TRANSFER AT THE LEXICAL LEVEL IN KOREAN LEARNERS’ L2 INDEFINITE ARTICLE USE IN ENGLISH By Eunhye Lee A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Second Language Studies 2012 ABSTRACT TRANSFER AT THE LEXICAL LEVEL IN KOREAN LEARNERS’ L2 INDEFINITEARTICLE USE IN ENGLISH By Eunhye Lee In an attempt to better understand the role of L1 transfer in L2 countability judgments and article use by speakers of classifier languages, the current study investigates how Korean speakers judge noun countability in Korean as manifested in their use of the plural morphology (-tul), and whether or not their countability judgments in Korean correlate with L2 countability judgments and article choices in English. It was hypothesized that Korean learners’ accuracy in L2 countability judgments and article use would be influenced by congruency of noun countability between L1 and L2 nouns. A total of 196 Korean speaking learners of English, who were divided into low-intermediate, high-intermediate and advanced levels, completed 1) a L1 countability judgment task with Korean nouns (a Korean plural marker test), 2) a L2 countability judgment task with English nouns, 3) a forced elicitation task, and 4) a translation task. In addition, 30 advanced Ukrainian learners were included as controls and completed the L2 countability judgment task and the forced-elicitation task. According to Pearson correlation and ANOVA results, the Korean learners’ countability judgments in the L1 strongly correlated with their countability judgments in the L2, and L2 article accuracy on both the forced-elicitation task and the translation task was significantly affected by countability congruency between L1 and L2 nouns; English nouns whose countability of L1 counterpart nouns are congruent yielded significantly higher accuracy than incongruent English nouns. The results of the Ukrainian learners from the L2 countability judgment task and forced-elicitation task also confirmed the effects of countability congruency were L1-induced. The effects of L1 transfer at the lexical level remained strong regardless of proficiency level, noun type and task type. The results suggest that L1 transfer that arises at the lexical level affects learners’ article choice in L2. A theoretical implication of the findings includes that the feature reassembly approach (Lardiere, 2008; 2009) provides more accurate account of the acquisition of English articles by speakers of classifier languages than the SLA-as-parameter-resetting approach. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many people have provided assistance and support for completing this dissertation. I would like to thank Dr. Patti Spinner, the chair of my dissertation committee, for her support and guidance throughout the entire process of carrying out the study and writing the dissertation. I extend my sincere gratitude to Dr. Debra Friedman for helping with data collection in Ukraine and for providing expertise on Ukrainian. My deepest thanks go to Prof. Stella Nosyk who coordinate data collection at Pedagogical University in Ukraine. I would also like to thank the other members of my committee, Drs. Paula Winke and Susan Gass for their helpful comments and suggestions on this project. The SLS program has provided me with assistantships, research grants and a fellowship in my fourth year, all of which allowed me to be more productive in my research and writing. I am also grateful to Joan Reid, the former graduate secretary of the SLS program for helping me with various paper work and reminding me of important deadlines to keep. Finally, I would like to thank my husband, Dozie Amuzie, for his sacrifice, support and love. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES CHATPER 1: INTRODUCTION CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1. Research on L2 Acquisition of English articles 2.2. Research on L2 mass-count distinction in English 2.3. L1 transfer effects on L2 mass-count distinction 2.4. An alternative account: Feature reassembly 2.5. The mass-count distinction in Korean 2.6. Korean plural marker: -tul 2.7. Countability: Binary or continuum? 2.8. Reassembling the countability features 2.9. Noun categories 2.10. The control group 2.11. Research questions CHAPTER 3: METHOD 3.1. Participants 3.11. Recruitment and language background 3.12. Group division 3.2. Instruments 3.21. Proficiency test: Cloze test 3.22. Pilot tests 3.23. Korean plural marker test 3.24. English countability judgment task 3.25. Forced-elicitation task 3.26. Translation task 3.3. Procedure 3.4. Analysis CHAPTER 4: RESULTS 4.1. Plural marker test 4.2. L2 countability judgment task 4.3. Correlations between the plural marker test and L2 countability judgment task 4.4. Forced-elicitation task v 4.5. Translation task 4.6. Summary of the results CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION 5.1. Evidence of L1 influence 5.2. L1 transfer at the lexical level 5.3. L2 countability judgments and article use 5.4. Noun type effects 5.5. Pedagogical implications 5.6. Limitations 5.7. Future research 5.8. Conclusion APPENDICES Appendix A. Korean plural marker test (Translated in English) Appendix B. English countability judgment task Appendix C. Forced-elicitation task Appendix D. Translation task REFERENCES vi LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Participant information…………………………………………………………………50 Table 2. Final list of words………………………………………………………………………55 Table 3. Mean ratings of 6 categories across three proficiency levels…………………………..63 Table 4. A summary of ANOVA results………………………………………………………...63 Table 5. Full Tukey post hoc test results………………………………………………………...64 Table 6. Descriptive statistics……………………………………………………………………66 Table 7. A summary of ANOVA results ………………………………………………………..66 Table 8. Full Tukey post hoc test results.......................................................................................67 Table 9. Comparison between the Korean (K) advanced learners and Ukrainian (UK) learners..68 Table 10. Individual correlation for the low-intermediate learners. …………………………….70 Table 11. Individual correlations for the high-intermediate learners……………………………70 Table 12. Individual correlations for the advanced learners……………………………………..71 Table 13. Korean learners’ forced-elicitation task results……………………………………….72 Table 14. A summary of ANOVA results……………………………………………………….72 Table 15. Full Tukey post hoc test results……………………………………………………….73 vii Table 16. Comparison between the Korean and Ukrainian advanced learners………………….74 Table 17. Paried sample t-tests…………………………………………………………………..75 Table 18. Korean learners’ translation task results………………………………………………76 Table 19. A summary of ANOVA results……………………………………………………….76 Table 20. Full Tukey post hock test results……………………………………………………...77 Table 21. Paired samples t-test…………………………………………………………………..78 Table 22. Combined results……………………………………………………………………...81 Table 23. Ukrainian learners’ accuracy for non-countable individual nouns in C3……………..86 Table 24. Difficulty hierarchy of the 6 noun categories…………………………………………99 Table 25. Nouns that frequently cause article errors…………………………………………...102 viii CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION English articles are one of the most frequent elements available in input (Master, 2002), and yet the English articles are considered to be one of the most difficult areas in English grammar for L2 learners to master (Butler, 2002; Kharma, 1981; Master, 1997, 2002). Articles have been reported as one of the most frequently-made errors in L2 speech and writing (e,g., Han et al., 2006, Izumi et al., 2004). Han et al. (2006) report that speakers of Chinese, Japanese and Russian made article errors about one out of every eight NPs, or almost once in every three sentences. Some researchers even suggested that the English article system is unlearnable and therefore unteachable (Dulay et al., 1982). The challenge with acquiring the English article system is mainly due to the fact that article choice should be made based on multiple form-function mappings rather than one-to-one form and meaning relationships (Butler, 2002; Young, 1996). In order for learners to arrive at a correct article decision, they need to determine not only the countability of a noun (count vs. mass), but also the semantic context of a noun (definite/indefinite). Therefore, to fully understand the nature of learners’ difficulty with English articles, it is necessary to investigate how learners deal with each of the two aspects of article choice. It is also well known that article errors are particularly prevalent among learners with so called ‘article-less’ L1 backgrounds, which include classifier languages such as Korean, Chinese, and Japanese (e.g., Hawkins et al., 2006; Ionin et al., 2008; among many others). In these languages, the distinctions of count vs. non-count and definite vs. indefinite contexts are not grammarticalized in the same way as in English. Recently, article use by learners from various article-less languages has been extensively investigated by many researchers. By comparing 1 learners from speakers with article-less L1 backgrounds with those whose L1s have an article system, the studies show that speakers of article-less languages make significantly more errors when compared to those whose L1s have articles. Such findings led to the conclusion that L1 is the source of L2 article errors. However, previous research on L1 influence on the article acquisition by speakers of article-less languages focused only on article use and interpretation concerning the semantic contexts (e.g., definiteness vs. specificity, generic vs. non-generic). In contrast, little attention has been given to understanding the role of L1 in L2 countability judgments in English. There are only a handful of studies examining the mass-count distinction by speakers of classifier languages, and only one of them (Snape, 2008) directly addresses the issue of L1 transfer in the L2 mass-count distinction by speakers of classifier languages. The current study attempts to contribute to greater clarity and better understanding of L1 transfer in L2 article use by speakers of classifier languages by investigating Korean learners’ countability judgments and indefinite article use. With little previous research on L2 mass-count distinction in English, we have a limited understanding on the nature of L1 influence in L2 countability judgments and article use by speakers of classifier languages. According to Snape (2008), the only theoretical account of countability judgments by speakers of classifier languages in the existing literature, learners’ misjudgments of noun countability stem from the fact that by the Nominal Mapping Parameter settings that governs noun formation, classifier languages do not have articles, and noun phrases (NPs) in classifier languages do not require number marking and the mass-count distinction on them as in English NPs. Snape’s parametric account predicts that under the influence from the L1 parameter setting, speakers of classifier languages are likely to show the tendency of frequently omitting articles as the bare noun construction is acceptable in these L1s regardless of 2 number and countability of nouns. While the parametric account explains why speakers of classifier languages make article omission errors, it does not explain other types of articles errors speakers of classifier languages frequently make. Such discrepancy suggests that attributing learners’ all article problems solely to the fact classifier languages lack articles might be a too simplistic way of looking at the issue. The limitations in Snape’s parametric account has provided the impetus to re-examine the assumption it makes about classifier languages and to search for an alternative framework that allows finer-grained analysis of crosslinguistic differences to provide a more accurate account of countability judgments and article use by speakers of classifier languages. As an alternative approach to the issues in L2 acquisition of English articles, the current study adopts Lardiere’s feature reassembly approach (2008, 2009). This recently proposed framework by Lardiere considers SLA as a process that involves feature reassembly as opposed to parameter resetting or parameter switching, a metaphor that has been traditionally used in generative approach to describe SLA. The traditional parameter resetting approach characterizes learners’ L1 and L2 in terms of the parameter setting ([+feature], -[feature]). In this approach, whether a language has a selected the relevant feature is an important question because acquiring a second language whose parametric setting is different from that of L1 essentially involves resetting the parametric setting to the appropriate L2 setting. On the contrary, the feature reassembly approach compares L1 and L2 beyond the level of parameter setting or feature selection. In the feature reassembly approach, languages might greatly differ, often despite having the same parameter setting, as to how the relevant features are assembled in languagespecific ways. Therefore, to successfully acquire L2 target features, learners have to tease apart the relevant features the way they are assembled in the L1 and re-assemble them as required by 3 the L2. The feature reassembly approach brings out the complexity and difficulty of learning tasks that are not captured by the previous parametric account. In the light of the feature reassembly approach, the current study considers the possibility that the mass-count distinction might be present in classifier languages, but is expressed differently from English, using means other than articles. Based on the analyses on Korean nouns found in the literature, the current study identifies the plural marker (-tul) as a morphosyntactic device to realize the mass-count distinction in Korean. The current study investigates whether or not the way countability features in L1 are expressed interferes the L2 countability feature reassembly, namely, L2 article choice. The study hypothesizes that Korean learners might associate L2 noun countability with how L1 countability features are expressed. That is, whether Korean learners might judge L2 nouns countable or non-countable may be influenced by whether the counterpart nouns are treated as countable or non-countable, as manifested in their use of the plural marker in L1. The type of L1 transfer the current study investigates has to do with how individual words are treated in L1, thus is expected to arise at the lexical level. To validate the argument for L1 transfer at the lexical level, the study includes a control group of Ukrainian learners. It was hypothesized that when there is a difference in congruity between a Korean vs. English noun and a Ukrainian vs. English noun, we would expect to see differences in their countability judgments. By testing the above hypotheses, the current study attempts to provide a more accurate account of L1 transfer in L2 countability judgments and article use by speakers of classifier languages. To date, there has been no study that investigates the possibility of L1 transfer at the lexical level in the L2 countability judgments and article use. The study presents the evidence of L1 transfer at the lexical level which illuminates the role of L1 in L2 countability judgments and 4 article use. In addition, apart from Lardiere (2008, 2009) who proposed the feature reassembly approach, the current project is the first study that tests the feature reassembly approach against the previous parametric account in L2 article research. The empirical evidence provided in the current study, therefore, has important theoretical implications. Lastly, the study contributes to the existing body of literature in L2 acquisition of articles, in particular indefinite articles. Studying learners’ countability judgments is particularly important to understand learners’ use of indefinite articles, as definite articles do not need to take noun countability into account while the use of indefinite articles always involves the mass-count distinction. The current study answers the questions of why indefinite articles are more difficult than definite articles as shown in previous research (Heubner, 1985; Lardiere, 2005; Master, 1987; Thomas, 1989). The outline of the remainder of the dissertation is as follows. Chapter I provides a detailed overview of previous and ongoing discussions on topics from which the research questions of the current study emerged. The chapter begins with a review previous research on L2 acquisition of English articles and countability judgments (Section 2.1 to 2.3). I specifically focus on Snape (2008) in Section 2.3 to talk about its approach to SLA, theoretical implications of the assumptions about classifier languages and limitations in data interpretation. The next section (2.4) discusses the feature reassembly approach by Lardiere as an alternative theoretical framework to investigate L2 article use by speakers of classifier languages. Then, the following two chapters (2.5 and 2.6) cover details concerning the mass-count distinction and plural marking in Korean. The purpose of these chapters is to show how the countability features are realized differently from the way they are in English, and to challenge the widespread assumption that the mass-count distinction does not exist in Korean. Section 2.7 address the question of whether countability should be viewed as binary or continuum. Section 2.8 details 5 what Korean learners are required to do in order to successfully reassemble the countability features. Section 2.9 describes 6 noun categories that are included in the study as well as the rationale for such categorization. Section 2.10 gives a brief description of the countability features in Ukrainian and Russian, as these languages are spoken by the Ukrainian learners in the control group. Lastly, the final section of the chapter (2.11) summarizes the research questions and the predictions for each of the questions. Chapter 3 provides information on the participants (Section 3.1), research instruments used (Section 3.2), the procedure (Section 3.3), and statistical analysis employed (Section 3.4). Chapter 4 presents all the results the data analysis including descriptive and inferential statistics for the Korean and Ukrainian groups. Chapter 5, which is the last chapter, discuses the implications of the findings reported. First, Section 5.1 discusses how the current study provides three different types of possible L1 effects. While Section 5.1. focuses on presenting evidence to argue that the observed effects are indeed induced by L1, Section 5.2 focuses on describing the nature of L1 transfer at the lexical level, comparing to transfer of L1 parameter setting that was argued to play a role in L2 article use by the previous parametric account. The next two sections (5.3 and 5.4) highlight learners’ difficulty with countability judgments as a main source of L2 article errors and the noun type effects on L2 article accuracy, respectively. The following three chapters discuss pedagogical implications (5.5), limitations (5.6) and possible future research questions (5.7). Finally, Section 5.7 concludes the dissertation with a summary of the findings and a discussion on the significance of the study. 6 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 2.1. Research on L2 acquisition of English articles The acquisition of L2 English articles has attracted researchers’ attention for decades. It was noted early that English articles are particularly problematic for many learners, but researchers have struggled to understand the nature of learners’ problems with English articles. Part of the difficulty of understanding the source of learners’ article errors comes from the fact that the discussion on the L2 acquisition of articles has been mostly driven by studies whose main focus was on learners’ knowledge of definiteness vs. indefiniteness. The mass-count distinction has received little attention from researchers. Not surprisingly, however, even in studies whose main focus was on definiteness, the mass-count distinction has been a lingering issue in the discussion pertaining to article errors in indefinite contexts since whether indefinite articles (a, an) should be supplied depends in part on countability judgments. Early studies on the acquisition of English articles found that article accuracy is significantly lower in indefinite than definite contexts and this finding led to a conclusion that a is acquired later than the (Huebner 1985; Master. 1987; Parrish, 1987; Thomas, 1989). The conclusion about the L2 acquisition sequence of articles was further supported by more recent studies (Lu 2001, Lardiere, 2005; Robertson, 2000). For example, Lu (2001) examined Chinese learners’ article choice in four different semantic contexts based on four semantic categories, [±Specific Referent (±SR)] and [±Assumed Known to the Hearer (±HK)] in order to identify the order of article acquisition and article error patterns. He found out that Chinese learners acquired articles in the order of the> a> Ø. His analyses of learners’ errors also revealed that Chinese learners misuse a for Ø, or vice versa, even when they correctly judge 7 (in)definiteness. From these findings, Lu concluded that misdetection of noun countability, along with misjudgment of (in)definiteness, are difficulties underlying article choice. More direct evidence that misdetection of noun countability causes article errors is found in studies that incorporated interviews and surveys as the means to examine learners’ ‘logic’ behind their article choice. Butler (2002) asked Japanese learners with varying levels of English proficiency to provide reasons for their article choice in a fill-in-the-article test by conducting interviews immediately after the fill-in-the-article test. Learners’ reasons for their nontargetlike article selection were examined both quantitatively and qualitatively. According to the analyses employed, problems with detecting the referentiality and countability of NPs were found to be the main causes of article errors. The participants often mentioned noun countability as a reason for their nontargetlike article use. According to Butler (2002), learners at lower levels of proficiency tended to think that noun countability was a fixed and static entity. Detecting countability remained problematic too for advanced level learners in the study, who often expressed confusion over noun countability, especially with abstract nouns. Very similar findings are reported by White (2010), who examined article choice with three different types of nouns (imaginable count, abstract count, and imaginable non-count) by learners from a variety of language backgrounds. White used an explanation sheet as well as a fill-in-the-article-test. In the explanation sheet, participants rated their confidence levels for their choices and wrote an explanation for the particular article choice. The three types of nouns were embedded in six different semantic categories. According to the results, both noun type and the semantic context significantly influenced accuracy of article use. Learners were more accurate with imaginable count nouns and with [+specific, +definite] contexts. Accuracy rates were lower with abstract nouns, especially when they were used in [-definite] contexts. The inaccurate 8 articles choices coincided with incorrect judgments of noun countability found in the explanation sheets. White (2009) suspected that article errors are often made because learners are fixated on making the mass-count distinction without considering definiteness. Both early and more recent studies identified misdetection of noun countability as a source of difficulty in L2 article choice. It is very clear that without understanding learners’ countability judgments, we cannot fully account for learners’ article choice. At this stage, it is also necessary to investigate the issue of countability judgments separately from the semantic features (Yoon, 1993). When the two independent constituents are combined as in the studies discussed above, it is difficult to understand the exact nature of learners’ errors in article use because studies on definite articles do not take noun countability into account while countability judgments are subsumed in indefinite article choice, which makes it difficult to gauge to what extent countability and semantic contexts each contribute to errors in indefinite contexts. However, surprisingly, there has been little research that focuses on noun countability judgments. While research on the features of referentiality (definite vs. indefinite, generic vs. non-generic) has proliferated, producing much more elaborated accounts of learners’ article choice between definite and indefinite articles, the looming issue of noun countability in L2 article choice has not drawn much attention from researchers. There are only a few studies that specifically investigate learners’ L2 countability judgments. The following section is a review of these studies. 2.2. Research on L2 mass-count distinction in English Acquiring L2 mass-count distinction in English is challenging especially for L2 learners who are from classifier language backgrounds (e.g., Korean, Chinese and Japanese) in which 9 articles and number features appear to be absent. More detailed descriptions of classifier languages are found in the next section. There are only five studies that investigate countability judgments by speakers of classifier languages: Hiki (1991), Yoon (1993), Hua & Lee (2005), Snape (2008), and Amuzie & Spinner (in press). Four of the studies, except Snape (2008) are reviewed in this section. Snape (2008) is reviewed separately in the next section because the study is different from the rest in its orientation and design. After a critical review the four studies, I will discuss the common findings and the issues that emerge from the previous research on L2 countability judgments by speakers of classifier languages. Hiki (1991) investigated whether Japanese learners’ countability judgments are influenced by noun type. The four noun types included were individual (e.g. car, snake), material (e.g. air, bread), proper (e.g. IBM, Tokyo) and abstract nouns (e.g. ability, feeling). The participants were given an editing task that consisted of passages with ungrammatical NPs and a writing task in which they wrote an essay as a response to prompt a question. In the editing task, many of the target nouns (N=24) appeared two or three times to allow the researcher to examine whether learners could appropriately correct the ungrammatical NPs according to the countability environments (e.g., count singular, count plural or non-count). After the editing task, they were given a copy of the corrected passage to compare their judgments with the correct answers and were asked to write comments on any items that they considered unexpected. The participants’ written comments were later used to formulate individualized questions for interviews that were conducted to better elicit the rationales for their choices. According to the results, the misjudgment rates were significantly higher for abstract nouns (56%) than individual (23.1%), material (26.2%) and proper nouns (2.0%). The learners had difficulty with abstract nouns in countable contexts, and especially in plural environments. 10 The same pattern was also found in the analyses of NPs used in the writing task; however, the results of both editing task and the writing task have to be interpreted with caution because of several reliability issues. Out of 62 items in the editing task, only 16 test items yielded unanimous responses by native speakers of English. Also, the open-ended nature of the writing task resulted in a serious lack of balance in the numbers of the four types of nouns in the NPs produced by the participants. The number of abstract nouns produced was almost three times more than the number of individual nouns produced. Also the participants rarely used material nouns and proper nouns in the essays. The effect of noun type was found to be a significant factor of countability judgments in the study by Hua and Lee (2005), who employed a different task, a count-mass grammaticality judgment task. The participants were speakers of Chinese, which is another classifier language. The grammaticality judgment task consisted of two categories of count and mass nouns: the count noun category was further divided into concrete and abstract nouns, the mass noun category into concrete, abstract and collective nouns. The different types of nouns were embedded in sentences and they were always preceded by either many or much. The results showed that acceptance rates of ungrammatical sentences significantly differed across the different noun type conditions. The most problematic noun type was abstract count nouns. Between concrete mass nouns and concrete count nouns, learners had more difficulty with concrete mass nouns than concrete count nouns. The learners showed a tendency to accept ungrammatical use of much with abstract count nouns, confirming the earlier finding that noun type affects noun countability judgments. In an attempt to further understand learners’ difficulty with abstract nouns, Amuzie and Spinner (in press) investigated Korean learners’ countability judgments on abstract nouns. 11 Unlike previous studies that often treat abstract nouns as a single category, Amuzie and Spinner classified abstract nouns into four categories based on temporal and perceptual boundedness. According to the results, learners made significantly more errors with certain types of abstract nouns (e.g. nouns related to dynamic verbs) than others (e.g., non-verb- related nouns and nouns associated with stative verbs). Amuzie and Spinner also observed a great level of within-category variability in learners’ responses. For example, learners were extremely reluctant to use the indefinite article with particular words even though they seemed to readily accept other words in the same category as count nouns without much difficulty. The within-category variation in article use suggests that learners often incorrectly associate certain nouns with countability or non-countability. Amuzie and Spinner (in press) speculated that the associations might have been formed based on how individual nouns are treated in their L1 and called for future research to investigate this issue. The possibility of learners’ countability perception playing a role in their article use was once suggested by Yoon (1993). Yoon investigated Japanese learners’ perception of noun countability by having them intuitively judge the countability of nouns that were listed with no context. After the countability judgment task, the learners completed a cloze test in which the same nouns were embedded in essay texts. Native speakers of English participated in both tasks as controls. Unlike in native speakers’ data, strong correlations were found in learners’ intuitive judgments of nouns in the context-free list and their article use in context; the nouns that were judged as countable previously were likely to be used with ‘a(n)’, and nouns judged as uncountable, with zero article. Learners’ article accuracy was significantly lower when their initial countability judgments were inconsistent with how they were used in context in general, but more so with nouns that were judged as uncountable but used as count nouns. Yoon argued 12 that Japanese learners are often unaware that nouns can be either countable or uncountable depending on the context. But Yoon did not discuss in detail what might be the source of learners’ intuitive judgments on noun countability; however, he indirectly suggested the link between learners’ countability perception in L1 and countability judgments in L2 by saying that future research should address the questions related with L1 transfer in countability judgments. Unfortunately, Yoon’s study has some flaws that seriously undermine his interesting findings. First, the countability judgment task has a problem in its task design. In the countability judgment task, learners were given two options only, countable and uncountable, and were asked to choose one of the options for each noun. The task design that forces learners to make binary choices with no third option indirectly presents noun countability as a binary concept, either countable or uncountable. One of the main claims of the study that Japanese learners tend to treat noun countability as a static, binary concept is largely based on the learners’ responses on the countability judgment task. Since the learners were allowed no other option but to make binary choices, the argument that their choices reflect how they perceive noun countability stands on a shaky ground. The researcher should have either provided the third option (either countable or uncountable) or used a multiple-point rating scale. Secondly, the task order should have been reversed. In the study, the participants first completed the countability judgment task before the cloze task. From the way the procedure was described, both tasks were completed in one day one after the other, though no information is found regarding whether there was a break between the two tasks. Such task order is problematic because learners’ article use on the cloze task might actually been influenced by their countability judgment that they previously made on the countability judgment task. It is possible that some learners might have been reminded of their previous countability judgments while completing the cloze task. Lastly, noun type was not 13 controlled in the study. All three studies that were discussed above report significant differences in accuracy rates across different types of nouns. However, the researcher did not consider noun type when grouping the target nouns for analysis, and ended up having unequal numbers of concrete and abstract nouns in each category. It is possible that the findings that Yoon reported might not hold true for all types of nouns. Due to these limitations of the study, the claim that learners’ article choice are affected by their inflexible, pre-conceived ideas on noun countability is yet to be substantiated in future research with improved task design. I want to conclude this section by summarizing the important findings and issues that emerge from the review of the four studies on the L2 mass-count distinction. The most consistent finding across the studies is the noun type effects. Noun type was found to play a role in countability judgments in all studies except for Yoon (1993), who did not control for noun type. The most frequently reported error types due to the noun type effects are article omission with abstract nouns in count contexts and article overuse with concrete mass nouns. This means that when nouns are concrete, accuracy is higher for count nouns than mass nouns (Hiki, 1991; Hua & Lee; 2005), but when nouns are abstract, accuracy is higher for mass nouns than count nouns (Amuzie & Spinner, in press; Hua & Lee, 2005). While the common errors that are frequently made by learners have been identified, what might be the source of these problems has not been addressed by any of the studies. Apart from the noun type effects, the nature of difficulty with the mass-count distinction remains unclear. However, the studies point in that direction that learners’ countability judgments might be influenced by L1. All of the four studies included participants from classifier language backgrounds, which were Japanese (Hiki, 1991; Yoon, 1993), Chinese (Hua & Lee, 2005) and Korean (Amuzie & Spinner, in press), suggesting that problems with the mass-count 14 distinction in English are common among speakers of classifier languages. Unfortunately, the absence of a comparison group makes it difficult to know for certain whether learners’ misdetection of noun countability in L2 should be attributed to L1 influence. Lastly, it seems that learners have intuitive judgments that certain nouns are countable or uncountable (Yoon, 1993), resulting in variability in data that is not accounted for by the noun type effects (Amuzie & Spinner, in press). Again, L1 was considered to be the factor. Amuzie and Spinner suspected learners’ countability judgments might be influenced by how individual nouns are treated in their L1. The possibility remains as a speculation since no supporting evidence is found in literature. However, it certainly highlights the need to investigate the role of L1 in learners’ L2 countability judgments, which I will discuss in depth in the next section. 2.3. L1 transfer effects on L2 mass-count distinction Transfer, according to the most commonly cited definition by Odlin (1989), is “the influence resulting from similarities and differences between the target language and any other language that has been previously acquired (p.27)”. The role of L1 in the acquisition of L2, known as L1 transfer, has been well documented in literature (e.g., Dechart & Raupach, 1989; Odlin, 1989; Gass & Selinker, 1992; Schwartz, 1998; Jarvis 1998; Ellis, 2006; among many others). A plethora of research conducted for a variety of populations and subcategories of linguistic domains has convincingly attested to the existence of L1 influence in the acquisition of almost all linguistic subsystems including phonology (e.g., Aoyama et al., 2004; Flege & MacKay, 2004), orthography (e.g., Wang, Koda, & Perfetti, 2003), morphology (e.g., De Angelis & Selinker, 2001; Jarvis & Odlin, 2000), syntax (e.g., Chen, 2004; Juffs, 2002; Matthews & Yip, 2003; White, 2003) and pragmatics (e.g., Tamanaha, 2003; Yu, 2004). Decades of transfer 15 research not only established L1 transfer as an important independent variable that can affect language acquisition and use, but also elevated its status in the field to where L1 transfer is now considered important enough to be investigated as a primary process itself in its own right (Jarvis & Parvlenko, 2008). Passing the stage of identifying cases of transfer, research has started addressing deeper and broader issues concerning the nature of the phenomenon itself, asking questions such as how, why, when and what type(s) of L1 transfer occur. Given the robust effects of L1 transfer on such wide linguistic domains demonstrated in numerous transfer studies, it is not surprising that L1 influence has been recognized to play a role in the acquisition of English articles. Studies comparing learners who have an article system in their L1 with those who do not have often found significant differences between the two groups; when compared to learners whose L1 shares the common feature of articles with English, learners from articleless backgrounds make errors more frequently in their production and interpretation of English articles (e.g., Ionin & Montrul, 2010; Ionin et al., 2008; Snape, 2008; Zdorenko & Paradis, 2008). The differences found between learners whose L1 have articles and learners whose L1 lack articles are often attributed to the features of learners’ native language. Researchers studying the L1 effects on article choice have focused predominantly on the investigation of the effect of semantic context (e.g., definiteness vs. specificity, or generic or nongeneric). The other dimension of English article use, which is judging noun countability (the mass-count distinction), has been neglected in research and writing of this subject even though countability judgments are equally important in order to fully account for learners’ English article use. While there has been a plethora of research investigating the role of L1 in determining the semantic context of English articles, there has been very little research focusing on L1 transfer in countability judgments by learners from classifier language backgrounds. In 16 fact, there is only one study located that directly examined the role of L1 transfer in countability judgments by speakers of classifier languages: Snape (2008). Snape (2008) was based on the theoretical framework by Chierchia (1998), who proposed a Nominal Mapping Parameter (NMP) with a three-way parametric distinction. According to the proposal, languages are classified into three categories based on the features of NPs. The following is the illustration of the proposal taken from Snape (2008): a. NP [+arg, +pred] languages: English, German i. L1s with (in)definite articles ii. Number marking on nouns. iii. Allow bare mass nouns and plural nouns in argument position b. NP [+arg, -prd] languages: Japanese, Chinese i. Ls lacking DP (no articles) ii. No number marking on nouns iii. All nouns are mass iv. Generalized classifier system c. NP [-arg, +pred] languages: Spanish, Italian i. Ls with (in)definite articles ii. Number marking on Ns iii. Do not allow bare mass nouns in argument position The proposal has significance due to its theoretical implications for L2 acquisition of articles. The NMP is an example of an approach in which the acquisition of a second language is argued to be tightly constrained by properties of the L1. In this framework, the major task L2 17 learners are faced with in L2 acquisition is to reset the parameter to the English setting. The failure to reach nativelike proficiency is viewed as a failure in resetting the parameter setting or persistent L1 transfer. According to the NMP proposal, L2 learners have difficulty with the mass-count distinction because of the different L1 NMP settings. It also predicts that making appropriate article choice based on the mass-count distinction may be more difficult for speakers of classifier languages because those languages lack the functional category DP and the masscount distinction. In order to test whether learners whose L1s have a different parametric setting can reset the parameter to the English setting, Snape conducted two experiments. I will only discuss the first experiment as the second experiment focuses on the definiteness effects. The participants of the study consisted of Japanese and Spanish learner groups. The Japanese learner group represented classifier languages, that is NP [+arg, -pred] languages with no definite article and number marking systems, while the Spanish learner group represented NP [-arg, +pred] languages with (in)definite article and number marking systems. The participants completed a count-mass grammatically judgment task. The task was designed with four different conditions: (a) count singular, (b) count plural, (c) mass, (d) mass plural. The nouns were always preceded by quantifiers and sometimes followed by the plural markers (See the examples below). The participants judged the grammaticality of the NPs. (1) a. count singular: *much car, *few cyclist b. count plural: many tickets, *much roses c. mass: some information, *many money d. mass plural: *some butters, *much fruits 18 The results showed that advanced-level Japanese learners performed as well as advancedlevel Spanish learners in all noun conditions. However, intermediate-level Japanese learners had significantly more problems with mass nouns than the Spanish counterparts, though the Spanish learners too made more errors in mass conditions than in count conditions. Japanese learners’ lower accuracy in count noun conditions than in mass noun conditions was contrary to the researchers’ expectations because Japanese learners were expected to have more problems with count nouns since Japanese is assumed to treat all nouns as mass nouns. The author interpreted the results as the evidence that Japanese learners successfully reset the article parameter, overcoming the L1 influence that might have been more pervasive at earlier stages of learning. Snape’s study differentiates itself from the other studies on countability judgments by L2 learners that were discussed in the previous section. It is the only study that specifically deals with the issue of L1 transfer in countability judgments by including learners from both [+Article] and [-Article] language backgrounds for comparison. By adopting the NMP proposal by Chierchia, the study also attempted to provide a theoretical account of countability judgments and article choice by speakers of classifier languages, which no other studies did. However, his parametric account based on Chierchia’s framework falls short on several accounts. A fundamental problem of Snape’s account lies in its assumptions about classifier languages. The NMP proposal makes important assumptions about classifier languages that are questionable. According to the NMP proposal by Chierchia (1998), languages with a generalized classifier system do not have the mass-count distinction or plural-marking, because all nouns in these languages are treated as mass nouns. Many linguists have taken the same position as Chierchia regarding the analysis of nouns in classifier languages (Allan, 1977; Borer, 2005; Link, 1998; Quine, 1969; Sharvy, 1978). However, several studies, including Chierchia’s own 19 recent work (2010), suggest that the widespread assumption about classifier languages may be incorrect. Chierchia (2010) states that the mass-count distinction is active in the grammar of classifier languages, but the way the mass-count distinction is coded is different from in numbermarking languages such as English. His new proposal again makes a three-way division of how various languages deal with the mass-count distinction. In number-marking languages, the masscount distinction is coded directly on nouns and the distinction affects the distribution of plural versus singular morphemes. On the other hand, classifier languages do not have obligatory number marking on nouns. Instead, the mass-count distinction is coded through the syntax and semantics of classifiers. Korean belongs to the group of classifier languages. A third type of language lacks both obligatory number marking and obligatory classifier system. In this type of languages, the mass-count distinction shows up in the distributions of numerals; mass nouns cannot combine with numerals. Note that in the new proposal the contrast between English and classifier languages does not lie in whether or not the mass-count distinction is available as in Chierchia (1998); the focus shifted to how the distinction is made in different ways. Chierchia (2010) assumes that the mass-count distinction is available in all languages including classifier languages though languages differ in terms how they make the distinction. This is clearly an alteration of his earlier view on classifier languages. In addition, the emphasis on the [±arg] and [±pred] parameters, which was the basis of the three-way division in 1998, was dropped in his new proposal. Instead, he focuses on the notion of vagueness. The general idea is that all nouns have atomic parts, but the interpretation of atomic parts of many nouns is a matter of vagueness because it is not clear as to what the atomic parts actually are. Chierchia (2010) acknowledges how his new approach based on vagueness differs from Chierchia (1998) on some of the issues. However, he does not specifically mention on the implication of his new approach on the 20 nominal mapping parameter. Nonetheless, the development and alteration found in Chierchia (2010) certainly question the accuracy and validity of Snapes’ parametric account that is based on Chierchia (1998). Other studies that analyzed classifier languages also support his altered view in Chierchia (2010) that classifier languages have their own means of mass-count distinctions. For example, several researchers have shown that Chinese encodes the mass-count distinction at the classifier level: classifiers can be categorized as “mass-classifier” or “count-classifiers.” (e.g., Cheng & Sybesma, 1998; Li, Barner & Huang, 2008). In Mandarin Chinese, some classifiers occur in constructions that pick out individuals or sets of individuals, whereas other classifiers perform a measuring function for individuals or unindividuated stuff. Researchers argue that this difference between classifier types may be equivalent to the mass-count distinction in English. Authors who analyzed nouns and classifiers in Korean too argue that Korean makes the mass-count distinction through different syntactic devices such as the optional plural marker, -tul (Kang, 1994; Noma; 2002; Yi, 2010) or the generic classifier, -ge. More detailed discussion on the mass-count distinction in Korea is found in Section 2.6. There is a sufficient amount of evidence to suggest that classifier languages are mischaracterized in the NMP proposal regarding both pluralmarking and the mass-count distinction. The question of whether or not the mass-count distinction is available in classifier languages is important because of theoretical implications the question has regarding the nature of L1 influence that is argued to play a role in L2 countability judgments. If the mass-count distinction is not available in classifier languages, as assumed by the parametric account, speakers of classifier languages would have no L1 knowledge basis for making L2 countability judgments on individual words. When all nouns are considered to be homogeneous in terms of 21 their countability, individual words in L1 have no role to play in L2 countability judgments. However, until learners properly reset the NMP, learners’ NP formation in English would be influenced by the L1 parameter settings. In such case, learners are likely to overuse bare nouns regardless the countability context because bare nouns are the most typical NP form in their L1s. On the other hand, if classifier languages make the mass-count distinction, though differently from English, speakers of classifier languages would associate certain L1 nouns with countability and other L1 nouns with non-countability based on the L1 morphosyntactic features that mark such distinctions. Therefore, how learners form a L2 NP might be influenced by whether the particular lexical item may be associated with the countability or non-countability features in the L1. L1 transfer, in this case, has to do with how individual words are treated in learners’ L1, thus, arises at the lexical level. In this approach, L1 transfer stems from learners’ word knowledge in L1. If knowing a word entails knowledge of word meaning, form, grammatical and lexical collocation and pragmatic use (Nation, 1990; 2001), noun countability and morphosyntactic features that are associated with the mass-count distinction should also be part of learners’ implicit word knowledge. Research on bilingualism shows that learners’ knowledge of words in the L1 may affect how they learn, process, and use the words in another language (Jarvis & Pavlenko, 2010). If learners’ L1 makes the mass-count distinction, regardless how the distinction is expressed in L1, learners may transfer the distinction, which would both positively or negatively affect L2 article accuracy depending on the countability congruency between L2 words and their counterparts in L1. A close examination of the data reported by Snape and others could prove that Snape’s parametric account, which focuses on crosslinguistic differences in parameter settings, can not adequately account for L2 article choice by speakers of classifier languages reported in the 22 literature. The assumption that classifier languages treat all nouns as masslike makes specific predictions as to what type of L2 article errors are likely to be made by speakers of classifier languages: overuse of zero article and lower accuracy with count nouns than with mass nouns. When the parameter settings of classifier languages plays a role in L2 acquisition of English articles, it is predicted that learners would go through a developmental stage where they treat every English noun nouns as a mass noun, omitting articles when they are required. Learners’ tendency of omitting articles would result in more frequent article error with count nouns than with mass nouns since mass nouns require no article. However, the article error patterns that were reported by Snape (2008) and other researchers (Hiki, 1991; Hua & Lee, 2004) were the exact opposite. Across the studies, it has been consistently shown that speakers of classifier languages are more accurate with count nouns than with mass nouns when nouns are concrete. Snape conveniently interpreted this as the evidence that learners have full access to UG and can successfully acquire the uninterpretable number feature of nouns by resetting the original parameter setting. Under the NMP proposal, Snape’s interpretation is the only logical option possible since there is no other way to explain why learners from classifier language backgrounds are more accurate with count nouns than mass nouns. However, such interpretation is not compatible with other previous studies that consistently report learners’ pervasive errors in countability judgments even among advanced learners. A high degree of variability found in learners’ article choices is yet another piece of evidence that speaks against the current explanation that is solely based on the parametric account. While there seems to be a pattern that learners have more difficulty with abstract nouns than concrete nouns and mass nouns than counts, studies also report a great variability in learners’ article choice within the same noun type categories. Snape too unexpectedly found that 23 Japanese learners incorrectly accepted some mass nouns as countable nouns and rejected count nouns as uncountable. The author speculated that this may be because certain adnominal quantifier + noun combinations are more acceptable to learners than others, attributing the unexpected errors to adnominal quantifiers. However, it is also possible that certain nouns are more problematic for learners because they perceive their countability in certain ways as suggested by other researchers (Amuzie, in press; Yoon, 1993) who also found a variability that was not accounted for by the noun type effects alone. The variability consistently observed in literature including Snape is not predicted by the parametric account which assumes the involvement of L1 transfer at the level of parameter setting only. To sum up, Snape’s parametric account fails to provide adequate empirical coverage of the data. Transfer of L1 parameter setting alone does not explain various types of article errors that have been reported in literature. Neither does it predict a high degree of variability that is often reported in L2 countability judgments of English nouns by speakers of classifier languages. This is not to say that the parametric account should be discarded in its entirety. The fact that classifier languages do not have an article system is likely to a factor contributing to learners’ article errors, in particular, article omission errors. However, according to the L2 data presented in previous research, it is clear that there is more to the story that the parametric account fails to capture. The limitations in data coverage, together with the literature on classifier languages does call for need to re-examine the role of L1 transfer in L2 article choice by speakers of classifier languages. As described above, overturning the current assumption that classifier languages do not have the mass-count distinction opens up the possibility of investigating L1 transfer at the lexical level. Conducting more detailed lexical level analysis of data might potentially solve the problems in data interpretation that Snape’s account is faced with. Unfortunately, the current 24 framework of the parametric account does not concern crosslinguistic differences beyond the level of parameter setting. A more-fined grained and better-explained theoretical framework is needed in order to accurately understand the nature of L1 influence that plays a role in L2 countability judgments. 2.4. An alternative account: Feature reassembly According to Lardiere (2008, 2009), most of the problems in Snape’s parametric account that were discussed in the previous section are, in fact, the limitations of the SLA-as-parameterresetting-paradigm itself. Lardiere pointed out that parameter resetting has little value in explaining variability, which often is a persistent hallmark in second language development. Since parameter settings or selection of features are considered to be all-or-nothing phenomena, it does not predict variability. Furthermore, that the metaphor of switch setting or feature selection is too simplistic to adequately describe the nature of learning problems faced by learners acquiring a second language with features that are apparently absent in their L1s. As an alternative to the parameter resetting approach, Lardiere proposed the feature reassembly approach. The feature reassembly approach focuses on the fact that features can be bundled together onto functional categories in different, language-specific ways, and that a major task for language learners who bring an already-fully-assembled set of L1 grammatical categories is to determine how to reassemble the lexical features of the target language. An obvious challenge that learners are expected to face in feature reassembly is transfer of the representations of how the same features are assembled in the L1. Even if learners’ both L1 and L2 appear to have selected the same relevant features in question, the features are often assembled in different ways 25 or realized on different lexical items. Therefore, learners have to reconfigure or remap features from the way theses are represented in L1 into new formal configurations on possibly quite different types of lexical items in the L2. In Lardiere (2009), the complex nature of feature reassembly is well illustrated through a detailed comparison of plural marking in Chinese and English. Chinese has a plural suffix, -men, that appears to be an equivalent of the English plural marker (-s). To a native speaker of English acquiring Chinese, Chinese might appear to have selected [+plural] since the plural feature in Chinese is also realized through suffixation to nouns as in English. However, the knowledge of plural marking in L1 would have little value for the native speaker of English acquiring Chinese because plural marking in Chinese is different from plural marking in English in so many ways. Listed below are some of the major differences of Chinese –men from English –s (Lardiere, 2009): a. it is not obligatory except on plural personal nouns b. its use with nouns other than pronouns is restricted to humans c. unlike the English plural marker, the suffix –men cannot be used with a quantifier d. nouns suffixed with –men must be interpreted as definite Figuring out the details concerning pragmatic contexts where plurality is expressed in Chinese and other requirements for conditioning environments is all part of knowledge needed in accomplishing the task of feature reassembly. To be more specific, Lardiere (2009) outlines some important questions the learners face during feature reassembly: 26 a. With which functional categories are the selected features associated in the syntax, and how might this distribution differ from the feature-matrices of functional categories in the L1? b. In which lexical items of the L2 are the selected features expressed, clustered in combination with what other features? c. Are certain forms optional or obligatory, and what constitutes an obligatory context? More specifically, what are the particular factors that condition the realization of a certain form and are these phonological, morphosyntactic, semantic, or discourse-linked? (Lardiere, 2009, p.175). When viewed from the feature reassembly approach, acquiring a L2 grammar is far more complex than having to select the particular L2 feature in question. As Lardiere points out, feature reassembly is an arduous task even in a case of acquiring L2 morphology whose equivalent is found in learners’ L1. However, the selection of a particular functional feature or the setting of a parameter that has been used to characterize the second language learning mechanism fail to capture the complexity of the learning tasks. We saw in the previous section that the NMP faced the same criticisms that Lardiere cast on the feature selection approach due to its inadequacy in explaining L2 English article choice by speakers of classifier languages. The cross-linguistic differences and learning problems in the L2 article acquisition by speakers of classifier languages could be better understood under the framework of feature reassembly. Many areas that remained unanswerable by the NMP might be explained when the crosslinguistics differences are considered beyond the parameter (re)setting. The NMP, in fact, is discussed in Lardiere (2009) as an example of insufficiency of the parametric account in explaining the differences in the plural features between classifier 27 languages and English and predicting potential learning challenges for L2 learners. However, the focus of the discussion was on cases where L1 and L2 have the same type of morpholexical means as a primary way to realize the relevant feature. In the case of a native speaker of English who is learning Chinese, as shown in the example above, the learner could, consciously or unconsciously, look for a morpholexical correspondence of the English plural marker from his or her L1 since the two languages both have a plural suffix that appears very similar in their form and basic function. Having the L1 equivalent to the relevant L2 element increases a chance for L1 transfer because it is possible that learners mistakenly assume that the features are assembled in L2 in the same way as they are in L1. However, what if the available features do not exactly correspond to those of L1? Consider the case of a speaker from an articleless L1 background who is learning L2 English articles. Would L1 transfer still occur even though it is not obvious to the learner that L1 and L2 might have selected the same features? It is to this issue that I turn. 2.5. The mass-count distinction in Korean According to the NMP proposal, Korean belongs to the category of classifier languages (e.g. Japanese, Chinese) that are presumed to have neither articles nor the mass-count distinction. Korean, like other classifier languages, does not require overt marking of number (singular vs. plural) or countability of nouns (count vs. mass) in NPs. Instead, all nouns may appear without an article or plural marker as shown in the examples below (2-a). Items can be counted with the use of classifiers (See 2-b for an example). (2) a. Na check sat-seo. I book bought “I bought a book.” 28 b. Gong-check du-kwon notebook Juseyo. two-Classifier give “Give me two notebooks.” Because nouns in Korean frequently appear in their bare form which is equivalent to the form of mass nouns, researchers tend to assume that nouns in Korean are by default mass (e.g. Borer, 2005; Chierchia, 1998; Snape, 2008), lacking the countability features such as [+count] and [+plural]. However, several studies challenge the dominant view on Korean. Recently, Yi (2010) demonstrated that Korean has a variety of morphosyntactic elements through which the masscount distinction is expressed. For example, mass and count nouns in Korean can be distinguished based on the combination of classifier and nouns. In Korean, there is a generic classifier (-ge) that can be used for a very broad range of common nouns except some nouns that take specific classifiers distinctively used to match a specific group of nouns. The generic classifier, however, cannot be combined with mass nouns. Yi also showed that the mass-count distinction in Korean, in some ways, manifests itself in the same ways as in English. Just like in English, quantifiers, para-numerals and ordinal-numerals in Korean can be combined only with count nouns, but not with mass nouns. Below are examples of quantifiers(3), para-numerals(4) and ordinal-numerals(5) in Korean, which are presented with their equivalence in English: (3) Quantifiers: yele (‘several’); myech (‘a few’) (4) Para-numerlas: ssang (‘a pair of’/ ‘pairs of’); tas (‘a dozen of’/ ‘dozens of’) (5) Ordinal numerals: (a) ches.ccay (‘first); twul.ccay (‘second’); say.ccay (‘third’) 29 Similarly, Korean has adverbials (kak-kak, kak-ki) and a particle (-mata) that are equivalent to each and every in English. They too can co-occur only with count nouns, but not with mass nouns (Yi, 2010, p.55-56). (6) a. So-mata cokumssik tey-ka iss-ta. different Cow-each a bit talum thing-NOM have-DEC ‘Each cow has something that is a bit different (from each other).’ b. *Wuyu-mata Milk-each cokumssik talum tey-ka iss-ta. a bit different feature-NOM have-DEC ‘Each milk has something that is a bit different (from each other).’ Another indicator of the availability of mass-count distinction in Korean that has been most commonly recognized by researchers (e.g., Kang, 1994; Kim, 2005; Noma, 2002; Yi, 2010) is the Korean plural marker, -tul. Korean is predicted by the NMP not to have pluralization. Contrary to the prediction, Korean has a productive plural marker, -tul, which is suffixed to common nouns to mark plurality. Unlike the English plural marker (-s) that is obligatory, the use of –tul is optional. The optionality and other characteristics of –tul are discussed in detail in the next section. In English, the plural marker, -s, indicates the number status (singular/plural) of nouns, and it also indirectly indicates the countability status (count/ mass) because only count nouns, but not mass nouns, can be pluralized. Likewise, the Korea plural marker (–tul) is sensitive to the mass-count distinction, as -tul can be attached only to count nouns (Choe, 1971; Kang, 1994; Kim, 2005; Noma, 2002; Yi, 2010). See the examples in (7) from Kang (1994). (7) a. Sakwa-tul ‘apples’ 30 apple-PL b. *mwul-tul ‘waters’ water-PL The flip side of the arguments is that the countability status of nouns in Korean can be determined by testing noun in different morphosyntactic constructions as shown above. For example, the countability status of Korean nouns can be made based on whether or not nouns can take the generic classifier (-ge) or plural marker (-tul). A plural marker test in which the acceptability of plural-marked nouns is judged seems particularly useful for such purpose because the plural marker has the least restrictions on noun type such as [+human], [+animate], [+concrete] when compared to the rest; for example, the generic classifiers cannot appear with human or animal nouns, and para-numerals mostly appear with concrete nouns. In conclusion, the evidence presented above is enough to refute the claim that the masscount distinction does not exist in Korean. If Korean was indifferent to the semantic distinction of mass vs. count domains, there should exist no differences in morphosyntactic constructions involving the two groups of nouns. The fact that different morphosyntactic requirements are applied to the two groups of nouns strongly suggests that Korean does make the distinction between count and mass nouns. Therefore, I argue that despite its status as a classifier language, Korean has selected [+count] and [+plural], though the features are assembled in a way that is very different from English, as will be shown in the following section. 2.6. Korean plural marker: -tul 31 In the previous section, I introduced the plural marker, -tul, as an indicator of the masscount distinction in Korean. This section is devoted to a discussion of the Korean plural marker, focusing on the characteristics and restrictions of –tul in its use and interpretation. My aim here is not to provide a comprehensive overview of plural marking in Korean, but rather to show how Korean is different from English in ways the [+count] and [+plural] features are assembled. Therefore, not all aspects of the Korean plural marker are covered in this section, as the discussion focuses on the crosslinguistic differences that are more relevant for feature reassembly in L2 acquisition of English articles. One of the major reasons why many have been misled to the assumption that [+count] and [+plural] are missing in Korean, despite the presence of the productive plural marker (-tul), might be that the use of the plural marker in Korean is not obligatory but optional. Unlike in English, a Korean noun phrase can denote a plural referent with or without the plural marker (Corbett, 2002; Kwon & Zribi-hertz, 2004). In other words, the use of –tul is not required to denote plural entities in Korean. Kwak (1996, 2003) stated that Korean has two types of plural: one with and one without plural morphology. Bare nouns in Korean can thus be interpreted as either singular or plural depending on the context. In fact, the plural marker is rarely used in general except when nouns are specific either via context (Sohn, 1999) or via the addition of demonstrative (Chang, 1996; Kim, 2005). In the examples in (8) below, while the bare noun in context (a) can be interpreted as plural, the bare noun in context (b) must be interpreted as singular (examples from Lardiere, 2008). The fact that the number features are linked with definiteness in Korean raises a possibility that Korean speakers might be more likely to mark the number and countability status of L2 nouns in definite contexts than in indefinite contexts. In addition, this also means that successful reassembly of L2 number features should require 32 Korean learners of English to disassemble the number feature from definiteness as English does not differentiate definite and indefinite contexts in terms of specifying the number features. (8) a. Peter-nun esey haksan-gul Peter-Top yesterday manna-ss-ta. student-ACC meet-PAST-DECL ‘Peter met (a/the) student(s) yesterday. b. Chelswu-non Chelswu-TOP ku/i haksang-ul po-ass-ta. that/this student-ACC see-PAST-DECL ‘Chelswu saw that/this student (*those/these students). c. Chelswu-non Chelswu-TOP ku/i haksang-tul-ul po-ass-ta. that/this student-PL-ACC see-PAST-DECL ‘Chelswu saw those/these students. The plural marking in Korean also has some syntactic restrictions. In Korean, pluralized nouns may not co-occur with a numeric quantifier (9) or a classifier (10) except when the noun is [+human] in the latter case (12). Such restrictions are not observed in English, thus could be another source of errors for Korean speakers in L2 number marking. (9) Two cip(*-tul)-I ku Two house-PL-NOM kenchukka-eykey cie-ci-ss-ta. that build-PASS-PAST-DECL architect-by ‘The two houses were built by that architect.’ 33 (10) a. twu cip(*-tul) b. cip(*-tul) two two house(*-PL) ‘two houses’ (11) house(*-PL) two chay ‘two houses’ a. two salam(*-tul) b. salam(-tul) twu two human(*-PL) human-PL two ‘two people’ CL myeng CL ‘two people’ On the other hand, there seems to be a lack of consensus in the literature on when the use of –tul is obligatory, preferred or dispreferred. Suh (1996) states that –tul can be attached to both animate and inanimate nouns, suggesting no lexical restriction on pluralization. However, others mention that the plural marker occurs mainly with human nouns, less frequently with non-human animate nouns and far less frequently with inanimate nouns (Song, 1997; Suh, 2008). A recent Korean L2 acquisition study by Suh (2008) also provides conflicting evidence on this issue. Suh investigated the production and interpretation of –tul by Korean heritage language speakers. Of particular interest was the performance of the native Korean-speaking controls included in the study. In the production task in which the participants completed sentences in response to prompt questions, the native Korean-speaking controls showed no significant difference in producing plurals on animals vs. humans, contrary to her prediction. Another noteworthy result was that there was a wide interspeaker variation; with the same nouns some Korean speakers prefer using –tul while others disprefer using –tul. In the second task the participants rated the acceptability of sentences that included NPs with or without the plural markers. A Likert scale of -2 to 2 was used for rating; -2 for ; ‘unacceptable’; -1 for ‘I wouldn’t say it like this’; 0 ‘for not sure’; 1 for ‘I 34 could say it like this’; 2 for ‘perfect’. Bare nouns and plural-marked nouns appeared with demonstratives or with classifiers; the use of plural marker is obligatory in the former context and is illegal in the latter context. According to the results, the control group preferred pluralmarked nouns than bare nouns when the nouns co-occur with demonstrative. However, the rating (M=1.2) was not as high as expected, suggesting that not all native speakers considered it obligatory to use –tul with nouns in definite context. It seemed that some Korean speakers still dispreferred the use of –tul even when it is supposed to be grammatical. A high degree of variability was also observed in their acceptability ratings of –tul that was attached to classified NPs. While 80% of the control group disapproved the use of -tul with a classifier, giving negative scores, 20% of the control group gave positive scores on the sentences including supposedly ill-formed NPs. Overall, the study shows that native speakers do vary in their intuitions on acceptability and obligatoriness of –tul. Suh’s findings reveal additional complications of the countability features in Korean. The previous section showed that Korean has selected [+count], and one way to make the distinction between count and mass nouns is to test whether or not the nouns could take –tul, for example, via a plural marker test. Though the mass-count distinction certainly appears to exist in Korean, noun countability and number status are often unspecified because the mass-distinction is not required in Korean. Since the plural marker is rarely used in Korean, when asked to rate acceptability of plural-marked nouns, Korean speakers are likely to vary to a high degree in their judgments like the control group of Suh’s study. For example, some Korean speakers may simply feel the use of –tul is unnecessary but still accept, while others may feel the use of –tul is awkward or unnatural, therefore reject it, not because it is ungrammatical but because they would mostly prefer not using it. If, for example, 70% of the people accepted a noun with -tul and 30% 35 disprefered it, should the noun still be considered as countable? This means that noun countability of some nouns may not be clearly identifiable. 2.7. Countability: Binary or continuum? In the previous section, I discussed some nouns in Korean are unclear regarding their countability status ([+count] or [-count]). However, this issue reflects the complex nature of the countability feature itself, therefore, is not unique to the Korean language. Many nouns in English too cannot be clearly categorized as countable or non-countable because they can be used as either countable or non-countable nouns. Amuzie and Spinner (in press) showed in their corpus analysis of various types of abstract nouns, some nouns are almost always used as countable or non-countable, while other nouns (e.g., education, success, communication, etc.) can go either way with comparably high frequency in both directions. Concrete nouns too can be used as either countable or non-countable nouns as shown in the examples (12) below. The phenomenon of dual membership nouns raises the question of whether countability should be considered as a binary feature. (12) a. Pinot Noir is wine / Pinot Noir is a wine. b. a lot of chocolate / many more chocolates c. Leslie has more car than garage. d. He’s got woman on his mind. (Pelletier, in press, p.5) Linguists have offered different solutions as to how to with the issue. For example, Allan (1980) argued against making nouns as [+countable] or [-countable] for two reasons. The first 36 argument was that the countability of is a feature of the environment of a noun (NP), not of a noun itself. His second argument was that countability is not a dichotomous feature. He stated that there are eight levels of countability from ‘perfectly countable’ to ‘perfectly uncountable,’, e.g., car (perfectly countable) > oak > Himalayas > scissors> mankind > admiration > equipment (perfectly non-countable). Perfectly countable nouns such as car can appear with plural -s, numbers (e.g. one, two), the indefinite article, plural-marked determiners (e.g. these, those) and quantifiers such as several, few, and all. Less countable nouns appear with only a subset of these. Allan recognized that some nouns enter countable environments more readily than others, stating that nouns have countability preferences. The idea of nouns having countability preferences suggests that there is something intrinsic to nouns that determines how nouns behave in terms of which countability environment they favor. However, this contradicts his first argument that countability of a subcategory of NPs, and is not of characteristic of nouns. Some researchers, on the other hand, argue that countability is a binary feature. According to Löbel (1993), all nouns in all languages are either countable or non-countable, and are either inherently determined or non-determined. Her argument is that noun’s countability and determination are lexical properties which are parameterized. Parameterized lexical properties “constitute possible parameters which have syntactic influence with regard to inflection (e.g. pluralization) and the configurationality of noun phrases (e.g. obligatory occurrence of the article). In other words, countable nouns contain the inherent syntactic feature [+countable], allowing them to appear in count constructions (e.g., combined with numerals). Similarly, it is due to the inherent lexical property of mass nouns that mass nouns combine with certain syntactic elements (e.g. bare nouns in English) but not with others (e.g. numerals). This approach, as she points out, corresponds to Chomsky ’s following assumption: 37 “It has been suggested that parameters of UG do not relate to the computational system but to the lexicon. We might take this to mean that each parameter refers to properties of specific elements of the lexicon or to categories of lexical items (…). Language acquisition is in essence is a matter of determining lexical idiosyncrasies” (1989, p.44). There is yet a third group who supports the view that countability is a binary feature but rejects the idea that [+count] and [+mass] are lexical features (e.g., Borer, 2005 and Pelletier, in press). Pelletier (in press) argues that lexical items do not have either the [+count]/[+mass] features but the phrase they occur in can become marked either [+count] or [+mass]. In an NP such as a book, it is only the determiner a which marks the NP as countable. According to such approach, nouns cannot be classified as countable or non-countable, but only the NPs can. Removing the countability feature from lexical items could solve the problem with dealing with dual membership nouns in English and since in a given context, nouns in English including dual membership nouns should used only in a countable way or in a non-countable way, but not both. However, separating the features [+count] and [-count] from lexical items is not without limitations. First, not all NPs are discriminating with regard to the count-mass distinction (Joostern, 2003). For instance, NPs such as my computer or this computer cannot be marked as [+count] or [-count] since my and the are neutral in terms of number. Secondly, if all nouns are equal in terms of being neutral in their countability status, why some nouns tend to occur much more frequently in one countability context over the other? For instance, safety occurs mostly in mass NPs while computer rarely occurs in mass NPs. Recent studies by Barner et al. (2008) also demonstrated that countability of abstract nouns is largely determined by the lexical aspect of the verbs that the nouns are derived from or associated with. Without considering countability as an 38 inherent semantic aspect of lexical items, the differences in the degree to which nouns appear in count or mass environments cannot be fully accounted for. For the purposes of the current investigation, I consider countability to be a property of a noun, not of a NP. As discussed above, there are apparent differences among nouns in terms of what countability environment they prefer. Even though many nouns can appear in both countable and non-countable contexts, the countability preferences of nouns vary to a great degree. Some nouns appear in countable contexts far more frequently than in non-countable contexts. Such phenomena can only be explained when countability is considered to be intrinsic to nouns, not extrinsic. Also in the current investigation, countability is treated as a binary feature, by which I mean that individual nouns are marked as [+count] or [-count]. How should then dual membership nous be marked in the binary system? Nouns can have two lexical entries, one [+count] for count meanings and the other one [-count] for mass meanings. For example, wine in Example (12-a) can have the [-count] entry for the first use and the [+count] entry for the second use. I do not claim that using the binary system with the two separate entries could address all the issues concerning the countability feature. Dealing with the countability flexibility of nouns is a complex issue due to differences of nouns in use. The binary system allows us to describe the countability of individual nouns in more systematic yet simpler terms than figuring out how many countability levels exist or where on the countability continuum each individual noun falls. Also, considering countability as a binary feature seems to be in line with other commonly accepted frameworks within the generative approach such as parameter setting, or feature selection in which acquiring a language is viewed setting the relevant parameters as positive or negative or selecting [+features] or [-feature]. 39 How the countability feature should be understood is a topic of an ongoing debate (Joosten, 2003; Pelletier, in press). Unfortunately, no single criteria or theory can satisfactorily provide answers to questions regarding the countability features. Within the generative approach, the discussions on features in general, let alone specific features such as countability, lack clarity on how features must be realized —whether in form of bound or free grammatical morphemes or embedded within various lexemes (Lardiere, 2008). Clearly, it is an area where further theoretical refinement is needed. 2.8. Reassembly the countability features Now let’s finally consider what these specifications of the [+count] and [+plural] features in Korean outlined above might mean for a Korean speaker acquiring English articles. English requires marking of countability status of nouns in forming NPs, and the countability features in English are expressed on articles; the mass-count distinction of singular nouns in indefinite context always comes down to choices between the indefinite articles (a, an) and zero article. On the other hand, the mass-count distinction is not obligatory in Korean, and the countability features are associated with the [+plural] features that are assembled very differently from the [+plural] features in English. The task facing the learner is to reconfigure the countability features from the way they are represented in Korean into new formal configurations with articles on possibly quite different types of lexical items in English. This essentially involves teasing apart the relevant features from the way they are assembled in L1. To be more concrete, for example, the learner has to de-link [+definite], [+animate/+human], or [+classifier] from plural marking since the use of the Korean plural marker co-occurs with or restricted by these features in certain environments. Then, the learner also needs to identify lexical items over which to redistribute the countability features associated with the plural marker in Korean because the 40 countability status of nouns in English and Korean might be incongruent; count nouns in Korean that take the plural marker might be uncountable in English and mass nouns in Korean that do not take the plural marker can turn out to be count nouns in English. After the lexical items in L2 are identified, the learner still needs to acquire how the [±count] features are realized in English through the use of articles, which for the Korean speaker is entirely a new way of assembling the features since Korean lacks articles. Considering the complexity of the task, it would be hard to predict exactly where in the process, learners would make mistakes and what would be the cause of the errors. However, “one of the greatest sources of difficulty is considered to be transfer of representations of how the same features are assembled in lexical items in L1 (Lardiere, 2009, p.187).” One of the potential L1-related factors that could influence the reassembly of L2 countability features by Korean learners that the current study focuses on is the effect of L1 transfer at the lexical level. Given that Korean has the mass-count distinction, it is very possible that learners make the countability judgments on English words based on their word knowledge in L1. Korean speakers are likely to have their own classification of mass and count nouns based on their implicit knowledge of whether or not individual nouns tend to appear with the plural marker (-tul). This knowledge, in turn, may influence learners’ L2 countability judgments which are reflected in their article choice. The current study is seeking evidence that will substantiate this hypothesis. 2.9. Noun Categories The study includes both concrete and abstract nouns. Concrete nouns generally name tangible items that have physical properties while abstract nouns denote a quality, an attribute, a feeling or an idea that cannot be seen or touched (Gerber, 2000; Shoup & Loberger, 2009). 41 Abstract entities, in general, lack physical attributes, however, abstract nouns vary to a great degree in terms of their abstractness or imaginability (Altarriba et al. 1999). Some abstract nouns such as text or sentence can be considered to be more concrete than others abstract words such as love or peace in that their physical representations are easily found in concrete objects. The current study defines abstract nouns as those that are not clearly made up of physical matter (Amuzie & Spinner, in press), such as homework, vocabulary, or education. Abstract and concrete nouns were further divided into countable and non-countable nouns, and into congruent and incongruent nouns based on countability congruency between Korean and English. Below are the 6 categories of nouns that were included. 1. Category 1(C1) includes concrete mass nouns whose Korean counterpart is countable 2. Cateogry 2(C2) includes concrete mass nouns whose Korean counterpart is also mass. 3. Category 3(C3) includes abstract mass nouns whose Korean counterpart is countable. 4. Category 4(C4) includes abstract mass nouns whose Korean counterpart is also mass. 5. Category 5(C5) includes abstract count nouns whose Korean counterpart is mass. 6. Category 6(C6) includes abstract count nouns whose Korean counterpart is also countable. Note that concrete countable nouns were not included in the study. This was because there was no concrete countable nouns whose Korean counterparts were non-countable. The study hypothesizes that between the same types of noun categories, learners will always be significantly more accurate with the congruent noun categories than the incongruent counterparts. That is, learners’ article accuracy on C2 is hypothesized to be significantly higher than on C1, C4 than C3 and C6 than C5. 42 On the other hand, the parametric account would make different predictions on each pair of the noun categories. According to the parametric account, learners’ accuracy on C1 and C2 is expected to be similarly high as they would consider all nouns to be mass nouns, and the nouns in C1 and C2 alike happened to be mass nouns in English. For the exact same reason, the parametric account would hypothesize that learners’ accuracy on C3 and C4 would be comparably high as well. Lastly, the parametric account would predict that learners’ accuracy on C5 and C6 would be equally low as the nouns in C5 and C6 were used as count nouns which is predicted to be problematic for speakers of classifier languages according to the parametric account. By pairing up the congruent and incongruent noun categories for comparison, and making predictions that are different from the parametric account, this study can directly test the parametric account against the feature reassembly approach. 2.10. The Control Group In order to provide evidence that any phenomenon is truly an L1 effect, there needs to be L1-control data (Jarvis, 2000). Thus, the study includes Ukrainian learners of English as the control group. Ukrainian is the official state language of Ukraine; however, Russian is commonly spoken among many Ukrainians as the primary language (Friedman, 2009). Nearly all citizens of Ukraine possess a degree of competence in both Russian and Ukrainian (Wilson, 2002). Ukrainian and Russian belong to the East Slavonic languages. The two languages are now considered distinct literary languages but they are similar to one another concerning their grammar and vocabulary, with a high degree of mutual intelligibility (Comrie, 1990; 43 Grayaznukhina, 2004). The Ukrainian lexicon contains 44% of lexical units morphemically identical to Russian and 18% morphemically similar to Russian (Bilaniuk & Melnyk 2008). As is the case for other Slavic languages, both Ukrainian and Russian do not have articles. However, Ukrainian and Russians have a productive system of plural marking, which differentiates count and mass nouns. As in English, only count nouns, but not mass nouns, can be made plural in Russian and Ukrainian. Example (13-14) shows that the mass-count distinction and plural marking in Russian are similar to those in English (Chierchia, 1998, p.361). However, the plural marking on nouns in Ukrainian and Russian takes different forms in different cases. Example (15) shows some of the examples from Ukrainian. (13) Knigi na stole Books table on ‘The books are on the table.’ (14) kupil khleb (*khliby) I (15) Ja bought bread (*breads) green pencil: zelenyj olivets (nominative), zelenoho olivtsja (genitive) green pencils: zeleni olivtsi (nominative), zelenyx olivtsjiv (genitive) In Ukrainian and Russian, there are nouns that are always in the singular and nouns that are always in the plural form. Below are some examples of nouns in Ukrainian that are always singular (16) and plural (17). 44 (16) a. nouns with abstract meanings: sum ‘sadness,’ druzhba ‘friendship’ b. collective nouns: zhinotstvo ‘womankind,’ uchiltel’stvo ‘faculty’ c. proper names d. nouns with substance meanings: sriblo ‘silver,’ pisok ‘sand’ e. names of several vegetables and fruit: xrin ‘horseradish,’ malyna ‘raspberries’ (Shkuratjana & Shevchuk, 2007, p.388) (17) a. paired and composite objects: vorota ‘gate[s], nary ‘plank bed,’ shtany ‘pants’ b. substances or material: bilyla ‘whitewash,’ drova ‘firewood,’ vershky ‘cream’ c. games, rituals, temporal concepts: shaxy ‘chess,’ vxodyny ‘housewarming,’ kanikuly ‘holidays’ d. certain geographical names: Carpathians, Sumy e. residue substances: vysivky ‘chaff,’ nedojidky ‘food leavings’ f. actions, processes with a sense of duration: provody ‘seeing off,’ perehovory ‘negotiations’ g. emotions, experience: radoshchi ‘joy,’ zazdroshchi ‘envy’ h. not clearly specified monetary concepts: koshty ‘costs,’ finansy ‘finances,’ hroshi ‘cash.’ (Shkuratjana & Shevchuk, 2007, p.388) 45 As shown in the above examples, the classification of count and mass nouns in Ukrainian and Russian is not always the same as that of English: some Ukrainian nouns are the same as the counterpart English nouns in terms of their countability, and some are different from English nouns. Thus, it is possible that Ukrainian-Russian speakers might have confusion on some English nouns in judging noun countability when their countability is different from the countability of nouns in Ukrainian or Russian. 2.11. Research Questions The aim of the current study is to provide a better understanding of L1 transfer that is involved in the L2 acquisition of English articles. Following the feature reassembly approach to L2 acquisition, the study considers the way the countability features are assembled in L1 as a potential source of learner errors in L2 article choice. The investigation involves examining plural marking in Korean due to its association with [+count] in Korean. Whether or not learner’s countability judgments of L2 nouns are influenced by the use of the plural marker in Korean can be verified though a variety of tasks that would elicit learners’ countability judgments and article use. Listed below are the specific research questions the study investigated. 1. Do Korean learners’ countability judgments of L1 nouns correlate with their countability judgments of the counterpart L2 nouns? a. Which nouns do learners use –tul with in Korean? b. How do Korean learners judge the countability of nouns in English? 2. Does Korean speakers’ use of the plural marker with L1 nouns influence their article choices with the counterpart L2 nouns? 46 3. Do Koreans and Ukrainian learners show similar or different patterns in their L2 countability judgments and article choices? The purpose of the first set of the research questions is to investigate whether there is a correlation between L1 and L2 countability judgments. In order to find the answer to this question, examining Korean speakers’ use of the plural morphology (-tul) is a necessary step. By asking Korean speakers to rate acceptability of nouns with –tul, I attempt to tap into noun countability as manifested in the Korean plural morphology. Learners’ responses will reveal what nouns they treat as countable and uncountable in Korean. Next, I examine learners’ perception of English noun countability through a countability judgment task. The English nouns that are included in the instrument are the translations of the Korean nouns that were used in the plural marker test. It is hypothesized that there will be a correlation between learners’ use of the Korean plural marker and judgments of L2 noun countability. The second question tests whether or not the use of Korean plural morphology influences learners’ L2 article use. Korean learners’ article choice will be examined using two different types of tasks: (a) a cloze test, (b) a translation task. If learners’ article choices with particular English nouns relate to how they use the plural marker with the same nouns in the L1, it will show that L1 transfer occurred at the lexical level during their L2 article use. It is hypothesized that learners’ will make more errors with words whose countability category is incongruent with that of the equivalent Korean words. The third question is included in order to confirm that Korean learners’ article errors are indeed induced by L1 transfer at the lexical level. Although both Ukrainian and Korean languages lack articles, the case of transfer that is being investigated is expected to arise at the 47 lexical level due to language-specific configurations of the countability features. Therefore, as the congruency of noun categories was established based on the countability of Korean nouns, no congruency effects are expected to be shown among Ukrainian learners unless the countability of nouns in Ukrainian or Russian is congruent with Korean and incongruent with English. 48 CHAPTER 3: METHOD 3.1. Participants 3.11. Recruitment and language background The participants of the study consisted of Korean and Ukrainian learners of English. As for the Korean group, a total of 196 students were recruited from a two private academic institutions, a university in the Southern East region of Korea and a high school in the capital city (Seoul). The university students (N=144) were enrolled in various English courses offered by the Language Education Department of the university. The high school students (N=52) were all part of the Advanced-level Student Group that was formed by the school to provide top-level students with additional support to help them obtain their best results in the high-stake nation-wide university entrance exam. The control group consisted of 30 Ukrainian speakers who were students of a pedagogical university (equivalent to teachers college in the U.S.) that trains its students to become teachers in a variety of areas. The Ukrainian participants were recruited from an English course offered in the Foreign Language Department of the university. All the participants completed a language background questionnaire. The information gathered was examined to identify learners who have lived in an English-speaking country more than 1 year. As a result, 17 Korean students who reported such experience were excluded from data analysis. No one in the control group reported he or she has lived in an English-speaking country more than one year; however, all 30 Ukrainian participants reported they speak German and have studied the language, on average, for 3.7 years. 49 3.12. Group division The participants all took a proficiency test that was designed by the researcher. The detailed description of the test is found in Section 3.21. The mean and standard deviation for each group showed that the Ukrainian learners (M=25.4, SD=2.40) were uniformly at an advanced level and while the Korean learners were spread over a much lower and wider range of scores (M=17.1, SD=7.12). The Korean learners were divided into three groups, advanced, high-intermediate and low-intermediate. The Korean advanced group was comprised of the top 46 scorers in order to match their proficiency with that of the advanced-level Ukrainian group. All advanced learners in both groups scored above 60%. The rest of the learners in the Korean group whose scores were below 60% were divided into low-intermediate and high-intermediate levels. The middle percentage of accuracy (30%) was used as a cut off point; those whose scores were less than 30% were placed into the low-intermediate group and those whose scores were higher than 30% and lower than 60%, into the high-intermediate group. A one-way ANOVA was conducted to compare the mean proficiency scores of the groups. The results showed that differences between all pairs were significant, F(3, 205) = 340.51, p < .001, except between the Korean advanced and Table 1. Participant Information Korean low-intermediate N Age Years of L2 instruction Proficiency score Korean high-intermediate Korean advanced Ukraine advanced 59 M=19.15 SD=2.63 M=11.34 SD=2.13 M=11.01 SD=2.21 74 M=22.89 SD=2.5 M=13.88 SD=2.74 M=18.09 SD=2.84 46 M=23 SD= 2.73 M=13.39 SD= 2.91 M=24.40 SD=2.3 30 M=21.13 SD=0.43 M=13.80 SD=2.38 M=25.4 SD=2.41 50 Ukrainian groups (p = .28). See Table 1 for the mean proficiency score, age and years of L2 instruction of each group. 3.2 Instruments 3.21. Proficiency test: Cloze test A cloze test was used to measure participants’ English proficiency. Many studies have shown that the cloze test meets L2 testing and research standards in terms of validity, reliability, discriminability, and practicality (e.g., Tremblay, 2011; Tremblay & Garrison, 2010). The cloze test has been widely used in L2 research including recent studies on English articles by Ionin and her colleagues (e.g., Ionin et al, 2008). The cloze test was created from a passage, entitled “Homeschooling”, which appears in Interchange 3 (Richards et al., 2001), a textbook that had been used in the English program at the university in Korea where data collection took place. The selection of the passage was made based on its length, students’ familiarity with the topic and vocabulary used in the text. The original passage was modified into a five-paragraph text. The first paragraph was left intact. In the subsequent paragraphs following the first paragraph, every 7th word was deleted and replaced with blanks. The initial version was revised to avoid deleting the same words that were previously deleted and to adjust the ratio between function and content words, the latter of which is known to affect the difficulty level of the cloze test (e.g., Abraham & Chapelle, 1992; Kobayashi, 2002). Either the preceding or subsequent words were deleted when they were viewed to better contribute to the overall quality of the test than the original deletion. The decisions on the final set of words to be deleted were made based on the following suggestions and reports in literature (e.g., Abraham & Chapelle, 1992; Kobayashi, 2002): 51  Consider the ratio between content and function words. Function words are easier than content words.  Consider the ratio between words that appear only once and words that appear more than once. The more frequently the same words appear elsewhere, the easier the items become.  Avoid deleting too many articles, pronouns and relative pronouns as these are the most difficult types of function words.  Avoid deleting proper nouns and numbers. The final version consisted of a total of 35 blanks. 3.22. Pilot tests Since the study aims to investigate whether Korean learners’ L2 countability judgments are affected by the countability status of the counterpart L1 nouns, it was necessary to create noun categories based on countability congruency between Korean and English nouns. It was also decided that nouns should be divided into separate categories of mass vs. count and concrete vs. abstract nouns to control for the noun type effects that have been reported in the previous research (Amuzie & Spinner, in press; Butler; 2002; Hiki, 1991; White, 2009). As a prior step to constructing the study instruments, a series of pilot-testing were conducted in order to identify Korean nouns whose countability status can be clearly defined as countable or uncountable so that they can be categorized as congruent or incongruent nouns accordingly. For pilot-testing, a plural marker test was created in a form of an acceptability judgment task in which Korean participants were asked to evaluate whether each noun attached with the plural marker (-tul) is acceptable by choosing a score on a scale of 1 to 6, with 1 being totally unacceptable and 6 being totally acceptable. Due to the infrequent use of –tul, especially 52 with abstract nouns, as discussed in the previous chapter, it was expected that many Korean speakers would either give the middle scores (3 or 4) on a large portion of nouns or greatly vary in their acceptability ratings, the latter of which also bring the mean ratings closer to the middle range. In both cases, it is difficult to establish their countability status. Therefore, it was decided that mean ratings of nouns should be either higher than 4.5 or lower than 2.5 on a scale of 1 to 6 to be categorized as countable or uncountable and only those nouns who has a relatively clear countability status should be included in the final version of the countability judgment tasks. The first version of the plural marker test consisted of 120 words and was administered to 48 Koreans. Out of the 120 words, only 22 words yielded mean ratings lower than 2.5 or higher than 4.5. In order to have a minimum of 6 nouns per category, a second round of pilot-testing was planned. The second pilot test included the 22 words sieved through the first-round pilottesting and 100 new words. Through the second pilot tests, which were completed by 44 subjects, 16 more words, besides the first 22, were found. With the 38 words, 6 categories had more than 6 nouns that can be categorized as mass or count according to the criteria set up. The two categories that still lacked items were incongruent concrete mass nouns and incongruent abstract mass nouns. According to the pilot test results, there were no concrete nouns that are considered uncountable in Korean whose counterparts in English are countable. Thus, the concrete count noun categories (both incongruent and congruent) were removed. The incongruent abstract mass category, the other category with less than 6 nouns, includes abstract nouns that are uncountable in Korean and are countable in English. There were only 3 abstract nouns found whose counterparts in English can be countable that received mean ratings below 2.5 on the scale of 1 to 6. Many of the abstract nouns that could potentially fall in this category received ratings between 2.5 and 3.5. Due to the difficulty of finding Korean abstract words that 53 are clearly uncountable in Korean (with the mean rating below 2.5) and countable in English, the original criteria for uncountable nouns, which is below 2.5, was adjusted to below 3.0 so that more nouns can be added to this category. Then, the abstract nouns that received mean ratings were between 2.5 and 3.0 in the first two rounds of pilot testing were identified. Among the abstract nouns additionally found through the adjustment of the criteria, the ones that have lower ratings (e.g. 2.5-2.7) were selected. The last final pilot test combined these abstract nouns, along with 38 items that had already been identified and 30 new abstract nouns. A group of 39 Korean speakers was recruited to participate in the final pilot testing. All the results from the three rounds of pilot-testing were examined across in order to finalize the list of the target nouns that will be used in the study instrument. During the process, some words that met the countability criterion were removed because there could be more than one translation possible for one word. Also some nouns in the incongruent abstract mass category (C5 below) were excluded because they appeared to be problematic for using them in a forced-elicitation task or translation task. For example, some C5 nouns such as protection could appear either as a count or non-count noun in the same context (e.g. ‘The device provides (a, ) strong protection against virus.’), in which case there can be more than one answer. For each category, 6 or 7 nouns that were considered to be the best representatives of the category were selected. Table 2 presents the list of the target words for each category. The first two categories (C1 and C2) include concrete nouns that are considered as mass in English. The difference between C1 and C2 is that according to the pilot test results the C1 nouns in Korean can take the plural marker while the C2 nouns cannot. Thus, the C1 Korean nouns were categorized as countable and the C2 Korean nouns as uncountable, which makes C1 an incongruent category and C2 a congruent category. 54 Table 2. Final List of words C1 Countability Noun Congruency Type Incongruent Concrete Countability in Korean Count Countability In English Mass Nouns cabbage, corn, furniture, equipment, luggage, trash, food C2 Congruent Concrete Mass Mass air, oil, heat, salt, smoke, snow, sugar C3 Incongruent Abstract Count Mass advice, evidence, information, homework, research, vocabulary, *news C4 Congruent Abstract Mass Mass anger, creativity, courage, honesty, patience, safety C5 Incongruent Abstract Mass Count celebration, communication education, submission, success, repetition, improvement, C6 Congruent Abstract Count Count Result, mistake, change, rule, decision, suggestion Note: *News in C3 was later removed from analysis because the word ends with ‘s’, which could be confused with the plural marker ‘s’ in English. The middle two categories (C3 and C4) include abstract nouns that are considered uncountable in English. As in the pair of C1 and C2, the difference between C3 and C4 lies in countability congruency. C3 is an incongruent category and C2 is a congruent category because according to the pilot test results, the C3 nouns in Korea can take the plural marker but the C2 nouns cannot. The last two categories (C5 and C6) also consist of abstract nouns that are used as countable nouns in English. Note that the countability of the nouns in C5 and C6 in English do not contrast the same way as the former pairs do. While the C6 nouns are almost always used as count nouns in English, the C5 nouns can be used in either way. In fact, the C5 nouns are differentiated from the rest of the categories in that nouns in no other categories allow dual membership in countability to the extent to which the C5 nouns do. Only when the C5 nouns 55 appear in countable context, their countability contrasts with that of the C6 nouns. Therefore, in an attempt to force a contrast between congruent (C6) and incongruent categories (C5) with abstract count nouns, the C5 nouns were used only in countable contexts. However, the unique status of C5 should be noted in interpreting result of the C5 nouns in comparison to other categories as previous research report that nouns such as the C5 nouns whose countability is flexible are more difficult for learners in making the mass-count distinction (Amuzie, 2011; Yoon, 1993). The classification of English nouns in C1, C2, and C4 as count or mass nouns were based on four textbooks and five websites that were designed for ESL and EFL Korean learners. The ESL and EFL literature tended to include only some of the noun types as examples of count and mass nouns. For example, it was frequently observed that textbooks and websites only used concrete nouns as their examples. Some materials included abstract nouns as well as concrete nouns, but only as examples of non-countable nouns. Overall, examples of countable nouns usually included concrete nouns only whereas examples of non-countable nouns included a subcategory of abstract nouns (C4) and concrete nouns (C1 and C2). Other types of abstract nouns (C3, C5 and C6) rarely appeared as examples of countable or non-countable nouns. Abbreviations were used when referring to the noun categories, whenever necessary. The countability congruency of the noun categories is indicated in the parenthesis next to them. For example, in C1(In/C-M), which refers Category 1, ‘In’ (or ‘C’) stands for ‘incongruent’ (or ‘congruent’) and the following two letters (C-M) indicates countability in the L1 and L2 respectively (‘C’ for count nouns and ‘M’ for mass nouns). The abbreviation, C1(In/C-M), therefore, means incongruent Category 1 that consists of nouns that are countable in Korean and mass in English. 56 3.23. Korean plural marker test The plural marker test had the same form as the pilot tests. The 40 target words from 6 categories were randomly mixed and presented. The participants rated the acceptability of each Korean word with the plural marker on a scale of 1 to 6 with 1 being totally unacceptable and 6 being totally acceptable. See Appendix A for the complete task. 3.24. English countability judgment task An English countability judgment task examines learners’ countability judgments of English nouns. The task included the English translation of the 40 target nouns identified. The participants were asked to judge the countability of each word on a scale of 1 to 6 with 1 being always uncountable and 6 being always countable. See Appendix B for the complete task. 3.25. Forced elicitation task A forced elicitation task was created to elicit article choices for the 40 target items. The forced-choice elicitation method allows the researcher to control for the countability and semantic environment in which each noun appears. All target nouns were presented only in an indefinite context to control for the effect of semantic context. Nouns were embedded into an appropriate context according to their countability status in English. Although the nouns in C5 (IN/M-C) can appear in either countable or mass context unlike the nouns in rest of the categories, only countable contexts were created for the C5 nouns in order to make the incongruent category work; the C5 nouns are uncountable in Korean. The task consisted of 34 short passages or dialogues, and each passage or dialogue included a varying number of blanks. For each blank, learners were asked to choose between a 57 and zero article. Most of the blanks appeared in front of the target words but blanks were also inserted before some non-target words if the non-target words could be a synonym, hyponym or hypernym of any of the target words. This was to prevent learners from inferring the countability of the target words from other words that are semantically related. For example, in a conversation between two people talking about fruit, a blank with the two choices ( a, Ø ) was inserted before apple, which is a non-target item, as well as before fruit, a target noun, so that learners would not attempt to determine the countability of its hypernym, fruit, based on the article use with apple. However, the responses on non-target nouns were not analyzed. The complete forced-elicitation task is provided in Appendix C. The forced-elicitation task was pilot-tested with 8 native speakers of English. Any items that yielded more than one answer were revised and retested. The pilot-testing identified three additional nouns (protection, exposure, and emphasis) from C5 (In/M-C) that are problematic. Three different contexts were created to elicit the use of ‘a’ before the these words, however native speakers still showed variability in their choice between ‘a’ and zero article. Therefore, the three words were decided to be removed from analysis. 3.26. Translation task Four words from each of the 6 categories were selected for the translation task. The translation task consisted of 24 short Korean sentences and each of them included one of the target nouns. The reason why only a subset of the target words from each category was used was because the participants had to complete other tasks as well as the translation task in a session limited to 50-60 minutes, and the task had to be short enough for learners to complete within the time allocated for the task. In the translation task, the Korean learners translated the Korean 58 sentences into English sentences. Since the same sentences can be translated in different ways using different structures and vocabulary, it was possible that learners would translate the sentences without using the target words or the articles. Therefore, in order to have some control over the syntax and vocabulary that learners will use, the task provided English words and phrase in parentheses and asked the participants to use the words and phrases provided in their translations. For example, one of Korean sentences in which the target word was patience, the participants were expected to write, ‘A teacher should have patience.’ But the participants could also write, ‘A teacher should be patient,’ in which case it is difficult to know what learners’ countability judgment of the target word is since no article was used. In order to avoid such cases, the verb, ‘have’ was provided in a parenthesis right next to the Korean verb. The participants were instructed to use the words or phrase provided in their translation. See Appendix D for the translation task. 3.3. Procedure The Korean participants recruited for the study completed a language background questionnaire and five tasks: (a) a cloze test of L2 proficiency, (b) a Korean plural marker test, (c) a L2 countability judgment task, (d) a forced-elicitation task, and (e) a translation task. The participants completed the tasks in the following order: Day 1 1. language background questionnaire 2. translation task 3. countability judgment task with English nouns Day 2 59 1. forced-elicitation task 2. cloze test of L2 proficiency 3. countability judgment task with Korean nouns (plural marker test) The tasks were completed in the above order in order to best disguise the purpose of the study and to avoid task effects. The plural marker test and L2 countability judgment task were given on different days, and the former was done before the latter in order to avoid a scenario where learners would actually think about Korean words when judging countability of English words. The translation task was given before the L2 countability judgment task so that learners’ would not be focusing on correct use of articles or plural marking more than they normally would. Lastly, the L2 countability judgment task and the forced-elicitation task were separated so that learners would not be forced to think more about noun countability than they normally would when making article choices during the forced-elicitation. On the other hand, the control group completed the language background questionnaire, forced-elicitation task and L2 countability judgment tasks in the order mentioned. 3.4 Analysis The cloze tests were graded using an acceptable-word criterion rather than an exact-word criterion because the former has been reported by researchers (Butler, 1980; Ionin et al, 2008) as yielding a more accurate assessment of subjects’ proficiency. Also partial credit scoring was used as, according to Aghbar (1991), it provides better external validity than dichotomous scoring of all or nothing. Answers that appropriately fit the context and were grammatically correct received 1 point. Word choices that were correct in terms of the meaning but were illformed, or word choices that were not best in the given context (e.g., collocation errors) but were 60 still acceptable received 0.5 point. Lastly unacceptable answers were given 0 point. The points earned were added up and the total scores were entered into SPSS. A one-way ANOVA compared the mean proficiency scores among the different proficiency and L1 groups. The participants’ responses on the plural marker tests and L2 countability judgment tasks were entered into SPSS. After calculating the mean ratings of each noun, Pearson’s correlation tests were conducted to examine whether there is a significant relationship between Korean participants’ use of the plural marker on Korean nouns and their countability judgments on English nouns. Data from the forced-elicitation tasks were coded using a binary criterion; 1 for correct answers and 0 for incorrect answers. The mean accuracy of each noun category was analyzed using t-tests or ANOVAs with L1 (Korean vs. Ukraninan), countability congruency (congruent vs. incongruent) and proficiency (low-intermediate, high-intermediate, advanced) as independent variables. Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient for the task was also calculated. Lastly, the translation tasks were graded based on the accuracy of NPs with the target nouns. Well-formed NPs with a correct article choice (a or zero article) were given 1 point. Illformed NPs with an incorrect article choice received 0 point. Count nouns that were pluralized also received 1 point if they were grammatically correct as the pluralizaton indicates learner’s accurate judgment of noun countability and knowledge of L2 NP formation. However, pluralmarked NPs that also include an indefinite article received 0.5 to give partial credit for accurately judging the noun countability but inaccurately forming the NPs. Cases where the target nouns were avoided or the target nouns were used with the definite article (the) were not graded as these cases do not tell us what learners’ countability judgments of the target nouns are. 61 CHAPTER 4: RESULTS 4.1. Plural marker test In the plural marker test, the participants rated the acceptability of Korean nouns to which the plural marker (-tul) was attached. Table 3 presents the mean acceptability ratings for the 6 noun categories across the three proficiency levels. Three noun categories (C1, C3 and C6) were judged to be highly acceptable, with mean ratings higher than 4.5, and the other three noun groups (C2, C4 and C5) were judged to be highly unacceptable, with the mean ratings below 2.5. ANOVA tests showed that the differences between the former three and the latter three categories were all significantly different, F(5, 35)= 51.74, p < .001, r = .86. The results corresponded with the mass-count categorization based on the pilot test results. That is, the three noun categories (C1, C3 and C6) that were judged to be highly acceptable are the categories with nouns that were considered countable based on the pilot test results and the three noun categories (C2, C4 and C5) were the mass noun categories that consisted of nouns that were considered uncountable. Post hoc test results were also examined to compare the mean ratings between the congruent categories and incongruent categories (C1 vs. C2 and C3 vs. C4). The results showed that C1 and C3 received mean ratings that are significantly different from those of C2 and C4, respectively. According to ANOVA results, significant differences among the three proficiency groups were found in two of the noun categories, C1 and C3, F(2, 176)= 5.21, p = .01, r = 0.01; F(2, 176)= 4.87, p = .04, r = 0.03, for C1 and C3 respectively. According to Tukey’s test, in C1, the low-intermediate learners gave significantly higher mean ratings than the learners of the highintermediate (p =.03) and advanced groups (p=.01). The low-intermediate learners were also 62 significantly different from the advanced learners in their judgment of the C3 nouns, with a significantly higher mean rating than that of the advanced learners (p = .02). Table 3. Mean ratings of 6 categories across three proficiency levels Low intermediate (LI) High intermediate (HI) Advanced (AD) M SD M SD M SD C1 (In/C-M) 5.06 0.73 4.54 1.03 4.48 1.02 C2 (C/M-M) 1.64 0.72 1.58 059 1.57 0.59 C3 (In/C-M) 4.84 0.82 4.72 0.99 4.49 1.07 C4 (C/M-M) 1.73 0.74 1.58 0.64 1.52 0.62 C5 (In/M-C) 2.26 0.69 2.16 0.79 2.11 0.76 C6 (C/C-C) 4.63 0.84 4.81 0.95 4.79 1.06 Table 4. A summary of ANOVA results Df F Sig. C1 (In/C-M) 2 5.27 p =.006 C2 (C/M-M) 2 0.36 p =.7 C3 (In/C-M) 2 2.69 p =.019 C4 (C/M-M) 2 1.34 p =.27 C5 (In/M-C) 2 1.16 p =.32 C6 (C/C-C) 2 3.93 p =.12 Note: * p< .05, ** p< .01 63 Post Hoc Tests LI>HI*, LI>AD** LI>AD* Table 5. Full Tukey post hoc test results Dependent Variable C1(In/C-M) Group Comparison LI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD C2(C/M-M) LI HI AD C3(In/C-M) LI HI AD C4(C/M-M) LI HI AD C5(In/M-C) LI HI AD C6(C/C-C) LI HI AD 64 Sig. .03 .01 .03 .76 .01 .76 .69 .81 .69 .99 .81 .99 .78 .02 .78 .41 .02 .41 .52 .25 .52 .79 .25 .79 .29 .8 .29 .74 .8 .74 .12 .21 .12 .59 .21 .59 4.2. L2 countability judgment task Table 6 presents the descriptive statistics of the data from the countability judgment task with English nouns. Of particular interest was how the Korean learners rated the nouns in the incongruent categories in comparison to their counterpart congruent categories. Note that the nouns in C1(In/C-M), C2(C/M-M), C3(In/C-M) and C4(C/M-M) are mass nouns in English; however, C1 and C3 are incongruent categories in which their Korean counterparts were considered as countable according to the plural marker task results. If Korean learners accurately judged the countability of these nouns, they would have rated the nouns in all four categories in a similar way. Interestingly, Korean learners’ mean countability ratings showed while the Korean learners across the different proficiency levels judged the congruent nouns in C2(C/M-M) and C4(C/M-M) as uncountable, with the mean ratings below 2.1, they judged the incongruent nouns in C1(In/C-M) and C3(In/C-M) to belong to the countable side of the scale, rating all of them above 3.5. According to ANOVA tests, noun category had a main effect on learners’ countability ratings, F(5, 35)= 50.77, p< .001, r =.86. ANOVAs also examined whether significant group differences exist in each of the 6 noun categories among the Korean learners. The results showed that significant differences were found in C1(In/C-M), C2(C/M-M), C3(In/C-M) and C4(C/M-M), F(2, 175)= 4.01, p = .02 r = .04; F(2, 175)= 3.92, p = .02, r = .04; F(2, 175)= 3.54, p = .03, r = .04; F(2, 175)=6.5, p = .01, r = .06 for C1, C2, C3 and C4 respectively. See Table 7 for the ANOVA results. In C1 and C4, the mean ratings of the low-intermediate group were significantly different from those of the high-intermediate (p= .04 in C1 and p= .03 in C4) and advanced groups (p= .04 for C1 and p= .01 for C4). In C2, the mean rating of the low-intermediate group was significantly higher 65 thanthat of the high-intermediate group (p=.03). Lastly, in C3, the mean rating of lowintermediate group was significantly higher than that of the advanced group (p= .03). Table 6. Descriptive Statistics L1 Korean Groups Proficiency LI Ukrainian HI AD Advanced M SD M SD M SD M SD C1 (In/C-M) 4.2 1.17 3.6 1.16 3.54 1.15 2.37 0.77 C2 (C/M-M) 1.8 1.03 1.44 0.57 1.48 0.63 1.43 0.54 C3 (In/C-M) 4.37 1.23 4.09 0.95 3.81 1.08 2.49 0.81 C4 (C/M-M) 2.07 1 1.69 0.65 1.58 0.65 1.32 0.77 C5 (In/M-C) 2.83 1.07 2.78 1.01 2.65 0.91 2.69 0.69 C6 (C/C-C) 4.36 1.07 4.54 0.81 4.46 0.83 4.97 0.73 Table 7. A summary of ANOVA results Df F Sig. C1 (In/C-M) 2 4 p =.02 LI>HI*, LI>AD* C2 (C/M-M) 2 3.92 p =.02 LI>HI* C3 (In/C-M) 2 3.54 p =.03 LI>AD* C4 (C/M-M) 2 5.24 p =.006 LI>HI*, LI>AD* C5 (In/M-C) 2 1.64 p =.2 C6 (C/C-C) 2 1.74 p =.18 66 Post Hoc Tests Table 8. Full Tukey post hoc test results Dependent Variable C1(In/C-M) Group Comparison LI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD LI AD LI HI HI AD C2(C/M-M) LI HI AD C3(In/C-M) LI HI AD C4(C/M-M) LI HI AD C5(In/M-C) LI HI AD C6(C/C-C) LI HI AD Sig. .04 .04 .04 .96 .04 .96 .03 .09 .03 .97 .09 .97 .21 .03 .21 .49 .03 .49 .03 .01 .03 .81 .01 .81 .12 .68 .17 .7 .68 .7 .51 .16 .51 .64 .16 .64 The advanced Korean learners were also compared with the Ukrainian learners (See Table 9). The t-test results showed that in both incongruent mass noun categories (C1 and C3), 67 significant differences were found between the Ukrainian group and the advanced Korean learners (p < .001). Compared to the Korean advanced learners, the Ukrainian learners rated the incongruent mass nouns in C1(In/C-M) and C3(In/C-M) to be significantly lower on the countability scale, accurately judging them to be on the uncountable side of the scale. However, the Ukrainian learners, like the Korean learners, rated the incongruent nouns in C3(In/C-M) higher than the congruent nouns in C4(C/M-M). Although the differences within the congruentincongruent pairs were much smaller than what was found in the data of the Korean groups, the difference between C3(In/C-M) and C4(C/M-M) were found to be statistically significant (p = .01), while no significant difference (p = .08) was found between C1(In/C-M) and C2(C/M-M) . With respect to their judgments of the nouns in the congruent categories, while no significant differences between the Ukrainian learners and the advanced Korean learners were found in C2 (C/M-M) and C4(C/M-M), Ukrainians learners judged the C6 nouns to be significantly more countable than the Korean advanced learners (p= .01). Table 9. Comparison between the Korean(K) advanced learners and Ukrainian(UK) learners df t Sig. C1 (In/C-M) 73.97 4.92 p < .001 C2 (C/M-M) 68.69 .22 74 5.22 p < .001 C4 (C/M-M) 73.59 1.38 p =.17 C5 (In/M-C) 74 -2.59 p =.27 C6 (C/C-C) 72.09 -1.01 p =.01 Results p =.82 C3 (In/C-M) Effect size 68 d = 1.22 *K>UK d = 1.35 *K>UK Lastly, all the participants (3 Korean groups and 1 Ukrainian group) similarly judged the nouns in C5. The C5 nouns received with the mean ratings between 2.4 and 2.8 by all leaner groups. This was the only category in which no significant differences were shown between any of the pairs. 4.3. Correlations between the plural marker test and L2 countability judgment task Overall, Korean learners’ data from the plural marker test and L2 countability judgment tasks showed very similar patterns in both congruent and incongruent categories. The nouns that were rated high on the Korean plural marker test were also rated high on the English countability judgment task. Pearson’s tests were conducted to test whether there is any significant relationship between the two. For each of the proficiency levels, the mean rating for each of the target words was calculated for both tasks. Then, Pearson’s test examined whether correlations are found between the mean ratings of the plural marker test and L2 countability judgment task. The results showed a high degree of correlation in all three proficiency levels. The group correlation between the two tasks was the strongest with the lower-intermediate level (r = .91, p < .001), less strong with the high-intermediate level (r = .87, p <.001) and the least strong with the advanced level (r =0.85, p < .001). The individual correlations were also examined within each of the noun categories. Table 10-12 shows the correlation coefficients calculated for each noun category. Many of the noun categories from the two tasks were found to have weak to moderate correlations. 69 Table 10. Individual correlation for the low-intermediate learners L2 countability judgment task C1 Plural C1 marker C2 test C2 C3 C3 C4 C5 C6 0.34** 0.11 0.36** C4 0.26* C5 0.14 C6 0.42** Note: ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level; *Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level. Table 11. Individual correlation for the high-intermediate learners L2 countability judgment task C1 Plural C1 marker C2 test C3 C2 C3 C4 C5 C6 0.37** 0.45** 0.35** C4 0.32** C5 0.23* C6 0.24* Note: ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level; *Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level. 70 Table 12. Individual correlation for the advanced learners L2 countability judgment task C1 Plural C1 marker C2 test C3 C2 C3 C4 C5 C6 0.25 0.56** 0.29* C4 0.36* C5 0.31* C6 0.18 Note: ** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level; *Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level. 4.4. Forced-elicitation task Cronbach’s alpha for the 40-item forced-elicitation task was .687, showing a moderately acceptable reliability. Table 13 shows the mean accuracy of each noun category for all Korean learner groups. Across the three different levels, similar patterns were found. The mean accuracy rates for the congruent categories (C2, C4 and C6) were relatively high with accuracy rates of around or above 80%. On the other hand, the mean accuracy rates of the incongruent categories (C1, C3 and C6) were relatively low with accuracy rates of below 70%. ANOVA results confirmed that noun category had a main effect on article accuracy, F(5, 35)= 18.82, p < .001, r = .68. Also, in several noun categories, the Korean groups were significantly different in their mean accuracy rates (See Table 14). Post hoc test results showed that the low-intermediate learners were significantly less accurate than the high-intermediate learners in C1(In/C-M), C3(In/C-M), C4(C/M-M) and C6(C/C-C). They were also significantly less accurate than the 71 advanced learners in C1(In/C-M) and C6(C/C-C). On the other hand, no significant differences were found between the high-intermediate and the advanced learners in any of the categories. Table 13. Korean learners’ forced-elicitation task results Proficiency Low intermediate High intermediate Advanced Total M SD M SD M SD M SD C1 (In/C-M) 0.48 0.23 0.64 0.23 0.69 0.2 0.6 0.24 C2 (C/M-M) 0.84 0.2 0.9 0.17 0.9 0.16 0.88 0.18 C3 (In/C-M) 0.41 0.24 0.52 0.22 0.52 0.23 0.48 0.24 C4 (C/M-M) 0.79 0.19 0.89 0.26 0.91 0.3 0.86 0.25 C5 (In/M-C) 0.61 0.22 0.53 0.28 0.52 0.3 0.55 0.27 C6 (C/C-C) 0.82 0.18 0.89 0.14 0.9 0.14 0.87 0.16 Table 14. A summary of ANOVA results Df F Sig. C1 (In/C-M) 2 13.28 p <0.001 C2 (C/M-M) 2 2.22 p =.11 C3 (In/C-M) 2 3.99 C4 (C/M-M) 2 C5 (In/M-C) C6 (C/C-C) Effect size Post Hoc Tests r = .13 LI C1 > C5 > C4 > C6 > C2 High-intermediate C3 > C5 > C1 > C4 = C6 > C2 Advanced C3 = C5 > C1 > C2 = C6 > C4 Translation task Most difficult Least difficult Low-intermediate C5 > C1 > C3 > C6 > C4 > C2 High-intermediate C5 > C1 > C3 > C6 > C4 > C2 Advanced C5 > C1 > C3 > C6 > C4 > C2 99 However, there was one noun category in which the noun type effects could not be controlled: C5(In/M-C). Both advanced Korean and Ukrainian learners frequently made article errors with the nouns in C5(In/M-C) which included abstract nouns that can be either countable or uncountable. Due to the flexibility in their countability status, article choice for the C5 nouns additionally requires sensitivity to the context. According to the results of the countability judgment tasks, both Korean and Ukrainian learners tend to consider the C5 nouns to be uncountable, which account for article omission errors that frequently occurred in both advanced Korean and Ukrainian groups. According to Amuzie & Spinner (in press), who also found similar results regarding the nouns with dual countability memberships, learners have more difficulty with the C5 nouns that are often associated with atelic dynamic verbs. Amuzie and Spinner discusses that the boundedness of abstract nouns based on the boundedness of the verbs and adjectives that the nouns are derived from or associated with (Paradis 2005; Barner et al. 2008). According to these analyses, the boundedness of verbs stems from the inherent temporal boundaries of the event denoted by the verb (lexical aspect), while the boundedness of adjectives stems from the gradability of the adjective (Paradis 2001). Amuzie and Spinner reported that learners were more accurate with nouns that are associated with stative verbs (e.g. to hate, to love) and nouns that are associated with achievement or iterative verbs (e.g., to jump, to kick) in judging their countability because stative actions are clearly unbounded in that they clearly do not have an end point while achievement actions are clearly bounded with an immediate end point. On the other hand, the C5 nouns fall between the two on the continuum of boundedness, thus, the temporal boundaries of the dynamic actions or events might be less clear to the learners, making their countability judgments more difficult. 100 Some researchers suggested that learners tend to view noun countability as a fixed, static property of nouns (e.g., Butler, 2002; Yoon 1993). If this is true, learners’ chance for making article errors increases when the C5 nouns appear in countable context as in the current study, because learners tend to view them as uncountable nouns. However, since the C5 nouns were not used in mass contexts in the current study, no evidence is available to claim that the learners at intermediate to advanced levels consider countability to be static and unchangeable. 5.5. Pedagogical implication The current study shows how complex and daunting the learners’ tasks are in acquiring L2 articles and how difficult it is for learners to overcome the L1 influence. Teaching noun countability would be an enormously difficult job especially for those who work with learners from classifier language backgrounds. The instruments of the study consisted of nouns that are quite frequently used. Yet, the results of the L2 countability judgment tasks show that learners even at advanced levels often misjudged the countability of L2 nouns. Considering that noun countability contributes to word meaning only in a very subtle way, providing explicit instruction on noun countability might be beneficial for learners to help them recognize that articles express noun countability, and that nouns in L1 and L2 may differ in their countability. Then, how should noun countability be taught to best help learners to accurately use article? The current study does not provide a direct answer for the question, however, some aspects of the current findings have pedagogical implications, which I discuss in this section. The teaching suggestions that are provided below are most relevant for those who teach Korean learners of English since the data of the study came from that population. 101 According to the results of the study, learners’ accuracy significantly decreases when L2 noun countability is incongruent with L1. The finding suggests that if a teacher has the knowledge of learners’ L1, he or she might be able to identify words that are likely to cause more problems for the learners in making countability judgments. One may think that it would be unproductive and unrealistic to create a list that includes all nouns whose countability is incongruent with that of the L1 counterparts. The list is likely to end up being very long if all incongruent nouns are combined and presented altogether in one list. However, if the incongruent nouns could be categorized based on their noun type (concrete vs. abstract, count vs. mass) like how they were categorized in the current study, the number of examples of incongruent nouns for each noun type is would not be endless. Table 25 shows an example of how incongruent nouns can be presented by noun type for Korean learners of English. The two categories in Table 20 are C1 and C3 that were included in the study instruments and the examples listed for each categories are mostly the target nouns used for C1 and C3. Note that it took three rounds of testing to identify these incongruent nouns because a vast majority of Korean nouns were actually congruent with English in terms of countability according to how Korean used –tul with nouns, and it was difficult to find more than 6 nouns for incongruent categories. One might be able to add many more food items that could go to the first category but only a few more can be added to the second category. The list of these examples will be useful as Table 25. Nouns that frequently cause article errors 1 Noun Type Concrete Countability In English Mass 2 Abstract Mass Examples cabbage, corn, furniture, equipment, luggage, trash, fruit, food advice, evidence, information, homework, news, research, vocabulary 102 these are mostly high-frequency words. The second category in particular includes words that are very frequently used in academic contexts, and as shown in the study, learners often incorrectly use the indefinite articles with them. Going over the list by noun type and showing learners how they are used in real contexts would help increase article accuracy with these words. One incongruent category that is left out that teachers should consider covering is C5. I suggest teaching the C5 nouns separately from other incongruent noun types due to their unique characteristics. Many abstract nouns in English like the nouns in C5 can be either countable or uncountable. In the current study, both Korean and Ukrainian learners had difficulty with this type of abstract nouns. It could be that learners are not aware that these nouns can be either count or mass nouns. Showing learners how the same words are used in countable and uncountable ways in different contexts would not only solve this problem but also help increase their sensitivity to countability context. The reason why I suggest that this type of noun be taught separately from others was that by doing so, teachers can emphasize to learners that it is only certain types of nouns that behave this way. Abstract nouns often tend to be treated as a single category (Amuzie, 2011). Presenting abstract nouns by noun type and showing how each of them is different in terms of countability can help learners avoid making inaccurate generalizations about abstract nouns. 5.6. Limitations The current study has several limitations that should be addressed. The chief limitations of the study stemmed from the control group. While there were three groups of Korean participants (low-intermediate, high-intermediate and advanced level), there was only one advanced group of Ukrainian learners. Having more Ukrainian learners whose proficiency levels 103 match those of the low- and high- intermediate Korean would have helped interpreting the results of both Korean and Ukrainian learners in many ways. For example, the advanced Ukrainian learners like the Korean learners were significantly less accurate with some of the C3 nouns. Based on the information provided by the native speakers of Ukrainian learners, I concluded that the results were likely to be induced by L1 transfer at the lexical level. This argument could have been further substantiated if the same but stronger L1-induced effects were found among lowerlevel Ukrainian learners. Alternatively, investigating Ukrainian learners’ countability judgments of the L1 counterpart words could have solved the same problem. Unfortunately, the Ukrainian learners only completed the forced-elicitation task but not the L1 countability judgment task. Thus, it was impossible to run correlation analyses between the two. Another point to note regarding the control group is that, according to the background questionnaires, all of the advanced Ukrainian learners in the study were learning German, which is a language with an article system. Few Korean advanced learners, however, reported any experience with another foreign language other than English. It is possible that Ukrainian learners might have had more awareness about the use of English articles than the Korean learners due to having more exposure to various foreign languages. Secondly, the current study included a translation task in order to elicit spontaneous L2 article use. The translation task was preferred over other types of production tasks (e.g. free writing) because the translation task could force learners to use the target nouns in indefinite contexts. This was necessary because learners’ countability judgments cannot be determined if the nouns were used with the definite article (the). However, the translation task turned out to have its own problems. Since there is a variety of ways to translate the same sentence, learners often avoided using the target nouns. In fact, this had been expected and in order to avoid this 104 problem, specific words or expression were provided for each target sentence in the translation task. The Korean participants were told to use these words and expressions in their translation. However, despite the specific instruction given to them, many participants ended up not using the target words. It turned out that some learners simply ignored the instruction and others, especially lower-level learners, were not able to use the expressions in their translations. Due to limited proficiency in English, the low-intermediate learners tended to translate the sentences word-by-word, and often they could not think of a way to translate the sentence using the provided words or expressions. Also, some learners used the definite article even though the use of the definite article would slightly change the meaning of the original Korean sentence. I suggest that future research investigating learners’ article production consider using a sentencecompletion task as an alternative. A sentence-completion task has the benefits of the translation task such as having control over semantic context, vocabulary and syntax, but still allows learners to form NPs on their own, while avoiding the problems that were discussed. Another point to note is that learners’ article accuracy with the C5 nouns seemed to be affected by both the countability congruency effects and confusion created by the flexible nature of their countability. With these two variables confounded, it is hard to evaluate to what extent each of the two variables contributed to learner difficulty with these nouns. Since these nouns were only used in countable context in the current study, it is not clear whether the learners’ problems with these noun had to do with not knowing that some nouns can be used either way or having difficulty of determining the countability context despite knowing that some nouns can be either count or mass nouns. A last point, which is not necessarily a limitation but should be discussed, is the fact that the study included a very small portion of nouns. This was largely because of the difficulty with 105 identifying Korean nouns whose noun countability was clearly incongruent with that of the counterpart English nouns. According to the pilot plural marker tests, most concrete countable nouns in Korean were congruent with English nouns in their countability. The study included equal numbers of congruent and incongruent concrete nouns for research purposes. However, they by no means represent the ratio of between congruent and incongruent nouns in general. Also, it was difficult to categorize most abstract nouns in Korean into count or non-count category because Koreans greatly differed in their acceptability of plural-marked abstract nouns, and their mean ratings fell in the mid range on the acceptability scale. However, note that many abstract nouns in English, as those in Korean, are not clearly countable or uncountable because they can be used in either countable or non-countable ways depending on the context. It is likely that the countability ratings of many abstract nouns in English would have similarly patterned the acceptability ratings of Korean abstract nouns on the plural marker test if the English nouns were presented in a context-free list. Therefore, this issue illustrates the nature of the countability of abstract nouns in Korean. However, the fact that abstract nouns in both English and Korean fall in the middle of the countability continuum does not make countability judgments with English abstract nouns easy for Korean learners. Even though the countability of many abstract nouns in English may be congruent with Korean abstract nouns in context-free situations in that they both are not clearly countable or non-countable, it is rarely the case that English abstract nouns can be both countable and non-countable in a given context. While the countability of many abstract nouns in English can change from context to context, when they appear in a certain context, they are either countable or non-countable. Therefore, Korean learners must discern whether an abstract noun is being used as countable or non-countable in a given context in order to correctly use English articles in indefinite contexts. Since the countability of Korean abstract nouns is 106 unclear, it is plausible that learners have difficulty with determining the countability context of abstract nouns. This could be one of the reasons why abstract nouns are harder than concrete nouns for Korean learners in making countability judgments. 5.7. Future research There are some questions that arose from the current findings that remain unanswerable that future research can address. Starting with the most important finding, the current study showed that L1 transfer at the lexical level has effects on learners’ L2 English article choice. The current finding suggests fruitful avenues for future research on L2 article acquisition by speakers of other classifier languages. For example, as noted by some researchers (e.g., Cheng & Sybesma, 1998; Li, Barner & Huang, 2008; Lardiere 2009, 2010), Chinese arguably has their own plural-marking and mass-count distinction systems that operate by using the plural suffix (men) and classifiers (mass classifier vs. count classifier). Based on the current finding, Chinese learners’ L2 countability judgments and article use could also be affected by L1 transfer at the lexical level. By reexamining the countability features other classifier languages in the light of the feature reassembly approach, future research could investigate the possibility of L1 transfer at the lexical level or other type of L1 transfer during L2 article use among the speakers of other classifier languages. The current study also identified a noun type that needs more research: abstract nouns that can be used as either count or mass nouns. The same noun type has been reported to be very problematic for Korean learners by Amuzie and Spinner (in press), the only previous study that included a variety of abstract nouns. It is obvious that learners are more confused with this particular group of abstract nouns. What remains unclear is whether the confusion arises due to 107 the difficulty of determining the countability context or the effects of L1 transfer at the lexical level or the combination of both. Future research should focus on nouns with dual countability memberships to address the issue. In both Amuzie & Spinner (in press) and the current study, abstract nouns that were included in the category of nouns with flexible countability were all verb-related; they were derived from or associated with verbs. As suggested by Amuzie and Spinner (in press), future research should also consider including other abstract nouns whose countability is flexible but are not related to verbs, such as environment, culture, or language to have a complete array of abstract nouns with flexible countability. A last topic for future research that I would like to mention is the possibility of L2 influence on L1 countability judgments. The current finding that significant differences existed between the advanced learners and low-intermediate learners in their acceptability ratings for plural marked Korean nouns in two of the incongruent categories (C1 and C3) raises the possibility that among higher-level learners, reverse transfer from L2 to L1 could occur at the lexical level. This should be a potential topic future research for those who are interested in the effects of L2 acquisition on L1. 5.8. Conclusion The current study investigated L1 effects on L2 article use, and in doing so, it considered how the countability features were assembled in Korean. Based on research findings that the mass-count distinction in Korean is expressed on the plural marker (-tul), the study hypothesized that Korean’s use of –tul might influence their countability judgments of English nouns that are realized on English articles. The results showed that Korean learners’ countability judgments and article choice were influenced by how the individual words were treated in Korean, showing that 108 L1 transfer arises at the lexical level. Regardless of L2 proficiency, noun type and task type, learners were consistently less inaccurate with incongruent nouns than congruent nouns. The learners’ errors shown in the current study contradicted the predictions by the parametric account, according to which speakers of classifier languages treat all nouns as masslike. Korean learners in the study often incorrectly overused the indefinite articles with mass nouns, suggesting that Korean learners consider certain mass nouns in English as countable due to the L1 transfer at the lexical level. On the other hand, the marginal effects of transfer of L1 parameter setting were also detected in the translation task among the low-intermediate level learner, indicating proficiency and task effects exist though minimal. The current study showed that the feature reassembly as a theoretical framework allows finer-grained analyses and offers more accurate account of L2 article choice by speakers of classifier languages than the previous parametric account. The feature reassembly approach illuminated the nature of L1 influence in L2 article acquisition by speakers of classifier languages, and in turn, the complexity of learning tasks faced by learners in acquiring L2 articles. The current findings support the hypothesis that learners’ problems with L2 countability judgments and article use were posed by the language-specific assembly of the countability feature in Korean. Korean learners even at an advanced level still seemed to associate the countability of L2 nouns with the way the countability feature is expressed in L1, which resulted in inaccurate countability judgments and misuse of articles. Overall, the study makes a valuable contribution to the literature on L2 acquisition of English articles by speakers of classifier languages. The current study has revealed that L1 influence goes much deeper than the level of parameter-setting, as previously known. L1 influence comes down to the level of individual lexical items. Also, the current study has shown 109 that acquiring L2 articles is a much more complex task than what has been previously described by the parametric account. The new information and insights gained from the current study should be certainly important for moving toward the goal of having a more complete understanding of L2 acquisition of English articles by speakers of classifier languages. For teachers and learners of English who often wonder why English articles seem impossible to master, the current study gives a more accurate description of challenges learners are faced with and what it takes for speakers of classifier languages to successfully acquire L2 articles. This does not ease the pain for learners from classifier language backgrounds. However, showing exactly what they need to go through should better serve learners than inaccurately underestimating the difficulty of learning tasks as was done by the parametric account. I believe that the picture of their tasks that was quite obscure has been made more accurate and detailed by the current study, therefore should better guide their learning and teaching in the long term. 110 Appendices 111 Appendix A. Korean plural marker test (Translated in English) Some nouns in Korean can take the plural marker(-tul) but some nouns cannot. Below you will see a list of nouns with the plural marker. How natural do they sound to you. Rate the acceptability of each plural-marked noun on the scale. Example) Totally unacceptable Totally acceptable hakseng-tul [student-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 jungwi-tul [justice-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 1. [homework-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 2. [rule-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 3. [submission-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 4. [food-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 5 5. [cabbage-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 6. [oil-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. [change-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 8. [information-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 9. [equipment-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 10. [education-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 11. [decision-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 12. [trash-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 13. [success-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 14. [courage-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 15. [advice-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 16. [vocabulary-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 17. [suggestion-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 112 18. [creativity-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 19. [mistake-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 20. [patience-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 21. [research-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 22. [result-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 23. [news-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 24. [evidence-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 25. [furniture-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 26. [fruit-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 29. [salt-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 30. [safety-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 31. [honesty-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 32. [luggage-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 33. [corn-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 34. [heat-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 35. [snow-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 36. [smoke-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 37. [air-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 38. [sugar-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 39. [repetition-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 40. [communication-PL] 1 2 3 4 5 6 113 Appendix B. English countability judgment task Directions: Indicate the countability of each noun on a scale of 1 to 6. Example) computer knowledge Always non-countable 1 2 1 3 5 3 2 4 4 5 Always non-countable Always countable 6 6 Always countable 1. homework 1 2 3 4 5 6 2. rule 1 2 3 4 5 6 3. submission 1 2 3 4 5 6 4. cabbage 1 2 3 4 5 6 5. oil 1 2 3 4 5 6 6. food 1 2 3 4 5 6 7. change 1 2 3 4 5 6 8. information 1 2 3 4 5 6 9. equipment 1 2 3 4 5 6 10. education 1 2 3 4 5 6 11. decision 1 2 3 4 5 6 12. trash 1 2 3 4 5 6 13. success 1 2 3 4 5 6 14. courage 1 2 3 4 5 6 15. advice 1 2 3 4 5 6 16. vocabulary 1 2 3 4 5 6 17. suggestion 1 2 3 4 5 6 18. creativity 1 2 3 4 5 6 19. mistake 1 2 3 4 5 6 20. patience 1 2 3 4 5 6 114 21. research 1 2 3 4 5 6 22. result 1 2 3 4 5 6 23. news 1 2 3 4 5 6 24. evidence 1 2 3 4 5 6 25. furniture 1 2 3 4 5 6 26. fruit 1 2 3 4 5 6 27. salt 1 2 3 4 5 6 28. safety 1 2 3 4 5 6 29. honesty 1 2 3 4 5 6 30. luggage 1 2 3 4 5 6 31. corn 1 2 3 4 5 6 32. heat 1 2 3 4 5 6 33. snow (noun) 1 2 3 4 5 6 34. smoke 1 2 3 4 5 6 35. air 1 2 3 4 5 6 36. sugar 1 2 3 4 5 6 37. repetition 1 2 3 4 5 6 38. celebration 1 2 3 4 5 6 39. communication 1 2 3 4 5 6 40. improvement 1 2 3 4 5 6 115 Appendix C. Forced-elicitation task 1. Students who did not submit ( a, Ø ) homework today need to do so tomorrow. 2. Student: Can I talk to you for a minute after the class? I have ( a, Ø ) question about my midterm grade. 3. Students were sending text messages in class. So I made ( a, Ø ) new rule. I said they should turn off their cell phones before entering the classroom. 4. You can help add variety to these newsletters by submitting an article of your own. I haven’t refu sed ( a, Ø ) submission yet. You can mail it, email it or give it to me personally. 5. You need to keep ( a, Ø ) cabbage in the refrigerator. When you cook ( a, Ø ) cabbage, do not use ( an, Ø ) oil. I use ( a, Ø ) butter. That’s my secret to make ( a, Ø ) food taste good. 6. The school hired a new coach for the upcoming football season. This will be ( a, Ø ) big change f or the players because they have to adjust to the new coaching style. 7. You can order a free magazine. The magazine has ( an, Ø ) information on buying ( a, Ø ) equipm ent as well as marketing. 8. You do not need to go to a private school to get ( a, Ø ) good education. 9. Mark is so indecisive. It takes him forever to make ( a, Ø ) decision on anything. 10. Don’t stay in that hotel. Their room wasn’t clean. The air conditioner didn’t work. And I even fou nd ( a, Ø ) trash on the bed! 11. We installed a new security system in our house. Now I feel safe and have ( a, Ø ) peace of mind. 12. Jim fell in ( a, Ø ) love with Sara. But he did not have ( a, Ø ) courage to confess his love. 13. Can you give me ( a, Ø ) advice on how to memorize ( a, Ø ) vocabulary? 14. Chris: Next week is our 20th wedding anniversary. We are going to have ( a, Ø ) big celebration w ith our kids. I want to buy a surprise gift for my wife. Do you have ( a, Ø ) suggestion for a gift? Rachel: How about ( a, Ø ) jewelry? 15. I believe that ( a, Ø ) repetition can be a key to becoming an expert. 16. Anna: What do you think makes a good teacher? Jim: I consider ( a, Ø ) patience to be one of the most important qualities. 17. Professor: I said that ( a, Ø ) creativity is an important criterion for evaluation. But you copied the example that I showed in class anyway. Student: I know that was ( a, Ø ) bad mistake. But I misunderstood the instructions. I won’t do it again. 18. My professor is an expert on lies. She is doing ( a, Ø ) research on how people react to obvious lie 116 s. She said she found ( an, Ø ) interesting result. 19. Kelly: I heard ( a, Ø ) surprising news. John was arrested for stealing a laptop from the office. Scott: Well, we don’t know if he is the one who stole the laptop or not. But if he did, the police couldn’t find ( an, Ø ) evidence of it. They will release him soon. 20. Hannah: I want to move the table to this corner. David: Can you please stop rearranging ( a, Ø ) furniture? You are moving things every day. 21. Esther: I’m hungry. Erica: I have ( an, Ø ) apple. I can give it to you. Esther: No. I don’t eat ( a, Ø ) fruit at night. 22. One way to eat healthy is to reduce ( a, Ø ) salt in your diet. 23. Where children play, remove all sharp and pointy objects. Always put ( a, Ø ) safety first 24. You shouldn’t lie to your boyfriend. It’s important to keep ( a, Ø ) honesty first in your relationshi p. 25. I was wondering if there is a facility for storing ( a, Ø ) luggage in the airport. 26. Some people like to cook ( a, Ø ) corn in the oven instead of on the stove. 27. Global warming must be real. This summer was unbelievably hot. Some people even died becaus e of ( an, Ø ) extreme heat. In addition, we haven’t had ( a, Ø ) snow in five years. 28. For the past three days, I’ve been smelling ( a, Ø ) smoke even though nothing’s burning. This is driving me crazy. 29. Breathing ( a, Ø ) polluted air can seriously harm your health and even shorten your life. 30. During science class, one student asked why we need ( a, Ø ) sugar in our blood. 31. When a player makes ( a, Ø ) repetition of errors, you should stop the practice and talk to the play er about his mistakes. 32. The president said that his first priority is to reform ( an, Ø ) education. 33. The police were accused of illegally obtaining the contents of ( a, Ø ) communication. 34. Linda: All tickets were sold out and we raised more than $20,000. It was ( a, Ø ) great success. 117 Appendix D. Translation task 1. [He did his best and got a good result.] 2. [I can’t believe that he made such a foolish mistake.] 3. [The school made a new rule; students cannot wear jeans anymore.] 4. [Which school are you applying for? You have make a decision by tomorrow.] 5. [The professor is doing research with his students] 6. [The teacher gives homework every week.] 7. [I am saving money to buy furniture.] 8. [It is not easy to memorize English vocabulary.] 9. [Put safety first.] 10. 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