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ABSTRACT

FIRST YEAR DESEGREGATION IN AN
URBAN HIGH SCHOOL:
A STUDY OF CONFLICT AND CHANGE
By

Dennis L. Peterson

During the 1968 —69 school year, a large midwestern high
school experienced considerable conflict and violence in its first
year of desegregation. This study sought to:

1. Describe the planning and preparations for desegregation
as it related to the high school under study.

2. Provide an historical record and an analysis of the major
incidents of manifest conflict which occurred in the school.

3. Determine whether changes occurred in the school and com -
munity which appeared to be associated with the conflict.

4. Ascertain the perceptions of students, teachers, and admin-
istrative staff relative to (1) the extent, if any, to which
conflict was believed to be a factor in, or cause of selected
changes; and (2)the extent, if any, to which such changes

were considered to be useful or constructive in nature.

Dennis L. Peterson

5. Provide a basis for understanding the role of conflict
relative to school desegregation which would be of use to
school administrators and others involved in this social
process.

The research methodology was descriptive and historical
and sought to answer several questions relative to each purpose of
the study. Data gathering techniques consisted of interviews, his-
torical evaluation and content analysis of documentary evidence, and
a questionnaire which was administered to both Negro and Caucasian
students, teachers, and administrators relative to the extent conflict
was perceived to be a cause of changes and the extent those changes
were believed to be constructive or useful.

Subsequent to the major findings and conclusions, the study
presents suggested operational procedures relative to conflict and
desegregation which may be useful to administrators contemplating
or involved in desegregation. The major findings and conclusions
as related to the purposes of the study were as follows:

1. Because of the existing social milieu, the School Board
presented the desegregation plan to the public in May of
1968 with implementation to begin in September of that year.
Largely because of the dearth of time and the inaccessi -

bility of staff and students over the summer months,

Dennis L. Peterson

preparation for desegregation was inadequate. Thus school
systems should allow for ample preparation time of perhaps
one school year whenever possible.

Three major incidents of violence occurred at the high
school, all of which resulted in early closure of the school.
They followed periods of discernible tension and were
characterized by (a) the presence of a large number of stu-
dents in the area prior to conflict; (b) a sudden, violent
triggering incident involving a few persons; and (c) a sub-
sequent escalation throughout the building involving greater
numbers of students concommitant with the development of
rumors. Immediate resolution of the violent outbreaks was
accomplished by the use of police support in two of the three
incidents. Subsequent analysis of the concerns expressed by
students showed that racial problems were primary, though
the conflict also served to focus attention on less apparent
problems that existed in the school relative to staff, students,
and general school operation.

Analysis of the data indicated that conflict functioned as a
stimulus to change. Thirty -one major changes occurred in
the school and/or community during the first year of deseg-

regation or at the outset of the next school year. These

Dennis L. Peterson

changes occurred in the following areas: (a) Curriculum
and Student Activities; (1)) Student Conduct; (c) Faculty and
Staff; ((1) Facilities and Transportation; and (e) Community-
School Relations. Twenty —six were initiated through
administrative decision, whereas the other five were
sociological phenomenon beyond administrative purview.
Students, teachers, and administrators perceived all thirty-
one changes as having been caused by the conflict to at least
a small extent. Overall, teachers and administrators were
in close agreement as to the role of conflict and rated it
higher as a factor in bringing about the changes than did
students. In regard to the usefulness of the changes, admin-
istrators evaluated them notably higher than the other three
groups. They were followed by teachers, Caucasian stu-
dents, and Negro students, in that order. This suggested

a need for administrators to seek continued feedback as to

the ongoing status of changes which have been initiated.

FIRST YEAR DESEGREGATION IN AN
URBAN HIGH SCHOOL:

A STUDY OF CONFLICT AND CHANGE
By

‘ .
Dennis L‘. Peterson

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Administration and Higher Education

1970

ACKNOW LE DGME N TS

The writer wishes to thank his doctoral committee,
Drs. Howard Hickey, Clyde Campbell, Dale Alam, and James
McKee, for their advice and support throughout the doctoral pro-
gram. Particular appreciation is expressed to Dr. Campbell for
his guidance during the Mott Internship. Deepest gratitude is
expressed to Dr. Hickey, chairman of the committee. His unending
help, advice, and understanding during the doctoral program will
never be forgotten.

Without the help of the administrators of the Grand Rapids
Public Schools, this study would not have been possible. They had
the courage to allow an "outsider" to study a problem that has
generally been inaccessible to researchers. Dr. Raymond Boozer
and Mr. George Cleaveland, in particular, deserve special acknowl-
edgment for their assistance.

To the parents of the researcher, Mr. and Mrs. John E.
Bradfute, thanks are given for their lifelong encouragement and

specific help on the thesis.

ii

Finally, no words can adequately express appreciation to
the writer's wife, Janyce, for her devotion and assistance during
the past years of academic study, or to Jill and Paul for just being
themselves. Benjamin Franklin once wrote, "If a man empties his

' The writer

purse into his head, no man can take it from him.‘
thanks his family for believing in that dictum and for their patience

in living accordingly.

iii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
LIST OF TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . viii
CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Need for the Study . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Definition of Terms . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Assumptions . . . . . . . . . . . 11
Delimitations of the Study . . . . . . . . 12

Overview of the Remainder of the
Thesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14

H. A SELECTIVE REVIEW OF THE

LITERATURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
Social Conflict Theory . . . . . . . 16
Conceptualization of Conflict . . . . . 16
Term1nolog1 cal Considerations . . . . 20
The Effects of Conflict . . . . . . . . 24
Violent Conflict . . . . . . . . . 36
Conflict in School Desegregation . . . . . 42
Washington, D. C. , and Baltimore . . . 43
Berkeley . . . . . . . . . 44
Evansville and Oak Park . . . . . . . 48
Phi Delta Kappa Survey . . . . . . . . 50
Studies of Nine School Systems . . . . 52
Central City . . . . . . . . . . . . 54
White Plains . . . . . . . . . . . 55
Generalized Opinion . . . . . . . . . 60
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64

iv

CHAPTER

III. PROCEDURES, METHODS OF RESEARCH,
AND DATA GATHERING TECHNIQUES

Design of the Study,

Methods of Research and Sources of Data .

The Questionnaire
Summary

IV. DESEGREGATION AND CONFLICT

Planning and Preparing for Desegregation
The Setting
Background to the Master Plan
Preparations for the Transition
Summary

Nature of the Conflict . .
The September Conflict
The December Conflict
Analytical Summary

V. MAJOR CHANGES AND ANALYSIS OF THE
QUESTIONNAIRE

Changes Related to Conflict . . .
Curriculum and Student Activities
Student Conduct
Faculty and Staff
Facilities and Transportation
Community— —School Relations
Summary . . . . .

Analysis of the Questionnaire Conflict

as a Cause of Change .
Curriculum and Student Activities
Student Conduct
Faculty and Staff ,
Facilities and Transportation
Community- -School Relations
Summary

Page

68

71
74
77
82

83

84
84
87
96
98
103
103
112
121

130

131
131
134
136
139
140
144

150
152
155
157
159
162
164

CHAPTER

Analysis of the Questionnaire:
Constructiveness of the Changes .
Curriculum and Student Activities
Student Conduct
Faculty and Staff .
Facilities and Transportation
Community -School Relations
Summary . .
Relationship Between Conflict as a
Cause of Change and Constructive-
ness of the Change

VI. GENERAL SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS,
AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Summary of Findings and Conclusions

The Planning and Preparation for
Desegregation .

Analysis of the Major Incidents of
Conflict . .

Changes Which Apmpeared to Be
Caused to Some Extent
by Conflict

Analysis of the Changes as Perceived

by Administrators, Teachers,
and Students . . .
Relationship Between the Conflict
and Constructive Evaluation
by Groups . . .
Implications and Recommendations
Suggestions for Future Research

BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX
A. SE LEC TED ORGANIZA TIONAL ASPE C TS

OF THE GRAND RAPIDS PUBLIC SCHOOLS
MASTER PLAN

vi

Page

170
170
173
175
179
181
185

194

198
200
200

204

207

208

213
214
223

226

233

APPENDIX

B.

IDENTIFICATION OF CONCERNS AS
REPORTED BY AN AD HOC COMMITTEE
PRIOR TO REOPENING UNION HIGH,
JANUARY 6, 1969

QUESTIONNAIRE ON CONFLICT AND
CHANGE

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE ON CHANGES
THAT MAY HAVE RESULTED TO SOME
EXTENT FROM MAJOR CONFLICT AT
UNION HIGH .

COMMENTS BY STUDENTS ON THE
QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS

vii

Page

239

249

255

259

TAB LE

V-10

V-11

V-12

V—13

Perceptions of Students, Teachers, and
Administrators by Mean Scores and Per Cents
as to the Extent Conflict Was a Cause of
Changes by All Categories of Change .

Number of Changes Caused by Conflict to a
"Very Small Extent" or "Not at All"

as Perceived by a Majority in Each Group
of Respondents

Perceptions of Students, Teachers, and
Administrators by Mean Scores and Per Cents
as to the Constructiveness of Changes

in Curriculum and Student Activities

Perceptions of Students, Teachers, and
Administrators by Mean Scores and Per Cents
as to the Constructiveness of Changes in

the Area of Student Conduct

Perceptions of Students, Teachers, and
Administrators by Mean Scores and Per Cents
as to the Constructiveness of Changes in

the Area of Faculty and Staff

Perceptions of Students, Teachers, and
Administrators by Mean Scores and Per Cents
as to the Constructiveness of Changes in
Facilities and Transportation

Perceptions of Students, Teachers, and
Administrators by Mean Scores and Per Cents
as to the Constructiveness of Changes
Affecting Community-School Relations

Perceptions of Students, Teachers, and
Administrators by Mean Scores and Per Cents
as to the Constructiveness of Changes by

All Categories of Change

ix

Page

165

166

171

174

176

180

182

186

TABLE

V -14

V-15

V-16

V-17

Page

Number of Changes Considered to Have Been

Constructive to a "Very Small Extent" or

"Not at All" by a Majority in Each Group of

Respondents by Category of Change . . . . . . . . 188

Changes Evaluated as Being Constructive

to a "Very Great Extent" by a Majority

of the Respondents in Each Group by

CategoryofChange . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191

Changes Evaluated as Being "Not at All"

Constructive by a Majority of the

Respondents in Each Group by

CategoryofChange 193

Mean Scores of All Groups Relative to

Conflict as a Cause of Changes and the

Constructiveness of the Changes by

CategoryofChange 195

CHAPTER I

INTRODUC TION

As the decade of the 1960's comes to a close, it is apparent
that the need for school desegregation has been well established.
Moreover, a legal framework to accomplish it exists primarily
because of the Brown v. Board of Education case, the Civil Rights
Act of 1964, and the Elementary and Secondary Act of 1965. How-
ever, it appears that the means to achieve it have proved to be far
less successful. Many school systems have experienced disruption
and various forms and degrees of conflict in the desegregation pro-
cess.

Yet, school administrators are expected to plan for and

implement desegregated schooling. As Wey emphasized, "The

 

1Brown v. Board of Education, 347 U. S. 483; James S.
Coleman, et a1. , Equality of Educational Opportunity (Washington,
D. C. : U. S. Office of Education, Government Printing Office, 1966),
737 pp. ; U. S. Commission on Civil Rights, Racial Isolation in the
Public Schools, Two Volumes (Washington, D. C. : U. S. Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1967), 561 pp. ; Meyer Weinberg, Desegrega —
tion Research: An Appraisal (Bloomington, Indiana: Phi Delta
Kappa, 1968), 312 pp.

 

 

 

 

 

preparation, adoption, and implementation of a plan for desegregation
is the most important task many school administrators will under-
take in their professional lives. ”2 To assist the administrator, there
are various sources3 which attempt to provide guides to successful
desegregation and provide insight into particular problems that might
develop. However, these typically decry the development of conflict
during the planning and/or implementation process.

Conversely, it is not altogether uncommon for those who
have studied or experienced school desegregation to indicate that
conflict may sometimes be inevitable, and that it may contribute to

constructive, functional change. 4

 

2Herbert Wey, Planning and Preparing for Successful
School Desegregation (Bloomington, Indiana: Phi Delta Kappa,
1965), p. 45.

 

 

3Ibid. , 47 pp.; Sheldon Stoff, The Two Way Street: Guide-
posts to P53313111 School Desegregation (Indianapolis, Indiana:
David -Stewart Publishing Company, 1967), 184 pp. ; Herbert Wey
and John Corey, Action Patterns in School Desegregation (Bloom -
ington, Indiana: Phi Delta Kappa, 1959), 285 pp.

 

 

 

4For example, Dan Dodson, et a1. , High School Racial
Confrontation (Washington, D.C.: U. S. Commission on Civil
Rights, 1969), pp. 17 -21; Commission on Interracial Problems and
Relations, Desegregation in the Baltimore City Schools (Baltimore,
Maryland: The Baltimore Commission on Human Relations, July,
1955), p. 25; Lois V. Edinger and Ole Sand, "Schools for the
Seventies and Beyond, " Today' 5 Education, 58:74, September,
1969.

 

 

 

 

It is these seemingly paradoxical conceptions of conflict
in the desegregation process that led to the development of this

study.

Purpose of the Study

Union High School, located in the northern metropolitan
city of Grand Rapids, Michigan, was desegregated during the 1968 —
69 school year. It was a year of change, a period characterized by
conflict as Negro and Caucasian students, teachers, and adminis-
trators, and various individuals and groups in the community sought
to adjust to the exigencies of the new situation.

This study is an attempt to contribute to an understanding
of an important period in the history of one large, urban high school
and its community; the transition period between de facto segre -
gated schooling and the completion of one year of desegregation.
More specifically, this study seeks to:

1. Describe the planning and preparations for desegregation

as it related to the high school under study.

2. Provide an historical record and an analysis of the major
incidents of manifest conflict which occurred in the school.
3. Determine whether changes occurred in the school and com-

munity which appeared to be associated with the eonfli ct.

4. Ascertain the perceptions of students, teachers, and
administrative staff relative to (1) the extent, if any, to
which conflict was believed to be a factor in, or cause of
selected changes; and (2) the extent, if any, to which such
changes were considered to be useful or constructive in
nature.

5. Provide a basis for understanding the role of conflict
relative to school desegregation which would be of use to
school administrators and others involved in this social

process.

Need for the Study

There is little doubt that the American public is concerned
about social conflict and its more extreme form, violence. From
the popular press to scholarly journals, a great deal has been written
in recent years on the need to know more about this phenomenon.
The Presidential Commission on the Causes and Prevention of
Violence, commissioned June 10, 1968, and extended for an addi -

tional six months on May 23, 1969, is indicative of this interest at

 

For example, Amitai Etzioni, ”Searching for the Causes
of Violence, " The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 1969, p. 18;
Harry Salsinger, TSchool Unrest-~What Is Solution?" The Detroit
News, January 2, 1969, pp. 1-26-A; and Raymond Mack, "The
Components of Secial Conflict," Social Problems, 22:388 -397,
Spring, 1965.

 

 

 

the highest governmental levels. There exists, then, a need to know
more about conflict as it develops and operates in the different facets
of social life.

For the school administrator, it is understandable that
avoidance of conflict may be sought in the process of planning and
implementing a desegregation plan. He is responsible for main-
taining organizational equilibrium, and the general connotation of
conflict, per se, stresses its dysfunctional aspects. Therefore, a
smooth, peaceful transition is highly coveted. If considerable con-
flict occurs, the administrator as well as teachers and the commu-
nity are apt to believe that planning was faulty or his leadership
ineffective. In some cases this assessment may be correct. How-
ever, in others, it may be logical to assume that no matter how
effective the planning and preparation, no matter how effective the
leadership, conflict will occur. And further, it is possible that such
conflict is not always dysfunctional. Thus, educators need to have
knowledge of the phenomenon of social conflict, particularly in
relation to school desegregation.

Writing of conflict in general, Dubin makes it very clear
that it is a fundamental social process, even though the moralistic

. . . . . . 6
pos1t10n has value proscrlptions aga1nst 1t. Moreover, Coser

 

6Robert Dubin, "Industrial Conflict and Social Welfare, "
Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1:183, June, 1957.

 

expresses the view of a number of sociologists who stress the
functional aspects of conflict:

Far from being only a "negative" factor which "tears apart, ”
social conflict may fulfill a number of determinate functions in

groups and other interpersonal relations. . . . Commitment to
the view that social conflict is necessarily destructive of the
relationship within which it occurs leads . . . to highly defi -

cient interpretations.

Deutsch also discusses both the constructive and destructive
effects of conflict and states that if the participants are satisfied with
their outcomes and feel they have gained as a result of the conflict,
then conflict is productive. 8 Thus, to Deutsch, the question of con-
structive versus destructive is settled from the "standpoint of the
actor. "

Coser, on the other hand, who is concerned primarily with
". . . the consequences of social conflict which make for an increase
rather than a decrease in the adaptation of particular social rela -
tionships and groups, "9 analyzes the functions of conflict from the

"standpoint of the observer" as Mack and Snyder differentiate the

 

7Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict (New York:
The Free Press, 1956), p. 8.

 

8Morton Deutsch, "Conflicts: Productive and Destructive, "
Journal of Social Issues, 25:8, January, 1969.

 

9Coser, op. cit., p. 8.

two perSpectives.10 Thus, in assessing the impact of conflict in
desegregation, school administrators need to be aware of these
differences in approach in order to function more effectively in con—
flict situations.

Further need for studies of the origin and effects of overt
conflict and violence that occur during desegregation is indicated by
Suchman, 11 who also describes the importance of case studies of
school desegregation in that,

Desegregation presents an unparalleled opportunity for the
detailed study of how change is brought about within an existing
institution .............................
The process by which school desegregation takes place within
the school system should be reported carefully. Various
methods and techniques for desegregation should be described,
including an account of the actual procedure by which the tech-
nique was introduced and carried through.

Fuch' s successful case study of the 1965 New York City

school boycott underscores the need to develop improved under -

standing of the disagreements that arise between the community and

 

10Raymond W. Mack and Richard C. Snyder, "The Analysis
of Social Conflict--Toward an Overview and Synthesis, ” Journal of
Conflict Resolution, 1:218, June, 1957.

11Edward Suchman, et al. , Desegregation: Some Proposi -
tions and Research Suggestions (Anti -Defamation League of B' nai
B' rith, 1958). pp. 127-123.

12Ibid., p. 87.

 

 

 

 

school personnel over integration, as well as the seemingly
productive aspects of conflict in these situations.

Finally, Clark angrily castigates social scientists for
their reluctance to conduct meaningful studies because the data
aren' t readily quantifiable. 14 He stresses the importance of
studying dynamic situations in that

. to be taken seriously, to be viable, and to be relevant

social science must dare to study the real problems of men and
society, must use the real community, the market place, the
arena of politics and power as its laboratories, and must con-
front and seek to understand the dynamics of social action and
social change. 15

In summary, then, this study is predicated upon a strong
affinity for the above statement by Clark concommitant with the
belief that there is a need for increased understanding of the deseg -
regation process relative to planning and preparation, the nature of
conflict, the relationship of conflict to subsequent change, and the
possible constructive aspects of such change. If conflict in deseg -

regation functions as a stimulus to change, and if it does contribute

to constructive changes and functional adjustments in social

 

13Estelle Fuchs, Pickets at the Gate (New York: The

Free Press, 1966), p. vi.

 

14Kenneth B. Clark, Dark Ghetto (New York: Harper
Torchbooks, Harper and Row, Publishers, 1965), pp. xxi, 76, 80.

lslbid” p. xxi.

 

relations, then school administrators should conceivably perceive
conflict from a different frame of reference and operate more
effectively to manage it in positive directions and thereby aid stu-
dents, teachers, and community to meet the problems posed by
desegregation in a more realistic manner. If the converse is true
of conflict, then other alternatives would be necessary.

Finally, there is a need to know how those affected by con-
flict in desegregation view such changes, for differing perceptions
would suggest the need for certain administrative efforts relative to
such perceptions as they affect organizational goals. This would be
particularly true in cases where the change represents a definite
decision on the part of administrators to alleviate the problems
identified and expressed by the conflicting parties.

Since social conflict is a natural social phenomenon, and
since the magnitude of the social changes involved in school deseg -
regation could conceivably result in conflict in any community, it
is believed that other school systems and communities could benefit
from the findings of an intensive case study of conflict in the first
year implementation of desegregation in the Union High School of

Grand Rapids , Michigan.

10

Definition of Terms

Segregation refers to a socially -patterned separation of
people, with or without explicit sanction.

The term desegregation alludes to the abolition of social

 

practices that bar equal access to opportunity. In education, efforts
are made to create new patterns of interaction by altering the
organizational and administrative structures that contribute to seg—
regation.

Integration is defined as the realization of equal opportunity

 

by deliberate cooperation and without regard to racial or other
social barriers. Integration implies more than desegregation. 18

Major conflict will be used in this study to mean a level of

 

manifest conflict, violent or nonviolent, which results in the need
for police assistance and/or the closing of a school.

Negro and Caucasian are the terms used to designate the

 

two races in this study. Though "black" and "white" are acceptable
to some, to others they are not. Thus, the commonly accepted

anthropological terms are used.

 

16Weinberg, op. cit., p. 2.

17Ibid., p. 3.

1 8Ibid.

11

Social conflict has been defined in various ways, depending

 

on the researcher. In the broadest sense it refers to any social
situation or process in which two or more social entities are linked
by at least one form of antagonistic psychological relation or at least
one form of antagonistic interaction. 19 This study will be concerned
with the nature and effects of what has been called "manifest" or
H- - H - 20

interactlonal confhct.

Violence is defined here as behavior designed to inflict

physical injuries to people or damage to property.

Assumptions

This study is predicated upon but not limited to the follow -
ing basic assumptions:
1. Desegregation of educational institutions will continue to
be of primary concern to educators in the foreseeable
future. Hence, it is a process that requires extensive

research of the kind proposed herein.

 

19Clayton E. Fink, "Some Conceptual Difficulties in the
Theory of Social Conflict," Journal of Conflict Resolution, 12:456,
December, 1968.

2011mm, p. 435.

21Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (eds. ),
Violence in America (New York: The New American Library,
1969), p. xviii.

 

 

12

Educators who are or will be involved in the processes of
desegregation -integration can benefit from research
documenting how others have functioned in similar situa-
tions.

Since conflict is a fundamental social process, educators
need to have knowledge of its functions relative to the

implementation of school desegregation.

Delimitations of the Study

This study is limited to an analysis of first year desegre—
gation in one urban high school based on the assumption that
an intensive analysis will provide useful data for educators
and others concerned with desegregation in education that
is not obtainable in other ways.

In a case study, great care must be taken to carefully
identify and analyze all data pertinent to the purposes of

the study. The interview, as a data gathering device, has
certain potential limitations. Interviewees may suffer from
faulty perception, faulty memory, lack of insight, and
inability to articulate. Also, the interviewer may approach
the respondent with a prepared set of expectations as to how

the latter will answer questions, or he may develop such

13

expectations on the basis of early or incomplete responses.
To mitigate the former, the researcher sought to cross-
check interview data with documentary evidence whenever
possible. Through awareness of personal bias, the
researcher sought to avoid the latter.

3. Good describes several factors which could conceivably
affect the quality of the questionnaire as a data gathering
device. 23 Pretesting the instrument prior to use in the
study was accomplished to minimize shortcomings.

4. In the kind of study attempted here, there is a definite need
to guard against the "tendency to overemphasize unusual
events or distort them for dramatic effect. "24 No researcher
can be certain of having avoided this proclivity.

5. Conflict is commonly thought of as something to avoid.
Gathering data relative to this kind of phenomenon posed
problems for the researcher in that certain lines of ques -
tioning were impossible due to personal consideration for

certain individuals.

 

2
2 Young, op. cit., p. 208.

3Carter V. Good, Introduction to Educational Research
(New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, Inc., 1959), pp. 196—198.

 

24Deobold B. Van Dalen and William J. Meyer, Under—
standi Educational Research (New York: McGraw Hill, Inc. ,
1966), p. 220.

 

14

Overview of the Remainder of the Thesis

Chapter 11 offers a selected review of the literature in
regard to (1) some theoretical considerations of conflict and
(2) conflict in the desegregated school. Chapter III will describe in
detail the methodology, sources of data, and procedures used. The
next chapter provides background information for the study,
describes and analyzes the planning and preparation for desegrega -
tion, and analyzes the conflict which occurred. Chapter V then
describes the changes which were associated with conflict and
examines the perceptions of students, faculty, and administrators
as to the relationship between the changes and the conflict and the
extent such changes were thought to be constructive. Finally, the
summary, conclusions, and recommendations are presented in

Chapter VI.

CHAPTER II

A SELECTIVE REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

The review of the literature was directed toward the
development of two major topics: "conflict theory" and "conflict
in desegregated schools. "

First, conflict theory was selectively analyzed in terms of
(1) Conceptualization of Conflict; (2) Terminological Considerations;
(3) The Effects of Conflict; and (4) Violent Conflict.

Second, the subject of conflict in desegregation was
approached from the standpoint of (1) Research Documenting the
Experience of School Systems; and (2) The Opinion of Authorities
on School Desegregation. The reviewer attempted to focus on the
nature of the conflict and its apparent effects on the school and/or
community during the implementation process as opposed to the
preparation and planning period prior to Negro -Caucasian contact
in the desegregated school.

Finally, a brief summary concludes Chapter II of this

thesis.

15

16

Social Conflict Theory

A review of the literature relative to conflict theory
revealed that various disciplines have collected extensive data and
developed numerous propositions, hypotheses, and theories rela-
tive to conflict phenomena. It was apparent, also, that this in turn
has created the problem of integrating this knowledge so it can be
of use not only to the theoretician, but also to individuals and
groups seeking pragmatic solutions to and an understanding of con-

flict situations.

Conceptualization of Conflict

 

One of the basic debates in the study of conflict theory has
concerned whether efforts should be directed toward the develop-
ment of general theory or several special theories. Succinctly
stated, the generalist viewpoint has held that specialized concen-
tration leads to neglect of certain basic principles which are
necessary to an understanding of any particular kind of conflict,
and that special theories need to be imbedded in a more general
theory of conflict. Advocates of the special theory approach have
stressed that theory for a given kind of conflict (e. g. , religious or
racial) provides greater understanding of the relevant conflict phe -

nomena than could be provided by a more general theory. This

17

argument, then, has objected to subsumation under more general
. . 1
pr1n01ples.

In discussing these viewpoints, Fink argued that emphasis
on the uniqueness of a special case, if carried to the extreme,
became an idiographic approach to knowledge wherein true knowledge

2

was of particulars. And further, notwithstanding the validity of the
idiographic approach for certain purposes, he pointed out that pro—
ponents of specialist theories have attempted to generalize about
properties shared by all instances of a given type of conflict such as
class confhct. By so doing, a nomothetic framework has been
implied. Accordingly, Fink asked,

If the uniqueness of the single case poses no inherent obstacle

to a special theory which generalized about a limited set of such

cases, then why should the uniqueness of a single class of

phenomena post any greater obstacle to a more general theory

covering such classes?

In answer, the idiographic and specialist approaches have

stressed that movement to higher levels of generality necessitates

loss of information and thus less valid knowledge. 4

 

1Clayton F. Fink, "Some Conceptual Difficulties in the
Theory of Social Conflict," Journal of Conflict Resolution, 12:413 -
430, December, 1968.

 

2Ibid., p. 414.

3Ibid.

 

4Ibid.

 

18

A closely related viewpoint has acknowledged the
importance of developing a general theory of social conflict but has
stated that present knowledge of social conflict has been sufficient
only to permit useful theory construction at the level of special
types. This "gradualist" approach to the building of general theory
has been emphasized by some well ~known sociologists. 5

Thus, overall, the approach to the development of theories
about social conflict has been dependent on the perspective of the
individual social scientist. But despite the debate between generalist
and specialist, it was found that general theory has influenced special
theOries just as the opposite has been true. For example, the influ—

ence of Coser' 8 general theory, The Functions of Social Conflict,

 

7
was apparent in Himes' "The Functions of Racial Conflict. " However,
in regard to relationships between special theories, Waskow noted

that it was probably unwise to make generalizations, for example,

 

For example, Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social
Structure (Glencoe: The Free Press, 1967), p. 52; and Ralph
Darhendorf, "Toward a Theory of Social Conflict, " Journal of Con-
flict Resolution, 2:170-183, June, 1958.

 

 

 

6Lewis Coser, The Functions of Social Confhct (New York:
The Free Press, 1956), 188 pp.

 

7Joseph S. Himes, "The Functions of Racial Confhct, "
Social Forces, 45:1-10, September, 1966.

 

19

from the field of interracial conflict and violence to that in
international conflict and violence.

Also found to be related to the question of special or general
theory was the problem of classifying conflicts. The nature of the
parties has been used as one basic approach to determining the
particular domains of various special theories. Examples of this
type of classification are racial, religious, ethnic, and community
conflict. 9 Though the nature of the parties has been recognized as
an important variable, Fink pointed out that other variables were
thought to be equally important and had been used in various classi -
fication systems. In other words, conflicts have been classified by
their socially integrative or disruptive characteristics, by their
logical structure, by intensity, by degree of normative regulation,
and by the realism -neuroticism involved. 10 Mack and Snyder
similarly described the difficulties involved in making a rational
choice between alternative choices of a classification system from

which to analyze social conflict. 11

 

8Arthur I. Waskow, From Race Riot to Sit-In (New York:
Anchor Books, 1967), pp. 293 -294.

 

9Fink, op. cit., p. 417.
lolbid.. pp. 423-424.

11Raymond W. Mack and Richard C. Snyder, "The Analysis
of Social Conflict-~Toward an Overview and Synthesis, " Journal of
Conflict Resolution, 1:212, June, 1957.

 

 

20

In summary, then, the need for further development of
special theories as well as movement toward a general theory of
conflict has been suggested, and constant critical interaction between
the two levels of theory construction has seemed to be warranted
even though there was little agreement among experts as to how

conflicts could best be classified.

Te rminologi cal Considerations

One of the greatest handicaps of social conflict theory was
found to be the lack of terminological agreement. Several authors
12 13 . 14 .
such as Coser, Bernard, and Bouldmg commented on this

problem. Mack and Snyder characterized the situation when they

wrote,

. "conflict" is for the most part a rubber concept, being
stretched and molded for the purposes at hand. In its broadest
sense it seems to cover everything from war to choices between
ice cream sodas or sundaes. At any rate, the distinctions
between conflict and non -conflict are fuzzy at best and at worst
are not made at all. 15

 

12Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, op. cit. , p. 8.

13Jessie Bernard, "Parties and Issues in Confhct, "
Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1:111, June, 1957.

14Kenneth Boulding, "Organization and Conflict, " Journal
of Conflict Resolution, 1:122 —134, June, 1957.

 

15Mack and Snyder, op. cit., p. 212.

21

In an almost humorous vein, Fink pointed out that conflict
as defined by one writer may be synonymous with competition as
defined by another, whereas other writers treat conflict and compe -
tition as distinct Species of struggle. But to still others, competi -
tion was regarded as a species of conflict or conflict as a species
of competition.

Thus, no internally consistent and generally accepted
language for discussing social conflict phenomena was found to
exist. Basic to the problem was the fact that conflict theorists con-
ceived of conflict differently though they often used the same termi -
nology. Unfortunately,

Such differences are crucial because they affect the compar-
ability of general theories, the classification of conflict
phenomena, the logical relations between general and special
theories, and the relevance of various bodies of data to the
testing and further development of a general theory.

One of the basic problems of defining social conflict was
found to revolve around the question of a broad or narrow conception.
Dahrendorf was representative of those who argued for a broad
definition when he wrote,

I am using the term "conflict" in this study for contests, compe—

titions, disputes, and tensions as well as for manifest clashes
between social forces. All relations between sets of individuals

 

16Fink, op. cit., p. 430.

1711313, p. 431.

22

that involve an incompatible difference of objective--i. e. , in
its most general form, a desire on the part of both contestants
to obtain what is available to one, or only in part-—are, in this
sense, relations of social conflict.

On the other hand, Mack and Snyder argued for a much
narrower conception. After differentiating numerous terms from
conflict, a set of five properties was presented which characterized
social conflict. In essence, to them, a conflict involved interaction
between parties that had mutually exclusive or incompatible values. 19
Similarly, Coser defined conflict as a struggle over scarce values
and claims to scarce status, power, and resources in which the aims
of the opponents are to neutralize, injure, or eliminate their rivals.
These action-centered concepts exempt "motive —centered" conceptions
which focus on the underlying psychological patterns that motivate the
struggle rather than the struggle itself.

Conversely, Bernard believed that "motive -centered" or
underlying conflict was of primary importance:

It is a mistake to limit our thinking about conflict to the overt
phase of showdown or crisis. If we do, then the study of con -

flict in the community becomes merely a study of the technology
of overt conflict. . . . It should be much more fundamental than

 

18Ralf Dahrendorf, Class and Class Conflict in Industrial

Society (Stanford University Press, 1959), p. 135.

 

19Mack and Synder, op. cit., pp. 217 —219.

0Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, op. cit. , p. 8.

 

23

that. We must accustom ourselves to thinking of latent conflict
as going on day in and day out in varying degrees of "intensity"
whether the issues are clearly formulated or not. 2
Deutsch, too, was found to be especially concerned with
conflicts which existed psychologically for the parties. In his frame -
work, it was especially important in characterizing any conflict to
depict the state of affairs, the state of affairs as perceived by the
conflicting parties, and the interdependence between the objective
and perceived realities. 22 He also believed it was useful to dis—
tinguish between "manifest" conflict and what he called "underlying"
conflict. 23
But whether or not the term "conflict" was taken to apply
only to manifest conflict or to a unified dynamic process involving
both "manifest" and "latent" or "underlying" conflict, a clear con-
ceptual distinction between the two was definable. Thus Fink believed
that there was no great problem in adopting terminology which

recognized both stages of conflict as a dynamic whole. He thus

defined social conflict as:

 

lJessie Bernard, American Community Behavior: An
Analysis of Problems Confronting American Communities Today
(New York: Dryden Press, 1949). p. 106.

 

 

2Morton Deutsch, "Conflicts: Productive and Destructive, ”
Journal of Social Issues, 25:8 -9, January, 1969.

23Ibid., p. 10.

 

24

. any social situation or process in which two or more
social entities are linked by at least one form of antagonistic
psychological relation or at least one form of antagonistic
interaction.

This definition, then, was one which subsumed any form of
social antagonism. Fink also carried on an extensive discussion of
possible alternative conceptions of conflict, e.g. , it could be sub-
sumed under the definition of competition. However, the definitions
of competition were found to vary as much as those for conflict. As
a result, this reviewer believed continued amplification in such a
direction was not particularly germaine to this review. Too, it was
noted that Fink' s summarizing definition of conflict subsumed

competition consistent with the belief that the broadest possible work -

ing definition of social conflict be adopted.

The Effects of Conflict

 

Thus far it has been established that social conflict theory
is bereft of any single "correct" theoretical approach, is replete with
terminological and conceptual difficulties, and is classifiable on

various bases. In regard to classification, it became apparent that

a number of writers had commented on the dysfunctions and functions

 

24Fink, op. cit., p. 456.

251bid., p. 455.

25

of conflict. Since this was particularly germaine to the purposes
of this study, this topic will be examined in detail.
Several years. have passed since Coser charged that:

The neglect of the study of social conflict, and more significantly
the neglect of the study of its functions as opposed to its dys—
functions, can be accounted for to a large degree by the changing
roles of American sociologists in recent decades. With the

shift from a reform -minded public to an audience of stability
minded administrators and bureaucrats, with the shift of many
sociologists from academic and scientific to extra -academic and
technical roles, we noted a decreasing concern with the theory
of conflict and a tendency to replace analysis of conflict by the
studgfiof "tensions, " "strains, " and psychological malfunction-

1ng.

He also strongly criticized the tendency of some sociologists to stress
stability, harmony, and integration of structure wherein conflict is
viewed as a pathological condition which upsets the normal state of

. . . . 27
community equ1hbr1um.

In the intervening years others have made the same point.
Horowitz took especially strong issue with those who stressed con-

sensus theory to the detriment of conflict theory. According to him,

 

2
6Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, op. cit. , pp. 28-

 

29.

27Ibid.. pp. 24-25.

28Donald Henderson, "Minority Response and the Confli ct
Model, " Phylon, 25:18-26, Spring, 1964; Mack and Snyder, op. cit. ,
pp, 212 -213; Dubin, "Industrial Conflict and Social Welfare, "
Journal of Conflict Resolution, 1:184, June, 1957; Himes, op. cit. ,

p. 1.

 

26

. consensus theory, far from acting as a bulwark of
democratic social theory . . . is the very reverse. It is a
theory not for reaching agreements, but one which states that
harmony is intrinsic to the organization of the bureaucratic
life: a harmony which exists over and above the actual accords
reached by men. And such must consensus theory remain since
any serious theory of agreements and decisions must at the same
time be a theory of disagreements and the conditions under which
decisions cannot be reached. Yet consensus -theorists starting
from the metaphysical "need" for consensus as universal, can
only talk about absolute and relative consensus, complete or
partial integration but never about conflict as a means of
expressing genuine social needs and aspirations. 29

However, even though various writers have continued to lament the
lack of attention given to conflict theory, and the functions of conflict
in particular, there has been substantial commentary, even if some -
what paradoxical in nature. For example, Boulding wrote of con-
fhct,
It is indeed an essential and, for the most part, useful element
in social hfe. There is, however, a constant tendency for
unmanaged conflict to get out of hand and to become bad for all
parties. The objective of conflict management is to see that
conflicts remain on the creative and useful side of an invisible
but critically important barrier that divides the "good" conflict
from the "bad. "30
Similarly, Katz stated,

Group conflict has positive social functions just as individual
conflict contributes to individual development. What is inherently

 

9Irving L. Horowitz, "Consensus, Conflict, and Coopera-
tion: A Sociological Inventory, " Social Forces, 41:182 ~183,
December, 1965.

 

Kenneth Boulding, "Two Principles of Conflict, " Power
and Conflict, eds. Robert L. Kahn and Elise Boulding (New York:
Basic Books, Inc., 1964). p. 76.

 

27

evil in conflict is its resolution through violence and destruction,
for violence corrupts its users. Without conflict, however,
there would be few problems, little stimulation, and little
incentive for constructive efforts.

Thus, the above reinforce what Williams alluded to when
he wrote:

Even while the positive values of conflict have been

asserted. . . conflict often becomes a vortex into which diverse
interests and impulses are attracted. . . . .
In the absence of a super— —ordinate source of constraint, con-
flicts often are subject to escalation in severity or ferocity-—
a tendency for increasing drastic means to drive out the less
drastic. 32

Thus, a ”cost" factor in conflict has become apparent.
Yet, from another viewpoint, there was a cost factor when conflict
was avoided or suppressed. Even Williams noted in an earlier
paper,
Every action of any kind, including failure to act, "costs some -
thing." A considerable measure of conflict is often part of the
price of an extensive or rapid gain in status on the part of a
traditional minority, even under the most favorable circum -

stances which can be expected in practice.

Or again as stated by Pettigrew,

 

31 .
Damel Katz, "Approaches to Managing Conflict, " Power
and Conflict, op. cit., p. 113.
32 . . . .
Robin W11hams,"Soc1al Change and Social Conflict:
Race Relations in the United States," Sociological Inquiry, 35:23 -,24
Winter, 1965.

 

 

3 . . .
Robln Wilhams, The Reduction of Intergroup Hostility
(Social Science Bulletin, 1947), p. 46.

 

28

History reveals that white separatists are correct when
they contend that racial change creates conflict, that if only the
traditions of white supremacy were to go unchallenged racial
harmony might be restored. One of the quietest periods in
American racial history, 1895-1915, for example, witnessed
the construction of the massive system of institutional racism
as it is known today. . . . The price of those two decades of
relative peace is still being paid by the nation. Even were it
possible in the late twentieth century, then, to gain racial calm
by inaction, America could not afford the enormous ‘cost.

It appears, then, that conflict has a "cost" consideration
whether it becomes manifest or is suppressed. The basic concern
on the one hand appears to be the tendency of confhct to escalate
toward more violent forms, while on the other, concern over the
suppression of conflict relates to a possible rigidity of social struc-
ture in which change can occur only in a violent, apocalyptic manner.
For the researcher it has become apparent that:

One of the most difficult problems in conflict analysis is to
arrive at a method for determining the dividing line between
constructive functions and dysfunctions.

Deutsch, whose major interest was in psychological or

. 3 . .
perceived confhct, 6 thought that confl1ct clearly had destructive

consequences if the participants were dissatisfied with the outcomes

and felt they had lost as a result of the conflict. Conversely,

 

3‘erhomas F. Pettigrew, "Racially Separate or Together, "
Journal of Social Forces, 25:57, January, 1969.

 

35Mack and Snyder, op. cit., p. 228.

36Deutsch, op. cit., p. 8.

29

conflict was productive if the participants were satisfied with their
outcomes and felt they had gained as a result of the conflict as noted
earlier.

Coser, though admitting that certain forms of conflict were
destructive of group unity and led to disintegration of specific social
structures, set forth several propositions relative to the title of his
book. In summarized form they were:

1. Conflict serves to establish and maintain the identity and
boundary lines of societies and groups. Conflict with
other groups contributes to the establishment and reaffirma-
tion of the identity of the group and maintains its boundaries
against the surrounding social world.

2. Conflict is often necessary to maintain a relationship. If
ways to vent hostility are not available to groups, they
might withdraw from the relationship.

3. A conflict is more passionate and more radical when it
arises out of close relationships.

4. Conflict may serve to remove dissociating elements in a
relationship and to re -establish unity. However, this is
only in regard to conflicts within the framework of consensus

and does not include those which are over the basis of

 

3
7Supra, p. 6.

30

consensus itself. Loosely structured groups, by allowing
conflicts, institute safeguards against those which touch
core values.

Given the fact that there is hostility and tension in a
relationship, the occurrence of conflict can be taken as an
index of the stability of a relationship. Closeness gives rise
to occasions for conflict, but if the participants feel that
their relationships are tenuous, they will avoid conflict.
Conflict with another group leads to the mobilization of the
energies of group members and thus to increased group
cohesion.

Groups engaged in continued struggle with the outside tend
to be intolerant within.

Rigidly organized struggle groups may search for enemies
with the deliberate purpose or unwitting result of maintain-
ing group cohesion.

Conflict acts as a stimulus for establishing new rules, norms,
and institutions, thus serving as an agent of socialization
for both contending parties. As a stimulus to change, it
makes the readjustment of relationships to changed condi -

tions possible .

31

10. Conflict reaffirms dormant norms and thus intensifies
participation in social life.
11. Conflict may initiate other types of interaction between
antagonists, even previously unrelated antagonists.
12. If a relative balance of forces exists between two parties,
a unified party prefers a unified opponent. In opposing a
diffuse crowd of enemies, one rarely arrives at decisive
results which fix an enduring relationship. Thus, conflict
calls for a common organizational structure to facilitate
the acceptance of common rules and conformity with them.
13. Conflict leads to the formation of associations and coalitions
and thus helps to reduce social isolation or unite individuals
or groups otherwise unrelated or antagonistic to each other. 38
It appears that number one, and nine through thirteen, might be of
special value in analyzing the effects of conflict in school desegrega -
tion since they pertain to group formation and intergroup relations.
Deutsch, too, noted that the pervasiveness of conflict sug-
gests that it has many positive functions. He thought that it demar -

cated groups from one another, thereby helping to establish group

and personal identities, and that it prevented stagnation, stimulated

 

8Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, op. cit. ,
pp. 33-149.

 

32

interest and curiosity, and was the root of personal and social
change. 39 However, he also categorized destructive confhct as
that which was characterized by a tendency to expand and to escalate
in such a way that it became independent of its initiating causes.

Himes sought to examine some of the social functions of
racial conflict in general. By first defining "realistic conflict" as
rationally determined means used to achieve culturally approved
ends, and confining his analysis thereto, he excluded all nonrational
kinds of conflict. He attempted to show that such conflict was
functional because it (1) altered the social structure; (2) extended
communication; (3) enhanced social solidarity; and (4) facilitated
personal identity. 4

First, in regard to the social structure, Himes argued that
racial conflict mobilizes people and organizations as accessible
sources of power. A boycott could exemplify this development.
Further, he believed that the application of such power tended to
reduce the power differential between actors, which in turn modified
the status relationship between the parties to where they had equal,

or approximately equal, status. This in turn facilitated discussion

 

3
9Deutsch, op. cit., p. 19.

40Ibid., p. 11.

41Himes, op. cit., pp. 1-10.

33

of the issues from a position of equals rather than from the vertical
arrangement in the usual status structure. These structural con-
sequences could become institutionalized, depending on the goal
achievement of Negro efforts. 42

Secondly, it was hypothesized that communication within the
general social system was extended by racial conflict. Though con—
flict has tended to reduce customary interracial communication
regarding trivial matters within the established communication
etiquette, it has worked to extend communication of significant issues
with genuine feeling and with noncustomary structures and situations.
Too, both the volume of communication and the number of communi -
cators were thought to increase as a result of racial conflict. 43

Thirdly, conflict was thought to enhance social solidarity
in various ways. First, it has possibly contributed to increased
visibility of the core values of the society. As an example, Himes
noted that Martin Luther King included such values as justice, free-
dom, brotherhood, etc. , in his nonviolent theoretical conception.
Further, participants in conflict were thought to be united by the
process of the struggle itself. Too, struggles have tended to

enhance the value of and clarify the issues to both parties. Thus,

 

2Himes, op. cit., pp. 3-4.

43Ibid., p. 6.

34

new bases of consensus have developed. For example, "passive
resistance" has received some degree of legitimation.

Finally, Himes thought that racial conflict enhanced the
self-image of Negroes who conceived of themselves as fighting for
the core values of the society. Their sense of alienation was there-
fore diminished and the feeling of membership in the inclusive
society enhanced.

It should be noted again, however, that Himes predicated
his theory upon the assumption of "realistic" conflict, notwithstand-
ing the fact that the distinction between unrealistic and realistic has
been a hazy one, at best. 46

A concrete, though not extensive, attempt to describe the
functions and dysfunctions of conflict was applied to student activism
on college campuses by Sampson. He described the functional
aspects by indicating that experimental programs of education were
being examined and tried out; new ways of introducing students to

decision -making were being attempted; students were increasingly

being listened to; painful re -examination of teacher training was

 

44Ibid., p. 7.
45Ibid., p. 10.
46

N. A. Bailey, "Toward a Praxeological Theory of Con-
flict," Orbis, Winter, 1968, p. 1096.

35

being undertaken; and many students had developed a sense of
commitment for the first time in their lives. 47 Overall, he believed
that:
Student protestors . . . serve the positive function of rocking
the boat, conceivably at a time and in a world in which some
boats have slow leaks and require frequent rocking just to bail
out enough water to keep them afloat. 48
On the dysfunctional side, Sampson proposed that increased
public attention caused by the disruptions may in some cases have
forced public investigations, with resultant stifling of free exploration
and expression of all kinds of thought. Too, overparticipation on
the part of students may have taken away from regular course time
and may thus have limited the future success of some. If students
were arrested, further damage may have been done to future careers.
Finally, too much argument and protest, particularly by those not
competent to speak out, may have served to disrupt and tear down
more than to build. 49
In terms of conflict being functional or dysfunctional, Sampson

appeared to stress the degree of conflict in terms of intensity and

amount as important variables in terms of its effect.

 

47Edward E. Sampson, "Student Activism and the Decade
of the Protest, " Journal of Social Issues, 33:31—32, July, 1967.

48Ibid. , p. 33.

 

491mm. pp. 32 -33.

36

Violent Conflict

 

To this point, the escalation of conflict toward violence has
been generally abhorred by various writers, though violence as a
subject has not been examined in any detail until this point in the
review.

The study of violence, according to Graham and Gurr, has
generally been eschewed by social scientists in favor of concentra —
tion on the peaceful and institutional processes of our social and
political life. 50 Further, it was found that those who did study
violence were faced by many of the same difficulties of conceptuali -
zation and terminology that were associated with the study of social
conflict in general. However, as Mack and Snyder pointed out, there
has been general agreement among many writers that the chief
problem is how to channel conflict resolution into nonviolent modes, 51
though at least one writer specifically addressed himself to the
functions of violence. 5

One basic problem in studying violence objectively was

stated as follows:

 

50Hugh Davis Graham and Ted Robert Gurr (eds. ), Violence

in America (New York: The New American Library, 1969), p. xv.

51Mack and Snyder, op. cit., p. 240.

 

2Lewis Coser, Some Continuities in Social Conflict (New
York: Free Press, 1967), pp. 73-92.

 

37

All of us . . . look at "violence" from perspectives colored by

our beliefs and cultural experience. In common usage the term

is pejorative. We use it as a label to categorize, and implicitly

to condemn, acts of which we disapprove, whether or not all of

them are violent or illegal. If we are sympathetic with the

motives underlying collective violence we are likely to call it

protest. When violence is used by public individuals, such as

police and soldiers, we typically refer to it as "legitimate

force" and as such praise it.
Thus, the terms "legality" and "legitimacy" were found to be
important to an understanding of the concept of violence. The for-
mer was defined as being determined by formal procedures of
decision making, whereas the latter referred to acts that members
of a community regard as legitimate. But even if carefully defined,
"one group' s legitimate protest has been another group' s illegal

5
violence throughout our history. " 4
Though research on violence has not been especially pro-

lific, the work referred to immediately above was found to be an
excellent contribution to an understanding of the broad topic of vio-
lence in America through an historical and comparative approach.
But as Etzioni evaluated it with reference to the causes of and cures

for violence,

Unfortunately, the main lesson of the numerous reports is that
there is no one cause and no one effective therapy. The fact

 

53Ibid., p. xvii.

4Ibid. , pp. xvii -xix.

38

that man is by his nature quite capable of violence and has been

to some extent throughout recorded history . . . suggests that
we may not be able to eliminate violence. At best, we may
reduce it.

Waskow sought to study past techniques of controlling
violence and managing conflict in order to learn how racial violence
could be replaced by other means of conflict. He studied the race
riots of 1919 and the sit-ins, freedom rides, and rent strikes of the
1960's, and then attempted to generalize about the control of conflict
and ways conflict could be carried on so that parties do not resort
to violence. The author pointed out that the 1960's were character-
ized by such a wide range of protest activity that the term "non-
violence" or "disorder" came to be used for everything between order
and violence. He preferred the term "creative disorder" since, to
a significant extent, such activity was not nonviolent in the Gandhian
sense.

In regard to preventing violence in favor of other forms of
conflict, he believed that political authorities are faced with a
paradox. If police action prevents the expression of controlled dis —
order, the conflict could degenerate into violence. But likewise, if

the police ignore controlled disorder, its users may try the more

 

55Amitai Etzioni, "Searching for the Causes of Violence, "
The Wall Street Journal, June 23, 1969, p. 8.

56Waskow, op. cit., p. 276.

 

39

threatening techniques. Too, there is the danger for controlled
disorder to get out of control. 57 However, Waskow believed that,

. if the Congress and local governments fully accept sit-ins,
marches, boycotts, and rent strikes as legitimate expressions
of public desires . . . then it is rather unlikely that disorder
will escalate into efforts at social disruption or rioting.

In addition to the invention and legitimation of new forms of con—
trolled creative disorder that would be applicable to racial confhct,
he believed that some form of federal police force must be created
to prevent violence from being used by either side in this new con-
cept of racial conflict.

Coser approached the topic of violence from a different,
exploratory standpoint. He pointed out that large areas of social life
become understandable only when the unanticipated consequences or
latent functions of social actions are examined. Thus, in his view,
it was necessary to distinguish between moral evaluation and
sociological assessment of a phenomenon such as violence. But,
he wrote that even when evaluation is free of a crude moralistic

perspective in such matters,

There is a tendency to ignore the fact that actions that seem in
the short run to lead to dysfunctional consequences might in the

 

5711311, p. 283.

58Ibid., pp. 284 -285.

591bid., p. 287.

40

long run still be conducive to the emergence of highly functional

adjustments.
Coser' s sociological analysis of violence stressed three functions:
(1) violence as an area of achievement wherein it serves specified
functions for its practitioners; (2) violence as a danger signal where
the community at large derives advantages from Violent action; and
(3) violence as a catalyst in terms of its impact on publics and
audiences.

In the first instance the author hypothesized, for example,
that the disproportionately high rate in interpersonal violence among
Negro males was an attempt to gain self -regard and self -enhancement
since other channels to status have been blocked. In another example,
Coser noted that the act of violence may symbolically commit a man
to a revolutionary movement. He is reborn through the act of vio-
lence. 61 This same point was made by Hoffer in his discussion of
the fanatic and his role in mass movements.

In the second instance, where violence was seen as a danger

signal, Coser noted that the plight of the American Negro and the

 

0
Coser, Some Continuities in Social Conflict, op. cit. ,

 

611bid.. pp. 80 -81.

, 2Eric Hoffer, The True Believer (New York: Perennial
Library, Harper and Row Publishers, 1966). PP. 79-83.

 

41

urban poor, until recently, had a very low degree of visibility for the
bulk of the white pOpulation and the decision -makers on the American
scene. Even though their plight was physically visible, it was not
socially perceived. Thus, it was largely through nonviolent action
in the South but increasingly violent demonstrations and riots in the
North that the problem was forcibly brought to the attention of white
public opinion and the white power structure. 63 And,

. much as one might deplore the often apparently senseless
violence displayed in such racial riots as those in Los Angeles
(Watts, 1965), one cannot help feeling that they, too, constituted
quite effective signaling devices, perhaps desperate cries for
help after other appeals had been unavailing. They indicated a
sickness in the body social which demands immediate remedy
if it is not to undermine social order altogether.

Finally, in looking at violence as a catalyst, Coser used

the matter of extra -legal uses of violence by law enforcement agencies
in the South. Such violence existed for years until television and

other news media made it counterproductive for those who engaged

in it. Thus, the use of violence by law enforcement officers came

to be perceived as a unilateral use of violence and thus acted as a
catalyst to influence public opinion. However, it was also pointed

out that when minority groups resort to violence to reach the public

conscience, such violence may effectively serve as a danger signal

 

Coser, Some Cont1nu1t1es 1n Soc1al Confhct, op. c1t. ,

 

64Ibid., p. 87.

42

yet fail to act as a catalyst by virtue of alienating those who were
sought as allies. 65

In summary, then, it appeared that most authorities reviewed
recognized the need to manage conflict so as to preclude the develop-
ment of its more extreme form, violence. However, Coser pleaded
for a more objective view of violence and indicated that in some cases

it was functional when viewed from the perspective of time.

Conflict in School Desegregation

It has already been pointed out that various authors have
sought to offer constructive advice on how educators can function to
prevent disruption and conflict in the desegregation process.
Others have shown an inclination to stress the smoothness of their

desegregation process rather than focus intensively on the nature

 

6512151. , pp. 88 -91.

66For example, Armin Beck, Eliezer Krumbein, and
F. D. Erickson, "Strategies for Change: Conditions for School
Desegregation, " Phi Delta Kappan, 10:280 -283, January, 1969;
Herbert Wey, Planning and Preparing for Successful School Deseg -
regation (Bloomington, Indiana: Phi Delta Kappa, 196$, 47 pp.;
Sheldon Stoff, The Two Way Street: Guideposts to Peaceful Deseg-
regation (Indianapolis, Indiana: David -Stewart Publishing Company,
1967), 184 pp. ; and Herbert Wey and John Corey, Action Patterns
in School Desegregation (Bloomington, Indiana: Phi Delta Kappa,
1959), 285 pp. ’

 

 

 

 

 

43

and effects of the conflict which occurred. 67 Therefore, the purpose
of this review was to examine selected studies and viewpoints in
regard to the nature of conflict and changes related thereto which

occurred in the desegregation process.

Washington, D.C. , and Baltimore

 

One school system which sought to desegregate immediately
following the Brown v. Board of Education case was Washington,
D. C. In the process, Hansen noted that the period from September,
1954, to December, 1954, was characterized by conflict. There
were (1) petitions to the courts to halt the planned desegregation
program; (2) protests against pupil and teacher assignments; and
(3) encouragement of student strikes in some secondary schools. 68
Though he stated that ”any reasonable observer would have predicted
a period of turbulence in community relations during the transition

from a segregated to a desegregated system, "69 he didn't offer any

detail or analysis of the effects of such turbulence.

 

7For example, Carroll Johnson and J. Booth, "Achieving
Racial Balance: The White Plains Story, " School Management, 12:
45 -49, January, 1968; Carl F. Hansen, Miracle of Social Adjust-
ment: Desegregation in the Washington, D. C. , Schools (New York:
Anti -Defamation League of B' nai B' rith, 1957), 65 pp.

 

 

 

8Hansen, op. cit., p. 50.

69Ibid., p. 51.

44

Baltimore, Maryland, was another district which was
desegregated at about the same time as Washington, D. C. ' s.
The Commission that assessed the first year of desegregation
mentioned that demonstrations, threats, picketing, and intimidation
accompanied desegregation in its first month. But of more interest
was the statement, even though the reader was not apprised of the
events and analysis underlying it, that,

. some school officials and observers believe, in retrospect,
that the disturbances had a salutary effect. First of all, the
most bitter opponents of desegregation had their days of public
expression and found themselves a minority, thereby relieving
the pressure of unspoken and hence unmeasured hostility toward
integration. Secondly, the School Board was put to the test and
held fast. . . . And third, public support of integration was
crystallized. Organizations that previously had taken no position

. and were even doubtful about its wisdom suddenly appre -
ciated, when law and order were challenged, which side they
were on. . . . 0

Thus, in this case, the researchers went a step further than suggest—

ing the inevitability of conflj ct by also referring to the functions of

conflict in desegregation.

Berkeley

In 1964, Berkeley, California, instituted its plan for deseg-

regating three of that city's junior high schools (the fourth school

 

Commission on Interracial Problems and Relations,
Desegregation in the Baltimore City Schools (Baltimore, Maryland:
The Baltimore Commission on Human Relations, July, 1955), P. 25.

 

45

had been previously desegregated). This initial effort was not
without tension and strain. In the Garfield School, Negro students
"tested" Caucasian students for reactions to such means as jostling
and tripping, though few fist fights ensued. Many Caucasian young -
sters were fearful and many Negroes felt uprooted from their
previous school. Thus, disciplinary incidents increased.

Rumors were common. For example, it was said that a
rape had occurred, and some white parents thought their children
were being beaten up. Certain Negro teachers believed they were
assigned higher proportions of lower tracks to teach because sup-
posedly they knew how to handle such youngsters.

What changes were associated with this confhct? The
researchers noted that by mid -year there were some positive
changes. First, a group of students formed a race relations club
as the result of an incident in which a Negro boy was harassed by
other Negroes for being friendly toward Caucasians. Second, at
least one homemaking class frankly discussed racial problems after
a Negro pupil had been degraded by a nursery school child with whom
the class was working. Third, a core of teachers helped the

administration with hall and playground discipline and organized

 

1James S. Coleman, et al. , Equality of Educational

Opportunity (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Office of Education, Govern-
ment Printing Office, 1966), p. 474.

 

 

46

interracial noontime activities. Finally, even though many white
students reported they were less "comfortable" than before segre-
gation, a significant number realized that they were being exposed
to an important reality. They no longer lived in "white ivory
towers. "72 Presumably, this "reality" was enhanced by the conflict,
for the researchers also made the point that at the Willard Junior
High, even though it had been bi -racial for over thirty years and
almost devoid of racial problems, there was apparently more tolera -
tion than integration. 73
However, from the outset of the implementation of desegre-

gation in 1964, it was to take five more years of struggle before
Berkeley was to become a landmark in school desegregation. Mil-
stein and Hoch included the years of planning as well as actual
implementation when they wrote in 1969,

Between 1958 and 1968 the district was shaken by the battle

waged betvireen pro- and anti -integration community groups.

It has emerged from this conflict as a leader among school
districts pursuing integration. 74

 

72Ibid., p. 477.
73Ibid., p. 478.
74

Mike M. Milstein and Dean E. Hoch, "A Landmark in
School Racial Integration: Berkeley, California, ” Phi Delta Kappan,
50:524, May, 1969.

 

47

Berkeley is today the only community of over 100, 000 with a
significant Negro population to achieve total school desegregation
wherein all schools approximate the composition of the total school
student body. 75

Unfortunately, the authors did not offer much insight into
the nature and changes related to the conflict beyond what was
already learned about Berkeley from the ”Coleman Report. " They
chose instead to emphasize the planning and preparations for deseg-
regation. However, they did note that when the Ramsey Plan was
initiated in 1964, the opponents of desegregation organized as the
Parents Association for Neighborhood Schools (PANS) and demanded
removal of the board members who favored the plan. The supporters
of the plan formed the Berkeley Friends of Better Schools. The
result was a recall election to indicate whether the district would
desegregate. One of the largest voter turnouts in any Berkeley
School Board election gave the board members who favored the
desegregation plan victory by a three to two majority. Therefore,
it appeared that a result of conflict was to crystallize the opinions

of the community behind the school board, not to mention considera -

tions relative to the formation of new groups.

 

751bid.. pp. 524, 528.

48

Evansville and Oak Park

 

It was interesting to examine two extensive case studies
which dealt with the subject of school desegregation. In the first
instance, the Evansville School Corporation, in Evansville, Indiana,
desegregated in 1949 and thus was a prototype for many schools that
were to desegregate after the Brown v. Board decisions of 1954.
Wiley, writing in 1961, stated, in part, that while other towns and
cities had experienced considerable conflict and community upheaval
over the issue of public school desegregation, the community of
Evansville had reached an advanced stage. of school desegregation
with a negligible amount of "discord or openly expressed ill will on
the part of community groups. "76 Thus, he sought to determine the
reasons for such ”peace" by studying the influence of the community
on the school.

Of special interest to this reviewer was the fact that Wiley
emphasized how peaceful the transition was, but he also concluded
that "the Evansville plan served to maintain the status quo in the

school situation for the first five years of school desegregation. "7

 

76Alfred D. Wiley, "A Study of Desegregation in the Evans -

ville School Corporation, Evansville, Illinois" (Unpublished doctoral
dissertation, Indiana University, 1961), pp. 9-10.

77mm. , p. 241.

49

In other words, he indicated that the "lid" was kept on, but that
desegregation was primarily a shifting of bodies rather than a
developing process leading to integration. The question arises as
to whether "peaceful" desegregation is always superior to desegre -
gation characterized by confhct.

The second study was an attempt to analyze the accultura -
tion among Negro and Caucasian students in the high school program
of Oak Park, Michigan, 78 a district whose secondary schools had
become desegregated as a result of a forced attachment of the
predominantly Negro Carver School District to it in 1961. 79
Gordon discovered that even after five years of desegregation,
"Most of the social and academic behavior patterns of the Negro
students and the white students remained as before the desegrega -

tion of the secondary school program. "80 He also noted that there

was an absence of overt conflict during that period, though there was

 

8Leonard Gordon, "An Acculturation Analysis of Negro
and White High School Students: The Effects on Social and Academic
Behavior of Initial Interracial Association at the Secondary School
Level" (Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Wayne State University,
1966), 250 pp.

9For an extensive case study of the attachment, see
Clifford B. May, "The Forced Attachment of Two Culturally Differ-
ing School Districts: A Problematic Analysis" (Unpublished
doctoral dissertation, Wayne State University, 1963), 285 pp.

80Gordon, op. cit., p. 217.

50

some tension, particularly between Negro and Caucasian female
students. This was because of the greater pressure on girls to
conform to certain modes of dress as well as the male Negro' s
opportunity to gain recognition in sports. 81 Even so, it was
interesting to learn yet another school which was characterized

as being peacefully desegregated had not moved appreciably toward
integration even after the passage of several years. When one con-
trasts the process of desegregation in Berkeley with that of Evans -
ville and Oak Park, the question again arises as to whether conflict
may not in some cases actually be functional relative to the ultimate

goal of school integration.

Phi Delta Kappa Survey

 

Part Four of the Phi Delta Kappa publication, Action

Patterns in School Desegregation, sought, in part, to determine

 

changes in the education program that resulted from desegregation.
The data were collected from seventy school districts who had
desegregated or had desegregation programs in progress. Though
most of the analysis dealt with changes that resulted from the
planning and preparation process or were changes devoid of insight

as to their possible causes, some insight into the nature of conflict

 

811mm. pp. 122—123.

51

was provided as a result of the authors' research. They found that
an increase in discipline problems resulted from desegregation in
several of the schools that were surveyed. The kinds of problems
ranged from fist fights to name calling. But, nearly always, the
authors reported, these infringements were committed by the same
students who were guilty of improper acts before desegregation.

In their words,

A school relatively free of disciplinary problems before
desegregation need not be too concerned about additional
discipline problems afterward, but the school that is having
problems will experience a definite increase after desegrega-
tion. In the latter type of school, mixing of the races adds a
new dimension to disciplinary problems. 82

Moreover, tardiness, absenteeism, and drop-outs prevailed

more among the Negroes than whites at the beginning of desegrega —
tion, 83 but not enough information was given to determine whether
this was related to social confhct.

Dances, cafeterias, and overcrowded buses were determined

to be places where conflict was likely to develop. 84 But overall,

in regard to student problems, the belief of the authors was that

 

2Wey and Corey, op. cit., p. 237.
83Ibid., p. 241.

841mm. pp. 246—252.

52

student problems in a desegregated school were essentially the
same as in any school; ”they are only accentuated by desegrega -

tion. "

Studies of Nine School Systems

 

Research initiated under the auspices of the U. S. Office
of Education, and undertaken to supplement the statistical survey
which was designed and administered by James S. Coleman and

Ernest 0. Campbell in Equality of Educational Opportunity, con-

 

sisted of nine recent case studies under the direction of Raymond
Mack. Mack indicated, in part, that he hoped his team of research-
ers would be able to put "flesh on the bones of the survey data by
learning something from observation and interviews about defini -
tions of situations and the interactional contexts of the data sought
by survey methods. "86

The result was a collection of case studies of school deseg-
regation in communities of various sizes in all parts of the nation.

School districts that were examined were in Riverside, California;

River City and Bayou City in Mississippi; Savannah, Georgia;

 

85Ibid., p. 233.

 

86Raymond Mack (ed. ), Our Children's Burden (New York:

Random House, 1968). p. xi.

 

53

Newark, Delaware; Hampstead, New York; Kalamazoo, Michigan;
Chicago, Illinois; and East Los Angeles, California. Though
extremely interesting, the studies lacked unity because of the various
approaches used by the researchers. None sought to describe and
analyze the impact of conflict during the implementation of desegre -
gation, though some described the present status of desegregation

in a particular community, or emphasized the planning and prepara -
tion phase of desegregation. However, in a few cases, the possible
relationship of conflict to change was described.

Duster, for example, was unequivocal in emphasizing the
positive role of conflict and violence as a catalyst to bring about the
desegregation of schools in Riverside, California. "It was primarily
because someone set fire to the Lowell Elementary School in the wake
of Watts, " wrote the author, "and only after a threat of violence hung
over the city that the decision to desegregate was finally made. "87
The same point was made in a different way regarding two Bayou
County schools in Mississippi. As the authors stated, "True violence
has not occurred thus far, but then neither has large -scale desegre -

8
gation. "

 

Troy Duster, "Violence and Civic Responsibility, ” Our
Children's Burden, op. cit. , p. 38.

 

88Michael Aiken and N. J. Demearth, III, "Tokenism in
the Delta, " Our Children's Burden, op. cit. , p. 101.

 

54

Central City

 

One of the most fascinating accounts of conflict in school
desegregation was the two -year struggle from 1945 to 194789 in
Central City, pseudonmy for a midwestern, urban community.
Documented were the events which began in 1945 when Caucasian
students of Bartow School went on strike with the demand that all
Negro students be removed from their school and ended with
implementation of a desegregation plan two years later. It was
basically a story of community conflict and its impact, rather than
a study of the impact of conflict upon the school after the imple-
mentation of desegregation had begun. However, the author's con-
clusions were noteworthy, especially when the turmoil of three
student strikes and constant school -community conflict were con—
sidered as background.

Tipton believed that removal of segregation in the schools
and certain other areas of community life would never have been
attempted if it hadn't been for the student strikes, even though their

original purpose was to achieve segregation. Reflecting on the

entire experience, he stated that,

 

9James H. Tipton, Community in Crisis (New York:
Teachers College, Columbia University, 1953), 180 pp.

 

55

People who believe in the values of good will, democracy,
and peaceful human relations often find it difficult to believe
that conflict may have constructive effects ...........

[There is] . . . a dilemma with which every peaceloving
person is faced at some time. It is possible to recognize and
admit the good resulting from past conflict. It is well -nigh
impossible to admit that present or future conflict may bring
progress.

Finally, he argued for a new concept of social conflict, one wherein

"something more than 'a feeling that

resolving conflict would lead to
now all our troubles are over, ' because we would realize that

troubles settled only make room for more troubles which take their

place. "91

White Plains

 

A more detailed study relative to the impact of a major
incident on a desegregated school was directed by Dan Dodson under
the sponsorship of the United States Commission on Civil Rights.

On March 26, 1968, at White Plains High School in White
Plains, New York, close to 150 Negroes and a few Caucasians
staged a walkout. (The school system had first desegregated its
schools in 1964. ) Their representative met with and demanded of

the administration the following:

 

901bid.. pp. 177-178.

91Ibid., p. 179.

56

Black history course at the high school level.

Assemblies every other week featuring black speakers,
with all students required to attend.

Instant implementation of Negro representation on the
senior prom committee.

More Negro books in the library.

Negroes to be employed in the cafeterias. . . .
More Negro teachers and guidance counselors.
Humanities class should be open to all.

White teacher attitudes must change. All teachers should
be required to attend summer courses in human relations.

The school must teach about blacks in all phases of the
curriculum.

The days which followed were trying ones for the participants.

Meetings ensued between student leaders and administrators as well

as between parents and educators. There was also continued turmoil

at the high school. On April 2, after an assembly wherein the stu-

dent demands were discussed, a Caucasian girl was pinned against a

wall by Negroes who were yelling and screaming, "kill her. ” This

proved to be the most serious incident of the disruptive period

experienced at White Plains High School. Later that same day a

group of Caucasians and Negroes confronted one another on the

 

92Dan Dodson, et a1. , High School Racial Confrontation

 

(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1969), p. 13.

57

school lawn, but fighting was avoided. However, by the afternoon
over 1, 000 students were milling around on the lawn. This led to
the closing of school for the rest of that day, and subsequently for
the next day as well. 93

Thus began another round of talks between administrators
and leaders of the community, students and administrators, and the
administration and faculty. On April 3, student negotiators and the
administration reached and signed an agreement in regard to the
student grievances. This negotiation process was to be a source of
severe criticism of the administration by the Caucasian community,
though Dodson believed it to be defensible. 94

On April 4, students returned to school and were appraised
of the agreement in a morning assembly. Several members of the
police were on hand in plain clothes in case of disorder. Though
there were some problems in getting students to return to classes
after the assembly, police intervention was not needed.

Thus, overall, there was virtually no destruction of
property. While there were tense moments, there was little violence,

and no one was expelled from school. 95

 

931bid.. pp. 13-18.

94Ibid., p. 55.

95Ibid.

 

58

Dodson devoted a great deal of his analysis to changes that
resulted from the conflict and declared that the school would
probably never return to what it was before. For example, in regard
to the complaint about the lack of emphasis on Negro history, the
following occurred:

1. Lunchtime and evening elective seminars were instituted
with the assistance of the Association for the Study of Negro
Life and History.

2. Movies under the auspices of the ”History of the Negro
People, " sponsored by CBS, were used extensively in social
studies classes.

3. Field trips were arranged so students could go to see Negro
theatre.

4. Assemblies were planned which involved Negro entertainers
as well as educators. 96
There were several other effects of the confhct on the school

and school district. Some of the more important ones were as follows:

1. Discussion groups involving both Negroes and Caucasians
were organized in the junior high school in order to
encourage student opinion of the curriculums and to clarify

the issues which develOped at the high school.

 

96Ibid., p. 59.

10.

59

Impetus was given to curriculum revision in the high school
social studies program.

Clarification of the discipline policy occurred.

A Human Relations and a Joint Communications Committee
were organized at the high school composed of both racial
groups. (This, however, created a new problem in that

the leaders of student government saw it as a threat to their
status and prerogatives.)

Channels of communication were enhanced between Caucasian
and Negro faculty members.

White Plains became the sponsoring agency for a five city
in -service education program in human relations.

The four category rank -in -class weighting system was
abolished except for a slight weighting for "Honors" courses.
Thus the grading system became more democratic.
Mobility between course levels was left to student -parent
choice, subject only to the principal' 8 review.

In the elementary and junior highs, there were intensified
efforts to encourage Negro parents to become involved in
the PTA.

Efforts were made to identify promising Negro students for
the purpose of encouraging the development of leadership

skills.

60

11. A student curriculum advisory group was formed to work
with the social studies department chairman.

Thus, Dodson' 3 study, more than any other, illustrated the
effects that conflict may have on the school program and community.
Though the author made no attempt to subsume the various effects
within a conceptual framework, he nevertheless made some attempt
to identify how conflict functioned to influence the school and its

community even when it was of rather limited duration and intensity.

Generalized Opinion

 

Certain educators and scholars have written on the subject
of conflict in school desegregation, drawing their conclusions from
personal experience or the writings of others rather than from their
own research. Others appeared to be simply stating their own
opinion. It is this kind of commentary that completes the selected
review of the literature.

After noting that desegregation was bound to produce tension
and conflict, Suchman, Dean, and Williams commented on the nature
of conflict as well as its functions in the desegregation process. In

the first instance they stated that,

 

9'7Ibid., pp. 55 -—63.

61

l. The threat of violence following desegregation would be
followed only on rare occasions by actual violence. Where
violence did occur it would resemble mob behavior, coming
irrationally and suddenly. Its course would be quick and
temporary.

2. A frequent accompaniment to confhct was rumor.

3. Conflict over desegregation would pass through several
stages. At first it would be random, vague, and unstruc-
tured. There would be an atmosphere of uneasiness. This
uneasiness would become focused, take on definite form
and follow specific strategy. Finally, it would become part
of the larger organized conflict between Negroes and
whites. 98

In the second, they declared that,

. tension and conflict about desegregation will serve an
important function in preparing the way for change by bringing
the issue of desegregation into the open, identifying opposing
interests, uniting support and, in general, disrupting the

existing order so that a new definition of the situation becomes
possible.

 

98Edward A. Suchman, John P. Dean, and Robin M.
Williams, Desegregation: Some Propositions and Research Sug-
gestions (Anti -defamation League of B' nai B' rith, 1958), p. 40.

991bid., p. 39.

 

62

Tumin discussed and emphasized the need for true
integration in American education. In regard to achieving it, he
wrote,

We shall not accomplish anything significant in the field of
education . . . without much struggle and conflict. We can hope
to minimize the destructive aspects of such conflict. But we
cannot hope for smooth, tranquil, easygoing transitions from
one system to a sharply contrasting system. It seems to me
we must accept the likelihood of a high level of dispute and con-
flict as a natural correlative of the process of change toward
the democratic goals we commonly avow as worthy and worth-
while of achievement.

Thus, Tumin suggested the inevitability of confhct as well as the
point that it has destructive, and by implication, constructive aspects
as well.

One of the more excellent symposiums on the subject of
school integration was held at Michigan State University in 1964.

The noted participants covered a wide range of approaches to the
subject and had some spirited disagreements. Discussing the deseg -
regation process in New Rochelle, New York, Salten emphasized the
community conflict which ensued as a result of a court order to

desegregate the Lincoln Elementary School. Not only were there

Caucasian as well as Negro groups of parents opting for the

 

100Melvin Tumin, "The Process of Integrating the Urban
School, " Integrating the Urban School, Gordon J. Klopf and Israel
Laster, editors (New York: Teachers College, Bureau of Publi -
cations, 1963), p. 15.

 

63

neighborhood school concept, but there were also groups of each
race that wanted integrated schools. 101 Overall, he believed that
desegregation tends to create new problems of adjustment, especially
when it follows in the wake of serious community conflict. But he
made it equally clear that,

It isn't essential that we totally avoid conflict in America. It's

less important to avoid conflict than it is to establish some

morality and justice, and a good deal of conflict in our social

order is extremely constructive. It would seem to me that a

study of history would indicate that very few positive changes

have been made without some conflict.

. . 103
But he reached a d1fferent conclus1on than Wey and Corey about
the kinds of problems when he wrote, "Desegregation tends to create
new problems of adjustment, especially when it follows in the wake
. . . ”104
of serious community confhct.
Finally, at the same conference another participant gave

credence to the view that conflict may be dysfunctional in one sense,

yet functional in another, and thereby illustrated the paradox of the

phenomenon under consideration. He wrote,

 

101David G. Salten, "The Organization of Integrated School
Districts: The New Rochelle Story, " School Integration (East
Lansing: Michigan State University, 1964), p. 28.

 

102Ibid., p. 46.
103Cf. ante, p. 51.
104

Salten, op. cit., p. 35.

64

What I am especially concerned about is the lack of encounter
of school principals, teachers, and counselors with members
of racial and ethnic minorities on the level of equality and as
participants in shaping the activities of the school. Such
encounters may not produce understanding or good will, but they
do have the possibility, much more than do textbooks or admin-
istrative rules, of changing attitudes, of forcing the professional
to ask again. What am I? What am I doing here? What ought I
to do? 105

Summary

The review of the literature has sought to deal with selected
aspects of social conflict theory in general as well as with the nature
and possible effects of conflict in school desegregation in particular.

In regard to social conflict theory, there is controversy as
to the relative value of special theories as opposed to general
theories. Basically this appeared to be a manifestation of the tra-
ditional arguments of social scientists relative to the idiographic—
nomothetic continuum. In any case, the literature indicated there
was ample room for continued development of both special and
general theories. Too, several alternative bases exist for classi -
fying social conflicts such as the nature of the parties involved or

the functional-dysfunctional consequences of conflict.

 

105Wilson Record, "The Changing Attitudes of School Per -

sonnel, " School Integration (East Lansing: Michigan State University,
1964), p. 60.

 

65

Terminological problems were also found to be intrinsically
related to the overall problem of conceptualization. The literature
indicated that there was no generally accepted language for discuss-
ing social confhct. Even the term conflict, itself, was defined in
different ways, depending on the individual' s conception of the term.
For example, "social conflict" could signify a psychological pattern
of tension, or it might exclude all but overt, manifest conflict.
Therefore the further study of confhct calls for careful delineation
of terms.

As to the possible effects of conflict, numerous writers
alluded to its functional consequences, though they also indicated
concern over the tendency of conflict to escalate to violent modes of
activity. Another viewpoint admitted the possible "cost" of conflict
but indicated there was also a cost if conflict were suppressed in
favor of tranquility.

In regard to violence, it was found that emotions and
terminological problems were important considerations in assessing
its nature and impact. Violence perpetrated upon criminals by the
police may be both legal and legitimized, yet the actions of a racial
group using violence to destroy a building may not be legitimized
and thus be condemned. Violence, then, like other forms of conflict,

has different connotations for different people. At least one authority

66

stressed the functions of violence when it was viewed from the
perspective of time.

Though the review of the literature on the broad tOpic of
conflict theory seemed to indicate a dearth of specific help for the
school administrator seeking to cope with conflict in school deseg -
regation, it did show there were theories which could, at least in
part, be applied. Primarily, Coser' 3 general theory on the effects
of conflict and/or Hime' 5 partial theory on the functions of racial
conflict appeared to be useful. And, even though it was noted that
application of general theories to specific conflict situations was a
very tenuous matter, and that generalizing between specific theories
was found to be perhaps even more tenuous, the literature confirmed
that an acquaintance with conflict theory would be of definite value
to school administrators in providing a frame of reference from
which to view conflict as it functions in the milieu of desegregation.

An examination of the desegregation process in selected
school systems and the opinions of certain authorities in the field as
to the nature of conflict and subsequent changes that were related to
it showed that these tOpics were alluded to more often than might be
thought. But with few exceptions, the reviewer was forced to
search carefully for such material, most of which could not be

traced to empirical studies. There was a great deal more opinion

67

than research. Only one study actually dealt with the topic of
conflict that occurred during the implementation process to any
degree, and then the entire analysis was based on one incident in a
school.

It was of special interest to learn that in some instances
"peaceful desegregation" had not resulted in appreciable movement
toward integration, whereas in others it appeared that desegregation
that was characterized by conflict had resulted in progress toward
integration. This appeared to suggest that in some cases conflict
may be necessary if change is to occur.

Overall, the review of the literature revealed a dearth of
empirical data relative to the extent that conflict which occurs in the
desegregation process may be a factor in contributing to constructive

change.

CHAPTER III

PROCEDURES, METHODS OF RESEARCH, AND

DATA GATHERING TECHNIQUES

The researcher first became interested in this study in
December of 1968 when Union High School, of Grand Rapids, was
closed because of racial violence. After preliminary investigation
into this and other previous conflict at the school, permission was
obtained from both central office and building personnel to proceed
with the proposed study. Data gathering of an historical nature
began immediately; however, the major part of the data were col-
lected between September and December of 1969.

The present study is divided into four major phases, each
involving specific methods of research and data gathering techniques.
Overall, it may be classified as a case study. Good and Scates
defined this type of study as one that,

. takes account of all pertinent aspects of one thing or
situation, employing as the unit for study an individual, an
institution, a community, or any group considered as a unit.
The case consists of the data relating to some phase of the life

history of the unit or relating to the entire life process.
. The complex situations and combination of factors involved

68

69

in the given behavior are examined to determine the existing
status and to identify the causal factors operating.

The same authors further pointed out that in tracing the natural
history of a social problem in a community, the case approach
appears to be substantially the procedure employed. 2

Young stressed the interdependence of the case study and
statistical methods of research when she noted that,

A case study seeks to determine social processes; it
reveals the complexity of factors and indicates their sequences
and relationships.

The statistical method, on the other hand, deals with
relatively few factors but it gives depth in understanding the
social situations by indicating the extent, frequency, and
degree of association.

However, it was interesting to note that Good and Scates made an
unequivocal stand for the use of case studies when they wrote,

. . many statisticians are likely to think of case studies as
only the raw data for a later statistical study. While this is

one possibility, it is by no means the chief contribution made
by case knowledge. This tendency to seek laws may prove a
barren use of the rich pictures produced by case studies; it may
be something like analyzing the paintings of great artists to
ascertain how many tubes of red paint were used by the various
artists. While statistical studies are essential and defensible,

 

1Carter V. Good and Douglas E. Scates, Methods of
Research (New York: Appleton-Century -Crofts, Inc., 1954), p. 726.

 

2Ibid., p. 729.

3Pauline V. Young, Scientific Social Surveys and Research
(Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1956), p. 239.

70

in a social field they must be looked upon as the lesser rather
than the major influence.

As to the usefulness of case studies, the Coleman Report

 

included extensive excerpts from case studies because it was
believed that such information would "illuminate a particular prob -
lem or solution with the school system of the community that is
typical of similar situations elsewhere and hence . . . be useful as
a guide. "5 Similarly, Williams and Ryan stated,

In spite of the fact that each community contains its own combi -
nation of factors which will work to realize school desegregation
or manufacture resistance to it, the similarities to be found in
American community patterns is sufficient to enable communi -
ties in crisis to profit in whole or in part from the experience
of one another.

Finally, the authors of another noteworthy case study noted that,

. . internal analysis has no great disadvantages with respect
to comparative analyses. It may, in fact, have one important
advantage: by taking simple comparative correlation out of the
reach of the investigator, it focuses his attention upon the under-
lying processes which operate within the system. In this way

 

4Good and Scates, op. cit., p. 773.

5James S. Coleman, et a1. , Equality of Educational Oppor-
tunity (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Office of Education, Government
Printing Office, 1966), p. 461.

 

6Robin M. Williams, Jr. , and Margaret W. Ryan, (eds.),
Schools in Transition (Chapel Hill: The University of North Carolina
Free Press, 1954), p. 239.

 

71
the internal analysis may lead to a deeper explanation of the
phenomenon and to generalization of a more fundamental kind.
Thus, the present study focused on an analysis of the con-

flict and change in the first year desegregation of one large, urban
high school. Further, it should be noted that the researcher
approached the study as a complete ”outsider. " That excellent
cooperation was given by school district authorities in regard to
permitting access to primary documents, as well as personnel
throughout the system, is especially commendable as in view of the

nature of the subject under study.

Design of the Study

The study was organized into four major phases consistent
with the purposes of the study. Since the study was largely descrip-
tive and historical in nature, research questions were posed con-
sistent with procedures suggested by Borg. 8 The purposes of the
study and the guiding research questions related to each were as

follows :

 

7Seymour Martin Lipset, Martin M. Trow, and James S.
Coleman, Union Democracy (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press,
1956), p. 427.

 

8Walter R. Borg, Educational Research: An Introduction
(New York: David McKay Company, Inc., 1963), pp. 36, 190.

 

1.

72

Describe the planning and preparations for desegregation
as it related to the high school under study.

a) What were the main characteristics of the deseg-
regation plan?

b) In what social milieu did the decision to desegre-
gate occur, and how was the plan presented to the
public?

c) What was done to prepare students, teachers, and
administrators for desegregation?

Provide an historical record and an analysis of the major
incidents of manifest conflict which occurred in the school.

a) How and where did the major incidents of confli ct
develop and who were the parties involved?

b) Were there any patterns discernible in the conflict?
What was its extent and how was it immediately
resolved?

c) Were underlying concerns identified? If so, how
and what were they?

Determine whether changes occurred in the school and com -
munity which appeared to be caused to some extent by conflict.

a) Did such changes occur? If so, what were the

major ones and in what areas did they occur?

73

Ascertain the perceptions of students, teachers, and
administrative staff relative to (1) the extent, if any, to
which conflict was believed to be a factor in or cause of
selected changes; and (2) the extent, if any, to which such
changes were considered to be useful or constructive in
nature.

a) Did teachers, administrators, and students View
the conflict that occurred during the year as being
a cause of selected changes which took place in the
school and community?

b) Did these same groups feel that the changes were
constructive or useful?

c) Are there differences between the extent confhct
was believed to be a cause of changes and the
evaluation of the usefulness of such changes?

(1) What are the implications for administrators sug-
gested by the data?

Provide a basis for understanding the role of conflict
relative to school desegregation which would be of use to
school administrators and others involved in this social
process. Here, it was believed that the review of the
literature, and the findings and recommendations of this

study, would serve to contribute to this objective.

74

Methods of Research and Sources of Data

First, in order to describe both the social milieu in which
the study occurred and the planning and preparations process, there
was careful perusal of documentary evidence, as in subsequent
phases of the study, to evaluate such evidence by using methods of
historical research, including both internal and external criticism.
For example, care was taken to assure the authenticity of documents.
This was a difficult and time -consuming process in many instances
since some of the documentary evidence was unsigned, and/or not
dated. The researcher, through interviews, continually sought
clarification of such data until the matter of authenticity was
clarified.

In regard to internal criticism, rigorous attention was
devoted to evaluating the accuracy and worth of the data contained in
the documents which were used. As Borg9 pointed out, this is much
more difficult than internal criticism because it involves evaluating
the writer, his biases, and possible motives for distortion.

Moreover, because of the recent nature of the problem
under examination, and the excellent cooperation given the investi —
gator, primary sources were used extensively, thus avoiding the

drawbacks involved in the excessive use of secondary sources.

 

9Borg, op. cit., p. 194.

 

75

Finally, interviews were held with key personnel at the
school and district levels, as well as with some teachers and stu -
dents, relative to the various aspects of the research questions
posed and the resultant information carefully evaluated.

Second, in order to analyze the nature of the major overt
manifestations of conflict which occurred in the school, school
district records, personal records kept by various administrators,
and newspaper accounts were important sources of information.
Content analysis was a useful technique in this phase of the study.
For example, it was used to ascertain the primary concerns or
problem areas as seen by those affected by the conflict at Union.

In addition, interviews were held with teachers, administrators,
students, and supervisory personnel. Data were cross-checked at
every opportunity to lessen the possibility of error and subjective
interpretation.

Third, an interview schedule was prepared which included
a minimal framework of questions organized to focus on the various
areas of the school and community to ascertain what changes might
have resulted, to some extent, from conflict which had occurred.
While interviewing, attempts were made to direct the conversation
towards new leads that developed and to record unanticipated insights

and information. The instrument is included as Appendix D. Though

76

it served the purpose of initially focusing attention on areas of
possible change, it became modified in the process of gathering
data. Hence, it is included in the appendices only as a point of
information.

The need for selectivity became apparent as this phase of
the study progressed. For example, it was found that the light
switches were changed in the girls' lavatories because some Negro
girls made a habit of turning them off and then pummeling Caucasian
girls in the darkness. Changing the switches to a different type made
continuation of this behavior impossible. Conversely, certain
Caucasian bus drivers were rude to Negro students who were being
transported to Union High, which resulted in a transportation change
which was adjudged important enough to be a major change. Hence,
this researcher arbitrarily had to make decisions in such situations
as to what constituted major change. This was generally done on the
basis of the number of people affected and the impact on a major area
of the educational system. No attempt was made to assess every
change that may have been related to the conflict.

Changes were sought that occurred either during the 1968 -
69 school year, or at the beginning of the 1969 -70 school year.
Criteria which were used to ascertain the changes were (1) the

proximity of the change to the conflict; (2) an apparent relationship

77

between the change and an identified concern; (3) the absence of a
relationship between the change and the planning and preparations
for desegregation; and (4) the opinions of people in a position to
offer information on the subject.

In the fourth and final phase of the study, a questionnaire
was developed based on the major changes in the school and com -
munity which appeared to have been caused to some extent by the
conflict at the school as determined in phase three of the study.

The instrument was subsequently administered to students, teachers,

and administrators who were at Union during the year of conflict.

The Questionnaire

The instrument which was developed consisted of thirty-
three items and comprises Appendix C of this study. A group of
eight school administrators and graduate students was used to pre —
test the questionnaire for clarity. However, high school students
were not involved in pre -testing because the nature of the questions
.was such that it was not possible to do so in the school under study,
and to do so in a school unfamiliar with the conflict would have been
meaningless. It was of primary importance that there be no previous
contamination caused by discussion of the questions among the pop-

ulations and samples to be surveyed. It must be remembered that

78

the school was one which had experienced several instances of major
conflict. As the data will show, the staff had taken part in several
programs as a result of the conflict. Too, students had been greatly
concerned about the "name" their school had received as a result of
the past year's events. In short, many people wanted to forget the
past year. Thus, as contrasted with the interview phases of the
research, it was believed that in dealing with larger numbers, the
questionnaire data should be gathered in as short a time and with as
little prior discussion as possible.

In regard to students, the method of sampling was to obtain
a representative sample wherein the group was consciously selected
on the basis of being reasonably representative of the total pOpula -
tion. 10 This technique has also been referred to as "purposive
sampling" which is a form of judgment sampling. 11 Since this
approach assumes adequate information about the characteristics
and numbers in the subgroup, school officials were consulted to
minimize possible bias. Efforts were made to obtain the responses

of heterogeneous classes of both eleventh and twelfth grade students,

 

0Norman K. Henderson, Statistical Research Methods
(Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1964), p. 70.

 

Francis J. Rummel, An Introduction to Research Pro-
cedures in Education (New York: Harper and Row Publishers, 1964),
p. 80.

 

 

79

since sophomores were not at the school during the 1968 -69 school
year during which the conflict occurred.

Five classes of juniors and five classes of seniors were
administered the questionnaire, representing 110 twelfth graders,
of which 102 were usable, and ninety -five eleventh graders, of
which eighty -six were usable. Out of a total of 205 questionnaires,
188 were usable. Since the total number of eleventh and twelfth
grade students who were at the school, discounting new and transfer
students, was estimated by school officials to be about 960, the total
sample was twenty per cent of the population.

The total Negro population in grades eleven and twelve was
160. Twenty of the usable questionnaires were completed by Negroes,
representing a sample of thirteen per cent of the total Negro popula —
tion eligible for this study. Since the Negroes comprised 16. 6 per
cent of the total student body at the time the questionnaire was
administered, the fact that a thirteen per cent sample was obtained
indicated a very slight bias in the number of Caucasian students
included in the study.

The questionnaire was also administered by the researcher,
at a faculty meeting, to all teachers and counselors who were at the
school the previous year. They were assured complete anonymity,

and an attached cover letter served as further security in terms of

80

anonymity. The total population of this group was forty -nine, of
whom forty -eight handed in questionnaires. However, only forty-
seven were usable since one respondent failed to complete every
item under the "conflict was a factor" variable. Overall, then, a
ninety -six per cent return was achieved from the teachers.

Finally, seven questionnaires were given to administrators
with self-addressed envelopes enclosed. Administrators at the
building level who received them were the present principal, and
two assistant principals. At the district level, the former principal
(who resigned in mid -year of the 1968 -69 year under study and was
assigned to a different position), two assistant superintendents, and
the director of secondary education, all of whom were very close to
the situation at Union, were also given questionnaires. Every
questionnaire was received, though one was returned after the data
were processed and therefore too late to be used. The return, then,
was 85. 7 per cent, and, with one exception, represented every
administrator who was intimately involved in the events that occurred
at Union High.

The methods for analysis of the questionnaire were developed
with the cooperation of the Bureau of Research Consultation, College
of Education, Michigan State University. First, the changes which

the interviews and documentary evidence indicated may have been

81

related to the conflict which occurred at Union High were organized
under five major headings arbitrarily used in organizing the changes
into categories in Chapter V. 12 Normative statistics consisting of
arithmetic means and simple per cents were then used to analyze

the responses of the administrators, teachers, and students who
responded to the questionnaire. Per cents were rounded to the
nearest whole per cent. Mean scores were determined by multi -
plying the number of responses in each response category by the
number value ranging from a high of four points to a low of one and
then dividing by the total number of responses to a question. Hence,
the possible mean score range is from 4. 0 to 1. 0. These scores
were rounded to the nearest tenth. The major purposes of this phase
of the study were to determine whether such groups considered con-
flict to be a cause of the changes and to what extent, if any, the
changes were considered to be constructive. Consistent with a case
study approach, such data were used as a basis Upon which to explore
relationships between groups and factors which may have been

important determinants of the responses.

 

12Cf. post, p. 145.

82

Summary

The design of the study suggested four major areas of
investigation, each requiring specific, though interrelated research
methodology. The primary methods of research were historical and
descriptive in nature, consistent with the purposes of the study. The
data gathering techniques consisted of both historical and descriptive
analysis of documentary evidence, interviews, and a questionnaire
administered to administrators, teachers, and both Negro and
Caucasian students. Analysis of the data depended on the particular

phase of the study and the purposes related thereto.

CHAPTER IV

DESEGREGATION AND CONFLICT

This chapter attempts to provide (1) a description of the
planning and preparation process for desegregating the school under
study, including information necessary to an understanding of the
milieu in which events occurred; and (2) an historical record and
analysis of the major incidents of conflict which occurred at Union
High School.

The primary sources of data were administrative and
school district records and documents, personal records maintained
by individuals in key positions during the year under study, news -
paper accounts, and structured interviews held with assistant
superintendents, subject matter coordinators, building administra-
tors, teachers, counselors, and students. Whenever possible,
cross-checking of data between documentary and interview data was
accomplished in order to lessen subjective analysis and interpreta-

tion .

83

84

Planning and Preparing for Desegregation

The Setting

 

The City. Grand Rapids is a large metropolitan community
of slightly over 200, 000 people. Located in southwestern Michigan,
it has been the commercial, financial, and cultural center for an area
serving over 600, 000 people and been called the urban core of
Western Michigan. 1

Except for the areas developed after 1940, Grand Rapids
was not a planned city. As a result, it has been confronted with
zoning, transportation, and social problems similar to those of other
large cities. As older areas have deteriorated, there has been a
mushrooming of suburban developments on the fringes of the city
which have contributed to the problem of an insufficient tax base to
support continued and extended demands for services. Too, there
has been a definite outrnigration of Caucasians from the central city
and a concommitant concentration of Negroes therein.

In regard to ethnic and racial considerations, the Negro
population, in 1969, comprised about ten per cent of the total city

population, a ratio of Negroes to Caucasians very near the national

 

1Donald J. Leu and John J. McNicholas, Jr. , Planning for
the Future: Grand Rapids Secondary School Needs (East Lansing,
Michigan: Michigan State University, 1966), pp. 1-4.

 

 

85

figure of 10.5 per cent.2 Thus, the city appeared to provide a useful
setting to study school desegregation. Also of interest was the fact
that a large population of second generation Polish and Lithuanian
people have located on the "west side" of town, an area served by
Union High School, who are generally thought to be conservative in
their political behavior and amenability to social change.

In recent years the city has attempted to c0pe with some of
its problems. For example, forty acres of buildings and streets in
the core of the city have been razed for urban renewal. 3 And most
important for the present study, the school system enacted the first

phase of its master plan for desegregation in the 1968-69 school year.

The School System. The Grand Rapids schools during the

 

1968 -69 school year were educating slightly more than 34, 500 stu-
dents in the K-12 program, of which 7, 300, or about twenty —one per
cent, were nonwhite. 4 Since school district authorities estimated
that ninety -five per cent of the nonwhite students were Negro,

Negroes actually comprised about twenty per cent of the total school

 

2Grand Rapids Press, January 8, 1969, p. 44.

 

3Greater Grand Rapids (Chicago, Illinois: Windsor Pub—
lications, 1967), p. 10.

 

4
These and related figures were obtained from the office of
the Director of Research, Grand Rapids Public Schools.

86

enrollment. The proportion of Negro students to Caucasian students
was substantially higher than the overall ratio of Negroes to Cau-
casians in Grand Rapids, primarily because nonpublic schools in
the city enrolled twenty thousand, mainly Caucasian pupils.

Sixty -seven buildings consisting of fifty -four elementary
schools, two middle schools, seven junior highs, and four senior
highs were needed to carry on the K-12 instructional program in the

Grand Rapids' School System in the 1968-69 school year.

Union High. Union High was opened for student use on

 

January 22, 1967. Visitors who attended the first public showing

on February 28 of that year saw a new structure located on a fifty-
four acre site in a white, middle class neighborhood; the largest
school plant and school site in the city. Built at a cost of 3. 6 million
dollars, it included fifty -two classroom areas located along quarter-
mile long corridors; separate offices for each department where
teachers could plan; an auditorium with 480 seats designed to handle
both school drama and music productions as well as large lecture
classes; maximum considerations for independent study with such
innovations as mobile language laboratories and study carrels in the
carpeted library; and a seventy -five meter pool with sideline seating
1015399 persons. However, school officials later found that having

eighty -four outside doors, a cafeteria located in the only passage

87

way that connected wings of the building, and the placement of
administrative offices at the extreme end of the building away from
the areas of student movement were unfavorable factors.

At the beginning of the 1968-69 school year, Union High
School had a staff that consisted of seventy —two teachers, of whom
three were Negro; four Caucasian counselors; three administrators;
and one Negro administrative intern. The student body was com -
prised of 1, 731 students; 315, or seventeen per cent were Negro,
and for the first time in the short history of the new school, it was
desegregated.

It was within this setting that conflict was to occur at
Union. But first it is necessary to examine the planning and prepa -
ration for the desegregation, first, for the district in general, and

then for the school under study.

Background to the Master Plan

 

One of the major purposes of this study was to describe the
planning and preparation process for desegregation as it affected
Union High. Therefore, except for a basic summary of background
developments, this aspect of the study focuses on the planning and
preparations for desegregation that occurred immediately prior to

the desegregation of Union High in 1968. However, it should be noted

88

that Bouma and Hoffman5 contributed to a detailed understanding of
the 1960 -67 period relative to the reasons why the Board of Educa—
tion in Grand Rapids became concerned about the de facto segrega -
tion in the city' 8 schools and how community involvement contributed
to the completion of an important study of racial imbalance in Grand
Rapids' schools, the details of which are, for the most part, excluded
from the scope of the present study.

On November 1, 1965, a fifty —two member committee
known as The Committee Studying Racial Imbalance in the Grand
Rapids Public School System (hereafter known as the Committee of
52) was appointed by the Board of Education of the city of Grand
Rapids to study the effect of de facto segregation in the public schools.
The final report of the committee, submitted June 13, 1966, was one
of two studies upon which a master plan for educational improvement
was developed. The other study was a survey of secondary facility
needs6 which the Board had commissioned in June, 1965, and which
was completed in August of 1966. Hence, these two study groups
operated almost concurrently. As the year progressed, they

cooperated with one another, and their final reports were similar

 

5Donald H. Bouma and James Hoffman, The Dynamics of
School Integration (Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 1968), 158 pp.

 

 

6Lea and McNicholas, op. cit., 217 pp.

89

in regard to stresing the importance of desegregating the city's
public schools. 7

From the summer of 1966 to May of 1968, the administra-
tive staff of the school district and the Board of Education studied
the above reports as well as earlier studies of various problem areas
in the schools, and attempted to establish a plan of action which
would meet the educational needs of the community in future years.
In addition to an urgency revealed in the two major studies, the local
Congress of Racial Equality and National Association for the Advance -
ment of Colored People chapters, as well as the state and Federal
governments, were exerting pressures on the school district directed
at eliminating de facto segregation in its schools.

The result was a final Master Plan submitted to the Board
of Education on May 6, 1968, which outlined a series of steps toward
extensive desegregation, changes in school building plans, and a
re -evaluation of how children should be taught. Overall, the Plan
described certain immediate changes and outlined a long range plan
consisting of three major phases, the last of which would be com -
pleted in 1976. Appendix A describes selected aspects of the Master

Plan which illustrate the philosophy of the document as well as the

 

7Comparative Analysis of Two Reports. Grand Rapids
Public Schools. Mimeographed, 6 pp.

 

90

major proposed changes. Excluded are specific building considera -
tions and boundary changes.

Some aspects of the Master Plan are of importance to the
present investigation and must be documented if later developments
are to be understood. At the secondary level the immediate, 1968-
69, changes called for a change from five high schools to four.
South High, serving much of the inner city, was to be converted into
a middle school, and students who would have been in grades ten-
twelve were to be bused or transferred via boundary changes to the
four remaining high schools, Union, Creston, Ottawa Hills, and
Central. Desegregated high schools would then exist in Grand Rapids
for the first time, the first step to correct racial imbalance in all
schools by 1976, excepting those in the lower elementary units.

Union High, whose student body was almost entirely Cau-
casian, was to receive 315 bused tenth, eleventh, and twelfth grade
Negro students from a geographic section of the inner city area who
had previously attended South High School. Ninth grade students in
the Union district who were slated to attend the new high school were
instead to attend Union Junior High.

Creston High, located in the northern part of the city, was
almost entirely Caucasian, as in the case of Union. The plan called

for it to receive about 105 formerly South High students who lived

91

in a geographic area adjoining the section being bused to Union. The
result would be a seven per cent nonwhite student population.

Ottawa Hills High, serving the southeast part of the city,
was already a multi -racial school and basically unchanged by the
desegregation plan.

Central High experienced some boundary changes, but it too
had been a multi —racial school before the desegregation plan and
was thereby not as affected as were Union and Creston. Table IV -1
shows the actual number and per cent of nonwhite students who
attended the city's high schools in the fall of 1968 as a result of the
Master Plan.

As was noted earlier, school district administrators pre-
sented the Plan to the Board of Education at the May 6, 1968,
meeting which was attended by members of the general public, NAACP
representatives, Black Power advocates, the Committee of 52, and
other interested parties. Following the presentation, the Board
tabled the proposal to allow for a two week ”study time" prior to
making a formal decision on it. In addition to press releases, the
Board hoped to publicize the plan and seek suggestions as to possible
modifications by way of three subsequent meetings to be held in
different schools in the school district. Feedback from this process

was to be used to reassess the Plan as previously presented.

92

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On the evening of May 6 at Northeast Junior High School,
where the Board meeting was held, certain problems developed when
administrators set forth the new plan. About one hundred persons
had been expected to attend. Instead about 2, 300 arrived. This
necessitated an improvised move from the special purpose room to
the gymnasium, a space so large that those attending had difficulty
seeing the various maps and charts being used as visual aids. Also,
only one thousand information sheets had been printed. Thus, the
assistant superintendents who presented the Plan read to the audience
for an extended period of time.

The formal presentation was followed by a question and
answer session. Though there were certain pointed questions asked,
observers indicated that an audible sigh of relief was apparent when
it was announced there would be no cross -bussing. This appeared
to be an issue of great concern to many of the Caucasian parents
present.

In the weeks that followed, the Board carried out its "study
time" policy. On May 13 the city newspaper used the headline,
"Temperature Was High, " to describe the first of the attempts of
the Board and administration to meet with the public after the initial
presentation, May 6. The meeting place was Union High, where an

estimated 350 parents attended to hear the superintendent and Board

94

members field questions on the proposed plan. The crowd was
quite antagonistic. In some instances those who were for the pro-
posed busing were shouted down. On one occasion Board members
were told they would be put out of office. In sum, there was strong
reaction against the proposed busing of Negro students to Union.
Subsequent meetings were held in other sections of the city,
as planned, on May 14 through 16, but an additional meeting was
held at South High on the 17th due to interest on the part of parents
in that area. At the latter meeting, over five hundred parents, pre —
dominantly Negro, attended. They expressed concern over what
they called the "bigotry" that was apparent at the meeting at Union,
and they were angry that the Board had not originally scheduled a
meeting at South. There were requests that black history, music,
and art be taught, and that more black teachers and administrators
be hired. In regard to the busing, two major viewpoints surfaced:
one wanted a school built in the inner city which would house an
integrated student body; the other wanted a school built in the inner
city for Negroes only. These were both in contrast to the official
NAACP endorsement given the Master Plan the day before. There
were other suggestions and a petition signed by several hundred
South students who "wanted to graduate from South High" was pre-

sented. Before the meeting adjourned, a well -known mihtant Negro

95

leader left with close to two hundred followers. Overall, there was
a great deal of friction.
On June 1, two days before the Board was to act on the
Master Plan, the Grand Rapids Press arranged and conducted inter-
views with eleven students who were or would be Union High students.
Some were optimistic about the effect of the proposed busing and some
were not. Some Negroes saw it as an attempt to make members of
their race immobile, since they would be in the minority at Union
as opposed to the approximately fifty per cent of the enrollment at
South High the past year. One boy was quoted as saying,
If it goes through, I think it will be extremely interesting
at Union. Not only are the black kids reacting violently, but I
think the white kids and the white parents and the whole white
community over by Union are reacting violently against the
whole idea. . . . I think there's going to be quite a conflict
over at Union. 8
The Master Plan was adopted by the Board on June 3, 1968,
in almost the same form as originally presented a month earlier.
At the meeting, a crowd of about 120 were present. Representatives
of the Michigan State Department of Education and Michigan Civil
Rights Commission gave statements of support, though the latter

objected to continued segregation in grades one through eight. The

same Negro militant who had previously led his followers from the

 

8Mike Lloyd, ”Students Speak Up on Proposed Busing Plan, "
Grand Rapids Press, June 2, 1968, p. 45.

 

96

meeting at South High presented petitions against the plan in favor
of Negro inner city schools run by Negroes. He predicted racial

chaos of the plan were carried out.

Preparations for the Transition

 

Since the adOption of the plan occured on Monday of the
final week of the school year, implementation began almost imme—
diately with attempts to meet the following basic needs at the high
school level: (1) student orientation and assimilation; (2) student
counseling and involvement; (3) parent and community communi ca-
tion and involvement; and (4) faculty and staff in -service and
sensitivity assistance and involvement.

On June 4 and 5, counselors at South High held orientation
sessions by grade levels with the students who were to be bused the
following September. On June 6th, these students attended an
orientation session at Union designed to acquaint them with the
building and such key personnel as class advisors and coaches.
Counselors were also involved in a great deal of program screening,
since courses differed between the two schools.

An "Information and Follow -Through Center" was established
from July 1 to August 23 near South High in order to provide further

assistance in all areas of concern to students and parents. Four

97

full -time staff were available in addition to several student
assistants. Letters inviting students to come to the center to
discuss any concerns were sent out to each student who was being
transferred from South; many were also contacted by phone.

In the area of student counseling and involvement, in
addition to the services provided by the Information Center, a stu-
dent workshop was held at Union High on August 21. Present were
student council presidents, class officers, club presidents, and
general nominees from all of the high schools involved. At the
meeting, efforts were made to work out possible problem areas
such as club memberships and to plan certain activities for the
school year which might enhance assimilation in the transfer schools.

Parents were officially notified of the transfers during the
week of June 24-28 and were sent information on bus routes and
schedules. Too, the presidents of the Parent —Teacher—Student
Association (PTSA) met with the superintendent to discuss assimila -
tion plans at the schools. Efforts were made to have integrated
PTSA Boards.

Faculty and staff in -service and sensitivity assistance was
the final area of basic need. At Union, attempts to meet this need
consisted of a talk by an outside consultant on race relations and a

meeting run by the school principal during the preschool period,

98

September 3 -4. Interviewees who participated in these sessions
were unanimous in stating that these sessions were of little value
in preparing them for the impending desegregation.

Table IV -2 summarizes the major developments in the plan-

ning and preparation process.

Summary

The larger setting for this study was Grand Rapids, Michi -
gan, a city of 200, 000 that has been confronted by problems
indigenous to many contemporary urban centers such as urban
renewal, adequate finances, and Negro -Caucasian relations. It
was learned that Negroes comprised about ten per cent of the total
population, very close to the national figure of 10. 5 per cent.
Therefore the larger setting appeared to be especially useful for
the study of Negro -Caucasian relations.

The public school system, in 1968-69, educated about
34, 500 students, of which twenty per cent were Negroes. Thus, it
was dissimilar to such racially imbalanced school systems as
Washington, D. C. , yet similar to others where the balance is not
so tipped.

In 1965 the Grand Rapids Board of Education initiated two

studies which were to influence the development of a Master Plan

99

TABLE IV -2

A SUMMARY OF THE MAJOR DEVELOPMENTS IN THE
PLANNING AND PREPARATION PROCESS FOR
DESEGREGATION OF GRAND RAPIDS' HIGH SCHOOLS

 

 

Date(s)

Development

 

June, 1965-
August, 1966

November, 1965—
June, 1966

September, 1966-
May, 1968

May 6, 1968
May 14-17, 1968
June 3, 1968

June 4-7, 1968

June 24 -2 8, 1968

July 1-
August 23, 1968
August 26-30, 1968

September 3-4, 1968

September 6, 1968

 

Committee of 52 studies racial imbalance
and submits report

Study of secondary school needs conducted
and completed by Leu and McNicholas

District Administrators analyze studies and
examine various desegregation proposals in
formulating a Master Plan

Administration presented Plan to Board
Plan presented to groups throughout the city

Board adopts Master Plan

Attempts made to orient students to transfer
school before close of school, June 7

Parents notified by mail of students' official
assignments and other orientation informa -
tion

Information and Follow -Through Center in
Operation

Individual counseling available at receiving
schools

Sensitivity sessions for staff members at
each high school

Negro students attend assigned schools as
part of Master Plan

 

100

for desegregating the public schools. The first, appointed in June
of 1965 and completed in June of 1966, was a survey of secondary
school needs accomplished by two well -known consultants from
Michigan State University. The second was a study of racial im -
balance in the schools by a citizens' committee of fifty -two people
begun in November of 1965 and completed the following August.
These reports, along with other information completed by the school
district, formed the basis for the development of a Master Plan
which would bring about desegregated schools in all but the early
primary grades by 1976, as well as other organizational, building,
and philosophical changes.

From the summer of 1966 through the spring of 1968, school
administrators considered various desegregation plans and proce -
dures. The extensive efforts that were made to arrive at an equitable
plan during this time would furnish ample data for a separate study
and therefore were outside the scope of this study. However, by the
winter and spring of 1968, increasing pressures to desegregate were
exerted by the Federal government, the State Department of Educa -
tion, and local units of the NAACP and CORE. The Master Plan
was presented to the Board of Education on May 6, and subsequently
tabled to allow for presentation to all major sections of the city and

additional study time before a formal decision was made.

101

During that period of time, it became increasingly evident
that certain Negro militants opposed desegregation and advocated
Negro schools in the inner city area to be administered and taught
mainly by Negroes. Too, the Negro community expressed opposi -
tion to the fact that there was no cross -busing. They questioned a
policy of busing Negro students out to predominantly Caucasian
schools without a concommitant exchange from those schools to
inner city, predominantly Negro schools. There was also evidence
that a vocal element of the Caucasian population on the "west side, "
the area served by Union High, was opposed to the busing of Negroes
for desegregation purposes, and some indication in the Caucasian
public at large that cross —busing might be resisted.

Overall, though the school district administrators sought
to emphasize that future building needs were a basic rationale for
the Master Plan, as was new educational philosophy relative to the
direction education should take in subsequent years in Grand Rapids,
it was apparent to the researcher that it was the desegregation aspect
around which community debate centered.

It was in this milieu that the Boa rd adopted the Master Plan
on June 3, 1968, the Monday of the final week of school, a plan that
featured a gradual approach that would lead to complete desegrega-

tion in all but the early primary grades by 1976. However, the

102

immediate concern for the forthcoming 1968—69 school year was to
implement desegregation in the city' 3 public high schools. Hence,
during the remainder of that week and through the summer, school
authorities sought to prepare students, teaching staffs, and parents
for the desegregation of the various high schools. This posed
problems since the teaching staff was not available during the sum-
mer, nor were certain building administrators. And though an
Information and Follow -Through Center attempted to provide needed
services, students were less accessible during the summer months.
Finally, without exception, teachers and building adminis —
trators who were interviewed indicated that the preparation process
had not been sufficient to prepare either teachers or students for the
impending desegregation. However, it should be emphasized that
this investigator has not recounted these facts in order to suggest a
cause and effect relationship between the planning and preparation
process and the resultant conflict which developed at Union High.
Rather an attempt has been made to provide a description of the
process so that others concerned with school desegregation might
learn from the process as it was carried out in Grand Rapids. The
Board of Education and key administrators of the Grand Rapids
Public Schools, after a long period of study and formulation of a

Master Plan for the improvement of education in Grand Rapids,

103

believed, for various reasons, that desegregation could not be

delayed any longer.

Nature of the Conflict

Desegregation of Union High School took place on Septem-
ber 5, 1969, when over 315 Negro students were bused to the school
from an inner city area. Within a four month period, the school was
forced to close three times because of conflict. On two of the occa-
sions, the closures followed major incidents of conflict characterized
by widespread violence. The other closure was ordered to preclude
widespread violence from occurring.

The gathering of data and subsequent analysis of this phase
of the study were guided by these questions: How and where did the
major incidents of conflict develop? Who were the parties involved?
Were any patterns discernible in the development of the conflict?
What was the extent of the confli ct and how was it immediately
resolved? Were underlying concerns identified? If so, how and

what were they ?

The September Conflict

 

Conflict Occurs. On Monday, September 9, the third day

 

of school, a Caucasian girl took offense to "something" said to her

104

by a Negro boy. Three days later, about twenty -five Caucasian,
non -Union High students, ostensibly friends of the girl's boyfriend,
confronted two Negro students in the parking lot after school, one
of whom was the boy who had ”offended" the girl. The school
attendance officer and an assistant principal talked with the group
and it dispersed. However, the entire week was marked by tension
and rumors of impending trouble.

On Thursday, several school and district administrators
attended an evening meeting at which they heard the rumor that
three hundred whites were going over to Union High the next day,

I

Friday the 13th, to "take care of the Negroes.’ Thus, plans were
made for additional security before school, during the noon hour,
and at the close of school on Friday. Such help was to consist of
central office personnel and plain -clothed police.

On Friday, September 13, 1968, the first major conflict
occurred at Union. Just prior to 8:00 a.m. a disturbance broke out
in the cafeteria, which was serving as the homeroom for all seniors,
when a group of Negroes surrounded the same Caucasian girl and
her boyfriend. School officials were on hand and immediately inter -
vened and prevented an extensive violent outbreak. However, the

atmosphere in the school grew more tense. During first period;

groups of Negroes milled around in the halls. Then, during the q

105

passing period between first and second period, fighting broke out,
mainly in the area of the auditorium lobby, between Negro and
Caucasian students. The police were called, arrived almost imme— -
diately, and soon helped the staff restore order. In the meantime,
rumors were rampant. It was said that fighting had broken out at

the other high schools, too, and stories grew about the extent of
fighting at Union.

Finally, the adults succeeded in getting most of the Negro
students into the auditorium for a meeting to discuss their concerns.
However, while discussion was taking place, someone opened an
auditorium door and yelled that a certain Negro militant (the same
one alluded to earlier in this study) was being denied entrance to the
building. The Negro students then ran out of the auditorium and
found that television reporters were on hand to record events.

At this time the principal called for buses to transport the
Negroes back to their homes in the "south end. " The buses were
loaded, but not for long. The news of the trouble had spread through—
out the immediate community. Some Caucasian parents congregated
on nearby sidewalks; eight Caucasian non -Union students provoked
the Negroes in the buses; and a Caucasian man reportedly exposed
himself to the Negroes. The buses emptied, fighting broke out, and

police were forced to use mace in at least one instance to quell the

106

disturbance. Six arrests were made by the police. Finally, about
noon, the buses departed and the rest of the student body was dis -
missed early by the principal.

In the fighting that had occurred in the school building, four
Caucasian boys had been injured. Two had been carried through the
halls to the health room, though the other two were able to walk
there. Parents subsequently took three of the youths home, but the
fourth had been hit in the back of the neck with a chain and was
taken to the hospital by ambulance. Also, one officer was reported

to have suffered rib injuries and bitten fingers.

Identification of Problems. During the weekend following

 

the early closure of school, school district personnel and citizens

of the community held various meetings. On Saturday the saperin-
tendent held a press conference and announced plans for the reopening
of school on Monday, September 16. Later that afternoon, an
assistant SUperintendent and the principal met, in an open meeting
with what was supposed to be the Advisory Council of the West Side
Complex, a Community Action Program. However, over two:
hundred "west side" parents turned out and expressed concern over
the conflict of the past week. They expressed concern for the: safety
of their children and requested that the Master Plan be reassessed

if racial incidents continued.

107

The Negro community was also holding meetings. At one,

held in a church Sunday evening, the Grand Rapids Press reported

 

that four hundred people were in attendance and heard the leading
Negro militant in the community, the one present on the day of
violence at Union, urge them to boycott the city schools.

The plans to reopen school called for seniors to return on
Monday, juniors on Tuesday, and sophomores on Wednesday. The
seniors met in both small and large groups to discuss problems all
day Monday. Tight security was in effect as police and school
officials carefully checked in each student. Tuesday and Wednesday,
seniors attended classes except for selected leaders who helped with
the discussions Tuesday morning with juniors and Wednesday morning
with sophomores. Problems were discussed in these meetings and a
list of student concerns compiled. On Thursday, regular classes
were held for all students in the morning only, but by Friday a full
day of classes was attended by all without incident.

The faculty of Union met each day, during the same
week, before and after school to discuss problems and ways to
improve the situation. They also submitted a list of concerns and

recommended action to be taken on them.

 

9Grand Rapids Press, September 16, 1968, pp. 1-2.

 

108

The following Sunday, September 22, a group of mainly
west side Caucasian citizens known as the "Concerned Citizens of
the First Ward" met in the Union High auditorium to hear a presen-
tation by an assistant superintendent and two high school seniors as
to the status of events at Union. This marked the end of nine days
of discussion and other attempts to get the school functioning normally
again.

As a result of the week of group meetings and discussions,

various problems were identified. Student concerns were as follows:

A. Problems of an External Nature

1. Inadequate number of buses and late arriving buses.
2. Lack of transportation following extracurricular
activities.

3. All students who live more than two miles from school
should be bused.

4. Transportation needed for those students who leave
early for work.

5. Nonstudents parking in student parking lot.

6. Inaccurate newspaper reporting: reporters should be
excluded from school.

7. Unsatisfactory Caucasian bus drivers.

109

B. Problems of an Internal Nature
1. Lack of mutual understanding between the races,
resulting in name calling, problems in boy -girl rela -
tionships, and general culture gap.
2. Inadequate number of clubs and after -school activities.
3. Cafeteria food lacks variety and lunch periods too short.
4. Students should be able to use library during study hall.
5. Transfer students need more representation.
6. Exchange of varsity letter from South to Union, class
rings, etc.
7. Students should be permitted to have gripe sessions.
8. Fire drills --need instructions and signs.
9. Need hall monitors --Negro and Caucasian together in
teams.
10. Identification cards needed.
11. More Negro teachers and counselors needed.

12. Administration should promulgate and enforce rules.
Faculty concerns were the following:

A. Problems of an External Nature
1. Need two full -time adult supervisors in parking lot

with means of communicating with the principal' 8 office.

110

2. Need car registration for students and staff.

3. Lack of supervision on the grounds during noon hours.
4. Outside doors should be locked during school day.

5. Fence in Driver Education Range to keep pedestrians

from crossing it.

B. Problems of an Internal Nature

viewees.

1. Need more secretarial service for administrators.

2. Need better communications between principal' 5 office
and counseling office and staff.

3. A student handbook with rules and penalties is needed.

4. Hall control-—need hall monitors, both Caucasian and
Negro.

5. Better communication needed between isolated areas of
the building and principal' 5 office.

6. Bookstore hours should be modified.

7. Cafeteria needs more adult and student supervision.

8. Additional lunch area needed with music selected by
student music committee.

9. Students who live within walking distance should be able

to go home for lunch.

Further elaboration of racial problems was given by inter -

Some Caucasian students felt that teachers were "bending

111

over backward" for the Negro students. Too, some teachers
appeared afraid to take action when Negroes came in late to class,
or they tended to ignore "horseplay" on their part. Also, some
Negroes were reported to have pinched Caucasian girls and used
"vulgar language" in their presence.

On the other hand, it was stated that some Negroes felt
that the Caucasian students were "cold" to them. Some Caucasian
students who were interviewed indicated that some students mocked
the Negroes for their hair, the clothes they wore, and their way of
talking.

Overall, it appeared that the meetings had identified prob-
lems of importance to both teachers and students. The administration,
later, either took action which brought about change, or took no
action because of existing Board policy or other reasons, or referred
the problem to higher authority.

With reference to the events of the first week of school, the
city newspaper editorialized,

If there is anything heartening about the trouble that erupted

at Union High last Friday, it is the calm way in which school
authorities have gone about repairing the situation and the

earnestness with which students, black and white alike, have
set about to establish understanding. 1

 

10Grand Rapids Press, "Editorial, " September 19, 1968,

 

112

The December Conflict

 

Conflict Reoccurs. Slightly more than three months after

 

the September disruptions at Union, conflict again became manifest.
And, after some student meetings, a threatened walkout, and a pre-
liminary skirmish, it escalated to widespread violence.

On Friday, December 13, a group of Negroes held a meet-
ing in the recreation room to discuss grievances. They asked the
Negro administrative intern to inform the principal they wished to
present their concerns to him. When he arrived, they proceeded to
apprise him of continued grievances about the busing, the cafeteria,
the lack of Negro staff and lack of Negro history and literature in
the curriculum, and problems regarding the teaching staff and general
atmosphere in the school.

The following Monday, December 16, a group of ten Cau—
casian student council and class leaders met in the morning with the
principal and an assistant principal. The result was a four -page
”Report" of grievances submitted to the administration by the
Caucasian students the following day. It complained that smoking
and other forbidden conduct had increased in the school; that the hall
guard system instituted after the September violence had not worked
out; that there was a lack of unity in the school; and that there was a

lack of rule enforcement. Finally, the conclusion stated,

113

By Wednesday, December 18, we must have recognition by
the administration that this meeting was held and that admin-
istrators will work toward solving the problems presented. By
Wednesday, January 8, we must have some proof that action is
being taken or a walk —out will be staged.

In addition to the meeting on Monday, December 16, trouble
occurred at noon in the lunchroom. At about 11:30 a. m. the woman
manager of the cafeteria attempted to shut a large accordian type
door. A Negro girl who was in the way was asked to step aside.
Words were exchanged, the door was closed, but reopened by the
girl who then attacked the manager. Other Negroes pulled the girl
off, but the manager was later treated for cuts and bruises in a
physician's office. Rumors then spread about the incident through-
out the school.

In the afternoon, students began to walk out of classes and
gather in the halls. The situation appeared volatile so the principal
ordered the school closed to avert further trouble.

That evening, Monday, December 16, Negro students
attended a meeting in the facilities of one of the local Community
Action Programs presided over by a respected Negro leader of the
agency. Basic problems were surveyed and a written compilation

was to be submitted to school district officials. However, the next

day's events precluded any immediate use of their efforts.

114

School reopened the next day, Tuesday, December 17. About
12:30 p.m. , in the cafeteria, a Caucasian girl screamed, reportedly
because someone patted her posterior. A chair was then thrown,
and wide scale fighting broke out. Though only a small group was
involved initially, the students polarized along racial lines and the
fighting spread to other parts of the school. Several students of both
races tried to stop the fighting, but from twenty -five to thirty police
were needed to restore order. Plain clothes police were on duty
when the ruckus began, and nearby uniformed police were also called
in.

Subsequently, twenty -three persons were arrested and
charged with offenses ranging from assault to obstructing police.
Three students were taken to a hospital, but none was admitted. The
most serious injury among students was a broken nose. Several
police received minor injuries, but one officer who had been knocked
to the floor and jumped on was ordered off duty for a few days. In
addition, the superintendent was later to announce the expulsion of
eight Negro students and the placement of sixteen Negro and fifteen
Caucasians on strict probation. Of the thirty —nine, five were among
the twenty -three that had been arrested by the police. Thus the
total number of students against whom action was taken totaled

fifty -seven.

115

Moreover, the school was closed two days prior to the
beginning of Christmas vacation, the third forced closure in three

months.

Identification of Problems. Once again the school and school

 

district administration sought to involve the community as well as
school district employees in a common search for identification of

the problems as well as possible solutions. Their subsequent efforts
were intensive and widespread. In the two and one -half weeks

between December 17, 1968, and January 6, 1969, the following meet-
ings were held:

1. December 17 -18: Union High Faculty met to consider areas
of concern and discuss problems.

2. December 17: The School Board held a special session to
consider the implications of the day's violence.

3. December 26: The "Committee of 52" who had submitted
the 1966 report on racial imbalance met with the admin-
istrative staff of the school district.

4. December 27: The district administrative staff held a
meeting with thirty community leaders representing various
clubs and service organizations, followed by another with ..

the Grand Rapids Ministerial Association.

116

December 29: A marathon workshop, open to the public,
was held from 2:00 p.m. to 12:00 p.m. which involved
several hundred persons, though actual numbers varied
throughout the long day. Three general and two workshop
sessions were held. One of the latter consisted of fourteen
groups of from fifteen to thirty people each. Each group
submitted (1) a detailed account of what they believed to be
the problems; and (2) possible solutions to the problems.
December 30: School district administrators met with over
one hundred representatives of business and industry. Also,
the Superintendent and Director of Secondary Education
talked with representatives of the Michigan —Ohio Regional
Lab (MOREL) to see about help in eliminating possible
racism in Union High teachers.

January 2: Sixty members of the Union High faculty volun-
tarily ended their Christmas vacation two days early and
reported to the school in order to go over opening day pro-
cedures as presented in a report prepared by fifteen faculty
and administrative representatives. Later that evening,
Union High parents attended a meeting in the school gym -
nasium, having previously been sent invitations and revised

school rules and regulations. Discussion on the issues

117

believed to have been factors in causing the racial violence

at the school took place.

As a result of the painstaking process of holding meetings
and analyzing the reports of the various groups and individuals
representing students, teachers, administrators, and concerned
citizens, school officials compiled an extensive summary report
which described the multifarious problems identified. The entire
detailed report of concerns comprises Appendix B, but major areas

of concern were as follows:

A. Factors Resident in Students:

1. Lack of understanding and/or tolerance for cultural
differences. Contributing are reactions to communica-
tions handicaps, interracial dating and jealousy, etc. ,
stemming from alleged preferential treatment.

2. Lack of commitment to the role of "student" on the part
of a significant number of students.

3. Alienation towards the school administration, particularly
as a result of communications difficulties as seen by

the students.

 

1Plans for Re -Opening and Maintenance of Operation of
Union, undated, pp. 1-11.

 

118

4. A lack of identity to Union on the part of the former
South students, which affects the unity with former
Union students.

5. Students from the south part of the district do not
satisfactorily (in their estimation) influence student
body decisions, hence, voice objections in numerous
fashions.

6. General nonacceptance of the Master Plan by either
student group. Therefore, some student disruptions
are efforts to scuttle the plan.

7. Some students are alienated towards rules and regula -
tions governing behavior and so are frequent violators,
thereby contributing to problems of many kinds.

B. Factors Resident in Staff:

1. Lack of preparedness of the staff for receiving the
transfer students in the fall.

2. Lack of clear definition of the role of a teacher.

3. Difficulty in dealing with clerical staff in the general
and counseling offices.

4. Lack of communication among teachers.

5. Ineffective administrative leadership, particularly with

respect to achieving staff unity.

C.

10.

11.

12.

13.

119

Lack of communication between faculty and adminis -
tration on such matters as teacher evaluation and
involvement in decision making policies.

Lack of adequate code of conduct for students and
enforcement by the administration.

Inaccessibility of the administration. ls seen as
"invisible to students" and too frequently out of the
building.

Staff meetings are frequently redundant, lacking neces -
sary purpose.

The administration demands that staff follow channels
and then fails to act on requests which have been chan-
neled.

Some teachers do not have the ability to work with the
students at Union.

Counselors do not believe they are able to do an ade -
quate counseling job because of too much clerical work,
students not meeting appointments, and too many ad -
ministrative duties.

Teachers are expected to do too much clerical work.

Factors Resident in the Community:

1.

Apprehension of parents for the quality of education and

safety of the children in the school.

120

Opposition to the Master Plan, for whatever reason,
particularly influences student attitudes.

Presence of news media personnel in the building
seems to impact student actions.

Rumors, misinformation, and misrepresentation by
some teachers and parents concerning the school in the

community have bearing on the attitudes of all personnel.

D. Factors Resident in School Operations:

1.

Lack of stable, consistent atmosphere within which
students and teachers cooperate caused by excessive
absenteeism, tardiness, and abuse of pass privileges
by teachers.

Scheduling and procedures of classes and events and
activities has contributed to instability because of lack
of control over location of students, problems with the
noon hour and book store schedules, and problems
associated with movement to assemblies, etc.
Referral and discipline procedures lack coordination,
are not firm or consistent.

External issues such as smoking in halls, parking lot
programs, crowding on buses, and complaints about

bus drivers.

121

5. Facility and equipment shortcomings, such as cafeteria
layout, narrow halls, lack of a safety valve area.

6. Curriculum has no Black History courses or inclusion
of Black literature in English courses; supplemental
materials used in eleventh grade U. S. History inade -

quate as seen by students.

Analytical Summa ry

 

The analysis of the data is organized under the following
categories: "Number and Location of Major Incidents"; "Develop-
ment of Conflict, " which includes the parties to conflict, the extent,
type, and the immediate resolution of conflict; and the "Identifica -

tion of Concerns. "

Number and Location of Major Incidents. Three major

 

outbreaks of conflict occurred that resulted in closure of the school
three times in the first three months of desegregation during the
1968 -69 school year at Union High School in Grand Rapids, Michigan.
The term major conflict is arbitrarily defined in this study as a level
of manifest conflict, violent or nonviolent, which results in the need
for police assistance and/or the closing of a school.

It was found that each of the three precipitating incidents

occurred in places where large groups of students congregated. In

122

the disturbances of September 13, conflict first occurred in the
cafeteria where all seniors (about four hundred and fifty students)
were having "homeroom" period, and subsequently spread to hall-
ways during passing period. The second incident on December 16
occurred in the cafeteria during lunch period and later spread to the

halls. The same was true of the third incident on December 17.

Development of the Conflict. All three incidents of major

 

conflict resulted from Negro -Caucasian conflict: in the first and
third incidents, student antagonists were involved; in the second,
the initiating incident involved a Negro girl and a Caucasian adult.
As the conflict escalated after the precipitating incidents, students
tended to polarize along racial lines and the numbers involved in the
conflicts increased. All three precipitating incidents were violent
in nature. In regard to the first and third incidents, the extent of
the violence increased as fighting spread to other students. This
was averted in the case of the second conflict when school was closed
by the administration as students began to leave classes and congre-
gate in the halls.

Interestingly, numerous students of both races tried to
intervene to halt fights, often being struck themselves in the pro-

cess. Moreover, eyewitness observers and participants in these

123

major conflicts emphatically pointed out that it was always a very
small minority of students who initiated the conflict. "Outsiders"
were not a factor in triggering incidents of conflict at Union High;
however, they did contribute to extending the duration of the conflict
on September 13, 1968, when they provoked the Negroes who were
about to be bused home after the first outbreak of violence at Union.
It was interesting to note that the first major conflict of
September 13 was confined to fewer students than the third occur-
rence on December 17. In the latter case, the student involvement
was much greater, as indicated partly by the fact that over fifty-
seven students were either arrested or received other disciplinary
action. A kind of "automatic" polarization along racial lines occurred
which was not nearly as evident or extensive in the earlier conflict.
Suchman, Dean, and Williams had indicated that violence
in desegregation would come irrationally and suddenly. 12 While it
is true that the violence, itself, occurred in that manner, there was
a definite period of uneasiness and discernible tension prior to the
outbreaks of major conflict at Union. During this period, there was
time to identify problems. Thus, a basic question relative to pre-
venting the escalation of conflict may hinge upon how administrators

can function most effectively to utilize such periods of warning.

 

12Cf. ante, p. 61.

124

The conflict in the first and third instances was immediately
resolved by the use of police, who were forced to use mace and clubs
to some extent in both instances, and school district staff. Both
plain -clothed and uniformed police were used, the latter being called
in when violence broke out, the former being on duty in the school
when the first and third incidents occurred. The second instance of
major conflict was resolved by dismissing school before widespread
violence could occur after the violent altercation between the female

Caucasian lunchroom manager and a Negro girl.

Identification of Concerns. The procedure in identifying

 

concerns was primarily initiated by school and school district
administrators who attempted to organize meetings involving stu -
dents, teachers, administrators, and representatives of various
groups and organizations in the community, and in one case the
entire pubhc. Participants in these meetings were encouraged to
express concerns and to offer solutions. A comparison of the number
of meetings following the third and final major conflict as compared
to the first occurrence in September was both an indication of an
escalation of concern in the school and community, as well as testa -
ment to an almost unbelievable effort on the part of the school
system to get at the reasons for the conflict at Union and to inform

the community of its concern. The meetings and subsequent

125

interaction ranged from business, religious, and club leaders to
teachers and the general citizenry in a two and one -half week period
including the holidays and weekends of the Christmas vacation of the
1968 -69 school year.

A second way in which concerns were made known was
through the voluntary efforts of students. It is noteworthy that the
two days prior to the final and most serious conflict of December 17
were characterized by both Negro and Caucasian student meetings--
occasions where the students met and "invited" the administrators
to attend. These meetings were well organized, and in the case
of the Caucasian student meeting on December 16, resulted in a list
of written concerns, in addition to the demand that action be taken
or there would be a student walkout.

In regard to identifying concerns, this investigator found
that the matter was complicated and raised two questions. First,
because of the fine cooperation of school district personnel, the
original documents of concerns and problem areas, as indicated by
students as well as the numerous groups, were made available.
These were carefully perused. However, a compilation of all listed
concerns would have been useless without some collation. Since
school district officials had collated them into what appears as

Appendix B herein, a comparison of the original data was made with

126

the collated report to determine whether a separate analysis would
appear in this study. The collation proved to be an excellent,
detailed summary of concerns except for the failure to include the
lack of Negro staff members as a major problem area as perceived
by Negro students.

However, a second and closely related problem involved the
question of priority among concerns, or ascertaining those which
were most important. When the problems were examined either as
reported after the first major conflict, or after the second and third
in the form of the district's collated report, the great majority of
concerns were found to be nonracial in nature. Analysis showed
they could be classified into three major categories: (1) racial
problems, such as name calling; (2) problems of an everyday nature
relative to the operation of any high school, such as smoking in the
building; and (3) problems associated with the opening of new build -
ings, such as learning how to cope with the fact that the cafeteria
was located in an already congested area of the building. Examina —
tion of Appendix B, as well as the concerns identified after the first
major conflict and subsequent information from students and other
sources, showed that the latter two categories were more extensive
than the former. This would appear to lend further credence to Wey

and Corey's findings that student problems in a desegregated school

127

were essentially the same as in any school; they were only accentuated
by desegregation. 13

However, the present findings appear to offer greater sup-
port for Salten14 in that desegregation tends to create new and very
real problems of adjustment. And while it is of interest that the
majority of concerns were of a nonracial nature, it cannot be stated
that the racial problems were of less importance. In fact, it must
be remembered that the violence was begun by students; and the con-
cerns they expressed immediately prior to and immediately following
the second and third major conflicts were largely racial in nature.
Therefore, through careful analysis of the data, an attempt was made
to identify the problems that students, themselves, actually expressed.
Content analysis of several documents as well as interview data
showed that Negro students had several primary concerns. A survey
of such concerns, included below in rank order of importance, taken
at the December 16 meeting in a local CAP agency attended by over
eighty Negro students, epitomized these. It should be remembered
that the meeting occurred the night before the most violent outbreak

that occurred at Union. They were as follows:

 

13cc ante, p. 51.

14Cf. ante, p. 63.

9.

128

More "black" curriculum needed.

"White" teachers were prejudiced.

More "black" teachers needed.

Crowded conditions on buses and poor drivers.
"White" students prejudiced.

Weak principal - -unseen, unknown

No communication between students (races).
No representation in class activities.

Librarians prejudiced.

Hence, it is apparent that eight of the nine concerns were related to

problems of racial adjustment.

For Caucasian students, the "report" by White Union High

School Students (actually written by ten elected student leaders of

the school), also on December 16, the day prior to the most exten-

sive outbreak of violence, noted the following:

1.

The lack of enforcement of rules, mainly because of
teachers' and administrators' fear of enforcing them in
regard to Negroes.

The lack of unity in the school because of Negro students'
failure to cheer at games, etc.

The failure of Negroes to accept proferred friendships on

the part of Caucasians.

129

4. Overbearing Negro hall guards.
5. Improper personal conduct, such as smoking in lavatories
and using improper language.
No rank order was assigned the above, but, again, racial considera-
tions were important. Thus, while the reports compiled by school
district personnel were extremely honest and complete collations of
all factors believed to have been important in the development of
conflict, analysis of student reports and interviews with students
indicated that problems of racial adjustment were primary to them.
In summary, careful analysis of the data indicated that
racial concerns were a primary factor in the outbreaks of violence
at Union High and that they in turn focused concern and brought to
light many other less apparent problem areas that existed relative

to the staff, the students, and the overall operation of the school.

CHAPTER V

MAJOR CHANGES AND ANALYSIS OF

THE QU E STIONNAIRE

This phase of the study sought to determine if changes
occurred in the school and community that appeared to have been
related to the conflict which occurred at Union High School, and then
to determine whether those familiar with the conflict, administra -
tors, teachers, and students, perceived such changes as (1) being
caused to some extent by the conflict, and (2) constructive to some
degree.

In regard to determining what changes had occurred that
appeared to be related to the conflict, interview data and documentary
evidence were gathered. Careful attention was given to verification
that the changes had, in fact, occurred by cross -checking interview
and historical evidence. Criteria which contributed to the selection
of a change were (1) the proximity of the change to the conflict; (2) an
apparent relationship between the change and an identified concern;

(3) the absence of a relationship between the change and the planning

130

131

and preparations for desegregation; and (4) the Opinions of people
in a position to offer information on the subject.

The final part of the study involved structuring a question-
naire, comprised of succinct statements of the changes, and
administering it to administrators, teachers, and both Caucasian
and Negro students who were at or associated with Union High during
the period from September of 1968 through October of 1969. The
perceptions of the five groups were sought to determine whether the
changes were caused to some extent by the confhct and whether such

changes were considered to be constructive to some degree.

Changes Related to Conflict

A structured interview schedule was used to gather data as
to possible changes that occurred which may have been related to the
conflict at Union. In addition, content analysis techniques were used
to examine documentary evidence. The major changes which were
found to have occurred were divided arbitrarily into categories for
analytical purposes. Within each category the changes are described

in chronological order as closely as possible.

Curriculum and Student Activities

 

Several changes were apparent in the curriculum of the

school. First, a relatively short -lived change occurred during the

132

week following the September violence when students returned to
school in stages and held discussions on Negro -Caucasian relation
problems as noted earlier in this study. 1

Second, and somewhat related, students and teachers were
encouraged both semesters to allow for discussion of Negro-
Caucasian problems during class time when students expressed the
need to do so.

Third, even though plans to include minority group contri -
butions were begun in earnest after the June 3, 1968, acceptance of
the Master Plan, efforts to include such material intensified, par-
ticularly after the first semester. The eleventh grade U. S. History

classes used Logan and Cohan' s The Negro in American Life to

 

supplement the regular text, whereas all eleventh grade literature

teachers received copies of (1) Three Negro Classics (Avon Books),

 

which includes Washington's Up From Slavery, Dubois' The Souls

 

 

of Black Folk, and Johnson' 3 The Autobiography of an Ex -Colored

 

 

Man; (2) The Negro Novel in America by Bone; and (3) Dark Symphony:

 

 

 

Negro Literature in America, edited by Gross. English teachers

 

were encouraged to include units of Negro literature in their course
of study and to be receptive to students doing research projects on

Negroes as well as book reviews of Negro authors.

 

1Supra, p. 106.

133

Fourth, a course in "Black History" was offered beginning
second semester. A Negro teacher was recruited to teach the five
sections of students who elected to take it, about twenty -five per
cent of whom were Caucasian. Sources used consisted of various
paperbacks on the Negro in contemporary American life as well as
those on historical background. Also used were books and African
artifacts loaned by the Michigan -Ohio Regional Laboratory. At the
beginning of the 1969-70 school year, the course was still offered on
an elective basis but was moved to the educational park, where the
course was available to all of the city's high school students.

Fifth, orientation procedures for incoming sophomore
students were changed beginning with the 1969 -70 school year. All
sophomores were asked to report to school one day early in order to
become better acquainted with the school and its policies prior to
the return of upperclassmen.

Finally, at least two developments relating to student
activities were discernible. First, the selection of queens and courts,
long a tradition at the old Union High continued at the new school,
was changed from a rather closed system to one where every girl
in the particular grade level had a chance to be selected. A list
with the name of every girl in the grade was given to all students,

who were asked to vote for four. Then, the top seven vote getters

134

were voted on. Girls who were interviewed particularly indicated
this was a major change to them.

Second, the Senior Center Board was created. This group
of students, selected by peers, began to plan activities such as ping -
pong tournaments, billiards, scuba diving, and other activities.
These two developments came about during the second semester of
the 1968-69 school year, and were simply an indication of a more
extensive student activity program that began to materialize in the

fall of the 1969-70 school year.

Student Conduct

 

Considering the two major outbreaks of violence and the fact
that Union High was closed three times in the first three months of
the 1968 -69 school year, it was not surprising that changes occurred
relative to student conduct. After the conflict of September 13, a
plan was devised whereby parent teams, consisting in some cases
Of both a Caucasian and Negro, would assist in keeping order in the
halls and certain areas of the building where students congregated.
These teams were on duty for the entire year.

Closely associated was a plan whereby teams of hall
monitors would also assist in keeping order. The original idea was

that the team would consist of a Caucasian and a Negro, but as the

135

semester progressed, most of the teams became entirely Negro.
This particular innovation was terminated after the outbreak of
violence on December 17.

Prior to the resumption of school after the Christmas
holidays, students received a written copy of "Union High School,
1968 -69, Student Rules and Regulations, " which was a composite of
revised and new rules formulated during the September -December
period by Union High staff. It was the first time students had
received a copy of the school rules that school year.

Another major development influencing student conduct was
the hiring of two full -time civilian, nonuniformed control officers to
patrol the parking lots and school building areas. As has been pointed
out, Union High is a building characterized by long corridors and
isolated wings. These individuals were equipped with walkie ~talkies
which maintained contact with the main office. At the outset of the
following school year, 1969-70, the control officers were still on
duty.

Finally, there was a general "tightening up" of rules and
regulations as the school year progressed. For example, hall
passes were required of all traveling students. Students who loitered
in the halls were questioned about their presence. In the course of

the second semester, for the first time teachers and other staff were

136

assigned supervisory duty in the gym during assemblies held there.
Overall, supervision and control became highly important,

especially after the December violence.

Faculty and Staff

 

Some of the most important changes involved staffing. On
January 2, the principal of Union High requested a ehange in assign-
ment. His letter of request noted that, "The position of high school
principal has become increasingly arduous in recent years, and I
believe my experience and my service to the purposes of public
school education can now be better utilized in another assignment. "
The superintendent granted the request and assigned one of the
system's junior high principals to the position. This also involved
moving one of Union's assistant principals to the new principal' 8
previous position. As a result, the Negro administrative intern at
Union was appointed acting assistant principal in charge of discipline
to fill the departing assistant principal' 5 position. Hence, a new
administrative team took over at Union prior to the end of the first
semester.

In addition to the elevation of the Negro administrative
intern, two other Negroes were added to the professional staff begin—
ning the second semester. One was a counselor, and the other a

teacher.

137

In regard to nonprofessional staff, at the beginning of
second semester, additional help was hired in the cafeteria, both
adult and student. Several of the students were Negroes. Also,
several Negro paraprofessionals were hired. One, for example,
served as an aide to the new Senior Center Board. When the school
year began in September, there were no paraprofessionals in the
school; by the end of the 1968-69 school year there were three Negro
and one Caucasian paraprofessionals. Thus, several Negro staff
members were added.

In regard to other areas where additional personnel were
hired, the cafeteria was notable, primarily since it had been an area
of considerable concern as revealed in the meetings held following
the major incidents of confhct. Both adult and student help was
increased during the second semester. Special effort was made to
recruit Negro students.

Two somewhat unique programs were instituted during the
second semester of the year. The first was a program carried out
by the Michigan -Ohio Regional Laboratory (MOREL), a federally
funded organization, which lasted from the end of January to mid -
April. Twenty —two of forty volunteers from the Union staff were
selected to participate in a program designed to help teachers and

administrators establish a background which would enable them to

138

develop and/or carry out school programs which overcome racism.
In this pilot project, participants met from 3:00 p.m. to 6:00 p.m.
every Thursday and also took part in a weekend retreat at a hotel

in nearby Lansing. Efforts were made to help participants recog -
nize racist attitudes so that attitudes might be restructured. The
major sources used were, "The Rightness of Whiteness, " by Citron,
published by MOREL; Cleaver' s "The White Race and Its Heroes, "

from Soul on Ice; and Institutional Racism in American Society: A

 

 

Primer, published by the Mid-Peninsula Christian Ministry, of
Palo Alto, California. Primarily it was an information -discussion
program, though techniques used in sensitivity training were used in
the weekend retreat.

A second program for teachers and administrators was a
course offered under the auspices of Michigan State University and
conducted by a consultant from "Project Student Values, " another
federally funded program which specialized in the study of values.

The basic text was Values and Teaching by Raths, Harmin, and

 

Simon, though attitudes involved in racism were given emphasis.
Participants met for three hours, one night per week. In addition,
the consultant aided the staff and students on an ad hoc basis during
the same period of time.

Finally, a major change in the teaching staff became ap—

parent when the next school year began. Twenty -three teachers,

139

representing thirty -two per cent of the teaching staff, did not
return for the 1969—70 school year.

Not all changes in staff occurred at the building level,
however. In May of 1969, a human relations director, a twenty—
eight—year-old Negro, was appointed to serve at the central office
level with primary responsibihty for improving race relations in
city schools. Particularly he was to work for better staff liaison
between staff and community, students, and teachers and students
in schools that had been desegregated. Regarding long term plan -
ning, he was to develop a human relations program consistent with

the progressive desegregation as outlined in the Master Plan.

Facilities and Transportation

 

The most extensive change in facility was the creation of
a "Senior Center" out of what was previously called a recreation
room. The center, located in the basement of the building, com -
prising about five thousand square feet, was transformed from a
bare room to a center for senior activities, complete with a portable
steam table and other acoutrements which made it possible to serve
hot dogs, hamburgers, and milk. Also installed were vending
machines that dispensed other food. Moreover, the center was

made replete with a juke box, pool tables, and ping pong equipment.

140

Supervision was handled by both Negro and Caucasian student
monitors and an adult supervisor.

Another area that was changed to provide better service
was the cafeteria. Service counters and electrical connections were
moved and aisle markers established in order to eliminate lines of
students into the halls and possible friction among students.

Outside the building, certain changes were made in the
parking areas in the second semester. Staff and visitor parking
signs were erected and speed limit signs established.

In regard to transportation, two changes were made. First,
because of complaints by Negro students about bus drivers, the
school district, which had originally used buses chartered from the

"south end, " instead assigned its own

city to bus students from the
buses to this function and reassigned the city charters on other runs.
Second, a special activities bus was assigned, in late September of

the first semester, to leave the school at 4:30 p. m. in order to pro-

vide transportation after extracurricular activities.

Community -School Relations

 

Various changes were apparent in school -community rela -
tions during and immediately following the year of conflict at Union

High. The numerous meetings that occurred between school district

141

personnel and several groups in the community in order to solicit
major concerns and solutions have been previously described. 2 In
reiteration, extensive dialogue over desegregation problems took
place during the two and one -half week period following the forced
closing of school on December 17, 1968, and its reopening, January 6,
1969, which involved: (1) a group representing thirty community '
organizations and clubs; (2) the Grand Rapids Ministerial Associa -
tion; (3) a group of over one hundred business leaders; (4) several
hundred citizens who attended an open, marathon workshop; and
(5) staff at Union High.

Another development influencing school -community relations
was the Board of Education election, wherein four positions were
to open on July 1, 1969. In the final election of April 12, three of

' and their cam —

the winning candidates were from the "west side, '
paign had stressed opposition to the Master Plan primarily because
of the busing of Negro students from the "south end. " Of interest
was the fact that the same three persons were members of an organi -
zation called the Union High Parents' Association (UHPA) which had
branched off from the regular Union High Parent, Teacher, Student

Association (UHPTSA) in the two months following the final incident

of violence on December 17, 1968, at Union.

 

2
Supra, pp. 1 14 -116.

142

As an organization, the UHPA held political rallies in
behalf of its candidates and canvassed the city, prior to the election,
handing out pamphlets showing dollar bills emanating from the tail
pipes of buses to stress their opposition to the busing of Negroes as
a method of desegregating schools. At one of their rallies, held
March 11, 1969, in the cafeteria at Union (for which they were
charged on the basis of being a political group), members questioned
the MOREL staff as to whether they were brainwashing teachers to
grade Negro students separately and expressed concern that only the
Negro case was being presented in the MOREL program. Overall,
the group was greatly concerned about continued implementation of
the Master Plan.

When the results of the election were known, the three new
"west side" candidates announced that the reason they won was
because of their foremost plank, "Junk the integrating Master Plan
and busing. "3 They were especially pleased they had swept the
incumbent Board president and another strong supporter of the Master
Plan out of office. Though the same three members were later to
demand that the "lame duck" Board members resign so the "mandate"
of the people could be carried out that much sooner, the majority of

the Board decided to thoughtfully re -evaluate the Plan during the

 

3Grand Rapids Press, April 8, 1969, p. 1-B.

 

143

months to follow. Too, a Grand Rapids Press editorial questioned

 

that any "mandate" had in fact been given the three since, among
other things, only about half the voters turned out in the final
election that had voted in the primary. 4 Overall, only 21.5 per cent
of those eligible had voted. When the next school year began, 1969-
70, the busing and Master Plan were still in force.

The Grand Rapids Press gave very extensive coverage of

 

events at Union. This investigator examined every article pertain—
ing to the development of the Master Plan, and subsequent events
related to desegregation which appeared from January of 1968 to
November of 1969. It was interesting to find that after the first
violence occurred at Union on September 13, there was a noticeable
lack of attention given to other city high schools that also had deseg -
regated. This raised a question of balance, as well as possible bias.
Because of concern over rumors and inaccurate informa—
tion about education in the community, the school district, in early
February of 1969, instituted a "rumor control center" in order to
provide quick and accurate answers to the questions of concerned
citizens. The primary responsibility for the center was assigned

to the school system's public relations director.

 

4"Less Than a Mandate, " Grand Rapids Press, April 9'
1969. p. 12.

144

Another change affecting school -community relations was
begun in the fall of the 1969-70 school year. The Union High
principal assigned one member of the counseling staff to spend one
day a week in the community, on a continuing basis, for the purpose
of improving school-community relations. The counselor subsequently
used the facilities of local Community Action Projects (CAPS) and
met with parents who had questions about the school and/or their
children.

Finally, in the fall of 1969, the Union High PTSA was the
only public high school in the school system to receive an award for

having at least a ten per cent increase in membership.

Summa ry

Numerous changes in the school and/or community were
discernible during the 1968 -69 school year in which Union High was
beset with conflict. Certain changes also occurred in the fall of
1969, the beginning of the 1969-70 school year. Of the changes that
occurred, all but five were instituted as the result of an administra -
tive decision based, to some extent, on the advice of either parents,
students, or teachers. The five exceptions that obviously
occurred as a result of forces outside the purview of school district

administrators were those involving (1) the formation of the UHPA;

145

(2) the election of three "west side" candidates to the school board;

(3) the coverage given the school by the Grand Rapids Press; (4) the

 

numerical growth of the PTSA; and (5) the fact that twenty —three
teachers, or thirty -two per cent of the staff, did not return to Union
the following year.

Overall, then, it was found that changes occurred in the
school and community which appeared to have been caused to some
extent by the conflict that characterized Union High School during
the 1968-69 school year.

That all of the changes described above occurred was
verified by cross-checking interview data with documentary evidence.
The relationship of the conflict which occurred at Union to the
changes appeared to be causative to at least some extent because of
(1) the proximity of the change to the confhct; (2) an apparent
relationship between the change and an identified concern; (3) the
absence of a relationship between the change and the planning and
preparations for desegregation; and (4) the opinions of peOple in a
position to offer information on the subject.

The changes were arbitrarily classified into five major
categories: (1) Curriculum and Student Activities; (2) Student Con—
duct; (3) Faculty and Staff; (4) Facilities and Transportation; and

(5) Community -School Relations. The thirty -one major changes

146

which occurred, and which were subsequently included in a
questionnaire to students, administrators, and teachers, are stated

below in the succinct form used in the questionnaire:

Curriculum and Student Activities

1. After the closing of school on September 13, 1968, the
next week was devoted to meetings, first among seniors,
then juniors and sophomores, in order to identify problems
and clarify issues.

2. Classroom discussions on black -white relationships and
problems took place during both first and second semesters
to identify common problems and clarify just what the issues
were.

3. Efforts were made to include minority group contributions
in the English and social studies curriculums during the
1968 -69 school year.

4. A one semester black history course was offered second
semester at Union.

5. At the beginning of first semester this year, 1969-70, all
tenth grade students were asked to report to school one day
earlier than other grade levels so orientation would be

improved over that of last year.

147

Second semester the voting procedure for student courts
and queens of various events was revised to make it fairer
and more democratic.

Various new activities for seniors were begun through the
"Senior Center" such as pool, ping pong, juke box music

at lunch time, and scuba diving.

Student Conduct

1.

Student monitor teams were formed to assist in the super-
vision of the halls.

Parent teams helped in the halls to keep outsiders from
causing trouble and to assist with potential problems.

Two full -time control officers were hired at Union to assist
in preventing vandalism and other kinds of problems from
developing in the halls and parking lot.

School rules and regulations were revised in mid -year and
distributed so all students would be aware of procedures and
policies.

In general, last year there was a "tightening up" of rules
andregulations, e.g. , closer surveillance of hall passes,

etc.

Fa culty and Staff

1.

A new administrative team took over the leadership at

Union shortly after the Christmas holidays.

 

148

Additional black staff members were added to the Union
staff after the school year, 1968—69, had begun.

Second semester, additional staff were hired in the cafe-
teria to provide better service to students and staff.

The Michigan -Ohio Regional Lab (MOREL) conducted an
experimental information program for teachers during the
second semester.

A consultant from "Project Student Values" worked with
staff and students during the second semester of 1969.

In May, 1969, the school district hired a new Human Rela -
tions Director to assist in improving race relations in city
schools.

Close to twenty teachers who taught at Union in 1968-69

are not now on the staff.

lities and Transportation

1.

\V
e

A "Senior Center" was created out of the recreation room
second semester.

During the second semester, several changes were made in
the cafeteria, such as more service counters, more chairs,
and better aisle markers.

Second semester, the parking lot areas were improved in

that new signs were installed and parking procedures clarified.

“Hi ll

 

 

 

149

4. Students from the south end were originally transported
to Union on chartered city buses, but later came to be
transported on school district buses instead.

5. Beginning September 23, 1968, an activities bus to leave
the school at 4:30 p.m. was begun in order to provide

transportation after extracurricular activities.

 

Zommunity -School Relations * . ...
1. Over the Christmas holidays, the school board and admin-
istrators met with numerous organizations such as the
Grand Rapids Council of Ministers, Chamber of Commerce, :
etc. , in order to develop increased community awareness
Of school desegregation problems.
2. Three new members from the west side were elected to the
Board of Education in the spring of 1969.
3. The Union High Parents Association (UHPA) formed in the
community out of interest in the Union High busing.

4. The Grand Rapids Press gave more extensive coverage to

 

the first year desegregation at Union as compared to the
city's other high schools.
5. A rumor control center was established at the school dis -

trict' 3 central office in February of 1969 to provide

150

accurate answers to questions and concerns about education
in Grand Rapids.
6. As of this fall, 1969, counseling duties have been reorga-

nized to where one counselor will spend time in the com -

'Ii: ‘.",P.
we.

munity each week, for example at the Sheldon and west side
complexes, in order to meet with parents who have questions
about student courses and school-community problems. , ,__

7. The Union High PTSA at the present time has more actual
members than was true during the fall of 1968.

Analysis of the Questionnaire:
Confhct as a Cause of Change

Though thirty -three items were included in the question-
aire, the data on two were not tabulated nor included in the analysis.
em 3, concerning the inclusion of a unit in adolescent development,
as excluded because respondents, when marking the questionnaire,
)inted out that the "family living" course was taught by a social
,udies teacher and considered to be in that department, not home
:Onomics. Thus, the researcher errored in describing the depart-
ent. Item number 27 was excluded before tabulating the data
cause a final reassessment of all changes revealed that it was the
ly one of the items which could not be empirically determined to

a change. The term "generally became more active" was so

 

 

151

Iague as to be meaningless, and this study sought to avoid any
question as to whether the change, in fact, occurred.

Data were Obtained from four major groups: (1) Negro
students, (2) Caucasian students, (3) Teachers, and (4) Administra -
ors. In regard to students, only juniors and seniors were eligible
or the study since sophomores were not attending the school during
he year of conflict. The total usable sample consisted of 20 per
ent, or 188 of the total population of 960 students ehgible for the
tudy, and consisted of twenty Negroes, or 13 per cent of the total
ample, and 166 Caucasian students. Negroes eligible for the study
1 the total school population actually comprised about 16. 6 per cent,
r 160 of the total student population. Thus, the fact that a 13 per
ant sample was obtained indicates a very slight bias in the number
' Caucasian students included in the study.

The instrument was administered to the total populations
administrators and teachers who were eligible for the study. Of
a forty -nine teachers, returns were obtained from forty -seven,

96 per cent. Six of the seven administrators responded, for an
7 per cent return.

Analysis of the data will occur as follows: First, the extent

t conflict was perceived to be a factor in, or cause of the changes

I be examined using the arbitrary categories developed earlier in

152

this chapter. Then the extent that the changes were thought to be
useful or constructive will be examined in the same manner. llow -
ever, special attention will be given to analyzing the possible

reasons why the groups varied in their responses to certain items

3r groupings relative to the extent conflict was thought to be a cause,

)r the constructiveness of the changes, consistent with the purposes
if the study.

Both mean scores and per cents will be used to analyze the
ata. The scale respondents were asked to mark consisted of four

ategories numbered and described as follows:

4 = to a very great extent
3 = to a moderate extent
2 = to a very small extent
1 = not at all

hen per cents are used to describe an item, the four -point scale
ll generally be collapsed into two parts and responses described
regard to (1) a "moderate" or ”very great extent, " or (2) a "very

iall extent" or "not at all. "

rri culum and Student Activities

 

The totals in Table V —1 show that each of the four groups

'ceived conflict to be a definite cause of changes in this category

'i'dl'“; 17kt »
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153

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154

as seen in the mean scores of 2. 6 for Negro students, 2. 9 for
Caucasian students, and 3. 4 for both teachers and administrators,
though the evaluations of the latter two groups were markedly higher
than for the students.

Looking at individual items, a majority of Negro students
perceived only item 3 as having been caused by conflict to a ”very
small extent" or "not at all, " while Caucasian students evaluated . 3...-..
item 7 in that manner. Teachers and administrators failed to
evaluate conflict that lowly for any of the changes.

Item 3 is of special interest. The Negro student mean was
1. 9, comparing somewhat to the low mean of 2. 3 for administrators,
while the 2. 6 of Caucasian students and 3.0 of teachers were markedly

higher. Why? It must be noted that efforts to revise the social
studies curriculum had been under way in the district for over a year
prior to the outbreak of conflict at Union. Further, an ad hoc com-
nittee was created on June 3, 1968, the day the Master Plan was
Lpproved, to further revise the curriculum to improve the balance
.etween minority groups and Caucasian contributions. Administra -
ors were perhaps more aware of this because of their leadership
ositions and Negro students because it was a primary concern of
ieirs prior to coming to the school. However, the researcher was

[so aware of this, and the intent of the question was to elicit whether

155

in fact conflict gave further impetus to the efforts and/or was
responsible for greater diligence in application of such material.
Therefore, teachers, who were in the key position to evaluate whether
conflict was a cause of efforts to include minority group contributions
n the English and social studies curriculums, rated it more highly
ban the other groups. Too, it is of interest that Caucasian students
{ave conflict a comparatively high rating, thereby offering further
:upport for the plausible reasons for the divergence among the

roups, since they would likely have been less aware of the prior
lanning on this particular matter yet have been sensitive to increased

fforts to include such material after conflict occurred.

tildent Conduct

 

For changes in this category, Table V—2 shows consistently
.rong mean scores ranging from 3.0 to 3. 2 for Negro and Cauca-
an students to an identical high of 3. 6 for teachers and administra-
rs.

Of the individual items, only number 1 was not believed to
caused by conflict to a "moderate" or "very great extent, " and
an only by a majority of the Negro students. Moreover, the fact
Lt this item was given the lowest mean ratings by all groups of the

e items in the overall category suggests that the fact the teams

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157

were abandoned after the December 17, 1968, violence may have
resulted in lessening of the intensity of feeling about this change
caused by the time lapse of almost a year before perceptions were
surveyed for this study. The change was in operation only from mid —
September to December 17, and the violence of the latter date was

of greater magnitude. The changes related thereto, or those of
greater duration, were perhaps more apt to be remembered by all

groups.

Faculty and Staff

 

In Table V —3, the mean scores of 2. 7 for Negro students,
2. 9 for Caucasian students, and 3. 5 for both teachers and adminis-
trators indicate that all groups evaluated conflict as being a cause of
overall changes in this category. Again, the mean scores of teachers
and administrators were markedly higher than for students.

Examining individual items, changes 4 and 5 were not
believed to have been caused by conflict to a "moderate" or ”very
great extent" by a majority of the Negro students, but that was the
only group to evaluate conflict that lowly as a factor in any of the
changes.

In the case of item 4, the Michigan -Ohio Regional Labora -

tory (MOREL) program for teachers was not seen by Negroes as

 

158

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159

having been caused by conflict to any great degree. In fact, almost
two~thirds, 63 per cent, believed the change was related to conflict
to a "very small extent" or "not at all. " The Negro student mean on
this item was only 2. 1 as compared with administrators' 4.0 and
teachers' 3. 7, thus indicating the Negro students' failure to per-
ceive the impact of the conflict on the decision to initiate the program.
This is interesting since the Negro community demanded that a
program, specifically MOREL' s, be instituted at Union, and this
was well publicized by the press.

In change number 5, almost the same situation held for the
Project Student Values consultant. The mean scores for administra-
tors and teachers were 4.0 and 3. 6 respectively, while it was 2. 6 for
Negro students and 2. 7 for Caucasian students. It is interesting that
34 per cent of the Negro students marked response category 4, yet
55 per cent marked categories 1 and 2. Thus, it appears that
34 per cent of the Negroes had direct contact with the consultant, or
some other basis for the high rating, and those who had not were not

aware of his role and were at the other end of the scale.

Facilities and Transportation

 

Mean scores for this category of changes, as shown in

Table V-4, ranged from lows of 2.2 for Caucasian students and 2. 4

 

160

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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161

)r Negro students to highs of 3.0 for teachers and 3. 4 for
dministrators. Again, it appears that the three groups did not
erceive conflict as being as great a factor in bringing about change

5 did the administrators who actually made the decisions that

4“?! J

esulted in the changes.

Several of the individual changes were not believed to have
sen caused by conflict to a "moderate" or "very great extent. " A ' -—«
.ajority of the Negroes evaluated items 2, 3, and 4 in that manner,
hile Caucasian students saw all five changes in the category in that
.anner. Teachers evaluated one item that lowly, but administrators
zaluated none that negatively in regard to conflict being a factor.
is especially interesting that 60 per cent of the Negro students in
em 4 believed so strongly that conflict was "not a factor" or of very
ttle importance in the decision to change busing arrangements for
Le Negro students. Administrators, who made the decision, defi-
,tely thought it was an important factor as seen by their mean score
:' 3. 5.

Why so many of the changes were perceived as having so
ttle relationship to conflict is not clear, particularly in the case of
aucasian students. This and the overall low mean scores, which
ere by far the lowest of any category for all groups excepting

lministrators, may be explained on the assumption that changes

 

 

162

n facility and transportation may have appeared to be peripheral
natters, matters not easily related to the conflict which had
»ccurred. However, as Appendix B and documentary evidence
'eported in Chapter IV Show, each of the changes was related to a
Ireviously identified concern that was expressed either before or

fter conflict occurred.

 

:ommunity -School Relations

 

It has been previously noted that of the thirty -one changes
hat appeared on the questionnaire, only five were sociological
henomenon beyond the purview of administrative decision. Four of
hose changes are found in the present category. Only items 1, 5,
nd 6 were the result of administrative decision -making.

The mean scores for all groups, as shown in Table V -5,

rere 2. 8 and 2. 9 for Negro and Caucasian students, while teachers

 

nd administrators had identically higher scores of 3. 5. Again, all
our groups perceived conflict to have been a definite cause of changes
a the overall category.

As for individual items, a majority of Negro students saw
Lems 5 and 7 as being caused by conflict to "a very small extent"

r "not at all. " Caucasian students perceived item 7 in the same

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164

A partial explanation as to the low mean scores on item 7
' both student groups, as compared to teachers and administrators.
ay be the low visibility the change had for them, in addition to the
.mber of other plausible variables that could have been involved.
1e comparatively low mean score of teachers on this item lends

rther credibility to the fact that only administrators knew of it.

1mma ry

Table V-6 summarizes the data in the five categories of
iange with reference to the extent conflict was considered to be
cause of changes in the different categories. The totaled mean
cores for all items and categories were 2. 7 and 2. 8 for Negro and
aucasian students, respectively, and the markedly higher scores
1‘ 3. 4 and 3. 5 for teachers and administrators. Based on a four-
oint scale, the data indicated a belief on the part of all four groups
at conflict was a definite stimulus to the changes that occurred at
nion High when all changes were considered together.

In regard to the thirty -one individual changes, Table V -7
hows the number of changes believed to have been caused by conflict
3 only a "very small extent" or "not at all" by a majority of the
espondents in each group by category of change. In discussing the

pecific items in each category, the data was as follows:

 

 

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166

TABLE V -7

NUMBER OF CHANGES CAUSED BY CONFLICT TO A
"VERY SMALL EXTENT" OR "NOT AT ALL" AS PERCEIVED
BY A MAJORITY IN EACH GROUP OF RESPONDENTS

 

 

Categories Negro Caucasian Teachers Adminis- Totals
of Change Students Students trators '

IM

 

tegory 1:
even Changes)
.rriculum 1 1 0 0 2
d Student
:tivities

 

.tegory 2:
ive Changes)
ident

>nduct

Ltegory 3:
even Changes)
Lculty

d Staff

 

itegory 4:
‘ive Changes)
icilities 3 5 1 0 9
Id Trans-
ufiafion

ategory 5:
even Changes)
ommunity- 2 1 0 0 3
:hool
elations

 

otals 9 7 1 0 17

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

167

In category 1, Negro students rated the inclusion of
minority grOUp contributions in the curriculum in that
manner, as did Caucasian students regarding the. new
activities of the Senior Center.

In category 2, the formation of student monitor teams was
assessed by Negro students in that manner.

Two changes in the area of Faculty and Staff, the MOREL
and Project Student Values programs, were thought by
Negro students to have been relatively less related to
conflict. This was interesting since it was the Negro com-
munity who first asked and demanded that MOREL be brought
in to work with teachers at Union.

In category 4, Facilities and Transportation, every change
was rated as having a comparatively low relationship to
conflict by Caucasian students, whereas three of the five
were rated in that manner by Negroes. Apparently these
changes were considered to be peripheral to students, as
compared to teachers and administrators, and not easily
related to the conflict. However, analysis of documentary
evidence in Chapter IV and Appendix B showed that all these
changes were related to concerns expressed immediately

prior to or after major conflict occurred. Teachers rated

 

 

 

168

one item, parking lot improvements, as not having been
caused by conflict to a "moderate" or "very great" extent.
5. In the final category, Negro students rated the rumor con-
trol center and increase in the Union High Parent, Teacher,
Student Association (UHPTSA) comparatively low, while
Caucasian students concurred in regard to the UHPTSA
change.
Thus, overall, in addition to lower mean scores, both

\Tegro and Caucasian students perceived conflict as being less a
actor in bringing about change than did teachers and administrators
1 terms of the number of changes.

On the other hand, every change was thought to have been
used by conflict to at least a "very small extent" by a majority
each group. Overall, conflict as a cause of change was evaluated
each group as follows:

1. Negro studentsua majority perceived twenty, or 64 per
cent of the changes as being caused to a "moderate" or

"very great extent, " and nine, or 29 per cent to a "very

small extent" or "not at all. " They were equally divided

on two changes, or 7 per cent.

9 Caucasian students -—a majority perceived twenty —four, or

77 per cent of the changes as being caused to a "moderate"

~i’w'i-F g;

4‘6" 7.5

 

 

169

or "very great extent, " and seven, or 23 per cent in the
two lesser categories.

3. Teachers-—a majority believed thirty, or 97 per cent as
being caused by conflict to a "moderate" or ”very great
extent, " and one, or 3 per cent to a "very small extent"

or "not at all. " 1 ‘

. _,.,

4. Administrators--a majority believed thirty, or 97 per cent ' “*1
were caused to a "moderate" or "very great extent, " and

one, or 3 per cent was evenly divided. 1
But most important, administrators were responsible for the deci -
sions that brought about the changes, and thus it is especially sig -
nifieant that they perceived conflict as being a cause of every change
to either a "moderate" or "very great extent" with the exception of
one change on which opinion was equally divided.

Further indication of the intensity of feeling about the role
of conflict is possible if the data are analyzed in another way. If
Tables 1 through 5 are perused, it can be seen that there was not one
change in which a majority of the members of any of the four groups
perceived that conflict was "not at all" the cause of a change. On
the other hand, considering there were thirty -one changes, a

majority did mark the response category ”to a very great extent"

as follows:

170

1 . Negro students--five changes, or 16 per cent

2 . Caucasian students-—ten changes, or 32 per cent

3 . Teachers--twenty -one changes, or 68 per cent

4. Administrators-—fifteen changes, or 49 per cent
tctually,

because of the small population of six administrators,

even numbers were apt to result. In seven additional changes,

fully 50 per cent of this group marked the category ”to a very great
extent. "
Thus, again, the data showed a much stronger feeling on
the part of teachers and administrators than for students as to the
role conflict performed as a stimulus to change, though the data

showed that all groups perceived it to be a cause of changes at

Union High.

Analysis of the Questionnaire:
Constructiveness of the Changes

Curriculum and Student Activities

Table V-8 shows that the mean scores of Negro students,
Caucasian students, and teachers were 2. 6, 2. 6, and 2. 7, whereas

administrators' 3. 1 was noticeably higher. Thus administrators

believed the changes which they initiated to be more constructive

than any of the other groups did.

ft .11.}; j

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172

Looking at individual items, a majority of the Negro
students perceived items 3 and 6 as being constructive to a "very
small extent" or "not at all, " while Caucasian students perceived
items 1, 2, 3, 4, and 6 in that way, and teachers evaluated items 4
and 7 in that manner.

It is interesting that item 7, the activities of the Senior
Center, was accorded a mean score of 2. 4, lowest of all teachers'
evaluation in this category. Yet the Caucasian student mean score
was 3. 1, the highest student evaluation for the entire category.
Teachers were obviously not particularly pleased with this departure
from the typical activity program of most schools.

Negro students rated item 4, the addition of a black history
course, the highest, 3. 1, of their evaluations in the entire category.
This is noteworthy in that this same item had the lowest or next to
lowest mean score for Caucasian students, teachers, and admin-
istrators.

Finally, the fact that administrators perceived meetings
that were held to identify problems and class discussions on Negro-
Caucasian relations to be much more constructive or useful than
either students or teachers is apparent. Too, it is interesting that
Negro students perceived the meetings to identify problems as being

noticeably more constructive than Caucasian students.

173

Student Conduct

The totals in this category, as shown in Table V —9,
illustrated the mean score of 2. 2 for Negroes as compared to the
2. 6 for Caucasian students and teachers, and indicates that Negroes
tended to see the changes in this area as not being as constructive
as the other groups did. Once again, administrators, with a mean
score of 2. 9, evaluated the changes the highest of all groups.

In regard to the individual items, a majority of Negro
students evaluated four of the five items, excepting only item 5,
tightening of rules and regulations, as being constructive to a "very
small extent" or "not at all, ” while Caucasian students, teachers,
and administrators evaluated only items 1 and 2 in that manner.
Therefore, all groups were highly critical of the student monitor
teams. This approach to student involvement in student control was
to consist of Caucasian -Negro pairs who would be on duty between and
during periods to check hall passes and generally help to maintain
order. But the teams gradually became Negro students, and the posts
became "hang -outs" for groups of students. As such, they became
areas of conflict.

The other change which all groups agreed was of little use

was the involvement of parent teams to assist with maintaining order

174

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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175

throughout the building. Some interviewees indicated the parents
were not effective in working with the students.

Among the other three items in the category there was
close agreement as to the constructiveness of the tightening up of
rules and other efforts directed at student control, though in all
cases Caucasian students' mean scores were markedly higher than
Negro students. One prominent example was the attitude of Negro
students toward the control officers. However, overall the data in
this category seemed to indicate that students welcomed the efforts
of administrators to clarify rules and to enforce them. This would
appear to be consistent with the data on the topic of concerns as

shown in Chapter IV and / or Appendix B.

Faculty and Staff

 

Table V -10 shows that the mean scores of students and
teachers were an identical 2. 5 and close to the Negro students' mean
of 2. 4 in the other. The administrators' mean was 3. 0, markedly
higher. It is noteworthy that teachers evaluated the changes in almost
the same manner as students rather than administrators.

Examining individual changes, a majority of the Negro

students evaluated five of the seven changes, excepting only items 4

and 7, as being constructive to a "very small extent" or "not at all, "

 

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177

while Caucasian students saw items 4, 5, and 7 as not being
particularly useful. Though administrators failed to rate any that
lowly, teachers evaluated items 4 through 7 in that manner.

Several of the changes were of particular interest. Item 1
indicates a very marked difference in the way Negroes perceived
the new administrative team that took over in mid-year. The Negro
student mean of 2. 3 indicates much less appreciation for the change
than the 3. 1 of Caucasian students and the 3. 5 and 3. 8 of teachers
and administrators, respectively. This would indicate the need for
increased efforts on the part of the administration to establish better
rapport with the Negro students. Item 2 shows that the Negroes
were probably not content with the extent that Negro staff members
were hired. Yet Caucasian students considered this to be compara—
tively more constructive than Negro students.

Item 4 relating to the Michigan -Ohio Regional Laboratory
(MOREL) indicates a markedly low evaluation among all groups.
Negro students' mean score was the highest of all groups at 2. 4.
Teachers, the ones who were supposed to have benefited most from
the change, rated it the lowest at 1. 8. Interviewees consisting of
administrators and teachers who contributed data to earlier phases
of the study indicated a variety of problems with the MOREL staff.

While Negro leaders might be apt to interpret the low mean scores

178

as an indication that MOREL jolted a lot of people, as was their
purpose, several interviewees indicated they overstepped the pur-
view of their responsibilities during their period of service in the
school. Regardless, it is significant that there was such close
agreement among every group as to the lack of constructiveness of
this change.

Closely related was the consultant from Project "Student

' Only administrators accorded his activities a high positive

Values. '
evaluation of 3. 3 as compared with Negro students' 2. 4, Caucasian
students' 2.3, and teachers' 2.2.

Finally, item 7 is of interest. The fact that twenty -three
teachers did not return was given a relatively low ”constructive"
evaluation of 2. 1 and 2. 2 by Caucasian students and teachers, while
Negro students rated it a much higher 2. 6, and administrators
accorded it a 3.2. Thus, a difference of opinion existed that probably
reflects the difference in roles between administrators and teachers;
the latter identifying more with those who did not return; administra —
tors believing that they were rid of at least some teachers who they
felt were unable to function in the multi -racial atmosphere. Tech-
nically, this item was considered to be one of the five changes on

the questionnaire which did not represent administrative decisions,

as such. (The other four appear in the "Community ~School Relations"

179

category.) However, administrators did in fact encourage certain
teachers to seek employment elsewhere. The Negro students
apparently perceived that some of the "prejudiced" teachers did not
return, though neither their per cents nor mean scores indicate an

unusually strong feeling in that regard.

Facilities and Transportation

 

Mean scores for this category as shown in Table V —11 were
similar for students and teachers, but administrators again were
markedly higher in their evaluation of the changes as seen in their
3. 1 mean score as compared to 2. 7 for Caucasian students and
teachers, and 2. 8 for Negro students.

Looking at individual changes, only one item, number 3,
was rated as being constructive to a "very small extent" or "not at
all" by a majority of the Negro students. Caucasian students also
evaluated only one item, number 4, to that extent, while teachers
saw items 1 and 3 as not being constructive to at least a moderate
degree. Administrators did not rate any items that lowly.

Of special interest, item 1 reinforces an earlier evaluation
of the Senior Center wherein teachers were much less pleased with
the activities of the center. Here, their 2. 5 as compared to the 3. 2

and 3. 3 of Negro and Caucasian students, and the 3. 7 of administrators

180

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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181

referred to the creation of the center as a facility. This suggests
the need for administrative efforts to work with teachers on the

matter.

Item 4 is of interest primarily because of the low mean
score of 2. O for Caucasian students. Interview data indicated that
some of these students thought the complaints of Negroes about rude
bus drivers, etc. , were ”ridiculous. "

Finally, in regard to item 5, it is apparent that Negroes
particularly appreciated the "activities bus" as seen by their notably
high 3. 3 mean score as compared with 2. 9 for Caucasian students,

and the 3.0 for teachers.

Community -School Relations

 

It should be noted at the outset in discussing this category
that items 2, 3, 4, and 7 comprise four of the five changes, out of
the total of thirty -one items appearing on the questionnaire, which
were not considered to be the result of administrative decisions.
These were sociological phenomena that occurred outside the purview
of administrators.

Table V -12 shows that the mean scores were similarly and
extremely low among all groups: 2. 2 for Negro students, 2. 5 for

Caucasian students, and 2. 4 for both teachers and administrators.

 

182

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183

However, it is interesting to note that if the [our mean scores
representing the changes that were not the result of administrative
decision are not considered, the scores would be 3. 1 for administrators
instead of 2. 4, and 2. 8 for teachers instead of 2. 4, more consistent
with evaluations of previous categories, whereas the same procedures
would only nominally raise the mean score of Negro students to 2. 3
and Caucasian students to 2. 6.

Examining individual items, Negro students evaluated six
of the seven changes, excepting only item 7, as being constructive
to a "very small extent" or "not at all"; Caucasian students saw only
items 3 and 4 in that way; while both teachers and administrators
evaluated items 2, 3, and 4 in that manner.

Several items in this category are of special interest. The
mean scores of item 1 show that Negro students were quite negative
as compared to the other groups in evaluating the efforts the school
administration took to involve the community in identifying problems
and suggesting solutions to problems at Union High.

In item 2, the Caucasian students were markedly higher,
with a mean score of 2. 9, in evaluating the election of three "west
side" members to the Board of Education, as compared to the 1. 9
for Negro students, 2. 1 for teachers, and 1. 8 for administrators.

The three members advocated "junking the Master Plan" in regard

184

to the busing of Negro students. However, it is possible the

identification with "west side”

was responsible for the high score
rather than the platform the candidates used. Item 3 seems to give
further credence to this view, in view of the not especially strong
mean score of 2.5 for Caucasian students relative to the Union High
Parents Association (UHPA), a splinter group of the Union High
Parent, Teacher, Student Association (UHPTSA), which was con-
cerned about the busing. Thus, no clear explanation is possible
here, but the low scores of the other groups, particularly of
administrators and teachers, are of interest. However, both the
low scores on items 2 and 3 seem to indicate a lack of sympathy
with what Negroes termed racist attitudes in those in the Caucasian
community who spoke out against the desegregation plan.

Item 3 is particularly of interest for the per cent scores of
Negro students. It appears they reflected a kind of polarization found
in the Negro community: about half were against the busing and there -
fore supported the Caucasian parent group (UHPA) that also was
against it, though for different reasons; the other half were opposed
to the parent group and thereby appeared to support the "integrationist"

view in the Negro community.

Item 4, the coverage the Grand Rapids Press gave Union

 

High' 3 conflict during the year, was given the lowest total mean

185

score for all groups combined for any one change. Appendix E has
some extremely candid statements by students relative to this item.
That administrators keenly felt their reporting was biased and

sensationalized was seen in their decision to ban the Press from the

 

building during the second semester of the year. However, this
researcher noted in his perusal of the countless articles in the Press
that the editorials were consistently positive. The feature articles,
on the other hand, were open to controversy.

In items 1, 5, and 7, which were all administrative deci -
sions, administrators' mean scores were again consistently higher

than for all other groups.

Summary

Table V -13 illustrates and totals the mean scores and per
cents for the five categories whi ch were analyzed. It shows that
there was very close agreement among Negro students, Caucasian
students, and teachers for the total of all categories, as seen by the
mean scores of 2. 4, 2.5, and 2. 6 respectively. Administrators,
however, were notably higher at 2. 9. On the scale marked by
respondents, a low of 1 signified "not at all, " and a high of 4 signi -

"very great extent. "

fied to a
If the mean scores of the four changes in category 5 which

were not the result of administrative decision are excluded in the

186

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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187

totals, the scores would be 2. 8 and 3. 1 instead of 2. 4 and 2. 9 for
teachers and administrators, and thus much more consistent with
their scores in the other categories. Too, the totals in all cate—
gories of change would then become 2. 7 and 3.0 for these two groups.
Even so, teachers evaluated the changes only slightly higher than
students, while the administrators evaluated the changes resulting
from their decisions notably higher than students.

In regard to the individual changes, Table V -14 shows the
number of changes believed to be useful to only a "very small extent"
or "not at all" by a majority of each group of respondents by cate -
gories of change. In discussion of these, because of the relatively
high number of changes involved, reference is generally made to
the entire category as evaluated by a group rather than to specific
items. The data illustrated that:

1. Negro students evaluated the majority of changes in the
areas of "Student Conduct" and "Faculty and Staff" and
"Community —School Relations" negatively, whereas Cau-
casian students rated the majority of changes in only
”Curriculum and Student Activities" negatively. Negro
students thus appeared to dislike the attempts to enforce
discipline, or perceived them as being enforced inequitably

as compared to Caucasian students. On the other hand, as

188

TABLE V ~14

NUMBER OF CHANGES CONSIDERED TO HAVE BEEN CONSTRUCTIVE
TO A "VERY SMALL EXTENT" OR "NOT AT ALL'' BY A MAJORITY
IN EACH GROUP OF RESPONDENTS BY CATEGORY OF CHANGE

 

 

Categories
of Change

Negro
Students

Cau casian
Students

Teachers

Adminis -
tra tors

Totals

 

Category 1:
(Seven Changes)
Curriculum

and Student
Activities

Category 2:
(Five Changes)
Student
Conduct

Category 3:
(Seven Changes)
Faculty

and Staff

Category 4:
(Five Changes)
Facilities

and Trans -
portation

Category 5:
(Seven Changes)
Community-
School
Relations

6 (4)

3 (1)*

2 (2)

4(1)

3 (3)

3 (3)

10

12 (2)

14 (12)

 

Totals

 

18 (4)

 

13 (3)

 

13 (4)

 

5 (3)

 

49 (14)

 

*The parentheses distinguish the number of changes evaluated negatively
which were not the result of administrative decisions.

189

contrasted with Negro students, Caucasian students were
negative about the curriculum changes, most of which
involved increasing Negro contributions or discussing black-
white relations.

2. Teachers evaluated the majority of items negatively in only
one category, "Faculty and Staff, " which was interesting
because several of the changes affected them directly.

3. Administrators evaluated the majority of items in all cate -
gories positively. Excepting the three changes which they
marked negatively in category 5 over which they had no
control, they evaluated only two of the changes which their
decisions brought about as being of less than "moderate"
constructiveness or usefulness. The two exceptions were
in category 2, "Student Conduct, " where administrators
frankly evaluated the use of student monitor teams and
parent teams as having been of "very little" or "no useful-
ness."

Overall , the constructiveness of the changes was evaluated
by each group as follows:

1. Negro students-~a majority perceived nine, or 29 per cent
of the changes as being useful to a ”moderate" or "very

great extent, " and eighteen, or 58 per cent as being useful

190

to a "very small extent" or "not at all. " 'l‘hcy were equally
divided on four changes.

2. Caucasian students-~a majority perceived sixteen, or 51
per cent as being useful to a "moderate" or ”very small
extent" or "not at all. " They were evenly divided on two
changes.

3. Teachers--a majority believed eighteen, or 58 per cent
useful to a "moderate" or "very great extent, " and thirteen,

"very small extent" or "not at all. "

or 42 per cent to a
4. Administrators --a majority perceived twenty -three, or
75 per cent as being useful to a "moderate" or "very great

"very small extent"

extent, " and five, or 16 per cent to a
or "not at all. " They were evenly divided on three changes.
If the five changes that were not the result of administrative
decisions are excluded, the per cent of changes thought to have been
useful to a "moderate" or "very great extent" increases as follows:
Negro students--from 29 per cent to 35 per cent; Caucasian students--
from 51 per cent to 54 per cent; teachers-~from 58 per cent to 65 per
cent; and administrators --from 75 per cent to 85 per cent.
Considering all thirty -one items, which changes did the

various groups feel most intently about at the extreme ends of the

to a "very great extent" or "not at all" constructive continuum?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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192

Table V ~15 shows that a majority of Negro students Mrnluutcd one
change, the fact that an after —school activity bus was begun, as
constructive to a "very great extent, " while Caucasian students
evaluated (1) the activities of the Senior Center, (2) the new admin-
istrative team, and (3) the creation of the Senior Center to the same
strong degree. Only the advent of a new administrative team was
evaluated as constructive to a "very great extent" by teachers,
while administrators rated five of the changes that highly, as shown
in Table V-15.

At the other end of the continuum, Table V -16 shows that
a majority of Negro and Caucasian students saw only the coverage

of the Grand Rapids Press as "not at all" useful. In addition, a

 

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Regional Lab Program (MOREL), which was directed at them, and
the use of student monitor teams. Administrators evaluated the

coverage of the Grand Rapids Press and the formation of the Union

 

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194

great extent, " teachers, Caucasian students, and Negroes followed
in that order.

Relationship Between Conflict as a Cause of Change
and Constructiveness of the Change

Table V-17 shows the mean scores by categories of change
for both conflict and constructiveness as evaluated by the four
groups of respondents. In general, it shows that for the total of all
categories, each group tended to evaluate conflict as a factor in
bringing about the changes more highly than they evaluated the use-
fulness or constructiveness of the changes. For individual categories,
this held true in every case with the exception of category 4, Facili —
ties and Transportation, where both Negro and Caucasian students
evaluated the category in which the changes were seen as being least
caused by conflict as more constructive. In fact, the constructive
score for that category was the highest of any category for both
Negro and Caucasian students. Since only one category was evaluated
in that manner, it is probable that the explanation is twofold: (1) They
were unaware of the motivation of administrators who initiated the
changes (who rated conflict a factor at 3. 4 in the category) and had
not been so informed; and (2) the changes were more overt than many
in the other categories and were of a kind that students were particu—

larly able to appreciate.

195

 

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196

Perhaps the most interesting comparison revealed by the
table is the marked difference between the mean scores of teachers
on the two factors of conflict and constructiveness. They were
almost identical with administrators in their perception of the role
conflict played in bringing about change on an overall basis as seen
by the respective mean scores of 3. 4 and 3. 5, yet teachers saw the
changes as notably less useful than did administrators. This finding
would appear to have implications for improved teacher-administrator
communication.

Another indication of the higher evaluation of conflict as a
factor as compared to the constructiveness of the change can be
gleaned from previously discussed findings as follows:

1. Whereas a majority of the Negro students evaluated twenty

of the changes as having been caused by conflict to a

"moderate" or "very great extent, " they perceived only

nine of the changes as being useful to that extent.

2. Whereas a majority of the Caucasian students evaluated
twenty -four of the changes as being caused by conflict to

a "moderate" or "very great extent, " they perceived only

sixteen as being particularly useful to that extent.

3. Whereas a majority of the teachers perceived thirty changes

as having been caused by conflict to a ”moderate" or "very

197

great extent, " only eighteen were considered to have been
useful to that extent.
4. Whereas a majority of the administrators perceived all but

one of the changes as having been caused by conflict to a

"moderate" or "very great extent, " they perceived only

twenty -three changes as being constructive to that extent.

Thus, both the number of changes meeting the "moderate"
or "great extent" criterion as well as the mean scores across all
changes provided data that indicated a higher evaluation of confli ct
as a stimulus to changes than an accompanying evaluation of the

constructiveness or usefulness of the changes.

CHAPTER VI

GENERAL SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS,

AND REC OMME NDA TION S

This study sought to examine the transition period between
de facto segregated schooling and the completion of one year of
desegregation in a large, urban high school which had experienced
considerable violence in the desegregation process. More specifi -
cally, this study attempted to:

1. Describe the planning and preparations for desegregation

as it related to the high school under study.

2. Provide an historical record and an analysis of the major
incidents of manifest conflict which occurred in the school.

3. Determine whether changes occurred in the school and
community which appeared to be associated with the con-
flict.

4. Ascertain the perceptions of students, teachers, and admin-
istrative staff relative to (1) the extent, if any, to which

conflict was believed to be a factor in, or cause of selected

198

199

changes; and (2) the extent, if any, to which such changes

were considered to be useful or constructive in nature.

0'!

Provide a basis for understanding the role of conflict
relative to school desegregation which would be of use to
school administrators and other involved in this social
process.

The review of the literature indicated that social conflict
is an integral part of social life and that while there is a "cost”
factor involved, there may also be functional consequences of con-
flict. Too, it was learned that very little was known about the
nature and role of conflict in school desegregation though there were
implications that such knowledge would be of great value to school
administrators and others who seek to deal with the phenomenon of
conflict in this important area of social change.

The research methodology was descriptive and historical
and sought to answer several questions relative to each purpose of
the study. Data gathering techniques consisted of interviews, a
questionnaire, historical evaluation and content analysis of docu-
mentary evidence. Data that were gathered were cross-checked
whenever possible in order to minimize error and to lessen sub—

jective interpretation.

200

In considering the desirability of Union High School in the
Grand Rapids School System as the focus of the study, the following
were considered:

1. Negroes in the city comprised 10 per cent of the total popu-
lation of 200, OOO--very close to the national average of
10. 5 per cent.

2. The school system was comprised of 20 per cent Negroes,
thus affording an opportunity for meaningful desegregation,
yet not being so racially imbalanced as to pose seemingly
insoluble desegregation problems.

3. There was extensive conflict and violence in the desegrega-
tion process at Union High during the 1968-69 school year.
The summary of findings and conclusions are presented as

specific answers to the questions posed in regard to the purposes

of the study.

Summary of Findings and Conclusions

The Planning and Preparation
for Desegregation

 

1. "What were the main characteristics of the desegregation
plan?

The Board of Education of Grand Rapids approved a Master

Plan which included organizational, building, and philosophical

201

changes as well as desegregation plans on June 3, 1968. Its main
characteristics regarding desegregation were:

a. A gradual, phased plan which would result in desegregated
schools in all but the early primary grades by 1976.

b. An initial step to take effect at the outset of the 1968 -69
school year which would lessen the number of high schools
from five to four and provide a minimum Negro enrollment
of 7 per cent in each school.

c. One -way busing of Negro students from the inner city to
outlying schools, as well as some boundary changes, in
order to accomplish greater racial balance. This included
busing of 315 Negro students from a geographical section
of the inner city to Union High, which was located in an
almost exclusively Caucasian area.

2. "In what social milieu did the decision to desegregate occur,
and how was the plan presented to the public?"

The social milieu prior to and immediately following the
May 6, 1968, presentation of the Master Plan to the public was one
of pressures and tension. Studies undertaken between 1965 and the
spring of 1968 emphasized the need for desegregation of the city' 8

schools. In the spring of 1968, increasing pressure was exerted by

202

the federal government, the State Department of Education, and local
units of the NAACP and CORE to come up with an acceptable plan.
Thus, after administrators worked for over a year to develop one,

a Master Plan was finalized in the late spring of 1968.

After formal presentation to the public at an open Board
meeting on May 6, it was tabled for one month to allow for additional
clarification through meetings to be held in all parts of the city
between Board, administrative personnel, and citizens. During this
period additional tension was generated when it became apparent there
was definite resistance to the busing plan among some Union High
parents and resentment by some members of the Negro community
relative to the Caucasian parents' attitude. Also, some Negroes
wanted new schools in the inner city administered and taught mainly
by Negroes, and they objected to the demeaning aspects of one -way
busing as compared to cross -busing.

One of the most influential Negro militants predicted violence
if the plans for busing to Union were carried out. Too, students of
both races were apprehensive about the forthcoming change. How-
ever, school district officials, under a variety of pressures,
believed that desegregation could not be delayed any longer. The

evidence did not lead this investigator to conclude that delaying the

203

institution of the Master Plan would have resulted in a more favorable
social milieu for its introduction.
3. "What was done to prepare students, teachers, and admin-
istrators for desegregation?"

Since the Master Plan was adopted on June 3, 1968, and
called for desegregation of high schools to be implemented three
months later, immediate steps were taken to prepare for the transi-
tion. These primarily included a visit to the receiving school for all
pupils who would be bused; meetings between student leaders; two
in-service meetings in September for the staffs in the receiving
schools; the creation of an ad hoc curriculum committee to deal with
the need to place greater emphasis on minority group contributions;
meetings between P. T. A. leaders; an Information and Follow -
Through Center for parents and students located in the inner city
area to answer questions and handle schedule difficulties.

AlInost without exception, adult and student interviewees
at Union High indicated there was not adequate time to prepare for
the change and that they were apprehensive about it. Thus, it is
highly probable that the preparatory period could have been much
more useful if it had not been relegated to the summer months, a

time when students and teachers were generally not available.

204

Analysis of the Major
Incidents of Conflict

 

 

1. "How and where did the major incidents of conflict develop,
and who were the parties involved?"

Three major incidents of conflict occurred at Union High
which resulted in closure of the school three times in the first three
months of desegregation. All three began in the cafeteria where
large groups of people were congregated and then spread to other
areas of the building and grounds.

All three outbreaks resulted from Negro -Caucasian conflict.
In the first and third instances, student antagonists were involved in
the precipitating incidents; in the second, the initiating incident
involved a Caucasian adult and Negro student. In each case, the
precipitating incident involved either not liking what another person
said, or a seemingly unimportant physical contact. ”Outsiders"
were not a factor in triggering the outbreaks of violence.

2. "Were there any patterns discernible in the conflict? What
was its extent and how was it immediately resolved? "

All three precipitating incidents were violent but limited to
two or three persons. However, with the exception of the second,
conflict then escalated to widespread violence involving serious

fighting among numerous students. Particularly in the third major

205

incident, polarization along racial lines was extensive and apparent.

It appeared that the previous two major incidents and continued tension
between the races served to create an atmosphere that was highly
charged and emotional. In the final major conflict of December 17,
police arrested twenty —three students who were charged with

offenses ranging from assault to obstructing police. In addition,
school authorities took disciplinary action toward thirty -four addi -
tional students, thus making a total of fifty -seven against whom
official action was taken.

Overall, analysis of events at Union High revealed that the
pattern of major conflict deve10pment was characterized by: (a) the
presence of a large number of students in the area where conflict
was to occur; (b) a sudden, violent triggering incident involving two
or three people of different race; and (c) a subsequent escalation
which spread rapidly among other students in other parts of the build-
ing concommitant with the development of rumors. However, there
were definite periods of discernible tension and overt conflict prior
to each of the major incidents of conflict. In that sense, the out-
breaks of violence were not particularly surprising, though they
were sudden from a physical standpoint.

The immediate resolution of conflict in the September 13

and December 17 outbreaks of violence was accomplished by the use

206

of both plain -clothed and uniformed police, the former being covertly
on duty in the school because of expected trouble, the latter being on
standby status. In the major conflict of December 16, school admin-
istrators prevented its escalation by closing the school early after
the violent triggering incident involving the adult, Caucasian lunch-
room manager, and a Negro girl.

3. "Were underlying concerns identified? If so, how and what
were they?"

The manifestation of conflict and violence at Union High

' The concerns were identi -

resulted in a search for "reasons why. '
fied either through the voluntary contributions of students or through
administrative efforts involving numerous meetings with students,
teachers, and representatives of various groups and organizations

in the community. In regard to students, the concerns which were
expressed were primarily racial in nature.

In regard to the concerns which evolved from the meetings
with teachers, community leaders, and citizens in general, the range
of concerns was much wider. But it must be remembered that it was
Caucasian and Negro students who experienced and carried out the

manifest conflict; to them, racial concerns were primary. Overall,

then, the evidence indicated that concern over racial problems was

207

a primary factor in the outbreak of violence at Union High and
served to focus attention on other less apparent problems that
existed relative to the staff, students, and the general operation of
the school.

Changes Which Appeared to Be

Caused to Some Extent
by Conflict

 

 

 

1. "Did such changes occur? If so, what were the major ones
and in what areas did they occur?"

Thirty -one major changes appeared to have been caused to
at least some extent by conflict. These changes were described in
detail and then arbitrarily classified into five categories: (1) Curri -
culum and Student Activities; (2) Student Conduct; (3) Faculty and
Staff; (4) Facilities and Transportation; and (5) Community -School
Relations. The kinds of changes were varied, and the areas of
impact represented one way of classifying them. Also, in a more
general sense, the data showed that conflict contributed to the forma—
tion of both formal and informal groups in the community, as well
as the school, and to increased participation of students, teachers,
and community in evaluating school policies.

Twenty —six of the thirty -one changes were found to be the

result of administrative decisions. Five changes were sociological

208

phenomena beyond their purview, four of which were classified in
category 5, Community —School Relations, and one of which was in
category 3, Faculty and Staff.

Analysis of the Changes as

Perceived by Administrators,
Teachers, and Students

 

 

 

The analysis of the data in this phase of the study involved
the use of mean scores and per cents. No tests of statistical signifi -
cance were inferred. Generally, the four response categories were
collapsed and responses described as being to a (1) "moderate" or
"very great extent, " or (2) a "very small extent" or "not at all. "

1. "Did administrators, teachers, and students view the con-
flict as being a cause of changes?"

A majority of administrators perceived that thirty, or 97 per

"very

cent of the changes were caused by conflict to a "moderate" or
great extent. " In fact, fifteen, or 49 per cent of the changes were

believed to have been caused by conflict to a "very great extent" by
a majority of the administrators, and another seven changes were

perceived in this manner by a full 50 per cent of administrators.

Their total mean score for all changes was a strong 3. 5 based on a

4. 0 scale.

209

Teachers closely concurred with administrators and saw
thirty, or 97 per cent of the changes as having been caused by
conflict to a "moderate" or ”very great extent, " and twenty -one,
or 68 per cent as being caused by the conflict to a "very great
extent. " Their overall mean score was 3. 4 .

In regard to students, a majority of Negroes perceived
twenty, or 64 per cent of the changes as being caused by conflict to
a "moderate" or ”very great extent, " while Caucasians saw twenty-
four, or 77 per cent in the same way. Mean scores for the total of
all changes were 2. 7 and 2. 8, respectively.

In each group every change was evaluated by a majority of
the respondents as having been caused by conflict to at least a "very
small extent. "

Hence the data indicated that conflict was a definite
stimulus to change at Union High as perceived by all four groups that
were surveyed. There was very close agreement, as to the overall
impact of the conflict, between administrators and teachers. Cau-
casian and Negro students were in close agreement though notably
lower than the two adult groups. Of all groups, Negro students
evaluated conflict the lowest as a factor in bringing about change.

It is particularly significant that administrators evaluated

conflict as so important a factor in causing the changes. For they

210

were responsible for making the decisions which brought about
twenty -six of the thirty -one changes. No one could know the moti —
vation underlying those decisions better than they. That teachers
closely concurred may be explained by their close proximity to
administrators and the advisory function they served in regard to
decision -making.

Students evidently lacked the maturity and/or knowledge
to perceive the role that conflict played in causing the changes. Too,
they were evidently not as aware of many of the changes as were the
other groups. Thus, there was perhaps a tendency to respond in
the middle response categories since no other alternative was afforded
them. Appendix E offers additional evidence that they were unaware
of some of the changes.

2. ”Did administrators, teachers, and students view the
changes that occurred as being constructive or useful? "

A majority of administrators evaluated only twenty —three,
or 75 per cent of the changes as having been useful to a "moderate"
or "very great extent. " However, only two changes were evaluated
as "not at all" useful, neither of which was the result of an admin-
istrative decision. On the four -point scale, the overall constructive

mean was 2. 9 for the administrative group.

211

In contrast, teachers and students evaluated the changes
notably lower. In regard to being useful to a "moderate” or "very
great extent, " a majority of teachers saw only eighteen, or 58 per
cent of the changes that way, though only two changes were rated as
"not at all" useful, both of which were the result of administrative
decision. Teachers' overall mean score was 2. 6.

The majority of Caucasian students saw sixteen, or 51 per

"very great

cent of the changes as being useful to a "moderate" or
extent" and only one, which was not an administrative decision, as
being "not at all" useful. Even more negatively, Negro students per-
ceived only nine, or 29 per cent of the changes as being useful to a
"moderate" or "very great extent" though only one change, not an
administrative decision, was seen as "not at all" useful. The mean
scores for the students were 2. 5 and 2. 4, respectively.

When the evaluations were limited to the twenty -six changes
over which administrators had control, the per cent of changes
thought to be constructive to a "moderate" or ”very great extent"
increased as follows: administrators from 75 to 85 per cent;
teachers from 58 to 65 per cent; Caucasian students from 51 to
54 per cent; and Negro students from 29 to 35 per cent.

The only changes which were evaluated as useful to a "very

great extent" by a majority in any group were as follows:

212

Negro students:

a) The institution of an after school activities bus
Caucasian students:

a) The new activities of the Senior Center

b) The new administrative team

c) The creation of the Senior Center
Teachers:

a) The new administrative team
Administrators:

a) The hiring of two full -time control officers

b) The revision of rules and regulations

c) The new administrative team

d) The hiring of additional "Black" staff

e) The creation of the Senior Center

The only changes evaluated by a majority in any group as

not being constructive "at all" were the following:

Negro students:

a) The coverage of the Grand Rapids Press

 

Caucasian students:

a) The coverage of the Grand Rapids Press

 

213

Teachers:
a) The student monitor teams
b) The Michigan -Ohio Regional Laboratory program for
teachers
Administrators:

a) The coverage of the Grand Rapids Press

 

b) The formation of the Union High Parents Association

From the data it is concluded that the changes as a whole
were thought to be moderately constructive by administrators, but
the other three groups affected by the changes evaluated them some-
what less positively. Negro students were the only group to not view
a majority of the changes as being useful to a "moderate" or ”very
great extent, " and their low mean score of 2. 4 was further evidence
of their feelings.

Relationship Between the

Conflict and Constructive
Evaluation by Groups

 

 

 

1. "Are there differences between the extent conflict was
believed to be a cause of changes and the evaluation of the
usefulness of such changes?"

Each group tended to evaluate conflict as a cause of change

more highly than they evaluated the usefulness of the changes. The

214

relationship of the conflict mean score to the usefulness mean score
for each group was as follows: administration--3. 5 to 2. 9;
teachers--3. 4 to 2. 6; Caucasian students——2. 8 to 2. 5; and Negro
students--2. 7 to 2. 4. The fact that teachers agreed with adminis-
tration so closely on the conflict mean, yet agreed with the students
more closely on the usefulness of the changes, would indicate a need
for administrators to work more closely with the other groups on a
continuing basis relative to the changes, since all are involved in

the process of achieving organizational goals.

Implications and Recommendations

It is impossible to draw a definite cause and effect rela-
tionship between certain factors and the development of tension and
conflict at Union High, just as it is impossible to indicate how the
violence could have been prevented. However, comments relative
to the situation at Union High and the general subject of conflict in
school desegregation may be of some value to those concerned with
school desegregation. Too, the lack of agreement between admin-
istrators and the other three groups as to the usefulness of the
changes has some implications for administrators.

The value of hindsight indicates some factors which may

have contributed to the serious conflict which developed at Union.

215

First, one might have expected conflict to develop consistent with

the concept of the self-fulfilling prophecy. The Grand Rapids Press

 

featured several articles in which some adults and students pre-
dicted violence if the busing plan were carried out. Second, of the
four high schools, two were already multi -racia1. Of the two which
were de facto segregated, only Union High was to receive enough
Negroes to constitute 16 per cent of the student body, as compared
to 7 per cent in the other. Thus, Negro students were more visible
at Union and were able to exert more power. Third, there were, of
course, many "concerns" that were brought into focus as a result of
the conflict--any one or combination of which could have been impor-
tant in the development of conflict. Fourth, there was evidence of
resistance in both the Negro and Caucasian communities to the pro-
posed busing. Fifth, there were numerous indications of tension in
the school prior to the outbreak of major conflict. Sixth, there was
very little time for preparing the staff or students for desegregation.
Seventh, there were almost no Negro staff members at the receiving
school, nor was there a curriculum designed to meet the needs of
minority students. And finally, there is a question about busing as
a means to desegregate. There appears to be a general, but very
real resistance to the concept of busing youngsters, whether Cau—

casian or Negro, several miles to another school far from the

neighborhood in which they live. At the time of this writing, the
President of the United States has been quoted as saying he does not
agree with the concept of busing as a means to end desegregation.
Thus, this is an unresolved issue in American society. In any case,
the concept of one -way busing has become very difficult to justify

to minority groups, who see it as demeaning.

The conflict which occurred at Union was extremely costly
in many ways. The emotional impact of seeing disabled students
carried down the halls to the health room, the actions of police who
were forced to use clubs and mace to subdue students, the continuing
tension resulting from polarization among Negro and Caucasian
students, the general tension in the community, and the constant

headlines given the situation by the Grand Rapids Press made deep

 

impressions on the students and community. Students wept openly
in the halls in the aftermath of the violence. Other evidence such
as appears in Appendix E documents their disillusionment. More-
over, time was lost from classes, and when classes were resumed,
the regular curriculums were punctuated with discussions of Negro—
Caucasian problems, which some would say detracted from them.

On the other hand, there is little doubt that conflict served
as a stimulus to change at Union High School. Consensus theory,

in one form or another, is generally accepted by American society.

217

However, the review of the literature indicated that conflict is a
part of the same coin. The very existence of consensus implies its
opposite. Thus conflict is a natural social phenomenon and there
is at least an implication in the literature that, in some cases,
change may not come about without confli ct. In any event, since
social conflict is a natural social phenomenon, school administra -
tors and others concerned with school desegregation need to learn
to function more realistically when it occurs.

The following are suggested as potentially useful opera -
tional procedures for administrators contemplating or involved in
desegregation:

1. They must first realize that conflict cannot, and perhaps
should not, always be prevented. Thus, perhaps more
kinds of nonviolent means of focusing attention on what may
be needless inflexibility might be allowed.

2. They need to be sensitive to tensions as they develop in the
school. The present study found that there was a definite
period of time, prior to each outbreak, when tensions
increased. The fact that plain-clothes police were on duty
in the school prior to the two most violent outbreaks is
testimony to this fact. Therefore, it is important not that

administrators "clamp down" or "stamp out" such conflict,

218

but rather that they attempt to institutionalize it and

then effect change if it is possible to do so. For example,
if Negro students are a minority in a school and majority
rule has precluded them from winning queen contests or
from being represented adequately on other matters, and
they complain about it, school officials must take action to
meet that need. If students know that change can come
about through the student government, or through a grievance
committee, then the proclivity for conflict to escalate to
violent conflict could conceivably be mitigated. In other
words, a flexible organization is amenable to change and
able to bend; the rigid system is more subject to cataclysmic
change. One might pose the question, "What kind of an
organization is the typical high school in American society
today, and what implications does that have for school
desegregation ? "

Given the fact that human beings are at times irrational,
violent conflict may occur no matter how sensitive admin-
istrators and teachers have been to the needs of students.
If violence does occur, administrators have an obligation
to protect both students and property from physical ha rm.

In this regard, when violence appears highly likely, it is

219

questionable that plain -clothes police should bekept out of
sight until the lid "blows. " If they are in the building, per-
haps they should be helping to maintain control overtly in
areas such as cafeterias where trouble is likely to begin
until the crisis is passed. Hopefully, effective action by
administrators and teachers can preclude further need for
such "outside" help. In any case, if violence occurs, it can
be followed by discussions about conflict in general with
members of the community, staff, and students in an honest
way, whether it means taking a look at organizational flexi -
bility or irrationality, or both. This could include emphasis
on the democratic process and the destructive, damaging
aspects of violence. Through this process, new understand-
ing can result and a new basis for positive action and
cooperation can be established.

Administrators must attempt to establish a working rela -
tionship with the representatives of the local media that
meets the needs of all parties. They need to be aware of
and sensitive to the media' s essential function in American
society. On the other hand, administrators need to endeavor
in every way possible to "sensitize" representatives of the

media to the kinds of problems that may result in

220

desegregation and the need for balanced, unsensationalized
reporting. The importance of this cannot be overempha-
sized. The school principal and assistant principals, as
well as the superintendent, should be involved in establish—
ing this rapport, and it should be done on a logical, personal
basis.

The present study indicated that the type of
coverage given by the local press was among the most
detested changes that occurred relative to the conflict at
Union High. However, if the proper rapport had been
established with the media, perhaps more restraint would
have been exercised relative to carrying stories predicting
violence and then describing the violence when it did occur.
If such trust does not exist, administrators become fearful
of informing the press as to what really happened; the press
in turn, sensing this, strives to dig for the ”truth, " which
may result in distortion and misstatement. At Union High,
the distrust reached such pr0portions that the press was
openly disputing the administration on several counts, and
the press and other media were summarily excluded from

the school the second semester of the year.

221

If at all possible, administrators should probably begin
programs designed to prepare students and staffs for
impending desegregation early in the school year. The
summer months pose definite handicaps to developing any
meaningful process. What forms these programs might
take would vary, but the evidence in the present study
showed a very low evaluation by teachers of the efforts of
an outside group to "sensitize" them to their prejudices.
Perhaps part of the answer lies in increased contact between
the transfer students and students and teachers in the
receiving school during the school year prior to the deseg -
‘regation. A series of informal dinner meetings or break-
fasts where students and staff could interact might be of value
as opposed to just busing students to the school to look
around and/or be introduced to key personnel. Staff mem -
bers from the two schools might also gain from holding
meetings to discuss problems and learn from one another.
Perhaps at the end of such a year, teachers who felt they
could not adjust to the new situation should be allowed to
transfer to another district without fear of censure. Too,
ample time would allow for needed curriculum modification,

if any, which would better meet the needs of all students.

222

6. It is imperative that Negro staff members be present in the
receiving school in meaningful numbers. This means
teachers, primarily, but at least one Negro counselor
appears to be a necessity, and a Negro administrator also
helps Negro students to feel it is "their school" too.

What of the obvious tendency on the part of administrators
to view the changes their decisions brought about more favorably
than other groups affected by the changes? Not only the overall
mean scores, but the analysis of the changes by category also indi -
cated wide ranges between the groups on individual items, even
though a complete item analysis was not part of the methodology in
this study. To the researcher, this suggested that administrators
need to obtain continued feedback as to how the changes are working
out. They should conceivably work closely with students and teachers
and make it known that the changes have come about as attempts to
meet the needs as expressed by those parties, and that feedback is
needed if the changes are to be truly effective and useful. If admin-
istrators do so, their actions become testimony to the fact that
violence is not necessary, that the spoken word, and lesser forms
of conflict, and preferably institutionalized conflict, are effective

in focusing attention on needed changes.

223

Suggestions for Future Research

This study was essentially an effort to examine the
phenomenon of conflict as it occurred at a large urban high school
during the process of racial desegregation, to determine the nature
of that conflict, to ascertain whether it acted as a stimulus to change,
and to gain some insight as to how those affected by the changes
evaluated them. As an exploratory type of study, it sought to
examine interrelationships and to provide a general basis for a
better understanding of conflict as it functions in school desegrega-
tion. As such, it was not intended to be a study in which tests of
statistical significance were used. As a result of this investigation,
a number of additional research questions or problems have been
raised:

1. Is desegregation that is effected by busing more apt to result
in manifest conflict than that which is accomplished by
boundary revision or other means?

2. The data in this study showed that the primary concerns of
students relative to the tension and manifest conflict at
Union were primarily racial in nature. This is contrary

to the findings of a 1958 survey1 yet consistent with the

 

1Supra, p. 51.

_ .—_-__

224

remarks of a superintendent who had experienced
desegregation conflict.2 If further research substantiates
the present study' 3 findings, then there would be stronger
support for increased programs to work with students,

staff, and parents prior to desegregation implementation.
What kinds of programs have proven to be effective in pre -
paring administrators, teachers, and students for deseg -
regation?

The present study found that changes did occur as a result of
conflict as perceived by those who made the decisions leading
to the changes, as well as by those affected by them. Is this
true in other schools? If so, are the kinds of changes similar?
Do major changes occur in schools without experiencing
major conflict? After the passage of three or four years,
are schools which have experienced manifest conflict better
"integrated" than those which have not? This study has
shown that conflict did lead to clarification of concerns on
the part of both races and others affected by the desegrega-
tion. Do tensions tend to exist and does separateness of the
races tend to develop more in schools that have not expe -

rienced conflict ?

 

2Supra, p. 63.

225

6. What is the role of administrative leadership in the school
which is newly desegregated? Are some administrative
styles more effective than others?

7. Are historically multi -racial schools characterized by less
manifest conflict than those desegregated as a result of
other than the natural process of residential composition?
Continued research on the important subject of conflict in

school desegregation is needed if educators, students, and entire
communities are to understand the nature of the problems as well as
the promise of desegregated schooling. The present study has

attempted to make some contribution toward that goal.

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APPE NDIC E S

 

APPENDIX A

SELECTED ORGANIZATIONAL ASPECTS OF THE

GRAND RAPIDS PUBLIC SCHOOLS MASTER PLAN

General Overview

The Grand Rapids public schools should work toward an
organization of early elementary centers (prekindergarten through
third grade), later elementary centers (grades three to five or
possibly kindergarten through five), middle schools (grades six
through eight), high schools (nine through twelve), and Junior Col-
lege.

In addition, special programs should be continued and
expanded, including special education, with an expansion of the
secondary program for the mentally handicapped, inauguration of a
secondary level program for the functionally handicapped, vocational
education as part of the total county program, and the educational

park for enrichment, vocational education, and technical education.

233

234

Early Elementary Centers

Psychological and physiological research has shown that
the child in his first nine years relates to and is dependent upon
adults-~his parents, his teachers, and others. Beginning at eight
or nine, children tend to turn toward their peers for motivation and
influence. In youngsters primarily are affected by their adult rela-
tionships during this period, it is incumbent upon the educational
system to work strenuously with the parents in the educational
involvement of their children. For this reason, early elementary
centers should be neighborhood units, not only to make them easily
accessible to the children, but easily accessible and inviting to
parents.

These centers should be developed so they provide outdoor
recreational opportunities for older children after school and in the
summer. It would be a sociological tragedy to eliminate all
neighborhood school facilities within the inner city. This, in
essence, would be a physical abandonment of the inner city. This
concept is particularly significant in Grand Rapids because we have
been authorized an Open Space Land grant for the expansion of six-

teen elementary school sites, thirteen of them in the inner city.

235

General Elementary Centers

These centers can be larger elementary units of either
kindergarten to fifth or third to fifth grades which can provide
opportunities for deveIOping innovative and diversified programs.
They can provide for integration across racial, ethnic, and economic
lines. Peer group influence begins to replace adult influence at about
age eight and continues to have increasing effects on the child' s
behavior as he becomes older. Placement of Negro adults on the
outer city school staffs is essential, whether they be principals,

teachers, secretaries, or custodians.

Middle Schools—-Grades Six through Eight

One of the primary objectives of the Grand Rapids plan is
that the middle school, grades six through eight, accommodates
youngsters of a homogeneous age grouping. Throughout the nation
we have adhered to standard achievement levels for grade promotion.
This has resulted in grade retention and failure, especially among
children of the inner city. We have extended the first six years to
eight and the first eight years to ten. We have piled up failures in
the middle school grades so that our age distribution in grades six
through eight in some cases reaches the extreme of eleven and

seventeen years of age.

236

This age range during the preadolesccnt period, a period
when great variation in maturity exists within an age group, creates
a very difficult social and psychological school environment. The
schools have limited influence on the psychological and social growth
of individuals. We can control the educational program. It is the
contention of the staff that the school system hold age as a relative
constant and adapt the educational program to youngsters as they

move through the first eight years of their school life.

High Schools

We are proposing a reduction in high schools from five to
three and a central education park. The three high schools would be
located west, north, and south. South High School will be eliminated
as a high school and be used as an interim middle school. Central
High School will be phased out as a high school and become part of
the Educational Park -Junior College Complex. Attendance areas
for the high schools will include parts of the inner city and will be
defined to achieve integration in all three schools.

New high school buildings will be designed in the "school
within a school" concept. This means that the school is subdivided
into units of administration, counseling, and student organization.

The present suborganization by grades is a less formal approach to

237

providing opportunities for student leadership and service. The
"school within a school" concept actually creates subschools for
student relationships within the context of a larger academic organi -
zation.

The educational park will provide enri chment opportunities

in science, social science, the arts, and vocational training.

Special Schools

In spite of the emphasis for success—oriented education, we
will have socially maladjusted, school -alienated children in our com-
munity. They do not adjust to the school environment; they do not
deserve institutionalization. Are these children the responsibility
of social agencies or the schools? We do not wish to debate this
issue, but rather indicate they are the responsibility of both. It is
time that cooperative programs be implemented to salvage these
children.

There also will be youngsters in the urban center who are
functionally handicapped. By this we mean they are chronic sub-
standard achievers but not mentally handicapped. These children
could be youngsters who have grown up in a destructive environment
within the city or who have migrated to the city from areas of sub-

standard educational opportunity. These youngsters need a special

238

program where they can receive individual attention with special

attention to the basic skills necessary for their adjustment to society.

Summa ry

We must re-emphasize that school planning is a continuous
process. The details of this plan undoubtedly will be modified as
demographic data demands and educational programs suggest. The
city is not static, and neither is education. The goals for better
education, however, are a constant and we will have to continually
effect new methods, new techniques, and new programs to achieve

our goals.

APPENDIX B

IDENTIFICATION OF CONCERNS AS REPORTED BY AN
AD HOC COMMITTEE PRIOR TO REOPENING

UNION HIGH, JANUARY 6, 1969

Introduction

Union High School has one purpose, to provide a quality
educational opportunity for each student enrolled. These oppor-
tunities occur in the scheduled classroom instruction program, the
extra -curricular program, and in the unstructured experience of the
students. They essentially consist of inter-personal activities and
relationships between students and students, students and staff, and
staff and staff.

The program of the school is mandated, influenced, and
controlled by a number of factors. Among these are factors resident
in: students, staff, community, curriculum, physical plant, internal
regulations, external regulations, natural phenomena, and news
media influence. The evidence which served as the basis for prob-

lem identification consisted of: statements of concern by students,

239

240

teachers, administrators, and public; observations and records of
student behavior; and other sources of lesser data. This data was
assembled and analyzed. It led to the cataloging of problems under
four headings: factors resident in students, factors resident in
staff, factors resident in the school Operation, and factors resident

in the community .

Factors Resident in Students

In general, there is a significant degree of "polarization”
between races and alienation with respect to the school authority.
Specifically, the following are important:

1. Lack of understanding and/or tolerance for cultural dif—
ferences. Contributing are reactions to communications
handicaps, interracial dating and jealousy, etc. , stemming
from alleged preferential treatment.

2. Lack of commitment to the role of "student" on the part of
a significant number of students.

3. Alienation towards the school administration, particularly
as a result of communication difficulties as seen by the
students.

4. A lack of identity to Union on the part of the former South
students which affects the unity with former Union students.

5. Students from the south east part of the district do not
satisfactorily (in their estimation) influence student body
decisions, hence, voice objections in numerous fashions.

6. General non -acceptance of the Master Plan by either stu-
dent group. Therefore, some student disruptions are
efforts to scuttle the plan.

241

Some students are alienated towards rules and regulations
governing behavior and so are frequent violators, thereby
contributing to problems of many kinds.

Factors Resident in Staff

The general level of staff morale and unity is low. The

following are identified as causes of staff reactions adversely affect-

ing the school operation:

1.

10.

11.

Lack of preparedness of the staff for receiving the transfer
students in the fall.

Lack of clear definition of the role of a teacher.

Difficulty in dealing with clerical staff in the general and
counseling offices.

Lack of communication among teachers.

Ineffective administrative leadership, particularly with
respect to achieving staff unity.

Lack of communication between faculty and administration
on such matters as teacher evaluation and involvement in
decision making and policies.

Lack of adequate code of conduct for students and enforce-
ment by the administration.

Inaccessibility of the administration. Is seen as "invisible
to students" and too frequently out of the building.

Staff meetings are frequently redundant, lacking necessary
purpose.

The administration demands that staff follow channels and
then fails to act on requests which have been channeled.

Some teachers do not have the ability to work with the stu-
dents at Union.

12. Counselors do not believe they are able to do an adequate
counseling job because of too much clerical work, students
not meeting appointments, and too many administrative
duties.

13. Teachers are expected to do too much clerical work.

Factors Resident in School Operations

The operation of the school does not achieve an atmosphere
to enable the student body to be emotionally secure. It must be
objective, consistent, have boundaries, and be acceptable to a
majority of the students. It is recognized that many students lack
desire or ability to relate positively, or even neutrally, with each
other. The following factors are seen as contributing to the atmo-

sphere:

1. Lack of stable, consistent atmosphere within which students
and teachers cooperate.

a. Excessive absenteeism and tardiness without
automatic and consistent measures being taken to
prevent it. The result has been class disturbances,
groups of students loitering in the halls, problems
of congestion in the physical education area (espe-
cially during the lunch period when the situation is
most critical), loitering in the parking lot, or in
general a lowering of teacher morale, and insta-
bility of the student body.

2. Scheduling and procedures of classes and events and activi -
ties has contributed to instability.

a. Too many student schedule changes have led to
student instability and a lack of administrative
control over location of students.

243

The homeroom period at this time seems to be an
ineffective measure for checking attendance, for
the dispensing of information, or for the individual
student to relate to an adult. In fact, the home-
room has caused more problems for staff and
student body than its value would seem to warrant.
Inattention on the part of students to announcements
made on the PA system has rendered it ineffective.

Counselors are asked in teachers' absence to take
charge of homerooms until arrival of substitute
teacher. This situation frequently causes difficulty
in time planning and causesstudents to wait to see
a counselor.

Book Store Open during the critical periods of the
day--especially the noon hour-—contributes to con-
gestion in the hall near the cafeteria and encourages
absenteeism and tardiness to classes.

The close proximity, in time, of the three noon
hour periods contributes to confusion and congestion
in the halls and to absenteeism and tardiness during
the fourth and fifth hours. The freedom, or lack of
control, appears to be too much for many students
to handle maturely.

Sale of athletic tickets during the noon hour results
frequently in congestion in the halls and absentee-
ism and tardiness.

All school assemblies or pep rallies seem to con-
tribute to a general unstable or insecure student
body during the day in which it is scheduled.
Assemblies seem to be the cause or focal point of
many rumors. Movement to assembly alone is a
problem.

Study halls and presence in them seems to be a
source of problems and instability for many stu-
dents. Many students have difficulty going to them
and administratively it is frequently difficult to con -
trol.

3.

4.

Referral

3..

244

Library procedures and/or librarians are a source
of much concern and frustration on the part of many
students.

and discipline procedure

Lack of coordination between administration,
counselors, and other pupil personnel services
regarding referrals, and who has seen or is work-
ing with them. Counselor does not know who is
being seen by administrators and vice versa.
Teachers and students are also confused concern-
ing discipline and counseling referrals and pro-
cedures.

Lack of communication between control officer and
office regarding students being worked with or
dealt with in terms of discipline. Also lack of
radio communication with the office limits the
effectiveness of the control officer and the areas

of the building which can be covered by him.

Should he need help, he would have to leave "emer -
gency" area in order to get it.

The enforcement of school policy in regards to
attendance and discipline does not seem to be firm
or consistent enough to prevent further discipline
problems with the same or other pupils. There
seems to be a lack of awareness of results for
known disregard or disobedience of school rules or
policy.

The hall guard system seems to be ineffective in
preventing absenteeism, tardiness, or congestion
in the halls. In fact, it causes interpersonal
problems between many students by placing them
in confrontation in a negative way.

External issues

a.

b.

Possible crowding of buses and complaints about
bus drivers.

Smoking in halls and adjacent to building.

5.

245

Parking lot problems are loitering, eating in cars.
speeding and reckless driving, nonresident stu -
dents allowed to park and congregate, and the lot
is not kept clean.

Control officer has no guidelines regarding en-
forcement or his authority to deal with the above
measures. He also does not know under what
conditions police should be called.

Facility and equipment

a.

Fire alarm system has now become ineffective
because of false alarms. Such a condition is
dangerous. No exit plan is known to the teachers
or pupils should the alarm be real.

Many defects in the layout of the school facility:

(1) Cafeteria located in an already congested area
of the building. No acoustical design to
serving area. Cafeteria too large or not
broken up enough. Leads to rowdiness and
congestion.

(2) Hallways too narrow and continuous. Leads
to peer crowd control. Can't break up groups
in times of emergency. All students must be
in only two halls --primarily first floor hall--
during the class breaks and at lunch.

(3) No area exists as safety valve for congestion--
such as recreation area.

(4) Counseling reception area too small. With
the lack of hall control, the hall outside of
counseling office frequently becomes a hang -
out making it difficult for a student with an

appointment to wait in security for a counselor.

(5) Nurse's area too large for volume of services
offered. It has become an additional place for
congestion and gathering of problems students,
which is too much for the nurse to handle.

246

c. Equipment is often difficult to obtain or is in poor
repair.

6 . Curriculum

a. No Black History courses or inclusion of Black
literature in English courses.

b. No sociology or psychology courses offered.
Courses such as Family Living or Modern Prob-
lems do not seem to have a course outline or cur-
riculum planning. Sociology or psychology courses
would serve as a formal way for students to deal
with current problems and to relate themselves and
their sub -groups to the current problems.

c. Supplemental materials used in eleventh grade U. 8.
History courses seem inadequate by students.

d. Resource materials in the library seem inacces-

sible by students due to attitudes of librarians.

Factors Resident in the Community

The concern here rests upon the effect of community factors
as they impact the school operation and the attitudes of students and
staff. The following are identified as sources of influence on the
school.

1. Apprehension of parents for the quality of education and
safety of the children in the school.

2. Opposition to the Master Plan, for whatever reason, par-
ticularly influences student attitudes.

3. Presence of news media personnel in the building seems to
impact student actions.

‘A4 ~'

2 47 / - ‘ ml

4. Rumors, misinformation, and misrepresentation by some
teachers and parents concerning the school in the com-
munity have bearing on the attitudes of all personnel.

APPENDIX C

QUESTIONNAIRE ON CONFLICT AND CHANGE

Instructions:

 

Below, at the left, are statements which describe a
development or change which may have been a result of conflict that
occurred during the 1968-69 school year at Union High School.

At the right are two columns:

1. In the first, please circle the number that best describes the
extent to which you feel that conflict was a factor or cause in bring-
ing about the change or development that is described in the state—
ment at left.

 

2. In the second column, please circle the number that best
described the extent to which you feel the change or development
was constructive or useful. In other words, did it help to resolve
a problem area andfor did it contribute to better understanding in
the school or community.

 

The numbers mean the following:

to a very great extent
to a moderate extent
to a very small extent
not at all

HNOOuh-
II

It is very important that you answer each question, even if
you are not absolutely certain about it. At the end of the question-
naire, please describe any other changes that you feel may have
occurred as a result of the conflict and offer your assessment of
them. Also, if you wish to comment on any of the changes listed
below, please do so by referring to the appr0priate number.

249

250

Change or Development

A one semester Black History
course was offered second
semester at Union

Efforts were made to include
minority group contributions in the
English and Social Studies curricu-
lums during the 1968 -69 school
year.

A unit on "adolescent development"
was included in Home Economics
classes second semester.

School rules and regulations were
revised in mid -year and distrib -
uted so all students would be aware
of procedures and policies

Two full time control officers were
hired at Union to assist in prevent-
ing vandalism and other kinds of
problems from developing in the
halls and parking lot.

Parent teams helped in the halls to
keep outsiders from causing trouble
and to assist with potential prob-
lems.

Second semester, additional staff
were hired in the cafeteria to
provide better service to students
and staff.

In general, last year there was a
"tightening up” of rules and regu -
lations, e.g. , closer surveillance
of hall passes, etc.

C onfli ct a
Factor
4 3 2 l
4 3 2 l
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 l
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1

Constructive
or Useful
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 l
4 3 2 l
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 l

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

251

Change or Development

Student monitor teams were formed
to assist in the supervision of the
halls.

Second semester, the parking lot
areas were improved in that new
signs were installed and parking
procedures clarified.

Students from the south end were
originally transported to Union
on chartered city buses, but later
came to be transported on school
district buses instead.

Beginning September 23, 1968, an
activities bus to leave the school
at 4:30 p.m. was begun in order
to provide transportation after
extracurricular activities.

At the beginning of first semester
this year, 1969-7 0, all tenth
grade students were asked to
report to school one day earlier
than other grade levels so orien-
tation would be improved over
that of last year.

Classroom discussions on black-
white relationships and problems
took place during both first and
second semesters to identify
common problems and clarify
just what the issues were.

After the closing of school on
September 13, 1968, the next week
was devoted to meetings, first
among seniors, then juniors and
sophomores, in order to identify
problems and clarify issues.

Conflict a
Factor

4 3 2

4 3 2

4 3 2 1

4 3 2

4 3 2
4 3 2
4 3 2

Constructive
or Useful
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

252

Change or Development

During the second semester, several
changes were made in the cafeteria
such as more service counters, more
chairs, and better aisle markers.

A "Senior Center" was created out
of the recreation room second
semester.

A rumor control center was
established at the school district' 3
central office in February of 1969
to provide accurate answers to
questions and concerns about
education in Grand Rapids.

In May, 1969, the school district
hired a new Human Relations
Director to assist in improving
race relations in city schools.

Additional black staff members
were added to the Union staff after
the school year, 1968-69, had
begun.

A consultant from "Project Student
Values" worked with staff and

students during the second semester
of 1969.

The Michigan -Ohio Regional Lab
(MOREL) conducted an experi -
mental information program for
teachers during the second
semester.

The Union High Parents Associa -
tion (UHPA) formed in the
community out of interest in the
Union High busing.

Conflict a
Factor

4 3 2
4 3 2 1
4 3 2
4 3 2
4 3 2
4 3 2

Constructive
or Useful
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1

24.

25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

253

Change or Development

Three new members from the west
side were elected to the Board of
Education in the spring of 1969.

The Grand Rapids Press gave more
extensive coverage to the first
year desegregation at Union as
compared to the city' 5 other high
schools.

 

Over the Christmas holidays, the
school board and administrators
met with numerous organizations
such as the Grand Rapids Council of
Ministers, Chamber of Commerce,
etc. , in order to develop increased
community awareness of school
desegregation problems.

The Union High Community
Council sponsored a musical and
generally became more active
than it had been in the past.

The Union High PTSA at the
present time has more actual
members than was true during
the fall of 1968.

As of this fall, 1969, counseling
duties have been reorganized to
where one counselor will spend time
in the community each week, for
example at the Sheldon and West
Side complexes, in order to meet
with parents who have questions
about student courses and school-
community problems.

Conflict a
Factor

4 3 2
4 3 2
4 3 2
4 3 2
4 3 2

Constructive
or Useful
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 1
4 3 2 l

254

Conflict Constructive
Change or Development Factor or Useful

30. Close to twenty teachers who taught
at Union in 1968-69 are not now on
thestaff. 4 3 2 1 4 3 2 1

31. Second semester the voting pro—
cedure for student courts and
queens of various events was
revised to make it fairer and
more democratic. 4 3 2 1 4 3 2 1

32. Various new activities for seniors
were begun through the "Senior
Center" such as pool, ping pong,
jukebox music at lunch time, and
scuba diving. 4 3 2 1 4 3 2 1

33. A new administrative team took over
the leadership at Union shortly after
the Christmas holidays. 4 3 2 1 4 3 2 1

PLEASE CHECK TO SEE THAT YOU ANSWERED EACH QUESTION.

THANK YOU .

APPENDIX D

INTERVIEW SCHEDULE ON CHANGES THAT

MAY HAVE RESULTED TO SOME EXTENT

FROM MAJOR CONFLICT AT UNION HIGH

I. Curriculum
1. Any course additions?
2. Any course revisions?
3. Special remedial classes?
4. Additional staff hired in conjunction with changes?
Black, white?
5. Any other curricular change?
6. Were outside resource people and/or reference

materials obtained ?

11. Student Activity Program (including in and after school)

1.

Were new clubs or organizations formed? Their
purposes?
Did student government change in any way?

Was transportation service modified?

255

256

4. Were additional field trips, assemblies, etc. , initiated?

5. Were additional provisions for social mixing made?

6. Were snack breaks initiated or the routine of the school
day modified in any other way for students?

III. Students—-General

1. Were new rules and regulations developed in student
conduct? Explain.

2. Were new procedures instituted in such areas as busing,
cafeteria, library?

3. Were additional personnel, be they student and/or adult,
hired or used for control purposes? If so, was this
temporary?

4. Has there been an increase in communication between
students? Between students and teachers? Between
students and administrators? Were new lines of com-
munication established, or old one modified? Every-
thing considered, did increased discussion appear to
clarify the issues that were involved in problem areas?

IV. Facilities
1. Were facilities modified in any way? Cafeteria?

Recreation areas ? Classrooms ?

257

V. Union High Faculty and Central Office Administration

1. Were there any workshops or training programs
initiated to enable teachers and administrators to
operate more effectively in a desegregated school?
Explain.

2. Were any other new programs or services provided by
the central office such as additional transportation
service or human resource consultation? If so, were
new personnel hired?

3. Were there changes in the administrative structure at
Union? Personnel change involved?

4. Did teacher turnover differ from previous years or the
district high school average?

5. Were counseling services changed or improved?

VI. Community Developments

1. Did new grOUps interested in school policy form in the
community? What were their purposes?

2. Did communication increase between the school and
community via meetings between various organizations
and school or district representatives?

3. Did the attendance at UHPTSA increase?

~ 5- .

258

4. Did black parents become more involved in the school
second semester than first?
VII. Are there any other areas of school life wherein changes

occurred?

APPENDIX E

COMMENTS BY STUDENTS ON THE

QUESTIONNAIRE ITEMS

General Comments*

I don't like the system at all. The white should stay with
white and black with themself. (C, 12)

I feel that this year school has gone extremely well and
only had a few days so far of slight trouble (like fights). I think the
ones who are causing this trouble are the 10th graders cause they
think schools junky. (C, 12)

I do not feel that pe0ples feelings have changed much from
last year. If anything the conflicts have increased prejudice. The
only difference between this year and last year is that the adminis-
tration expects fights and now stops them sooner than they were
stopped before. (C, 11)

Just leave us alone! (C, 12)
I wish you would quit picking at the problem of the past. (C, 12)

Black is Beautiful. . . White tramps. . . Hunk‘ies suck. . . Your
welcome Punk! (N, 12)

I don't understand why you have to know why a person is
Black or white. Or dose it have something to do with score. (N, 11)

 

*The parentheses indicate race and grade level of student
making the comment. All comments appear exactly as written by the
students.

259

260

Desegregation is not possible when people don' t want it.
Black people are not cattle they don' t need to be transported any-
where. Separation is the only solution. (N, 11)

I feel that alot of these questions asked were not put into
effect. Not only by the students, but by the teachers and faculty
also! I also don' t think that people should raise a fuss about every-
thing little thing like the Press did! (C, 12)

Some of the changes named, I have never heard about. For
example, I din' t know that the counselors spent time in the com-
munities. I think we as students should have been notified of these
changes. (C, 12)

As I have indicated, I feel that last year' s conflict was a
big factor in bringing about major changes in school policy--most
of which resulted in changes for the better. This does not mean
however, that I believe rioting is the best or only way to bring about
constructive change. (C, 12)

I am not prejudice; I think that all, no matter of color,
should be treated the same. BUT no certain race should have special
"privelidges. " If busing was never put into effect, there would be no
"Senior Center at Union High; along with many more; a) see #7 cafe-
teria b) parent teams 0) control officers, ect. (C, 12)

 

Comments on Specific Questions

#1. A one semester Black History course was offered second semes—
ter at Union.

a) I think that they started the class because of the black stu-
dents coming over but not because of the conflict. (C, 12)

#2. Efforts were made to include minority group contributions in
the English and Social Studies curriculums during the 1968-69 school
year.

a) The talks in English didn't help to much because in a class
that size you' re alone. Kids don' t talk to you. The teacher
hardly every call on you. What can you do? (N, 12)

261

#4. School rules and regulations were revised in mid —year and
distributed so all students would be aware of procedures and policies.

a)

b)

I believe the one useless thing the admistration was discuss
rules and regulations with us. The black students claimed
they didn' t know what they were, this was ridiculous because
they were the same at South. Tightening up of rules and regu-
lations is just a little foolish. If you are late for a first hour
class it is almost impossible to get into school. (C, 12)

I don' t think the distributing of new regulations and rules
were in effect. To me alot of people do not care. I also
do not agree that monitors were in effect, because they
specified that students could not be in the halls! (C, 12)

#5. Two full time control officers were hired at Union to assist in
preventing vandalism and other kinds of problems from developing
in the halls and parking lot.

a)

Not enforced (C, 12)

#6. Parent teams helped in the halls to keep outsiders from causing
trouble and to assist with potential problems.

a)

b)

c)

d)
e)

f)

I don' t think the parents supervision was any help at all
because it made the kids feel as if they were being too
closely watched. It got so school didn' t seem like school
anymore but more like a prison. (C, 12)

The parents in the halls did not do anything constructive as
far as I can see. They are present, but they never take
any steps to check passes or confront students who are in
the halls for some reason or other. (C, 12)

the parents in the halls idea, I think was a rediculus
farce. (C, 12)

the parents were of ngvalue! (C, 12)
I also didn't think that parents were needed in the halls. (C, 12)

I don't think the parents helped much in patrolling the
halls. (C, 12)

262

#8. In general, last year there was a "tightening up" of rules and
regulations, e.g. , closer surveillance of hall passes, etc.

a) End of year yes (C, 12)

#9. Student monitor teams were formed to assist in the supervision
of the halls.

a) This was discontinued after trouble broke out—-for awhile
we had one black and one white patrolling the halls together
they were from varsity club (C, 12)

b) student monitors were of no use most of these monitors
were black and would have their freinds who were skipping
sitting with them and causing trouble. (C, 12)

#14. Classroom discussions on black —white relationships and prob-
lems took place during both first and second semesters to identify
common problems and clarify just what the issues were.

a) After trouble started all talk was on the black problems (C, 12)

b) I don' t think it helped much because students were affraid
to say what they really thought. (C, 12)

c) What classroom discussions? (C, 12)

#15. After the closing of school on September 13, 1968, the next
week was devoted to meetings, first among seniors, then juniors and
sophomores, in order to identify problems and clarify issues.

a) that was a lot of Bull too! (C, 12)

#18. A rumor control center was established at the school district' 3
central office in February of 1969 to provide accurate answers to
questions and concerns about education in Grand Rapids.

a) I don' t think they were accurate at all. (C, 12)

b) I called in to the rumor control center several times, and
got absolutely NO RESULT! (C, 12)

 

263

#19. In May, 1969, the school district hired a new Human Relations
Director to assist in improving race relations in city schools.

a) Don' t know what he's done (C, 12)
#20. Additional black staff members were added to the Union staff
after the school year, 1968 -69, had begun.

a) The hiring of black teachers were unecessary for the school.

It was a halfass rule of the black ------ . (C, 12)

# 21. A consultant from "Project Student Values" worked with staff
and students during the second semester of 1969.

a) Never hear of him so I don' t know what he did. (C, 12)
#22. The Michigan -Ohio Regional Lab (MOREL) conducted an experi -
mental information program for teachers during the second semester.

a) (for certain teachers this helped greatly) (C, 12)

b) Can' t say (C, 12)
#25. The Grand Rapids Press gave more extensive coverage to the

first year desegregation at Union as compared to the city' 3 other
high schools.

 

a) The Press did Union more harm than good by using us as
the guinea pigs. When the new administration came the
Press could not come in as freely as during the first
semester. We were' nt expected to cause anymore trouble,
was my feelings. The Press therefore "took it out" on
Union, and did not like to print good events which happen
to it. For example, on July 7, 1969, the Varsity Cheer-
leaders from Union received a lst place trophy from the
United States National Cheerleading Association. The Press,
even when urged by the Principal, would not print it.
Ottawa recieved a 3rd place, the wk. before, at the same
place, and got a place in the Press. Various other schools

264

winning awards got articles and pictures in. We received

no reason why, but I feel, that the Press was mad because
Mr. Cleveland would not let the reporters in when we had

trouble, the second semester. (C, 12)

b) the GR Press writes what it feels like writing not what it
true. (C, 12)

c) The G. R. Press brought about a great deal of conflict over
the racial situation. Not only was reporting on incidents
here overrated but it was also one sided. Our Press is
bigoted. The white reporters made the conflict here sound
like "jungle warfare. " The whites at this school are just
as much to blame as, if not more than the blacks. The
minority of both races brought about this conflict and I
believe neither race should be condemned, as the Press
condemned them, for the incidents caused by the ignorant
minority. (C, 12)

d) I don' t think that the newspapers treated what went on here
last year fairly. The Press made a mountain out of a
molehill. (C, 12)

#29. As of this fall, 1969, counseling duties have been reorganized
to where one counselor will spend time in the community each week,
for example, at the Sheldon and West Side complexes, in order to
meet with parents who have questions about student courses and

s chool -communi ty problems .

a) didn' t know of this (C, 12)

b) Thats a laugh (C, 11)

#30. Close to twenty teachers who taught at Union in 1968 -69 are
not now on the staff.

a) The firing of white teachers were because they didn' t kiss
asss for the black students. The teachers were for a
democracy in the school but the Negroe wanted to be in
power. (C, 12)

265

#31. Second semester the voting procedure for student courts and
queens of various events was revised to make it fairer and more
democratic.

a) Stupid! (C,l2)

b) Don' t know how they were revised or what they were
before. (C, 12)

c) Black people at Union know they have not got a change of
winning anything because we are way out number. As you
can see we hav' nt won anything. (N, 12)

#32. Various new activities for seniors were begun through the
"Senior Center" such as pool, ping pong, jukebox music at lunch-
time, and scuba diving.

a) we don't have scuba diving (C, 12)
b) (I wish it was offered!!!) (C, 12)

c) We don't have scuba diving! But wouldn' t be a bad
idea (C, 12)

d) I think that the Senior Center is a good opportunity for
Black and White students to get to know each other better.
No "Scuba Diving" program was ever offered. (C, 12)

#33. A new administrative team took over the leadership at Union
shortly after the Christmas holidays.

a) I think it was a good thing that they got rid of our former
principal because he wasn' t involved enough in the student
affairs and he was never around when we needed him. (C, 11)

b) Mr. Cleveland has done an excellent job in bringing order
back to this school. He lays down the law and that' 3 what
this school needs. I find in him an excellent administra -
tor. (C, 12)

 

 

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