550 an.) see F. N. Stagg, South m, London: George Allen and Union, 1958, p. 129. 37 use—oSQ c. 38m x§§§< Ikbbm. 82 8:83 .\. \./ . J. «W a / /. \_ f r \. d \t _ / \ x \\marmmmx< . / ,/. fl . / nammxmam 38 ./ \ c s. /. N P J \ <2 \. /\./ Econ amm> A a. \ a r. a was Nance m u . a mecca N/ . x/ 53 ,(z\.\, \/./\.\/./ ./. /. ._ /. r /. xmczmde / /. r 38 boundaries of the region are particularly vague along the coast, especially on the western side of the Oslofjord. Here the South and the East Lands merge imperceptibly because of a heavy belt of popu- lation extending south from Oslo. Sérlandet is usually defined as the area between Flekkefjord and Kragerd or the area comprising Aust Agder and Vest Agder Counties (Figure 6).20 The hinterlands of the two centers of development merged toward the mountainous interior of Norway. Setesdal may be considered a cultural and economic outlier of both Sdrlandet and.¢Stlandet. Eggzigg DefinitionsIgg Setesdal. The traditional gateway to Setesdal is through the town of Byglandsfjord; the geographical limits of the region have varied through time, however. From antiq- uity Setesdal proper included only Valle, Bygland, and Hylestad. (Figure 1). The populated areas to the north and south of this genetic core of Setesdal were "outside", and thus responsive to "other" influences.21 At least one writer views the southern end of (lake) Byglandsfjord as one of the most pronounced "racial" frontiers in all of Norway: "...quite suddenly there is a complete change of racial characteristics-—dress, architecture and decoration, language and customs, way of life, cuisine..."22 To the north the influence of Rogaland and Telemark (Figure 6) are to be seen in the folkways of 2080 defined by Odell, pp. 931., p. 266. 218cc Isachsen in werenskiold, pp. pit” p. 1.10. 22Stagg, pp. git” p. 154. 39 Setesdal. Others have viewed Setesdal from an economic perspective and find no particularly sharp regional boundaries to the north and south. A broader definition, based on economic considerations, might well include Evje, Horness, and Iveland herreds as part of Setesdal.23 Indeed, great historical precedent exists both for inclusion and non—inclusion of these political units. The addit- ional three herreds had been included with Setesdal in the old administrative district known as the RBabyggelag (the 'corner- district').24 Before 1860 Setesdal proper was either ignored as a part of Sarlandet and included with Telemark, or considered as within the RBabyggelag. After 1860 the entire physical unit of the valley was annexed to Aust Agder (Figure 1). For the purpose of this study Setesdal is defined as the physically isolated valley proper, i.e., the herrggs of Bygland, Eylestad, Valle, and Bykle. Mt M g; M 61113.59. Attitudes as well as opportunities contribute to man's organization of Space. Some attitudes may become so ingrained in culture as to become universals, that is, viewpoints that are accepted without question. 23Peter Tvedt, Director, Aust Agder Regional Planning Association, in a letter to Communications Minister Trygve Bratteli, 7 November, 1960. A copy is in the possession of this writer. 24An administrative area that is carried over to this day in the official statistics as "Setesdal Fogdgri." 40 Here we should pause and ask what is the modern Norwegian view towards Setesdal. Has this attitude become a universal that must be included in a consideration of Setesdal's contact with the world beyond the valley? The folkways of Setesdal may not have been generally under- stood in the distant or recent past, but to say that they have been unnoticed is erroneous. The popular press, for example, has fecused upon the architecture of the valley. One author noted that the residents had the peculiar custom of building a vintage 1940 addi- tion onto a vintage 1500 dwelling (Figure 7), and the result was "regrettable and tasteless".25 Another has taken note of such build- ing trends and asks "...could not a building rennaissance take place in Setesdal?"26 Here the rennaissance is used in the sense of advo- cating a renewal of the old.ways, that such a combination of house types represents a "deformity," i.e., a corruption (Figure 7). The origin of these architectural forms was assigned to the influence of the lgnghgpggl (country store) and other traits emanating from an exchange economy. On occasion lively debates have ensued about the strength of the culture of Setesdal. One published debate discloses that the resi- dents of Setesdal (Setesddlene) themselves, or at least some of them, .hunger for the old.way. A dialogue came about because Professor Olof 2 50r1of Hasaas, "Hus of Husflid i Setesdal," Kristiansand og Oplands Turistforening gagbgk, 1942, pp. 12-16, viz. p. 16. 26 Christian Wilke, "Af Setesdalen," (Aftenposten's Turistspalte), Aftenposten, Ldrdagaften, 11 June 1921, p. 7. Figure 7. A typical farmstead in Hylestad. The dwelling to the left, background, is actually two structures. The older right Side is probably hundreds of years old, whereas the newer, left side may date from early 1900's. (Photo: V. Miller) 42 Benneche (who, according to his opponent, "knows Setesdal better than most") declared that the culture of Setesdal way was dying.27 A Professor Liestdl, himself a Setesddlene, replied that Benneche's picture was entirely too dark for various reasons. Benneche responded that nonetheless the change was beginning: "...the modern way of life was coming over them...they were no longer constructing buildings, stabburene, as in the old days for example (Figure 8).28 Forthwith, Liestcl declared that for various reasons the new will not overtake the culture of Setesdal. Benneche retorted that the effect of the lagghggggl was not to be minimized, that it was replacing the cottage-industries of the valley. The exchange of views on Setesdal's culture has been presented in order that the reader’might begin to perceive the complexity of the valley's cultural relationships to the outside world. Evidence exists that the milieu of the valley has been closely watched and glorified, not for what it was, but for what it seemed to be, for what it should have been, and for what it represented. Setesdal's culture has been romanticized in the fullest subjective sense, showing 27"F'orfattern, Olaf Benneche om Setesdalen og Setesddlene," Asdaziidaada. Onsdag 18 JU1F 1923, Po 4- 28"Er Setesdalenes gamle kulture deende7- Olof Benneche er pessimistisk, men.Professor'Liestdl er optimistisk," Nationgn Fredag 22 September 1922, p. 5. §t§p§ugggg are the out-buildings used for grain storage on many Norwegian farms. 43 e ,3 .~;;e:4;" al"':’ «e¢;;i§}§ .1. ' ‘ Jr Figure 8. Portion of a seter-compound (seterstqil), Bykle. The con- struction techniques are very old. Note the obvious use of local raw materials, such as logs and sod roof. (Photo: V. Miller) 44 perhaps little understanding of contemporary processes in the valley. 29 The romantization has been more implicit than explicit and so all the more subtle. Apparently Setssdal's popular image has been reinforced from within and has, when needed, helped to create a facade of solidarity to the outside world. How "solid" is Setesdal's culture? How well can it resist change? A discussion of these questions will shed more light on recent views of Setesdal's culture. Some of the stability of Setssdal's way of life may be traced back to a religious revival movement known as Hauganism, a term taken fran the name of the movement's leader, Hans Nielsen Hangs. The movement may be briefly characterized as an attempt to substi- tuts Christian pistism in the form of a Free (non-stats) Lutheran Church for the growing worldlinsss of the State Church.30 Haugs's piety was well-accepted in Setesdal and is here interpreted as a 29This comment is relative to a theoretical point in anthro- pology made by I. C. Jarvis. Jarvis notes that several possible functional relationships may exist between subcultures. Such groups may understand each other either in terms of explanation of say some trait, or in terms of assessing the importance of one group to another. The selections taken here from the Norwegian press are interpreted as understanding of this latter class, that Norwegians regarded Setesdal as a kind of living museum and Sstesdflens used this attitude as a means of protecting their cultural identity. See "Limits of Functionalism and Alternatives to it in Anthropology", I. C. Jarvis, in m in W, _A_ Sourggbook, R. A. Manners and David Kaplan, Ed., Chicago: Aldine, 1968, pp. 196-203. 30 One informant disclosed that Valls's Free church is one of the largest in Norway. ‘ 45 cultural defense mechanism. This pietism, or religious moralism, has been apparently strong even after the post World War II period.31 One may hypothesize that Norwegian society at large has accepted the Setesdflene pististic defense mechanism as indicative of "Norway's time of greatness"32 and unconsciously wished to eliminate possibilities for cultural change there.33 In any case the embracing of the Free Church movement placed Setesdal's culture beyond public (or state) control and gave license for a significant few to safe- guard the culture in the name of religion. Setesdal's pististic attitude and its acceptance beyond the valley then beccnnes an impor- tant social-geographical barrier towards change and should be included in a consideration of non-economic aspects of centrality. The excessive migration of young people is another factor seen as disturbing the cultural norms of Setesdal today. This migration M mean that the culture of Setesdal is literally dying for want 311‘s this writer's knowledge, no studies of piety in Setesdal have been published; therefore the statement can only be verified by personal field work in Setesdal, 1962, through the author's wife's conversation with Mrs. Kristin Brottveit (a native of Trondheim living in Setesdal who freely expressed her views on her new home) and Miss Liv Greni, Norskkringkastinghusst, who attempted to collect folk songs in Setesdal in the late 1950's. Occasionally printed accounts will mention that folk dancing and singing no longer flourishes in the valley (as say compared with Telemark); Miss Grsni believes this is so because of a pististic distaste for public contact between the sexes . 32o . 311. , Agdsrtidende 18 July 1953. 33One Norwegian professor in Oslo stated to the author that Norway is a small country and thus could better afford to tolerate such living museums as Setesdal. More documentation for this hypothesis will be given in the course of this chapter. 46 of a labor supply to keep the farms going. Because of the system of primogeniture,34 young girls and women have more reason to migrate than men, thus making marriage within the valley difficult and the labor problem more acute. In a few cases the eldest son will dis- claim his birthright to land, threatening the very roots of the primogeniture system and an important part of the valley's cultural system.35 The original culture of Setesdal may be dying, but probably not as fast as the migration and other demographic statistics seem to indicate. The labor-intensive subsistence economy depends upon "imported" labor during the peak work periods, particularly harvest time. The needed labor is willingly supplied by former Seteednlene who return during their summer vacations to assist on the family farm. These examples are presented not to prove that Setesdal's culture is withering, but rather that the area's traditionalism has had a ranarkabls ability to resist outside forces. Norwegians seem to intuitively recognize and respect the cultural autonomy of the valley. Component cultural processes, acceptance from the outside and stability from within, are seen to have created a geographical barrier that has retarded the growth of exchange economy in the study area of Setesdal. 34A system where the eldest son has first claim on family land; it is still practiced in Setesdal. 35These problems are common to many of the isolated areas of Norway. The author's attention was first drawn to this situation at a lecture given by Kmlt Kolsrud, Oslo University Sumner School, Summer 1959. 47 Setesdal's Physical Gsoggapgy‘gng‘ltg’Interior Isolation. The first portion of this chapter ("The Physical Setting") shows that Setesdal's environment is transitional, between that of the Kjolen's high plateau surface and the alluvial lowlands that comprise the more populated regions of Sorlandst. As one travels from the north to the south through the valley of the Sgtggg a figurative meta- morphosis in the environment can be sensed. An observer can readily sense that the world of the valley is distinct from that of the flanking mountains, and the valley itself actually consists of sev- eral isolated regions: the "communities" of Setesdal. Sflmme indicates that the deciduous forest growth of Sdrlandet predominates in Northern Setesdal (Bykle), that coniferous growth dominates south of the 'township', and that grass rather than root 36 The area devoted to crops form the major agricultural landscape. hay and other forage crOps in Setesdal was roughly twice that given to arable crops in 1939. The production of grasses, however, has fallen rapidly since werld war II, a decline that correlates with a decline of summer pasturage, grazing animals, and the use of‘ggtgg by farmers from the west, particularly Rogaland. Today the old grazing industries of Bykle are being replaced by a "new" form of herding, the rise of an embryo reindeer industry with the aid of locally’employed.Lapps.37 36Sfimne, 22- 91.3., p. 14.3. 37See: Egil Remi Jensen, "Fascinerende Reinskuespile en time fra Ssrlandske—Reindriften stadig Popula rt bi-yrke Fj ellbondene," We 27 J‘fl-Y: 19639 P0 9- 1.8 Bykle is topographically and climatically marginal between the more southern portion of the valley and the surrounding high yell. PMsal, coupled with cultural, isolation indicates that Bykle is an interesting landscape fragment for the investigations of the hypotheses set forth in the preceding chapter. In past times the isolation of Bykle was all but complete in winter because of the "dreaded pass, Byklestigen". Byklestigen is the name given to the narrow gorge that the Otra fiver cuts into the m south of Bykle (Figure 9). Until the 1870's the only approach to Bykle was over the £192..- Byklestigsn was both a topographic and a linguistic boundary. The peeple of Bykle did not speak the "classic” Setesdal dialect (i.e., of Valle, immediately south), mt rather a tongue miniscsnt of Telanark to the north. Upon entering Valle one feels a change from the mountain world of Bykle. Here even the River Otra scans less aggressive, taking time to meander over rather than incise into the vallsy's floor. The site of Valle—m (center) is a broad well-cultivated plain. Ira a gross scale its tspographic features are somehow better defined, perhaps because of the intense angular relationship between the cliffs and the valley button. The sharp contrast between side and botta is in greater evidence on the west side of the valley. To the East, morainic kame-like deposits Jut from the highlands; Meme have taken full advantage of better soils; here farm- steeds spread far up the hillside close to the 11393. Valle is a 38mm rm- Stage. 22- w... p. 55. o vr' on C- .- Figure 9 . View of the southern approach to Byklestigen in northern Valle. This pass in former times was a considerable ob- stacle to communication between Valle and Bykle. (Photo: V. Miller) 50 dispersed settlement that fans from its center on three sides. The topographic homogeneity of the Valle-region is slowly terminated to the north as one approaches Byklestigen (Figure 9) through a narrow valley of complex topography. Northward, farming naturally gives way to lumbering. To the south the plain terminates about two kilometers from Valle-centrum.at Hallandsbru (-bridge), the site of an engaging waterfall (Figure 10), and the beginning of rougher land that effectively isolates Valle from Hylestad. The physiography of Hylestad is transitional between fivrs and Ytre (outer) Setesdal. Hylestad is unlike valle in that only dis- continuous patches of farming are to be seen on the Otra's bottom lands. The river in this section of Setesdal once again takes on the appearance of youthfulness; meander flats give way to rapid flowing water. The paucity of arable land is associated with poor soil and elevations too high for many crops. The common landscape denominator of Hylestad, like that of the fjellbyggg farther north, is diversity; the hgzggg bridges the "plateau-levels" of valls and Bygland. As the geographer Fridtjof Isachsen has said, "Setesdal doesn't go to the sea, only to Byglandsfjord,"39 (Figure 2). From Ose to the community of Byglandsfjord, the water of Araksfjord and Byglandsfjord dominates the landscape, dividing the northern and southern component parts at the narrows of Storstraumen. 39 In Werenskiold, gp. 9_i_t., p. 117. 51 Figure 10. Waterfall immediately south of Valle- centrum. Falls such as this and a nar- rowing of the valley separates the discrete settlements of Setesdal. This particular falls separates Valle from Hylestad. (Photo: V. Miller) 52 The northern portion of Bygland 'township' is somewhat different in environment from that of ¢vre Setesdal. Aside from the omnipresent effect of the twenty-seven miles of ribbon-lakes, the singular massiveness surrounding Valle gives way to a multi- plicity of high mountains and alluvium. The gross land use patterns become more complex with heavily timbersd regions beside and beyond the cleared agricultural areas. At Storstraumen the road crosses the narrows to the eastern side of the valley. Here the road hugs a heavily-wooded mountain side only to break into the large colluvial fan that is the site of the dispersed settlement of Bygland. The north and south developed portions of Bygland are isolated by three to four kilometers of wooded area along the road. About 22 kilometers south of Bygland lies the community of Byglandsfjord. Although not so classifiedfo Byglandsfjord is the only settlement in Setesdal that takes on the semblance of a central place, as is shown subsequently. 22219—5 9_f_' Isolgtion Within Setgsgal. The previous description of Setesdal's physical geography suggests that Setesdal is isolated from SJrlandet and so the remainder of Norway. Secondarily, the four townships comprising Setesdal proper are separated topographic- ally from one another. This results in a fragmented human occupance of the valley and prompts a question: Do significant differences exist in the dispersion of settlement patterns or relative isolation between the four 'townships' of Setesdal? 401.e., classified by Hallstein Myklebost, 9p. git. 53 Figures 11 and 12 are two views of the gross land use relations of Setesdal. The first cartogram contrasts ¢vre and Ytre Setesdal. Clearly both regions have a great disparity between arable and unproductive land. The second of these figures shows similar rela- tions for the individual townships. Close examination of this carto- gram.reveals much about the "permissiveness" of the terrain. For example, a paradoxical situation exists between Bykle and valle in flvrs Setesdal. Bykle is the larger of the two; it has the least arable land and the most productive forests. Valle hgggeg is roughly half as large as Bykle; it has nearly twice as much arable land, supplies fewer forest products, and has about half as much totally unproductive land. The contrasting land uses of the two areas apparently reflect the physical geography of upper Setesdal (assuming geographical possibilism). Interestingly, marked contrasts exist between Bykle and valle which are about 29 kilometers (18 English.miles) from one another. The mileage is minimal, yet because of Byklestigen the timg distance is great and was even greater in the past. A further examination of the cartograms shows that two 'town- ships,’ Bygland and Valle, have more developed resources than the other two, Hylestad and Bykle. The descriptive material given preva iously indicates that Hylestad and Bykle effectively isolate valle, particularly from Bygland. If one considers only the major regions of Ovre and Ytre Setesdal, the latter has a greater comparative advantage with respect to the area of developed agricultural land and exploited forests. Is the greater comparative advantage of Lower 54 SETESDAL GROSS LAND USE I 5 HORIZOflTlL l5 l0 IGMCMT’UNAL AflEA If. 3s m? Fblketelling, 1950 Source: Figure 11. 55 a” g? W S E 7' E SDAL GROSS LAND USE I ”filial TIL J Polketelling, 1950 Source: Figure 12. 56 Setesdal because of the larger resource base or closeness to markets outside of the valley? If Bygland represents an intervening oppor- tunity for the exchange economy beyond the valley, why has Valle rather than Hylestad (the next best intervening opportunity) flourished? Indeed, has Valle flourished to the extent that Bygland has? Finally, what has the physiography of the valley to do with all of this? What has been the role of outside influence? The mind» of this chapter and the next chapter are devoted to seek- ing answers to these questions. Figures 11 and 12 suggest that isolation within Setesdal and the rest of Norway is a simple relationship between population and land area. When the product of the ratio of cultivated to unculti- vated land is mall, emptiness and time isolation is the result. A further analysis of the factors that contribute to Setesdal ' s isolation is useful here. The cartogrsms show that the amount of uncultivated land is much greater than that of cultivated land. Figures 11 and 12 do not give a picture of the factors of distances and elevation and their relationship to settluent patterns. An inspection of a good topographic cultural map of Setesdal shows that Itre and Rim Setesdal are quite different with respect to the factors of elevation and the dispersion of farmsteadsfl The m of Bygland and Hylestad 4li'he "Sands" (No. 32—4) and the "Mandel" (No. 32—1) sheets of the MS Series M515, scale 1:250,000 have been used as a basis of this analysis. (,B!§r: O. . 1 ...io- -- 0 .—*v 57 have a greater homogeneity with respect to these factors than do Valle and Bykle. The particular components of the homogeneity of Itre Setesdal are a greater number of stream.valleys leading from the main valley to the western and eastern highlands of the region and a greater dispersion of houses and farmsteads. The northern two herreds have a more forbidding topography with respect to communication with their highland flanks. The terrain is more rugged, the stream valleys more precipitous. The settlement geog- raphy in.¢vre Setesdal correlates with this topography in an isolatsdpclustered pattern of living. In general, the lower portions of the valley have a topography favoring dispersed settlements whereas the tOpography of the upper portions favors a more mlcleated settlement form. Of the hgrregs of Setesdal, valle is unique because of its excessively rough terrain. The settlement density, of Valle-centrum.is unusually high, which is seen as a consequence of surrounding rough topography, in addition to flat bottom lands surrounding the area. Valle is then an exceptional example of the aforementioned clustered settle- ment pattern. The residents of Valle mostly live in the area but are isolated from other areas of Setesdal by topography. THE EVIDENCE OF ISOLATION Isolation and its major result, underdevelopment, could be expected to exhibit notable effects in a region of supposed economic contrasts such as SJrIandet. The lack of development, however, is not entirely an economic phenomenon; to be true to the broad.analysis of this study, the indices or evidence of underdevelopment must 58 include the range of human relationships. Also, a theoretical yard- stick must be used in order that the data has meaning. Therefore, two questions are now asked: What are the relationships between Setesdal and its surrounding area of Sirlandet? Do these observa- tions conform to expectations gained from the traditional ideas of underdevelopment? Economic Relationships. When considering the economics of underdevelopment, researchers suggest that the distribution of tert- iaryAz industries is a.meaningful index of growth. The Norwegian census breaks the tertiary sector into three divisions: private and public administrative, retail and wholesale, and Specialized salaried personnel (of the entrepreneurial type). Theories of economic development hold that an analysis of the contrasts between these three types of services can reveal meaningful inequalities of development.43 The even distribution of only retail service per- sonnel may be representative of incipient development. A greater degree of economic development is often represented by increasing numbers of highly trained managerial persons in a region. Distribution of services in Sdrlandet is depicted on Figure 13. The inset maps of Figure 13 are comparable because each shows service personnel per thousand residents for the major geographical areas 42The tertiary section of the economy concerns trade and services. 43See: Bert F. Hoselitz, "Noneconomic Factors in Economic Devel- opment," in Okun and Richardson, Eds. Studies in Economic Develop: rent, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1362, p. 341. 59 'ssRLANu: DISTRIBUTION or SERVICES, IN SERVICE EMPLOYEES PER Iooo RESIDENTS E7000 ‘5 E/OOO 8 7: 49.50 86.25 I.5 7 , ”.25 23.5 I. sI.7s g .5 we . 5 5 TOTAL SERVICES Index Map ——.- —- Camry Boundary - Re lanai flounder _ 5/000 8 x: 4-09 g y x = l9.50 E/OOO 3 87.75 3.5 |2_25 .5 68.25 2.5 /\ 4.09 D-e- . '° SETESDAL (I) ' m ) MELLoweYeoEsz . DALBYGDER(3) /' .. [\KYSTBYGDER (4) (2) " " 2 (2) .. (3) (2) ( URBAN: ' (3) 2 3.0 (4) -° ‘P 22.0 C WHOLESALE AND RETAIL SERVICES D SPECIALIZED SERVICES Figure 13. Source: Norke Folketelling, 1950 60 of Sdrland, i.e., the coastal 'townships' (kygt;), transitional (gggllgmflandmountain.(.f_1,§.'Ll,‘szzgsier_)."Inmm:hip'.4l+ Figure 13a illustrates the distribution of all services in the two counties comprising Sdrlandst. Interestingly, there is a greater difference of services between the coastal and interior areas of vest Agder than of Aust Agder; the rural coastal areas of Vest Agder are also better developed in this respect. Narrowing the view to particular types of services, an identical pattern is revealed for the distribution of administrative officials. The more highly urbanized coastal areas have more service officials per thousand population than do any other Sdrland region, and again the intermediate region (mellomgygdsr) is lacking in this respect. Inset Figure 13c reveals that the two county areas are almost com— pletely homogeneous with reapect to wholesale and retail service personnel. Note should be made that there are distinct differences between.urban and rural areas with respect to "salesmen". The urban areas have roughly three times as many retail and wholesale service representatives as do the rural areas (not shown on these maps). Figure 13d depicts the distribution of various specialized serv- ice employees. The pattern shows that skilled service personnel are to be found.mostly in the coastal region, and that Aust Agder has more of these than vest Agder. The pattern supports the contention of Aust Agder's Regional Planning Office Director that a sharp dividing line exists between the interior and the coast. Specifically the line “The mapping units are standard deviations . 61 of demarcation seems intimately connected with transportation routes, particularly the Sdrlandsbansn (the Sdrland Railway).45 The above patterns emerge even.more clearly by applying a .OlX2 test to these patterns seen in Figure 14. The Chi-square test shows a real economic distance between the coast and interior of SKrland with respect to all services as well as specialized service personnel (Figure 14 a and d). The test further indicates that there is pg significant difference between Setesdal and the other geographic areas with respect to retail and associated activities as shown in c, and administrative services have accumulated in the coastal region of Vest Agder (Figure 14b). Figure 14b, shows that there is no significant difference between Setesdal and the remainder of Aust Agder with respect to rural administrative services available. There is a significant difference between Setesdal and the coastal portion of Vest Agder “administratively". Doss Vest Agder actually dominate the adminis- trative situation for all of snrlandet? Applying a .le2 test for the urban areas of both counties, where public and private officialdom would naturally locate, one must reject the hypothesis that Vest Agder actually dominates its sister county. Then, does any particular city dominate the "administrative geography" of the two county area? Kristiansand employs about twice the number of peOple as the next 45e.g., see: Peter Tvedt, "Problemet med Utkantbygdens," Arhgigggggggggt 8 (October 1962), pp. 5-12. On page 8 the author states that in ten years of working with regional planning in the area, he has neverImet an industrial official who was willing to locate to the interior of the sdrlandshanen, although certain guarantees were offered. 62 SORLANDZ AREAS OF SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE WITH RESPECT TO SERVICES FOR NON'URBAN AREAS SIGNIFICANT DIFFERENCE DEFINED AT .Ol LEVEL Km v w A I TOTAL SERVICES I B ADMINISTRATIVE SERVICES Index Map —-.—_ COUNTY BOUNDARY _ REGIONAL BOUNDARY , (referred to In text) --\ SETESOAL (I) f -. MELLOMBYGDER (2) DALBYGDER (3) KYSTBYGDER (4) VEST AGDER C WHOLESALE AND RETAIL SERVICES D SPECIALIZED SERVICES Source: Figure 13 Figure 14. 63 largest city, Arendal. Undifferentiated data shows that Kristiansand completely dominates Sdrland in respect to all of the services, and so could be expected to dominate the administrative services.46 The conclusion is that Kristiansand is the "primate" city of Sdrland, the kingpin of the region's urban hierarchy.47 The above analysis indicates that a multivariate relationship exists between the coast and the interior Of Sdrland. On one hand there exists a distinct economic dichotomy, well-pronounced between the Coast and the Interior, but also fairly well-pronounced between the city and the country in Vest Agder's coastal region. These economic differences are best developed administratively and least developed in selling activities. A second dichotomy exists between the rural coast and interior, best exemplified by administrative differences. Further study of the patterns shown in Figure 14 indi- cate that the greatest economic difference with respect to services is found between Setesdal and Kristiansand. Note that the vari- ations between Setesdal and the other interior regions are not sig- nificantly different with respect to any type Of service. The relationships between the "develOped" and "underdeveloped" portions of Sdrlandet are what theory48 has taught us to expect. More specifically, the theory and Observations from Sdrland suggest that 46The urban and rural data are not strictly comparable. 470:. Mark Jefferson's "The Law of Primate Cities, "gig 939- gLaphical Review mx (April 1939), pp. 226-232. 48i.e., The theory Of circular causation by Myrdal, pp, pip., in Chapter I, p. 3. 64 exchange economy is working imperfectly if a balance of trade is not present. The even distribution Of the wholesale and retail trade in the two-county area indicates that the coastal areas can dispose of their products in rural areas, but that the converse is impossible. The interior rural areas are net importers and the urban and rural coastal areas are net exporters of goods and services, as can be seen from the geographical patterns of service employees; Kristiansand is the chief exploitive entity in these relations. §ppi§l Relationships. The social relations between areas of diverse economy are less tangible than the economic relations because no universal index exists for describing such differences. The concept Of "social distance" has not been reduced to a theoretical framework, and consistent generalizations about the "social" con- ditions of underdevelopment do not exist. Demographic criteria are most often used to interpret the social condition Of a given region. Generally, an undeveloped area, as Opposed to an.underdeveloped one, may have a high natural increase and low emigration of population. An area such as Sdrland which has experienced the primary stage of development would be expected to exhibit markedly different demographic characteristics. Areas of incipient development should show a decline in the natural increase of population coupled with considerable emigration!"9 Rddevand shows 49The theories of the social relations between developed and underdeveloped regions have been explored in Chapter I, and the models proposed in Figure 2. 65 that Setesdal and the interior Of Sdrlandet falls into this latter category.50 In other demographic respects the political divisions of Setesdal are somewhat more unique. Mere than any other region of comparable size, Setesdal has the greatest percent of native born population. In Valle, 94.8% Of the pOpulation has been born in the pppppd; corresponding figures for Hylestad and Bykle are 91.5% and 90.9% respectively.51 The figures for the northern three townships Of Setesdal indicate that the rate of population change must very nearly correspond to natural population increase.52 Thus, few imigrate into northern Setesdal, most emigrate. The data very strongly suggests that northernsmost Setesdal has retained distinct isolation from outside settlement. If centralization has occurred in the northern townships of Setesdal, it has occurred as the result Of a natural increase Of population and not through an influx of population and industry. Table 1 indicates the average in and out migrations for the townships of Setesdal as well as Evje Township. O 5 Rddevand, Nordmenn‘pg Flyptefot, Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1959, p. 36. 51 m. 52The situation in Bygland and Byglandsfjord is quite different, as sown in Table 3. 66 TABLEl SUMMARY OF MIGRATION STATISTICS SETESDAL AND VICINITY 1950-59 In-Migration Out-Migration Net Out- Resultant Township Migration N o . Rank No . Rank No . Rank Rank B.‘I’kle 203 4 347 1+ 144 4 3 Valle 217 3 401 3 184 l 2 Hylestad 139 5 228 5 89 5 4 Bygland 621 2 781 2 160 3 2 Evj e-Hornes s 1370 l 1540 l 170 2 1 Source: Norske Folketellingen, 1 November 1960. The ranking Of the data presented in Table 1 allows an immediate comparison of the positions of the townships concerned with respect to migration. Evj e-Hornsss scores highest in emigration, illustrating that this area, along with its principal community Of Evje, is the primary focus Of migration from Setesdal, i.e., the likely first stop in the emigrants' journey to the town. The fact that Evje-Horness ranks second in net out-migration indicates that the area has an economic potential to hold its population. Indeed, Mdevmd has declared that Evjs has more economic activity than any interior town- ship in the Agdsrs and thus is a refuge for rural immigrants.53 53Rodsvand, pp. git” p. 36. 60 Correspondinghy, the fact that Valle ranks first in net outemigration indicates that this area is the least able Of the townships of Setesdal to support its population. Hylestad and Bykle are custom- arily noted as being areas of greater economic depression than Valle; the ranking of Valle as first in emigration is therefore surprising. The high emigration score for Valle is probably related to the remaining possibilities for farming in the area, which are nil when compared to Hylestad and Bykle. Bygland and valle have equal rank with respect to the turnpover of pOpulation, i.e., second behind Evje and Horness, but for different reasons explored subsequently in this chapter and the next. Analysis of the data of Table 1 indicated that Bygland is as different from Valle as Kristiansand is from Oslo. Bygland's relationship to Valle is complementary in the same manner that Kristiansand and Oslo are complementary. Substantiation of the foregoing assertion is brought out below and in Chapter 3. The social symptoms of isolation are indeed subtle. A careful analysis Of these symptoms with a focus on Setesdal indicates that the area, more than any other in Norway, is distinctly different. Of the townships of Setesdal, Valle emerges as being the most unique demographically. Polipical Rplgtionship . Politics is perhaps the most erratic of the nonpeconomic relationships affecting economic development; it is one that may be reducible to two equally convincing but diametrically Opposed theories. Economists hold that man has an unlimited desire for the "better“ things of life, particularly 68 those made attractive through the conditions Of economic take-off. Anthropologists say that the labor Of undevelOped regions is at best apathetic to the "things" Of an exchange economy and is more con- cerned with conserving its traditions, its culture. Thus, anthro- pologists and economists disagree as to the basic wants and needs of human beings.54 Attitudes toward economic development are acti vated through the political relationship between town and country. The only problem is to gather empirical data to describe these relationships and then to interpret their'meaning. Data on political attitudes throughout Norway is relatively easy to Obtain because most of the Kingdom's 155 advertising news- papers follow definitive political lines and geographical data on the circulation of these papers is easily Obtained.55 The data Of tables 2 and 3 are a survey of the newspaper reading habits of Setesddlens. An analysis of the data shows that Setesdal's news- paper readsrs overwhelmingly identify themselves with Kristiansand in two ways. In terms of political orientation a.majority of the readers subscribe to political views left Of center, shown in Table 2, and that Kristiansand newspapers are favored above others in Setesdal, as shown in Table 3. The meaning of the newspaper circup lation data is not easily interpreted. The figures do not necessarily indicate that Setesdal is politically sympathetic to Kristiansand's Fbr a review of the controversy, see: ‘W. E. Moore, "Labor Attitudes Towards Industrialization in.Underdeveloped Countries," in Okum.and Richardson, pp, pip., pp. 381-385. 55The prime source is the Norsk Aviskatalog, published annually by Avisenes Informasjonskontor, Bogstadveien 3, Oslo NV. 69 leadership; they may merely indicate that Kristiansand's merchants better serve the economic interests of the valley, or that the papers are larger, more worth their price. Fortunately for this study, the question of political unification of the two counties of sdrlandet has recently been a controversy and people have had an opportunity to form an opinion on this question. The results of the survey are presented in Table 4. The sample poll shows that, of those surveyed, Setesdal is a rather typical illustration of the theoretical dilemma briefly sketched on page 68 . The high figures of item "b" in Table 4 ascer- tain that Setesddlene look to Kristiansand to represent their "interests." One must assume that the term "interests" was given an economic interpretation here because of the evident disinterest in the unification of the two counties. A .OZX; test indicates that a significant difference exists between item "a" for Bygland and va11e regardless of the smaller sample for the former. 0n the basis of the limited sample obtained, Bygland and valle have different attitudes toward the unification of the two counties of sdrlandet and so toward eventual political control by Kristiansand. The two have similar attitudes towards the economic leadership of Kristiansand. One may conclude then that, in part, both the economist and the anthro- pologist are correct in their respective theories for valle, i.e., that the situation is complex. 70 TABLE 2 SETESDAL: NEWSPAPER.READING HABITS ACCORDING TO THE NEWSPAPER, SOURCES OF NEWSPAPER AND POLITICAL AFFILIATION, 1963 Newspaper, source Left Right Labor Independent Total Kragerd Blad l 1 Aust Agder Bla 2 2 (risers de osten 54 54 EArendal) Grimstad Addressetidende l 302 303 dertidende O Kristiansand) Christianssands Tidende 34 34 (Kristiansand Feederlandsvennen 1189 1189 Kristiansand) S r an et‘gg Tigen 332 332 (Kristiansand) Lindesnes 7 7 Mandal) Farsunds Avis l 1 TOTALS 1251 36 634 2 1923 —__ J Source: Norsk Avis Katalog, 1963-64, pp. 1149115. ll 71 TABLE 3 SETESDAL: WSPAPER READING HABITS ACCORDING TO GEOGRAPHICAL SOURCE OF PAPER .- BY SUBSCRIBERS, 1963. Kragerfl l Riser 2 Arendal 54 Grimstad 303 Kristiansand 1555 Mandel 7 Farsund 1 TOTAL 1923 Source: Table 2 72 TABLE 4 A SURst OF POLITICO-ECONOMIC ATTITUDES IN SETESDAL, BY HOUSEHOLD“ Summary: Percent of those valle Hylestad Bygland surveyed** a. Favoring political union of the two counties: 38% 00% 59% 43% b. Stating that Kristiansand represents their interests . better than does Arendal: 80% 100% 84% 85% c. Percentage of household _ surveyed: 11.1% 3.7% 3.0% 5.1% Source: Questionnaire * These percentages represent figures only for those who replied to the questions concerning attitudes toward Arendal and Kristiansand. See Appendix for a translation of the question- naire and a summary of the results. ** These figures do not represent a simple average because every infbrmant did not answer every question. 73 In valle mixed emotions are harbored concerning the economic and political advantages of Kristiansand's leadership, a fact evident through the comparison of items "a" and "b" of Table 4 for valle. In Bygland, the anthropologists must be judged as being incorrect in their assumptions because the respondents far more consistently favor Kristiansand both politically and economically. The material presented here only suggests that a political cleavage exists between valle and Bygland. The data does agree, however, with the essential geographical character of the two 'town- ships,‘ one—-Valle-composed of a single settlement, and the other- Bygland-—composed of a nwmber of more tightlybknit agglomerated settlements plus the community of Byglandsfjord that approaches being a central place. SMMMARI Material has been.presented indicating that Setesdal, especially its northern portion, is "different." Setesdal and the nearest major example of an exchange economy, Kristiansand, have not established a reciprocal economic exchange. The exchange between Setesdal and the coastal urban units is unbalanced in favor of the cities. The demo- graphic patterns of Setesdal are unique for Sdrlandet and the entire country. A.majority of the populous area of Setesdal is apparently fearful of political domination from Kristiansand and.yet have few economic ties with Arendal, their political capital. Setesdal may fear Kristiansand because the two are dissimilar; Kristiansand is an exchange entity, Setesdal is a subsistence economic entity. The discussion of Setesdal's isolation indicates that an 74 urban-rural dichotomy may exist between Kristiansand and interior Setesdal. Urban-rural differences in Sérland are three-fold in nature; political, economic, and social. The analysis further sug- gests that urban-rural difference perhaps should be defined as existing on three scales, i.e., on a political, economic and social level, rather than merely on an economic scale. Thus, from an economic view alone, it may be impossible to define the urban-rural dichotomy. In substance then the material of this chapter’most importantly has established that the urban-rural dichotomy may be said to be representative of opposite positions on certain quantitative scales of economic, social, and political behavior. ‘When these scales are viewed together, the townpcountry differences emerge in the form.of two qualitatively different ways of life};-6 At this point the view presented on the nature and existence of the urban and rural differences between Setesdal and Kristiansand are tentative. The important dimension of time has not been thoroughly considered and becomes the focus of the next chapter. 56In a discussion of the linkage of social subsystems, S. Z. Klausner has reached a conclusion similar to the ones expressed here, which has only very recently come to the attention of this writer. Klausner deals with personality types rather than a land use typology, and in part states: "Individuals in power(of a poorly linked subsystem) receive satisfactions that encourage them to fixate on past and pre- sent and to resist structural chang . Passivity becomes a personality characteristic of those inhibited from acting. They become incapable of responding creatively to a later challenge...this individual inca- pacity becomes a social inability to respond." An interpretation of the passage, particularly the underlined portions indicates that Klaus- ner and this researcher are speaking of similar situations. Klausner also has interesting concepts about the boundaries existing between societal subsystems, referenced in more appropriate sections of this research. See, S. 2. Klausner, ed. The Stugy‘gflTotgl Societies, Garden City: Anchor Books, 1967, p. 23. Underlining added. CHAPTER III SEESDAL: THE GEOGRAPHY OP CIRCULATION The preceding chapters have been concerned with the theoretical implication of this study and the isolated nature of Setesdal. The specific purpose of this chapter is to document change in Setesdal's W1 with serious in general and its political center or Arendal in particular. An att-pt is made to distinguish these periods of time when Setesdal's integration with the above nentiened geographical entities was unusually rapid and to study the impact of such changes and intervening periods of adjus‘lnent on the culture and land use systu. The concept of W is sophisticated and difficult to apply to a given region. For the purposes of this study pertinent aspects of Setesdel's circulation are defined to be the increase of (1) transport accessibility into and within the valley and (2) functional urbani- into and in the valley. Functional urbanin, lThetenWisusedtoaJlowacertaindegreeoffreedaa intheanalysis. Borrowedfro-therrench, thewordhasnomglish equivalent as a geographic tern. It implies a holistic view of human moment, a caprehensive view of the organisation of space, as suggested by Hoodie. Rolfe states that W spans the rigd that separates ccmnication and transportation. See A. 3. Roadie, "Intro-European Simulation," in East and Moodie, Eds., m m m, Ionkers-on-Hudson: world Book Co., 1956, and R. R. Wolfe, W m m Searchlight Book #18, Princeton: Van lostrand Co., 1963, p. 7. 75 76 thedependenceofmralareasuponexchangeeconm, isviewedas being the aajor tangible effect of increased accessibility in a subsistence area. ACCESSIBILIT! As Ullaan points out, transportation is a major cuponent of the geography of accessibility.2 The notion of accessibility, furtheraore,naybeaeaningfulintheanalysis oftransportsyst-s andsaybeconceptuanyapproachedfraamnberofviewpointa. Sue geographers have elected to stub this concept from the per- spective of the organisation of a transportation systu. Kansky, for ample, explores the coherence of a transport net fro a theory of nathuatics, namely topology.3. Geographers have cuonly utilised the oceanic analysis approach, such as the cost-distance aethodinvonThfinen's classic stuw “MM“. The concept of cost-distance has been particularly developed by American and Ger-an geographers to express ideas which eaphasise economic interaction through space.‘ Other geographers, particularly mitish and Swdish, have con- cerned thuselves with the tine-distance relationship in an effort to understand the l'soc:l.alising" effect of increased nobility. More 2:. L. Ullnan in James and Jones, eds., m M m g m p. 311 (Chapter on "Transportation Geography.") 3e.g., Kansky's I'Structure of Transportation Networks," University of Chicago Dept. of Geography Research Paper lo. 84, 1963. 1’3”.“ Berry, "Recent Studies Concerning the Role of Transpor- tation intho 8pm m." mammogram numbers. Sept. 1959. pp. 328-342- 77 specifically, they have devoted considerable attention to the effect of bus service on hinterlands, an approach that is of interest to this stub. These geographers see accessibility as an effect result- ing fro transportation inprov-ents, i.e., greater spatial inter- action. l'ru this last stat-ant it follows that changing spatial interaction and transportation inpromnts say he used as an index of differences in accessibility. The practical probl-s of napping or otherwise measuring access- ibility are difficult and subtle but very important. Changing access- ibility may be effectively lapped for exchange econuies through journey-tc-work data for a period of time and a masher of places. Unfortunately, precise Journey-town data does not exist for the study area. Even if available, such data's value is linited for sub- sistence econaies because nest of the residents work and live in the sale locality. The problu of mapping accessibility in Setesdal nybeapproechedthroughtheuseofisochrones, i.e., bypreparing a series of charts that show changing tine-distance relationships between Setesdal and certain other key teraini through time. Different tine—distance measures have been developed. The Swedish and British studies have generally used train and bus sched- ules to secure their tine-distance infer-ation. They essuned that thetinetahsntotravelbetweentwopointsisaneasureofaccess- ibility. Such data actually gives an index of the potential travel- ing tine, indicating only ainiaal tine-distance between two points. As Forbes points out, accessibility is also a function of 78 availability of transportation. 5 Thus if points A and B are thirty nimtes apart and ten vehicles depart from point A every two hours, the laximu travel time is [.2 minutes: 30 minutes travel time plus a maximum of 12 minutes wait to board the bus. In her apirical study, Forbes found maxim travel time a more reliable indicator than travel time as an index of accessibility. The, accessibility exists in the mind as also in fact. The probability of a person making a journey is a function of the length of travel and the convenience of travel as measured by the frequency of departure, which may be expressed simply: (1) A = f(D/3, P). In (1), A = Accessibility, D = Distance in absolute tens, S = Speed of Travel and F = Frequency of Departure. [In the formulation, if therewereaninfinitemmberofdeparturesfromagivenpointtoa second point (requiring no wait for the bus), defined here as mini- mum accessibility, Am, we would have: (2) A... = D/S. that is, ainilmm accessibility is equal to a ratio of distance to speed, r = 1.] The condition of minimum accessibility is certainly not approached in Setesdal today. The number of departures is still low as compared to a Norwegian urban situation so that frequency of departure must be considered. When "F" is included in the calcu- lation (equation 1), certain practical problus occur because of the 5Pentium-I. Jan, "flapping Accessibility.“ mm W W, 80, (1964): PP- 1241' 79 irregularity of the bus and train schedules free day to day, season to season, and year to year. Because of the variance of schedules the concept of mean-maximum accessibility (Am) is introduced. Mean- maxinumtraveltineis definedasthsactualtime spentintravel plus the average time in minutes spent waiting for the vehicle to depart for a 2!. hour period. In all cases the 2!. hour period that had the least frequent service was selected for meansmaximun analysis. Chronographs6 have been caapiled for Setesdal beginning in 1899 when the Setesdalbanen was completed to Byglandsfjord. The lines between the sample ten-year points on these graphs represent trends in accessibility. The charts show (1) the linkage between Setesdal and serland, i.e., Byglandsfjord and.xristiansand, cities which in a historical context have been the most significant nearest neigh- hcrs,7 and (2) a series of five graphs showing changes between Byglandsfj ord and her sister omnities within Setesdal. The evolution of Setesdal ' s interre'gionsl accessibility depicted on the graphshadits seedsinhistory, as shownthmughthefcllowing analysis. 6Charts showing changing time-distance relationships for ten year periods, a concept suggested by Forbes, 93. pi; 7rhat is, nearest neighbors of significance for the context of this stow. Nearest-neighbors may be defined as closest points on a surface for geographical stuck purposes. As Varnts notes the geographer may study surfaces other than those of the physical landscape; he may study "conceptual surfaces...based on social, economic, and cultural phenomena...‘I He further notes that "Always...these conceptual sur- faces may be regarded as overlying the surface of the real earth and whose geometric and topological characteristics. . .thus describe aspects of the real world.” See William Warnts, "A Note on Surfaces and Paths and Applications to Geographical Problans," Discussion Paper #6, Michigan Inter-University Conuuunity of Mathauatical Geog- raphers, Ann Arbor, Deparusent of Geograptw, University of Michigan, JW, 1965, p. 2e 8O mom. ACCESSIBILITT—SETESDAL AND summ'r In the past, several urban units hare bid for Setesdal's trade. Prior to the decade of 1640, the entire coastal portion of Scrland was controlled by the:msrchants of Arendal. Christian IV‘s creation of'Iristiansand.“with a stroke of the pen..." created competition for hinterlands that was in time to insolve Setesdal. In the 1690's, however, Setesddlene seemed to be uninterested in connections with the coast.8 Various accounts indicate that trips to the south, particulariy'from.¢yrs Setesdal, were only made when.necessary, to boy eats during poor crop years, for instance. Two reasons account for this lack of contact: (1) the high cost of items free the cities of Arendal and.!ristiansand, and (2) the poor road conditions and the dangers attendant in clinbing the "heath-road" (heidevegans).9 setersthsconstrsetioncrthepestrosdminlsu, thepre- ferred.trading center seamed.to be Arendal. If trips were made in the winter months, the fjord was followed to Evie, (Figure 15) then along Revlandsdalen to Arendal. During the warmer season the path ledtoBygland, fraathereviaJnrdalsheiditoTovdalandArendal. Gradually'a.pattexn of two trips a.year evolved; these were taken.in thespringandthefallasthsareaslowlybecame dependentupon certain.staples froa.Arendal such as iron, salt, hemp, and.luxuries 3m stem. W W: W 0.1.. W O: 333, 19“, pe 257s 9Torleiv Aakre, ”Ge-alt fraa Valle,u m m, 29 October 1925, p. l. 1O'Animproved road for use in mail delivery. 81 ?‘ F to BERGEN {No-ETERsER to OSLO f f ) \ z’.. I 1 ‘ i .‘ ‘ ./ s -’ BISHOPS-RO . J \. 1 (before l8“). 3 \ {...J [I Q. ,3 B Y K L E --’° 1' / ,J i am. , ,/ \,\ :/: 1’ ’x I, / 5 ‘. ," BYKLESTIGEN/ \ " Q / \ \ MPOST-ROAD to VALLE : I,’ ) (I844). Lind: .. l/ A L L E NAM-E c ox. y , J"—-- ‘ I ‘\\'\ ? J. ‘\ :’ /’Q / \ /’:\ lh’YLESTAD ) _____ I’ -. 3 / " \., "j ------- -,—~/ \.\ a \) 03E \\ 1"? (a ,. BYGLANDSFJORDOS?E(I867L399)I?1/FEAGT: 2;)me : BYGLA£P_~\ ( \\mo/a_ beforelm 7. ’—..._../ Q \‘BYGLAAD I) I \t \ l’ SE'ITESIAL \ x 2 “‘1‘" 1 Q! ) fiansparfaf/on Routes ) ...—_.. \\‘ ”” DATES OF CONSTRUCTION PYGLANDSFJORD NORWEGIAN ~ IN PARENTHESES. RT. ‘ mm” “89% ‘1 '° 2° 3° 40'“ {ARENOAL ““‘W"&’§°o'-:). \Lot. \Hiolwny EVJE ? Figure 15. 82 such as tobacco. One historian notes that tobacco regularly found its way to Valle in 1810, by which time the trade had already existed for sane 150 to 200 years.n Before the construction of roads , tOpographic as well as economic obstacles fostered isolation in the valley. The trip to Arendal, by whatever route, eeaned to be particularly difficult. As a result, one must assume that the area "...offered the least treasures..." to the merchants of the coast.12 The gradual encourage- ment of Setesdal's interregional trade started with the road building era of the 1840's. Prior to this a trip from Valle to Kristiansand (162 km) took a full three weeks by horseback. The residents of Bykle, north of Byklestigen, rarely went to Kristiansand, preferring to go to the north to Ryfylke or Fjordane and the cities of Stavanger and Bergen, apparently because of fewer physical diffi- culties. Transportation was further improved in 1867 with the addition of a ferry line fran Byglandsfjord to Bygland and One. By the year that the Iristiansand of Oplands Turistforening began its work in 1886, Setesdal was still a m M. The yearbook of this organisation suggests that the increasing interregional accessibility was responsible for the "ranantization" of the area because the occasional tourist or interested person would come back with tales A uTorleiv Aakre, "Gamult fraa Valle ," m m, 29 Novanber 1921, p. 1. 12 Sverre Steen, m. 911., p. 257. v 1“} 83 that were equal to those ooung from Africa or the Antarctic Seae.13 Northern Setesdal was not entirely isolated, even before 1841,. 1 Bispevei (Bishop's Road) was maintained to enable priests to visit the northern part of the valley. In 1827 an Englishman, a certain Mr. Inglis, Journeyed through Setesdal and stated that established routes were used tron ¢vre Setesdal to Stavanger, Bergen, and Oslo.“ Because of this linkage, as well as the lack of linkage between Bykle and the south, Bykle's cultural involvment with the north of Setesdal scans to be strong in the early period; however, the northern interconnections sea to be relatively uninportant to the study of aodern changes in accessibility for the area. rigure 16 shows the trend in interregional woessibility from the date of the canpletion of the Setesdalbanen (Setesdal railway) in 1899 to present. In the first decade of the operation of the rail- road, accessibility, as aeasured by the "distance" between the two linesonthegraph, wasccnstantlyinproved; fran1909tol929a "plateau“ was reached, then there was further improvement until 1939. M1939tothedisaantlingofthenarrowgaugerailroadin1959, the availability of service decreased and the minimum travel time increased, soaewhat reversing the trend of the previous forty years. 13mg. ibrahanson, W “Sotesdden,” Christiansand 8.: 0. Torviks Porlag, 1901. Additional material in this paragraph was taken fraa Nils Nersten's "Sanfordsluidlar i Setesdal," in for Kristiansands of Oplands Toristforening, 1919, Iristiansand, 1920, pp. 17-20. “var. Inglis raise gjennon Setesdalen over Telemark, 1827,” Kristiansands cg Uplands ruristforening m, 1935, p. 18. 84 ”GOV Qbov F . 333—2.: .3” 0.25.5 Q2 .82 a: meme - amendmezfionm b___n__mmmoo< _m>9.r 6:28:25 882mm QQQ\ .0. ION 10m .9? row .00 ..OO. . OON r00» ethyl |9ADJJ_ semugw 85 Thesharpincreaseofserviceshownafterthe1959 merlargely represents the efforts of a single bus cmpany of Byglandsfjcrd, the Setesdalbdlrutor, to reestablish and surpass the connections possible during the heyday of the Setesdal Railroad. The graph (Figure 16) indicates that in the last 60-odd years Setesdal has experienced two transportation "talce-offs.’I The first startedinl899andoulninatedinthedecade1929-39. Thesecondhas only recently started, and its consequences cannot be predicted.15 The graph shows the reaarkable effects on accessibility of the intro- duction of efficient bus service; today Setesdal is enjoying more interregicnal access than it ever has had. Interregional travel betweenByglandsfjordandirendalinAustigderneverdevelopedto the extent of that between Kristiansand and Byglandsfj ord because of the capletion of the Setesdalbanen. Evidently the merchants of Iristiansand "cap‘tured'l Setesdal trade fru Arendal through the building of the Setesdalbanen. MIONAL ACCESSIBILITY The history of intraregional accessibility in Setesdal naturally parallels that between Setesdal and serlendet, but sane details mst be added to understand the nature of sub-regioml isolation. In ”Discussion of the cause of the reversals in these trends is beyond the purview of this study. They have been discussed elsewhere. See particularly Neils Olsen, "Setesdalsbanen Ombygging til Bledtapor.” W i in: 19.45... and H- Mykleboata typo- written report to the 'Coumunications Department, ' January 21, 1949, stating that the narrow gauge of the Setesdalban should be abandoned for a more efficient means of omnication, perhaps the construction of a highway. 86 plusiographic terns, one may divide Setesdal into three accessibility regions: (1) the southern portion of the valley along the shores of Aurlands- and Byglandsfjcrden, (2) a central part centering in Valle, and (3) the portion north of Byklestigen. The three regions formerly seued to be effectively isolated fran one another by physical geographic barriers. Access frm Bykle to Valle was so poor that it was practically non-existent in the early 1800's.16 'Knowing' travelers fru Valle rarely went further south into the valley than Ose, preferring to take the westerly route, Vestheida, to case out of the valley at the site of the old Byglandsfjord station orelsetheheath-roadandsotoirendal. Thepopulationcfthe southern region lived on the east side of the two fjords and traveled the nain trend of the valley to Byglandsfjord, then either to Kristiansand or Arendal.17 For these reasons there seemed to be little minng of the valley's population in early times. The nature of the interregional linkages began to change with the introduction of regular postal service in the 1830-1840 decade.18 TheregulardeliveryofthenailinValleeverylAdm soonledto theestablishnentofthepostroadinthelw'sandthegradnal abandoment of the mountain roads ascending from One (Figure 15). Ferryservicestartedin186‘7,andby1889twoboats,theMand 16lils seeten, 22- 93., p. 17. 17m” p. 18. ”Described in Torleiv Aakre's, "Dei fyrst postberarar i Setesdal.” mm, 3March1938, p. 3. 87 the m (both built in 1869), established regular service between the lickelworks and Kile and from there to Byglandsfjord, Bygland, and Des.” Data is lacking for the period before 1889, but one must assume that intraregicnal accessibility for the southern two regions actually started between 1869 and 1889. In this period mob work was doneontheroadbetweenBykleandValle. Evensc, theroadranained dangerous: "...in suner the horses had to be helped..." and only sleds could be used in the winter.20 Authorities indicate that the threeregicnsofSetesdalweanyroadorferryataboutthe same time, in the 1870's (Figure 15). BytheturnofthecenturySetesdalwasservedbyoneprincipal road. ThisroadentendedthroughthevalleytoValleChurch, fraa thatpointtoBytleasanuninprovedroad, andasaridingroad(a narrowpath) fruBykletoBreivik. The ccnsensuswasthat "the site and situation of new of the places in Setesdal are such that the roads cannot be improved without great oocpeodzumree."21 Apparently nest of the "roads" were simply footpaths or paths used for the driving of aninals. Many of these roads connected to neighboring m outside the valley. The nature of Setesdal's transportation networkduringthispericdindicates that egressfranthevalleywas difficult. The building of roads, however poor, did permit greater 19m n: lam. 1889. 20Hereskio1d, Ed., m m m, ”Setesdal,” by r. Isachsen, p. 112, Oslo: Gyldendal Norsk Forlag, 1936. ahead Helland, m m pg 593, Statistisk Beskrivelse over lledenes ht, part 2, Byerne cg Berrederne, 'Kmnikationsnilder,“ W3 Be um & Co., 190‘», pa “7e .— ...a—ure— 88 personal travel beyond the valley but still inhibited the movement of goods.22 Figures 16 to 21 depict change in mean-minimum travel-time between Byglandsfjord and the comnmnities of Bygland, Hylestad (Ose) , Valle, Bykle, and Hovden. All infermation on the graphs was extracted fru the m £91 N_o_1_‘gg starting in 1899 and ten years thereafter; "critical periods" of change were scrutinized in more detail and are shown on sane of the graphs . The graphs include data from all trans- port services available within Setesdal, i.e., railroad (until 1959) and bus services. The northern topographic-accessibility region includes the trans- port nodes of Bykle and Hovden. These graphs show that the region did not here service (from Bykle) before the summer of 1920, and.that regular’year around service did not start until 1929 for Bykle and 1939 for Hovden, Figures 20 and 21 respectively. Also, the "quality" of service sealed to vary greatly between smnmer and winter before and after the 1929-1939 decade, as indicated by the solid lines for the sample years. Figure 19 shows that Valle had bus service to One starting in the summer of'l909 which continued until 1929.23 Before 1929 the water and.bus service was extremely erratic, though better in summer than in winter. More dependable service was supplied from 1929 to 1949, and maxim travel time was constantly lowered. ”Ind. 23 Consistent data before 1929 on water transport was not included in am to: hem. ~1be 2D2_Z_2 232x42 or chew coax apex 3.9 99 09 ensign/139m - gunman £36384. _m>2._. _o:o_omno:c_ 682mm 0. #09 100 too too. r000“ emu |8ADJ_L setnugw p.09 8% or? £5 enaov 99 99 00$ 906‘ — - h 2:2_X¢2 z2._. _oco_o€o:c_ BummBm emu Ierll setnugw 91 .3 one: hboax 000V QVQx Qbmv QWQ brvov ”Nov .o.\or\ “00.x 0m.%\ i . let—e _ {ELL} _ a e _ m 222;; 25.2 a _ _n _ emoeuqufienm - mj§ 336884 68:. 68629.12 .0823 0. row tom 10? tom tom :05 tom ..0m :00. .. CON ..OOn emu laAoii semugw 92 53% 23.2.2. 552x42 24m: orbav .8 one»: 93% 99$ 9%? 5%? GK? 99% b b p p u omoeummzfieam - Exam £36884. 65:. _o:o_om._o:c_ 632mm QEQ .0. :0n row -on #8 row 100 row :00. uOON roov emu laAOll semugw 93 RS cocoon 38 on Am enema m; o. o. 0 bov bov Wax have QWQ\. OVON 900v 232.25. fl egg; 4 l ensign/139m - 2mm: 0: 3:55884 62E. 68682.15 833$ emu [semi semugw 91. Figures 1'7 and 18 show changes for the southern region of the valley. Figure 17 shows from 1899 the service for Hylestad—Ose and Bygland has been irregular, somewhat more reliable in the summer. For Hylestad the decades 1929-1939 and 1949-1959 represent periods of most reliable summer and winter service as well as periods of minimal travel time. A careful study of Figure 17 (allowing for distortions caused by the use of semi-log paper) shows that Bygland has enjoyed a considerable transport linkage with Byglandsfjord and that minimum as well as mean-maximum travel time has constantly been reduced. The 1929-1939 decade again represents the period of most consistent sonar-winter schedules. After that time accessibility changes markedly with the season (indicated by the solid lines) as has the minimum travel time. The conclusion is evident that all of the southernmost region is very "close“ in a time-distance sense to Byglandsfjord. when viewed fran the context of consistency of service, one can divide the modern history of Setesdal's intraregional accessibility into four intervals: (1) the pro-1929 ferry-bus period, (2) the 1929-1939 period of transport stability, (3) the world war II period, and (1.) the post-1960 period of markedly increasing intraregional accessibility. There was a long span of change fran 1899 to 1929, then a ten of adjustment that seems pronounced during the decade of the. 30's, then a deterioration fran the 40's to the 60's, after which another span of positive change has apparently occurred. Figure 16 (Byglandsfjord-eKristiansand) indicates that similar conditions occurred in interregional contact, that the 1930 decade was a period of maxim accessibility only recently approached again 95 during the 1960's. Note on Figure 16 that minimum travel time from Byglandsfjord to Kristiansand is less in 1963 than in 1939, but that mean-maxim travel time is greater.”+ Mini-1m and mean-maximum travel time into and within Setesdal has fluctuated greatly since the establishment of regular transpor- tation services. Some discussion of these changes is pertinent, but detailed explanations are beyond the scope of this study. Figure 16 shows that transportation services between Kristian!- sand and Byglandsfjord have varied greatly through the years. Two factors appear to be relevant to these oscillations in the avail- ability of service: transport costs and the econmnic health of Slrlandet. The Setesdalbane was a narrow gauge woodburning railroad con- structed in the late 1890's. This railroad served a real purpose in fusing a linkage between the market center of Kristiansand and the interior, including Byglandsfjord. Once the railway was built, the number of trains completing the full trip on this railway was fairly constant fran early in this century until 1929. From 1929 until 1939 service improved through increasing the mmber of trips, but not shortening the time in transit (canpare mean-maximal: and minimum travel times in Figure 16). Economic factors seemed to correSpond with improvement in the frequency of service during this time of 21"This observation is not meant as criticism of Myklebost's report, 92. git” because the "scale-shift" from train to bus was not yet complete in 1963 primarily because a new road was only partially cmpleted by the cancer of 1963 . 96 recession and depression. During this time it appears that the merchants of Kristiansand turned fru intonational to interregional trade and the Setesdalbane facilitated the realignment.25 has 1939 to 1959 the number of trains decreased markedly and mean-maxim travel time increased greatly. Minimum travel time (time in transit) ruained constant during the period. The year 1939 marked the start of hostilities in Europe, which undoubtedly had its effect on the use of the Setesdalbane, at least until the end of the occupation. After the war, however, the service of the Setesdalbane contimed to deteriorate with respect to mean-maximum travel time. This disuse oftherailwaypartlycanbe explainedthroughthepcstwarreadjust- ments of the lorwegian economy, necessary economy moves, and the like. Officialdm was also reconsidering the role of the transport facil- ity, and their deliberations are mirrored in the decrease of trains 6 After 1959 this narrow gauge railway was between 191.9 and 1959.2 disbanded and a modern cyst. of bus transportation was instituted. The effect of this bus compaw is seen in Figure 16. for the period after 1959.27 Gmparison of Figure 16 .(Byglandsfjord-Kristiansand) and the series of graphs depicting Setesdal ' s intraregional travel times (Figures 17 - 21) indicates that transportation service fluctuation 251'his state-eat will be more fully developed in the next section on the unseen or Sounds-ram or W2 26s” Myklebost, pp. m. 2'IDetails of the goals of greater accessibility for Setesdal have been set forth in a letter from P. Tvedt, planner, 7 April 1961.. 97 withinthevalleydoes not correlatewalltbroughtinewiththefluc- tuations batwaen Byglandst ord and Iristiansand. This observation mrther suggests that a set of complex relationships have existed betweenSetesdalandtheccastalregionswhicharaanalysedinthe following section. mm mass or moan—W on W728 At this point the effect of changes in interregional access- ibility on Setesdal must be considered. What adjustments to changes have occurred? what is the relationship between the .all places of Setesdal and the string of urbanized omnities generated by the traders of Kristiansand along the Setesdalbanen's right-cf-Iway through Otradalen? Are these snll settle-ants suburbs (m) or more loosely connected work places (W) with respect to Iristiansand? Are the sett1-ents, in J. H. webb's tens, isolated or integrated?29 settluent with differentiated functions, but with no significant in isolated urban society is one having a nucleated contacts with other urban settluents. An integrated urban society hasasignificantandfreeexchangecfgcodsandsarviceswithother urban settluents. A cuparative stub of the meager literature suggests interesting conclusions with respect to the sett1-ents in and near Setesdal. lo .piricalworkofagecgraphicalnaturehasbeandonafcrthevallay 28 is the Norwegian term of suburb; W is the ten for a manufacturing center or work places. 293‘. U. Webb, "Analysis of hall Urban Centers of Minnesota,” P1! 2‘ W 2‘ m We Vol. 49 Mh 1959 , ppe 55-72e 98 m a, but Dag Oaholt-Jensan has studied the evolution of a omnity in Torrisdal, Vennesla, which is on the transport link fro: Kristian- sand to setesdsu.30 Omholtq'fansen' s conclusion for Vannesla was that the town is not to be considered a suburb of Kristiansand in the sense that the emunity is dependent upon Kristiansand for work, goods, and services. In coming to these conclusions Omholtd’ansen traced the evolution ofthecanterfromthe1660‘s. Duringtheearlyperiodofhis analy- sis the cantarwasmainlydependant upon timbarandsalmonfishing. Products went to Kristiansand which established itself as an inter- national market center in vigorous competition with Arendal. Both major cities saued to be at the mercy of international aconcmlic ups anddowns. Theseeoonomicshockssa-edtobesoftanedinthe W (Figure l) (and Vennesla) according to the dome of self-sufficiency retained. mpothetically, adding to this author's conclusions, the shock would be less severe in Byglaudsfjord than in Vennesla, in Valle or Bykle than in Byglandsfjord. DuringtimescfeconomiccrisastheArendalandxristiansand merchants naturally looked inland for new markets, as during the crises of 1814 and 1856. Vennesla and certainly Setesdal were affect- ed during these times of economic-geographic readjustment because the twotradingtownsweresearchingformarketsintha same place, interior Slrlandet. This trade 'war" see-ed to be particularly ”has mum-n. mus-n: mm in We Bcvedfagsoppgave i gaografi, Oslo: Unversitetsforlaget, sten, 1959. 99 centered on Setesdal according to Omholt-Jensen. Southern Setesdal, since the 1600's, had been supplying Vennasla with unhewn logs. Fran the middle 1850' s the capetition between the two large market centers washaenandtheweapons cfthetradawarweramaansofccmmunica- tions, i.e., increased access to the interior, credit, and advertis- ing. mholt-Jensen notes that two specific effects of this search for markets were the establith of the me Nickel Works (1872) and Ottaalvans Papirfabrik (1875). Such I'indnstrialination" of Torrisdsl called for a mass-transport cysts, and the setesdalbanen was built intha1890's. Duringtheplanningfortherailroadbothirendaland Kristiansand evidently thought each would benefit the most frm its ccnstruotion.31 Until the canplaticn of the Setesdalbanen, the M of Oddernes, Tveit, Slgne, and Vennesla carried on more manufacturing than Kristiansand. Evidently a sort of geographical division of laborbetweenthecoastandthei-ediateandfarintariorhaddsvel- oped. The coast cities of Arendal and Kristiansand provided emchanga ' functions, the interiorm the "hard“ goods for that exchange, andthemcreintericrm-andmprovidingraw materials. The construction of the Setesdalbanen had brought about this tripartite eccnuic division of space between Northern Setesdal and Kristiansand. Kristiansand sealed to gain ascendancy in thehinterland through the use of Carmen and Canadian capital in the establishment of 31notethstalthoughlrendalienotonthenainlineorthe 8drlandsbanen,thetownislinkedtoitbyaspurline. 100 manufacturing concerns. Additional noney entered the interior market areas in the fern of credit and other trade-producing incentives, such as agricultural research. Thus, even in the 1859's Kristian- sand's capitalwasusedintheVenneslaregiontouperinentuith crops. 1 stimulated agricultural eccnow led to the establishent of a regular narket day and increased economic intercourse betwen (l) the faners and the town of Venesla, and (2) Vennasla and Iristiaasand. The Iristiansand nerchants apparently realised the spatial ties between the coast and the interior could not always be naintained by such means alone. Omications were as necessary as financial linksinholdingandinprovingthismthroughspace. The crises cf1814and1856hadtenghtth-thattheirholdenthe hinterlands of 81th was indeed fragile at such tines. The construction of the Setesdalbanen enabled a string of central and industrial places to grow up along its right-ofdwey. (Figure l) Byglandsfjordbecaletheterninalpcintfortherailroadandthe farthest inland narket place, as shown by the naps of Figure 3.32 Myklebost states that the opening of the Setesdalbanen in 1896 caused the develop-ant of me and Byglandsfjord. (Note that although eoee industry is located in these cmnities they lust be classified as central places.33) lo other Setesdal village qualifies as a central 3z'l'he classification of centrality shown on Figure 3 is taken fra- Hallmin main-t. lama mm m 1512-1252. 0610: Universitetsforlaget, Ad Novas Series No . 4, 1959. See Chapter I for a brief discussion of husbost's method. 33Ihia. , p. 231., see also footnotes 1 and 2. note that Myklebost further classifies the towns as industrial places and central places, i.p. and c.p. on the nap. Industrial places are simply referred to ascentralplacesinthisstucb. 101 place as defined by Myklebost. Evidence suggests that the retail establishents of the Iristiansand nerchants were never very successful in Setesdal as a whole. Until the owing of the railroad to Byglandsfjord the valley se-ed distinctly aloof from the ties of either Arendal or Kristian- sand. Effortstoinprovecropnethodsandlinkagriculturetoan exchange scone-y were nostly restricted to the Lake Byglandsfjord area. in agricultural high school was established in Setesdal (in Bygland) in the niddle 1880's. In the 23 years since its inception until 1919 no student had one fru Bykle, only 6 fru Valle, 16 fru Hylestad, and 38 from Iveland which lies to the south beyond the Units of the valley, m ”34 win so little interest fru students infireSetesdal? Apparentlytheresidents cculdnotaffordtosend theirehildrenofftoschoolandtheparentsintheuppervalleyfelt that the elaentary school supplied all the knowledge that was needed for a farner's life. The brief history of econo-ic linkage between Iristiansand, Vennasla, and the villages of Setesdal is interesting in view of H. S. B. Gras's cententionthatthereisnosuchthingasanational econ- ”, hit only netropclitan, i.e., regional econonies working within the fraeework of the state.” Thus, from Gras's view, nations do not 34(T. lu-en,) I'Landbruksskolen i S.tesdal," m m, Torsdag 11 Sept. 1919, p. 1. ”11.8.3. Gras, “The Developent of Metropolitan m in Europe Ind home." m mm W Benn. mm (1922). pp. 696-705. 102 trade, but rather areas of nations trade, such areas representing a specific geographic specialization which occurs in three evolutionary stages: that of vollage, town, and city economy. A three-stage division seems to have existed through space for Ssrlandet as the region became organized through the evolution of Kristiansand as its principal center. Returning to Webb's concept of isolated and inte- grated urban entities, one observes that the evidence suggests that the villages of Setesdal have in the past remained well-isolated, that the town of Vennasla is transitional, sometimes integrated, smetines isolated, and that the community of Kristiansand is well- integrated with foreign and/or domestic markets. The basic moti- vations for change in all three cases has been economic impetus from beyond the region and canpetition within. This shows that the interior areas may have suffered because of too little government control or interest. The short comparative history suggests some interesting rela- tions concerning the economic geography of the area: (1) A chain of cause-and-effect relations has existed through the space that separates Setesdal, Vennesla, and Kristiansand which has pushed primary production (such as forestry and agriculture) gradually towards the interior through time. In the 1660's Vennasla was the prinary producer for Kristiansand, resulting in agricultural sophistication and some industrialization geared to the needs of Kristiansand. Setesdal was 193;; W. Southern Setesdal becane one of the primary producers for the Vennasla area. Evi- dently, however, the revolution in exchange economy was anything but 103 caplete in that valley of tradition and isolation. That basic sit- uation seas to exist yet today. (2) Econmic trepidation in Kristiansand was often followed by a loss or contact with the interior which in turn resulted in "regression” to rural self-sufficiency, out-migration, or both. One night theorize relative self-sufficiency was always present, or else "total” out-nigration would have to necessarily occur. Thus the nodal economic region of Kristiansand along the coast was paralleled by an I'an'ti--" econo-ic nodal region towards the interior. The 'anti-" region was built upon a paradip of traditional folkways which becale a refuge of relative self—sufficiency during periods of depression. The region was obscured during the good tines and becane uphasised during the bad. The evidence for this in the case of Yennesla is seen to be inconclusive at this point, somewhat more conclusive for Setesdal. (3) The transportation talus—off of the 1890's and after seas to have been instituted to serve Kristiansand prinarily rather than the interiorm. The railroadeertainly shouldnot havebeen considered "Setesdal's Railroad" in any sense. The accessibility charts for that railroad interestingly enough indicate that the best linkage occurred during poor tines (the decade of the 1930's). Was this to Setesdal's or Kristiansand's advantage? The analysis given above indicates that the Setesdalbanen was built to satisfy econmic needsalongthe coast. Theeccnulicneedsoftheinteriorhavenot been served through the railroad's construction, indicated by the dis- balance of trade shown in Chapter II, pages 61-63 and Figures 14, 15. 104 (1.) Gras's four criteria for recognising the evolution from sub- sistencysecstoapplyimperfectlytothisanelysis. Thusgreater specialisation «as to have been substituted by an opposite trend in the case of Kristiansand. More i-unity from distress and famine se-stobeaproduotofsubsistenceaswellasexchange econmwas in the case of Vennasla and Setesdal. In Setesdal, however, the type of distress, natural or nan-made, is important.36 Certainly the evolution has been accompanied by a greater surplus of items of exchange econow and a greater general division of labor. (5) Gras sees the three prinary unite of production as the village, town, and city wherein labor, skills, and capital respec- tively are nobilised. Certainly nest villages of Setesdal main W or central places where labor predminately focuses. rm: manor or mm mm In 36me 1891-1950 Circulation perhaps has its final expression in tangible results inthefon ofabetterlife. There are, of course, nanyways to define a “better life. " Without departing upon metaphysical spec- ulation, one can assume that a better life is attained when more goods and services are available at lower and lower prices. The natural by-product of such a revolution of rising expectations would be an increase in retail service which is now analysed. Figures 22 and 23 depict the changes in retail services employees 3‘Shchange econoq provides relief from naturel disaster; sub- sistence emchange scent-w provides relief frat nan-made depressions. hrther insights to this view are offered in the following chapter, particularly in the analysis of the residuals of regression section. 701' 60- 50-- 20— / ' . / 'O‘-\ '1' \, 105 VEST AGDER PE TAIL SERVICE EMPLOYEES /OOO ADULT POPULATION BY GEOGRAPHICAL RE OI ON |89l ‘ l950. I/i s¢RLANoET* MELLOMBYGDER ./ SETESDAL / DALBYGDER l l l l l89| I l ISOO |9l0 l920 I930 l940 l950 *Ercepnno SETESDAL. Source: Horne Polketelling, for years indicated. 70‘ 60‘ 4o, 20‘ 106 AUST Access Arm IL SERVICE EMPLOYEES /000‘ ADULT POPULA no” er sweeps/0.41 REGION :89: - l950. F / MELLOMBYGDER ._ / KYSTBYGDER a s¢RLANoET / DALBYGDER / SETESDAL / _/ l l J I l l L l89| l900 l9l0 l920 l930 l940 |946 l950 a , F1 23. Source: Norske 1011mm 5mm SETEWL' sure for indicated dates. 107 per 1000 resident population by geographical region for the years 1891 to 1950, as plotted on nonnal graph paper. Data for Setesdal is plotted for both Lust and Vest Agder for easy canparison. The figures for dust and.Vbst Agder show'simdlar trends that vary in important details. In the 1890's the lumber of retail serv- ices in the three geographical regions of the coast (W) , the transitional (W) and the mountain (Meg) 'town- ships' did not differ markedly. In both Vest and inst Agder the M“ and W have very nearly the same number of retail service employees per 1000 adult inhabitants. In both counties the Coastal Region had more such anployees; Aust Agder having more than Vest Agder. Era 1900 to 1910 there was a sharp increase in this relative relationship between service uployees and adult popu- lation, and after 1910 to 1920 a sharp deoline.” are. the 1920's until the 1950'. reasonable stability in nest of the region pre- ' veiled with but few exceptions . Ira the 1920's to 191.6, the retail service uployees of the m of Vest Agder experienced a net decline and that of dust Agder experienced a net increase. The figures for Setesdal are lower 371hemulationoi'theduturetmlothhtthiorireunddeoline of retail nployees per adult population sons to be associated with ed decline of population in all of the geographical regions in 1910 without a corresponding decline in service personnel. This explanation is tentative because the raw data for 1900 and 1910 is not comparable due to a change in the classificatory systau in the 1900 census. A comparison of 1891 and 1910 figures (where the data is ouparahle) indicates the above statuent is true. 108 than those of the W of Just Agder but not Vest Agder.38 In Vest Agder Setesdal's ratio of retailer to population is consist- ently higher than that of the W, and at times higher, at times lower, than that of the W. Both graphs show that the coastal townships throughout nest of the period have enjoyed more retail service uployees than any other region. in important enceptionisthemofmst Agderwhichseustohave act- ually fallen below the nelloehygder of that county in the ratio.39 The graph for Vest Agder, including Setesdal, is most impor- tant as it further sulports the argments proposed concerning the effects of cmnicaticn on the m of the region. The trendofallcfthelinescnthegraphforVestAgderarethessme with the emception of the m, which differed fru the pre- vailingtrendinthe1890decadeandinthel930tol9le6period. Also, with the exception of Setesdal, no “crossing” of lines is evidentontheVestigdergraph, whichistosqythatnonecfthe regionshaschangedpositicnswithrespecttctheratioused. In AustigdertheWhasehangedpositicnthreetines, once falling below the m then regaining its-position above the m in the 1900's and 1910's respectively and finally gaining pro-cinema cverthemmduringthe inten-warandtlorldflar IIpericd. SetesdalehangedpositicnswiththeWof 38lloatt-ptisnadetoexplainthisapparentanualy,which could easily be the subject of other major research. Possible explanations could be the location of the interior Sdrlandsbanen, the low population densities of the region, or the nature of the geographical isolation of the area. 39Again explanation is aitted because it is not central to the probl- of the dissertation. See footnote 38 above. 109 Vest Agder, falling below the latter in the first decade of the century and yet closely paralleling the trend for those transitional townships. The figure for Vest Agder indicates no change of rank of the geographical regions of the county, except for Setesdal, as noted above. ThenpwerdtrendofboththemWandSetesdalin the first decade of the century must be ascribed to the completion of the Setesdalbanen in 1899 and its importance to the establishment of market towns/*0 Apparently the Setesdalbanen along with the wide gauge serlandehanen "stabilised" the ranking of these geographical regions with respect to the criteria used here. Such stability does not so. to appear in the graph prepared for Aust Agder, probably because no means of mass-transport between the coast and the interior was created. The W of Vest Agder have not kept pace with respect to the ratio used because of their peripheral location with respect to transport facilities. The sharp rise and fall of service personnel per adult population (see tentative explanation in foot- note 38, page 108) further suggests an over-specialisation in the services for the Coastal Regions, particularly so for Vest Agder. A close enmination of the graph for Vest Agder reveals that the Coast region experienced the greatest rise and decline in the service ratio during the first score of years of our century, followed by the Transitional Region, Setesdal, and the other Valley Townships. In other words, these areas having the least integration with the coast “See reference to Myklebost, p. 85 this chapter. 110 have suffered the least fluctuation with respect to the services. In Vest Agder the rise and fall apparently varies according to distance from the coast. Such is not the case in Aust Agder where the W experienced greater changes than the W, changes which were almost as great as those experienced by the W. Setesdal's changes closely paralleled those of the Q- and W of Aust Agder even though it is, in terms of accessibility, nore closely linked with Vest Agder. M AND CONCLUSIONS This chapter analyzes the Wintegration in the broader sense—through time for the geographical unite of 35th in order to isolate periods of eccnuic growth, adjustment, and decline. Quantitative and qualitative data reveals that six periods of circulation developmnt exist for the region as a whole: 1- mmmmnm. WWW“?! apparentlyr-arkablehoecgeneouswithrespecttothelaok of services, and transport services were totally absent in the nodern sense. The cities of Kristiansend and Arendal were the only representatives of a larger netropolitan econmy. These larger cities at tines organised the space .of the interior through cupetition and investment. 2. as W m .91 We We Transport scale changes were introduced in the form of railroads which decidely affected the service ratio for all of Sirlandet; trendstowardanenchangeeconosywerenorepronouncedin Vest Agder and Setesdal than in Aust Agder because of the 3. A. 5. 111 construction of the Setesdalbanen. 1:; mid W m, Jim-212342. Increased access- ibility pemitted a diffusion of service into the interior m which may have quickly led to an overdevelopment of retailing because of a pronounced decrease in resident adult population throughout the area; again the trends toward exchange economy are pro-eminent in Vest Agder and Setesdal. m m; 91 magjgstmgnt, mm. A sharp decrease in the service ratio, more so in Vest Agder and Setesdal than Aust Agder, was accompanied by a plateau of transport inter- regional stability; at this time intraregional stability in Setesdal was developed from south to north among the W of that region. Byglandsfj ord remained the one market place of the region. Setesdal thus was semi-developed, as seen by the high service ratio in Bygland and the low ratio in the minder of the valley, as shown in the next chapter. W, LEE-.1245. During this stage Setesdal's intra- regional accessibility changed little from year to year and season to season. The travel time between Byglandsfj ord and Kristiansand did improve and was accanpanied by gradual increases in the service ratio in Setesdal. Similar con- ditions prevailed in the other geographical regions of Vest Agder, excepting the gem. The trends were similar but not so pronounced in Aust Agder, except its mm whose development contradicted the general trend during the period. 112 6- maummmaadmmaslatasa- All regions in both counties experienced a development of their service ratio. Intraregional transportation within Setesdal either r-ained constant or increased. Transportation between Kristiansand and Byglandsfj ord declined greatly until the advent of a new transport scale-shift in the form of the replacucnt of the railroad with bus service. Several general tentative conclusions pertinent to the central probl- of the study merge from the information presented in this chapter: The interior areas, particularly Setesdal, have traditionally beenremotefruthelife alongthecoast, especiallytheurban entities of the coast. Remoteness generally correlates with lack of accessibility, fostering regionalim in underdeveloped stages and capluentary rather than tight economic relationships in stages of greater developent. Retailup-anddotm-turnsarefelttoalesserdegreeas distanceis increasedfruthecoast; more direct correlationin service ratio changes and econuical activity is seen in the geo- graphical regions where a means of mass transport is available, as in Vest Agder. Therefore, mass transport improv-tent and innovation (scale- shifts) are the chiefmeans ofspurringincreased retail activity andthusanexchangeeconoq; intheoaseofSJrlandetingeneral and Setesdal in particular, scale-shifts in the 1890's brought about 113 a rapid increase in retail activity. Questions still rennin to be answered—those concerning the reactions of society during the periods of advance, decline, and adjustment of retail activity as measured by land-use changes. CHAPTERIV can assume: or mamas AND soasxsrmcs In mm AND SETESDAL If things were left to market forces unhampered by an policy interferences...a1nost all econaaic activities... would cluster in certain localities and regions, leaving the rest of the country more or less in a backwater.)- Gunnar Myrdal realised that poverty is in part a geographical matter. The author goes on to say that economic geography naturally sets the stage, giving some places a greater canpetitive advantage over others. The favorable enviroment of a region is often counten- balanced, however, by historical accident. whatever the original precedent for a city's location, ...the ever-increasing internal and external econanies... are fortified and sustained by their continuous growth at the expense of other localities and regions where instead relative stagnation or regression because the pattern.2 The geography of eccnuic stagnation in an area adjoining a milieu of exchange is the particular focus of this stub. The previous chapters have been concerned with an analysis of Setesdal's isolation and integration with itself, the national econoq of Norway, and the international economy. This chapter is a basic lGuer.£mia MWW. London: GeraldDuckwcrth&Co.,1 3pp.2 . 2 ma. 114 115 statistical examination of some selected criteria of subsistence in the larger region of Serland and a comparison of that region with Setesdal. The methodology uployed in this section has precedent in both the literature of geograptyand regional economics . Many geographers have studied variations of econmic patterns through spatial continuous. 0f the renno-scandian geographers, Reine Ajo has made contri- butions to the understanding of the workings of the space eccnauy. Ajo groups his studies under the general heading of "social physics", attnpting to describe regional variation in econmic data using a variety of models borrowed fr:- plvsics.3 The regionl economists have done research on spatial vari- ations in scenic data. The breadth of such work is difficult to assess in am short methodological introduction. Of particular interest however is Perleff's go; 5 m 9293.4 Part of the Perloff stub is devoted to the mechanics of regional growth; the author tries to understand the role of expert and import industries “determinants ofregionalgrowthinawaysimilartotheanalysis given in this stub in Chapter III. Perleff attmpts to relate econuic factors (mineral, agriculture, services, etc.) to long ten changes in the regional distribution of econuic activity. 3‘10, 2'20 2“" ‘n. s. Perleff, m g m M, New York: Canittee For Icons-1c Development, 1963. 116 The approach of this chapter is similar to that of Perloff describedintheprecedingparagraphenceptthatherethegoalis to identify particular regional types rather than to understand deteninants of econuic growth. THE METHOD OF OBTAINING DISTRIHITION OF SERVICES IN summon AND SETESDAL ,1929-1949 The comparisons, or coefficients of correlation, shown on the tables of this chapter give a merical picture of the relationships between dependent and independent variables for groups of census units. Because of the nature of the dependent variable (i.e., the service ratio) these calculations depict aspects of the relation- ships between the quantity of services and land use patterns for theoensusunits. Thepr-iseisthatthroughcarefulanflysis these relationships can be translated into a relative asses-ant of inactional urbanisa. The basic assmption is that the number of service personnel per 1000 adult population is indicative of the quantity of urban functions, and that land use patterns will show a relationship to the ratio. The independent variables serve as indicators of various degrees of scone-1c development. Sue of the variables are accepted as basically subsistence in nature, mauve, whiletheroleofothersisnotcanpletelyunder- stood. Hopeflllythe correlationswill affordagreaterunder- standing of the relationship between farming patterns, such as the size of fan units and the spread of urbanisn into Ssrlandet and particularly Setesdal. The following analysis has its limitations and thus is meant 117 only as an exploratory model. The criteria have been chosen to fit the lupotheeis presented in the first chapter. The use of a simple ratio to assess functional urbanism may appear to be crude, but its use semed to be most feasible with respect to the problems inherent in using statistics for various years in different geo- graphical regions . The effectiveness of the calculations has been reduced by the necessity of canparing data for different census emerations. In Norway the agricultural census is taken in years ending in "9" and the population census is taken in years ending in “0", thus 1930 and 1950 population data has been compared with 1929 and 1949 land use data respectively. Technical computer problane include the problun of error in punchingdatacards. (All cardswerepunchedbytheauthorand great effort has beenmade to ascertain that these datacardswere correct.) One card was punched for each m for each cmparison period. Theeards containacupletearrayofdatausedandall subsequent calculations, such as the computation of the service ratio and the correlations, are based on these cards. Thus, for the caputer, each card represents an ”observation. " Maw observations are more meaningful than few ”observations," which is to say that the correlations for the smaller geographical units of Serlandet having fewer m must be used with caution. This problu is dis- cussed further in the analysis. THE MOBILIZATION OP EONMC mm m. A cmparieon of the coefficients of correlation for theentirearea(Tables5and6)andFigure241ndicatestwothings 118 for the period of analysis: (1) most of the values are negative, but not significantly so, i.e., tending more towards a zero value; and (2) there has been sue positive change for most criteria through the 20 year data interval. In general (specific exceptions will be noted later) the negative correlation values are seen to be a basic indicator of relative self-sufficiency. The correlation values for the whole area sea to indicate that there is little relation between trends in service employment per thousand adult population and land usage. In actuality these relationships for the two county region may indicate the following: (1) rurals Berlandet is not generally part of a metropolitan economy;6 (2) opposite forces are operating in the individual counties which ainimiae coefficient values for the two county area; or that (3) the criteria and methods used are meaningless for large geographical areas in spite of the larger number of machine observations . The individual counties must be analysed to canent upon these possibilities. 5Urban data is not used in the computations. 6That is, an integrated national econoq. See reference to l.S.B. Gras, p. 101, Chapter III. Footnotes Class 1 Class 2 Class 3 Claesva Class 5 Class 6 119 Table 5 1 During the last 10 year Census Period, prior to 1929e ZIncluding ”outer" Setesdal, i.e., Evje, Hornness, as well as Bygland. 3i dekar is .247 acres. bars different from others on table at .99 level of significance. equals 2.1 dekar equals 2.1-5 dekar equals 5.1-10 dakar equals 10.1.20 dekar equals 20.1-50 dekar equals 50.1-100 dekar .asoapeqeamuo non omen wadeeu sew if. mm; mm... e8... 8... mar. 3o: cm... 3.: Rf en... en... «no... .8... mm... to... 3... mm... «.8... 8... mm... 30.: fit out emf an... 8... mm... 3.- an; a... S... we: 3... 3... S... «80.: «8... am... em... 3.... m8... «at on... em... 3.- «a... .2..- an... an... ems... m~.+ rob... *8... «m... *3... on... on... Rf .3... mm... «a... me... 3... S... 3... «m... on... mm... mm... on... 3.- one... 3... 5... en: 3.... S: R... on... ow..- So... we... 3... .30... Hz. 3... mm... R... R... mm... om.+ one... 3... ma... m8... mmf 3.: 3... 3.: ea... Re... Re... 3... 3.. e8... 2... mm... on... on... 8.4 team semen .23 5 68m dam e m e m a a gee Ben .82 3.3 .33 .88 .38 235 238 238 3 a m a. b m e n u a «Guam Sh e335» e833 .mNmH .pevqsam\w .aoumen Heounaenmoom my eeeaneunep unannounced e381. fie: eflem 8E8. .eefieaeheo no 3.32.38 m canny «novmhn tnoqsnaeceepem .5393 seemfigfiez geese «Accmd peep 3.58 .8333 goods: aromas—5 333 no.3 «voossdm\w 121 Table 6 Footnotes 1During the last 10 year Census Period, prior to 1949. zIncluding "outer" Setesdal, i.e., Evje, Hornness, as well as Bygland. 3A dekar is .247 acres. *Nunhere different frm others on table at 13.99 level of significance. Class 1 equals 2.1 dekar Class 2 equals 2.1-5 dekar Glass 3 equals 5.1-10 dekar Glass 4 equals 10.1-20 dekar Class 5 equals 20.1-50 dakar Class 6 equals 50.1-100 dekar 122 .aooweaaeanne non omen manoeu com 2: e8: a: R..- ao... - S: n..- 2..- a..- ge' jeaa See! Se' gel “Hes. gear HNeI- 8e!- “mel- 3: 2... .3.- S: a: he: 9...- 8: R: 3.- R: a... $.- 3: 3... 3.- 8... e...- se: a... R...- S... «a... 5: «d- 8: an: .3.- .«e: um.- ‘Nfiel Se' “Mel. 3e..- $eaa Rel. Sel- Sel MNeav one- an: .8: .3.- a:? $8... 3: em: i.e.- e5.- 3.- .83el. gel MaVel “Ne..- HMeI *Sel one... *8}.- gnos-s *Me' 3... em: 3: we: eat «no... 3... em. .28.- me.- maf H3.- Rof 89- ...a.- nu.- Sb.- 3? mat ...a.- mm... 38f .38.- .H... 3... mm... 2”..- .nm.- emf cm..- 8: them .33 5 e8 dam e m e m a H 309 dung to pg 233 :30 03.8 cacao cacao :13 «on she . .333» are. Bfluefl $3 $383.» azure insurance» .3 .8235» use; eases. are. e35 eeuhem sagas—8 «e preserves". 00.3!" éflfiwfi hawk—den engage: tenant? «use: 93> gem 93.932 «regain surfing 883 was 3.83%... 123 Figure 24, Change in correlation.valuee 1929-1949. The h shows changes 1n.corre1at10n values fer the regions of rland and SJEIand an a.uhole for the period.1929-1949. Source: Thhlee 5 and 6. 125 THE INDIVIIIIAL COUNTIES 1991 @120 In Vest Agder a general negative change (approach- ing .1 between 1929 and 1949) is shown by the land use data and service ratio correlations. The greatest change was for the smaller fan units, classes 1, 2, and 3. Positive change is seen for class 6, larger farming units. Contrastingly, a positive change in the correlation values is to be seen for the more general land use criteria of £35.! use and new productive land; these changes may ind- icate a stronger coherence between the rural and urban economy of the county—thus a greater ability of Kristiansand in particular to influence change in the rural economy. A negative trend is shown, however, by the correlations for total agricultural land values. Closer inspection of the figures indicates that the apparent inverse relationship between the service ratio and total agricultural land in production (Column 10, Table 6) is a reflection of decidedly negative correlation between 1929 and 1949 in the m1; and M‘- m. These changes suggest that urbanism is preempting agricul- tural activities and agricultural land nearer the cities(See Table 5). As if to complement such negative change nearer the coast, the greatest positive change in total agriculture area has occurred in the We; but not in the Setesdalbanen-Meg. This observation is extruely interesting in reference to the discussion of the prev- ious chapter where it was found that primary industrial production was semingly pushed toward the interior of SJrIandet by the forces of a netropolitan exchange economy. The positive correlation trends between 1929 and 191.9 for total A-Qo 126 agricultural land use in the W may also indicate, however, a greater relative self-sufficiency, as is show in subsequent dis- cussion for inst Agder. In Vest Agder' s mountain townships class 2 and 3 farms show a negative change in relation to service ratio trends. The larger class 5 and 6 farms show a positive change, further reinforcing the view that primary production? in the time interval has been pushed to the edge of Kristiansand's hinterland. These relationships do not represent an sort of proof but rather heuristic observations of the process of geographical-commie dis- placnent. Leaving Vest Agder 93; pg and going into its hinterland of Setesdal, one notes that the processes above also seem to have stopped or slowedinthat there is anegative trend fornost ofthe fan classes. Class I. and 6 show positive trends in relation to the amount of service personnel. The degree of change is not particularly significant; indeed, for all land in agriculture it is minimal. The correlations, however, are some of the strongest shown on Tables 5 and6. Because oftheneedtoseethesetrendsandpatternsfor Setesdal in the context of its total geographical milieu of Serlandet, further analysis is delayed in deference to the discussion of inst Agder. M m. In inst Agder a positive trend in correlation change exists for the total agricultural land in production for the period between 1929 and 191.9 , bringing the not change of correlations 7I.e., production of the primary sector of the economy such as forestry and agricultural production. -.‘n 126 agricultural land use in the W may also indicate, however, a greater relative self-sufficiency, as is shown in subsequent dis- cussion for Anst Agder. In Vest igder's mountain townships class 2 and 3 farms show a negative change in relation to service ratio trends. The larger class 5 and 6 farms show a positive change, further reinforcing the view that primary production? in the time interval has been pushed to the edge of Kristiansand's hinterland. These relationships do not represent any sort of proof but rather heuristic observations of the process of geographical-commie dis- placenent. Leaving Vest Agder m g and going into its hinterland of Setesdal, one notes that the processes above also seem to have stopped or slowed in that there is a negative trend for most of the farm classes. Class 4 and 6 show positive trends in relation to the amount of service personnel. The degree of change is not particularly significant; indeed, for all land in agriculture it is minimal. The correlations, however, are some of the strongest shown on Tables 5 and 6. Because of the need to see these trends and patterns for Setesdal in the context of its total geographical milieu of Serlandet, further analysis is delayed in deference to the discussion of Aust Agder. m m. In inst Agder a positive trend in correlation change exists for the total agricultural land in production for the period between 1929 and 1949, bringing the net change of correlations 7I.e. , prohction of the primary sector of the econonw such as forestry and agricultural production. 127 near the sero points. The relationship is paralleled by an insig- nificant change in the 1929-1949 correlations for new land in pro- duction while Lem use showed a fairly important negative trend. Simultaneously adult population moved from a significant negative correlation to an insignificant positive one. The gross land use figures for Anst Agder sea to indicate that different processes are Operating here ccmpared to Vest Agder. The changes in correlation values for the criteria of new land in pro- duction (Columns 8, Tables 5 and 6) accmpanied by the trend of .2922 use to vary inversely with the distribution of services (Columns 7 , Tables 5 and 6). Thus, £229.12 use is more prevalent in the under- developed county of inst Agder. This apparently indicates greater relative self-sufficiency in 1949 than in 1929. There is no general reinforcenent of the trend by the land use class units for the county as a whole. An analysis of the small regions of the county does reveal distinct micropatterns . The W21; region has had a positive change in the total agricultural land use relationships. Negative trends are shown by them-NW. The changeinthe case oftheW isto-.621n19l.9, whilethechangeinthemisevengreater but to a somewhat less significant correlation of -.52. In comparison, total land in production changed exceedingly little for Setesdal. In Setesdal m productive land did change free -.70 in 1929 to -.33 twenty years later, whereas £9.12; production changed from a -.25 to -.42 because of the institution of cmercial reindeer herding in northern Bykle. The figures for Setesdal then are at odds with those 128 for the other geographical regions of Aust Agder, as in Setesdal there is an apparent overall land use stability. Setesdal's stability seems to be partly a function of change within the valley, capacially in the use and disuse of‘ggtgg and negative changes on the part of some sizes of farms, positive change on the part of others. Further inspection of the figures indicates that the positive changes have occurred in class 2, 3, and 5, [negative changes in class 1 (slight), 1., and 6, with changes in class 6 all but balancing those in class 2‘47 ‘Undoubtedly, Setesdal's land use situation is different from the point of view of change than the rest of Aust Agder, but greater parallels are to be seen between Setesdal and the other interior regions. What is the nature of this difference with respect to land use classes between Setesdal and the other regions? Along the coast the positive correlation change between 1929 and 1949 fer all agricultural land is reinforced by positive changes in classes 1, 2, 3, and 1., and sanewhat counterbalanced by classes 5 and 6. In the transitional W, minus trends are seen in classes 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6. Less change is evident in the smaller sized units and a slightly positive trend is shown by class 1 units. The W have changed negatively in all but the largest (class 6) holdings with strong negative correlations for the very small holdings. Different forces are obviously affecting land use change in the different geographical regions of Aust Agder, and three distinct regions of change merge: the W, the mellg and We; and Setesdal. Within the first two regions of change the smaller 129 units of agricultural production have a noteworthy tendency to change inversely with the service ratio, the magnitude being greater towards the interior. The exception is Setesdal where comparative stability seaingly exists . inst igder is interesting in view of the strong trends upon the part of naller farm units towards inverse change with the service ratio. hepting Setesdal, inst Agder must either be a bulwark of subsistence or an area of small intensively cultivated truck farms; it is not the latter.8 Relative self-sufficiency is rather great for most of inst igder beyond the coast. This conclusion has been reached by field observation in inst igder in 1963 . i commson OF iUST AND VEST iGDER'S CORRHATION VALUES The above described correlations show distinctly that opposite trends have occurred in the individual counties of Serlandet. This means that the third possibility presented on page 118 of this chapter must be rejected; the correlation technique used here does uncover distinct trends and it does have meaning to geographical analysis. Further, the method shows that only a part of sdrlandet seas to be beyond the reach of a metropolitan seem, accounting for the fact that opposite trends occur in the two counties . More specifically, in Vest igder the larger sised farm units show stronger negative correlation changes in proportion to a greater distance 8in observation confined by the author through field work and also by more basic documentation given in this stuck, particularly Chapter II. 130 tro- Kristiansand. In inst igder the maller sized farm units show a similar trend change, but the magnitude of the change is even greater through the intervening distance from Arendal. Evidently then, whatever the forces at work, they are a function of distance fru the metropolitan places of the respective counties and a function of farm size. Fran the descriptions of the nature of iust and Vest igder (Chapters 2 and 3) and the above analysis, it is concluded that changes in the correlation values through time for the larger farm units , whether negative or positive, indicate an increase in func- tional urbanism. Positive changes in these correlations are to be expected nearer the urban centers; negative changes are to be expected farther from the centers. Conversely, decidedly negative changes in correlation values for the smaller farm units indicate a greater change towards relative self-sufficiency; strongly positive changes for the smaller farms are not noted in the computations . A positive overall pattern of change towards urbanism emerges in Vest igder but not in inst igder, which is to say that the econmic space of Vest igder is being organized locally at third and fourth order level of abstraction9 by the forces of exchange econaw. This stataent should not be interpreted to mean that econuic areal organisation is absent in inst igder; it too may be occurring but not through forces of a vibrant exchange econoaw. If there is a process at work in iust igder, it is one more akin to that relative sub- sistencelo which is unfortunately poorly understood. 98cc Chapter I, p. 26-27. 10See Chapter I , pp. 18-19 for a discussion of the concept of relative subsistence. 131 The correlations and changes in correlation values for Setesdal are of particular interest. The figures for Setesdal could pinpoint the specific 'townships ' which are participants and non-participants in Kristiansand's exchange economy. The most reliable data for such analysis would be from the m, i.e., fourth order data. Unfortun- ately, m data is not available in the published census. In lieu of fourth order data, the third order data (from the larger mm or 'township' units) has been correlated with the service ratio for thenorthernthreeyyggggofthevalley. icaaparisonofthecal- culations for the northern 'townships' with those of the entire valley allows analysis of Bygland's role in the changes that have occurred}1 The correlations for 1929 show distinct differmes in the first four land use classes, some having strong negative corre- lations, others weak, others positive correlations. The two largest farm classes show negative correlations for the inner three m which are similar to the correlations for the entire valley. The regressions, however, sea to show different trends for the first four farm classes toward the interior than in Bygland, but similar trends for the last two (larger) classes. Common factors evidently nCorrelation for single m cannot be obtained becallse there is only one "observation“ for the canputer. The correlations for Setesdal and "upper'' Setesdal should be used with caution because of the fewer observations for computational purposes . These correlations would, no doubt, exaggerate the homogeneity of the valley. The correlations are discussed here in such a way as to minimize this basic data problem. 132 influence change in the larger two classes throughout the valley. Different factors operate to change farm tenure in the four smaller classes in the “inner" valleylz2 than in Bygland discussed subse- quently. Statistical abberations would not probably account for such differences because (1) machine observations are nearly the same for the two areas, and (2) similar trends have been particularly noted for inst igder' s W. Evidently, if Setesdal is ”different" fran its M milieu, it is so because of Bygland. Presumably the forces of exchange have influenced Bygland to a great extent. This distinctness of Bygland is revealed through further analysis. In "inner" Setesdal the popu- lation changed more directly with the service ratio than in Bygland. Correlations for 2959; use also differ between the inner-area and the entire area; they are strongly positive for the interior three 'townships ' , moderately negative for the entire valley. Similar trends inMuse have been noted formmdmof inst igder. Viewed together, these relationships suggest that (1) gem have been factors in land tenure stability, and that (2) exchange econmy is a factor of some land tenure instability for Setesdal and Sflrlandet. The 1949 calculations show an even more striking difference for “inner" Setesdal and the region as a whole. Only the largest (class 6) farms show comon trends for the twenty-year period through- out the valley. Interestingly, correlations for adult population did nfiers defined as the m of Hylestad, Valle, and Bykle. 133 not change for "inner" Setesdal or'much for the region as a whole in the period of anaLysis. Total land in agriculture did, however, show greater change within the northern three gzgggg than in the entire area of Setesdal, but such change was not great. In view of the overall land use stability fer the valley, these subtle trends must be analyzed in greater detail than is possible through.simp1e com- parisons. Tables 7 and 8 show changes in the service personnel and total populations for the individual political units of Setesdal, including subtotals fer the inner and the entire valley. A reference to absolute quantities here can add greater’meaning to the relative comp parisons of the correlations. The 1930 and 1950 population figures show that Bygland lost population whereas inner Setesdal gained. Thus, the relative population center of gravity shifted towards the interior of Setesdal in the twentybyear interim. An.absolute loss of 257 peOple, coupled.with a gain of 19 service personnel and the interior population.disp1acament, indicated an apparent increase of functional urbanism in Setesdal. The absolute and relative (correl- ative) figures for the inner subregion indicate, however, that such is doubtfully so; the correlation shows a very stable relationship between adult population and service personnel. A greater change has occurred for the larger region (Tables 7 and 8), further strengthening the contention that the township of Bygland is the recipient of change in,Setesdal. or importance then is the sort of change that is occurring in Bygland and its central place of Byglandsfjord. Bygland's change is 134 TABLE 7 SETESDAL SERVICE.PERSONNEL CHANGE 1930-1950 1930 1950 + - Bygland 33 34 + 1 Hylestad 3 8 + 5 Valle 8 15 + 7 Bykle 4 10 + 6 Inner Setesdal 15 33 + 18 Setesdal 48 60 + 19 Source: Fblketelling, 1 December 1930, 1950, 3rd volumes, Oslo: Statistisk Sentralbyraa, 1936, 1956. TABLE 8 SKIESDKL TOTIL POPULATION CHANGE 1930-1950 1930 1950 + - Bygland 1981 1501. - 1m Hylestad 479 533 + 54 Valle 703 756 + 53 Bykle 382 494 + 113 Inner Setesdal 156‘ 1783 + 219 Setesdal 3545 3287 — 257 Source: Iolketelling, 1 Decalber 1930, 1950, 3rd volumes, Oslo: Statistisk Sentralbyrae, 1936, 1956. 135 in the direction of a greater functional urbanism, either by "default” or its nearness to Kristiansand. Evidently Bygland's changes in service personnel lag behind population changes. "Inner" Setesdal shows no such relative trend for the twenty-year period. Towards the interior of the valley population and service personnel are slowly increasing. The order of service growth fran greatest to least by m is Valle, Bykle, and Hylestad. For pop- ulation growth the order is Bykle, Hylestad, and Valle. Correlations for the individual units are not possible here, but free the above rankings Valle's service personnel growth is greater than the popu- lation would warrant. Such a growth in urban functionali- may be expected, however, fran the analysis of Valle 's physical geography (see Chapter II), Bykle's service personnel growth is less than warranted by population growth, indicating that two factors nay be at work: (1) a higher relative degree of regional self-sufficiency, seen here to be the product of the interaction of geography and cultural traditionalism and/or (2) an incipient dependence upon Valle as a service center. The population increase of Hylestad is seen to be primarily related to accessibility to the interior as discussed in Chapter II. ANALISIS 0P RESIIIJALS An analysis of residuals of regression are of interest at this point in the start. A residual of regression is the difference between the calculated value of the service ratio (as deterained fro- the independent variable) and the actual service ratio value. 136 Residuals have generally been used in three ways in geographical analysis, as summarised by Thomas: 1) to formulate new hypotheses and identify new variables of value to the stub, 2) to establish or nodify regional boundaries, 3) to isolate areas for further intensive . M.13 A am of the 1929 residual values for greater Setesdal (the four principal townships plus Hornnessand Evje, Table 7) yields certain interesting interpretations . The residual values for the area of Hylestad are high cmpared to those of the neighboring political units of Bygland and Valle, further Justifying the division of Setesdal into two regions: ¢vre and Itre Setesdal (see Chapter II). In other terns, Hylestad in the year 1929 is different in tens of land use (size of fan criteria in Table 7). The higher residual values also expressed by the other residual criteria for Hylestad nest nearly approach those for the nore southern 'township' of Home”, ,1qu the conclusion that both Hornness and Hylestad were, is 1929, isolated and sporatioally settled areas. In the lore general sense the 1929 residuals fra regression show that two of the four 'townships' of Setesdal do not canton well toaneapectedcontinunaofecono-ic developent. rmconceptofa continmnonewouldapectdevelopnenttodecreaseinrelationto greater distance from the principal center of economic develcpaent, 13Edwin H. Thomas, "Maps of Residuals fron Begress,‘ in W Annals. imnwm BrianJ- 1» Demand Duane 1'. Marble, Eds., hglewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc. 1968. A brief discussion of residuals that notes studies «playing resid- uals subsequent to 1960 (the original publication data of Thomas 93. Ell-1'1“ J~ “389W IBM: helm Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1969 . 137 .aonndHo 00.9 was.” No flogged Mom 0 one m 00.3.3. com ex .3233 Eauflueafinue diameter 3o Bu no 33833 house one one and none. on» no 3333» unseeded noon ens 833831838 neurone e @ 0.3.9.... 3N2” aid—Em Egv zen—“mag ho mean—Ham 3&3 3.3.. .84.? $38.. 3.3: 2.6m: mmému Sou: «~57 «Tom... gum 3.3.. 3.3: 3.3. 3.3.? No.9: 3.3.. 3.8: 3.8: 3%.. 8.3.: eeenfiom 3.3.. no.3: 8.3. 3.3+ 3.7 8.3.. 3.3.. No.8: 3.3.. 3.3.. unseen 8.8+ «v.9: 33m... 8.3+ ~33? 8.3} 365. 3.3+ 9.3+ 3.3+ oseuoahm 3.: 53+ 3.3.. 2am: 8.3+ and + 3.3 + 8:? 8.3.... «an: 33 8+ 8.3+ mu.»- Rdau 33+ 8.3+ 36 + .86 + 5+ 3+ euum .3 3 3 3:3. _ H» s 3 HH 3 H .nflennoa. Heron one 33 . hen 33.8 snoop—Hug 138 £33.? on: and.” no.“ 0 and m 003.3 com .3. .93."an 833335. 3.33.3.3 3o 3» Mo 32333 .830 25 23 23m .83» as no 333.6... infinfln “8.... B» 3333 3538 3395 I. 8&3. 3.2.? 3.33.. 8:3. 3.83.. 3.33.. 3.33: 3.33.. 8.08. 3.93.. are 3.3? 2.33. 3.2.? 8.2.3.. 3.8: 3.8m: 8.33.. 3.33.. 3&3: 33.3.. .uBEom $33133. 3.8a: 8.3? 3.32... 3.33.. 3&3: 3.33.. 3.33.. 3.33.. gamma 8.33 3.3.. .093... 363+ 8.8? 5.33.. 3.3+ 3.3+ 303+ 3.? 93.33 3.03. R33. 8.3. 3.3+ 3&2... 3.3.. $3.. 233+ 3.8? 318. ad...» 8.3m... 3.3+ 36+ 363+ 3.63.. 8.31%.? 8.5+ 3.3+ 3;... 33m :13 - .3 3 8.3 3.6% P p 3 3H 3 H 3333.. .30.... 33 .52 8.3.8 :03.» 939 3.9.0..“ tgwmnhm Edgy zen—”mg ho mAdBHmmm 0H 0.3...." 139 Kristiansand. Apparently economic development has had a "leap-frog effect" fran Bygland bypassing Hylestad to Valle. Field observations and a very careful analysis of the physiographic maps of Setesdal indicate that the lack of development in Hylestad may correlate with the roughness of the terrain, that is, the lack of continuous level area.14 Study of the 1949 residuals of correlation yield a sanewhat different interpretation than for the 1929 residuals. The residual values for 1949 are much higher than those for 1929 because of the urban sprawl effect particularly in the coastal townships.15 A canpsrison of these values for the two different time periods shows that the least changes have occurred for the 'townships' of Bykle and Hylestad, another way of saying that these areas have benefitted the least from the economic development that has eminated from the coastal regions in general, Kristiansand in particular. The underdeveIOped areas (relative to Setesdal) of Bykle and fl Vs '-"_‘ 11‘In a very general sense the model described here conforms best to either a spatial model of Mydral's process of cumulative causation or Friedmann's centre/periphery model. In both cases the "trickle down" effect (decrease of production/income from the regional center) is continuous and uninterrupted by "barriers" or areas of unexpected underdevelopment. Setesdal does not conform well to these expecta- tions in 1929 because Hylestad is an area of exceptional underdevelop- ment when compared to its neighbors of Valle and Bygland. See D. E. Keeble: "Models of Economic DevelOpment" in Socio-economic 1~Eog§ls g M; R. J. Charley and Peter Haggett, Eds., London: I-Zethuen 1968, pp. 243-287; pages 257-266 are of greatest interest to this discussion. 15 The Norwegian census material attempts to separate urban and rural data. In this analysis only rural data was used in order to avoid a distortion because of unduly high urban values for the serv- ice ratio. The residuals for 1949 are high because such distortion is unavoidable when urban sprawl occurs and the affected rural areas have not been reclassified as urban. Such a situation has occurred around Kristiansend and Arundal and Grimstad. an... 140 Hylestad then offer a possibility for further analysis because of their retarded economic development. The available data (Table 9) indicates small. sized farms, especially classes 1 and 1., and the amount of land in age; may be a good indicator of what is temed in this study relative self-sufficiency. If in fact a subsistence eeonosw does have either a definitive or shadowy (non-definitive) spatial organization, it may well involve such factors as M (intensive cultivation) and m (in Setesdal, the £9.12): as they adJust with the pulses of economic development, whether these eco- nuic pulses be the initial diffusion of an exchange economy into the region or later ebbs and flows of trade which are the product of bad and good times respectively.16 These data may be viewed in yet another fashion. The residuals for Elected and Bykle suggest that the citizens of these 'townships' do not respond (correlate well) with the service ratio; the residents of Bygland and Valle do respond to a greater degree to the service ratio. A question rains: if Hylestad and Bykle are relatively unaffected by the service ratio, what do they respond to, what is the frame of reference, the factors, that govern changes in their farming activities, the planting of crops, their use and disuse of m, the 16m hypothetical model described here most nearly conforms to Hoselits's picture of parasitic cities. In the model Hoselits posits that sue cities, particularly in medieval Europe, grew at the expense of the surrounding country side. The models (Hoselits's and the one described in the text) differ in that Hoselits assumes that parasitic cities enjoy an unchallenged field of competition in their service area whereas the empirical evidence presented here portends that such may not always occur, that a subsistence econm may in itself be able to compete to a certain extent (within certain parameters subsequently discussed) with an exchange economy. See D. E. Keeble, pp. git" ppe MSe . 141 abandonment or nonabandonment of farms? Strictly speaking the question is beyond the scope of this study but within the legitimate framework of an analysis of residuals,” and one therefore may be allowed to attempt a hypothesis. Setesdal appears to be a bipolar world with respect to decision making processes. The farmers of sane areas, Hylestad and Bykle, may choose to emphasize the natural environment while not totally disregarding the econanic environment in making decisions regarding their agricultural activities. Other famers in other areas (Bygland and Valle) choose to emphasize the econanic environment without totally ignoring the all important physical environment with regard to the decisions that affect their livelihood. In other words different farmers in different areas choose to play the fanning game differently. These differences may occur because of long standing traditions, or fear of participating in market activities or both. The hypothesis furthers the notion of Myrdal that non-economic factors have too long been ignored in the analysis of economic activity.18 17 18This analysis indicates that game theory may be a profitable means of discerning the nature of subsistence systems at least for mall areas. A basic reference to game theory is Peter Gould's "Man Against his Environment: A Game Theoretic Framework ," W 9; American Geowhgrs, Vol. 53, pp. 290-297, which presents a fairly simple means of analyzing a "bipolar" gaune, i.e., where the decision maker is confronted with a simple dilemma of two choices. Myrdal's statement has been presented in Chapter I, p. 3. Criterion l of Thomas, 9p. pit. o ~0- 142 PM 01‘ mm SUBSISTHCE The discussion of the regionalization of the correlation values has been necessarily detailed to suggest parameters of subsistence for Setesdal. Two closely related problems are encountered at this point: (1) the feasibility of establishing land use parameters for traditional areas, and (2) the isolation of specific parameters of relative subsistence for Setesdal. In effect the discussion of this chapter is relevant to accepting or rejecting the minor hypoth- esis that a subsistence cultural system may be recognized and delimited by the analysis of combinations of land use criteria. More specifically, cultural lag is manifested by high values of population density and a great fragmentation of land holdings which is coupled with low values of urban services. The general preposition of the minor hypothesis seems to be acceptable in the light of the foregoing discussion. The variance between degrees of functional urbanism and particularly the number of large fans and land in m throughout the more traditional areas of inner Aust Agder as well as Setesdal suggest acceptance of the hypothesis for the area studied.19 The specific criteria used, however, do not exactly fit the case of the study area of Setesdal. The data does not indicate that high l 9A conclusion which generally agrees with the rejections of "factory farm" methods , such as collectivization in Eastern Europe by peasants and other traditional agriculturists . See Ardrey' s The imam mum. 22- 2.1:.» pp- 111, 112 for a general discussion of this problem. 11.3 values of population density are necessarily coupled with low values of urban services and excessive land fragmentation in Setesdal. Indeed the relationship between population density and the use of land is more complicated in a number of ways. First, standards for the measurement of "high" population per unit area do not exist, and second, if they did, Setesdal probably would not qualify as a densely populated region. One characteristic of Setesdal's population, its stability, is interesting with respect to land use. The low corre- lation values between the service ratio and change in Setesdal's adult population indicates that the natural stability of the popu- lation (uncomplicated by, especially, excessive innnigration that would obscure the meaning of such figures) may well be considered a factor in the continued relative self-sufficiency of the area. Two other parameters stand out as being relatively significant, namely land in _s_g‘_t_e_g and new productive land (Figure 21.). The striking negative change in 9339; use with change in the service ratio indicates that caters are either indicative of intense self-sufficiency or else, as in the case of Bykle, incipient economic development. The significant -.67 value shows that animal husbandry plays an important part in the ongoing traditionalism of Setesdal, regardless of whether the products of m use find their way to the markets of the large central place or the individual farmstead's storehouse. New land in production also scans to be a factor in the relative self-sufficiency of Setesdal although less so than 19122.1: use, as shown on Figure 21.. In a very general sense the correlation values 141. for the six land use classes are what is to be expected from the preceding analysis of Aust Agder; greater positive change has occurred in the mailer holdings than in the larger. These conclusions merely suggest some land use characteristics that may inhibit economic development in the traditional agricultural economy. SUMMARY In stmnnary, functional urbanism seems to be slowly spreading into all Setesdal, but in an uneven pattern as conditioned by cult- ural-geographical factors . Valle is emerging as a service entity for the central portion of the valley, partly through the process of creating ear. mar____kets and partly thmgh man-mam 232m: mama. such as those of Byglandst ord. Setesdal then is "different" from its me; counterparts in Aust and Vest Agder, a difference that appears to be an amalgam of traditional subsistence and entrepre- neurship as influenced by the lay of the land, as shown in Chapter II. The community of Byglandst ord emerges as an interesting possi- bility for further stuck. The community's changes in service personnel lag behind its population changes, which is to say that service functioneers did not decrease in the twenty year span shown on Tables 7 and 8, but population did. This may possibly be explained through an expansion of Byglandsfjord's hinterland. Myklebost, how- ever, in his research on towns in Norway does not list Byglandsfjord in his classifications of central places, even though as shown the service industries are beaming economically more important to the cammnity. From this one may conclude that Byglandsfj ord is indeed an incipient central place whose form and economic function may in 145 the future qualify it to be included in Myklebost's listing of cen- trelity.20 In general, the techniques and parameters used in the foregoing analysis do enable a greater geographic focus upon the direction and degree of regional change. Regardless of the general and specific limitations of the approach, distinct patterns of change and non- chsnge are revealed and a cmparative analysis of the change in both the absolute sense, using basic census data, and the relational sense, using correlative techniques. .3311]: use is seen particularly as a mainstay of subsistence. One can only hypothesize as to the m function in the ebb and flow of subsistence in the face of an expanding exchange seem. There is a suggestion, as in the case of Bykle, that the £933. is an ever-present source of additional production during hard times. Further, it is possible that the use of seters may have been, in past generations , incorporated as an important land use factor in the core value systaa of Setesdal's culture, accounting for the per- sistency of use there and perhaps throughout Scandinavia. The data presented in this chapter substantiates Myrdal's contention that market forces in fact operate in such a way as to cluster economic activity in certain localities.21 Other material 203.. p. 26 for a reference to Myklebost's methods of determining centrality which considers both the geographical form and the economic functions of comnities . 218” p. 114, this chapter. 146 of this dissertation has shown that the expansion of market forces and centrality is tempered by other barriers to development, which are summarized in the final chapter. CHAPTER V URBAN-HIM HEATIONSHIPS IN SETESDAL: A SUIT-£1331 OF THE SPATIAL IMPACT OF ISOLATION This study has focused.upon Space relations between rural Setesdal and its surrounding major urban centers as well as the urban~rural relations within Setesdal. The results of the research can be useful in the further conceptualization of the geography of changing urbanprural relationships through focusing on dichotomous or isolating and interactional components as illustrated by this Norwegian example. THE DICHOTCMCUS COMPONENTS OF URBAN-RURAL RELATIONSHIPS Chapter II shows a complex cleavage between the majority of Setesdal and Sorlandet's largest city, Kristiansand. The diffusion of services, especially retailing, into all of Setesdal has been accomplished since the completion of the Setesdalbanen in the 1890's. The historical geography of the spread of Kristiansand's system of exchange economy and the resulting competition with that of Arendal is especially complicated, involving economic, political, and spatial considerations. In general, economic ties have certainly reduced Setesdal's isolation, indicating that economic activity is the prime motivation for urbanprural interaction in the study region. This research suggests that Setesdal's and Kristiansand's social and political differences have been emphasized during the period of 147 11.8 increased economic interaction. These differences have a spatial function in that they are a barrier effect or boundary to the dis- semination of certain kinds of ideas. Apparently, various forms of economic development have been resisted so that they have not yet been totally destructive to Setesdal's original culture. If emi- gration and population increases are objective correlative criteria, such figures for Setesdal may be interpreted as showing a very slow oceanic development in the twentieth century as well as before. THE HIPOTHESFS AND THE MODEL The hypotheses and a model of the forces of centrality have been presented in the first chapter. The hypotheses are "comple- mentary" in the sense that they allow an examination of the conclu- sions at different levels of abstraction, specifically described on pp. 17-18. The major hypothesis then allows an examination of a more specific proposition, in the context of the material presented in subsequent chapters . The major hypothesis is that "central places are unable to develop in areas of a stable land use system.“ The hypothesis posits the idea that the forces of exchange economy can be, at the will of a host culture, kept from transforming the population agglomerations of a subsistence region. The research, however, indicates that prob- ably there is little a culture can do to stop the growth of central places. The hypothesis, therefore, must be rejected on the grounds that any cultural boundary to innovation is naturally complex and such complexity will probably admit some , perhaps the most profitable , eluents of innovation but reject others. 149 The results of such partial dissemination of ideas is a geo- graphically conplex region which is perhaps both nodal and homogeneous atthe sanetine. Thevillages oftheregionmayfocusuponacen- tral place hierarchy whereas the hinterlands of the ml]. places may not. Sue econuic concepts have passed through the barrier of traditionalisn, while certain political and social concepts have not. Further interpretation of the data indicates that an urban-rural dichotw should be defined in holistic terms, not only through econuic but also through social and political criteria. Assn-ing that urban-rural cleavages must be holistically caplete to be judged dichotomous, sundering of urban-rural relationships does not now exist between Kristiansand and Setesdal. An analysis of historical intonation indicates that probably a complete separation of urban- rural relationships did exist for parts of Setesdal before the estab- lishent of a post route in the 1840's. Before thc 1840's m interaction between town and country existed, but such inter-change is viewed as insignificant in Setesdal . lconmic contacts betweenKristiansandandSetesdalwere geo- graphically insignificant in former tines because the barrier to the diffusion of Kristiansand' a comic thrusts were relatively effective. Inctherwordsanurban-ruraldichotawnaybesaidtcezistwhen outside econo-ic penetration does not disturb a relatively self- sufficient econuy. Such resistance to “outside" economic forces hastahentheforacf (l) abuyer's resistancetoproductsfrmthe outside, or (2) the use of certain 'econonic supplanted amended useofmmSetesdal, tofortifyandretainthelocal econw, or (3) both. 150 THE INTERACTIONAL COMPONENTS OF URBAN-RURAL RELATIONSHIPS An analysis of the historical geography of the urban-rural interaction between Setesdal and Kristiansand suggests that the spread of the latter's exchange economy has been the chief compon- ent of this relationship, as already noted. Apparently, the extension of Kristiansand's services to the interior of Sdrlandet has occurred because of the need for (1) new or different supply areas, and (2) new or different markets, or (3) both. Kristian- sand's interest in exploiting the interior area seemingly had come about through increasing foreign trade difficulties and other external economic uncertainties. The interior areas of Vennesla and Setesdal were unperturbed by economic and other misfortunes abroad because of the very nature of their isolation. Space is seen to have had an effect during the development of the economic component of urban-rural interaction. During times when Kristiansand's merchants were transforming and developing the areas mentioned, the mixture of subsistence and exchange economy decreased with distance from Kristiansand. Chapter III suggests that (l) subsistence has existed in higher degrees as greater dis- tance is traversed from Kristiansand, (2) subsistence economy is most evident during periods of economic depredation, and (3) the bridging of space through an increase in accessibility has occurred particularly during such times of economic downturn. Evidence from Setesdal suggests that traditionalism has been persistent during this century. The defense of these folkways has 151 taken the form of a political and social resistance to ties with Kristiansand. In this respect, isolation.was a cultural barrier to innovation. Such resistance to the dissemination of ideas through space slowed the economic growth. The outlying areas vary in their dependence upon a central system of exchange according to what is most profitable to them. In such a situation the location of the boundary of isolation between the rich and the poor, between exchange and subsistence, between the nodal and homogeneous region, may become particularly complex. In reality then Gunnar Myrdal's application of the auton- omous processes of the creation of wealth and poverty, his theory of cumulative causation, takes on a very intricate geographical pattern. The purpose of the minor hypothesis is to suggest criteria for the identification of the complex regions discussed in the preceding paragraph. This hypothesis is that "a subsistence cultural system may be recognized by the analysis of combinations of land use criteria." This hypothesis in general terms can be tentatively accepted in the case of Setesdal. The acceptance of the hypothesis at this time is only of value for heuristic purposes. Finally, the model of the relationships between economic, 1Klausner, pp, g_1. pp. 26-27 (Chapter II, p. 74, this study), substantiates this conclusion concerning boundaries in a general way. He terms such an intricate system of boundaries a "pattern maintenance boundary", which is a zone of tension between two different politics, here exchange and subsistence systems. 152 social, and political forces of centrality, Figure la, Chapter I, appears to be a satisfactory model of changing urban—rural relationships in Setesdal. The model appears realistic because it has been shown in the case of Setesdal that feedback in the form of social and political resistance to ties with an economic control center correspond to aggressive exploitation from that center. In other words the maintenance of isolation should be viewed as an equal component of the culture of Setesdal. Further refinement and testing of these concepts must await additional cross-cultural comparative and regional studies. 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"The Development of Metropolitan Economy in Europe and America," gig American Historical Review, XXVII (1922), pp. 696-705. Gould, Peter. "Man Against His Environment: A Game Theoretic Framework," M, Associapion pf. American Ce her , 53 (1963). pp. 290-297. "' 159 Gould, Peter. "Spatial Diffusion," Commission pp College Geography, Resource paper No. 4, Washington: Association of American Geographers , 1969 . Hagerstrand, T. "The PrOpagation of Innovation Waves," in Wagner, P. L. and Mikesell, M. M., Eds. Regdings _i_n__ Cultural Geography, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962, pp. 355-368. Hanssen, Borje. "The Holistic Approach," Lund Studies _ip Geooranldy, Series B, Human Geography, No. 13, n. d. Hubbard, George. "The Unity of the Physiographic History of South- west Norway," Bullepin, Geological Society of Am___e____rica, XLV (1934). pp. 637-654. Hoselitz, Bert F. "Non-economic Factors in Economic Development," in Okun and Richardson, Eds., Studies _ip W W New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1962. Isachensen, F. "Setesdal," in Norgp vgrt Land Werenskiold, w. Ed., Oslo: Gyldendal Norsk Forlag, 1936. Jarvis, I. C. "Limits of Functionalism and Alternatives to it in Anthropology " in T113212 1.1.1. W A 3.023229% R. A. Manners and David Kaplan, Eds., Chicago: Aldine, 19 68, pp. 196-203. Jefferson, Mark. "The Law of Primate Cities," flip Geograp pdcal Review, XXIX (1939), pp. 226-232. Jensen, Egil Ronni. "Fascinerende Reinskuespile on time fra SnrlandskemReindriften stadig Populaert bi-yrke Fjellbdndend," Dagbladpp, (July 1963), p.9 . Keeble, D. E. "Models of Economic Development ," in Socio-Ecppomic Models _ipn Geogaphy, R. J. Chorley and Peter Haggett, Eds., London: Methuen, 1968, pp. 243-302. (Kmen,(g. )t "Ligdgzgusksskolen i See tesdal," Agder Tidende, ep ., Miller, V. P. 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"Land Reform and Agricultural Development" in Land Tenure, Parsons, Penn, and Raup, Eds., Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1956, p. vi. Philbrick, A. K. "Principles of Areal Functional Organization in Regional Human Geography," Economic Geography, 33, (1957), pp. 299-336- Rogers, Everett M. "Motivations, Values, and Attitudes of Sub- sistence Farmers: Towards a Subculture of Peasantry," in Whorton, C. L. Jr., Ed., Subsistencp W Ed Economic Develoment, Chicago: Aldine, 1969, pp. 111—135. Roterous, V. and Calef W. "Notes on The Basic Non-Basic Employment Ratio," Economic 929m, 31 (1955), pp. 17-20. Stafford, Howard. "The Dispersed City," _Thd Professional Geoggpher, XIV, (1962), pp. 8-10. Stanislawski, Dan. "The Origin and Spread of the Grid-Pattern Town," in Wagner, P. L. and Mikesell, M. M., Readings _ip Cultural Geography, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962, pp. 318-329. Steward, J. H. "Levels of Socio-cultural Integration, An Operational Concept," in Manners, R. O. and Kaplan, D. , Eds. Thpogy i3; Anthropolog, Chicago: Aldine, 1968, pp. 127-136. Thomas, Edwin N. "Maps of Residuals from Regression," in Spatial Analysis, _A_ Reader _i_n_ Statispical Geogpaphy, Brian, Berry and Marble, Eds., Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1968. 161 Tukey, J. W. Quote in Thomas, W. L. Mangp Role ;p_ChanFing the Face p_f_ t_h_e_ Earth, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Tvedt, Peter. "Problemet med Utkantbygdene," Arbeidsmarkedet, 8 (1962), pp. 5-12. Ullman, E. L. "Transportation Geography," in American Geography Inyentopy,ppthrospect, James and Jones, Eds., Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1954. Wagner, P. "On Classifying Economies," Essavs pp Geography and Economic Development, Ginsburg, Ed., Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960, p. 62. Ward, David. "The Predurban Cadaster and the Urban Pattern of Leeds," Annals pg phe. American Association pf: Geographers, 52, (1962), pp. 150-166. ‘Webb, J.‘W} "Analysis of Small Urban Centers of’Minnesota," Annals,p§ the Americap.Association pp Gpographers, 49, (1959), PP. 55"72e Wilke, Christian. "Af Setesdalen," Aften osten, (June, 1921), p. 7. Reports Abrahamson, Aug. Reisehaanbog. "Sestesdalen," Kristiansand S.: C. Torviks Forlag, 1901. Hasaas, Orlof. "Hus og Husflid i Setesdal," Kristiansand cg Oplands Turistforening Aarbok, 1942, pp. 12-16. Holland, Amund. Norges Land pg Folk. Statistisk Beskrivelse over Nedenes Amt, part 2, Byerne og Herrederne, Kommunikations- milder," Kristiania: H. Aschehough & Co., 1904. "Mr. Inglis reise giennone setesdalen over telemark, 1827," Kristiansand: Kristiansands og Uplands Turistforening Arbok, 1935. Myklebost, H. Report to 'Communications Department,‘ Jan. 21, 1949. Norsten, Nils. "Sestesdal," Aarberptipg, Kristiansands of Oplands Turistforening, 1919, Kristiansand, 1920. 162 Norsk Aviskatalog. Oslo: Avisenes Inforesjonskontor, 1964. Olsen, Neils. "Setesdalsbenen Ombygging til Bredtsper," Trafikkoversikt ;_Arep 1245. ‘Warntz, William. "A Note on Surfaces and Paths and Applications to Geographical Problems." Discussion Paper #6, Michigan Inter-University Community of Mathematical Geographers, Ann Arbor, Dept. of Geography, University of Michigan, June, 1965, p. 2. Other Tvedt, Peter. Personal communications to Minister Trygve Bratteli, 7 November, 1960. . Personal communication to V. P. Miller, Jr. 7 April 1964. Brottveit, Augund. Personal communication to V. P. Miller, Jr. 27 November 1965. Brottveit, Kristin. Valle i Setesdal, Interview with.Mrs. Alida Miller 29 July 1963. BS, Olav. Professor, The Folklore Institute, Interview with V. P. Miller, Jr. Greni, Miss Liv. July 23, 1963 Lectures on Norwegian.Music, Oslo University, International Summer School, Summer 1959. Greni, Miss Liv; Norskkring kastinghuset, Interview with V. P. Miller, Jr. July 5, 1963. Kolarud, Kuut. Lecture on The Social Systems of Norway, University of Oslo, International Summer School, Summer 1959. Trindell, R. S. Personal Correspondence, 12 January 1969. STATISTICAL SOURCES Jordbruksteljinga i Noreg - 1929, 1949, 1959 Norske Folketelling - 1891, 1900, 1910, 1930, 1940, 1946, 1950, 1960 Rutebook Epp Norge - 1899, 1909, 1919, 1929, 1939, 1949, 1959 APPENDIX 1 APPENDIX A Statement of Relevant Anthropologic and Geographic Theory and Cultural Change The first chapter of this study emphasizes in one sense the need for understanding the effect of non-economic factors in cultural change. Enough infermation, including selections from the literature of urban geography, has been presented in that chapter to illustrate the results of omitting a consider- ation of the non-economic factors. This appendix is an attempt to further document the progress of anthropologists and geographers in cultural diffusion, and to relate diffusion theory to central place theory. This material is placed in the appendix so as not to detract from the central purpose of the larger study, the documentation of cultural lag in Setesdal. Chapter I asserts the thesis that a consideration of non- economic factors is necessary for understanding the incipient development of central places. Assuming non-economic factors dominant in a rural folk area, then it follows that such a society may not wish to participate in exchange economy, and thus that the growth of towns may not conform to the expecta- tions of central place theory. Hypothetically, certain areas may or'may not be free to participate in an exchange economy, 163 164 as they prefer. From the perspective of traditional economicsl a non-participating group may appear to lag in terms of its development. Such a phenomenon is commonly called "cultural lag". Cultural lag is a topic that appears in abundance in the literature of both geography and anthropology. For example, George Carter has no fewer than twenty-eight index references to lag situations in his M_a_p ES '_t_hp Ipa_nd. However, Carter does not explicitly define the term. AnthrOpologists, too, allude to "lag" situations but seem not to agree on a definition of the term.2 Apparently, there is no phppyy of lag that has been forthcoming recently from either the anthropologists or the geographers.3 In a sense then the term "cultural lag" is poor, because it is ill-defined. However poor or ill-defined the term, an under- standing of the concept of lag is essential to the analysis of the play for forces that might exist on either side of a hypo- thetical urbanprural dichotomy; A general search of the 1 Dilcribod on De 9e 2A diligent search of the literature and a request for aid has yielded little substantive in the definition of the term. See R. S. Trindell, personal correspondence. 3Which is not to say that anthropology lacks for a theory to explain "backwardness" in the past. These ideas are explained.by Beale and are controversial today. -' O . -._- - O 4 l C O . , . - " - -- ‘e . . .~ . L ‘ ‘ .4 a ‘ 5 . . A . . ..- flo'. . . . a r . ~’ I ‘ 7 Va - I, , A . l . ..- . I ‘ - ' . - - - . . o . l r . ' '- s I“ - k‘ ' I ' I n r " ,- 1- I v - ' . 165 anthropological literature on acculturation4 (the most likely antithesis to lag) indicates that that concept has come from the many cross cultural comparisons existing in anthropology. Clearly, the concept of acculturation is an empirical-inductive rather than a logically - or hypothetic-deductive concept. Beale demonstrates that the literature of acculturation has not greatly sharpened the concept or developed a theoretical structure of acculturation.5 If the great interest in acculturation has pro- duced little theory on the subject, one can begin to understand why its antithesis, cultural lag, is poorly defined. Turning to literature on economic deve10pment yields further understanding of the term "cultural lag". Those interested in development have sometimes become preoccupied with the concept of backwardness. For example, one school of thought says that economic decisions (in peasant societies) are entirely determined by tradition (that is, a set of inflexible rules), and consequently, the village economy in general violates the economic principle of product (utility) maximization. Others say that the village 4Defined by Redfield, Linton, and Herskovits in 1936, "Accul- turation comprehends those phenomena which result when groups of individuals having different cultures come into continuous first- hand contact, with subsequent change in.the original culture of either or both groups." Quoted in Beale, pp, git. 5 £hi§., p. 638. .-- o ‘ ‘0... v \ (\ 166 conforms to the standards of this theory, that maximization is present, but that the values inherent to maximization differ.6 The goals of one society may not be the goals of another, hence who is "backward"? Who lags? How can such cultural resistance be explained? If hypotheses are given, perhaps cultural lag can be conceptualized, at least for the purposes of this study. Castillo poses a situation wherein a peasant cannot benefit from new technology, because those innovations are geared toward the needs of commercial rather than subsistence farmers.7 Everett Rogers, in a paper in the same symposium, suggests that economic maximization may be deliberately avoided because of traditional predispositions to shun the "risky, 8 novel, uncertain." This would appear to be a hypothetical con- firmation of Gould's concept of the absorption barrier to diffusion.9 6See: Nicholas Georgeseu-Roegen, "The Institutional Aspects of Peasant Conmrunities: An Analytical View," in Clifton R. Wharton, Jr., Ed» M81“ nc W and Mon 1c W. Chicago: Aldine, 1969, p. 81.. 7Gelia Castillo, "A Critical View of a Subculture of Peasantry," in 1.1.3.141» p- 137 . 8Everett M. Regers, "Motivations, Values, and Attitudes of Sub- sistence Famers: Towards a Subculture of Peasantry," 1mg” p. 117. 9Peter Gould poses (but does not document) the existence of a reflexive barrier to diffusion. This barrier may be likened to the reverse of a gravity model where the innovation becomes an index of repulsion rather than attraction between two geographical entities. 30- Petor Gould. "Spatial Difmsion". my; 29. am 922mm. Resource paper No. 1., Washington: Association of American Geographers, 1969, p. 11. ‘ , . ‘ ‘ - . 3 — » ‘ . . . , o .4 . . . . - ‘ ~ . -. '0' - - ‘ , , ,, .7 , . e h h . '. . . , . , . . . ‘.‘ A - - - 7‘ . . A ~ , , . - _.\ A . . _ w . ‘ ‘ ' \ l ‘ ‘_ ‘ “\ .< h . , , . , .. . l . - , s v A . - , o . ' w , i , . ,~ , . I, . . _ . . , . . s , . 4 . - _ . " < \ > . - . r - ~ , - ‘ — . . , ' . e, A . - . , . .e v ‘ a a g , A , _ A - . . , . v ‘ -\ _ _ . . .- . . . . - ‘ ' — ‘ I '4 - O ,- x- 7‘ . - . . . . ,. . , . ' .\ ‘ v A . , .' ~ ‘ I, . . o ,i _. A u, s. , _ . . - . ' - O . a . . . . I ' a f‘ ' .‘\ ' ‘ C u ’ . O .7 h - .r'-"'fi O -' C. D ‘ O C O 5 . D -. J C - O O - p. O I - O O O . .-“ O - ‘1 . C , . - , _ . s - s , - - e s ‘ ‘ , 9 C - e v . s n o w - o v e . . . . - e . . . v . . - v as e -. o.- - O O 1 . g - . . . - e , ' c . _ - . . .. b . O . I . I A I n I 4 O - O I U I 4 A ~. > . ~ - n t . ‘ . v '~ . . , - , I . e r . e - . * . v , ‘ ' " n I 7.: U _‘ . . l v. v , . u . . . . - - o - n -‘ ' . o . , . , , . , . . ‘- . " ,. . v ' - ' " ' e e v‘ - ~ . \A ‘ I , A ‘ . v U . ‘ . s ,, x , ,- . .— . A O . — , ' .. , ' . o ‘ ' ' u - ... . , .. J . s - o . . _ ‘ e _ . — , ‘. ‘ . . . a g . _ . 167 Equivalent statements at the same level of generality seem not to appear in the literature of anthropology, where emphasis seems to be ". . .upon the continuity of the traditional pattern and postu- lation of particular evolutionary stages. Where the approach has been less committed to one of these extreme positions, it (socio-cultural integration) has usually dealt only with special aspects of culture suggesting developmental stages in such features as religion or political organization."10 A further search through earlier anthropologic literature yields little on the topic of lag, even where one might expect a discussion, for example, in reviews of the contacts between cultures.11 For the purposes of this study, how can cultural lag be de- fined? Is cultural lag a condition or a process?12 Can cultural lag legitimately (i.e. without undue ethnocentrism on the part of the investigator) be said to exist between totally different cul- tures having different norms, or is it a phenomenon or process that can be theoretically justified only between a system and some closely related subsystem?13 10 Julian H. Steward, "Levels of Socio-cultural Integration, An Operational Concept" in Robert Manners and David Kaplan, Eds. Theggy in W, Chicago: Aldine, 1968, p. 130. 11The reader is directed to two principle statements in this respect, Melville Herskovits' Acgulturation, th§,Studz.gf Culture @539}, Gloucester, Massachusetts: Peter Snith, 1938, and Ralph Beals, "Acculturation" in A.L. Kroeber gt a; Anthropolon Today, An a Inventggz, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1953, pp. 621-641. Both of these studies review the literature of culture contact and generally confirm the statement given in the text. Beale proposes that more consideration be given to the recip- rocal nature of change (p. 638). 12Note that Beale asks the same question of acculturation, QR: 2.1—ts: P0 6260 13That is to avoid the problems of ethnocentrism that may' always occur in the cross cultural approach. 168 The question is important to this discussion because diffusion between cultures having greatly different norms is seen by this writer to be theoretically different from diffusion between a group of the same culture. A basic assumption of this research is that Setesdal is a subsystem. The present study is oriented towards the isolation and definition of the process of the maturing of relationships through space between urban and rural entities. For the purposes of this dissertation cultural lag may usefully be considered as a process. The problem then renains to ascertain whether the process in question occurs between two separate and distinct systems in the sense of the cross cultural comparisons typical of anthropology, or if a system and a subsystem are involved.“ Fundamentally the question must be posed as to whether a dichotomy can exist between a systm (of cities) and a subsystem (rural, even subsistence economies). Such questions can not be answered in a prior; fashion, but must be decided upon the basis of the anpirical evidence and the inherent nature of the forces of change. The answer of many “Everett Rogers suggests that the relations between peasants and urbanites be considered in the system-subsystem context. Rogers' assumption is that meaningful generalizations about peasants as dis- tinct fran say urbanites or commercial farmers, can be made. In discussing the nature of the contact between the subculture of peasantry and its surrounding milieu, Rogers indicates that some mmbers of a peasant society must have a cosmopolitan attitude, but that the nature of the impact (whether they be "gatekeepers" or "cultural brokers") has not been adequately studied. See Everett M. Rogers, "Motivations, Values, and Attitudes of Subsistence Farmers: Towards a Subculture of Peasantry" in C.L. Wharton, Jr., Ed., Subsistence W3 egg Economic Develo ent, Chicago: Aldine, 1969, p. 127 e 169 urban geographers has been negative. (See the discussion of rele- vant literature in Chapter I, particularly p. 22). In regards to the concept of cultural lag, the following work- ing definition of the term.is presented. Cultural lag is con- sidered to exist when a farming society is unable or unwilling to participate to its maximum ability in an exchange economy. Im- plicit to this definition is the concept of utility or product maximization, i.e., that the aforesaid agrarian society does not accept the values of utility maximization of the exchange econp any.15 The appropriateness of this definition of lag with respect to Setesdal has been commented upon in the final chapter. If leg as a process exists, then at any one time, the forces for and against change are in equilibrium; i.e., a force for change must be balanced with a force (feedback) against that change. In this regard the question can be asked, is there a place in the workings of the hierarchical system that geographers call central place theory where cultural lag can be predicted to exist? This requires looking at the theory in an.unusual way, not from the viewpoint of the integration of the urban economies with a hier- archy as is typically done, but rather looking for evidence of isolation. 15A concept suggested by Castillo in "A Critical View of a Subculture of Peasantry," Wharton, Jr., 92, git., p. 137. 170 Central Place Theory and Isolation Is there anything in central place theory that would suggest isolation? Can the theory account fer or indicate conditions that would to an.uncommon degree indicate the presence of isolation some place in the hierarchy? Does the very nature of such a hierarchy itself lead to degrees of isolation for some cities? The rank size rule formulated by urban geographers, for example, shows that the rank of a city is equal to the population of that city raised to an exponential constant divided into the pOpulation of the primate city of the country. Further, the rank size rule indicates that a few cities can be expected to be very large, and a great many cities, very small. From this it follows that the density of urban population would likely decrease towards the lower portions of the hierarchy. Smaller urban places are in a sense then isolated by virtue of their smallness. Additional degrees of isolation may be related to their fewer service functions. The spatial range (the range of a good) of the service functioneers of smaller towns is less than those of larger communities; the hinterlands of small towns are small, and those of large towns and cities large. There are fewer linkages between small towns. People hate less reason to travel between these places, and so, there is every likelihood that the communication net between villages will be less well developed than between the larger urban entities. These observations suggest that isolation increases towards the base of the urban hierarchy. 1’71 Isolation may be usefully conceptualized in the tems used in the preceding paragraph. Isolation is then a physical phenomenon (as outlined and sketched in Chapter II); also, isolation can be thought of as an implicit factor of systems. General systems theory leads us to expect degrees of isolation in a system and provides clues as to how to recognize such isolation.16 Two principle notions of general systems theory are of interest here, that of information and entropy. Infomation (sanetimes called negative entropy) is a measure of the order or organization pres- ent in a given systan. The organization of the systan obtains from the constraints on the system, thus, a closed systan is likely to have more "infomation" than an open system. A can- pletely closed systan is one wherein no energy is lost, no effort is wasted, for example, and so is said to be a deterministic system. Information is the result of some regulator or regulators in the systan, parts of the systan that prescribe the behavior of other parts and thus the whole system. The opposite of information is entropy. Complete entropy would be an utter lack of infomation; s canplete diffusion of energy in an aimless or random fashion be- cause of the lack of systanic constraints. Entropy is then a measure of the randanness present in a system, or in the parlance of sue geographers or mathenaticians , a measure of stochastic 16L. von Bertalanffy has published what is probably the most definitive volume on general system theory, his m m m, New York: George Brsziller, 1969. J :I (rev- 172 processes. To what extent is the geographer's central place theory a deterministic or a stochastic system? The application of this question should enable one to understand the strength of the link- ages in and between the hierarchical niches of the central place hierarchy. Brian Berry has supplied some answers to these questions in a study of the central place hierarchy as a system.r7 In his evaluation of the central place hierarchy as a system, Berry indicates that the number of business places in a given community should be a.measure of the infermation generating capac- ity of that place, and through implication, a comparison of the number of these business establishments from town.to town will give a relative indication of the degreee of entropy or isolation between these towns. Of course, towns on the lower end of the hierarchy will suffer relatively greater isolation from those higher on the ladder, than from each other. A genetic or time-series analysis, according to Berry, should allow the researcher to understand the processes at work. The presence of entropy between various niches of the hierarchy is seen here as an indication of "deviation correcting" tendencies. Entropy, then, becomes a.measure of the ability of a subsystem to correct for or resist the influx of new ideas, for example, the 17Brian J. L. Berry," Cities as Systems within systems of Cities" in A. Friedmann and.Wm. Alonge Eds., figgigggl,2§ve10pment mm, Cambridge: The M.I.T. Press, 1964, pp. 116—137. e V V r (\- I ...a 173 spread of an exchange economy. External infermation then is a "deviation amplifying" process, one that would continually push the systemttowards change, for example, a rapid spread of exchange econany and attendant development of central places. What measure of entropy could be found in a place such as Setesdal? The hypo- thetical answer is feedback or an apparent negative reaction to economic development.18 As Berry indicates, the system as a whole (i.e. central place system) cannot be understood.until each of the subsystems are understood. For this study, Berry calls for an analysis of the relationships between Setesdal and the urban entity of’Kristiansand in the terms of general systems theory. The foregoing discussion indicates the partial use of the term isolation in the study. In addition to the more common usage, detailed in the second chapter, isolation implies the presence of entropy. Entropy is defined as a force (feedback) which mitigates against the forces of change (i.e. these forces of an exchange economy eminating from Kristiansand). Entropy or feedback is seen as being negative to change and positive to conformity in Setesdal. Feedback is a pressure that corrects a tendency of the subsystem to deviate fran its former state. The conceptual framework of isolation presented on these pages fits Myrdal's thesis of circular causation. In the urban hierarchy, Berry indicates that the operation of circular causation would lead The conclusions of the present study. 174 progressively to a greater centralization of urban functions in fewer and fewer larger cities.19 Thus, are the processes at work in Sex-land, Norway, deviation correcting (thus, protecting the rural subsistence folkways) or deviation amplifying, or constantly strengthening the upper niches of the hierarchy? Berry's words provide a frame of reference for further study in this respect for this research: ...Any system, together with the subsystems into which it may be partitioned, contains many examples of both deviation correcting and deviation amplifying processes. One subsysten may be coming more highly organized, another may be approx- imating its most probable state. To understand the system as a whole demands that each of the subsystans be understood, as well as the relationship between them.20 Cultural Lag and Systemic Isolation If the concepts presented here on cultural lag and systemic isolation in central place theory are considered together, some generalizations emerge. Cultural lag has been tentatively defined as the unwillingness or inability of a farming society to participate to its maximum ability in an exchange economy.21 This definition is a reasonable expectation based upon comments from literature on the interaction between farmers and urbanites. From the view of systemic 19 Theory. 20 Berry, 3233' 2lSee footnote 14. Berry, 93. git” p. 132, Berry specifically mentions Myrdal's 175 isolation, resistance to change in the ferm of feedback is theo- retically plausible and consistent with the views of central place theory. Towards a Systems Approach to Cultural Diffusion Cultural Diffusion, as a topic of analysis is frequently included within the purview of both anthropology and geography. The successful or nonpsuccessful transmittal of an idea or trait have usually been linked to the larger question of the degree of cultural development. The assessment of and explanation for cultural complexity has been the basis of at least two schools of thought in anthropology, the diffusionists and the evolutionist, according to Levi-Strauss.22 The evolutionist sees an.underb developed situation (such as that of Setesdal) as a sort of relic landscape, using geographical terms. Such peeple then repre- sent "survivals" of an earlier age.23 The diffusionist would explain underdevelopment in the general terms of cultural lag, of particular interest here. These students of diffusion have further conceptualized the process.24 The diffusion of traits and ideas between cultures must 220. Levi-Strauss, Structural Anthropology, New York: Basic BOOkB, 1963’ pe 50 23See the section in Chapter 2, "Recent Views of Setesdel's Culture" containing excerpts from the press on Setesdal which is a summary of an essentially evolutionist view of Setesdal, pp. 39n46. 24For purposes of analysis the diffusion of culture is assumed to be a process, see fectnote 12. 176 logically be appraised in terms of degrees of acceptance. Thus, there are "degrees of acculturation", and so "partially or wholly 2 acculturated individuals". 5 ‘Such statements can quickly lead us to some question concerning the anthropological conception of diffusion. Take the following extract: In the case of a wholly acculturated individual, clearly the acculturative (diffusion) process has terminated and we are speaking of a condition . . . Possibly what is generally meant is that assimilation is that form of acculturation which results in groups of individuals EEOIly replacing their original culture by another. . . Is the diffusion process unilinear? Does diffusion proceed in but one direction in the face of any and all obstacles? Some anthropologists think that acculturation must be a two way process by which both (all) groups in culture contact are affected. One Latin American anthropologist has gone so far as to replace the term acculturation with transculturation so as to emphasize the necessarily reciprocal nature of'most contact sit- uations. Apparently the study of the reciprocal nature of culture contact has not been seriously considered by anthrOpologists.27 Anthropologists had apparently not scrutinized well the reciprocal nature of culture contact at least by the time of the 2 5Quoted from Beals 0p. cit. p. 627. 26 Beals, pp. 628-629. 27An opinion offered by Beals, 92, g_t. p. 628. 177 publication of Kroeber's Anthropology'nggy (1955). By the time of the publication of’Manner's and Kaplan's Tpppyy';p Anthropology (1968) the implicit determinism of acculturative statements has apparently been rethought: It seems very doubtful that functional unity. . . characterizes many social systems. In addition, treating a social system as a functional unity without Specifying the (traits) so unified results in a vague analysis ppg 292 13.1122 9.11% £9229. __.____internal was 2.12m.” The underlined phrase in the above quote is of interest here. The author of the quote has concisely critiqued the problem, the theoretical gap, in acculturation. Stated in terms that are a paraphrase of Newton's Law, for every action there is maybe a reaction, and theory should allow room for, or provide an explan- ation of, that reaction. Why the neglect of the reciprocal nature of cultural change in anthropology? Acculturation, the diffusion of traits from one cul- ture to another, all too often according to Beals is descriptive, the analysis of the results of the process rather than an attempt to uncover its dynamics.29 Reflection.may offer additional interpre- tation. Diffusion studies in anthropology were often born of the cross cultural approach, which in the language of general systems theory is the contact between separate closed (in the sense of 28 Fancesca Cancian, "Functional Analysis of Change" in.Manners and Kaplan, Anthropology Togpy, p. 205, Chicago: Aldine, 1968; underlining added for emphasis. 2 9Beals, pp, pip., p. 628. 178 being unrelated) systems. Additionally many of these empirical studies were concerned with the contact between.members of Western Civilization and underdeveloped peoples, situations where the innovative forces were superior to any source for internal change. The geographer's understanding of diffusion has experienced a similar and yet different type of intellectual evolution. The maturation of the geographers' concept of diffusion was from the beginning more concerned with process than with the yesults of process. The preceding assertion is seen to be at least partially true by virtue of the fact that geographers apparently sought different results from their studies of diffusion than the anthropologists. The early geographical studies in the realm of diffusion seemed to focus rather decidedly on the transmittal of’material culture and dealt less with the socio-psychological sphere of cul- tural norms. An example of the geographers' approach to diffusion is Carl Sauer's "Agricultural Origins and Diapersals." The earlier efforts of the geographers was similar to that of anthropologists in that the analysis of evolution of culture areas must be based upon the determination of alien and native traits.30 The early efforts at diffusion analysis by geographers were similar to the acculturation studies of anthropologists in that both were analyses on the macro-level. The anthropologists studied culture contact lag 30A point suggested by a reading of P. L. Nagner and M. W. Mikesell, fippgipgp,ip Cultpypl Qppgygppy, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962, p. 203. 179 between distinct culture systems; geographers analyzed the flow of traits between such systems. Gradually geographers began to narrow their focus as illus- trated by Stanislawski's paper on the "Origin and Spread of the Grid Pattern Town". In his introduction, Dr. Stanislawski notes that the grid-pattern town was not immediately accepted by the new world natives from the Spanish.31 Stanislawski seems to be saying that the transmittal of the grid-pattern town did not occur until degrees of acculturation had transpired. From the perspective of general systems theory the statement could be considered a recog- nition of the transmittal of traits between system and subsystem; i.e., system: Spanish; Subsystem: partially acculturated native culture. Perhaps the culmination of the evolution of the geog- rapher's study of system-subsystem relationships is to be found in Torsten Hagerstrand's, "The Propagation of Innovation'Waves".32 In his study Hagerstrand emphasized the diffusion of motor cars in the southern Swedish province of Skgne. The Hagerstrand study is of interest in two respects: 1) the work focuses rather sharply on system-subsystem relationships, that of urban-rural entities respectively; and 2) statistical analysis is used to increase the validity of the analysis. l 3 Dan Stanislawski, "The Origin and Spread of the GridAPattern Town" in Magner and Mikesell, pp, git., pp. 318-329. 32Hagerstrand in Wagner and Mikesell 92, git. 180 Irrespective of the source of the analysis, Sweden or the United States, the geographers purview of diffusion has shifted from a cross cultural (or systempsystem) to a.mors indigenous cul- tural approach (the system-subsystems approach). In recent years the number of such quantitatively oriented diffusion studies has proliferated. . This brief resume of the analysis of diffusion and accul- turation, those closely related terms used by geographers and anthr0pologists respectively, hOpefully illustrates two methodo- logical points: 1) A contact point (i.e., the geographer's boundary line) between groups of diverse culture may be better understood through examining its reciprocal nature; and 2) that general systems theory may be a readily available method for such analysis. This survey shows that these two statements are not innovative or in any way astounding, that the literature has pointed in the direction of general systems theory for some time. Tet another point has been suggested, that the contact points between culture groups is in a very real sense a boundary, and may so justifiably be part of political geography. Figure 3, p. 10 depicts the hypothetical ferces affecting centrality emanating.mainly from Kristiansand and Setesdal. The empirical evidence presented in this study indicates that such a model is useful in analyzing the development (and lack of develop- ment) of an exchange economy in Setesdal. The model may also be thought of as illustrating a contact point or boundary between two diverse culture poles, in this case probably indicative of a 7.4. l8l system-subsystem relationships. The application of the model to the analysis of "inner- workings" of a boundary allows further understandings from the views of general systems theory. The model may perhaps offer potential for the future in terms of the control of boundaries inner-workings through the use of cybernetics. fore specifically control theory may be applied to the analysis of the feedback component of the model.33 (Feedback has been linked with the traditional folkways of Setesdal.) The dynamic model of Figure 30 could be hypothetically quantified and "generations" of change (e.g. ten year periods) then could be analyzed to under- stand the nature of the feedback vector. The calculations would no doubt be very difficult and tedious because the model is nec- essarily stochastic (probabilistic) in nature. As Bellman shows, the tedium of the multi—stage approach may be shortcut through substitution with the "policy approach".34 The policy approach notes the significant characteristics of the system under study. The researcher'might understand the approximate (probable) reactions of Setesdolene through analysis of a few sig- nificant aspects of the feedback mechanism (such as the use of Seter, reliance upon a labor intensive system, etc.) using the policy approach. If conceptual frameworks were to be developed 33For a non-technical introduction to this subject see Richard Bellman's "Control Theory" in.Mathematical Thinking‘3g Behavioral Sciences, San Francisco and London: W. H. Freeman and Co., 1965, pp. 74982. 3492, g_t, p. 79. 182 for similar types of underdevelopment for example, the researcher's task may be simplified. He could look for diagnostic clues as to the nature of the feedback and using the policy approach than project the likely effect of the introduction of a given innovation in the region. The geographer's preoccupation with process has perhaps pre- pared him in an unique way to develop a body of diffusion theory. Specifically social scientists may now be in a position to quanti- tatively $929.29. a body of diffusion theory from these process studies and the operational methods of general systems theory. In this author's mind such an approach has enormous implications for isolating, understanding, and solving the problems of economic development. Cybernetics (the engineering arm of general systems theory) may be used to adjust the feedback mechanism in such a way that product maximization may be equated with social and political maximization, permitting the process of economic development to be culturally less painful. APPENDIX 2 183 APPENDIX Questionnaire The following questionnaire was simulated by the school children of Setesdal through the kind help of Augund Brottveit of Valle i Setesdal. 0f the data collected through the circulation of this questionnaire, only that fre- question 8 was finally included in this study, which is mined in Table 4. The following is a translation and the original Norwegian version of the questionnaire. mm This questionnaire is written by an American researcher in order to obtain intonation for a doctor's dissertation. Please have the head ofthefnilyanswerthequesticnsandsendthequestionnairebaokto your teacher. All intonation is confidential. Thanks, Vincent P. Miller, Indiana, Pa. 03L. 1. a. How new generations has your family lived in Setesda1?(one generation 8 ca. 35-40 years, please fill in number). generation(s). b. How long have you lived on your fare? Jeers. c. Howlonghaveyoulivedinyourhone? rears. 2. Bow Inch of your inane cues fro agriculture? 5 3. a. lie 5. b. d. b. 0. d. b. d. f. g. i. J. 184 What percent of your food is produced in your own fields?__} Is other food bought from the country store(shop) (chock) ___yes no. Is the other food fra (check) barter with other farmers or other Setesddlene? barter with country store or other shops? Ltyoubarterwiththe country store or shops where is the shop? (Give town unset) . fibers do you go to shop? (regularly, give town nanet) Do you have labor enough at harvest tine?(check)__yes_no. I; no, how new other laborers do you need? . Are the laborers relations?(check) yes no. Where do these laborers one fro-7min none of place(s): How often do you travel to the local general store(oooperative) for food(Give times per nonth or year: )___acnth or_year. In which townfltown, city regularly visited, give noes) How often do you go to other stores in other towns in Setesdal? In which other Setesdal town(s)?(Give nanex) . How often do you travel to the country store outside of _ 8etesdal?(Give number:) per nonth, or per year. How often do you travel to other shops beyond Setesdal? ___per month, or per year. To which toun do you usually travel(give place nane(s):) Howoftendoyoutraveltoashopinxristiansand? per nonth per year. (give number) Do you have family nenbers(who live in your house) who work beyond Setesdalflcheck: )_yes no. 1'; yes, give principal work place . 6. 7. 8. 9. 185 Hhatistheprincipalreasonforyourfasilytogotoanearby town: (chech:) church store ___crgani nation affairs, or to visit. a. Do you now use a “7 (check:) yes no. b.11no,whandidyoulastusetheM? Giveyear . c. Bownaquiloneters is (was) them from the house? kn. a. Do you favor a political consolidation of but and Vest Agder? yes no. (check one) b. Do you think that:(check:) Arendal or Kristiansand best represents the political interest of Setesdal? c. Which paper(if aw) do you read regularly (Give nane of paper and town that paper cues frat) . a. which 'township' or place were you born? . b. (If 'township') How far was the nearest town? in. c. How does your falily nor-ally travel? fasily car other(neighbors car) bicycle horse(or other animal). d. How does your fanily nor-any go to places beyond Setesdal? __bus busand train family car other car. a.mtisthetraveltisetothenearesttown? (give number) hour(s). Denna undersdhelse er More“: on. 186 W vet av rikansk forsker for doktor- Vo r snill ha faniliehovedpersonen svare spdrsalene og senthunderedkelse tilbake til 1. ran. All infor- nasjon er fortrolig. 1.,a. b. co 2. 3.,a. b. 0. d. ‘e ,‘e 1:. 0e (1. fair! Vincent P. Miller, Indiana, Pa., 0.8.1. Bvor nange generasioner bar Dares fanilie t 1 Se sdal? en generasjomcirha 35-40 , var snill og fylt in men) generasjon(er) Hvornangegrharneboretpadennebondeggrd? 3r Hvornangearharneboretthu-et? 2r Ever neget av Dares inntekt (erverv) hos-er fra Jordhruk?__$ Hva present av fanilie-at er chi-her p3 garden? 1 Br annen nat kjspt fra landhandel (h1tikk)?(sjekk:) Ja__neg. Er annen mat frax(s1ekk:) tuskhandel ned andre bender eller andre 8etesdflene?;___tuskhandel ned landhandel eller annen butikk? m De tuskhandler led landhandel eller annen hitikk, hvor atrent er disse butihker? (Giv byens navnz) . Hvor gar n. for landhandel? (aed regelnessighet, giv byens navnt) . Ear De arbeidsfolk nok 1 Mutuaon2(s1onc)__ja, neg. Hvis neg, hvor mange andre arbeidsfolk sdker De? . Ir disse arbeidsfolk slektningerfl sJekka) 1a, neg. chr ko-er disse arbeidsfolk fra? (Giv navn av byen -ene, stad -ene, osv.) 5.,a. b. 0. d. f. g. h. i. 7.,a. b. Be 187 Hvor ofte ggr (eller raiser) De til lokallandhandel (-samvirke- lag) for net? (Giv mmer pr. mgned eller pr. 3n) pr. maned _ pr. &. Til Hvilkat stad?(byen, stad, osv. med regelmessighet, giv navnz) Hvor ofte ggr (raiser) De til andre landhandeler eller andre o samvirkelager pa andre Setesdalssteder? pr. maned; pr. ar. (Giv numnar pr. signed eller pr. 8r.) Hvilka andre Setesdalssted(er) (Giv navn(e):) Hvor ofte raiser De til en landhandel utenfor Setesdal? (giv mnmner:) pr. nfined, eller pr. 8r. Hvor ofte raiser De til andre butikker utenfor Setesdal? (giv manners) pr. ngned, eller pr. 3r. Til Hvilke andre hovedsteder utenfor Setesdal raiser De? (Giv stad (-er) navn(e):) Hvor ofte raiser De til en Arendalsbutikk? pr. signed, eller, pr. 3r. (Giv nummer.) Hvor ofte raiser De til en Kristiandsbutikk? pr. signed, eller, pr. gr. (Giv manner.) Her noon familienedlem (son her i husat) arbeidet utenfor Setesdal? (Sjekkz) Ja, neg. Hvis 1a, giv hovedarbeidssted: . Hva er Dares families hovedgrunn 3. ggr (raiser) til lokalbygan? (Sjekk:) til kirkje; til landhandel; til organisa- sjonsaakar (f. eks.: til bedahus, til jordbruksforening, osv.): eller,____for beach. Bruk Do an as tar nu? (Sjekk:) ja, neg. Hvis neg, hvorngr brukte De sen tar sist?(Giv grz) . Hvor mange kilometer er (var) as tern fra hjanmet? km. 188 8. ,a. Liker De politiskkonsolidaring mellom Aust Agder og Vest Agder? Ja, neg. (Sjekk an.) b. Tanker Da:(sjekk:) Arendal eller Kristiansand framstillar mad hensyn til politikksaker Setesdal bests? c. Hvilken avis (hvis noon) laser De mad ragelmasaighet? (Giv navn av avis og byan avis kommer fraz) 9.,a. Hvilkan bygda eller stad bor De (pg) (1)? . b. Hvor mange kilometar(hvis bygde) er namest byan? km. c. Hvordan gar (raiser) Dares familie som regal til by?(Sjekk:) _familiebilen;__andra (nabors-) bil;_sykkel;__hast (andre dyr). d. Hvordan 331- (reiser Dares familia son regal til byen utenfor Setesdal?(Sjekk:)_buss;_h1ss og tog;__familiebilan andre bil. a. five er reisertiden til lokalbysentnnn?(Giv mnmnerx) time(r). "'TITI'IWIMIJEIMWfififllflffliflt'lflfljflfllfllfl?“