EXPLORING PROTECTIVE FACTORS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN LATE ADOLESCENTS TRANSITIONING BETWEEN THE HOME AND UNIVERSITY CONTEXTS By Sherrell Hicklen House A DISSERTATION S ubmitted to Michigan State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Human Development and Family Studies - Doctor of Philosophy 2015 ABSTRACT EXPLORING PROTECTIVE FACTORS FOR AFRICAN AMERICAN LATE ADOLESCENTS TRANSITIONING BETWEEN THE HOME AND UNIVERSITY CONTEXTS By Sherrell Hicklen House The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the transitions that second year African American college students make as they move from home to a univers ity context where they are underrepresented. It also focused on how ethnic - racial socialization processes and biculturalism served as buffers in the university context. The proposed study had two main goals. The first goal was to examine their perspectives as late adolescents on cultural differences between their home and university experiences, focusing on whether these differences promote bicultural adaptive identities when transitioning between these contexts. The second goal was to explore how African A mericans in late adolescence may understand messages about race in the home context and how these messages may affect transitions to college. In - depth individual interviews were conducted and used as the primary method of data collection for this study. I n addition, a focus group session provided member checking opportunity and served to strengthen the trustworthiness of the study. The focus group was also used as a secondary data source to corroborate the key findings from the individual interviews. The Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory and the Multiple Worlds Typology were utilized as theoretical foundations for this research. For studies involving African American youth, it is essential to utilize cultural ecolog ical perspectives to account for cultural variances. By integrating aspects of both theories, cultural features in protective factors that may serve as buffers for African American youth in these home - university transitions could be explored. Results reve aled a number of challenges posed by cultural differences and protective factors for African American college students when transitioning to an institution where students of color were underrepresented. The risk factors that African American students were exposed to in the university context were hig hlighted, along with the c oping strategies used to combat risk factors and promote successful transitions from the home to the university. The implications addressed factors that influence university policy thro ugh programmatic implementations. Results have implications for faculty, staff, and universities to create culturally inclusive educational environments for African American college students. Copyright by SHERRELL HICKLEN HOUSE 2015 v To My Beloved Mother Words are not enough to express the unconditional love that exists between a mother and a daughter Author Unknown. Thank you so much for setting the foundation for me to excel academically . You postponed your dreams so that I could pursue mine and for that I am forever grateful. I am the woman I am because of you. I love and miss you more and more each day. vi ACKNOW LEDGEMENTS The completion of my doctoral degree e ever embarked on throughout my academic career. The sense of achievement and been able to do endure the trials and tribulations without the love, support, and d evotion of many people. I would first like to thank my lord and savior Jesus Christ. I allow him to guide my footsteps, while I continue to walk by faith. It is by his grace that I had the opportunity to earn a doctoral degree. I would also like to tha nk the love of my life, my best friend, and my husband for his unwavering support and commitment through this process. Thank you for being the amazing husband that God intended you to be for me. When things fe ll apart in my previous doctoral program, it wa s you who told me to continue to pursue my dream of receiving a doctoral degree at another university. You helped to boost my confidence when others knocked me down. You have been there since the start of this program all the way to the end and have witnes sed some of my weakest moments. Your words of encoura gement have helped to strengthen me when I wanted to give up. You have sacrificed so much for me and I cannot begin to thank you for the countless forms of support you have provided me with throughout ou r time together. I could not imag ine doing this without you. Thank you, I love you beyond words. To my Mom, I thank you so much for being an amazing woman in my life. Thank you for instilling in me the importance of education at an early age. This final y ear during my graduate career has been painfully difficult without you here, but your memory lives on in my heart vii forever. You did not have the opportunity to finish your degree, so I finished for the both of us. I love you dearly Mommy . To my Dad, thank you for loving me unconditionally. Thank you for all of your sacrifices and for stepping up to the plate when many people would not have. Thank you for never falling short and for always placing your children above all others. I have always wanted to make you proud because you have devoted so much of your life to making sure I had everything I needed and wanted. I hope that I have done that. Thank you for always supporting me through all of my decisions and for never being judgmental. Thank you for being a phenomenal father. My love for you is limitless. I would also like to than k my two sisters who are also my best friends. You both have been there through it all and have helped to encourage me when I needed i t most. Thank you for giving me lots of laugh s when I wanted to cry. Thank you for being my support system even when you had no idea you were being supportive. I am so blessed to have sisters who share in my happiness . I love you both. To my niece and nephew, thank you for the constant reminder to al ways strive to be the best. My wish is to continue to be a great role model for you, because I know your innocent eyes are watching. I hope that I am leading by example. Always remember that anything is possible, and if Auntie can do it, so can you. You both light up my life. I would also like to thank the Hicklen, Jacks, and House family for always being there through it all. Thank you for attending multiple graduations for me, even when you had to travel hundreds of miles from home. Thank you for always encouraging me throu ghout this long grueling educational pursuit. Your support has helped to inspire me to complete what I started. viii Many thanks go to my dissertation committee. My deepest gratitude goes to my advisor, hen I needed it most. You saw potential in me at I time when I had trouble seeing it in myself. When I came into the program, I was a bit broken down by some of the challenges I had encountered in my last doctoral program. When others told me I could not, should not, and would not, you showed me that I could. Thank you for helping me to find my voice again and for being an amazing mentor . Words could never express how grateful I am to you for seeing my worth when others did not. You are such a blessing and I will never forget what you did for me. I also want to thank Dr. Esther Onaga, Dr. Dorinda Carter - Andrews, and Dr. DeBrenna Agbenyiga for being supportive throughout the dissertation process and for believing in my abilities and capabilities as a scholar. Thank you to the Graduate School, the College of Social Science, and the Human Development and Family Studies department for the financial support throughout the completion of my program. our smiles and kind words of comfort have helped me through many difficult times. A special thank you goes to my participants for your candid responses. Thank you for being so open and willing to be a part of my study. This study would not have been pos sible without your participation. ix TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES xiii LIST OF FIGURES xiv CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 1 Statement of the Problem and Significance of Study 2 Theoretical Framework 4 Phenomenological variant of e cological systems theory 4 Multiple worlds typology 9 Integrating the phenomenological variant of ecological systems 14 theory and the multiple worlds typology Statement of Purpose 15 Research Question 15 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 17 Ethnic - Racial Socialization Processes in African American Families 17 Operationalizing ethnic - racial socialization 19 Ethnic - Racial Socialization and Academic Outcomes 22 African American Students, A cademic Outcomes, and the School Context 23 The African American Student Experience in a Predominantly White 25 University Racial micro - aggressions in predominantly White institu tions 26 Adjustment to college life for African Amer ican students 28 African American Late Adolescents and the Construction of Bicultural 29 Identities Biculturalism d efined 30 Biculturalism: navigating multiple w orld s as an African American 34 s tudent Conclusion 38 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHOD 40 Introduction 40 Rationale for Qualitative Research Design 40 Researcher Positionality 44 Data Collection and Procedures 46 Sampling 46 Recruitment 46 Sample description 47 Consent 49 Incentives 49 Semi - structured interviews 49 Focus groups 53 Field notes 54 x Data Analysis 54 Trustworthiness of Data 55 Ethical Considerations 56 CHAPTER 4 PR ESENTATION OF FINDINGS: CULTURAL EXPERIENCES 57 BETWEEN THE HOME AND UNIVERSITY CONTEXTS Cultural Experie nces between the Home and University Contexts 58 Comparison of Home and University Cultural Expectations 60 Cultural discontinuity 61 Cultural continuity 64 Selecting a PWI versus a HBCU 65 Experiences with Racial Micro - aggressions within the University Context 67 Experiences with racial disregard 67 Ascription of intelligence 68 Second class citizenship 69 White expertise on Black experiences 70 Colorblindness 71 Experiences with racial spotlighting 72 Assumed universality of the Black experience 72 Assumption of criminality 74 Assumption of intellectual in feriority 75 Standing alone as a Black student 76 Perceived racial stereotypes 78 Stereotypes of Blacks 79 Stereotype threat 80 Ambiguous racist experiences 81 Experiences with Racial Aggressions within the University Context 82 Resources and Supports for Black Students 84 Resources for Black students 84 Support from faculty of color 86 Lack of Black faculty 87 Lack of support from White professors 88 Racial Experiences within the Black University Community 89 Experiences with intra - group racial attitudes 89 Colorism 90 Not Black enough 91 Perceptions of Black women and sexuality 92 CHAPTER 5 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS: DESCRIPTION OF REACTIVE 94 COPING STRATEGIES Reactive Coping Strategies for Racial Micro - Aggressions and Racial 95 Aggressions Assertion of voice 95 Cultural code switching behaviors 96 Shift in language usage 96 Shift in behaviors 99 xi Affiliation w ith other Black students 101 Avoidance behaviors 103 Distancing 103 Choosing silence 104 CHAPTER 6 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS: MESSAGES AND TRANSITIONS 107 Protective Factors across the Home and University Contexts 108 Ethnic - racial socialization messages 109 Cultural socialization 109 Egalitarianism 110 Preparation for bias 112 Racial pride 114 Promotion of mistrust 115 Ties to Family 116 Close knit famili es 116 Family support 117 Core family values 118 Educational achievement 119 Morality 120 Religiosity 121 Lack of Experiences with Racial Issues 123 Lack of experience with racism 123 Lack of preparation in the home for racial issues in the 124 university context Transitional Experiences 125 Congruent worlds/smooth transitions 126 Congruent worlds/difficult transitions 127 Different worlds/smooth transition s 127 Different worlds/managed transitions 128 Different worlds/difficult transitions 129 CHAPTER 7: SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION 135 Summary of Results 135 Discussion 137 Original conceptualization 137 Cult ural experiences between the home and university contexts 139 Description of reactive coping strategies 144 Messages and transitions 145 Limitations of Study 149 Sample Size 149 Overrepresentation of Females 149 D iversity within Sample 149 Lack of Perspectives 149 Implications 150 Future Directions and Conclusions 152 xii APPENDICES 154 APPENDIX A Informed Consent 155 APPENDIX B Demographic Online Survey Screening 1 63 APPENDIX C Demographic Survey 167 APPENDIX D Individual Interview Protocol 170 APPENDIX E Focus Group Protocol 174 APPENDIX F Helpful Resources 177 REFERENCES 179 xiii LIST OF TABLES Table 1 Demographic Description of Participants 48 Table 2 Connections between Theories, Sub - Research Questions, and Interview 50 Protocol Questions Table 3 Connections between Theories, Sub - Research Question #1, and Findings 59 Table 4 Connections between Theories, Sub - Research Question #2 , and Findings 94 Table 5 Connections between Theories, Sub - Research Question #3 , and Findings 107 Table 6 Connections between Transitional Experiences, G rade Point Averages, 132 and Racial Compositions of Home Communities xiv LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: PVEST Theoretical Model 5 Figure 2: PVEST Conceptual Model 7 Figure 3: Multiple Worlds Typology Theoretical Model 9 Figure 4: Multiple Worlds Typology Conceptual Model 13 1 CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION There have been an increasing number of scholars researching culturally relevant child socialization practices ( Hughes and Chen, 1997 ; Murry et al., 2005 ; Spencer, 1995 ). The Census Bureau estimates that in 2010, the ethnic minority population represented 28% of the total population; it estimates that by 2025, this will increase to 42% (U.S. Census Bureau , 2010). As the United States continues to become more diverse, researchers and policymakers have become increasingly interested in understanding the mechanisms and processes that help shape how youth make meaning of their identities as it relates to their racialized experiences within educational contexts. In particular, research on ethnic - racial socialization practices in African American families has been growing tremendously (Hughes & Chen, 1997; Miller, 1999; Miller & MacIntosh, 1999; McHale et al., 20 06). Messages transmitted from parents to youth about race, ethnicity, and culture are critical elements of Black parental socialization practices (Coard & Sellers, 2005; Hughes & Chen, 1997; Lesane, 2002 ). Ethnic - racial socialization contributes to the s trength and resilience of Black youth through messages, behaviors, and attitudes transmitted by ethnic minority parents ( Hughes & Chen, 1997; Lesane, 2002). The messages transmitted to Black youth from their parents are intended to buffer against the negat ive effects of racial inequalities on youth of color , particularly when navigating between multiple context s (i.e. home and university contexts) . With an increasing number of Black youth attending predominantly White institutions, there is a greater need for protective factors that may com bat distal factors that cause harmful effects on them in the university context. Research indicates th at Black youth successfully navigate between their own culture and the dominant culture when protective factors ar e used to resist rac ial inequalities across home 2 and school contexts (Carter, 2005; Carter, 2008). Black youth become aware of the reality of racism and discrimination through personal experiences and through their families (Mille r & MacIntosh, 1999). The constructs of racial identity development and ethnic - racial socialization have become essential for understanding the psychological, social, and educational exp erien ces of Black 1 youth . These youth are faced with integrating into the mainstream by immersing themselves in the beliefs and values of the dominant cul ture , while creating a separate sense of self and connecting with their own cultural community as a shield against racism . As a result , it is important to promote culturally relevant p rotective factors in Black youth to promote resilience when transitioning between contexts (Myers & Taylor, 1998). This study ex pand ed past research by exploring how ethnic - racial socialization processe s are connected to bicultural identities (i.e. the construct ion of adaptive identities used to aid in successful navigation fro m the home to the university context , and how they may provide influential protective buffering for African Americans during late adole scence when transitioning between multiple contexts (i.e. home and university ) . It also focus ed on late adolescent perspectives of ethnic - racial socialization messages within Black families and how these processes engender agency across both contexts. By addre ssing protective strategies t hat promote academic success in Black youth , this research offers an important contribution to the field. Statement of the Problem and Significance of Study Ma instream research has failed to acknowledge the importance of culturally relevant parenting practices in African American families 2 (Lerner, Dowling, & Anderson , 2003). M ajority of mainstream research is based on the expectations and perspectives of middle - class, 1 Black and African American will be used interchangeably throughout this dissertation. 2 In this thesis, family is defined as parents, siblings, and/or other relatives (grandparents, cousins, aunts, or uncles) residing in the home context. Parents are defined as the adult caregivers in the home. 3 European American youth and families ( Lerner et. a l , 2003). When exploring the role of context in development in ethnic minorities , it is important to examine the dynamic interplay between context and development, the interplay between and across contexts, and the nature of developmental change and trajec tory through a culturally relevant lens. This research study address ed this limitation by focusing on the identity c onstruction of African Americans during late adolescence across home and university contexts . It also explore d their experiences surrounding the protective messages they receive d about race from their families whe n transitioning from the home to the university context . Research on African Americans has historically focused on deficit, dysfunction, and disparity related to single - par ent households ( Cherlin, 2010; Hoover, 2007 ; Thomson & McLanahan, 2012 ) , lack of academic achievements (Casanova, Garcia - Linares, De La Torre, & De La Villa Corpio, 2005), and youth involvement within the criminal justice system (Pardini & Loeber, 2008). H owever, it fails to highlight the processes, behaviors, and attitudes transmitted by parents that contribute to the strength and resilience of Black yo uth transitioning between contexts (Miller & MacIntosh, 1999). T his study counter ed deficit research in the field by focusing on strength - based protective processes that promote resilience within Black families. Research that has been conducted on culturally relevant parenting practices and racial identities of African American families has been primarily quantitative in nature (Bennett, 2006; Brown, Linver, Evans, & DeGannaro, 2009; Oyserman, Harrison, & Bybee, 2001 ) . Qualitative exploration is necessary to examine the complex nature of bicultural identity construction experiences and the impact of ethnic - racial socialization messages on the lives of Black youth . This research study address es gaps in the literature by utilizing a qualitative approach with a focus on the experiences of the participants . 4 Past research focuses on the quantitative relations between racial variables and academic outcomes (Bennett, 2006; Neblett , Philip, Cogburn, & Sellars, 2006 ; Wong, Eccles, & Sameroff, 2003 ) , which is beneficial for implications for education as it pertains to Black youth . However, the literature has failed to explore the qualitative experiences t hat Black youth have had with ethnic - racial socialization messages and whether these messages are linked to t he ir a bilities to ada pt in mul tiple contexts. This study focus es on Black youth having the agency to resist the effects of racism and discrimination by constructing bicultural identities wh ile transitioning to the university cont ext . It also focus es on how these identities may have be en shaped by home centered ethnic - racial social izat ion messages . Theoretical Framework The the oretical frameworks that utilized in this study were the Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theor y (Spencer, 1995 ) and the Multiple Worlds Typology (Phelan, Davidson, & Yu, 1998). When assess ing African American youth , it is essential to utilize cultural ecological perspectives to account for cultural variances. By integrating aspects of both theories, cultural variances were addressed by exploring the protective factors promoted within the Africa n American family context t hat may serve as strategies for African American youth navigating between the home and university contexts. Phenomenological variant of ecological systems t heory . Spencer (1995 ) Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems T heory (PVEST) is based on an identity focused cultural ecological perspective. Designed to foster healthy developmen t in ethnic minority youth , this perspective intricately connects culture, social context, and developmental trajectories (see figure 1 belo w) . 5 Figure 1: PVEST Theoretical Model (Spencer, 1995) the self - organization and phenomenological perspectives, and connects context with identity formatio n in ethnic minority youth . This framework is a continuous and cyclical process across the lifespan as individuals redefine their identities, transition through various contexts, and come into contact with new stressors, risks, and reactive coping strategies. This fra mework was useful to the present study in examining the connection between ethnic - racial socialization messages and bicultural identity construction that yields successful navigation between contexts within the microsystem. A cultural lens was utilized to examine how proximal processes impact developmental outcomes for ethnic minority youth and focuses on how ethnic minority youth adapt and construct identities within and between various contexts. These identit ies serve as 6 protective factors th at buffer against environmental stressors. The construction of adaptive identities is important when examining how macro - level distal factors impact coping outcomes in ethnic minorities. PVEST refers to a multilayered system that consists of five component s dynamically interconnected in a cyclic bidirectional model used to explore the construction of identity across contexts ( Spencer, 1995; aton, 2002). The home and university contexts are both embedded within th is multilayered system; however, the five components of t he PVEST may differ across contexts. For this study, the researcher has developed a conceptual model f ramed by the PVEST (see figure 2 below). 7 F igure 2 : PVEST Conceptual Model 1. Race (Risk Factor) and Ethnic - racial socialization (Protective Factor) 5 . Successful Transitions 2 . Net Stress Level Challenges and Supports 3. Cultural Code Switching Skills Adaptive and Maladaptive 4. Bicultural Adaptive Identities 8 The first component includes ri sks and protective factors. Risk factors , such as race and/or socioeconomic status, may be detr imental to African American youth across contexts causing them to be more vulnerable . In the university c ontext, African American stud ents are at risk for experiencing racial inequalities that may contribute to academic underachievement. Protective factors such as ethnic - racial socialization messages transmitte d within the family context, buffer against these risk factors. The second component in the PVEST model is the net stress level. This component refers to the events and experiences within the micr osystem that may be detrimental to the well - bein g o f an African American and the suppor ts accessible to deal with these challenges. For example, racial inequal ities may be challenging for African American youth within the school con text, but having the bicultural skills to adapt in multiple contexts where there may be cultural discontinuity between these contexts may help to combat these barriers. Ethnic - racial socialization messages and support systems within the context of famil y are utilized to help buffer these risk factors as well. T he third component of the PVEST model is defined by reactive coping strategies. According to Spencer (1995 ), stressful experienc es are necessary for youth to learn reactive coping strategies to use during events or experiences that may cause dissonance. These problem solving strategies include solutions th at may be adaptive and maladaptive depending upon the context. An example of reactive coping strategies may incl ude African American students o btaining the bicultural, adaptive skills needed to be able to successfully navigate between the home and school c ontext s. A set of skills may serve as a maladaptive reactive coping strategy in one context, and later serve as an adaptive reactive copin g strategy in another context. For example, obtaining the bicultural, adaptive skills to gain access to Black communities may serve 9 as an adaptive reactive coping strategy in the home context, but may be maladaptive in the school context. The fourth component in the PVEST model refers to emergent identities. This is based on the perceptions t hat Black youth have of their identit ies within and between contexts in the microsystem . These identities may be constructed based on socialization messages about the cultural codes and adaptive skills deemed as appropriate when transitioning between contexts . If Black youth a re able to construct bicultural, adaptive identities, which may also be used as protective factors, they will be able to obtain healthy, productive coping outcomes manifested across contexts . Successful transitions would be linked to p roductive coping outc omes . This mak es up the fifth component of the model. M ultiple w orlds t ypology . In addition to the PVEST, the Multiple Worlds Typology was also utilized in this study. T he Multiple Worlds Typology examine s the transitions of youth navigating between multiple worlds such as the home context, the school context, and the peer context (Phelan, Davidson, & Yu, 1998). See Figure 3 below. Figure 3: Multiple Worlds Typology Theoretical Model (Phelan, Davidson, & Yu, 1998 ) 10 This framework posits that transitions across multiple contexts affect the way individuals construct their sense of self. The Multiple Worlds Typology was created based on aspects of the Cultural Compatibility Theory to highlight contextual factors that may inh ibit ethni c minority students from optimally connecting with the school context. The Cultural Compatibility Theory states that most ethnic minority stud ents struggle with the pressures of having incongruent home and school contexts, which contributes to them having negat ive academic outcomes. The cultural differences in values, beliefs, language, and/ or appropriate behaviors in the home may differ from what is deemed as appropriate in the school context. Conflicts may arise when ethnic minority students are required to act in ways in the school that may be incongruent with the home. In contrast, Phelan et al. (1998) believed that although m any ethnic minority students struggled with discontinuity between the home and school contexts, many of them were able to successf ully transition and navigate across these contexts. These transitions are infl uenced by borders and boundaries faced by these individuals. Borders are encountered when the cultural values, beliefs, and behaviors used in one context are more highly valued t han those used in another context (Phelan et al., 1998). When boundaries are present, adapting one set of cultural standards is not val ued over another set of cultural standards. Boundaries are neutral, but can be transformed into borders when it becomes a privilege to adapt one set of cultural standards over another. When b orders exist, it may be difficult for students to adapt a cross contexts if there is cultural discontinuity, which could hinder academic success . Borders tha t may impede success for stud ents within the school context include sociocultural borders, socioeconomic borders, psychosocial borders, linguistic borders, gender borders, heterosexist borders, and structural borders (Phelan et al., 1998) . Socio - cultural borders 11 occur when an indi vidual the dominant culture. Socioeconomic borders exist when an individual comes from a family having lower levels of financial security. There may be a d ifference between individual s having low er levels of financial res ources versus the levels o f financial resources of their peers. Psychosoci al borders exist when a stud ent has a psychological issue that may contribute to underachievement in the school context. Linguistic borders exist when an individual speaks a differe nt language other than the dominant language taught within the school context. The language ma y be viewed as inferior to the Standard English language spoken in the scho ol context. Gender borders exist when one gender is valued over ano ther. Heterosexual b orders exist when one kind of sexuality is valued over a nother. Structural borders exist in the school as a result of contextual factors and ine qualities that impact a stud success. Perceived borders and boundaries are intricately connected to transition patterns. Transitions are navigating patterns that a stu dent exhibits when moving between contexts. A s youth transition between multiple worlds or contexts , there are six different transition patterns that they may exhib it . Transition patterns include congruent worlds/smooth transit ions, congruent worlds/resisted transitions , di fferent worlds/ managed transitions , diffe rent worlds/smooth transitions, di fferent worlds/ difficult transitions , and di fferent worlds/ resisted transitions (Phelan et al., 1998). Youth with congruent worlds/ smooth transitions have cultural cod es that are similar and continuous when navigating between contexts . An individual having congruent worlds/smooth transitions will have similar cultural val ues, beliefs, and behaviors between the home and school contexts. Youth with congruent worlds/resisted transitions have cultural similarities across multiple contexts but lack the motivation to successfully transition and display resistance as a result . Youth with different worlds/ managed transitions are able to 12 successfully manage differences betwe en contexts by utilizing bicultural adaptive behaviors when navigating between contexts. They are able to manage their transitions , because they can identify when one cultural mode is valued over anot her and can behave appropriately based on the cultural mode deemed most valuable in a given context . Youth with different worlds/ smooth transitions are able to successfully navigate between multiple contexts effort lessly, although their home and school contexts are different. They blend aspects of each context , which enables them to navigate between contexts with ease. Youth with different worlds/ difficult transitions have trouble navigating between multiple contex ts due to the lack of congruency. They tend to struggle with transitioning between contexts because of the discontinuity between contexts. Youth with different worlds/ resisted transitions refuse to engage in the school context, as a result of the lack of cultural compatibility between their worlds. The transition pattern most relevant to this study is the different worlds/managed tr ansitions due to the bicultural adaptive behaviors used when navigating between contexts . For this study, the researcher has d eveloped a conceptual model framed by the Multiple Worlds Typology to examine the kinds of transitions late adolescents make between the home and university contexts (see figure 4 below). 13 Figure 4 : Multiple Worlds Typology Conceptual Model The Mu ltiple World s Typology is underexplored in ethnic - racial socializa tion and bicultural literature. T he relation between ethnic - racial socialization messages and the nature of the transitions that late adolescents make between the ho me and university contexts based on whether there is continuity or discontinuity across both contexts has yet to be analyzed using this framework. A conceptual model was created to address how ethnic - racial socialization messages and the development of bicultural adaptive behaviors by late adolescents may serve as buffers against barriers inhibiting transitions and how these me ssages may promote successful trans itions between the home and university contexts . The university context consists of multiple Family Socialization Messages Norms Values Beliefs Expectations Actions University Socialization Messages Norms Values Beliefs Expectations Actions Self Meanings Perceptions Understandings Thoughts Feelings Adaptation Behaviors Peers Classrooms School Climate Transitions Student Organizations Campus Living 14 worlds embedded within the broader context (i.e. classrooms, peers, campus living, school climate, and student organizations ) , which may impact the kinds of transitions th at late adolescents make from the home to the university context. Integrating the phenomenological variant of ecological systems t heory and the multiple worlds t ypology . The PVEST and the Multiple Worlds Typology provide the theoretical lens for examining experiences of African American late adolescents transitioning between contexts. Both are culturally relev ant ecological models that highlight the experiences and challenges t hat African American late ado lescents undergo when naviga ting between the home and university contexts. PVEST is an identity focused cultural ecological model that is very useful when examining the connection between culture and context as it relates to African Amer ican late adolesce nts (Spencer, 1995 ). This theory illustrates the proximal processes (i.e. risk and protective factors, net stress levels, reactive coping strategies, emergent identities) that influence developmental outcomes in African American late adolescents . These pro ximal processes are pr esent within the home and university , but may differ between the two contexts. The PVEST framework accentu ates that African American l ate adolescents must learn to transition between contexts, while integrating their experiences into the construction of their identities (Spencer, 1995) . PVEST theorists argue that during adolescence, youth make meaning of their social worlds through messages transmitted about their ethnic group membership and their place in society through their belief s ( Spencer, 1995; Spencer et al., 1997). Because adolescence is a crucia l period of time for youth to construct their identities, this is also a key period to explore the impact of ethnic - racial socialization messages on the identity construction in African American late adolescents transitioning between the home and university contexts. 15 The Multiple Worlds Typology was used in tandem with PVEST to examine the borders and transiti ons African American late adolescents are fac ed with when naviga ting between the home and university contexts. The PVEST was used to assess the bicultural, adaptive identities that emerge as a result of proximal processes (i.e. risk factors that contribute to increased net stress levels) within the h ome or school context . Together, both theories examine d how ethnic - racial socialization messages serve as protective factors for African American late adolescents against risk factors that increase stress levels within the university c ontext. T he construction of bicultural identities as reactive coping strategies in the su ccessful transitions between multiple contexts was also explored . Statement of Purpose The purp ose of this qualitative study was to explore the transitions that African Ameri can lat e adolescents make when navigating from the home to a predominantly White university context. It also focus ed on how ethnic - racial socialization p rocesses and biculturalism serve d as buffers in the university context. This study had two main goals. The first goal was to examine late adolescent perspectives of the cultural differenc es between their home and university contexts and whether these differences promote bicultural adaptive identities when transitioning between these contexts. The second goal was to explore how African American late adolescents may understand messages about race in the home con text and how these messages may impact transitions to the university context . Research Question The following research question was addressed in this study: 16 Primary Question: How do ethnic - racial socialization processes and bicultural adaptive identities serve as protective factors for A frican American late adolescents transitioning between the home and university contexts? Sub - Resear ch Questions: 1. How do African American s in late adolescen ce describe and understand cultural beliefs, cultural values, and cultural behav iors of home and university contexts? 2. Based on these understandings, how do African American late adolescents describe their adaptive behaviors between home and university contexts? 3. What kinds of messages about race do African American late adolescents receive from the home context and how might these messages impact transitions made to the university context ? 17 CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW This chapter give s an overview of the literature surrounding ethnic - racial socialization processes in the homes of African American families. I t then provide s an overview of the literature regarding the interrelatedness of race and academic outcomes among African American youth . Next, it will describe the African American student experience in predominantly White universities. Lastly , it will discuss bicultural ism as it relates to African American late adolescent s tran sitioning between the home and school contexts, and the bicultural protective factors that foster academic success. Ethnic - Racial Socialization Processes in African American Families Ethnic - racial socialization has been defined as intergenerational transmission of implicit or explicit messages regarding race and ethnicity from a parent to a child (Coard & Sellers, 2005; Hughes, 2003; Hughes et al., 2006; Hughes et al., 2009; Miller, 19 99; Hughes & Johnson, 2001). Scholars have noted that ethnic - racial socialization is a complex, multi - dimensional construct (Coard & Sellers, 2005; Hughes & Chen, 1997; Lesane, 2002). The family is the main source of socialization in African American homes (Garmezy, 1991). Although ethnic - racial socialization is a process that occurs in all families, it is especially applicable to African American families because of the negative stereotypes and discrimination faced by these families. In a study conducted by Bowman and Howard (198 5), African American youth indicated that resiliency was promoted by family ethnic - racial socialization processes . Th ese high achieving youth were aware of racial barriers and had a positive sense of self within their own ethnic co mmunity and within mainstream society. The f amily prepares the child to adapt to a mainstream society by implementing values, norms, and beliefs needed by future generations to survive in a racist environment (Garmezy, 1991). Many of these family members e xperience 18 discrimination and want to protect their children from experiencing such negative environmental conditions. P arents that have experienced discrimination in their lifetimes are more likely to engage in ethnic - racial socialization processes with th eir children (Berkel et al., 2009; Selle rs & Shelton, 2003). This research is important because i t explains why African American parents choose to engage in ethnic - racial socialization processes within their homes. Having the knowledge about why parents participate in the transmission of these messages will allow researchers to make a connection between ethnic - racial socialization processes and f uture developmenta l outcomes of Black college students . Ethnic - racial socialization cuts across age groups and serves as a protective factor at all ages, from childhood through adulthood ( Hughes & Chen, 1997; Hughes, 2003). Ethnic - racial soc ialization in African American families begins in childhood where messages are transmitted from African American parents to African American children in a bidirectional process (Hughes, 2003). Research indicates that parents differ in the frequency and con tent of racial socialization messages (McHale et al., 2006). As the child grows up, their questions and experiences may influence parents to transmit certain messages about race, ethnicity, and culture that were prompted by their children. The children gro w up to be adults who transmit messages to their own children about race and ethnicity. This cyclical process could foster positive development in ethnic minority children and families across the lifespan (Hughes, 2003; Hughes & Chen, 1997). Although scho lars have proposed that ethnic - racial socialization is beneficial for African American families (Hughes, 2003; Hughes & Chen, 1997) , more empirical research needs to be conducted on how messages regarding ethnic - racial socialization serve as protective factors for African American students naviga ting between the home and university context. Whether ethnic - racial socialization is explored explicitly or implicitly, there is a great deal of research that links 19 ethnic - racial socialization with ethnic beliefs , values, behaviors, and attitudes of African Americans (Bennett, 2006; Brown, Linver, Evans, & DeGannaro, 2009). For example, African American children whose parents transmit messages about the culture and ethnic heritage, have indicated increased knowled ge about their group (Brown et al., 2009), positive attitudes within the group (Bennett, 2006), and favorable self - concepts (Phinney & Chavira, 1995). This research highlights the importance of ethnic - racial socialization in cultivating healthy ethnic or r acial group membership and the promotion of positive development among Black youth . Ethnic - racial socialization literature focuses on promoting positive developmental outcomes in ethnic minority youth and families. Positive development is fostered through a variety of developmental outcomes (Lerner et al., 2003). For example, research has shown that Black youth exposed to ethnic - racial socialization messages from Black parents have increased levels of self - esteem (Constantine & Blackmon, 2002; Stevenson et al. 1997), decreased depression levels (Rumbaut, 1994), and increased levels of coping with discrimination and prejudice ( Stevenson & Arrington, 2009 ; Szalka et al., 2003). The messages transmitted to Black late adolescents from their parents may buffer a gainst more distal factors in society such as racism, discrimination, and prejudice. Although majority o f the ethnic - racial socialization research focuses on adolescents in the high school context, a small body of research indicates that ethnic - racial socialization messages serve as protective factors that foster resilience for African American college students in the university context (Anglin & Wade, 2007; Bynum, Burton , Best, 2007 ; White - Johnson, 2015 ) . The current study expand s the literature in this field. Operationalizing e thnic - ra cial socialization. While r esearchers are consistent with the definition of ethnic - racial socialization; however, there is a lack of consistency in th e way this construct is operationalized and measured throughout the literature (Hughes et al., 2006). Current 20 conceptualizations of ethnic - raci al socialization have similar and distinct components. Many scholars have described the processes that African American parents use to help children make sense of their race or ethnicity with their racial and/or e thnic group in various ways . Much of the ea rly research conducted on sociali zation processes within African American families was labelled raci al socialization (Bowman & Howard, 1985; H ughes & Chen, 1997 ) ; however, the term ethnic socialization has also been used (Phinney & Chavira, 1995 ) . Research conducted on racia l socialization focus ed on socialization messages transmitted from parents to children about race, which was intended to help to prepare them for future experiences with prejudice and discrimination (Bowman & Howard, 1985; Hughes & Chen, 1997). Many researchers use d merged models of ethnic socialization and racial socialization in their studies, which embeds aspects of cultural socialization such as cultural practices, cultural heritage, and ethnic pride into the broader concept of racia l socialization. For example, Boykin and Toms (1985) argued that African American parents were faced with three socialization agendas to ensure positive development in minority children which were: (a) ensuring that minority children learn about their heri tage and c ulture (cultural socialization); (b) ensuring that minority children were aware and prepared to live in an oppressive envir onment (minority socialization); and (c) ensuring that children are able to successfully integrate into mainstream society (mainstream socialization). Bowman and Howard (1985) examined themes related to racial pride, racial barrier orientations, egalitarian views, and self - development orientations to conceptualize racial socialization. Similarly, Phinney and Chavira (1995) exp lored themes related to pride, culture, prejudice, adaptation, and achievement. Hughes and Chen (1997) conceptualized ethnic - racial socialization based on three components which were: cultural socialization, or teaching children about cultural history, pre paration for bias or preparing 21 children for racial discrimination or oppression in the future, and promotion of mistrust. Stevenson , Cameron, Herrero - Taylor, and Davis (2002) examined messages transmitted between parents to their children abou t embracing their own cultural heritage and interacting with the mainstream culture. In contrast , while many researchers use merged models of racial socialization and ethn ic - socialization , some researchers conceptualized racial socialization and ethnic socialization as two separate constr ucts measuring similar themes (Brown & Krishnakumar, 2007 ; Murray et al., 2009; Paasch - Anderson & Lamborn, 2014 ) . These researchers argue that defining both constructs separately is beneficial in addressing the influence of messages r elated to intragroup protocol (ethnic socialization) and intergroup protocol (racial socialization). They also believe that defining them separately is important because each may have a different impact on developmental outcomes. Each form of socialization may contribute greatly to developmental outcomes in African American youth. As noted previously, researchers are consistent with the definition of ethnic - racial soc ialization; but the way the construct is operationalized tends to be inconsistent across the literature . This could create methodological issues in analyses, which could also cause difficulty when replicating future studies. These differences may lead to various outcomes. Because ethnic - racial socialization has not existed in the literature as long as other theories h ave, there is a lack of consistency in the way the construct is measured across the literature. T he present study address ed gaps in the literature by using qualitative method ology with a focus on the voi ces of African American late adolescents attending college . By including the voices of the participants, eth nic - racial socialization was conceptualized based on the themes that emerge d in relation to their experiences. 22 Ethnic - R acial S ocializ ation and Academic O utcomes A limited number of studies have examined the association between ethnic - racial socialization and academic outcomes in African American students . Findings indicate positive academic outcomes when examining cultural socialization messages; however, mixed academic outcomes were found when assessing the frequency of ethnic - racial socialization messages. Specifically, cultural socialization messages have decreased the effects of teacher and peer Huguley, 2012), increased levels of school engagement (Cooper & Smalls, 2010; Smalls, 2009), increased reading comprehension scores (Banerjee, Harrell, & Johnson, 2010), and increased academic grades (Brown et al., 2009). Neblett , Philip, Cogburn, and S ellars (2006) indicated that ethnic - racial socialization messages from parents were predictors of academic outcomes (i.e. academic curiosity, persistence, and student self - reported grades). Past research illustrates the use of ethnic - racial socialization m essages as protective factors that promote academic success in African American students in the high school context . However, the utility of ethnic - racial socialization messages as buffers against more distal factors for African American students in the u niversity context has been underexplored in the literature. In contrast , research has demonstrated that large amounts of ethnic - racial socialization in African American children could lead to negative outcomes such as lower levels of academic achievement (Brown et al., 2009; Brown, Tanner - Smith, & Lesane - Brown, 2009). This may be due to the ages of the children a nd the kinds of messages children are receiving from their parents (Hughes, 2003; Hughes & Chen, 1997) . R esearch posits that some ethnic - racial socialization messages may be inappropriate for younger children, which causes stress and can be detrimental to child developmental outcomes (Hughes, 2003; Hughes & Chen, 1997). 23 Gender differences have also been associated with the frequency of ethnic - racial socialization messages and academic outcomes. Friend, Hunter, and Fletcher (2011) demonstrated that a higher frequency of ethnic - racial socialization preparation for bias messages (i.e. messages preparing children for racial discrimination in the future) increased grade point averages for boys and decreased grad e point averages for girls. Th is research contribut e s to the ethnic - racial socialization literature by highligh ting how both age and gender may influence the impact of ethnic - racial socialization messages on developmental outcomes in African American youth . The present study expand ed past research by consider ing how ethnic - ra cial socialization messages impact ed the abilit ies of A frican American second year students to acquire academic success by obtaining the cultural codes necessary to navigate successfully from the hom e to the university context . A frican American Stud ents, Academic Outcomes , and the School Context A great deal of research focuses on the achievement gap betw een African American students and other racial groups (Astone & McLanahan, 1991; Frome & Eccles, 1998; Taylor, 1996 ). Scholars in the past have suggested that this academic achievement gap is related to the macro - level racism and discrimination faced by African Americans (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu, 1987; Steele, 1997). R esearch conducted by Claude Steele (1997) focuses on stereo type threats and African American students. His work posits that negative stereotypes depicted about academic performance across racial groups may be detrimental to achievement outcomes in African American students. These students internalize negative ster eotypes, which causes fear and frustration that they will live up to the low expectations of society. This leads to lower levels of academic performance. Much of this work focuses on the challenges faced by African American adolescent s in the high school c ontext but fails to examine protective factors that may 24 serve as buffers for African American late adolescents transitioning to a racially bias university context . Ogbu (1993 ; 1998 ) also indicates that schools contribute to the lack of academic success in ethnic minority children deliberately and inadvertently by aligning with societal norms. Expanding on some of his earlier work (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu, 1987), Ogbu (1993) argues that in the context of work, the job ceiling prevents ethnic minorities who are qualified and educated from gaining jobs and wages that they should be rewarded based on their credentials and qualifications. This trickles down to the younger generations and perp etuates the belief that education is not a pathway to upward mobility, which can foster resistance and maladaptive behaviors within educational contexts (Ogbu , 1993; 1998) . In contrast , research shows that African American students aspire to be academicall y successful (Warikoo & Carter, fails to acknowledge African American students striving to obtain academic success, as opposed to those displaying resistance in th e school context. This theory brings little awareness to racialized vari ables that may act as protective factors for African American late adolescents navigating to the university context. A growing body of literature examines relations between race related variables and academic outcomes for African American students (Bennet t, 2006; Neblett et al., 2006). Specifically, researchers have examined the effe cts of racial identity on school engagement and motivation in African Americans adolescents (Byrd & Chavous, 2011; Chavous et al., 2003; Oyserman, Harrison, & Bybee, 2001). This literature posits that Afr ican American adolescents with positive racial group identities have higher levels of school engagement and motivation due to their posi tive academic values. P ositive racial group identity serves as a protective factor agains t racial barriers in the school context. A study conducted by Wong, Eccles, and Sameroff 25 (2003), found th at African American student experiences with school based discrimination were related to academic outcomes and academic attitudes about schools. Oyse rman, Harrison, and Bybee (2001), indicated that positive racial identity served as a buffer against decreasing academic efficacy in African American adolescent boys and girls. Past research focuses on the relation between racial identity and academic outc omes, which is beneficial for implications for education as it pertains to African American high school students . However, what is underexplored in the educational literature is how racial and academic messages transmitted to African American late adolesce nts contribute to their abilities to construct bicultural adaptive identities when navigat ing between the home and university contexts . The present study address es gaps in the literature by focus ing on African American late adolescents having the agency to construct bicultural identities that resist the effects of racism and discrimination w hen transitioning from the home context to the university context . The African American Student E xperience in a P redominantly White U niversity How does race and racism shape the academic beliefs of African American students in predominantly White institutions of higher learning ? Are African American students equipped to handle racism in the university context ? How might this affect their school behav iors? Research in the past has assessed similar questions in regards to African American students ( Guiffrida & Douthit, 2010; Rankin & Reason, 2005; Cole & Arriola, 2007 ). Answers to these questions have varied, but what we know is that African American yo uth undergo racialized experiences with racism and discrimination in the university context, which shape their academic beliefs and behaviors. However, what is underexplored in existing literature is a qualitative assessment of the construction of dual ide ntities and ethnic - racial socialization processes in African American students transitioning from th e home to the university. Because this study addresses how parental 26 messages and identities function as protective strategi es for African American students attending a predominantly White university , this research contribute s greatly to the literature . A frican American students on predominately White campuses tend to have different schooling experiences than their White counterparts. Due to the underrepresentation of African American students on predominantly White campuses, they must learn to adjust quickly to campus living and they must learn to overcome many of the challenges they may have (Woldoff, Wiggins, & Washington, 2011). Afr ican American college students often describe experiencing a lack of institutional and faculty support in predominantly White institutions (Rankin & Reason, 2005 ) , negative school climate with increased levels of racial conflict on campus ( A ncis, Sedlacek, & Mohr, 2000), and a lack of culturally responsive interventions to support the increase in diversity (Guiffrida & Douthit, 2010). Many African American students experience alienation and isolation o n predominantly White campuses with racism being an inhibiting factor (Woldoff et al., 2011). As a result, African American students are challenged with learning to navigate and integrate themselves into the university context. This study expand s past literature by exploring how home based ethnic - racial soc ialization messages and bicultural adaptive identities may serve as buffers against the challenges faced by African Americans transitioning from the home to the university context. Racial micro - aggressions in predominantly White institutions. African Ameri can students experienc ed subtle forms of racism described as intentional or unintentional racial micro - aggressions in predominantly White institutions ( Harwood, Hunt t, Mendenhall, & Lewis, 2012; Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000 ; Sue et al., 2009 ) . Solorzano and his colleagues (2000) found that Afric an American students experience racial micro - aggressions in academic spaces and in social spaces at predomin antly White institutions. Findings from the literature also 27 indicate that racial micro - aggressions are perpetuated by White faculty and White students , which fosters a negative school climate . Harwood and her colleagues (2012) suggest that students of color experience various forms of racial micro - aggressions in residence halls at predominantly White univer sities. These racial micro - ag g ressions include: racial jokes and verbal comments, racial slurs written in shared spaces, segregated spaces and unequal treatment, and denial and minimization of racism. Both studies indicate that racial micro - aggressions con tribute to the negative school climate encountered by African American students at predominantly White institutions. Pierce (1978) conducted early work on racial micro - aggressions about the relations between Blacks and Whites during the civil rights era. Much of the recent work on racial micro - aggressions has been conducted by Sue and his colleagues (Sue, 2010; Sue et al., 2007; Sue & Capodilupo, 2008; Sue et al., 2008; Sue et al., 2009 ). research earlier work . Sue and his colleagues created a taxonomy that described three different forms of racial micro - aggressions: micro - insult s , micro - assault s , and micro - invalidation s (Sue, 2010; Sue et al., 2007; Sue & Capodilupo, 2008; Sue et al., 2008; Sue et al., 2009 ). M i cro - insu lt s focus on subtle messages conveyed with underlying meanings that are unintentionally insulting and demeaning to the racial heritage of an individual (Sue et al., 2007) . An example of a micro - insult is when a White individual says, articulate for a Black person. M icro - insult s are broken down into four categories: ascription of intelligence, second class citizen, pathologizing cultural values/communication styles, and assumption of criminal status. M icro - assault s are verbal or nonver bal subtle or overt form s of racism intentionally used to disresp ect or degrade an individual . An example of a micro - assault would be a White individual directing a racial slur at a Black individual. M icro - invalid ation s are form s of racism that unintentionally negate or diminish 28 An example of a micro - - invalidation s are also broken down into four categories: alien in own land, color blindness, myth of meritocracy, and denial of individual racism. Racial micro - aggressions may cause cognitive and emotional turmoil for individuals forced to cope with these experiences (Sue e t al., 2007). As a result, r acial micro - aggressions can be detrimental to the successful transitions of African American students in predominantly White institutions. Adjustment to college life for African American students. Existing lite rature proposes that adjustment to college life is more likely when students are integrated socially and academically in to their postsecondary institution (Tinto, 1993). According to Tinto (1993) , in order to achieve such integration, students must separate fro m their fam ilies of origin. Sullivan and Sullivan (1980) provided evidence that separation from parents is a ssociated with the co ntinued g rowth and adjustment. Tinto (199 3) asserts that s eparation from the family is important in order for college students t o be able to successfully integrate into campus life. Students who are not integrated or who are integrated only at a marginal level, as opposed to being integrated at a central level, are less likely to be academically and developmentally successful. Alth ough family is an important factor when discussing the well - beings of college students, many students struggle with separating completely from their families to create their o wn identities; however, Tinto (1993) indicates that it may be necessary to succes sfully integrate into their postsecondary institutions. However , some (1993) fails to accurately describe the experiences of students of color ( Cabrera et al., 1999; Guiffri da, 2005; Tierney, 1992). 29 Given that the cultural backgrounds and campus life experiences of African American students tend to differ from the cultural norms and values of predominantly White universities, separation from supportive familial relationships may be detrimental for Afr ican American s tudents (Guiffri da, 2005; Tierney, 1992 ; Thompson, Anderson, & Bakeman, 2000 ). Research indicates that family support is an important asset for ethnic minority students in the university context , because families provide them with a solid connection to the ir own cultural backgrounds, provide strategies to help buffer against discrimination, and they provide encouragement (Guiffri da, 2005; Rosa , 2002; Tierney, 1992). T he present study expand s past literature by addressing how ethnic - racial socialization processes and bicultural adaptive identities serve as protective factors for late adolescents navigating from the home to a predominantly White university. It also examine d how ethnic - racial socialization messages received within the home context helps to shape bicultural adaptive identities for African American college students. African American Late Adolescents and the Construction of Bicultural Identities As the U.S. becomes increasingly more globalized and div erse, it is important to examine the prevalence of cultural discontinuity and power imbalance for ethnic minorities navigating between the home and university contexts . Although the diversity in the U.S. continues to increase, the dominant culture remains in power and structural inequalities remain intact . According to Vescio, Gervais, Heiphetz, and Bloodhart (2009), power is the ability to control rewards and punishments. Although what is defined as rewards or punishments varies across contexts, groups hav ing higher levels of power are more likely to control rewards or punishments provided to groups having less power. Power and social status are often confounded due to the desire of the dominant group to maintain structural relations a nd reinforce the statu s quo. The 30 dominant group hold s power over the minority groups , which support inequalities within the social system. These groups often have more incentive to psychologically accept group - based hierarchy than groups having less power (Lee , Pratto, & Johnso n, 2011). The dominant group maintain s power by taking full control over resources (Platow & Hunter, 2001). The status structure is upheld through cultural socialization and the influential ideologies of powerful, high status groups. As a result of the imbalance of power between minority and dominant groups , ethnic minorities (i.e. African Americans) struggle with racial and structural inequalities when navigating between multiple contexts. Protective factors transmitted to African American late adolescents within the home context may help to combat these ineq ualities. In addition to ethnic - racial socialization processes, bicultural identities may also serve as protective factors used to successfully transi tion between the home and university cont exts. Biculturalism d efined . Biculturalism research stems from early immigrant research conducted on acculturation (Berry, 1990; Berry, 1997; Birman, 1994; Birman, 1998) . Immigrant researchers conceptualize d acculturation as a process that is based on the negotiation of two issues: the desire for acculturating individuals to maintain strong identifications with their ethnic cultures, and the extent to which acculturating individuals are willing to accept or reject the cultural n orms of the dominant culture ( Bacallao & Smokowski, 2009; Berry, 1990; Berry, 1997; Birman, 1994; Birman, 1998; Lu, 2001; Suarez - Orozco & Suarez - Orozco, 2001 ) . Although biculturalism is intricately connected to acculturation conceptually , it is important to examine biculturalism as an independent construct from acculturation when examining a domesticated ethnic minority group. 31 The acculturation literature reflects the immigrant experience after migrating to the U.S. by explor ing how immigrants negotiate th eir home countr y culture and American culture. Acculturation is not widely used when exploring African Americans transitioning between their own ethnic group culture and the mainstream culture because the concept is heavily focused on negotiating internati onal and American cultural differences . Research posits that m any African Americans ar e faced with the struggle of having t o learn to successfully navigate between their ethnic group culture and the dominant culture by obtaining the appropriate cultural codes (Valentine, 1971; Rashid, 1981) . Scholars conceptualize biculturalism as a bi - dimension al, bi - directional process formulated for ethnic minority groups based on the construction of adaptive identities through the use of cultural codes enacted within and/or across contexts (Bacallao & Smokowski, 2009 Nguyen & Benet - Martinez, 2007; Trimble, 2003 ). As a result, this developmental process has be e n used as a construct separate from acculturation when examining Africa n American youth in the literature ( Phinney & Devich - Navarro, 1997 ; Rashid, 1981; Rust, Jackson, Ponterotto, & Blumberg, 2011 ; Valentine, 1971 ). Due to the complexities and the multi - dimensional nature of the construct , r esearchers operationa lize biculturalism in many ways . Some scholars define biculturalism in terms of demographics, while others focus on cultural identifications (Nguyen & Benet - Martinez, 2007 ; Trimble, 2003 ). Bicultural individuals may include immigrants ( Awokoya, 2012 ; Birman, 1998; Suarez - Orozco & Suarez - Oro zco, 2001 ), multiracial individuals (Shih & Sanchez, 2005) and/or ethnic minorities ( Valentine, 1971; Phinn ey & Devich - Navarro, 1997; Rashid, 1981; Rust et al. , 2011). Early conceptual assessments of biculturalism i n domesticated groups attempted to explore variations of the construct through the use of multiple categories. Lafromboise, 32 Coleman, and Gerton (1993) examined biculturalism using two categories: alternation and fusion. Alternating individuals are able to navigate multiple contexts by changing behaviors in response to the cultural norms of a specific context. Fused individuals integrate both cultures so that a third space is created where behaviors for both cultures are blended. This third space is distinct from both cultures, because it is blend of both cultures. Expanding on the work of Lafromboise et al. (1993), Birman (1994) increased the number of categories used to assess biculturalism. These four categories include: blended individuals, instrumental individuals, integrated individuals, and explorers. Blended individuals fuse both cultures together. Instrumental individuals behave based on cultural norms relative to the context but choose not to identify with either culture. Integrated individuals are able to successfully navigate between the dominant culture and their ethnic culture but choose only to identify with their ethnic culture. Explorers are able to behave based on the social norms of the dominant culture but choose to identify with their own ethnic culture. work foc used primari ly on immigrants, her conceptualization of biculturalism is an expansion of bicultural categories created for domesticated ethnic minority groups. In their study, Phinney and Devich - Navarro (19 97) examined the conceptual perspectives of Lafromboise et al. (1993) and Birman (1994). Similarly, these researchers categorized biculturalism in two ways: blended individuals and fused individuals. Blended individuals have positive feelings and feel conn ected to both cultures. Fused individu als identify with both cultures; however, they struggle with the conflicting nature of these cultures. Although these scholars helped to advance bicultural research, there is controversy over whether there is a conce ptual limitation in the bicultural categories as a result of them being confounded. According to Nguyen and Benet - Martinez (2007), the bicultural categories 33 illustrated in the research conducted by Lafromboise et al. (1993) and Phinney and Devich - Navarro ( 1997) focus on different aspects of the bicultural experience as opposed to describing different types of bicultural individuals. For instance, the blended and fused categories focus on the identities of the individuals, and the alternating category highli ghts the behaviors of bicultural individuals. Identity based bicultural categories are confounded with the behavior based bicultural category. For example, a Mexican American may feel a positive connection towards both cultures (fusion), but may also behav e in ways based on the cultural norms of a specific context (alternation). The overlapping nature of the identity based categories (i.e. blended and fusion) and the behavior based category (i.e. alternation) does not conceptually differentiate between bicu ltural individuals. To address the gaps in the literature, Benet - Martinez, Leu, Lee, and Morris (2002) created the bicultural identity integration framework to examine individual differences amongst bicultural individuals. This framework assesses whether bicultural individuals believe they are able to equally balance dual identities that are compatible versus whether these dual identities are conflicting. By examining the ways bicultural individuals manage dual identities, the intersections and overlaps o f these identities can also be addressed. Other scholars assert that the definition of biculturalism should be expanded to include cultural identifications, cultural practices, and cultural values instead of primarily focusing on the cultural behaviors of bicultural individuals (Swartz & Unger, 20 10). They argue that bicultural individuals combine their ethnic heritages with mainstream cultural influences, practices and values to create a blended identity where they illustrate cultural norms from both cultures regardless of the context. For example , a Mexican American may have collective family values, but may also believe in having individualistic American values such as the belief to work hard to 34 achieve success. The bicultural individual is able to successfully navigate between multiple contexts as a result of having dual identities, while combining the cultural norms of both cultures across contexts. Much of the research focuses on b iculturalism as it relates to individuals negotiating the cultural influences of their ethnic groups with those of the dominant group (Berry, 1997; Birman, 1998; Moran, Fleming, Somervell, & Manson, 1999; Nguyen & Benet - Martinez, 1997; Phinney & Devich - Navarro, 1997; Rust et al., 2011). The lack of consistency in the way the construct is operationalized is displayed th roughout the literature. The present study address ed the shortcomings in the literature by examining the various individual processes that African American late adolescents undergo when constructing adaptive bicultural identit ies based on cultural codes de emed appropr iate for use within and between the home and university . By exploring whether there are differing cultural beliefs, cultural values, and cultural behaviors when transitioning between contexts, the researcher conceptually differentiate d between bicultural individuals and assess ed how they manage d conflicting identities . Biculturalism: n avigat ing multiple w orld s a s an African American s tudent . Research indicates that some African American students are able to achieve academic success by utilizing protective factors to buffer structural inequalities within the school context (Carter, 2005; Carter, 2008; Chimizie, 1985). Scholars believe that African Americans must learn to be bicultural (Bowman & Howard, 1985), because t hey are faced with integrating into the mainstream culture, while remaining connected to their own cultural community and having a strong sense of self (Phinney, 1990 ; Rashid, 1981; Valentine, 1971 ). By obtaining the cultural codes necessary to successfully navigate between the home and school contexts, many African American students are able to acquire academic success (Carter, 2005; Carter, 2008; Chimizie, 1985). 35 Accruing dominant cultural capital affords African American students the opportunity to gain access to resources that lead to academic and professional success, by speaking, behaving, and dressing in ways that are accepted by the mainstream culture (Carter, 2003; Carter, 2005) . Black cultural capital allows access into Black communities based up on ethnicity /race and similar interests in dress, music, foods, etc. ( Carter, 2003; Carter, 2005). Obtaining dominant cultural c apital may serve as a resistance strategy for African American late adolescents attending predominantly White universities . Resistance strat egies are protective approaches used to respond to racist and discriminatory stressors within the environment (Carter, 2012; Ward 1999). Because individual experiences with racism and discrimination may be detrimental for academic success and the successfu l transitions between the home and university contexts , it is important to examine strategies (i.e. ethnic - racial socialization and biculturalism) that may act as buffers for negative experiences (i.e. racism and discrimination) in the university context. Scholars in the past have asserted that there could be negative effects for biculturalism (naviga ting between the home and university environments) among African American students ( Amato, 1993 ; Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Ogbu, 1993). Ogbu (1993) indicate d that ethnic minorities risk losing their membership within their own cultures if they assimilate to the dominant culture in an educational context . This process of assimilation results in resistance to academic norms t hat perpetuate academic success . Acc ording to research conducted by Fordham and Ogbu (1986), Black students who obtained dominant cultural capital to promote academic success are at risk for being perceived as behaviors, preferences, and language that are consistent with White cultural norms ( Fordham & Ogbu, 1986; Tyson, Darity, & Castellino, 2005). Obtain ing dominant cultural capital can be 36 perceived as a threat to the Black culture . As a result, Black students may opt to obtain Black cultural capital or to be accepted amongst their peers at the risk of having low er levels of academic success. This research fails to ackn owledge the benefits of acquiring dominant cultural capital to gain access to resources within the school context while maintaining Bla ck cultural capital, which may give African American students the ability to successfully transit ion from the home to the university context . This research also does not take into account ethnic - racial socialization messages transmitted to children from parents that serve to reassure membership within their ethnic/racial groups. ethnic minority children behave based on a set of norms at home. He indicates that ethnic minorities are unable to adapt to the characteristics of the dominant culture and should not, because they are socialized to behave based on their own cultural norms. If forced to assimilate, minority students will adapt maladaptive school behaviors to resist the dominant culture, which will lead to poor academic outcomes. Resistance in the school context by Black youth is ; Fordham, 2008 ). behaviors becomes more important, which impedes academic success. These arguments give a narrow view of African American student s and academic achievement and ignore research that indicates that academic outcomes vary across African youth ( Byrd & Chavo us, 2011; Chavous et al., 2003; Oy serm an et al., 2001; Warikoo & Carter, 2009). This further supports and perpetuates academic deficiency as a model among these students. Many African American students excel academically, and these arguments fall short in considering how ethnic - racial socialization 37 processes and biculturali sm may serve as buffers for African American students in the school context. C onstruct ing bicultural identities based on cultural codes may serve as a protective factor wh en navigating between contexts. A common adaptive bicultural skill employed by many African Americans is termed code switching. Code switching is a cultural skill used to shift interaction and behavior patterns based on situational appropriateness ( DeBose, 1992; Carter, 2003; McDermott, 19 87). Many scholars have examined code switching as a skill used by African American students navigating between the home and school contexts ( Carter, 2003; DeBose, 1992; Smitherman, 2000). Generally, code switching has been explored as a linguistic cultura l skill. African American students linguistically shift between speaking Black Standard English in the presence of their African American peers and/or in the home context, and Standard English when sharing a context with Whites (Carter, 2003; Smitherman, 2 000). Research indicates that many Black students employ cultural code switching skills in the educational context to help foster academic success (Debose, 1992; Carter, 2003; Smitherman, 2000). Th e cultural code switching literature is central to the framing of the present study , because it informs the researcher about how African American students negotiate multiple behaviors and interaction patterns when transitioning between the home and university contexts without rejecting their own culture. Afr ic an Americans develop strategies that help them to adapt to a hostile environment cultural styles, white cultural styles, cultural styles required for school succe ss, and other cultural styles in their daily school l strategy acts as a buffer against the detrimental effects that racial inequities have on students of color in an educational context. The experiences 38 and struggles faced by African A merican students on a dail y basis in the university context can be damaging to their developmental trajectories. They must develop the competence to battle stressors while also being able to successfully adapt in multiple social contexts. This adaptation c an be fostered through ethnic - racial socialization processes in the homes of African American families (Hughes and Chen, 1997). In sum , it is important to promote culturally relevant protective factors, such as biculturalism and ethnic - racial socialization messages, in Afri can American students to foster resilie nce in the educational context (Myers & Taylor, 1998). The present study expand ed on the literature by examining how ethnic - racial socialization processes and biculturalism may serve a s buffers for African American youth transitioning between the home and university contexts . Conclusion This chapter give s an overview of the literature surrounding ethnic - racial socialization processes in the homes of African A merican and the interrelatedn ess of race and academic outcomes in African American youth . It also examines the experiences that African Americans have at predominantly White universities, and it explores the literature surrounding biculturalism . Research indicates that e thnic - racial socialization contributes to the strength and resilience of African American youth through messages, behaviors, and attitudes transmitted by ethnic minority parents about race and ethnicity (Hughes & Chen, 1997; Lesane, 2002). Research also po sits that having the ability to cultural ly code switch gives African American students access to resources that foster academi c and professional success (Debose, 1992; Carter, 2003; Smitherman, 2000). Obtaining dominant cultural c apital may serve as a buff er for African American late adolescents attending predominantly White universities . 39 Although previous studies have focused on the relation between race - related variables and academic outcomes, what was underexplored in the literature was research that ex amined the utility of ethnic - racial socialization messages and bicultur alism as resistance strategies for A frican American college students navigating between the home and university contexts . The present study address ed gaps in the literature by utilizing t he PVEST framework and the Multiple Worlds Typology to explore how these constructs may serve as protective factors that buffer against distal factors when transitioning across contexts . 40 CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHOD Introduction Using the modified grounded theory approach (Charmaz, 2006; Strauss & Corbin, 1998), this study describes the experiences of African American late adolescents as they navigate from the home to the university context. This study focuses on how ethnic - racial socialization processes within African American families and bicultural adaptive identities serve as protective factors for African American late adolescents transitioning between the home and university contexts. This chapter describes the research metho dology and includes the following sections: rationale for qualitative research design, researcher positionality, data collection and procedures, data analysis, and trustworthiness of data. Rationale for Qualitative Research Design Much of the research con ducted on biculturalism has been quantitative ( Birman, 1998 ; Romero, Caravajal, Valle, & Orduna, 2007; Stroink & Lalonde, 2009). Biculturalism has been inconsistently operationalized using a range of measurement types across studies. One - dimensional scales , bi - dimensional scales, bicultural identification questions, and demographic information, such as questions about language or generational status, have also been used to measure biculturalism across the literature. Early assessments of biculturalism were measured using surveys containing one - dimensional scales of acculturation (Bautista, Crawford, & De Wolfe, 1994; Rotheram - Borus, 1990; Suinn, Rickard - Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil, 1987). Individuals were considered to be separated if their scores were low and a ssimilated if their scores fell towards the higher end of the scale. Individuals were considered bicultural if their scores fell towards the middle of the scale (Bautista et al., 1994; Rotheram - Borus, 1990; Suinn, Rickard - Figueroa, Lew, & Vigil, 41 1987). For example, a scale item may be group or from the dominant group Selections for the response may include: 1) mostly my ethnic own group 2) equal number of friends in both groups 3) mostly from the domi nant group. This approach is problematic in scaling the bicultural construct because it is assumed that individuals identifying with one culture are rejecting of an opposing culture. One - dimensional scales should also be avoided because they fail to diffe rentiate between individuals that identify as being bicultural versus individuals that do not identify as being bicultural and/or marginalized (Benet - Martinez et al., 2002; Nguyen & Benet - Martinez, 2007). An individual that chooses not to identify with any culture or an individual that is marginalized may select the number on a one dimensional scale because they may not have any friends in either group. An individual that identifies as bicultural may also select the number on a one dimensional scale because they may have an equal number of friends in both their ethnic group and the dominant group. Biculturalism measured in this way yields a unidirectional view of the results because it is an oversimplified view of cultures , cultural exposure, an d cultural pluralism in the U.S . In addition, these scales often have low reliability due to the inaccuracy in measurement (Birman, 1998). The lack of reliability may result in random measurement error, which can lead to underestimates statistically signi ficant and false positive findings (Shadish, Cook, & Campbell, 2002; Miller, 2007). When using bi - dimensional scales to measure biculturalism, identification with an ethnic group and identification with the dominant group has often been assessed using two individual scales. For example, biculturalism might be examined using a scale that measures involvement in ethnic minority group culture and a scale that measures involvement in American culture. Bicultural individuals are defined by whether these individ uals scored higher than the median on 42 both scales (Birman, 1998; Moran, Fleming, Somervell, & Manson, 1999; Phinney & Devich - Navarro, 1997; Rust et al., 2011). Although this kind of measurement helps to differentiate bicultural individuals from other categ ories, a limitation is that a biculturalism score is not provided, which fails to give an accurate measurement of biculturalism. Alter natively, biculturalism has been measured bi - dimensionally by adding the scores of two or more sub - scales (Moran et al. , 1999 ; Wei et al., 2010 ) . Interaction terms have also been created when using scores fro m two scales to examine biculturalism in a bi - dimensional way (Birman, 1998 ; Romero, Caravajal, Valle, & Orduna, 2007; Stroink & Lalonde, 2009 ). A limitation for using c omputed scores as methods of measurement is the inability for researchers to distinguish among individuals having scores that fall towards the middle of both scales versus individuals that score higher on one scale and lower on the other scale. As a result , researchers are unable to distinguish which category an individual fits into according to the scales. Biculturalism has also been measured using one or two bicultural identification questions to accommodate for lack of time and/or lower reading levels (Benet - Martinez et al., 2002; Nguyen & Benet - Martinez, 2007). For example, bicultural individuals are those that score at the higher end of the scale when asked to answer two items : and I identify as an American One caveat for using this method of measurement is that the items on the measure may not assess biculturalism and this brings validity into question. These questions focus on identifying with a race or identifying with being an American with little emph asis on biculturalism. T his measure may lack construct validity, which means it may not adequately capture the construct that the researcher is trying to measure (Shadish et al., 2002; Miller, 2007), because it may not describe biculturalism in an accurate manner. 43 Lastly, demographic variables have also been used to explore biculturalism. Demographic variables include race/ethnicity, language preference, citizenship, and generational status (Buriel, Calzada, & Vasquez, 1982). A limitation associated with u sing demographic variables to examine biculturalism is that they are often used as predictor variables. As predictor variables, they do not account for individuals who may identify as bicultural at different stages of their lives. Demographic variables as predictors fail to explore the changes and processes that individuals may undergo when exploring bicultural identities. Although there have been a limited number of qualitative research studies conducted on biculturalism ((Bacallao & Smokowski, 2009; Diem er, 2007; Lu, 2010; Shi & Lu, 2007), qualitative exploration is necessary to examine the complex nature of bicultural experiences and behaviors . Biculturalism is a nonlinear, bi - dimensional, and bi - directional construct that is ideal for qualitative explor ation. An overemphasis on quantitative research fails to highlight how and why individuals choose to pursue a bicultural identity, along with the processes that individuals undergo when forming dual identities. Utilizing a qualitative approach enables the researcher to determine more about the processes. This research study addresses gaps in the literature by utilizing a qualitative approach with a focus on t he experiences of the participants. In using this approach, the voices of bicultural African American college students were included and emphasized. Through the use of qualitative methodology, rich accounts on how the environment influences the constructi on of dual identities and navigation between t he home and university were addressed. Participants were also able to demonstrate how ethnic - racial socialization messages and biculturalism serve as protective factors in the university context through detaile d descriptions . 44 The present study utilized modified grounded theory because it is beneficial in exploring the racialized experiences of African American stud ents in the university context. Les s is known about the experiences and transitions of African American second year students attending a predominantly White institution, so these in - depth experiences contribute to the literature. By util izing modified grounded theory for this study, this allowed the researcher to determ ine whether a new theory was generated as a result of the themes and patterns that emerged from data analysis (Charmaz, 2006; Strauss & Corbin, 1998) . Grounded theory also helps to expand current theories used to frame the study . Researcher Positionality Grounded theory analysis requires the researcher to be an active participant in the research (Charmaz, 2006). As such, it is important that I address my role as a researcher and biases related to the study. I gr ew up in an African Ameri can fa mily constructing my identity as an African American female. I attended a historically Black university during my undergraduate tenure, but attended predominantly White institutions to obtain my graduate degrees. My experiences attending a historically Bla ck university differ from the undergraduate experienc es of my participants. Prior to conducting the study, I felt that my racialized experiences during my graduate tenure at pred ominantly White institutions may have been similar to their racialized undergr aduate experiences of my participants . It was my responsibility to ensure that my experiences did not impact their perspectives. I share similar charact eristics and social positions to the participants in this study, so it was important that I recognized my own experiences, knowledge, and perspectives throughout the data collection process and analysis. As a result of my similarities, it was important that I captured the experiences and voices of my participants, while ke eping my own biases separate. 45 To a ddress my personal biases, I reflected through the use of memos by documenting my feelings and thoughts about each interview and after the focus group . Journaling helped me to better understand my own reactions to each interview , along with my feelings and reactions to the follow - up focus group . I acknowledge d my role as a researcher through my reflective memos. I was able to distance myself from the experiences of my participants because my past undergraduate experiences differed from their current underg raduate experiences. Although there were minor s imilarities across my graduate experiences with predominantly White institutions and their undergraduate experiences, I was able to share their perspectives because their experiences were not my experiences . Their stories reflected experiences of African American students attending predominantly White institutions, and they were able to share with me eye opening information that I had not considered prior to the onset of this study. I had not been exposed to m any of the experiences they encountered, which made it easier to tell their stories. Being an insider was advantageous because the participants were comfortable sharing their experiences with me as a result of our shared backgrounds and s ocial positions. They felt that they lacked opportunities to share their racialized experiences encountered in the university context with people. This made them more open to sharing their perspectives with me. The disadvantage in being an inside r was th at some participants were not as explicit when discussing their experiences . They assumed I was familiar with their perspectives as a result of the similar ities with our backgrounds and social positions. To combat this, I probe a little deeper to gather in formation during the individual interviews. Overall, I was able to capture the pers pectives of my participants and share their truths . 46 Data Collection and Procedures Sampling. Data was collected using two distinct methods: semi - structured interviews (n = 20) and one focus group (n = 8). Participants for the focus group had to participate in the interview portion of the stu dy prior to participating in the foc us group portion of the study. Participants in clusion criteria is as follows: (a) African American /Black students (b) enrolled at a predominantly white university in the Midwest, (c) between ag es 18 - 20 years old, (d) second year status, (e) non - transfer student, (f) raised in biological families (non - foster care), and (g) 2.0 or greater grade point average on a 4.0 scale . Second year non - transfer students were considered to be better able to speak about their racializ ed experiences transitioning from the home to a predominantly White university context , because they were better adjusted than they were during their first year . They were also able to speak more in - depth about their experiences after having a year to refl ect on their transitions to the university. Participants were required to be raised in biological families to allow the researcher to examine ethnic - racial socialization message s transmitted within the family, without the complex ities of foster families. P articipants were also required to have a minimum cumulative 2.0 grade point average t o eliminate students who have not maintain ed good standing at their university . Recruitment. Criterion sampling was utilized to build the participant pool for this study. Criterion sampling involves selecting participants based on a criterion predetermined by the researcher (Patton, 2001). A request to recruit second year African American students was made through the university ants were emailed through the university participate in the study based on the predetermined criterion listed previously . An initial email 47 w as sent out followed by two additional reminder emails until the desired sample size was achieved. Approximately 300 - 400 students were contacted to participate in the study based on the criteria each time the email was sent out. There were a total of 44 students who completed the ini tial screening survey within the timeframe of one month . The initial screening survey was created and administered using Survey Monkey (see Appendix B) . The survey link was included in the email sent through the university vey was administered, potential participants were selected from the resulting pool of eligible students. Eligible students were emailed to participate in the larger study . These students were able to participate on a first come first serve d basis. However, once I reached a total of 10 female participants, I gave preference to male participants to increase the number of males in the study. Once male participation bega n to decline , female students received the opportunity to participate. The majority of students interested in participating in the study were females. After the desired sample size of 20 participants was reached, students were no longer allowed to participate in the study. There were a total of 11 ineligible students that filled out the i nitial screening survey. Students who did not fit the criterion were not contacted to participate in the larger study. Sample description. There were a total of sixteen females and four males recruited for this study. Each participant identified as Africa n American/Black attending a predominantly White institution in the Midwest. All participants were second year non - transfer students. The age of the participants ranged from 18 - 20, with an average age of 19 years old. All participants were raised in biolog ical families (non - foster care). The grade point average of the participants ranged from 2.0 - 3.8, wi th a 3.0 being the average. Nine participants grew up in predominantly Bla ck home communities, while four participants grew up in predomin antly White home communities. Seven participants grew up in multiracial home communities. There were a total of 48 eleven participants raised in two parent intact families. Eight participants were raised in single - parent families residing with their mothers. One participant was co - parented by divorced parents who lived separately. This participant resided with both parents. Table 1 displays the demographic information for the participants in this study. Table 1 D emographic Description of Participants Pseudonym Age Gender Col lege GPA Racial Composition of Home Community Childhood Family Structure (Birth - Age 18) Nicole 18 Female 2.8 Predominantly Black Two Parent Household Steve 19 Male 3.2 Predominantly Black Single Parent Household (Mother) Denise 19 Female 2.8 Predominantly Black Single Parent Household (Mother) Rachel 19 Female 3.2 Multiracial Two Parent Household Michelle 19 Female 3.84 Predominantly White Single Parent Household (Mother) Alex 19 Female 2.97 Predominantly White Two Parent Household Kelsey 19 Female 3.5 Predominantly White Two Parent Household Carmen 19 Female 3.7 Predominantly White Two Parent Household Layla 19 Female 3.2 Predominantly Black Two Parent Household Lisa 19 Female 3.3 Multiracial Two Parent Household Ashley 19 Female 3.12 Multiracial Single Parent (Mother) Bruce 19 Male 2.6 Predominantly Black Two Parent Household Tim 19 Male 3.67 Multiracial Co - Parented (Mother and Father) Isabella 19 Female 2.4 Multiracial Two Parent 49 Consent. Participants were required to fill out a consent form prior to participating in each segment of the study. They first filled out an online consent form before completing the online screening survey. They also filled out a consent form when participating in the interview and the focus group. All consent forms described the nature of the research study; the rights of the participants, the risks and benefits, and the confidentiality of the research study (see Appendix A) . Incentives . Participants received a $20 gift card for participating in the interview portion of the study. Participation in the focus group yielded an additional $10 gift card. Incentives were received at the conclusion of the interview and focus group session. Participants were informed abo ut incentives prior to the study. Semi - structured interviews. Twenty individual semi - structured interviews were conducted and used as the primary method of data collection. Each interview lasted approximately 30 - 60 minutes. Interviews were audio recorded using a digital recorder and transcribed verbatim using a transcriptionist company called Verbalink. Students ga ve detailed accounts about their experiences with ethnic - racial socialization messages and their abilities to construct bicultural identities as they navigate from the home to the university context. Table 2 Household Danielle 19 Female 3.3 Multiracial Single Parent (Mother) Tiffany 19 Female 2.9 Predominantly Black Single Parent (Mother) Gerald 19 Male 3.1 Predominantly Black Two Parent Household Violet 19 Female 2.0 Predominantly Black Single Parent (Mother) Rayden 20 Female 2.8 Multiracial Two Parent Household Camille 20 Female 3.2 Predominantly Black Single Parent (Mother) 50 displays the primary research question along with the connection between the theories, the sub - research questions, and the interview protocol questions. The interview protocol questions were c onstructed based on the theories utilized in this study (see Appendix D ). These theoretically driven questions were created to foster discussions that aided in providing answers for the research question and sub - research questions in this study. Participan ts were asked about a range of topics to gather a variety of perspectives and experiences from them which included: background information about their families and home communities, messages transmitted within their families, experien ces in the university context, and transitions to the university context. Prior to conducting the interview, demographic information was collected from each participant (see Appendix C) . Participants were asked their ages, current school levels, grade point averages, racial c omposition of their home communities , and family stru ctures. Interviews were conducted in a private room located at the university. After the interview, participants were given a handout with a list of helpful resources for them to use if needed ( see Appe ndix F ). Table 2 Connections between Theories, Sub - R esearch Questions, and Interview Protocol Questions Primary Research Question: How do ethnic - racial socialization processes and bicultural adaptive identities serve as protective factors for African American late adolescents transitioning between the home and university contexts? Theory Sub - Research Questions Interview Protocol Questions Phenomenological V aria nt of Ecological Systems T heory , Multiple Worlds Typology How do African American late adolescents describe and unders tand cultural beliefs, cultural values, and cultural behav iors between the home and university contexts? How would you describe your family context? What would you describe as core values in your family or home? How have t hose been communicated to you growing up? What are important messages from your family about 51 succeeding at school and how to behave in school? About being African American and going to college What is your home community like? What is it like to live th ere? How would you describe it? How would you characterize interactions between the neighbors? What was it like to start school at MSU? How would you describe your university context? Campus Life? School Climate ? How do you feel in your school environment? Racial Composition of students and faculty How would you describe your transition to MSU ? Was it an easy transition like being at home or very different from home? If it was different, can you tell me how it was diffe rent? Are your home and university contexts different with respect to culture and expectations? If so, please provide som e examples of these differences. Are there differences in what is acceptable within your family context versus the university context? Phenomenological V aria nt of Ecological Systems T heory , Multiple Worlds Typology Based on these understandings, how do African American late adolescents describe their adaptive behaviors across the home and university contexts? Do you feel that your behav iors ch ange between home and the university contexts ? Can you describe some of the ways in which you feel there are changes or alterations? The way you speak? The way you behave? Preferences in food or music? 52 Your interactions wi th others in your home context versus the university context ? Do you think your behaviors have changed since coming to MSU? Do your friends and/or family think you have changed since coming to MSU? How do you feel when you are in class? Are there other Afri can American students in your classes? When you are in a class where there are no other African American students, do you ever think about being comfortable, smart or fitting in? Do you feel you have to adjust your typical behavior while in class when African American students are present or if they are not? What about around your peers? Which adjustment is more like when you are at home? (Do feel like you are being yourself in the classroom context?) Describe your experience with living in the dormitory/residence halls? How would you describe your college peers to the peers you had in high school? How would you compare your interactions with University peers vs. high school or community peers? Phenomenological V aria nt of Ecological Systems T heory , What kinds of messages about race, if any, do African American late adolesc ents receive from the home context and how might Did your parents talk about being African American at home? How was it talked about? What types of messages, if any, have 53 Focus g roups. A 60 minute focus group (n = 8) was conducted for males (n = 1) and females (n = 7). Participants for the focus group had to first participate in the interview portion of the study before being asked to participate in the foc us group portion of the study. The focus group was utilized for member checking purposes after the completion of individual interviews (Creswell, 200 7). The focus group questions were created based on open coding data analysis of the individual interviews (see Appendix E ). The focus group was analyzed for themes as a second data source beneficial in stimulating rich responses, providing new insights, and clarifying themes that may Multiple Worlds Typology these messages impact transitions made to the university context? your parents given you to help prepare you for experiences with racism in college? Have you experienced prejudice or racism in college? What was that experience, how did you cope with it? How have parental messages helped you if you have experienced racism in college? Do you think racism can be a barrier to your success? Explain. Do you think racism can be a barrier to the success for Blacks in general? Do you know of others who have experienced racism in your school? How do you think African Americans are treated at y our university? How would you describe race relations between faculty and students at your school? 54 be unclear. Data from the individual interviews was cross - checked with focus gr oup data for validation of themes. The focus group was conducted in a private room located at the university. Field n otes . Field notes were used to document detailed descriptions of observed behaviors (i.e. body language and emotions) during the interviews . Field notes were written immediately after each interview was conducted , as well as after the completion of the focus group experienced during the interviews (Cr eswell, 2007). Key phrases, quotes, and emerging themes were documented to assist with data analysis. Data from the individual interviews and the focus group were cross checked with field notes for validation of themes. Data Analysis Modified g rounded the ory analysis was utilized in this study. Constant comparative method helped to enhance the theoretical frameworks utilized in the study and develop theory based on the themes that emerged (Creswell, 2007) . This approach is accomplished through a three step approach: open coding, axial coding, and selective coding (Creswell, 2007). I engaged in multiple readings of the individual interview transcripts, the focus group transcript, and the field notes to identify themes and su b - themes that emerged from the data. I first used line by line coding or open coding to begin to interpret and develop codes from the interview data (Creswell, 2007; Strauss & Corbin, 1998). Once this was completed, the focus group was conducted. After initial open cod ing and the completion of the focus group , I made connections across these codes by creating categories. These connections, also known as axial coding, helped me to better understand how the categories relate to each other (Creswell, 2007; Strauss & Corbin , 1998). After axial coding, selective coding was used to generate emerging themes based on the categories created. Qualitative data from the individual interviews and the focus group were 55 coded and examined for emerging themes inductively. Qualitative dat a analysis software (Dedoose) was used to organize, code, and manage the data. Trustworthiness of Data To ensure trustworthiness of the data, multiple strategies were used to enhance the validity and credibility of the study. Strengthening the trustworthin ess of the study ensures that the findings are authentic and potential biases were eliminated so that the voices of the participants are captured. Trustworthiness of the data was established through triangulation, peer debriefing, and researcher subjectivi ty documentation. Triangulation was used to validate and strengthen the rationale of the findings (Creswell, 2007). The interview protocol and data analysis was conceptualized through theory triangulation. The interview protocol was also shared with the di ssertation committee to ensure that the questions are credible and driven by theory. In - depth interviews and the focus group served as multiple data sources that can be triangulated (Marshall & Rossman, 2011). Peer debriefing was conducted with my disserta tion chairperson to ensure trustworthiness of the study and to cross check data analysis. The disser tation chairperson read two transcripts and collaboratively worked with the researcher on coding. Once coding agreement was met, the researcher then complet ed the remainder of the analyses. Major themes, sub - themes, and sub - codes that emerged through data analyses were reviewed and discussed with the dissertation chairperson. Researcher subjectivity was documented to eliminate potential biases that the resea rcher may have brought to the study. As previously mentioned, memos were utilized as a tool to reflect these biases. experienced during the interviews and the focus group. 56 Ethical Considerations This study was determined to be exempt by the Internal Revenue Board (IRB). Guidelines for the protection of human subjects for this study were followed based on the regulations of the Internal Revenue Board (IRB). Audio recordings and tran scriptions are kept in a password - protected server and/or locked in a filing cabinet located at the university address of the primary researcher. T he data for this project is identified with a code number. Participants were given pseudonyms to protect thei r privacy and ensured that all information is confidential. 57 CHAPTER 4 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS : CULTURAL EXPERIENCES BETWEEN THE HOME AND UNIVERSITY CONTEXTS The purpose of this qualitative study was to explore the transitions that 20 African American late adolescent college students made when navigating from the home to a predominantly White university context. It also explored how ethnic - racial socialization processes and biculturalism served as protective fact ors across both conte xts. C hapter s 4 - 6 present the key findings based on analyses from 20 individual interviews. The focus group (n = 8) served as a way to provide member checking to strengthen trustworthiness of the study and was an alyzed for themes as a second data source to corroborate the key findings from the indivi dual interviews. There were ten major themes that emerged through modified grounded theory data analyses. The major themes found were: (1) comparison of home and university cultural expectations, (2) selecting a PWI versus a HBCU, (3) experiences with racial micro - aggressions within the university context, (4) experiences with racial aggressions within the university context, (5 ) resources and supports for Black students, (6 ) racial experiences within th e Black university community, (7 ) reactive coping strategies for racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions , (8 ) protective factors across the h ome and university contexts, (9 ) lack of experi ences with racial issues, and (10 ) transitional experiences. Exampl es of quotations from individual interviews and the focus group are presented throughout the next three chapter s to describe the major themes, sub - themes, and sub - codes. Key findings are organized according to sub - research questions in chapters 4 - 6 . A detailed list of the major themes, along with the sub - themes and sub - codes are presented in Tables 3 - 5 . These tables show the connections between the theories, sub - research questions, major themes, sub - themes, and sub - codes that emerged from the data. The first column reiterates 58 the theories used to frame the study. The second column displays the sub - research questions that guided the study. The third column displays the major themes that emerged during the constant comparative grounded theory analyses. The fourth and fifth columns are the sub - themes and sub - codes emerged as a result of axial and selective coding. The next section presents the findings using quotations selected from the individual interviews and the focus group data to describe and support t he major themes, sub - themes, and sub - codes for the first sub - research question . Pseudonyms have been used to protect the privacy and ensure confidentiality for the participants in the study. Cultural Experiences between the Home and University Contexts W hen exploring the cultural dynamics across the home and university contexts, it was evident that the participants had a variety of cultural experiences as they transitioned from their home communities to the university context. Participants had an array of responses describing similarities and differences of culture between the home and university contexts and how this influenced their college experiences. They also described racialized experiences that they encountered within the home and/or the university . There were six major themes that emerged when participants discussed their cultural experiences across contexts: (1) comparison of home and university cultural expectations, (2) selecting a PWI versus a HBCU, (3) experiences with racial micro - aggressions within the university context, (4) experiences with racial aggressions within the university context, (5 ) resources and sup ports for Black students, and (6 ) racial experiences within the Bla ck university community. Table 3 illustrates a breakdown of the m ajor themes, sub - themes, and sub - codes associated with the first sub - question. 59 Table 3 Connections between Theories, Sub - Research Question #1, and Findings Primary Research Question: How do ethnic - racial socialization processes and bicultural adaptive identities serve as protective factors for African American youth transitioning between the home and university contexts? Theory Sub - Research Question Major Themes Sub - themes Sub - codes Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory, Multiple Worlds Typology Cultural Experiences between the Home and University Contexts (1) How do African American late adolescents describe and understand cultural beliefs, cultural values, and cultural behaviors between the home and university contexts? Compari son of Home and University Cultural Expectations Cultural Discontinuity Cultural Continuity Selecting a PWI versus a HBCU Experiences with Racial Micro - aggressions within the University context Experiences with Racial Disregard Ascription of Intelligence Second Class Citizenship White Expertise on Black Experiences Color - blindness Experiences with Racial Spotlighting Assumed Universality of the Black Experience Assumption of Criminality Assumption of Intellectual Inferiority Standing Alone as a Black Student 60 Comparison of Home and University Cultural Expectations. P articipants were first asked to describe the cultural similarities and differences between their home communities and university contexts. Two sub - themes emerged from the analyses: (1) cultural discontinuity and (2) cultural continuity. Participants discussed their experiences managing cultural differences Perceived Racial Stereotypes Stereotypes of Blacks Stereotype Threat Ambiguous Racist Experiences Experiences with Racial Aggressions within the University Context Resources and Supports for Black Students Resources for Black Students Support from Faculty of Color Lack of Black Faculty Lack of Support from White Faculty Racial Experiences within the Black University Community Experiences with Intra - group Racial Attitudes Colorism Not Black Enough Perceptions of Black Women and Sexuality 61 and expectations when navigating between the home and university contexts. They also described the shared cultural congruence across the home and university contexts. Cultural discontinuity. Participants described their cultural experiences shifting from the home to the university context which included: leaving the predominantly Black home community or a multiracial community and entering a predominantly White institutional context, differing social norms between the family and the university, and differing expectations between the home community and the university. Participants described their experiences with attending a predominantly White institution for the first time compared to being ra ised in urban contexts with p redominantly Black populations. described her experiences at a predominantly Wh A fter growing up in predominantly Black communities , now immersed in a predominantly White context , these participants experienced culture shock. They described these experiences as different from their experiences in the ir home communities because of the racialized experiences they encountered as minorities in the university context. Connecting with students in a predominantly White context repres ented a challenge to these participants, given the limited number of Black students on campus. They felt they had an easier time connecting with individuals at home because of the cultural similarities. Ashley was moreso of a challenge here. But I've overco me that. Yeah, just 'cause we (Black community) relate more was more easier ( at home nts struggled with navigating to a predominantly White institution, other participants embraced the experience. 62 Camille described a different experience being a Black student attending a predominan tly White institution. S he was born and raised in a predominantly Black urban context, but was able to use he r experiences at the u niversity as a learning experience. Being able to connect with individuals coming from varying cultural and economic backgrounds was something she welcomed. So I, like I, like I get a lot of diversity. It's just very different coming here (university ) and we, in the city, don't really get to interact with that many people. But up here, you get to immerse in different cultural events as well and learn and just being around different teachers and just seeing different faces. Tim opted to attend a pred ominantly White institution because it differed from his home community. He valued being exposed to a new enviro nment while engaging in new experiences. I t was kinda me just wanting to get away from it all and experi ence new cultures, like her e , the snow, the cold, and, yeah, just kind of get away from everything S ome participants described benefits and receptive attitudes toward attending a predominantly White institution. M any participants described the social norms deemed acceptable in t he university context as unacceptable in their home communities and by their families. Kelsey discussed some of the social norms that happened within the university context but were considered inappropriate based on the standards within her own family. Um, I just think that drinking, things like that, it's not acceptable in my family at all but, here, it's like that's how it is. Being crazy and running around at night and not being safe, I guess those things happen here all the time. Gerald had a simi lar experience in which the social norms in the university context 63 differed from his family social norms. His family was more reserved and restricted in nature and enforced conservative perspectives in the home . This contrasted with the liberal views and lifestyle norms he observed in the university context . I feel like I grew up in a very conservative home and I have two very strict parents t a thing new stuff which is more liberal than conservative, but pretty much the biggest difference there of a like party aspect and party atmosphere and like at home where I live in the suburbs so like people go to sleep around 10:00. Participants also discussed the differences in cultural expectations in their home communities and the university communiti es. They described varying expectations in educational goals and advancement within their home communities versus expectations at the (college students) more serious like about our future whereas (home community) k advancement. The expectations in educational goals and advancement in their home communities were lower than the expectations at the university level. Participants associated this difference with the lower socio - economic statuses within the home community for these participants. Many of the participants grew up in predominantly Black urban communities where lack of resources and financial constraints made attending college a remote option. L ayla commented: A lot of the people in my community because of the community we come from, they 64 - year university. So a lot of them are still at home at c ommunity college . These participants reflected on their experiences navigating from their predominantly Black communities or multiracial communities to a predominantly White institution. Many of them experienced cultura l discontinuity between the home and university contexts as a result of racialized experiences, differing social norms, and differing cultural expectations. Although this came as a challenge for some, others embraced the experience. Cultural continuity. P articipants described the cultural congruency of academic achievement between their home and the university contexts. Participants emphasized the importance placed on academic success by their families, a value that was also consistent with the university educational demands and standards. They described similar educational expectations between their home and the university contexts. In the school and home, they both ex to be involved. ar response: H for and stuff like that. These described experiences illustrate the cultural congruence of educational expectations between home and university contexts. Participants were expected by their families to achieve academic success, but they also felt the same exp ectation within the university context The educational values in the home extended to the university context in familiar and anticipated ways making the adjustment easier as a result of the consistency across both contexts . 65 Selecting a PWI versus a HBCU. Participants discussed their reasons for selecting a predominantly White institution (PWI) as opposed to a selecting a historically Black college or university (HBCU). Having chosen a PWI, some partic ipants explained their choice as identifying a university more aligned with the racialized experiences they expected to encounter in a real world context. During the focus group, one participant stated: choosing between a HBCU and a PWI, and a lot of my family was like pushing the HBCU thing just because of the fact that it would be place of comfort , I guess. But I think , Carmen talked about a similar experience with choosing a PWI over a HBCU. She discuss ed selecting an environment that would mirror the predominantly White context she may be faced with once she entered the workforce. I think so, in a way. That's why I was kinda geared towards HBCU. But then in, in the back of my mind, I'm thinking like I live in America where the majority of the people are white. Like right now, like the most, most of the people especially in the workforce where I wanna go are Caucasian, so I wanted to get like a glimpse of a real world here. In my opinion necessarily if it's true, but it might be. I just thought that I should set myself up for how it's really gonna be. And that's why I really chose to come here. These participants desired to attend a PWI because they felt that gaining this experience at t he collegiate level would prepare them for the racialized experiences that they may encounter in the future. As students, these participants would learn to deal with racialized issues at the 66 university level. Dealing with these issues would help them to bu ild resistance against some of these same kinds of experiences across contexts. Other participants talked about selecting a PWI because they were influenced by their families, but would have preferred to attend a HBCU. Ashley selected a PWI because it wa s within close proximity to the city where her family resided; however, she felt as if she would have had a better college experience attending a HBCU. She wanted to attend a university where she would have more opportunities to learn about and be immersed in Black culture. That's the reason and that's probably the reason why I didn't wanna, like, come here (PWI) . Like, I I like culture. I like learning about my culture. And it's not like that we're not supposed to learn about other cultures, but nin e times out of ten, sometimes, I've always been learning about other cultures. So I actually wanted to gravitate and learn about mine as more as getting my degree as well and pursuing my career. So, yeah, culture culture is not the same. Similarly, Ale x also wanted to attend a HBCU, but opted to attend a PWI to be closer to her family. She commented about being faced with real world challenges of becoming an adult at a PWI, which she believes may have been easier to deal with at an HBCU. Um, well, I w ould say before, actually, like s - , signing up to come to here I wanted to go to a HBCU . And, um, that I feel like that would have, that would have been easier for my parents to, you know , I guess show that like, you know, African Americans are lik e important in this society or whatever. But then, you know, coming to PWI you have to it's k inda like a different lesson, like I feel like if you go to a HBC U , you learn your role in society, but it's like a kinda and then he re, it's kind of more like cold. 6 7 One participant from the focus group commented about how her experience would have differed had she selected a HBCU instead of a PWI. She discussed the cultural connections that she would have had the opportunity to make with other students of color at a HBCU. I actually, I think it would have been a lot different had I went to like an HBCU because I f the same, or we came from the same place and neighborhoods and stuff. So I think it would be different with that aspect, and people could relate more. These participants reflected on how their college experiences may have differed if they had chosen to attend a HBCU over a PWI. They talked about having the opportunity to be exposed to various culturally Black experiences, gradually entering the adult world as opposed to feeling pushed into it, and being in a context where their peers are more relatable. Attending a HBCU would have better aligned with the cultural experiences they were accustomed to in their home communities. However, other objectives for their educational and professional goals prevailed. In addition, proximity to family also prevailed gi ven that few had ventured far from home previously. For these reasons, participants opted to attend a PWI as opposed to a HBCU. Experiences with Racial Micro - aggressions within the University Context. Participants described various incidents of racial mi cro - aggressions in the university context. Racial micro - aggressions were coded as subtle and insulting unintentional racist behaviors displayed towards students in the university context as a result of their race. Several sub - themes emerged within this the me: (1) experiences with racial disregard, (2) experiences with racial spotlighting, ( 3 ) perceived racial stereotypes, and (4 ) ambiguous racist experiences. Experiences with racial disregard. Experiences with racial disregard were defined as instances where Black participants felt ignored by White faculty and/or White peers in a variety 68 of university settings, such as the classroom, the dorm, and/or other locat ions on campus. There were four su b - codes that emerged in the analyses: ascription of intelligence , second class citizenship, White expertise on Black experiences , and colorblindness. As cription of intelligence . Participants described instances where they felt their opinions and contributi o ns were dismissed in the classroom setting based on their race. These interactions were described as insulting and discouraging because their thoughts and opinions were diminished and perceived as insignificant. Their academic abilities were questioned in the classroom cont ext because of their race. Carmen experienced being devalued by her peers in the classroom setting when asked to participate in a group activity where she was the only student of color. She described feeling as if her intelligence and knowledge was being questioned by her White peers. This behavior was only displayed towards her, which is why she attributed this experience to the fact that she was a Black student in a predominantly White setting. I personally get really discouraged by stuff like that especially in like my bio labs where it's group work. A lot of people seem like they're shocked that I can be intelligent or they'll question my ability. Like they'll go over something I did, especially in my groups now. Like if I look at a microscop e they'll make sure that what I did was right. And I noticed that they wouldn't do that with my other peers. So sometimes it's discouraging and frustrating. We have to take eac comment on race but sometimes they value us less than who we are. 69 Second class citizenship . P articipants described being treated like an afterthought and being treated as if they did not exist in the university context . One participant from the focus group reflected on an incident where she attempted to participate in a class discussion but was ignored by her White peers. Her contribution to the discussion was overlooke d by her White counterparts. However, when one of her White peers repeated the same comment she had tried to contribute to the discussion, it was accepted and the other student was validated for the response. The participant was ignored when she tried to p articipate and her contributions failed to be acknowledged by her White peers. This was an incident she experienced frequently attending a predominantly White institution. okay, not really about ignoring what you say but wh en you ignore what I said when I try to contribute to like a discussion and then someone else like no, I just said that. discussing something with hat. It happens very often for me, I swear. Isabella reflected on a similar experience where she felt overlooked by her White peers in the classroom setting. She was treated as if she was an outsider who did not fit in with the rest of her peers as a re s ult of her race. Her White peers preferred to work with other White students in the class as opposed to working with her. Usually if you get in a group - and there's four people. Maybe one boy, two girls - and they both white and I'm the only black perso n, you would see the white girl interact with 70 the white girl, and they will talk about the project or talk about the assignment and no one will talk to me - and then they will act like I'm not even there. Carmen spoke about an instance at the university w here she felt like Blacks were overlooked during Black history month, which is a month she felt should have been a celebration of Black history and culture. Like a lot of stuff is geared towards white people in my opinion. Like even with Black History Mon th, like what we me and my friends thought last year, we really thought that they would say a little more or bring something up. But I don't, I don't feel like t hey recognized African Americans as much. These participants described feeling like outsiders who were unacknowledged by their White peers in the university context. These incidents were isolating for the participants, particularly because they were often encountering these experiences in classroom settings where they were the only student s of color. Exper iencing issues with being overlooked brings to light the level of seclusion the participants were faced with at a predominantly White institution. White expertise on B lack experiences. In addition t o feeling dismissed and overlooked , part icipants also described instances where White students acted as experts when it came to the experiences of Black students. These occurrences were described as racialized experiences where White students spoke out about issues only knowledgeable to Black st udents who have firsthand experiences with these issues. Denise described an experience where her White peers were making offensive and judgmental comments about issues pertaining to Black students without asking the Black students for their input on these issues. you in general like what I was saying I have conversations in class sometimes and you know the comments 71 they (White peers) make sometimes are very ru nd why they would say s very offensive, you know just some of the comments that are being made. Like they feel like they know how like who you are and what you're about One participant from the focus group discussed how her White peers often chose to answer questions that focused on racialized experiences of Black students. She described feeling upset that her White peers opted to answer questions as opposed to letting the Black students speak about these experiences. She believed that her White peers wanted to show that they were able to relate to the racialized issues that Black students encountered and wanted to display this through their responses to the questions. I think white people are so want to answer that question for us and for the most part I feel like they always raise their hand when a black question comes up that might they really did a lot of harsh things. They always, I guess they kinda want to put it out ably not racist or whatever . H aving their racialized experiences voiced by White individuals who have never gone through these experiences made them feel as if their stories were unimportant. These occurrences devalued and demoralized them. This was another way to silence Black students in the university context . Colorblindness. Some participants described experiences where their White peers failed to acknowledge the racist ideologies that existed and were perpetuated by society. Carmen described an experience when she was having a discussion with her White peers about the 72 existence of racism during the pres ent. Her White peers diminished her experiences with racism by stating that racism no longer existed. We had a group projects and we were talking about African American history, 'cause that was the basis of my writing class And I was trying to tell them like people do still go through racism, and I mean we still are we're still affected by e ven today. And they No, it's over. Look at Obama," and stuff like that. And I'm like, "No, like people still judge us on our color," and he was saying like racism is dead and it's not here anymore. Like no one's racist. The participants described experiencing subtle instances of racism which conveyed a message that their voices were inferior to the vo ices of their White peers . Their experiences were in validated because their White peers believed that race was unimportant. Experiences with racial spotlighting. Participants described instances where they were made the center of attention by their White peers in multiple university settings, such as the classroom and the d orm. They described being made the focal point in a variety of situations taking place at the university due in large part to their race. Several sub - codes emerged within this sub - theme: (1) assumed universality of the Black experience , (2) assumption of criminality , (3 ) as sumption of intellectual inferiority , and (4 ) standing alone as a Black student. Assumed universality of the Black experience . Participants described instances when they felt they were expected to be the spokesperson for topics relating to Blacks. Their White peers relied on them to inform them about Black cultural experiences and/or issues pertaining to Black individuals. Denise described feeling like she had to contribute to a classroom discussion that focused on cul tural issues in a classroom setting where she was the only Black student in the class . The expectation of having to contribute to an in - class discussion as the Black 73 representative made her feel as if she had to give responses that were deemed as appropria te and acceptable to her White peers. doing rather than what I would actually do or how I actually see things, especially on certain topics like in a lot of my c lasses being criminal justice we always talk about culture and we talk about we kind of talk about Africa a lot and you know we get their should answer a question on how you think Black people feel at the university so you people and feelings so I do that a lot actually. Layla spoke about a similar experience when she felt compel led to be the Black representative on topics relating to Black culture in a classroom full of her White peers. She expressed feeling intimidated as the only Black student in a predominantly White classroom which unearthed memories of her past experiences a s one of the few Blacks in her high school. She also felt pressure to be the Black informant for Black cultural topics during classroom discussions. experience with with being the only black student kind of made me intimidated for the college setting because I was always like the token black girl, and I was always it usually was history clas ses and I was always chosen to speak for the black people. And then whenever something was said that was wrong from someone else, they kind of all looked at me like, 74 Participants refle cted on experiences where they were categorized as having the same kinds of experiences and knowledge as other Black individuals by their White peers. As a result, they were expected to speak on behalf of all Black people in a classroom setting. Their Whit e peers failed to acknowledge that these participants have their own individual experiences as Black students, and one experience does not generalize to all Black individuals. This reflects the lack of value placed on individuality of Black students within a predominantly White institution. Assumption of criminality . Participants described experiences when Black students were blamed for negative incidents because of their race. Many of these incidents involved theft or vandalism in the dormitories in which Black students were accused of committing these crimes by their White peers. White students automatically assumed that the Black students were at fault based on negative depictions that they held regarding the Black students. Ashley commented about an ins tance in her dormitory when her friends and she were wrongfully accused of vandalism in their dormitory. Their White peers made an assumption about them prior to knowing the accurate story based on racial judgments. And every time we would try to, like, c ome and, you know, interact or engage with dorm hall meetings or anything, it was always we were looked at with this weird stare, or, you know or, um, I remember a situation this year that, I believe, someone got in trouble about writing something. And the first thing that they looked at was that it was us. The black girls, like, are bullying or something like that. But we didn't know anything about what happened or anything like that. It was, like, some guys from upstairs, but the first thing that th ey're looking at us. We were like, Um, no. in the dormitory. Unfortunately, this accusation led to a violent interaction between the Black 75 student and the White student. The White student assumed that the Black student had committed a crime without investigating the truth, which was due to the preconceived view that the White student held of the Black student. Um, I definitely do know of one where there was a situation with, um, a group of students and there was one of my brothers was the only black kid in the situation. And I think it was I want to say it was a situation with theft or something. And they (White peers) came to his door a nd knocked on his door because he had been a part of like I guess he had been in the room playing video games with someone and they came to his door and like tried to fight him or started to fight him with two of their friends saying he stole their game or something. And someone comes down the hallway and sees it and tries to like break it up a nd help him and he realizes or the kid realizes later like it was under his bed or something. Participants reflected on experiences where Black students were pe rceived as guilty of committing crimes that they had no part in because they were Black. The negative depictions that their White peers held of them contributed to their feelings of anger and frustration and in some cases led to volatile situations. These participants were not given the benefit of the doubt as their White peers had been and were discriminated against by virtue of their racial m embership as African American. Assumption of intellectual inferiority . Participants described receiving backhanded racial compliments about their intellectual abilities from their White counterparts. These are defined as underlying racist comments that are disguised as compliments but are offensive to Black students. These comments are based on the assumption that Bla ck students are inarticulate and intellectually inferior to their White peers. 76 Alex spoke about receiving backhanded racial compliments from her White peers regarding her intelligence, the way she behaved, and the way she spoke. They did not believe that she should have these characteristics due to her racial status. I just feel like - the re'll be like underlying like backhanded compliments sometimes. h, you're really sm art for a black person, dah, dah, dah. Or, you're really or somet hing like that I expected you to be differently, so that's why Or are something like th at, or, or something like that. Danielle described a similar experience with her White peers commenting on the way she spoke and how it differed from their perceptions of how Black students are supposed to speak. This encounter made her feel as if she was only accepted by her White peers because she did not fit the misconceptions of how they viewed Black students. on the bus and when I finally speak or (White peers) Oh, okay. maybe she what is the word? An o reo. Black participants were classified by their White counterparts based on preconceived depictions of how they were viewed by Whites. These behaviors were made toward Black participants to ackn owledge them as exceptions to the negative views White student s held about Black people generally. This conveyed the message that in order to be accepted by Whites at a predominantly White institution, Black students must hold characteristics deemed as app ropriate by their White counterparts. Standing a lone as a Black student . Participa nts commented about standing alone as Black students at a predominantly White institution. Some p articipants enjoyed standing alone due to 77 their racial statuses, because they liked being one of few Black students in their classes. They enjoyed getting the recognition and being perceived as unique. Other students dreaded standing ou t based on their racial status , because it was intimidating and isolating. Some participants did not feel any level of discomfort; however, they did express feeling very aware of their racial statuses in a predominantly White institution. Tim described his experience standing out as a Black student. He was a high achieving student, so he believe d that his White peers accepted him and commended him for being a Black male in the Engineering program. He took pride i n standing alone as a minority in a predominantly White Engineering program. It's not too discomforting, but I but I do feel like some people look at me, not different, but, like, look at me like, oh, yeah. There's a black guy in here. That's cool, or they look at me differently than they would your your average engineer. And that isn't intimidating, but it's just, um, it almost makes me feel a little special, because I know people look at me differently because because I'm a black engineer. But I also feel like people are more accepting because, you know, like, they might look at me and say, oh, hey, a black engineer. Like, he mu st be cool. Like you don't see a lot of those. Like, He must be a really cool guy. It's almost it's almost welcoming, 'cause I I take pride in being a black engineer, 'cause there's not that many. Carmen expressed her concern with standing alone a s a Black student and not having any peers to connect with in the classroom setting because there was a lack of Black students in her classes. She struggled with building relationships with her White peers because of her racial status. This was an isolati ng experience, which further made her feel disconnected as a Black student. 78 Like when I'm in study groups, like most of my study groups have nobody that looks like me. So it's not study groups aren't just about studying. Like you build foundations and r elationships and network. But it there's no one who ever looks like me sometimes, especially, again, 'cause I feel like none of them understand like what I might go through. Standing alone as a Black student, Violet described feeling a sense of di scomfort when attending smaller classes at a predominantly White institution. This experience made her feel like an outsider because she did not fit in with White peers. etty comfortable in them. But the smaller classes are kind of uncomfortable because a lot of Contrary to s percep tion about being the only Black student, these participants often felt as if they were outsiders in a c lassroom full of predominantly White peers. Standing alone as a Black student was burdensome for them because they were unable to develop relationships with their White peers due to racial differences. Their White counterparts treated them as outsiders in the classroom setting. Participants wanted to fit in and b e accepted by their White peers. One participant from the focus group stated, I stick out because Perceived r acial s tereotypes. R acial stereotypes were defined as generalized racial views held by White peers about Black students. Participants described experiences where they felt threatened inside and ou tside of the classroom about racial stereotypes that they thought White 79 peers and faculty had of them. Two sub - codes emerged from this sub - theme: stereotypes of Blacks and stereotype threat. Stereotypes of Blacks. Participants described instances when their White peers displayed racial stereotypes of Black individuals. Rayden commen ted about her White peers treating her It's just when people wanna go to the stereotypes that we're Danielle expressed wanting to be accepted by her White peers without them holding stereotypes of Black students. She feared that the racial depictions displayed in the And that was the hard truggle with like when people A participant from the focus group described having her White peers ask her inappropriate questions about Black individuals based on stereotypes perpetuated by society. And there is a thin line between just being curious and just being ignorant, like I hear black people eat chicken. I hear you eat chicken like, yes, I do. What kind certain que q uestions where you just like why would you even ask that. Participants reflected on experiences in which they were viewed negatively by their White peers in the university context. The stereotypes were typically based on racial perceptions promoted in t he media and perpetuated by hegemonic racist ideologies. Participants described feeling frustrated with how they were perceived by their White peers, because many of them were forced to constantly express why they differed from the stereotypes. Participant s were clear 80 that the racial stereotype that Black students were inferi or to White students was a common perception at their university. Stereotype threat. Participants were able to talk explicitly about the stereotypes held against them in the university context. Some participants internalized the racial stereotypes held by their White peers in regards to their intellectual abilities. This caused them to question their own academic performances because they feared they would confirm these commonly held st ereotypes . This posed a threat to the academic success of the participants. Alex expressed feeling a sense of defeat when she internalized the racial intellectual stereotypes that her White peers had of Black students. Giving in to the stereotype was used as a way to cope with the internalized negative depictions of Black students. Um, actually, I feel as though since like they kinda set the expectation for you that you're probably not going to be, you know, as smart as them, like sometimes it's easier to just like fall into that stereotype like Oh, whatever. So you alread y They already probably think this way ab out me, so what does it matter? But I mean like for anything, you know, if you want to do well, you'll just do well because you want to. L isa felt intimidated by the stereotypes that White peers had of Black students. She thought about the negative depictions held of Black students regularly expressed or implied in the classroom setting, particularly because she was one of few Black student s. By distancing herself from it, she created a space where she felt more comfortable sharing a classroom setting with her White peers. a little intimidated 81 A participant from the focus group commented: you to know, and everybody you because they learn that much about it or that in - depth. Participants expressed experiencing stereotype threat at a predominantly White institution consistently by comparison to their home community experience . Feelings of intimidation and frustration plagued the participants, and this influenced their perceptions of their own intellectual abilities . Racist perceptions of Black students can be disruptive for the academic experiences of Black students at predominantly White institutions. Ambiguous racist experiences. Participants discussed instances where they experienced subtle forms of racism in the university contex t but were unsure if it the experiences could be form of racism made it difficult for participants to process their feelings, because they were unsure of the intent behind these subtle behaviors displayed by their White peers. Isabella I mean sometimes you don't know if they don't like you or - is it the color of your skin and that is Violet recalled an instance trying to determine whether she had experienced racism from a White female peer. As a Black student, she was constantly aware that she could encounter raci st behaviors from her White peers. At times, she had difficulty determining whether an experience could be attributed to racist intent. 82 and maybe this is just people being Nicole described feeling uncertain abou t a potential racist behavior displayed by a White peer. She knew experiences with racism happened frequently at predominantly White institutions, which made her cautious about her own encounters with her White peers. Sometimes it seems like on the bus or something, someone might not want to like just me over - thinking -- like open. Participants expressed being uncertain about the racist intent behind behaviors displayed t really pinpoint it. So that can be also difficult. Black students frequently questioned whether interactions with their White counterparts were embedded in racism . Experiences with Racial Aggressions within the University Context. Participants described instances where they witnessed racist derogatory statements intentionally being made about Black students and Black faculty by White students. These experiences were demeaning and degrading for the Black students. Racism was perpetuated in this predominantly White institution where Blacks were already being misrepresented and depicted in a negative light by their White counterparts. Layla spoke about a time when she was with a group of frien ds and 83 overheard her White peers making racist statements about them after a bus ride on campus. This racist experience was very eye opening for her because it was a clear indication that racist ideologies still existed . S o me of them are antiquated in natu re and continue to be flagrant on campus. Um, okay, I was gett ing off of the bus one day and there was a lot of African - American students at the back of the bus, um, and they were playing on their phones or showing e ach other videos or something. And we we re getting off at the stop and so they (White students) group of kids before me and they were mostly white and they're male, um, and I get off behind them. And I hear like, say in the bac nd then they kept going so them. Then they're still laughing and playing and throwing stuff at each other and they 're hey need to g o back to where they came from. on this campus and da, da, da, da. They're probably all athletes. T but run, and I was like okay, all right. Carmen described an experience where her White peers would make racial remarks to her about a Black professor on campus. The Black professor was not respected by his students because his teaching abilities were const antly being criticized. The White students were more vocal about their opinions about this professor and felt the need to share their opinions with Carmen. As a Black student, Carmen was offended because their comments focused more on the race of the profe ssor as opposed to his teaching abilities. 84 I actually have one African American professor so far. But he wasn't like a r eally good professor, so a lot of people would talk about him. So like I had a study group with white counterparts and they would, h is is why we don't have a lot of Af These participants witnessed overt racism being displayed toward them because of their racial status. This form of racism conveyed a message t hat Black students did not belong on a predominantly White campus and Black professors were not equipped to teach at predominantly White institutions. Resources and Supports for Black Students. Participants described the resources and supports availabl e for Black students in the university context. Some students voiced their concerns with having a lack of resourc es accessible to them on campus. Other students found that the resources for Black students were beneficial if you were aware that they existed . Participants also described having the support of Black faculty on campus, while others were concerned with the lack of Black faculty on campus. Others discussed the lack of support from White faculty. Four sub - themes emerged from this theme: (1) resourc es for Black students, (2) support from faculty of color, (3) lack of Black fac ulty , and (4 ) lack of support from White faculty . Resources for Black s tudents . Participants described having a lack of resources for Black students in the university context. Violet talked about the lack of resources accessible for Black students and the abundance of resources for other racial groups. She felt that the resources available to Black students on campus were limited to Black student organizations, but that there wa s nothing available to help the advancement of Black students. 85 okay. The Asian kids have all this international stuff. And then the Hispanic people have all this international stuff . And then black people only have black caucus, black leaders stuff like that. Although some participants expressed their concerns for the lack of resources on campus for Black students, other students believed that there were an adequate amount of resources Um, I ampus just because when I went to a black pride ra Lisa indicated that there were plenty of resources available to Black students on campus, particularly for those who were proactive about becoming involved. She also discusse d the supportive professors present at the university. willing to go out there and get it. You have like a great support team, great professors like you as well . Some p articipants described feeling undervalued on campus because of the lack of resources made available to them. Some participants talked about not being privy to the resources that did exist on campus because they had no knowledge of them. The lack of resources for Black students demonstrated that Black students were the inferior racial group on 86 campus. O ther participants felt that there were a variety of resources on campu s. Students who were more proactive about looking for them were better able to gain access to these resources. Support from faculty of color. Participants described build ing supportive relationships with the Black professors at the university. Participants felt more comfortable connecting with professors sharing similar experiences and backgrounds with them. Black professors made the effort to foster relationsh ips with the participants to aid in the success of the participants in the university context. Ni cole commented about the connection she made to a Black professor on campus. She had a stronger relationship with the Black professor than she had with any of her White professors. I think that most of them are supportive. I think that like for me last year I had a black teacher for a class and she me and her like really connected and I was like the only color, they might like connect more or be able to relate to each other more. Ashley spoke about the Black faculty on campus that were supportive of all students, but tended to give more attention to Black students because they felt they would benefit from the relationships. And then you have some well, you h ave the African Americans who always are gonna step out and help their people as well as helping everybody else. So they don't see any color really anyway, but they're also still gonna gravitate more so, 'cause they want us to do well. 87 Participants were b etter able to relate to Black professors than White professors. As a result, the relationships established with Black faculty helped them to successfully navigate a predominantly White university context. Lac k of Black faculty . Although participants discu ssed the supportive relationships they had with Black faculty on campus, t hey also discussed the underrepresentation of Black faculty on campus to serve as mentors for Black students . Lisa expressed her concerns with the underrepresentation of Black faculty on campus. She commented: open. and have class with them. I feel like we should add a little bit more to that, you know. Carmen described the experiences of her African American friends on campus majoring in the pre - med ical field. They lacked support from Black faculty because there was an underrepresentation of Black faculty in the pre - medical department. These students had to rely on their connections with White faculty, even though they preferred support from Black faculty. But like for othe r students 'cause I have a couple of, couple of my African American friends who are going into pre - med, but they are in a program like that. So they they don't really have that support from someone who looks like them, they have to go to an adviso r . P articipants voiced the need for Black faculty to be hired at the university because they wanted guidance and mentorship from Black faculty. Participants also described the need for more Black professors on campus because they were able to build strong relationships with 88 them. The lack of Black faculty employed by the institution conveyed the message that Black faculty were not as valued as Whi te faculty. Lack of support from White p rofessors . Participants discussed the lack of support they received from their White professors. They avoided asking them for help when needed, because they felt uncomfortable approaching their White professors. Pa rticipants also felt that their White professors questioned their intellectual abilities and were willing to support their White pee rs more than them. Kelsey commen But sometimes the a professor or whoever will offer a white student an opportunity t hat they Steve talked about Black students feeling more at ease with reaching out to Black professors for help. He indicated that Black students did not believe that they would receive the help they needed from White pro fessors, because they were less supportive. I feel like with African - because I only have like one Black prof essor currently here , so if they were to have a Black professor , they would like go to them more and ask for help more but, um, if they had them because they feel lik Carmen described a similar experience that she had with a White female professor. Her professor assumed that she was failing the class when she reached out to her for help. She lacked tual abilities because she was a Black student. Carmen felt that academic performance during class. 89 Like one of my professors told me in my org - , not my organic chemi stry my inorganic chemistry class, my professor, she's really nice, but she told me about these people drop this I mean fail this class. "So you need to do this and this and that." I'm like, "I have a 4.0 in your class right now. Like why are you t alking to me like this?" "So you need to do this and this and that." I'm like, "I have a 4.0 in your class right now. And she was like, Like you don't have to make sure just because and I felt like it was because I'm black. 'Cause I highly doubt she told that to a whole bunch of other people . Participants described a lack in support from their White professors because their White profes sors held them to lower standards than their White peers. They felt uncomfortable requesting help from their White professors because they were not receiving the help they needed due to their racial status. Black students were not supported in the same way that White students were supported because the White professors viewed them as intellectually more inferior than their White peers. Racial Experiences within the Black University Community. In addition to having racialized experiences with their White pe ers on campus, Participants described their racial experiences within the Black community in the university context. Participants particularly focused on their exp eriences with intra - group racial attitudes . Experie nces with intra - group racial attitudes . P articipants discussed their experiences with racism within the Black campus community. Participants also discussed how they were perceived in regards to their sexuality on campus by their Black peers. Three sub - codes emerged from the data: (1) colorism, (2 ) not Black enough, and (3) perceptions of Black women and sexuality. 90 Colorism. Participants described experiences with racism within the Black community on campus based on skin complexion. Colorism was mainly experienced by the Black females on campus. S ome darker toned participants expressed feeling as if they were treated differently from their lighter toned peers. Being compared to their lighter toned peers, they felt like they were viewed as less attractive. Participants experienced colorism from othe r Black male students on campus. Carmen described her experience with colorism in the university context. She expressed peers. Her frustration came from their st rong focus on her physical attributes. Many of them commented on her beauty, but the compliments made her feel inferior to her lighter toned peers , which caused frustration . My best friend is really yellow. So we always get the every light skinned girl needs a dark skinned best friend thing (from Black guys) , and it really drives me crazy. But so she's like I told her about that, how it's frustrating 'cause every guy, "Oh, you're pretty for a dark - skinned girl," and all that stuff, when they will compa re me to my best friend. "Black is beautiful." but I usually get the colorism from guys who are black. So one of my closest friends last year when I first met him on m y floor, he said, "Those can't be your real eyes. You're dark - skinned." Colorism it's really frustrating. Participants were made aware of the fact that their skin tones were darker than lighter toned peers by their Black m ale peers. These images are perp etuated by the media with lighter toned Blacks often being defined as the standard of beauty. Participants struggled with colorism 91 on campus because it made them feel unattractive. They expressed having to deal with various forms of racism from their White and Black peers based on their physical characteristics. Not Black enough. Some participants described instances when they feared rejection from their Black peers because they were not Black enough. They were concerned about not being accepted by their Black peers for lacking Black culture based on their behaviors and/or their ho me communities. Others described experiences where they were ridiculed for not conforming to the image or expectations of what some Black peers would deem authentically Black . These perceptions lead to their treatment as outsiders. Danielle expressed how she felt in a classroom setting where the majority of the students are Black. She was self - conscious about whether her Black peers would accept her or reject her ack peers in the past. S he grew up in a mid dle class predominantly White community where she had different experiences than some of her Black peers. As a result, she was sometimes viewed as lacking Black cultural experiences. hat might not less black than what they are. Carmen described an experience when she was ridiculed by her Black peers for not times, which is an offensive statement that means Black on the outside and White on the inside in reference to B lacks who are deemed to be not Black enough. This is a cultural or identity orientation that is not consistent with Black racial membership. 92 I don't see it, but they say stuff like, "Oh, you think you come from money," or whatever. Like they'll be joking, but I keep saying like everybody um, under every joke there's some truth. And then I've even heard, "you're not really black," or the Oreo thing. What's, what's to be called Oreo, but I've been called Oreo so many times this year alone. Perceived as not bein g Black enough mad e participants feel unaccepted within the Black community. Struggling to fit in with Black peers and White peers engendered feelings of frustration. Acceptance from their Black peers was important to the participants, because they feared being treated as outsiders within their own racial community. Perceptions of Black women and sexuality. Some participants were viewed as highly sexual women based on their interactions with male peers. Participants were judged and reprimanded by their Bla ck peers if they were perceived to be overly sexual in the university setting. These behaviors were overlooked and ignored by Black students if White female students were engaging in these behaviors. Rayden commented about her experience with being depict ed as a highly sexual Black woman on campus by her Black peers because majority of her friends were males. And then the black guys, like, sometimes they would be disrespectful and call me names. Whereas, if I talked to one of my white guy friends, they do n't really care. So I would actually say most racism from black people comes other black people. Yes, because I remember there was this one time freshman year. I had I I was single, so I would talk to a lot of guys. And it was the other black girls w ho judged me more than the white kids. Well, I mean, I think as a black woman, you really can't do anything without people saying something. Like, something might make me annoyed or mad, and, all of a sudden, I'm the mad, black w oman that can't control he rself. 93 Some female participants were degraded and disrespected by their Black male peers and judged by their Black female peers because they disapproved of their interactions with other males on campus. Black peers passed judgment because they were Black w omen. They were ridiculed for behaviors that are deemed as acceptable for White peers. Female participants expressed feeling frustrated with being ridiculed within the Black community about their interactions with male peers. They were subjected to judgmen t by their Black peers, which made them feel like they were being rejected within the Black community. Excessive sexualized depictions of Black females are perpetuated by society. 94 CHAPTER 5 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS: DESCRIPTION OF REACTIVE COPING STRATEGIES Participants described adaptive behaviors used when navigating across the home and university contexts. One major theme emerged from the data: reactive coping strategies. Rea ctive coping strategies were used to combat and resist racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions experienced in the university context. Table 4 illustrates a breakdown of the major theme, sub - themes, and sub - codes associated with the second sub - quest ion. Table 4 Connections between Theories, Sub - Research Question #2, and Findings Primary Research Question: How do ethnic - racial socialization processes and bicultural adaptive identities serve as protective factors for African American youth transitioning between the home and university contexts? Theory Sub - Research Question Major Themes Sub - themes Sub - codes Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory, Multiple Worlds Typology Description of Reactive Coping Strategies (2) Based on these understandings, how do African American late adolescents describe their adaptive behaviors across the home and university contexts? Reactive Coping Strategies for Racial Micro - aggressions and Racial Aggressions Assertion of Voice Cultural Code Switching Behaviors Shift in Language Usage Shift in Behaviors Affiliation with other Black Students Avoidance Behaviors Distancing Choosing Silence 95 Reactive Coping Strategies for Racial Micro - Aggressions and Racial Aggressions . Reactive coping strategies were defined as behavioral strategies used to resist racist experiences in the university context. Participants described multiple strategies used to adapt to a predominantly White environment. Several su b - themes emerged from the data: (1) assertion of voice, (2) cultural code switching behaviors, (3) affiliation with other Black students, and (4) avoidance behaviors. Assertion of voice. Participants described experiences having to be outspoken in order to undervalued by their White peers, which was a racial micro - aggression displayed at the predominantly White institution. Participants combatted this subtle form of r acism by asserting their voices and displaying resistance towards the racial micro - aggression , which forced their peers to acknowledge them. One participant from the focus group discussed having to force her White peers to listen to her in a classroom se tting consisting of predominantly White students. Her White peers devalued her views and treated her as if she was invisible. Asserting her voice was a strategy she used to combat this. re me. I will make me, well forget you. , even thoug h their initial reaction is - li ke they will continue on doing it, if you let them. m just saying, you can change it. 96 Isabella described a similar experience asserting her voice in a predominantly White classroom setting. By demanding respect, she was able to make her White peers aware that her voice was just as valuable as their voices . She was often frustrated with trying to make herself visible to her White peers. It kind of sucks because I have to force authority in order to get it, because people (White peers) won't give it to me. You know. And I have to - I have to get what I - I h ave to push myself. I have to take advantage of what I want. People sometimes people wouldn't give it to you. Participants described having to force their White peers to acknowledge their views in the classroom setting. Their White peers had the privilege of having their voices heard without having to demand authority. Black students were overlooked in the university context, which made them feel undervalued and inferior to White students. The assertion of voic e strategy was used to demand respect and combat racial micro - aggressions displayed by their White peers. Cultural code switching behaviors. Participants engaged in bicultural behaviors by negotiating cultural codes to help them successfully navigate bet ween the home and university contexts. Participants discuss ed using different language based on the context. They also indicated shifting modes of interactions and behavioral patterns as a result of situational appropriateness. Culture code switching behav iors was broke down into two sub - codes: (1) shift in language usage, and (2) shift in behaviors. Shift in language usage. Participants opted to speak in certain ways based on situational appropriateness. They shifted the kind of l anguage they used and we re selective of what they said across the home, university, and peer contexts. Participants indicated feeling the same level of comfort with their friends and family when speaking, but feeling as if the university was a 97 more formal context. Carmen stated, don't wanna seem fake, but sometimes I might change the way I speak a little enunciate my words a little more than I do with my friends. They often spoke in a formal way when speaking in the university context, particularly i n the classroom setting with professors and White peers. Participants felt that being able to shift language usage based on contextual circumstances was a skill that all Black students were Well, um, obviously, like just bei ng black in general, like code switching is just a thing like you have to know how to do. Kelsey was selective about her language usage when navigating between the home and university contexts. She was more comfortable speaking with her family because s he did not have to filter her thoughts and opinions. She was able to express herself more freely in the home context. In the classroom setting, she was more restrained. Um, yeah, I'd say I'm definitely more comfortable at home and I don't have I guess I don't have to really watch what I say in terms of, yeah, when speaking about my opinions. I don't have to censor it and rethink that, "Oh, these people aren't gonna agree with what I'm saying." Denise had a similar experience. She was less guarded speak ing with her family than she was with her White peers and faculty. Because the university context was more formal than the home context, there was more pressure to speak in a manner that was deemed to be acceptable and appropriate . Um, yeah definitely. when I have conversations with people up here or 98 comfortable there, Michelle described an instance when she was more conscientious about what she said in a predominantly Black classroom setting versus a predominantly White classroom set ting. Her Black peers were able to relate to her, because they shared similar backgrounds. She was more particular about what she contributed to a predominantly White classroom discussion due to perceived cultural barriers. I, uh just because I feel like everyone else, bec American they ing. ing from, whereas if I was just Danielle shifted the language she used according to situational appropriateness. She spoke in a different mann er with her fami ly and Black peers than with her White p eers and professors. She used language to decrease th e risk of discomfort when navigating between the home and un iversity contexts. She change d the way she spoke based on her audience. I talk how I ta like, Camille was selective about the language she used in a predominantly White 99 c lassroom setting. She was more mindful of how she spoke around her White peers, which was heavily influenced by her mother. She did not want her White peers to view her as unintelligent or ignorant as a result of the way she spoke. I mean, not really, 'cause I try you know, I always try to work on my speech and everything, but I feel, like, if I'm in, like, an only black student in an all - white class, I feel like, um, I don't know. If I speak, I make sure I'm a little extra, uh, making sure I'm extra careful how I talk, 'cause my mom always bee n on me about my speech and not to use certain words or s lang . Participants formalized their language and were also guarded in the content they used when in predominantly White classroom settings . Participants did not want to be viewed by their White peer s as if they were intellectually inferior to them. Shifting their language based on cultural norms across contexts was a coping strategy because they were able to successfully navigate between the home and university contexts. Shift in behaviors. In addi tion to shifting language usage, participants also shifted their behaviors when navigating between the home and university . Participants indicated that they displayed different mannerisms , managed their voice tones, and presented themselves based on contex tual appropriateness. Their behaviors and interactions varied accordingly. Layla ons but different approaches Tim talked about changing his b ehaviors in a formal setting in the university cont ext or if he was spending time with his family or friends. He felt more at ease when interacting with fami ly and friends than in a more formal setting. Um, it depends on basically where I'm at. So if I'm, um, if I'm in the engineering college, I try to act more professional just to get the hang of things, 'cause, you know, I'm gonna 100 be a professional pretty soon. So I'm just trying to get used to, but, yeah, um, I try to act more professional. Whenever I'm around my friends, I can, you know, kinda breathe and just can just hang out and chill. But, uh, back home, it's it's really laid back like it is with my friends. So I'll just, you know when I' m with my family and friends, you know, everything's not a big deal. It's kinda like a vacation for me, 'cause I'm I'm not at college, so I definitely don't take anything too serious. When I go back to school, it's I'm in that serious mindset, especia lly if I'm in class or, you know, laboratory, I have that professionalism. Violet discussed a similar experience. She interacted with her family and friends in an informal manner , while presenting herself more formally in the university context through her interactions with others . Again, it depends on who. My friends that are up here I kind of interact with them the way I would with my family. And then up here, students, professors, TAs I think the more professional interaction rather tha n a laid back. Denise presented herself in a way that would be acceptable by her White peers in the classroom setting. S he wanted to combat racial stereotypes that they may hold about Black students. By managing her voice tone and her modes of interactio n in the classroom setting , she was better able to fit in with her White peers. see me in a certain way because I feel like because I am African - American they expec t a certain just you know I guess they expect me to act a certain way, maybe loud or just come looking you know but 101 r see my environment before I act in some way definitely. Layla shifted the way she behaved when attending a predominantly Black classroom setting so she would not feel like an outsider amongst her Black peers. In the predominantly Black classroom setti ng, she used louder tones and was extroverted. In the predominantly White classroom setting, she was more restrained and introverted. transitioned into come into MSU, I realized like I was trying to fit in as a black student when there were more of us in a classroom. I kind of wanted to be a part, so if they were being loud or doing students Par ticipants described experiences when they shifted their behaviors to successfully navigate between the home and university contexts. They wan ted to behave in ways that were viewed as appropriate in each context. This strategy helped combat racial stere otypes , while allowing them to fit in with their peers. They were also able remain connected to their families. Affiliation with other Black students. Participants built relationships with other Black students to form a united front in the university con text. Affiliating with other Black students served as a coping strategy in a predominantly White institution because Black students felt supported by their Black peers. Connecting to Black students having similar interests and experiences helped to buffer against isolating experiences in predominantly White classroom 102 I have them (Black peers) as my backbone. Gerald felt more comfortable when there were other Black students in a predominantly White classroom setting. He felt that he could better relate to his Black peers. Being a minority in a predominantly White classroom setting became a shared experience. - Americans in classes one or two of us - American in a know the same thing, so easier for us to like connect . Michelle described her experience in a predominantly Black African American History class. She preferred attending this class over others, because this class provided her with the opportuni t y to connect with other Black students. There are few classroom settings in the university where Black students can gather. - American History class right now -- the class is predominantly African - American. And -- I mean like I feel more comfortable in my history class than I do in t he other ones. Participants connected with other Black students to cope with racialized experiences in the university context. Establishing a support system within the Black university community provided strength in numbers, and the positive image of Bla cks supporting Blacks. Relating to Black students having similar backgrounds helped to strengthen their confidence levels. One 103 hat has been positive seeing just a whole group of African - Americans just here tryi ng to do something in life, supporting each other. Avoidance behaviors. Some p articipants evaded racial issues pertaining to racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions displayed by White peers in the university context. Avoidance behaviors were used as a strat egy to help Black students resist uncomfortable racial situations with their White peers. Two sub - codes emerged from the data: (1) distancing and (2) choosing silence. Distancing. Participants combatted racial micro - aggressions and ra cial aggressions by ignoring the situations. By failing to acknowledge racial issues that arose in the university context, participants were able to move forward without internalizing negative experiences. Physical and psychological distance was used to av oid conflict . Participants exited potential racist situations to avoid negative interactions with their White peers. Danielle commented, ffiliate myself wit h those kind of people at all. I try to, um, avoid them at all costs. Layla d escribed an experience after attending a game w ith her Black peers. A group of White peers direct ed raci al aggressions to her group. She chose to physically distance her group of friends from their White peers to diffuse the situation. She was able to prevent the situation from escalating. ys. 104 Carmen shared how she dealt with racial disregard in a predominantly White classroom setting. She often felt frustrated and discouraged because her opinions were devalued and she felt invisible. Physically d istancing herself from the situation was the strategy she used to resist racial micro - aggressions displayed by her White peers in the classroom setting. Yeah. I don't think it would be as discouraging, 'cause sometimes me being discourage d, especially last year in chemistry. I t will take a toll on my grades. Like I just I would get so frustrated and just walk out of a class. Like I've done it twice. I remember last year That's an impact. Alex coped with racial micro - a ggressions by ignoring them. Because s he was able to psychologically distance herself from the incidents , she was also able to avoid internalizing these situations . She understood that by attending a predominantly White institution she would be exposed to racial micro - aggressions. Um, I just feel like I'm kind of used to it. I mean I don't like sometimes I'll brush it off because, you know um, it is what it is. But, you know You can't really like chang e their minds about stuff. By distancing the mselves from racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions , p articipants were able to avoid situat ions that might hinder their academic s uccess . Distancing also helped participants deal with the feelings caused by racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions experienced in the university context. Choosing silence. Participants chose not to engage in classroom discussions as a way to resist racial micro - aggressions. By choosing not to respond, participants were able to have m ore control o ver the situation. In their view, these were strategies to prevent against negative racial 105 stereotypes perceived to be held by their White peers. Participants also chose silen ce in predominantly White class settings where th ey were racially spotlighted or expected to be the hand and kind of form a debate with a class full of students you know. Layla chose to refrain from engaging in classroom discussions as a strategy to avoid having to participate in discussions that focus on her racial status. She was selective about when she participated in class discussions to resist racial spotlighting in a predominantly White classroom setting. ture halls that are predominantly white, I kind of just I input u o affect the fact that I have color. Tiffany chose silence during classroom discussions because she wanted to avoid giving the wrong response in front of her White peer s. She feared being stereotype d intellectually inferior to her White peers. Stereotype threat was a major factor in her decision not to engage in classroom discussions. I know sometimes I'll think that I'll know an answer, but I won't want to answer it 'cause I wouldn't want to be wrong . Like - and I think I do it like subconsciously. Like I - n - because I don 't want to get it wrong. Participants chose silence as a way to avoid uncomfortable ra cial experiences with their White peers. They wanted to stay under the radar so that they would not be racially spotlighted in a predominantly White classroom setting. Participants also wanted to evade the risk of stereotype 106 threat inhibiting their academi c abilities . Choosing silence was a strategy used to empower Black students in predominantly White classroom settings. 107 CHAPTER 6 PRESENTATION OF FINDINGS: MESSAGES AND TRANSITIONS Participants described protective factors used to help them successfully transition from the home and to the university contexts. Protective messages transmitted within the family were discussed. They also described the lack of racialized experiences and r acial messages received from family and in university contexts. Participants talked about the kinds of transitions they made when navigating from homogenous Black home contexts, predominantly White home contexts, or diverse home contexts to a p redominantly White institution. Three major themes emerged from the data: (1) protective factors across the home and university contexts, (2) lack of experiences with racial issues, and (3) t ransitional experiences. Table 5 illustrates a breakdown of the m ajor themes, sub - themes, and sub - codes associated with the third sub - question. Table 5 Connections between Theories, Sub - Research Question #3, and Findings Primary Research Question: How do ethnic - racial socialization processes and bicultural adaptive ide ntities serve as protective factors for African American youth transitioning between the home and university contexts? Theory Sub - Research Question Major Themes Sub - themes Sub - codes Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory, Multiple Worlds Typology Messages and Transitions (3) What kinds of messages about race, if any, do African American late adolescents receive from the home context and Protective Factors across the Home and University Contexts Ethnic - racial socialization Messages Cultural Socialization Egalitarianism Preparation for Bias Racial Pride Promotion of Mistrust Ties to Family Close Knit Families Family 108 Protective Factors across the Home and University Contexts. Participants described protective factors that act as buffers when navigating from the home to the university. These factors were messages transmitted to the participants from their families regarding race, the how might these messages impact transitions made to the university context? Support Core Family Values Educational Achievement Morality Religiosity Lack of Experiences with Racial Issues Lack of Experience with Racism Lack of Preparation in the Home for Racial Issues in the University Context Transitional Experiences Congruent Worlds/Smooth Transitions Congruent Worlds/Difficult Transitions Different Worlds/Smooth Transitions Different Worlds/ Managed Transitions Different Worlds/Difficult Transitions 109 importance of familial relationship s, and the importance of values instilled by the family. Three sub - themes emerged from the data: (1) ethnic - racial socialization messages, (2) ties to family, and (3) core family values. Ethnic - racial socialization messages. Participants described ethnic - racial socialization messages transmitted in their families that served as protective factors across contexts. Parents convey ed messages about race and ethnicity to their children to help buffer against racial barriers across multiple contexts, particularly the university context. Ethnic - racial socialization messages were defined as messages received from the family about race, race relations, discrimination, and cultural affiliation. Several sub - codes emerged from the data: (1 ) cultural socialization, (2) egalitarianism, (3) preparation for bias, (4) racial pride, and (5) promotion of mistrust. Cultural socialization. Participants described the cultural messages they received from their families about being Black. These mess ages were conveyed by exposure to museums, culturally centered celebrations, Black History, and other cultural events. The examples below describe similar experiences with cultural socialization across multiple participants. Rachel was raised in a predom inantly White suburban community. Her parents wanted to expose her to Black culture by interacting and connecting with other Blacks in a Black environment. They accomplished this aspect of her socialization by involving her in regular activities and events using the resources of the nearby predominantly Black city. So we lived in a predominantly white area, but everything we did was outside. So like, we went to a church in a predominantly Black city. I played tennis in a predominantly Black city. Swimming lessons, played piano, um, had like the African - American family group that we were in was in a predominantly Black city. We did when we got older we had like black history, um like -- It was like a game, like black history questions. 110 learned about Black History by attending yearly Black History events and celebrations for Dr. her family. Yeah. Um, I'm trying to think about some examples. I know during Black History Month and for the Martin Luther King Day every year we always went to like, ah, see a speaker or or a celebration or something. Um, and then went to my chur ch, too. Isabella discussed Black history with her family during family reunions. She was also exposed to her family history. Um, they did talk - they kind of make sure that, um, I got a lot of my, um, history - you know my back history. Um, for famil y reunions, you know when you go to a family reunion with my family we talk about, um, our history, so our heritage and our ancestors. So we always - every year for our family reunion, we make sure we tell that you know - half of my grandparents were slav es. Students reported that their families ensured awareness of their cultural and ethnic heritage a variety of activities, celebration, rituals and family connections. These implicit and explicit messages instilled the value of Black culture experiential ly. Participants sought out cultural activities in the university context because they had learned the importance of these cultural events at home. Egalitarianism. In addition to cultural socialization, some participants received messages from their fami living in a society that is not centered on race. These colorblind perspectives were transmitted to the participants so they would not focus on racial issues but would concent rate on equality amongst all people. Parents might have felt that they were being protective by shielding their 111 children from issues regarding race. focus too much on color, because that would Their families did not want to emphasize race and racism because they did not want these components to be barriers to the academic success of the participants. They wanted the participants to be open to having exposure to cross cultural relationships in the university context. Bruce talked about the egalitarianism messages he received from his mother on building relationships at college. She wanted him to interact with different kinds of students as opposed to just befriending Black st udents. His mother did not want him to be influenced by racial want, regardless of race, regardless of sexuality, or anything like that." It's important to, you know, be diverse. Lisa described the egalitarianism messages she received from her family. She was given these messages to protect her from potential experiences with racism in the university context. Her mother perceived the focus of race as potentially being harmful to her. She wanted to highlight the importance of the human race as opposed to racial status. re. You kind of just have . Let people judge. Oh well. Like Ashley described the messages transmitted by her mother about interacting and accepting diver se peers . Her mother also e ncourages her to interact with a broad range of students on campus because she did not want her to focus on race 112 of more so preached to me about that, too. But she was just like, "Love ev erybody." "Love Racism fails to be placed at the forefront by these families, which produces a watered down ideology of colorblindness and neutrality within the educational system. Students of color experience racial inequities in the educational context, even though some are taught to ignore the impact race and racism has on their experiences. It is this ignorance that perpetuates racism and maintains structural inequalities in educ ation institutions. Preparation for bias. Participants described messages they received from their families to help prepare them for potential experiences with racism, prejudice, or discrimination in various contexts. The content of preparation for bias messages focused on the promotion of strong work ethics, avoiding conflicts on campus, and increased awareness of racial issues. Many of the Ashley described the prepar ation for bias messages she received from her family. She was encouraged to always display a strong work ethic as a Black student. Family racial soci alization messages anticipated that she would be faced with potential risk factors that might impede her ac ademic success. Ashley stated: Like, you can't take no breaks. You can't you always have to work ten times harder , so especially being an African American student at a predominantly white school. So, yeah, yeah, you have to always work ten times harde r. student. The messages also prepared him for racialized experiences he may be faced with dealing with as a Black student in a predominantly White context. 113 So my mom and dad, from the start, they always told me it's gonna be harder for me because of the society we live in. Uh, yeah, my mom and well, my mom and dad until my my dad passed away, they always emphasized, um, how you know, how hard the strugg le would be for me sometimes. And they also emphasized that because it'll be much harder for me than than my, you know, uh, my white peers. But, um, but other than that, they understand that I'm a really hard worker. minimize the unfair treatment he may receive as a Black student. By avoiding conflicts and presenting himself in a professional manner, he would be able to successful ly navigate the university context. They said pretty much, uh, you know, avoid getting into conflicts because, you know, just be yeah, avoid getting into conflicts, because, being black, you may not get that benefit of, say, a white man or woman. Mostly just always keep a calm appearance, because, for one thing one thing I learned about racists is that racism is that people aren't born racists. People have been influenced either by the media or their parents mostly. So it's not really a point to, yo u know, ge t angry or anything like that. Just let it go, move on with your life. Just stick to, you know, your goals. Participants believed the university context was struct ured in a way that supported their inability to excel academically. Participant s received messages from their fami lies enabling them to live in a potentially oppressive environment. Structural inequalities within universities may promote feelings of inferiority because of racial differences within the university. These intergeneratio nal messages served as protective factors for Black students on campus . 114 Racial pride. Participants received parental socialization messages on pride and self - love regarding their race and cultural background. Racial pride messages were protective messages used to empower Black students when navigating a majority university context. Kelsey described the racial pride messages she received from her mother. Her mother believed she should be proud of the opportunities available to her as a Black woman. But my mom definitely tries to keep me grounded in the sense that like you are you it's a lot of emphasis on being pro ud of being black. Similarly, Carmen also received messages from her mother emphasizing racial pride. Her mother encouraged her to have self - love for her physical attributes. She wanted Carmen to take pride in her racial status, as opposed to feeling inf erior to her White peers. These messages served as a buffer in the university context. While she (mom) talks to me about like being Black and beautiful and loving yourself and loving my color, 'cause I get it a lot like, you know, light skin, dark skin Like she, she tells me to love my color and love myself. Isabella received messages from her family regarding self - love and taking pride in the racial heritage of Blacks. And - and at the same time, do focus and don't forget where you - where your - ba ckground is from - and where you're from. uh, my family taught me always never to change - ne - never, ever - never change yourself. And don't let nobody speak down - of your culture or of you period. 115 Racial pride messages helped the participants to devel op a positive sense of self, which fosters higher levels of commitment to their racial group. Because they felt positively connected to their own racial group, these processes promote academic success on campus . Promotion of mistrust. Participants receive d messages from their parents emphasizing these messages as a result of their past experiences interacting with the White community. nds primarily consis ts of White peers. His parents warned him to be aware of the people he selected as friends because he interacts with White peers regularly. His family wanted to protect him from the challenges that he may be faced with attending a predo minantly White institution and interacting primarily with White peers. Keep the way like you carry yourself. Keep the, like who your keep in mind who and who you trust. Make sure like you make true friends. They try to get that message across distrust was reinforced through the promotion of mistrust messages transmitted to her about her White peers. um, they, they murder, and the way that they murder is insane. The wa y they talk to their parents is crazy them and this is what th is is you got to be careful. Watch out for white boys that are like this. 116 Promotion of mistrust messages served as protecti ve factors for Black students in the university context. Participants had increased levels of awareness when interacting with their Ties to Family. Participants described having strong links to their families. Family cohesion is broken down into two sub - codes: (1) close knit families and (2) family support. Having a close knit family and having family support served as protective factors in the un iversity . Close knit families. Participants described h aving strong bonds with their families. These connections helped participants to better adjust when transitioning to the universi ty . Participants selected this university because it was within close proximity to their families. They wanted enough distance from their families so they could learn to be independent adults; however, they also wanted to be close enough to continue to maintain the connections with their families. Participants maintained strong relationships with their families through frequent in teractions and regular contact. Michelle described the strong bond she had with her family. Her family lived within close proximity of one another to ensure that they had frequent contact. She visited her family often to maintain the strong relationships that she had while attending college. Frequent visits to her family helped her to remain connected to them, which helped her to feel as if she had a support system in an environment that can feel isolating. en not just our immediate family, like though like my cousins and my aunt, they live like 45 minutes out but so like I see them 117 Living away from home was a challenge for Gerald because he spent less time with his family. Having strong ties to his family served as a protective factor in the university context because it gave him a sense of stability. Although he missed his family, t he strong connection he had with them made him feel secure, which helped him to excel academically. Uh, the biggest thing about coming here for me was being away from my family because I never really been away from my family for a long stretch of time wi th being like a week for like spring break and what not the hardest thing was just like being away from home because my family is very close and like everyone always called me I just miss my parents and miss my famil y, which I still do now. Participants described having close knit families with strong relationships that they maintained and nurtured while attending college. Families provided them with a connection to their cultural backgrounds and provided them with protective coping strategies to resist racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions on campus . Close knit families served as a protective factor for Black students. Family support. In addition to close knit families, participants described having high levels of family support. Family support included financial stability, emotional support, encouragement, and parental guidance. Participants needed support from their families to help them successfully navigate the university context. Ashley commented about receiving guidance critics. But they're also my biggest supporters. Um, and they never th Denise received support from her family throughout her lifespan, but received increased levels of support when she entered college. Her parents gave her financial stability to ensure that 118 she was economically secure. She also rec eived emotional support, encouragement, and guidance from her family. and they that like achievement so they always tell me, always let me know, like even when I tell vation. Tim received a great deal of family support. His parents made sure that he was well taken care of as a child and continued to support him while he attended college. As a result of his family support, Tim excelled academically in the university c ontext. My dad gave me everything. My mom gave me everything. So I owe everything to them. They constantly instilled those values through just their actions and my mom, especially, she's been, uh, very supportive of me, especially now that I'm all the w ay in another state. But she, um, my parents have definitely set me up to do well. Participants described having support from their families. Family support served as an important asset for Black students in the university context. Financial stability, e motional support, encouragement, and parental guidance helped to protect participants when tra nsitioning to the university . Core family values. Participants described core family values transmitted to them by their families. These values served as protec tive factors in the university context. Three core 119 family values emerged from the data: (1) educational achievement, (2) morality, and (3) religiosity. Education al achievement . Participants expressed the importance of educational values in their families . Some participants came from families where multiple generations have completed college degrees. With these participants, education was highly valued and obtaining a higher institutional degree was a requirement. Other participants came from families wher e they were the first to attend college or where members of their family attended college without completing a degree. Education was highly valued in these families to ensure that they secured a better future than other members of their families. Danielle - Alex talked about the importance of education across multiple generations in her family. Many m embers in her family had obtained a college education, so she was expected to complete a degree at an institution of higher learning as well. Educational advancement was a requirement in her family. I mean I feel like it's something that I wanted to do an d then the like both of my parents went to college so it's like kind of in my family. Like all of my family members, like my aunts uncles, grandparents, they went to college. I think it's just, "You're going to college." Violet had family members w ho obtained college degrees and family members who started but did not complete their degrees. She was encouraged by her family to finish her degree because of the impact it would have on her future. 120 act up in school or you will be answering to us. They did not play. School is a really, really, really, really big thing. Two of my aunts been to college and graduated and have degrees. Some of them went and dropped out. So I think they just do it bec you can have to fight, like, other people's ignorance and other people trying to put you down and Participants learned the importance of education in the family context. Carrying education al values with them into the university context, participants were able to excel in their academics. Having a college degree would provide them with greater opportunity than many of their family members. Morality . Participants received messages from their families pertaining to moral values. Moral values included respecting oth ers and self - respect, right versus wrong, honesty, trust, forgiveness, and perseverance in adverse situations. These values were instilled in the participants so they would maintain them as they navigated across contexts. values in her that she was able to display when transitioning from her home to the university. These morals helped her to gain respect from her peers and faculty. Um, well, we - we believe in, um - um, morals like respect others as you would like to be re spected. So my - you know my family always taught me to challenge myself and never give up. And always learn from your mistakes. Like teaching us how to be a lady - and, 121 um, learn how - know how to be treated. And also make sure you treat others with that same respect. values he would be exposed to when participating in this extra - curricular activity. Tim gained values that served as protective factors when navigating betwe en the home and university contexts. These moral values helped to shape him into a well - rounded individual. You know, it was I learned from them a lot. And, uh, like my dad, um, he basically he really pushed martial arts on to us, uh, just to instill a lot of the values, like just determination and just perseverance and honesty and and just everything like that Steve described the moral values he learned from his family. He was encouraged to present himself in a professional manner across contexts. He was also taught to base his ing how to conduct yourself in a positive way and just being the best person you could be, yeah. The participants embraced the moral values passed on to them by their families. Once these values were instilled, they became instinctual for the participant s. These values served as protective factors across contexts because they gave the participants standards to live by within the home and university contexts. Religiosity . Participants described religion as being a core family value. Participants grew up in households where religious values were transmitted between generations. Religion often serves as a protective factor for the Black community against stressors . Participants described using their faith as a guide in their daily decision making. They rem ained linked to their families 122 grandparents and going to church with my parents and sometimes going together like as a big family, um, I feel it's just kind of expected Denise speaks to her brother on the phone regularly. Together they pray so that she maintains religion as a core family value while making her way through college . Religion also served to maintain strong ties to her family. U like if we ever need anything really into church and we always pray every week, every other day, like he cal ls us and other as a family. the same. Being connected to a religious based faith influenced the kinds of decisions she made as a college student. Her religious values protected her in the university context because she was able to resist making detrimental decisions. Although she lived away from home, she found opportunities on campus that allowed her to continue to nurture and maintain her connection to her religious faith. Like my family has been go ing to church. Like my, like my family is saved. So I would say God. Um, church, for one. I go to church a lot. Even here, like I go to Bible study when I can't go to church at home. And like just morals. Like being in college, especially as a freshman, a lotta stuff was thrown at me. Like, I'm not gonna say I'm perfect, but like being growing up in church made you made me second guess a lotta stuff before I did it. Participants described religion as being a core family value that aided them in dealing 123 with adversity in the home and the university . Religious participation gave their families a sense of belonging within the Black comm unity. Participants found it beneficial to continue to maintain their religious faith within the university context because it helped them to combat everyday stressors. Lack of Experiences with Racial Issues. Lack of racial socialization has been known t o have consequences for academic achievement and well - being. Some participan ts have indicated that they never experienced racism in any capacity during their lives. Other participants had never discussed racial issues with their families. These participants lacked experiences with racial issues within the home and university contexts. Two sub - themes emerged from the data: (1) lack of experience with racism and (2) lack of preparation in the home for racial issues in the university context. Lack of experience with racism. Some participants stated they had never experienced racism or discrimination in their l ifetimes. They had not encountered racist experiences in any context. Participants were aware that racism existed, but were unable to speak about personal - I h Similarly, Tim had rarely had any experiences with racism or discrimination. He is a high achieving student who had always been accepted by his White peers and faculty. His academic achievements made him more approac hable to his White peers. His parents discussed issues of race with him during his early years. Because he was rarely confronted with racial tensions , the conversations regarding racial issues with his family decreased. Um, to be honest, I really haven't even had too many racial encounters growing up. So I I would never, like, run to my mom and dad and tell them like, "Hey, so - and - so did 124 this, 'cause I'm black," or anything like that. So so after after a certain a ge, my mom and dad stopped emphasizing just racial tensions, because I never experienced them like my mom and dad did growing up. Steve believed that being a high achieving student shielded him from racist experiences on campus. Because he exce lled academ ically, he was able to avoid racial encounters with White peers and faculty on campus. not kind of a student, uh, does probably not make it seem like I have been involve d in a Probably I might get portrayed as that or not being or somebody being prejudiced to me but none of that, no. Participants had not been exposed to racist behaviors but were aware of the racist ideologies that existed in regards to Blacks. These participants were high achieving students. The intellectual abilities of the participants served as buffers against racism and discrimination because these particip ants were accepted by their White peers. Participants were not treated as outsiders as a result of their abilities to excel academically. Lack of preparation in the home for racial issues in the university context. Some participants felt that their paren ts had not acknowledged or prepared them for racialized experiences at the university. Some participants felt unprepared when entering a predominantly White university context, while others felt that they had to prepare themselves. Some parents chose not t o discuss racial matters with their children, and others were unaware that there was a 125 Denise believed she lacke d preparation for racial issues she may be faced with at the university. Growing up in a predominantly Black city, she did not have racialized encounters with her Black peers within the school context . anyt was not fond of the historical past and racist ideologies of Blacks. Her mother encountered n egative racialized experiences in the past, and wanted to refrain from speaking about race related topics. Carmen encouraged her mom to speak about racial issues but her mom was unwilling to engage in these kinds of conversations. As a result, she had a la ck of preparation for racial issues. Like African American history and the stuff that went on, she just doesn't like to discuss. Even with the Mike Brown situation, like she supports like, you know, 'cause she hates police brutality and all that stuff, b ut she just don't wanna hear it. My mom likes to brush over it because she was born in the '60s and she's always like, "I hate that time. I hate talking about African American stuff." But I personally love it. So it's, it's a fight. Like I tried to go get her to see Selma with me, and she didn't wanna go see it. She was born in '62, so she was still young. But she said she remembers, and she hates it. Some participants were not socialized by their parents on how to deal with racial issues in the university context. These participants were forced to learn how to deal with racialized experiences on their own. Transitional Experiences. Participants described their transitional patterns navigating from th e home to the university (see table 6) . Five sub - themes emerged from the data (1) congruent worlds/smooth transitions, (2) congruent worlds/ difficult transitions , (3 ) differe nt 126 worlds/smooth transitions, (4 ) different worlds/ managed transitions , and (5 ) d ifferent worlds/ difficult transitions . Cong ruent worlds/smooth transitions. A few participant s described having congruent worlds/smooth tr ansitions. Participants having congruent worlds/smooth transitions had similar cultural codes across the home and university contexts. Cultural codes included si milar cultural values, beliefs, and behaviors between both contexts. As a result, participants were able to transition with ease. Kelsey described her transition from her home to the university context as smooth. She attributes this to the continuity between these contexts. She grew up in a predominantly White community and was accustomed to being a minority in White majority contexts or settings. I'd say my transition was pretty smooth, but I think the transition was fairly easy for me bec ause I had a lot of friends from high school, like all of my best friends went here. Well, except one. She went to another university. But for the most part, all of my really good close friends went here. I made friends with a girl who lived next door to me. We became really close. I got lucky with that. So I've never really felt homesick or anything. Um, I'd say it's almost exactly the same because my well, like I said, my hometown is predominantly white. And my brother and I were probably the two of five black kids that went through high school. Similarly, Michelle described her smooth transition as a college student. She knew her roommate prior to attending college, so having some familiarity helped her to better adjust to the university. 127 Uh, my I mean it was pretty easy to move. And I knew my roommate which I think which made like -- Yeah, which made it a little bit better and made it easier but yeah, my adjustment, it was it was pretty eas y. Participants having congruent worlds transitioned to the university with ease. The cultural continuity made the adjustment smooth becaus e they were not inhibited by contextua l differences. Participants with congruent worlds/smooth transitions were often the high est achieving students, which was supported by cultural compatibility. Congruent worlds/difficult transitions. One participant described having cultural congruence across the home and univer sity context, while having difficulties adjusting t o the university. The participant discussed her concern with not having her family nearby to help her deal with the adjusting to living in a new environment transition was definitely difficult for me. It was, it was an adjustment, for sure, because I She lacked the support system that she was accustomed to relying on regularly in the home context. Growing up in a predominantly White home community, she was able to deal with stressors because she had access to the emotional and financial support of her family because they were within close proximity . The distance from her family impacted her ability to successfully transition to the university. Different worlds/smooth transit ions. Some participants were raised in homes that differed from the White university context, but were still able to adjust to the university with ease. A m ajority of participants with different worlds/smooth transitions grew up in pred ominantly Black home communities . Others grew up in multiracial communities. Participants were able to successfully navigate between the home and university by blending 128 as I thought it would be or people thought it would be, but it was sort of an easy transition because people just Violet described her transition to the university as smooth. She grew up in a predominantly Black city and attended schools where the students were predominantly Black, so attending a predominantly White institution was a different experience for her. Her family visited regularly and she had frequent contact with them, which helped her to adjust to life as a college student. I was kind of nervous. It was weird living at school. That was a thing I had to get over. often with church and stuff and I have family up here too. And it was like at first I thought it was going to be way, way more black people than I thought. And on the first did Participants having different worlds/smooth transitions were able to successfully navigate the university context. By combining aspects from both contexts, participants better adjus ted to campus life. Frequent visitation from families and connecting with old friends on campus helped them to transition to a new and different environment. D ifferent worlds/ managed transitions . Many participants described having cultural discontinuity between their homes and the university context. They were able to manage these differences by utilizing cultural code switching behaviors. Negotiating cultural codes based on situational appropriateness helped the participants to successfully navigate the college campus. 129 Nicole was able to successfully manage the differences between her home and the university. She had to adjust to the absence of daily contact with her parents, though she was able to build relationships with her peers. By negotiating cultural codes, she was able to identify and connect with her family and her peers. This allowed her to be a part of a group, which helped her to successfully navigate the university. It w as different from being at home but it was like I was okay with it. Like when my parents first left, obviously I was kinda sad. But after that like I made friends really quickly and it was fine. Lisa described her transition as a college student. Her mul tiracial home community differed from the predominantly White university she attended, but she was able to manage these differences by knowing when to culturally code switch. She knew how to behave in the university context, which supported her work ethic and allowed her to excel academically. school. You just kind of like have to like you kind of have to just go in knowi ng you're gonna work hard to get what you want. Participants described having cultural incongruences between their home and the university. They learned to manage these differences by engaging in bicultural code switching behaviors, which helped them to s uccessfully navigate from their homes to the university. This reactive coping strategy also combatted racial micro - aggressions displayed on campus. Di fferent worlds/ difficult transitions . Some participants struggled with successfully navigating between the ir home contexts and the university context. Participants described facing challenges with transitioning to life as a college student because of the cultural discontinuity between both contexts. Layla described her transition to a predominantly White inst itution. Her 130 predominantly Black home community was very different from the university context, so she had difficulty adjusting to this environment. Being a Black student attending a predominantly White institution, she experienced racial micro - aggressions by her White peers. Because this was not something she was accustomed to dealing with in her home community, she found it challenging to adjust to life as a Black student at a predominantly White institution. Um, my transition was rough. I guess I would u necessarily hard. It was something I was prepared to do. It just as I thought it was gonna be. The transition was a lot different than what I expected. Um, in new situations. I just think I have been so used to what I have seen in my community and my household that once I was given the freedom and gotten wings unclipped, I was kind of like okay, I kind of want to flutter back to where I came from. Similarly, Tiffany described having a difficult transition when she entered the university. Her view of the university was influenced by the racialized perceptions the media perpetuated to society about attending a predominantly White institution. As a result, she was apprehensive about becoming a student in an environment that culturally differe d from what she was accustomed to at home. I was really intimidated, um, just because of a lot of things that I would hear, like not necessarily from like family members - but just like media stereotypes and stuff. So I was kinda - just because I had neve r been around like a lot of - a different culture than - you know being around black people so - I was kind of intimidated when if first got here. Participants described having difficulties transitioning to the university context because 131 of the cultural variations between their homes and the university. These incompatibilities were contextual factors that inhibited participants from optimally connecting with the university context as Black students. Table 6 describes the breakdown of the transitions, the grade point averages, and the racial compositions of the home communities for each participant. This table connects the home communities the participants lived in prior to attending college to their transitions and academic performances. 132 Table 6 Connections between Transitional Experiences, Grade Point Averages, and Racial Compositions of Home Communities Pseudonym College GPA Transition to University Context Racial Composition of Home Community Kelsey 3.5 Congruent Worlds/Smooth Transition Predominantly White Carmen 3.7 Congruent Worlds/Smooth Transition Predominantly White Michelle 3.84 Congruent Worlds/Smooth Transition Predominantly White Alex 2.97 Congruent Worlds/Difficult Transition Predominantly White Gerald 3.1 Different Worlds/Smooth Transition Predominantly Black Violet 2.0 Different Worlds/Smooth Transition Predominantly Black 133 Steve 3.2 Different Worlds/Smooth Transition Predominantly Black Camille 3.2 Different Worlds/Smooth Transition Predominantly Black Tim 3.67 Different Worlds/Smooth Transition Multiracial Denise 2.8 Different Worlds/Managed Transition Predominantly Black Nicole 2.8 Different Worlds/Managed Transition Predominantly Black Rachel 3.2 Different Worlds/Managed Transition Multiracial Lisa 3.3 Different Worlds/Managed Transition Multiracial 134 Danielle 3.3 Different Worlds/Managed Transition Multiracial Layla 3.2 Different Worlds/Difficult Transition Predominantly Black Ashley 3.12 Different Worlds/Difficult Transition Multiracial Rayden 2.8 Different Worlds/Difficult Transition Multiracial Bruce 2.6 Different Worlds/Difficult Transition Predominantly Black Isabella 2.4 Different Worlds/Difficult Transition Multiracial Tiffany 2.9 Different Worlds/Difficult Transition Predominantly Black 135 CHAPTER 7 : SUMMARY AND DISCUSSION Summary of Results This study focused on the cultural differenc es faced by Black students transitioning to a predominantly White institution and the protective factors that aided them with these transitions. A focus group session was used as a second data source and for member checking purposes to corroborate findings from the interviews. Analy sis revealed participants were exposed to a number of risk factors in the university cont ext. Students developed c oping strategies to combat these risk factors and promote successful transitions from the home to the university. . Many of the participants experienced cultural discontinuity between the home and university contexts based on cultural norms and expectations; this was challenging for some and effortless for others. Others experienced cultural continuity between both contexts in regards to having hig h educational expectations. Some participants wanted to attend a historically Black college or university to avoid cultural incongruence between the home and university. Others selected a predominantly White institution to be exposed to cultural differ ences. Participants were also exposed to racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions displayed by their White peers in the university context. They were disregarded and undervalued by their White peers. There were also instances when participants were racially spotlighted and made the focal point in multiple settings in the university, such as the classroom and the dormitory. Students were exposed to derogatory racist comments made by their White peers. Racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions silenced the voices of many participants a nd promoted the perception that they were intellectually infe rior to their White counterparts . In addition to experiencing racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions from White peers, some participants dealt with intra - group racial attitudes from their Black peers as well. 136 Participants were sometimes ridiculed by their Black peers based on their physical characteristics and/or their backgrounds. Some struggled to fit i n with heir Black peers and feared being rejected by the Black community in the university context. Some participants expressed their concerns with the lack of resources made available to Black students along with the underrepresentation of Black faculty on campus. Other participants believed there were a variety of resources accessible to Black students. They often built strong relationships with the existing Black faculty on campus, but felt they lacked support from White faculty. Participants utilize d coping strategies to combat and resist experiences with racism displayed by their White peers in the university context. In some instances, participants used assertion when trying to have a commanding presence in settings where they were overlooked by their White peers. In other cases, participants avoided racialized experiences all together. However, participants also connected with other Black students as a strategy to combat potential experiences with racism. In addition, participants engaged in bicu ltural behaviors to successfully navigate between the home and university contexts. Along with reactive coping strategies, protective factors were also used as buffers for Black students transit ioning to the university . These factors were protective messa ges transmitted to the participants from their families about race, the importance of the connection to family, and core family values. However, some participants had never received protective messages about race from their families, while others had never had experiences with racism. The transitional patterns of Black students were affected by the reactive coping strategies and the protective messages utilized when navigating between the home and university. Both helped to combat against risk factors detri mental to them in the university. 137 Discussion Research indicates th at Black students can successfully navigate between cultures when protective factors are used to resist rac ial inequities between the home and school contexts (Carter, 2005; Carter, 2008). The purp ose of this qualitative study was to explore the transitions that Black late adolescent college students make when navigating from the home to a predom inantly White university . It also examined how ethnic - racial socialization processes and bicultur alism served as protective buffers within the university context. The overall goal was to examine protective factors and reactive coping strategies used to aid in transitions Black students make to a predominantly White institution. Risk factors prohibitin g successful transitions were also examined. This study utilized data from twenty individual interviews and one focus group. The individual interviews were conducted with African American second year college students attending a predominantly White instit ution. A focus group was used as a second data source and for member checking purposes to support the findings from the individual interviews. A grounded theory approach was used to analyze the data. Original conceptualization. The PVEST and the Multiple Worlds Typology provide the theoretical lens for examining racialized experiences of Black second year college students transitioning from the home to a predominantly White institution. These cultural ecological models illuminate the experiences and chall enges that Black students face when traversing both contexts. By combining facets of both theories, cultural variances were addressed and protective factors fostered by Black families explored. Overall, the findings from this study support the conceptual models framed by the Phenomenological Variant of Ecological Systems Theory and the Multiple Worlds Typology. 138 Participants were vulnerable to stress caused potential events associated with their racial status. In the original conceptualization of this study , race was implicated as a risk factor in the transition from the home to the university. Participants discussed experiences with racial micro - aggressions within the university context, experiences with racial aggressions within the university context , and racial experiences within the Black university community. These experiences caused increased levels of stress in the university context. Novel findings in this research indicate that participants lacking experiences with racism believed they were pro tected in the university environment because they were high academic achievers. A m ajority of the participants lacking experiences with racism were males. Females reported being exposed to higher levels of racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions th an males. Protective factors helped to buffer risk factors and other negative experiences. As indicated in the original model, findings suggest that ethnic - racial socialization messages received within the home were protective factors for Black students at tending a predominantly White institution. However, new findings that arose from this study suggest that some participants did not receive racial messages from their families. These families were not aware that they needed to socialize their children about racial issues, while others wanted to protect their children from issues regarding race. Other new findings highlight the impact of core family values and ties to the family. Having strong links to the family provided participants with family values, cult ural backgrounds, and protective buffers needed to successfully navigate the university. Participants also described reactive coping strategies used to resist risk factors in the university. As indicated in the original model, cultural code switching beh aviors served as a strategy used to successfully transition to the university. Participants were able to construct 139 identities by negotiating cultural codes based on situational appropriateness. New findings from the study suggest that participants asserted their voices in classroom settings where they experienced racial micro - aggressions from White peers. They also avoided situations and affiliated with other Black students in order to combat racial micro - aggressions and explicit acts of prejudice on campus . As indicated in the original model, protective factors and reactive coping strategies aided with the transitional patterns of participants. Participants described various kinds of transitions based on cultural congruence and incongruence between the home and university contexts. Transitions included: congruent worlds/smooth transitions, congruent worlds/difficult transitions, different worlds/smooth transitions, different worlds/managed transitions, and different worlds/difficult transitions. The transiti ons support the Multiple Worlds Typology (Phelan et al., 1998). However, the congruent worlds/difficult transition category is a new finding and is not an original component of the Multiple Worlds Typology. The remainder of this chapter will discuss and in terpret findings drawing upon the research questions. Integrating the findings gives a broader and more comprehensive understanding of the experiences of the partic ipants. The limitations of the study are discussed. The implications address factors that influence university policy through programmatic implementations. Future directions and conclusions are also discussed. Cultural experiences between the home and univ ersity contexts. experiences varied as they transitioned from their home communities to a predominantly White university context. Participants described congruent and incongruent cultural characteristics between home and university c ontexts in their college experiences. Recent research suggests that 140 Black students are more likely to have cultural discontinuity when transitioning to predominantly White institutions (Greer & Brown, 2011; Rose & Firmin, 2012). My findings support the id ea that Black students sometimes struggle with cultural incongruence between the home and university context s ; however, the findings also indicate that some participants had cultural continuity of academic achievement between their home and university cont exts. The cultural aspects between the home and university contexts also impacted the university selections and/or preferences of participants in regards to selecting predominantly White institutions versus historically Black universities or colleges. Evi dence suggests that Black students who select historically Black colleges or universities because they have higher levels of satisfaction and higher levels of academic success (Allen 1992; Kim, 2002). Similarly, findings from the current study indicate tha t s ome participants desired to attend a historica lly Black college or university because they felt they would be more satisfied in predominantly Black environments. However, participants ultimately chose to attend predominantly White institutions to remain close to their families and to gain exposure to racialized experiences that they may encounter in the future. Participants also discussed the resources and supports available for Black students in a predominantly White university context. Some participa nts were concerned with the lack of resources made available for Black students on campus. This finding was consistent with past literature in dicating that majority institutions are tailored to benefit White students and lack resources for Black s tudents, including a lack of support from White faculty (Benton, 2001; Guiffrida, 2005; Harper, 2009; Harper, Patton, & Wooden, 2009). Similar to the literature, participants in the current study stated that they felt ov erlooked by White faculty, which made 141 them hesitant to approach them for help. Some participants also felt undervalued at the university , as a result of there being a lack of resources for Black students. Conversely, some participants found that the resources and supports available for Black students were advantageous if they had knowledge of them. Because there are a limited number of resources for Black students on campus, participants were not always able to gain access to them . P articipants in this study were unaware that they were availab le . P articipants who had knowledge of them were able to obtain better resources. The lack of Black faculty on campus confirmed previous research indicating that Black students prefer to nurture relationships with Black faculty because they are more support ive and open to building relationships with Black students (Allen 1992; Benton, 2001; Guiffrida, 2005; Guiffrida & Douthit, 2010). Participants were exposed to various racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressions in their transactions with White peers. Because racism on college campuses is more commonly displayed through micro - aggressions, participants described various incidents where subtle forms of racism were directed towards them (Minikel - Lacocque, 2013; Solo rzano, Ceja, & Yosso; 2000). Their White peers would knowingly and unknowingly participate in racist behaviors in the university context without thinking about the intent or the impact of their actions . Much of the research conducted on racial micro - aggre ssions has been published by Sue and his colleagues (Sue, 2010; Sue & Capodilupo, 2008; Sue, Capodilupo, Nadal, Torino, 2008). They provide a detailed taxonomy of racial micro - aggressions, which includes unintentional forms of racism. My findings s upport c omponents of the taxonomy created by Sue and his colleagues. F indings indicate that participants had experiences with racial disregard, racial spotlighting, and racial stereotypes, which all fall under the umbrella of a n un intentional micro - insult racial m icro - aggression, as defined by Sue and his colleagues (Sue, 2010; Sue & 142 Capodilupo, 2008; Sue et al., 2008). A new finding in the experiences with racial disregard sub - theme indicates that Black students felt as if their White peers spoke on behalf of Blac k students about Black experiences. White students felt comfortable engaging in conversations about the racialized experiences of Blacks. They did not give their Black peers an opportunity to speak about their own racialized experiences. This racial micro - a g gression has not been discussed in the literature. Participants also described r acial aggression experiences as blatant forms of racism . Sue and his colleagues labeled overt forms of racism as micro - assaults within the racial micro - aggression taxonomy (Sue, 2010; Sue & Capodilupo, 2008; Sue et al., 2008). Minikel - Lacocque (2013 ) challenged the work of Sue and his colleagues by indicating that placing overt al acts lumping together overt and subtle forms of racism has the ability to maintain power dynamics with respect to racism - Lacocque, 2013, p . 455). S imilar to arguments made by Minikel - Lacocque (2013), I placed racial aggressions or micro - assaults in a separate category because these overt and int entional forms of racism are more blatant than racial micro - aggressions. Racial aggressions should not be placed u minimizes the racist act. By labeling this form of racism as racial aggressions, it brings clarity to the terms we use to describe racism. Findings indicate that participants experienced higher amounts of racial mi cro - aggressions than racial aggressions in the university context. Participants were also exposed to ambiguous racist experiences where they were uncertain if the subtle forms of racism experienced in the university context could be attributed to racist intent. In addition to racial micro - aggressions and racial aggressio ns displayed by White peers in the university context, participants experienced intra - group racism with the Black peers on 143 campus. Some participants were exposed to colorism as exhibited by their Black peers on campus. Consistent with past literature and h istorical experiences, colorism was displayed through preferences shown for lighter skinned Black people over darker skinned Black people as it relates to economic privileges and relationships (Hill, 2000; Hunter, 2007; Rondilla & Spickard, 2007). Accordi ng to Hunter (2007), discriminati on experiences vary by race but also by skin color. Discrimination and prejudice towards Blac ks based on race is a consequence of systemic inequalities perpetuated by Whites. However, Blacks with darker complexions may expe rience discrimination more frequently and with more intensity within and between racial groups. Colorism is rooted in European slavery whic h is linked to White supremacy and racist ideologies about lighter skinned individuals being superior to darker skinn ed individuals (Feagin, 2000; Hunter, 2007). The preference for lighter skin is displayed throughout society by holding lighter skinned Blacks to a higher standard than darker skinned Blacks, which is dis played at the university . Findings from the current study indicate that some participants were denied access to the Black campus community because they did not culturally align with what their Black peers. Consistent with literature, some participants were rejected by their Black peers for not living up to the cultural expectations of their Black peers and because of their home communities (Austen - Smith & Fryer, 2005; Clark, 2004; Harris & Khanna, 2010; Johnson & Kaiser, 2013). Participants feared being ostracized by their Black peers for being deemed as not Black enough. Some female participants were ridiculed by their Black peers if they were perceived to be highly sexual in the university setting. They were judged for frequent interactions and relationships fostered with males because of the underlying expectation s for women to behave in reserved ways. These perceptions were deeply entrenched at the intersections of race and gender 144 perpetuated by the derogatory representation of Black women internalized by society (Collins, 2000; .Davis & Tucker - Brown, 2013; Medina, 2011; Rose, 2000). Similar to colorism at the intersection of race and gender , perceptions of Black women and sexuality are rooted in slavery and based on the idea that the body of a Black woman is uncontrollable and primitive (Davis & Tucker - Brown, 2013; Hammonds, 1995). Participants feared being rejected by the Black community on campus based on judgment about their sexuality from their Black peers. Their reputations were at risk, in addition to their acceptance by the Black campus community . Participants were faced with coping with racialized experiences with Black and White peers at the university. Description of reactive coping strategies. Reactive coping strategies are behavioral strategies used by Black students to resist racial micro - ag gressions displayed by their White peers on campus . Participants de scribed multiple strategies used to adapt to a predominantly White environment. My findings reinforce other research studies emphasizing the importance of creating social networks and conne cting with other Black students on predominantly White campuses (Allen, 1992; Carter, 2007, Museus, Lambe, & Ryan, 2015; Sanders Thompson, 2006). Combating racism was aided by strong affiliations with other Black students in the university who had similar experiences. As indicated earlier, Black college students use avoidance behaviors as coping strategies to resist and refrain from internalizing or engaging in negative experiences with race (Flemming 1981, Cooper, Mahler, & Whitt, 1994; Greer & Chwalisz, 2007; Museus, Lambe, & Ryan,2015). Participants were able to avoid situations that may hinder their intellectual abilities in the university context by psychologically and emotionally distancing themselves from racial micro - aggressions. Findings also indic ate that participants were able take control over the situation by 145 choosing to remain silent in the classroom setting. This protected them from fitting the negative racial perceptions held by their White peers in the university context. Similar to research conducted by Steele (1997), participants were faced with dealing with stereotype threat in the classroom setting. By choosing silence, participants refrained from living up to the perceived negative racial stereotypes held by their White peers in the clas sroom setting. Constructing bicultural identities based on cultural code switching served as a reactive coping strategy when navigating between contexts. Consistent with past literature, cultural code switching was used to shift interaction, behavior patt erns, and cultural codes a based on situational appropriateness (DeBose, 1992; Carter, 2003; McDermott, 1987; Smitherman, 2000). O btain ing the cultural codes needed to successfully transition betwee n the home and educational contexts allows Black students to be able to achieve academic success (Carter, 2005; Carter, 2008; Chimizie, 1985). Participants varied in the language they used and the behaviors they displayed based on the given context. Cultural code switching allowed B lack students the opportunity t o construct an identity that is accepted by mainstream culture, which would help them to gai n access to resources that foster success (Carter, 2003; Carter , 2005). Participants were also able to culturally code switch in their use of language and behaviors to gain acceptance by Black communities ( Carter, 2003; Carter, 2005). Findings from my study suggest th at participants use cultural code switching behaviors to aid in successful transitions from th e home to the univer sity . Messages and transitions. Protective factors helped the participants to successfully transition from the home to the university context. Protective messages were instilled within the family context. Consistent with literature, findings indicate that ethnic - racial socialization messages serv ed as protective factors for participants in the university context (Anglin & Wade, 146 2007; Barr & Neville, 2014; Bynum et al., 2007; White - Johnson, 2015). Ethnic - racial socialization messages focused on race, race r elations, discrimination, and cultural affiliation. Similar to research on ethnic - racial socialization, my findings suggest that parents conveyed messages about cultural socialization, egalitarianism, preparation for bias, racial pride, and promotional mis trust to their children to help buffer against racial barriers across multiple contexts (Anglin & Wade, 2007; Barr & Ne ville, 2014; Bynum et al., 2007 ; Hughes, Witherspoon, Rivas - Drake, & West - Bey, 2009; Neblett et al., 2006; White - Johnson, 2015). M y find ings indicate that some participants never had discussions about race with their families. Participants were knowledgeable about the endemic nature of racism, but had not endured any personal experiences with it. Some participants were unprepared for poten tial experiences with racism when entering a predominantly White university context. Their parents opted not to have discussions with them about racial matters. Other parents were oblivious to the importance of discussing rac ial matters with their children . M y findings suggest that some participants had rarely been exposed to racism within any context. For these participants, high achievement served as a buffer against racial micro - aggressions in the university context. This finding differed from research conducted by Fries - Britt and Griffin (2007), which indicated that Black high achieving students, felt that they were still judged by their White peers based on negative racial academic stereotypes regardless of their intellectual abilities. Participants be lieved they were able to fit in with their White peers because they did not fit the negative racial stereotypes of Blacks being academically inferior to them. Although some participants lacked preparation in their homes for racial issues in the university context, all participants in the current study described having strong ties to their families. Similar to past literature, findings indicate that having a close knit family and having 147 family support served as protective factors in the university context ( Herndon & Hirt, 2004; Guiffrida, 2005; Guiffrida & Douthit, 2010). According to Herdon and Hirt (2004), Black students at predominantly White institutions rely heavily on their connections to their families to successfully navigate the university context. The emotional, financial, and academic supports from families are important assets that contribute to the success of Black students. Findings also indicate that families are important to Black students because of the core family values transmitted to them, which help to protect them in the university context. Tinto (1993) asserts that separat ion from the family is required for colleg e students to integrate into campus life successfully . However, my findings are consistent with past research indicating that having a strong connection to family is imperative for Black students in the university context, because families help them to stay connected to their cultural backgrounds and they provide strategies to help combat potential experiences with racism when t ransitioning across contexts (Guiffrida, 2005; Rosa, 2002; Tierney, 1992). The protective messages transmitted from famili es to their children aided transitions to the university context. Participants described the kinds of transitions they e ncountered when navigating from the home to a predominantly White institution. Findings support the Multiple Worlds Typology framework utilized in this study. Consistent with many of s (1998 ), m y findings i ndicate five transition patterns described by the participants. Transitions include : congruent worlds/smooth t ransitions , congruent worlds/ difficult transitions, different worlds/smooth transitions, different worlds/ managed transitions , and different worlds/ difficult transitions. Borders were faced by many of the participants in the current study because cultural values, beliefs, and behaviors used in the university context were valued more than those used in 148 the home context. When bo undaries are existent , adapting one set of cultural standards based on the context is not valued over another set of cultural standards. In the current study, participants encountered boundaries when transitioning from the home to the university. Participa nts were faced with learning to navigate the university context with s ociocultural borders, linguistic borders, and stru ctural borders . Socio - cultural borders existed for many participants because the home culture of the participants was deemed as inferior to the university culture. Many of the participants were faced with l inguistic borders because they spoke in a different manner with their families than what was deemed as appropriate in the university. Structural borders exist in the university as a resu lt of contextual factors and ine qualities that impact abilities to achieve academic success. Protective factors and coping strategies were used to combat these borders , which also aided with their transitions . For a few participants, the home and university contexts were culturally congruent allowing them to have smooth transitions. One participant had cultural continuity across the home and university contexts, but had difficulty adjusting to living away from her family. Thi s transition is a new finding that emerged from the data . For most participants, the cultural differences in values, beliefs, language, and appropriate behaviors in the home differed from the cultural aspects deemed as appropriate in the university context. This caused cultural incongruence between both contexts. The cultural incongruence forced the participants to learn to manage cultural differences when transitioning , while some had difficulty transitioning to the university context as a result of cultural difference s. Although many ethnic participants were challenged dealing with discontinuity between the home and university contexts, many of them were able to successfully transition between both contexts (Phelan et al., 1998). 149 Limitations of Study Sample Size. The sample size of 20 was adequate for the scope of this qualitative study due to the exploratory nature of the research questions. However, future research should include a larger sample size to include a broader range of Black participants to represent a mu ltitude of ideas and patterns . Overrepresentation of Females. The study intended to explore the racialized experiences of second year Black college students; however, there was an overrepresentation of female participants. The overrepresentation of female s gave a strong view of Black female experiences in the university context. Because there was a lack of male participants, increased efforts should include more second - year male participants to gain a broader perspective of male racialized experiences in a predominantly White context. Diversity within Sample . All participants attended one predominantly White mid - western university, which restricts the range of responses. Future work should include Black students from a variety of predominantly White insti tutions across the nation to get a range of perspectives from students within various regions. Lack of P erspectives . For this study, only one perspective was included in the findings. This work focused solely on the perspectives of the students. Future work should include perspectives from the parents of the participants. This would allow the researcher to find out more about the kinds protective messages they transmitted to their children to serve as protective factors when transitioning to predo minantly White university contexts. This would also help to validate the responses of the participants, which would strengthen the findings. 150 Implications Transitioning to a predominantly White institution can be a challenge for Blacks students, as a res ult of cultural incongruences. Findings in this study indicate that protective factors and coping strategies are beneficial for Black students navigating between the home and university contexts. F indings also have implications for faculty, staff, and univ ersities to create culturally inclusive educational e nvironments for Black students. Many educational contexts are depicted as culturally neutral institutions, but are strongly influenced by the dominant culture (Carter, 2005). Because mainstream multicul tural education fails to place racial inequities at the forefront through the use of faculty and staff trained to be multicultural navigators, racism is perpetua ted within the university. Based on the findings, cultural competence training programs should be implemented to enhance the responsiveness and sensitivity of faculty and staff seeking to become multicultural nav igators. These efforts might enhance sense of cultural continuity Black students feel a across home and university contexts. Protective fa ctors transmitted to students within the home can be mirrored within the university , with the help of trained multicultural navigators . These trainings would also help Black students to feel increased levels of support from White faculty. Findings reveal the need to increase hiring of additional Black faculty at predominantly White institutions; the value added for Black students is immeasurable . Research indicates that Black students tend to have increased levels of academic success at predominantly White institutions when they have strong connections to Blac k faculty who serve as mentors (Allen 19 92; Benton, 2001). The further expansion of Black faculty on the campus would contribute to Black students successfully navigating the univers ity context. 151 University counseling centers can aid in the successful transition of Black students by implementing programs that address racism to increase the kinds of resources available for Black students on campus. These programs can bring awareness to racism and/ or racial micro - aggressions displayed in a predominantly White university context, while helping students to learn the right kinds of language to use when discussing racism. These programs will also provide a safe space for Black students to s hare and express their personal experiences with racism with other Black students by utilizing mental health services to combat stressors . Students might also share their personal experiences with intra - group discrimination and be able to confront those is sues in guided discussion with other Black students. Black students will also have the opportunity to discuss and build reactive coping strategies used to help combat negative racial experiences in the university context. Findings indicate that connecting with other Black students serves as a protective factor for Black students attending a predominantly White institution. This program would also give the students increased opportunities to socialize and connect with students sharing similar experiences. E ach student has a different experience so it is important to tailor services based on the needs of the students. If the university context serves as a safe and protective environment to these students, it would also function as a buffer against structural inequalities within society. Services should also be provided at the university to encourage families to continue to discuss issues of race with their children so that students are prepared to deal with racial encounters at the university . By receiving protective messages across both contexts, participants might have greater chances of successfully navigating the university context. 152 Future Directions and Conclusions Despite a few limitations, this study explored the transitions that Black second yea r college students make when navigating from the home to a predominantly White institution . This research study makes an important contribution by using qual itative methodology to examine the racialized experiences of the participants. In using this approa ch, their voices are emphasized and heard through their detailed accounts of their personal experiences. Students coming from different cultural communities offered varying perspectives of the Black experience on a predominantly White campus. This study u tilized the PVEST framework and the Multiple Worlds Typology, which has never been used jointly in prior research. The findings of this study make an important contribution to the field by highlighting the protective factors that serve as buffers for Black students in the university context. The findings also illuminate Black late adolescent college student perspectives of the cultural differences between the home and university contexts and how these differences foster reactive coping strategies when trans itioning between these contexts. This study adds to the extension of work that focuses on strength - based protective processes that promote resilience within Black families and with Black students attending predominantly White institutions. Future direction s for research should expand to include the diverse perspectives of Black students attending predominantly White institutions across the country. Having a n even broader representation of Black participants from a range of experiences and backgrounds will p rovide mo re clarity with the findings. Increasing the sample size will also be beneficial when expanding the participant pool to other predominantly White universities. 153 Future research should also expand the representation among Black males to include an even representation of Black males and females in the study. Including an equal number of both male and female voices will highlight perspectives from both, so that the findings are not heavily influenced by one particular group. Protective factors, risk f actors, and reactive coping strategies should be explored to confirm or enhance the findings from this study. Future research should also include parental perspectives to gain additional perceptions about the protective messages transmitted within Black fa milies to serve as buffers in the university context. This work will have direct implications for predominantly White institutions to become culturally inclusive contexts for Black students . 154 APPENDICES 155 APPENDIX A Informed Consent 156 Demographic Online Survey Screening Informed Consent Exploring Protective Factors for African American Late Adolescents Transitioning between the Home and University Contexts Dear Participants, Thank you for considering participation in this study. We are asking you to be a part of a study that explores the experiences and transitional challenges that African American college students may be faced with when navigat ing to the university context. We are particularly interested in how these challenges are buffered by the racialized messages you received in your home context prior to attending college. To be a part of the larger study, you must first complete an online screening survey which will be used to determine eligibility. If you are determined to be eligible, you will be contacted. Purpose of Study: cultural differenc es between their home and university contexts and whether these differences promote bicultural adaptive identities when transitioning between these contexts. It will also examine how African American college students may perceive messages about race in the home context and how these messages may impact transitions to the university context. We are really from your home context. Your participation is extremely import ant and your shared experiences are valuable to the study. If you would like the chance to be selected to participate in this research, you will go on to complete the online screening survey which will take about 10 minutes of your time. In the onlin e screening survey, you will be asked briefly about your demographic background. Risks /discomforts and Benefits: The potential for risk to you is minimal. Although highly confidential, some psychological discomfort could be experienced from sharing pers onal information or thinking about things that are related to your past or current experiences. You are able to take a break at any point during the survey process; and of course, you are also free to discontinue participating at any time. There are som e benefits to you from participation in this study. However, potentially you may experience indirect benefits from your participation as it may contribute to the larger community having a better understanding of the experiences African American students un dergo when transitioning to the university context. Confidentiality: Your confidentiality will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. The data for this project will be identified with a code number. A list linking your name to the code will be kept in a password - protected server. Once all the data are collected and analyzed, the list linking the names to the code numbers will be destroyed. The online screening survey will be kept in a password - protected server at the university, and access to the information will be limited to the 157 researcher, the research team members and the Michigan State University Institutional Review Board (IRB). Michigan State University may review your research record. All other research data for this study will be kept in password - protected files and/or in locked filing cabinets at the conclusion of the project. Information from your screening survey will be used to select potentia l participants for the larger study. Neither your name nor any other identifying information will be used in presentations or in written products resulting from this study. Your individual responses to questions will not be shared with other participants i n the study. Your Rights to Participate, Say No, or Withdraw Participation in this research project is completely voluntary and confidential . You have the right to say no. You may change your mind at any time and withdraw. You may choose not to answer spe cific questions or to stop participating at any time. Compensation: You will NOT receive any compensation for completing the online screening survey. However, if you are selected to participate in the larger study, you will receive a $20 gift card for completing the interview. You will also have a chance to receive an additional $10 g ift card if you are asked to participate in the focus group conducted after completion of the interview. We really appreciate your time and participation. Rights and Complaints: If you have any concerns or questions about this study, or if you believe, y ou have been harmed because of the research, please contact the researcher: Deborah J. Johnson, Ph.D. Sherrell Hicklen House, M.S. Department of Human Development and Family Studies Michigan State University 7 Human Ecology Building East Lansing, MI 4882 4 hicklens@msu.edu or john1442@hdfs.msu.edu 517 - 432 - 9115 If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to re gister a complaint about this study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University's Human Research Protection Program at 517 - 355 - 2180, Fax 517 - 432 - 4503, or e - mail irb@msu.edu or regular mail at 207 Olds Hall, MSU, East Lansing, M I 48824. 158 Consent to participate: understand that: Your participation in this survey is voluntary. You have given consent to be a subject of this research. Your questions have been answ ered. You certify that you are 18 or older. Yes, I want to participate No, I do not want to participate 159 Individual Interview Informed Consent Exploring Protective Factors for African American Late Adolescents Transitioning between the Home and University Contexts Dear Participants, Thank you for considering participation in the individual interview portion of the study. We are asking you to be a part of a study that explores the experiences and transitional challenges that African American college students may be faced with when navigating to the university context. We are particularly interested in how these challenges are buffered by the racialized messages you received in your home context prior to attendi ng college. Purpose of Study: cultural differences between their home and university contexts and whether these differences promote bicultural adaptive identities when transitioning between t hese contexts. It will also examine how African American college students may perceive messages about race in the home context and how these messages may impact transitions to the university context. We are really interested in your experience as an Africa from your home context. Your participation is extremely important and your shared experiences are valuable to the study. Risks /discomforts and Benefits: The potential for risk to you is minimal. Althou gh highly confidential, some psychological discomfort could be experienced from sharing personal information or thinking about things that are related to your past or current experiences. You are able to take a break at any point during the interview proce ss; and of course, you are also free to discontinue participating at any time. There are some benefits to you from participation in this study. However, potentially you may experience indirect benefits from your participation as it may contribute to the larger community having a better understanding of the experiences African American students undergo when transitioning to the university context. Confidentiality: Your confidentiality will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. All individu al interviews will be audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. As audio recordings are transcribed, any identifying information will be de - identified. The data for this project will be identified with a code number. A list linking your name to the code wil l be kept in a password - protected server. Once all the data are collected and analyzed, the list linking the names to the code numbers will be destroyed. Audio recordings and transcriptions will be kept in a password - protected server, and access to the inf ormation will be limited to the researcher, the research team members and the Michigan State University Institutional Review Board (IRB). Michigan State University may review your research record. All other research data for this study will be kept in a pa ssword - University address for a minimum of 3 years after the conclusion of the project. Transcriptions of 160 the interviews may be reproduced in whole or in part for use in presentations or written products related to the study. Neither your name nor any other identifying information will be used in presentations or in written products resulting from this study. Your individual responses to questions will not be share d with other participants in the study. Your Rights to Participate, Say No, or Withdraw Participation in this research project is completely voluntary and confidential . You have the right to say no. You may change your mind at any time and withdraw. You m ay choose not to answer specific questions or to stop participating at any time. Compensation: Upon completion of the research interview, you will receive a $20 gift card. We really appreciate your time and participation. Rights and Complaints: If you have any concerns or questions about this study, or if you believe, you have been harmed because of the research, please contact the researcher: Deborah J. Johnson, Ph.D. Sherrell Hicklen House, M.S. Department of Human Development and Family Studies Mi chigan State University 7 Human Ecology Building East Lansing, MI 48824 hicklens@msu.edu or john1442@hdfs.msu.edu 517 - 432 - 9115 If you have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State University's Human Research Protection Program at 517 - 355 - 2180, Fax 517 - 432 - 4 503, or e - mail irb@msu.edu or regular mail at 207 Olds Hall, MSU, East Lansing, MI 48824. Consent to participate: Your signature below means that you voluntarily agree to participate in this research study. Signature ________________________________________ Date ____________________ I agree to allow audio taping of the interview. Yes No Initials _______________ 161 Focus Group Informed Consent Exploring Protective Factors for African American Late Adolescents Transitioning between the Home and University Contexts Dear Participants, Thank you for considering participation in the focus group portion of the study. You have been invited to participate in the focus group because of your participation in the individual interview portion of the study. We are asking you to be a part of a study that explores the exper iences and transitional challenges that African American college students may be faced with when navigating to the university context. We are particularly interested in how these challenges are buffered by the racialized messages you received in your home context prior to attending college. The focus group will be used as a follow - up to the individual interview portion of the study. Purpose of Study: cultural di fferences between their home and university contexts and whether these differences promote bicultural adaptive identities when transitioning between these contexts. It will also examine how African American college students may perceive messages about race in the home context and how these messages may impact transitions to the university context. We are really from your home context. Your participation is extremely important and your shared experiences are valuable to the study. Risks /discomforts and Benefits: The potential for risk to you is minimal. Although highly confidential, some psychological discomfort could be experienced from sharing personal informati on or thinking about things that are related to your past or current experiences. You are able to take a break at any point during the focus group; and of course, you are also free to discontinue participating at any time. There are some benefits to you from participation in this study. However, potentially you may experience indirect benefits from your participation as it may contribute to the larger community having a better understanding of the experiences African American students undergo when transi tioning to the university context. Confidentiality: Your confidentiality will be protected to the maximum extent allowable by law. The focus group will be audio recorded and transcribed verbatim. As audio recordings are transcribed, any identifying information will be de - identified. The data for this projec t will be identified with a code number. A list linking your name to the code will be kept in a password - protected server. Once all the data are collected and analyzed, the list linking the names to the code numbers will be destroyed. Audio recordings and transcriptions will be kept in a password - protected server, and access to the information will be limited to the researcher, the research team members and the Michigan State University Institutional Review Board (IRB). Michigan State University may 162 review your research record. All other research data for this study will be kept in a password - University address for a minimum of 3 years after the conclusion of the proje ct. Transcriptions of the focus groups may be reproduced in whole or in part for use in presentations or written products related to the study. Neither your name nor any other identifying information will be used in presentations or in written products res ulting from this study. Your individual responses to questions will not be shared with other participants in the larger study. Your Rights to Participate, Say No, or Withdraw Participation in this research project is completely voluntary and confidential . You have the right to say no. You may change your mind at any time and withdraw. You may choose not to answer specific questions or to stop participating at any time. Compensation: Upon completion of the focus group, you will receive a $10 gift card. W e really appreciate your time and participation. Rights and Complaints: If you have any concerns or questions about this study, or if you believe, you have been harmed because of the research, please contact the researcher: Deborah J. Johnson, Ph.D. S herrell Hicklen House, M.S. Department of Human Development and Family Studies Michigan State University 7 Human Ecology Building East Lansing, MI 48824 hicklens@msu.edu or john1442@hdfs.msu.edu 517 - 432 - 9115 If yo u have questions or concerns about your role and rights as a research participant, would like to obtain information or offer input, or would like to register a complaint about this study, you may contact, anonymously if you wish, the Michigan State Univers ity's Human Research Protection Program at 517 - 355 - 2180, Fax 517 - 432 - 4503, or e - mail irb@msu.edu or regular mail at 207 Olds Hall, MSU, East Lansing, MI 48824. Consent to participate: Your signature below means that you voluntarily agree to participate in this research study. Signature ________________________________________ Date ____________________ I agree to allow audio taping of the focus group. Yes No Initials _______________ 16 3 APPENDIX B Demographic Online Survey Screening 164 Demographic Online Survey Screening 1. How would you describe yourself? Caucasian, White American, or of European descent Black, African American, or of African descent Hispanic/Latina Asian/ Indian Subcontinent Native Hawiian /Pacific Islander Two or more races (please specify) __________________________ Other:______________________ 2. What is your sex? Male Female 3. What is your age in years? 4. What is your current year in school? Freshman (1 st year) Sophomore (2 nd year) Junior (3 rd year) Senior (4 th + year) Other: (please specify)___________________ 5. Are you the first person in your immediate family to attend a 4 year university (first generation college student) ? No Yes 6. Are you a transfer student from another college or university? No Yes 7. Did you grow up in the foster care system ? No Yes 165 8. How would you describe the racial composition of your high school? Predominantly White Predominantly Black/African American Predominantly Black and Latino Predominantly Latino Predominantly Asian/Asian American Multiracial Other: (please specify)___________________ 9. How would you describe the racial composition of your home community ? Predominantly White Predominantly Black/African American Predominantly Black and Latino Predominantly Latino Predominantly Asian/Asian American Multiracial Other: (please specify)___________________ 10. currently ? Under $10,0000 $10,000 to $19,999 $20,000 to $29,999 $30,000 to $39,999 $40,000 to $49,999 $50,000 to $59,999 $60,000 to $69,999 $70,000 to $79,999 $80,000 to $89,999 $90,000 or more 166 11. What is the highest level of schooling completed by your mother? Grade school (1 - 8) Some high school High School Graduate or Equivalent (GED) Some College Associate degree Some Graduate School Professional Degree Doctoral Degree Other:______________________ Prefer not to answer/ Refuse to answer 12. What is the highest level of schooling completed by your father? Grade school (1 - 8) Some high school High School Graduate or Equivalent (GED) Some College Associate degree Some Graduate School Professional Degree Doctoral Degree Other:______________________ Prefer not to answer/ Refuse to answer us with your full name and a current email address so we can contact you. 13. What is your full name ? 14. What is your email address ? 167 APPENDIX C Demographic Survey 168 Date: ________________ Code Number: ________________ Demographic Survey Please answer the following questions. For open ended questions, please fill in a written response. 1. What is your current year in school? Freshman (1 st year) Sophomore (2 nd year) 2. What is your enrollment status Part time (1 - 11 credits) Full time (12+ credits) 3. What is your major? 4. What is your current overall grade point average? 5. What kind of place best describes where you currently live? Residence Hall/Dorm House/Apartment Fraternity or Sorority Other (please specify):____________________ 6. What is your marital status? Never Married In a committed relationship Divorced Separated Widowed Married 7. How many children do you have? 169 8. With whom do you currently live with (choose all that apply)? Alone Roommate(s) Parent(s) Partner (Boyfriend or Husband/Girlfriend or Wife) Child(ren) Other (please specify):____________________ 9. What was your overall high school grade point average? Do Not Remember 10. What best describes the family structure you grew up in (from birth to age 17) ? Two Parent Household Single Parent Mother Single Parent Father Other: (please specify)________________________ 11. What best describes your current family structure ? Two Parent Household Single Parent Mother Single Parent Father Other: (please specify)________________________ 12. When you were growing up (birth to age 17) , who lived with you? Please, check all that apply. Father Mother Sibling(s) Uncles/Aunts Cousins Grandparents Nonrelatives Step - Other: (please specify)________________________ 170 APPENDIX D Individual Interview Protocol 171 Individual Interview Protocol Exploring Protective Factors for African American Late Adolescents Transitioning between the Home and University Contexts Thank you for participating in this research study. The purpose of this study is to explore African American perspectives of the cultural differences between their home and university contexts and whether these differ ences promote bicultural adaptive identities when transitioning between these contexts. It will als o examine how African American college students may perceive messages about race in the home context and how these messages may impact transitions to the uni versity context. We are really interested in your experience as an African extremely important and your shared experiences are valuable to the study. We are e xtremely grateful for your willingness to participate and your time. Each p erson will receive a $20 gift card at the end of the session . The interview will take about a 60 - 90 minutes to complete and will be audio recorded for analytical purposes. All infor mation will remain confidential. If at any moment you would like to stop the interview feel free to do so. Face to Face Interview Instructions in the stud y. Please read over the consent form and provide your signature if you choose to participate. There is a demographic survey I will give to you now, before conducting the interview. Online Skype/Zoom Interview Instructions review the consent form I emailed to you prior to this interview. By completing the interview, you are voluntarily agreeing to participate in this research study. By indicating yes or no, you are agreeing or not agreeing to be audiotaped. Please respond ye s or no. Thank you for emailing your demographic survey to me prior to conducting the interview. Do we have any questions before we begin? If no questions, proceed. Introduction 1. How would you describe yourself? a. How would you describe yourself as a student? a. High achieving, Average, Low Achieving 2. Why did you decide to come to MSU? b. Who or what influenced your decision? Family 3. How would you describe your family context? a. What would you describe as core values in your family or home? b. How have those been communicated to you growing up? 172 c. What are important messages from your family about succeeding at school and how to behave in school? a. Ab out being Africa n American and going to college Home Community 4. What is your home community like? a. What is it like to live there? a. How would you describe it? b. How would you characterize interactions between the neighbors? University 5. What was it like to s tart school at MSU ? 6. How would you describe your university context? a. Campus Life? b. School Climate ? How do you feel in your school environment? c. Racial Composition of students and faculty 7. How would you describe your transition to MSU ? a. Was it an easy transition like being at home or very different from home? b. If it was different, can you tell me how it was different? 8. Are your home and university contexts different with respect to culture and expectations? a. If so, please provide som e examples of these differences. b. Are there differences in what is acceptable within your family context versus the university c ontext? t your behaviors when transitioning between the home and university contexts. Adaptive Behaviors 9. Do you feel that your behaviors ch ange between home and the university contexts ? a. Can you describe some of the ways in which you feel there are changes or alterations? b. The way you speak? c. The way you behave? d. Preferences in food or music? e. Your interactions wi th others in your home context versus the university context ? f. Do you think your behaviors have changed since coming to MSU? g. Do your friends and/or family think you have changed since coming to MSU? 10. How do you feel when you are in class? a. Are there other African American students in your classes? b. When you are in a class where there are no other African American students, do you ever think about being comfortable, smart or fitting in? 173 c. Do you feel you have to adjust your typical behavior while in class when African American students are present or if they are not? d. What about around your peers? e. Which adjustment is more like when you are at home? (Do feel like you are being yourself in the classroom context?) 11. Describe your experience with living in the dormitory/residence halls? 12. How would you describe your college peers to the peers you had in high school? a. How would you compare your interactions with University peers vs. high school or community peers? your race. Ethnic - Racial Socialization 13. Did your parents talk about being African American at home? a. How was it talked about? 14. What types of messages , if any, have your parents given you to help prepare you for experi ences with racism in college ? a. Have you experienced prejudice or racism in college ? b. What was that experience , how did you cope with it? c. How have parental messages helped you if you have ex perienced racism in college ? 15. Do you think racism can be a barrier to your success? Explain. a. Do you think racism can be a barrier to the success for Blacks in general? b. Do you know of others who have experienced racism in your school? 16. How do you think African Americans are treated at your university ? a. How would you describe race relations between faculty and students at your school? Wrap - up 17. - up? 18. Do you have any questions for me? 174 APPENDIX E Focus Group Protocol 175 Focus Group Protocol Exploring Protective Factors for African American Late Adolescents Transitioning between the Home and University Contexts Participants will be asked at the end of the individual interview if they would be interested in participating in the focus group portion of the study. Demographic s urveys for each participant will already be on file as a result of participation in the individual interview portion of the study. **Note: Additional questions will be asked based on emerging themes from the individual interviews. Tha nk you for participat ing in the focus group portion of the research study. The focus group is being conducted to follow - up with the individual interviews conducted previously. As you already know, t he purpose of this study is to explore persp ectives of the cultural differences between their home and university contexts and whether these differences promote bicultural adaptive identities when transitioning between these contexts. It will also examine how A frican American college students may pe rceive messages about race in the home context and how these messages may impact transitions to the university context. We are really interested in your experience as an African American student and the participation is extremely important and your shared experiences are valuable to the study. We are extremely grateful for your willingness to participate and your time. Each p erson will receive a $10 gift card at the end of the session . The focus group will take about an hour to complete and will be audio recorded for analytical purposes. All information will remain confidential. If at any moment you would like to stop the focus group feel free to do so. to fill out this consent form to confirm your voluntary participation in the study. Please read over the consent form and provide your signature if you choose to participate. Do we have any questions before we begin? If no questions, proceed. 1. What has b een the most positive and/or discouraging about your experience here at MSU? 2. How has the racial composition of your school been a factor in your school experience? a. Do you think your experience would have been different if you went to another university wit h more people with similar racial backgrounds? 3. During the individual interviews, several themes about racialized experiences on campus came up. Themes include Black Representative, Racial Stares in Classroom, Guilty by Association, Racial Slurs and Behavi ors, Devaluing Views, Invisible. To what extent do 4. There were some themes that came up about how you cope with some of these racialized experiences on campus. Themes included distancing and silencing to cope with these experiences. Are there other coping strategies that you use when encountered by racial experiences? 176 5. Many of you talked about being socialized about race in terms of learning about your ethnic heritage, preparation for potential racist experiences based on past experiences that your family members may have had with racism, and encouraging you to have racial pride while having strong work ethics . What is your opinion about these areas? Are there other themes that need to be identi fied? 6. There was also a lot of focus on the use of cultural code switching , when interacting with family versus having interactions in the university context. Many of you indicated that you speak differently depending on who you are speaking to in a speci fic context. How, if at all, have the cultural differences in your school been a factor in how you choose to behave in the university context? What influences these behaviors? a. Probes: faculty perceptions and expectations, peer perceptions and expectations 7. During the individual interviews, several themes came up about the kinds of transitions you had when coming to MSU. Themes included individuals having smooth transitions because the home and university contexts were congruent, individuals having a smooth t ransition although the home and university contexts were very different, individuals who are able to successfully navigate and adapt (manage transitions) between the home university contexts although both are different, and individuals who having difficult transitions as a result of the home and university contexts being different. How might your ability to transition or adjust to the university context impact your success here at MSU? 8. What suggestions do you have for other African American students who are trying to successfully navigate this school environment? Wrap - Up 9. - up? 10. Do you have any questions for me? 177 APPENDIX F Helpful Resources 178 Helpful Resources Counseling Center Address: 556 E. Circle Dr. Room 207, East Lansing, MI. 48824 Website: http://www.counseling.msu.edu/ Phone: 517. 355. 8270 Regular walk - in hours are: 10am - Noon , 1pm - 6pm Monday & Tuesday. 10am - Noon, 1pm - 4pm Wednesday - Friday Crisis walk - ins are seen throughout our open office hours: 8am - 7pm Monday & Tuesday and 8am - 5pm Wednesday - Friday MSU Office for Inclusion and Intercultural Initiatives Website: http://www.inclusion.msu.edu/ Email: inclusion@msu.edu Phone: 517 - 353 - 3922 Center for Gender in Global Context Address: International Center, 427 N. Shaw Lane, Room 206, East Lansing, MI 48824 Phone: 517 - 353 - 5040 Email: gencen@msu.edu Office of Cultural and Academic Transitions Website: http://ocat.msu.edu/ Address: Student Services Building, 556 E. Circle Drive, Rm #339, East Lansing, MI 48824 Phone: (517) 353 - 7745 Multicultural Center (MCC) of MSU Website: http://ocat.msu.edu/multicultural - center - mcc Address: MSU Union Building, East Lansing, MI 48824 Phone: (517) 432 - 7153 Hours of Operation: Mon - Thurs. (9am - 11pm), Fri (9am - 7pm), Sat. (12noon - 6pm), Sun. (12noon - 11pm) [Note: The Multicultural Center is located on the lower level of the MSU Union by the study area.] Black Student Alliance Website: https ://www.msu.edu/~bsaemail/ MSU Counseling and Mental Health Resources http://www.mentalhealthresources.msu.edu/ 179 REFERENCES 180 REFERENCES Allen, W. R. (1992). The color of success: African American college student outcomes at predominantly White and historically Black colleges and universities. 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