MSU LIBRARIES -—~.—’ RETURNING MATERIALS: Place in book drop to remove this checkout from your record. FINES w111 be charged if book is returned after the date stamped be10w. I“ ". i4" l’l‘l .' A HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF ADULT EDUCATION IN TANZANIA SINCE THE POLICY DECLARATIONS OF 1967 (ARUSHA DECLARATION AND EDUCATION FOR SELF RELIANCE) By Doris Gallimore Rucks A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Adult and Continuing Education 1983 ABSTRACT A HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF ADULT EDUCATION IN TANZANIA SINCE THE POLICY DECLARATIONS OF 1967 (ARUSHA DECLARATION AND EDUCATION FOR SELF RELIANCE) By Doris Gallimore Rucks The purpose of this work is to demonstrate the relationship between national development, for a newly developing nation, Tanzania, and adult education. The methodology used is basically historical, archival and field work on-site observations by researcher. The study traces the origins of African education in Tanzania through its earliest informal beginnings to the initial efforts by foreign missionaires whose primary aim was to Christ- ianize a mainly Moslem people. Historically Tanzania's formal educational roots begin with the efforts by German colonizers in the 18808. After Tanganyika became a British mandate, following World War I, the British wove onto the fabric of education formally begun by the Germans. Their purpose for colonial education was to create subordinate civil servants to serve the colonizers. The need for these subordinates was imperative because the environmental conditions in Tanganyika proved inhospitable to most colonizers. This work critically analyzes the Tanzanian policy statements (the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self Reliance) that Doris Gallimore Rucks have had the greatest impact on adult education since independence. This investigation looks at ways the documents were implemented as they became public policy and were then applied in the course of three mass literacy campaigns which are described. These implemen- tation responses finally introduce the field work on-site observa- tions made by researcher in July and August, 1981 and 1982. The evaluation segment of this work presents the views of those pactitioners and administrators most intimately concerned with the three mass literacy campaigns. The observations of Msekwa and Malimyanko, two Tanzanian scholars, follow as another evaluatory mechanism. Finally the critical assessment of the UNESCO/UNDP team that jointly co-sponsored with Tanzania, the experimental work- oriented literacy campaign in the Lake Victoria region, concludes this portion of the work. The study concludes with an assessment of the success or failure in adult education, as it relates to, or departs from, the national development goals within the framework of social change. Such an evaluation involves a review of the factors which had an impact on the adult education endeavors in Tanzania since the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self Reliance document in 1967. DEDICATION To David 11 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Throughout the time that it took to complete this work, my dissertation advisor, Dr. Melvin Buschman, and the other members of my committee played a critical role in helping me organize, clarify and refine my thoughts and my writing. Their tough but constructive criticism has been supportive and helpful and I am deeply grateful for their constant support, good judgment and generous assistance. Committee members: Dr. Melvin Buschman, Chairperson, Dr. Ruth Useem, Marylee Crofts-Wiley, Dr. Stanley Wronski and Dr. John Hanson, Advisor Emeritus. In addition to the support and encouragement of my doctoral committee I am indebted to my relatives, friends and colleagues who have supported me throughout this endeavor. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page List of Figures. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi CHAPTER I A HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF ADULT EDUCATION IN TANZANIA SINCE THE POLICY DECLARA- TION OF 1967 (ARUSHA DECLARATION AND EDUCATION FOR SELF RELIANCE). . . . . . . . . . 3 Statement of Purpose . . . . . . 3 Sub-Topics . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 Significance of the Study . . . . . . . 5 Hypothesis . . . . . . . . . . . . 8 Basic Assumptions . . . . . . . . 8 Methodology . . . . . . . . . . 9 Limitations . . . . . . . . . 11 Definitions of Terms and Glossary. . . . . 12 CHAPTER II NATIONAL AND PRE-NATIONAL CONTEXT (SOCIO- ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT OF TANZANIA. 21 SUD'TOP 1C I o o o o o o o o o o o o 21 CHAPTER III COLONIAL EDUCATION. . . . . . . . . . 29 SUb-Topic II. o o o o o o o o o o o 29 Education Activities at the Time of German Colonial Rule . . . . . . . . . . 33 British Colonial Education . . . . . . . 35 CHAPTER IV DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS OF ARUSHA DECLARATION (AD) AND EDUCATION FOR SELF RELIANCE (ESR). . 43 SUD-TOPIC III 0 o o o o o o o o o o 43 Arusha Declaration (AD) . . . . . . . . 43 Education for Self Reliance (ESR). . . . . 53 iv CHAPTER V CHAPTER VI CHAPTER VII APPENDICES BIBLIOGRAPHY . IMPLEMENTATION RESPONSES TO ARUSHA DECLARATION AND EDUCATION FOR SELF-RELIANCE. Sub—Topic IV . EVALUATION OF TANZANIAN ADULT EDUCATION ACTIVI- TIES. . Sub-Topic V FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS . APPENDIX A. APPENDIX B. APPENDIX C. APPENDIX D. APPENDIX E. Page 62 62 130 130 163 184 196 202 226 229 231 List of Figures Figure Page 1 Tanzania in Africa. . . . . . . . . . . . 22 2 Tanzania . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 3 Regions of Tanzania . . . . . . . . . . . 24 vi "An adult is one of the most neglected national resources in underdeveloped countries." G. L. Ilagi "Primary Schools Operating as Adult Education Centers in Tanzania", University of Dar es Salaam, 1977 (unpublished document) "First we must educate adults. Our children will not have an impact on our economic development for five, ten or even twenty years." Julius K. Nyerere, President, The First Five-Year Plan (1964-1969) May 1, 1964 United Republic of Tanzania "I have said adult education is of paramount impor- tance to national development; it would be more true to say that the two are inseparable." Rashidi Kawawa Second Vice President United Republic of Tanzania 1973 Speech at University of Dar es Salaam 1973 "It is not the children who today hold the present destiny of Africa in their hands, it is the adults. So it is only by establishing effective communication with the adult population, by helping them to adjust to a rapidly changing world, that an immediate impact can be made on the urgent problems of society and essential progress be brought about. Africa cannot wait a generation to mobilize its rich human resources for tasks of national development." Amadou - Mahtar M'Bow Director General, UNESCO Education Conference, 1964 "The total wealth available to be spent by all the people of Tanzania during one year is less than the amount which the government of the United States spends on its military forces in one week." J. K. Nyerere, President United Republic of Tanzania "After the Arusha Declaration" Presidential Address to the TANU National Conference, October 17, 1967 CHAPTER I A HISTORICAL AND DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF ADULT EDUCATION IN TANZANIA SINCE THE POLICY DECLARATION OF 1967 (ARUSHA DECLARATION AND EDUCATION FOR SELF RELIANCE) Statement of Purpose The purpose of the pr0posed investigation is to trace the development and growth of adult education in Tanzania since the two major policy declarations of 1967 which had a direct bearing on educational endeavors within the United Republic of Tanzania. A descriptive analysis of the growth patterns is further proposed with a view to evaluating the results achieved against the back-dr0p of the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance document. An effort will be made to discover where congruence with and depar- tures from the enunciated goals occur. A further aim of the study is an attempt to identify and account for these congruences and departures. "To have a full comprehension of the ideals to be achieved through the educative process in a given society, is also to understand the substance and historical perspective of the evolu- tion of that society, in a given spatial and temporal context."1 Sub-Topics Sub-Tgpic I To trace the historical, geographical and political develOp- ment of Tanzania, thus providing the background for what is to follow specifically as it relates to the analysis and evaluation of adult education in Tanzania. Appendix A contains a fuller cultural, his- torical, geographical and political summary than will be found in the body of this investigation. Sub-Topic II To survey the origins and early development of the system of education under the colonial influences experienced by Tanganyika as they have an impact on current adult education policy. The early missionary efforts progressed to the more organized formalization of education on a state level by the Germans to the more comprehensive efforts of the British. The historical period covered is approxi- mately 1600 to 1980. Sub-Topic III To examine the two 1967 documents of national policy which the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance statement that provided the rationale for and the direction of the developments which occurred in the field of adult education following their enunciation by President Julius K. Nyerere. Sub-Topic IV To describe and analyze the implementation responses in adult education programs that followed the enunciation of the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance policy in Tanzania from 1967 to 1980. Subélgpic V To describe the evaluations of the adult education programs, as seen by President Nyerere and international adult education specialists, with a view toward future policy formation in this area in line with stated national goals. An attempt will also be made to include within this evaluation component the criteria used by UNESCO in its evaluation of adult education efforts in its Experi- mental Work-oriented Literacy Projects in Tanzania and countries sharing socio-economic characteristics similar to those of Tanzania. A View of contemporary Tanzanian educators complement this evaluation component. Sub-Tgpic VI To summarize the findings of this work and present the con- clusions from those findings. Significance of the Study For those concerned with national development in general and rural development in particular, Tanzania's experience in adult education warrants careful consideration. Adult educators, develop- ment planners, educational researchers, economists, development analysts, as well as students of educational theory and those con- cerned specifically with social change and history, should find this study significant because an attempt will be made to chart the Tanzanian government's response, early in its post-independence efforts, to emphasize adult education as being central to national development. Tanzania's commitment to comprehensive adult educa- tional goals were made soon after independence. This emphasis on adult education attracted world-wide atten- tion from the educators in the international adult education community, as well as those individuals and organizations interested in the national development of newly independent states. The designation of Mwalimu (teacher) Nyerere as international president of the Inter- national Council on Adult Education followed vigorous adult educa- tion efforts in Tanzania. In 1978, the international literacy award was given to Tanzania for instruction that linked literacy to pro- ductive work for embracing efforts to achieve national development plans.2 Critically positive articles on the adult education efforts in Tanzania have appeared both in foreign educational journals and in educational journals of more limited coverage, such as the organ of the Tanzania Education Society. Detailed reports are also made of adult education efforts in Tanzania in United Nations publications from UNESCO and the United Nations Development Program on Tanzania's experience in its literacy projects. Further, Tanzanian adult educa- tion efforts are noteworthy because they represent direct implemen- tation of a national policy which did not languish in the rhetorical stage. Certainly, on this basis alone, the post—Arusha Tanzanian experience in adult education merits scholarly consideration. The major significance of this study is a determination of the contribution adult education has made to the achievement of national goals in one developing country. Further, Tanzania puts great emphasis on research due to the belief that this approach may increase the efficiency of literacy programs through observation of scientific methods, thus speeding up the realization of Tanzania's national goals. John Lowe, of the University of Edinburgh, writing in "Conver- gence" concludes that it is important that methods for predicting and assessing the value of programs must be devised. There is a need for straightforward descriptive studies of nations and their programs. A written summary of past history is needed to acquire a sense of perspective. Studies of the relationship between social change and adult education, including the effects of migration, urbanization and industrialization are sorely needed, as are studies of organiza- tion and administration of particular adult education programs and their effectiveness.3 This work attempts to view adult education as a subsystem under the larger rubric of social change. Social change in this context is taken to mean any significant alteration in the social structure including new values, new norms and new cultural products of a material or symbolic kinda (Coser, 1983). Hypothesis It is hypothesized that the formalization of goals for adult education and their implementation grew out of Tanzania's need to enunciate and develop an educational posture that was both a depar- ture from colonial education toward philoSOphy that would facilitate the realization of the national development goals of socialism stated in the Arusha Declaration. It is further hypothesized that the resulting content. structure and organization are congruent with the goals of a socialist society. This study makes the statement that vigorous, well planned adult education programs can make a signifi- cant contribution toward realization of national goals of a develop- ing country, Tanzania. Basic Assumptions Although no two countries experienced exactly the same colonial history of education, Tanzania's precedent and attendant problems have some universality. Tanzania, like many developing nations, operates under the constraint of very limited resources and competing priorities. Tanzania, a nation with limited resources must make decisions that will insure that the aims of schooling in Tanzania are based on a definition of education intended to include all people. Schooling was designed in Tanzania to be universal, objective and descriptive. President Nyerere also called for expan- sion and emphasis in educational policy, more specific to Africa and to the task of the liberation of mankind.5 In Africa particularly, other newly developing nations may find of interest the steps which Tanzania has taken to achieve its national goals once the decision was made to pursue a given political course. Considering the fact that most of the countries in the Third World have similar problems of poverty, illiteracy, and economic dependency, the procedures outlined might be adopted by other nations depending on time, political support, leadership and social aware- ness of the need for self-help. These Third World countries also need manpower reform and training to provide local personnel; they need a uniform pattern of education to equitably solve regional imbalances and they need to overcome the factor of heritage in the provision of educational opportunities. Decentralization of the education system may inevitably increase the participation of the masses . Methodology This study uses different methodologies. It utilizes the historical methodology of inquiry, archival research, documentary analysis, and qualitative field work. It is also interdisciplinary in weaving together the major threads of historical, political and socio-economic research. The main sources for the collection of data include Tanzania's development plans, the legislation on education, issues of the Tanzania Education Journal, reports of agencies on adult education, articles of President Nyerere's speeches and writings of scholars on various aspects of adult education, issues of the 10 "Tanzania Education Journal", reports of various aspects of the adult education delivery system in Tanzania. The researchers' experience in Tanzania served as an additional basis for understanding and pro- viding an opportunity for interviews and observations during July and August, 1981 and 1982. In terms of procedure, the study addresses the problem under the five sub-tepics. Thus, each chapter of this investigation focuses upon the historical evolution of a single phenomenon in the history of adult education in the United Republic of Tanzania. Each chapter is taken from the sub-topics which are delineated in the statement of purpose and each sub-topic will provide that part of the frame- work within which the total hypothesis can be examined. The methodol- ogy further employs field work on-site observations in Tanzania in the summers of 1981 and 1982. During this time visits were made to adult education sites, and interviews were arranged with those in Tanzania who were responsible for much of the adult education acti- vity. Louis Gottschalk, in his Primer of Historical Method, suggests that the historical method utilized in such an investigation address itself to answering four questions: (1) What part of the world are we speaking about? (Sub- tOpic I); (2) What group of people is our concern and how large a group is under consideration? (Sub-topic II); (3) What time-frame are we examining? (Sub-topic III); (4) What sphere of human acti- vity or concern is our focus? (Sub-topic IV).6 This study attempts to answer the above four questions in detail through the use of primary and secondary sources, with a view 11 to making a contribution to the study of the effectiveness of adult education in Tanzania, as social change. This study is mainly historical and archival; it examines, among other works, department reports from the Tanzanian Ministry of National Education, the Institute of Adult Education, the University of Dar es Salaam, Moshi Adult Education Center and the Folk Deve10p— ment College in Dar es Salaam were undertaken. An interview with one employer (Himatal Shah), who facilitates adult education efforts at his leather industry in Moshi, Tanzania, is included. It is recognized that the answers secured from these random interviews do not represent scientific selection; therefore, additional evidence from other sources will be introduced, such as, UNESCO and UNDP. Field work on—site observations of adult education will be evaluated in terms of the stated aims and goals of adult education enunciated specifically in the Education for Self-Reliance document. Evaluative criticism by those professionals most directly concerned with carry- ing out the mandates of these documents in Tanzania and the state- ments of President Nyerere will be reviewed. An evaluative guideline from UNESCO will be consulted in order to arrive at objective assess- ments of the effectiveness of adult education work being undertaken in Tanzania. Limitations For the purpose of this investigation, the following delimi- tation is made: 12 The major emphasis of this study will be the analysis and history of adult education in Tanzania from the time of the Arusha Declaration (1967) to 1980. It is to be recognized that one cannot completely divorce adult education from other educational experiences (and no attempt to do this has been undertaken) in Tanzania either pre- or post-Arusha Declaration, but this work takes the position that adult education efforts in Tanzania represent a unique adapta- tion to the experience of independence and the pronouncement of Tanzania's political ideology. The ideology and its relation to the adult education efforts after 1967 in Tanzania will be explored post 1967. Tanzania in this work does not include a consideration of adult education activities in Zanzibar as at the present these acti- vities are not conducted under the same legal framework. Definitions of Terms and Glossary Adult Education The process whereby persons who no longer or never did attend school on a regular, full-time basis undertake sequential and organized activities with a conscious intention of bringing about changed information, knowl- edge, understanding or skill, appreciation and attitudes; or for the purpose of jdentifying and solving personal or community problems. UNESCO states, the term adult education denotes the entire body of organized educational processes, whatever the content, level and method, whether they prolong or replace initial education in schools, colleges, and universi- ties as well as in apprenticeships, whereby persons regarded as adult by the society to which they belong develop their abilities, enrich their knowledge, improve their technical or professional qualifications and bring about changes in their attitude or behavior in 13 the two-fold perspective of full personal development and participation in balanced and independent social, economic, and cultural development.8 In the Tanzanian context, President Nyerere also defines adult education as a highly political activity and in Tanzania adult education is also a high status priority as it encompasses a sizeable portion of the Tanzanian population. Arusha Declaration It is a Declaration which defines what socialism means in the context of Tanzania. It sets out qualifications which were to be fulfilled by all in leadership positions in politics and public service, and it demands a serious commitment to self-reliance in national development. It was adopted in the Tanzanian city of Arusha in January, 1967, hence its name--The Arusha Declaration. This document instructed the government to implement policies which would make Tanzania a socialist and a self-reliant nation. It was a decla- ration that proclaimed a socialist ideology coupled with a policy of self-reliance as the means for achieving socialism. It was designed to mark the beginning of a new socialist phiIOSOphy in the country. The intent was to begin a reformation of elitist attitudes of inherited self-interest which were so patently inappropriate to the development needs of Tanzania as expressed by the socialist leadership of the country. "The Declaration is the beginning, not the end, of a very long and probably extremely hard struggle. It is a commitment to a particular quality of life."9 14 "Chakula Ni Uhai" Literally translated, "food is life." The name is given to the second mass literacy campaign described in this work. Education for Self Reliance (ESR) ESR is a white paper or manifesto on education which repre- sents a search for new guidelines on the future purposes of education to match the proclaimed policy of socialism and self-reliance posited in the Arusha Declaration enunciated less than two months earlier. The ESR statement, an attempt to revolutionize the country's educa- tional system, called for specific changes to be made in the educa- tional structure inherited by the Tanzanians from British colonists at the time of independence. It is the philOSOphical basis of the educational system of the country. In essence, the Arusha Declara- tion set the stage for revolution to occur within and via the social institution of education. The ESR can be viewed as a derivative of Tanzanian socialism and as an application in the field of education of the socialist principles which give purpose and direction to life, and to education and development in Tanzania.10 Functional Literacy Functional literacy is education for illiterate adults for the purpose of social and economic development. It gives working illiterates the knowledge and skills required to increase producti- vity and thus foster their own and thereby, national advancement. If based on well-defined learning needs, it is likely to be more effective. 15 Literacy is functional when it arouses in the individual a critical awareness of social reality, enabling him or her to under— stand, master and transform the reality. Functional literacy means more than the ability to function economically. To be effective, functional literacy should deal with political, cultural, economic, and social aspects of development.11 Functional literacy programs have shown that learning is faster, more enjoyable, and better retained and applied when skills, content and teaching methods grow from the milieu of the learner. Illiterate "A person who cannot with understanding read and/or write a ' Numeracy, the short simple statement about his everyday life.‘ ability to deal with numbers at a primary level is considered part of literacy.12 Mtu Ni Afya Literally translated "Man is Health," the name given to the third literacy campaign described in this work. Mwalimu Swahili word for "teacher." President Nyerere resigned from his teaching post to accept the position of prime minister13 and, consistent with his original profession, he has given educational needs of his country the highest priority. He is often referred to as "Mwalimu" as a term of endearment. The term appears less formal than "President" and is used by Tanzanians more often than the word 16 President. This may be accounted for partly by the fact that Mwalimu is a Swahili word and Swahili is the language spoken by the majority of the inhabitants of Tanzania. As a former teacher, Nyerere has always seen his President's role as an educational role.14 Non-Formal Education Defined by the International Council for Educational Develop- ment as "any organized educational activity outside the established formal system--whether operating separately or as an important fea— ture of some broader activity--that is intended to serve indentifi- able learning clienteles and learning objectives,"15 Swahili Abbreviated form of the Kiswahili, having exactly the same meaning. Swahili, an Arabic word meaning coast, has come to mean the people indigenous to portions of the east coast of southern Africa who speak Kiswahili,16 proper term for the first or second language spoken by 95 percent of the Tanzanians. Medium of instruc- tion through primary cycle. w Tanzania African National Union (party which obtained power at the time of independence--Tanzania is a one party nation.) The present single party is the CCM, Chama Cha Mapinduzi,which was formed in l977,following the merger of TANU with the Afro-Shirazi Party of Zanzibar.17 17 Tanzania "Neologism coined to denote the mainland of Tanganyika* and the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba and Mafia which united to form a new republic in 1964."18 This work uses "Tanzania" for both the post- independence period and the post revolution in Zanzibar. Because education is not administered on the mainland and the offshore islands jointly, this work confines itself to mainland Tanzania. Ujamaa It is a Swahili word literally meaning "Familyhood"--it "brings to the mind of our people the idea of mutual involvement of "19 It is the policy of African "familiness" family as we know it. employed by Tanzania in its effort to carry out its political ideology of socialism. In the agricultural sector, the Ujamaa policy provided for farm families to move scattered holdings of their own farms to Ujamaa villages where water, health and educational services could be provided more efficiently and where land would be farmed collec- tively. The derivation of the term is the Swahili word jamga (family). In the Ujamaa village setting, the socialist political philosophy was easier to communicate than in widely separated village settings. It was anticipated that small village c00perative industries would develop to assist in more rapid overall economic development directly related to the needs of the people in the villages. This improvement in the overall well-being of the peOple *Tanganyika will be used throughout this work to denote the name of this geographical area prior to independence in 1961. 18 was considered important for the long-term national goals of the country. Ujamaa is African socialism in the evolving system suited to present day needs but with its roots in traditional African struc- tures. According to President Nyerere, Ujamaa is the most practical way of reorganizing the largely agricultural society of Tanzania to take its place in the world as a free nation. This program was slow to be implemented, largely because of its unp0pu1arity. Today over 11 million, out of a total pOpulation of almost 20 million, live in Ujamaa villages.20 The Ujamaa movement is perhaps the most dramatic example of adult political learning that has taken place in Tanzania. There have been approximately 1,000 villages established consisting of from 250 to 600 households. Officials hope this accomplishment will promote citizenship organizations in a manner consistent with Tanzania's socialist goals.21 Ujamaa Vijijini Literally means "familyhood villages", and is the term adOpted after the unpopularity of "Ujamaa" per se. Wakati Na Furaha Literally translated "Time for Rejoicing." The first mass literacy campaign described in this work. 19 Footnotes Chapter I 1Joel Millonzi, Citizenship in Africa: The Role of Adult Education in the Political Socialization of Tanganyikans 1891-1961. p. 71. 2"International Adult Education Awards" Convergence Magazine Vol. 10 No. l, 1978, p. 60. 3John Lowe, "Research Priorities in Adult Education in Developing Countries." Convergence Magazine, Vol. IV #4, 1971, p. 57. 4Lewis A. Coser, et a1., Introduction to Sociology, p. 453. 5Julius K. Nyerere, Presidential Circular #1 of 1961, p. 27. 6Louis Gottschalk, Primercflinstorical Method, pp. 121-130. 7"Adult Education," Encyclopedia of Education. V01. 1, 1971, p. 92. 8"Adult Education," Encyclopedia of Education, Vol. 1, 1971, p. 97. 9Julius K. Nyerere, "The President Explains the Arusha Declaration--The Arusha Declaration Teach—in." August 1967, p. 11. 10Julius K. Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, (Uhuru na Umoja) Selections from Writings and Speeches 1952-1965, p. 91. 11UNESCO, Functional Literacy-—Why and How? (1970), p. 4. 12Ken L. Baucom, ABC's of Literacy, p. 14. 13William Redman Duggan and John R. Civille, Tanzania and Nyerere - A Study of Ujamaa and Nationhood, p. 33. 14 "Tanzania," Encyclopedia Britannica, p. 139. 15"Theodore ward, "Handbook for Non Formal Education," p. 11. 16The American University, Tanzania: A Country Study, Area Handbook Series, p. 4. 20 17The American University, Tanzania: A Country Study, Area Handbook Series, p. 6. 18John Cameron, "Education, Individuality and Community Education for Self Reliance in Tanzania," British Journal of Educa- tional Studies. Vol. 28 #21 (June 1980), p. 108. 19 Julius Nyerere, Ujamaa-Essays on Socialism, p. 186. 20Jane Due, Costs, Returns and Repayment Experience of Ujamaa Villages in Tanzania, 1973-1976, p. 54. '21Due, p. 78. CHAPTER II NATIONAL AND PRE-NATIONAL CONTEXT (SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND CULTURAL ENVIRONMENT OF TANZANIA) Sub-Topic I This chapter will trace the cultural, historical, geographical and political develoPment of Tanzania which will provide the back- ground for what is to follow, specifically as it relates to the descriptive analysis and evaluation of adult education in Tanzania. What follows is a brief basic description of Tanzania. A more thorough description of the country and its peOple is contained in Appendix A for those readers desiring a more complete background. It is within this geographical context that the Tanzanian government has sought, as early as independence (1961), to confront the educa- tional problems of a largely illiterate population (see maps Figures 1, 2 and 3). The physical environment of Tanzania is poor and harsh. Due to a shortage of water, soil erosion, and unreliable rainfall, the population of the country (19.9 million) is concentrated around the periphery of the country. Tanzania, with few natural resources, is considered environmentally hostile. Agriculture and cattle raising are the principal occupations. The national income fluctuates with climatic conditions because 21 22 20 20 ' 0 20 40 \ TANZANIA IN AFRICA 20 - "I / o _. . /‘.uuzama 57x4: ///z r , " luau: . nozmunu ’0 I- J- \>. MALAWI - }E’/"\./’( I I O L {(30 10100 ”.00 “II" 5 1 30.00 ‘ 3600 [Mum 1 l 1 20 :0 40 Figure l.--Tanzania in Africa. 23 . \AAI'. Kilimanjaro Figure 2 . --Tanzania . 24 TANZANIA KENYA \ U". RUAéOA’ ’\~---\\LAKE Arusha + .3 ’1 \\/ ; OIHI-ERN Toboro. / \‘\~_ I \\ I WESTERN ( Rx ~~~~~ . LAKE 5 CENTRAL; . TA‘N AN/A ’1: -_ ’ /" ’ \z” Irlngo } SOUIHERNfl, 'xyrlflGHLANDSV ZAMBIA\ MA R- AK ‘ '- 40“ MOZAMBIQUE ALA Scale In mIIu \ .. Kilimanjaro \ a 200 Figure 3.--Regions of Tanzania. 25 Tanzania's export earnings come primarily from agricultural products (sisal, cloves, tea, coffee, and cashews). Approximately 98 percent of the peOple of Tanzania are Africans, about 1 percent are Arabs and Asians and approximately 0.1 percent are EurOpeans or Americans. Less than five percent of the Tanzanians reside in urban areas and life expectancy is about 40 years of age. Half of the total popula- tion is under 16 years of age causing the adult population to carry a much greater dependency burden of young than many adults carry in some more highly deve10ped countries. Tanzania lies on the east coast of Africa covering an area of 364,900 square miles. Lakes and rivers occupy an additional 20,650 square miles. This combined square mile area also includes the offshore islands of Mafia, Pemba, and Zanzibar. Tanzania is bordered on the West by Zaire and Burundi on the North by Kenya and Uganda; on the South by Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique; and on the East by the Indian Ocean. The most conspicious physical features in the country are the Great Rift Valley which runs through Lakes Nyasa and Tanganyika branching northwards to Kenya and EthiOpia finding its way to the Dead Sea. Mount Kilimanjaro, the highest mountain in Africa (19,340 feet), is in the northeast section of Tanzania. The climate and natural vegetation vary from one area of the country to another depending on the altitude and the distance from the sea. The well inhabited coastal belt is hot and humid and the growing of cashews and coconuts is well suited for these climatic conditions. The central plateau is hot and dry with short periods of rainfall. The semi-temporate highlands and the fertile populous 26 belts around Lake Victoria constitute the best farmlands and are famous for the growing of the nation's most important cash crops, tea and sisal. Over one-half of the country's land is non-productive owing to lack of water and continuing tsetse fly infestation. Economically, Tanzania is a poor agricultural country. Agri- culture provides 38 percent of the Gross National Product and over 80 percent of the foreign exchange earnings. The major agriculture crops are cotton, coffee, tea, sisal, tobacco, cashew nuts, sugar, pyrethrum, maize, and wheat. Her other exports include some gold, diamonds, and mica. She also exports textiles, meat, timber, and salt. In return she imports heavy machinery, trucks, cars, medicine and foodstuffs.1 In its second year of nationhood, Tanganyika became a repub- lic and Nyerere became its president. Tanganyika remained in the Commonwealth.* At independence (1961) Tanzania had a population of about nine million people. The latest statistical data of 1981 reports that this p0pulation has more than doubled to 19,900,000. There are three major ethnic divisions in Tanzania: Africans, Asians, Arabs. The African p0pulation falls into more than 120 ethnic groups. The groups, as well as all others (Asians), are unified by the Kiswahili language which is both the official national language of Tanzanians as well as the liggua franca.2 Tanzania is divided into seventeen regions, which are subdivided into 60 districts. *The first Vice-President of Tanzania, Abeid A. Karume, administers the island-republic of Zanzibar. 27 In terms of its colonial history, Tanganyika was colonized first by the Portuguese, then the Germans, and finally the British. "'Tanzania' is a neologism coined to denote the mainland of Tanganyika and the islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, and Mafia which united to form a new republic in 1964."3 Following the Arusha Declaration in 1967, most major indus- tries and banks were nationalized; as were some of the mission schools. There are some industries in the country that have remained private enterprises. Anxiety about the nationalization of these private enterprises continues to be one of the chief areas of con- cern for the private, individual entrepreneur, such as the leather industrialist interviewed by researcher (complete interview reported in Chapter VI of this work). An invasion by Ugandan troops in November of 1978 was followed by a counterattack in January, 1979. Tanzanian forces captured Kampala, Uganda on April 11, 1979. This military action drained one million dollars a month of the scarce and precarious finances of the United Republic of Tanzania.4 28 Footnotes Chapter II l"Tanzania", World Almanac and Book of Facts, 1983. P- 433- 2"Tanzania", Africa-South of the Sahara,12th Edition, 1983, p. 49. 3John Cameron, "Education, Individuality and Community-- Education for Self Reliance in Tanzania." British Journal of Educa- tional Studies, June 1980, p. 110. 4"Tanzania", World Book Engyclopedia Yearbook, 1983, p. 203. CHAPTER III COLONIAL EDUCATION Sub-Topic II This sub-topic surveys the origins and early development of the system of pre-colonial education and education under the colonial influence experienced by Tanganyika. The early missionary efforts progressed to a more organized formalization of education on a state level under the Germans. For- malization continued to the more comprehensive and equally goal- oriented efforts of the British. The historical period covered in this chapter is approximately 1600 to 1980. Historically in Tanzania as elsewhere in Africa, knowledge was passed on, training was given and social growth was accomplished by oral tradition. Education was integrated with all other traditionally Tanzanian African patterns of life. Indigenous African education and Koranic education preceded European Christian mission education. "In the traditional African society, apart from brief periods of intensive initiation education, there was no single institution designed solely for formal education. Neither was there any one type of activity that was regarded as solely or primarily educative. All institutions—-the family, the farm, the workshop and so on--and all activities were exploited for educational purposes."1 The EurOpean missionaries and rulers 29 3O responsible for mission education were not native to African soil. They considered themselves as temporary residents who ultimately intended to return to their EurOpean home. They were in power and in fact,provided the cultural model for the emerging African elite. "The local Africans, separated by tribal (sic) differences, which were carefully preserved by the colonial power, remained at many levels 'strangers' to one another; and though indigenous to the country, they were estranged from the dominant political, economic, and cultural institutions."2 The formal foundation of the educational system was estab- lished by missionaries who bore almost the entire responsibility for 3 Their principal providing Tanganyikans with education until 1925. aim was the propagation of their faith. In 1884, missionaries began establishing schools seen to be useful to accelerate the rate of conversion, and the first church organization to establish schools was the Universities Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) which opened its first school in Zanzibar. Other missionary efforts which followed were the Christian Missionary Society, and Catholic and Lutheran missionaries. Education given by these organizations was essentially aimed at enabling converts to become literate enough to be able to subsequently read the religious literature dispensed and to spread Christian ideas. Literacy, taught as a means of imparting Christian beliefs, gradually became the principal means of conversion. As missionaries were a part of the ruling colonial strata, they and their schools existed with the blessings of the colonizers. 31 Most of the missions and bush schools, were found in remote rural areas, and some few missions had their own village primary schools. Mission education tended to emphasize primary education, for educa- tion was viewed primarily as an adjunct to proselytization aimed at the conversion of the people of the area to a "better" religion.4 Standards I and II level (Grades 4 and 5, see Appendix B) were considered adequate for a church worker, so the missions were initially hostile to the development of higher education. Part of the reason for this was that the most highly educated and brilliant youth did not usually remain in the mission or with missionary-type activities. Most of them secured employment in government or in industry. An essential part of the proselytization program was based on training African church leaders who later left the mission center to establish schools in the interior of the country, since there was a paucity of foreign missionaries. The missions also directly contributed to the commercializa- tion of agriculture by providing seeds or seedlings to converts. Such provisions were seen as a means of attracting potential converts. Missions also encouraged modern farm practices and wealth accumula- tion for their neoconverts. The missions engaged in commercial agriculture and trade in an effort to increase their capital invest- ment. Hence, a capitalist set of social relations developed. In-house competitions, the prefect system, the nature of teacher- student relationships and teaching methodology in mission schools were of a hierarchial, competitive nature. 32 Loyalties unknown outside the school are now felt to the class, the team, the informal group, the House (which stirs strong feelings of rivalry in interhouse sports and games) and to the school.5 The significance of such loyalties is that they separated pupils from "others," those who were not participants in the institutionalized school process. This practice also helped to create a sense of group loyalty upon which class consciousness could be based. The individual was the basis of this educational system. The structure also reinforced a sense of comradeship and elitism that rose above ethnic differences. Special uniforms and the style of life, characteristics of a boarding school, served to enhance the "superiority" of those students vis-a-vis the rest of the society. It was therefore inevitable that, in spite of the intentions of the colonial educators, at this time the upper primary schools and later the secondary schools produced a national educated group, with Kiswahili as their unifying language-link. This educated group, was programmed to find little agreement with the national goals and the means for achieving them enunciated later in the Arusha Declara- tion and the Education for Self-Reliance document.6 Rev. Nettleford of the University of the West Indies, Jamaica describes their situa- tion in the following manner: "The master's shroud becomes the vestment of the servant who wears the garb with much style and certitude even when he is using it to play master."7 33 Education Activities at the Time of German Colonial Rule Although an educational system had begun under German adminis- tration, the disruption caused by World War I made the 19203 the starting point of Tanzania's present system of education. For the Germans, the years of colonial conquest were between the years of 1885 and 1905. These were the years which witnessed in Tanzania the inception of the basic elements of the colonial socio-economic struc- ture . 8 Fundamentally, the primary interest the Germans had in the African peOple of Tanganyika was economic because the Industrial Revolution in EurOpe had created a need for more raw materials to be converted into profits. When Tanganyika was a German protectorate, the German government stepped in to provide education for Tanganyikans. The climate of Tanganyika was not found suitable for much EurOpean settlement, so the purpose of the education was specifically to provide petty, indigenous, civil servants who would assist in the functioning of the colonial administration aimed specifically at maximizing the exploitation of Tanganyikan resources for the profit of the ruling country, in this case, Germany.9 The government system of education during the German colonial period demanded literate and skilled petty civil servants. The supply could not be completely satisfied by the mission schools and the Koranic schools which were also in operation at that time. In the early years the demand for literate personnel was filled by importing Indian craftsmen from India to meet the needs of the Germans. The 34 education provided for Tanganyikans was functional and directly related to the jobs the pupils were expected to take up after com- pleting these government schools. An important feature of the government educational system under the Germans was the contribution of the pupils toward the cost of their education and to the develOpment of the colonial economy in Tanganyika and thereby to the German economy. Education was meant to assist in the process of exploitation and the pupils themselves were a large part of the exploitative process. By 1902 there were about 4,000 pupils attending various government schools throughout the territory. During the entire period of German rule in Tanganyika there was not a single female who studied in any of the government schools. (However, the mission schools provided some meager educa- tion for girls.)10 The German government was not interested in education for the sake of education; rather, its primary purpose was turning the colonies into useful economic dependencies. Hence the emphasis was on vocational education and character building. "Functional educa- tion should not be to the exclusion of character training, for colonial schools are the cradle of German culture in Africa."11 Quite naturally these "products" of colonial education were academi- cally, but not psychologically, more qualified to man, to a.ggn, the neocolonial state apparatus when independence did come following Tanzania's mandate and Trusteeship status under the British. Accord- 12 ing to a study done by Kurtz, the most devastating effect of German colonization was that the ethnocentric Germans were convinced 35 of their cultural and racial superiority and displayed these attitudes to the Tanzanians. In their primary role as "teacher," the trans- mission of such attitudes could very easily occur. Most Tanzanians who had any contact with the Germans remember them for the harsh measures of discipline employed to restrain Africans during this period of servitude. As a result of this experience, all Africans lost their political freedom, some developed an inferiority complex, and some even succumbed to passivity.13 President Nyerere continues this assessment of the colonial experience as he observes that the number one crime of the colonizer was "the attempt to make us believe we had not an indigenous culture of our own and that we did have, should not be a source of pride."14 British Colonial Education The period between 1920 and the early 19408 was not one of discernible progress in either the quantitative or qualitative aspects of the Tanganyikan educational system. The European Depres- sion, following World War I, and WOrld War II, made economically impossible any significant follow-up on government expressions of concern for African education which might have otherwise occurred. There was, however, considerable attention given to strategic war crOps (particularly sisal), and to the economic structure necessary for British economic growth and development via their colony.1 The African formal education system represented the ideologi- cal structure of the colonial state. African education under the British colonials influenced the African's willingness to accept his 36 place in the colonial social structure--witness the demands of the African petty bourgeoisie for higher education of a certain kind after the post-independence bureaucratic bourgeoisie emerged from this stratum. African schools were vocational and used the vernacu- lar as the medium of instruction at the elementary level and Kiswahili for more advanced courses (Standards 4-6) until 1945. The Tanganyikan was the producer of the surplus agricultural products but had little of any control over this surplus. The role, producer of surplus, required a bare minimum of skills; greater knowledge would lead the African to question his place in the set of social relationships into which he was being forced. The African educational system under the British could be characterized as one which was intended to produce submissiveness, a sense of inferiority, and an orientation towards extrinsic rewards and punishments. "The dominant capitalist mode of production and social class relations which exist today developed out of a transformation of culture and relationships that occurred in the colonial period."16 After World War I, in 1919, Tanganyika was transferred, as a League of Nations mandate, to the British government. Britain defined the mandate in practice as a part of the British Empire. Tanganyika represented a source of raw materials and a market for British manufactured goods. During the early period of mandate administration, uncertainty as to whether the territory would remain under British administration affected its economic and social deve10p- ment .17 37 The British applied the principles of indirect rule in Tanganyika. At the local level, "native authorities" were relied upon, either traditional chiefs or headmen, or else individuals selected by the colonial administration to fill the positions. Those selected had generally been exposed to some education. All methods of divisiveness were deliberately encouraged in order to facilitate domination and hamper the growth of militant "natives" who might define themselves as future citizens of a nation, rather than as a member of a separate tribe or clan. The intention was to establish a pattern of Native Authority rule for Africans separate from the colonial territorial government apparatus which later included a Legislative Assembly. The architect of Tanganyika's indirect rule was Governor Sir Donald Cameron.1 Concurrent with native administration came a so-called native educational system. The educational system reflected the policy of indirect rule. Elementary levels were taught in the vernacular. Special schools were established for sons of chiefs, often the same schools which were begun by Germans, in order to insure the develop- ment of a local leadership indoctrinated with British values and at the same time capable of handling the minor administrative responsi- bilities of local government.19 Despite statements and memoranda ad nauseam about mass educa- tion, the formal educational system never functioned to produce a literate peasantry. The colonial economy depended completely upon the labor of an illiterate, unschooled peasantry, and that is what education under the colonists produced. 38 Two broad divisions were made in the school, forming a "general side" and a "special side." The first consisted of the sons of sultans, chiefs, and wealthy African land-owners, who received a general all-round training consisting of academic subjects such as English, mathematics, geography and hygiene. The second also con— sisted of apprenticeship to various trades, i.e., carpentry and tailoring.20 Despite previous events President Nyerere admits that the people of Tanzania owe much to the British colonial authority which administered the country from 1920 to 1961. He cites his own educa- tional background and that of some of the other leaders of Tanzania as evidence that the British sometimes helped in the advancement of the peOple of the country. He reminds the citizens of the republic that the foresight of Governor Cameron in 1925 was instrumental in preparing Tanganyika for independence in 1961. He points out that the insistence of Mr. Rivers-Smith in deve10ping Kiswahili as the medium of instruction in the schools resulted in a language-link among the 120 language groups of the country, which became a unifying factor in the move toward independence.21 Perhaps President Nyerere's address on the occasion of the celebration of the indepen- dence of his country, in which he insisted that the Tanganyikan movement toward independence was not a movement which was against anyone, but rather one which was for the Tanzanian people, best typified President Nyerere's attitude toward Tanzania's former colonial administrators. Without criticism of the colonial adminis- trators, he suggested that the aim of education before 1961 was to 39 inculcate the values of the colonial society and to train individuals. It offended the Tanzania tribal concept of "Ujamaa" and so did not transmit the values and knowledge of Tanzanian society from one generation to the next. Colonial education was an attempt to change traditional African society into British colonial society. It pro- duced a small administrative and professional elite with insatiable expectations of material wealth and disdain for their traditional society.22 Nyerere asserts that "the people of the new republic wish to create a new society based on principles which had been characteris- tic of Tanzanian society before the coming of the colonists--equality and respect for human dignity; sharing of the resources which are produced by the efforts of all citizens; and work by everyone and the goal was exploitation by none!‘ Nyerere further asserted that colonial education brought to Tanzania classical forms of European teaching. It brushed aside the indigenous system and created the urban elite. It also fostered rote methods and destroyed pride in everyday indigenous activities such as agricultural work.23 There appears to have been complete agreement between the German and British colonial offices on the purpose and objectives of education for the native sector. The conclusions drawn by these two administrations was that education should be, primarily, a "civilizing" agent and that it, of course, should be administered in the European mode. In addition, colonial education was not to 40 prepare Tanganyikans for rebuilding their own society, but rather for, providing services to the colonial community. The colonial administration was always skillful in manipulat- ing and perpetuating whatever conflicts already existed which devel- oped during the colonial period among the groups under its rule. To set African against Asian and African against African best suited the interests of the colonial state. Therefore at independence the educa- tional system reflected these divisions. The largest allocation for education from the colonial treasury went to education for Asians and the smallest allocation was for Africans.24 The form of education which did develop and the form inherited at independence functioned basically to perpetuate capitalism and therefore capitalist social relations. Consequently in the wisdom of President Nyerere and TANU, both the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self Reliance document represent a response to these pre-independence developments and practices. Tanzania's present aim, therefore, is to create a system structually geared to the "mass" rather than to elite needs--a society, in other words, which encour- ages cooperative rather than individualistic behavior. 41 Footnotes Chapter III 1Laura S. Kurtz, An African Education (The Social Revolution in Tanzania), p. 11. 2Roland Oliver, "The Missionary Factor in East Africa" in Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, ed. by M. H. Y. Kaniki, p. 13. 3Kurtz, p. 14. 4 . Oliver, p. 17. 5Oliver, p. 40. 6Louis Francis Dolan, Transition from Colonialism to Self- Reliance in Tanzanian Education, p. 220. 7Arthur Gillette, Beyond the Nonformal Fashion: Towards Educational Revolution in Tanzania, p. 14. 8M. Schlunk, "German Educational Policy: The School System in the German Colonies," in Traditions of African Education ed. by D. G. Scanlon, p. 81. 9 M. H. Y. Kaniki, Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, p. 49. 10Kurtz, p. 30. llSchlunk, p. 88. 12Julius Nyerere, President's Inaugural Address December 10, 1961, 1961, p. 3. l3Karim Hirjl, "African Education during the British Colonial Period 1919-1961, in Tanzania Under Colonial Rule ed. by M. H. Y. Kaniki, PP. 236-275. 14Julius K. Nyerere, Freedom and Unity (Uhuru na Umajaa) Selections from Writings and Speeches, 1952-1965, p. 68. 15Marjorie Mbilinyi, "African Education 1919-1961 in Tanzania under Colonial Rule (ed.) M. H. Y. Kaniki, p. 242. 16 Mbilinyi (ed.) M. H. Y. Kaniki, p. 247. 42 17Mpogolo, Colonial Administration-Planning and Administra- tion of National Literacy n Case Study, p. 7. 18Mbilinyi, p. 250. 19John Illiffe, Modern History of Tanganyika--Tanganyika Under German Rule 1905-1912, p. 178. 20Scott Kelly, The Role of an African University as an Institution for the National Development (Tanzania), p. 72. 1Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, p. 74. 22Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, p. 87. 23Nyerere, Freedom and Unity, p. 99. 24Ministry of Information, "Torches", p. 7. CHAPTER IV DESCRIPTION AND ANALYSIS OF ARUSHA DECLARATION (AD) AND EDUCATION FOR SELF RELIANCE (ESR) Sub-Topic III This sub-topic examines the two 1967 documents of national policy, the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self Reliance statement (ESR) that provided the rationale for and the direction of the developments which occurred in the field of adult education following their enunciation by President Nyerere. Arusha Declaration (AD) This declaration, issued in January, 1967, is the official and most important political document on self-reliance and socialism for post-independent Tanzania. President Nyerere calls the AD 3 statement of intent and describes it as laying a policy of revolu- tion by evolution.1 The AD is viewed as the official Tanzanian commitment to a socialist state. President Nyerere laid bare in it the features of the system that were antagonistic to the socialist commitment that nation has made. The starting point of the Declaration was a concern for the peasants who comprised over ninety percent of Tanzania's population, whose efforts won virtually all of Tanzania's foreign exchange, whose 43 44 tax—enforced savings paid for much of the national development, including the educational system which produced the nation's rulers, and yet whose own daily life was still characterized by grinding poverty, ignorance and debilitating disease. According to Ndugu Z. Mpogolo, Director of Adult Education, "It was a revolution in the structure as well as in the content of the things people were to learn."2 The Arusha Declaration is a concept of political development towards socialism. In this document the very idea of "development" as a function primarily of external intervention, especially in the form of capital, was rejected. The correct notion of development through self-reliant means was reliance on human and non-human resources actually available or capable of being produced locally. In this view, external aid was to be sought provided it was of the type that would serve as a catalyst for self-help and not as a means to welcome and/or perpetuate external dependence. In short, the Arusha Declaration called for a self-reliant, socialistic and demo- cratic type of society. Development would come from the work of the people themselves primarily through increased production in agri- culture, rather than from foreign loans, grants and private invest- ments which showed a preference for urban, industrial development. The kind of socialist nation of which the Arusha Declaration was the theoretical design is to consist only of workers, states President Nyerere. Apart from young children, the disabled and the frail elderly, nobody in good health should be permitted to live on the sweat and toil of others. 45 Tanzania, after February 5, 1967, (when the Declaration was published) cannot be understood except in relation to the Declaration. It explained that Tanzanian socialism sought a classless society of peasants and workers in which everyone should work and live on his or her own labor with the major means of production controlled by the peasants and the workers. Finally while the Declaration stressed the need for a socialist 1eadership.equality of Opportunity was the purpose of its call for the deveIOpment of a genuine political demo- cracy. Socialism as defined in the Arusha Declaration, stresses the need to minimize exploitation. Finally the Declaration stressed the need for socialist leadership. The Arusha Declaration was therefore designed to mark the beginning of a new philOSOphy in the country, to initiate a vast mobilization of effort and enthusiasm, and, above all, to begin the reformation of the attitudes of self-interest which were so patently inappropriate to the development needs of the young Tanzanian. The Arusha Declaration was Tanzania's declaration of intent to escape from the imperialistic circle by opting for the political ideology of socialism. Education was expected to play a most impor- tant part in the implementation of the principles of the document. The Arusha Declaration reacted against the attitude which was part of a wider dependency ethic which looked to imperialism to provide a "Marshall Plan" for Africa and which stressed Africa's right to foreign aid. The main road to socialism was defined in the Arusha Declaration and this document established, for the first time, a 46 clear statement of expectations, a specific purpose and direction for Tanzanians. The Arusha Declaration addressed the mistakes and failures of past policies in the following terms: a) reliance upon financial resources as a major instrument of development; b) emphasis upon industry during the initial stages of development; and c) as a consequence of (a) and (b), concentration of resources in urban development.3 The Arusha Declaration argued that it is stupid to rely on money as the major instrument of develOpment when we know only too well that our country is poor. It is equally stupid indeed, it is even more stupid, for us to imagine that we shall rid ourselves of our poverty through foreign financial assistance rather than our own financial resources. As previously stated, a significant factor contained in the Arusha Declaration was the strong emphasis placed upon self-identity and the development of internal growth capacity. Internal growth capacity referred predictably to education. Tanzanians, educated and uneducated, rural and urban, were characterized as citizens of a poor nation, and the Declaration criticized the industrial strategy in the following terms: The mistake we are making is to think that develop- ment begins with industries. It is a mistake because we do not have the means to establish many modern industries in our country. We do not have either the necessary finances or the technical know-how. It is clear that the framers of the Arusha Declaration understood that growth without development perpetuates dependence. When 47 industry is developed, technical training must at least parallel, if it does not precede, its creation. The psychological importance of the Arusha Declaration is its focus on the self. In the Arusha Declaration there is a clear call to manhood and womanhood; and self-reliance for a peeple is seen as dependent upon collective develOpment of the land, sound policies and solid leadership. Lack of clear direction for African leaders was recognized as a major factor of underdevelopment in Tanzania. To insure sound leadership, TANU in the Arusha Declaration set forth several areas of expectation: a) the leader must be either a peasant or worker, and should in no way be associated with the practices of capitalism or feudalism; b) the leader must own no shares in a capitalist enterprise; c) the leader must receive only one salary; and d) the leader must renounce landlordship. The political leader may be described as the embodiment of "tradition" and "political nationalism." Emphasis upon individual wealth and status, a product of the inherited system, would have to be replaced by emphasis upon national deve10pment and the compromise of personal gains.6 President Nyerere was well aware of the fact that conditions within the country would require change, if the values espoused in 48 the Declaration were to be supported. Hence, the proposal for salary cuts and the increased total commitment of national resources to Tanzanian rural develOpment. History shows that these measures were incomplete, and manipulation of economics alone was not an adequate approach to development. There was an equal need to revitalize the Tanzanian African culture. Thus, as one of the major instruments in transmitting culture, the educational system would be harnessed to the task of redefining and promoting values which would promote national development both in primary and adult education. Educa- tional concepts would embody a most critical function--the preparation of a people to govern themselves, in accordance with their own dic- tates, plans and values, and those of the nation. This concept of the purpose of education was revolutionary and bore no similarity to previous colonial education. Education, through the AD became an instrument of liberty, reorganizing the major aspects of the culture, social, political and economic. The Arusha Declaration articulated a major change in emphasis from private ownership of the means of production to public ownership and Operation. The major commercial banks, industries and land were nationalized following its enunciation. Concurrent with these changes was a major change in direc- tion of the economy in resettlement efforts after the Arusha Declara- tion in 1967. This Tanzanian socialist political philoSOphy empha- sized the achievement of both growth and equity for all Tanzanians. The Declaration declared that private ownership of industry was to 49 be abolished and replaced with state ownership; all private ownership and control of agricultural production was to be discouraged and replaced by collective ownership and production within the framework of the Ujamaa village. Consistent with the goals of AD, by late 1975, 70 percent of the population was villagized in Ujamaa villages. At this time the "Ujamaa" name was deemphasized and the term "deve10pment village" 7 The used to describe the villages into which families had moved. deemphasizing of Ujamaa was related to isolated instances of a pre— ference for "coercion" rather than persuasion, in accomplishing the move by those local officials in charge. With the inception of the Arusha Declaration, the country was aided in divesting itself of the narrow concepts of the colonial past. Schools discontinued the colonial heritage emphasis and began to adapt to the needs of the communities within which they operated. Thereby, the political and social consciousness of the rural populace --adult as well as youth--was to be activated along egalitarian lines. In this way Tanzania's leaders sought to redirect the goals of their peOple from capitalism back to the traditional egalitarian ideas of the extended family and self-reliance. Earlier it was realized that self-reliance could not be achieved if the country's internal economy was controlled by foreigners and its administration depended solely upon foreign expertise. It was increasingly obvious that economic self-reliance could not be achieved if the external monetary situation had strong control on the country's economy. 50 In the case of the rural areas the Ujamaa village was envis- aged as a community of families who would move voluntarily from scattered holdings to farms communally held while maintaining their own private plots of approximately one acre per family. The communal living would enable education, health and social water services to be made available much more economically than to widely scattered house- holds, and the socialist political philosophy could be taught more efficiently. Communal production would enable the village to develop much more rapidly for the good of a larger number of Tanzanians. Under the Ujamaa village system, families pooled their labor on the communal farms, and individuals were paid on the basis of dividing the crOp produced according to the number of days worked. In the Arusha Declaration all human beings are perceived to be equal. The state has the right and obligation to insure economic justice and to assume effective control over the means of production. The state had the right and the responsibility to intervene actively in the economic life of the nation so as to ensure the well-being of all citi- zens and so as to prevent the exploitation of one person by another or one group by another, and so as to prevent the accumulation of wealth to an extent which is inconsistent with the existence of a classless society. Following the Arusha Declaration, combating illiteracy became a political issue which no government institution chose to ignore. Apart from giving the problem of illiteracy political significance and drive, the Arusha Declaration also provided the country with a well-defined phiIOSOphy based on mass participation. Concerning the 51 direction education was to take, this philosophy was specifically expounded in the document "Education for Self Reliance."10 In sum, it is reasoned in the Arusha Declaration, that in order to avoid exploitation Of person by person there ought to be equal educational Opportunities for all. There is no room for elitist education in Tanzania, states the AD. Education, starting from the primary stage, must be geared towards the requirements Of the community where most of the citizens live--the rural community. In the policy of socialism and rural development, the masses are expected to participate fully, but their chances to do so are severely limited by the fact that they are illiterate; hence the importance of the mass literacy campaign as a key to mass mobilization and the development of leadership potential. After the Arusha Declaration and the publication of Education for Self Reliance, the handling of the literacy problem in Tanzania entered a new phase and became integrated more and more into national development plans. In President Nyerere's speech in 1971 Ten Years After Inde- pendence, he states that: The importance of the Arusha Declaration is difficult to overestimate. It provided a guideline to the people, the Government and the Party, to which all future policy decisions could be compared. After it, there has been no excuse for decisions which, although good in certain respects, would divert our development from its purpose of serving the whole peOple. An equally important result of the Arusha Declaration, however, has been a new consciousness that the develop- ment of a nation means the development of its people, rather than the erection Of imposing buildings or impressive roads. Of course, in a country like Tanzania, dispersing your effort to benefit the masses Of the people, who live throughout our 360,000 square miles, means that the results of much of the work are not very visible. It is still easier to point to the industrial and business developments which have taken place since the Arusha Declaration than it is to display develop- ments in the rural areas. Indeed, more money has been put into the rural areas in this post Arusha period. Despite much change we have not yet succeeded in making our practice keep up with the change in consciousness. 1 As late as 1966, Tanzania, thinking of develOpment principally as economdc develOpment, had given little thought to using the educa- tional system for political and social develOpment. Two develOpments that year made Obvious the fact that there was a crisis in the system. the first of these resulted from the decision of the Government to abolish StandardIB. As a consequence, not just the Standard 8 grad- uates but the Standard 7 as well vied for secondary school places in the spring (see Appendix B for explanation of standards and levels as related to grades). The second development was the student demonstration against the government's plan to require two years of National Service in occupations related to the students' fields of specialization but at reduced salaries. That demonstration indicated that most of the University College of Dar es Salaam students and graduates were manifestly inapprOpriate instruments for an egalitarian program.12 President Nyerere made an example of the students as a warn- ing to the nation. Underlying President Nyerere's essay, ESR, was a concern with two revolutions. One was a counter-revolution against the education system introduced by the colonial power which had sought to make Tanzania into a subservient society accepting 53 its position and serving the interests of the occupying power. The other revolution was "compounded of embitterment at the frustration of unrealistic expectations, of alienation from an educated elite, Of failure to comprehend the Objectives the Government and TANU were trying to attain."13 Tanzania's basic problem continues to be how to build a new structure with insufficient craftsmen who understand the blueprints; in other words, how to promote socialist develOpments without socialists in an environment which would foster egalitarian attitudes as Opposed to opportunistic or elitist ones. The importance of producing socialist leaders and teachers who would themselves be the implementors of the general socialistic propositions outlined in the Arusha Declaration cannot be over- emphasized. Failure to produce such persons could conceivably mean that Tanzania could fail to transform the Arusha principles into reality. Education for Self-Reliance (ESR) The concept of self—reliance was first introduced at the national level in 1964 and has changed many of the nation's economic policies. Self-reliance means relying on resources within the nation instead of waiting for some external aid. Self-reliance demands also that resources be used for the benefit of all the people and implies an end of privileges. It is a combination Of external and internal reliance but with an emphasis on internal resources. 54 Many statements and government policy manuals followed the Arusha Declaration, detailing in specialized areas the specific ramifications of the new directions of TANU. The most important of these statements was Education for Self-Reliance, published in March, 1967. This document attempts to show the links between educational policy and the broader policies of national develOpment for Tanzania. It discusses the development of the Education for Self-Reliance policy as it is related to the Arusha Declaration. The Education for Self-Reliance policy cannot be detached from the general direc- tives intended to guide future political and economic patterns in Tanzania. Education for Self-Reliance examines the purpose of the educational system of Tanzania in light of the goals of equality and self-reliance, democracy and socialism.14 The Education for Self-Reliance document is the "post-Arusha policy directive on education." It calls for an educational revolu- tion--a recasting of the entire educational system in the light of Tanzania's needs and social objectives. On March 9, 1967, the government of Tanzania published this document which was a synthesis of the educational theory which had been developing since independence, notably 1964. It was an outline of the place of education in the future of the republic. The search for new guidelines on the purpose of education to match the proclaimed policy of socialism and self-reliance in the Arusha Declaration culminated in this policy statement. The purpose of the new guide- line was to revolutionize the country's system of education. This 55 document of sweeping sc0pe may deserve to be ranked among the very finest state papers on education because of the way in which it projects the prospective role for education in this nation. Its basic goal was to establish equality of educational Opportunity and to change the fundamentally elitist orientation of the inherited system of schooling in Tanzania. Further, Education for Self-Reliance is an attempt to forge a sense of common community and joint commit- ment to the nation's goals via school and work. The Education for Self-Reliance statement contains President Nyerere's prescriptions for significant educational reforms directed toward the creation of an educational system appropriate to an inde- pendent, socialistic, rural, and poor African nation. Perhaps the Education for Self-Reliance document is best viewed as a social document, one which attempts to outline the role that education should play within the developing society of Tanzania. The document is written in a simple, eloquent, compact style. In it President Nyerere advocated a systematic change of education in practically all essential areas. These included the purpose Of education, its curricular content and organization, the internal relations and management of the school, academic evaluation processes and structure, the school's relations with and within the community, and its essential work activity functions. Tanzania is committed to the transformation of the socio-economic structure of the nation according to the country's policy of socialism and self-reliance. 56 Accordingly, specific attention has been given to educational change in order to insure that the educational system does not Operate in Opposition to the changes proposed in the rest of the society via the Arusha Declaration. Because of its breadth and complexity, the Education for Self-Reliance statement is difficult to summarize both as a document and as a governmental policy response. It is the intention of this study to examine only those sections of Education for Self-Reliance which are pertinent to an examination of adult education in Tanzania. As President Nyerere admits, certain critical events of 1966 preci- pitated the issuance of the Education for Self-Reliance document. One was the debate in the National Assembly about the primary school leavers. This debate pointed up the critical situation of the primary school leaver who could not find a place in the limited secondary schools or employment in the urban centers. The other critical event was the demonstration by university students and their boycott of university classes. The demonstration was in response to the demand that university students be required to do three years of National Service. To policy makers this boycott characterized university students as a group unwilling to serve the people who make it possible for them to achieve their education because there is no tuition, room or board charged to students for their university education in Tanzania. As President Nyerere stated, this demonstra- tion was both unpatriotic and a vestige of colonial attitudes for which he did not blame the students. It did point up, however, the 57 need to restructure education so that as an institution it would become supportive of overall socialistic develOpment in the country. The contents of Education for Self-Reliance express the view of the government Of Tanzania because it represents another application of the Tanzanian political philosophy of Ujamaa and the Arusha Declara- tion to education and thus it provides the theoretical basis for the new Tanzanian system of education.15 Since 1961, when Tanzania became a dominion in the British Commonwealth, Ujamaa familyhood has been applied to the various facets of Tanzanian society; and its application to education has since pro— duced a system which is uniquely Tanzanian and radically different from the British colonial system of education which formerly existed. The Education for Self-Reliance document also analyzes the educational system as well as prevalent attitudes and the need for an educational revolution. In justifying the need for Tanzanian educational reform, President Nyerere briefly surveyed post- independence Tanzanian educational development; concluding that, except for a few modifications, education in Tanzania had continued unaltered in the inherited colonial model. He stated in Education for Self-Reliance "that since independence three of the most glaring faults Of Tanzania's education inheritance have been tackled: racial distinctions within education were abolished; there has been a great expansion Of educational facilities made available to the children of Tanzania; and the education provided in the schools is . 16 now much more Tanzanian in content. 58 Education for Self-Reliance deals with three major goals: 1. Because of present limited resources Education for Self-Reliance should provide the means to fight the growth of public expenditure on educa- tion relative to other social services; thus the work-study component. 2. Education for Self-Reliance is seen as an impor- tant tool in fostering correct values, including COOperation, responsibility and self-dependence which can promote independence and self-reliance. 3. Education for Self-Reliance, when applied, should prepare young peOple to fit better into their own communities, thus discouraging the migration to the urban centers.1 Education for Self-Reliance goes beyond limited curriculum tinkering and minor structural modification. The educational system supported integration into the community, application of curriculum and student efforts to community needs, and the teaching of certain values and practices supportive of the development of a self-reliant, democratic, and socialistic Tanzania. Not unlike the Arusha Declaration, the education directive was designed to dramatically affect change in the residual colonial system which had,essentially, remained intact. The educational system had, in fact, been expanded into the rural areas since inde- pendence. Although the educational system.had been expanded at all 59 levels, the elitist value system inherent in the colonial system had not been addressed; nor were skills being enhanced for rural Tanzania, and the rural Tanzanians may have been worse off, in these ways in early 1967, than they had been prior to independence. Tanzania, by continuing the colonial educational system, was in fact exacerbating national problems. Consequently Education for Self—Reliance demanded, among other things, an egalitarian approach in the planning and the content of the educational process for the liberation of Tanzanians. For educators and the public in general tuned to think in the colonial way, this ESR document, according to Komba18 was too revolutionary. Despite many seminars and workshops that were organ- ized at various levels to discuss the meaning of the policy directive and to work out the strategies of its implementation, there were many misunderstandings of the policy. As a matter of fact, some critics have gone even further and said that it was perhaps too naive to expect a successful implementation of the policy by a colonially- educated bureaucratic elite aspiring to be capitalists in the midst of and at the expense of the masses of poor peasants. In the view of these critics, it would be naive to attribute the failure in the policy implementation only to a misunderstanding of it without reference to the reality of class struggle which undoubtedly has existed in Tanzania.1 President Nyerere in Education for Self Reliance then out- lined the foremost characteristics of the educational system which Tanzania would construct under his leadership. 60 Footnotes Chapter IV lJulius K. Nyerere, The Arusha Declaration, Dar es Salaam (Tanzania Government Printer), 1967, p. 1. 22. J. Mpogolo, "Literacy Campaigns in the Context of Develop- ment" (unpublished Tanzania Ministry of National Education), 1979, p. 3. 3Nyerere, p. 7. 4Nyerere, p. 17. 5Nyerere, p. 19. 6Nyerere, p. 20. 7Ergas Zaki, "Why Did the Ujamaa Village Policy Fall? - Towards Global Analysis", Journal of Modern African Studies, p. 31. 8Henry Biene, Tanzania: Parry Transformation and Economic Develgpment, 1970, p. 81. 9Nyerere, p. 9. 10C. Scott Kelly, "The Role of an American University as an Institution for National Development, New York: Columbia University), (dissertation), 1972, p. 9. 11Julius K. Nyerere, "Ten Years After Independence" Dar es Salaam Tanzania Government Printers, 1971, p. 3. 12Julius K. Nyerere,"Education for Self Reliance" Dar es Salaam Tanzania Government Printers, 1967, p. 14. 13C. Y. Mgonia, "Adult Education and Political Development." p. 3. 14Nyerere, "Education for Self Reliance", p. 14. 15Donatus Albert Komba, The Integration of Education and Work in Tanzania, p. 8. 16Nyerere, "Education for Self Reliance", p. 14. 61 17Komba, p. 8. 18Komba, pp. 14-16. 9Louis Francis Dolan, "Transition from Colonialism to Self Reliance in Tanzanian Education," p. 19. CHAPTER V IMPLEMENTATION RESPONSES TO ARUSHA DECLARATION AND EDUCATION FOR SELF—RELIANCE Sub-Topic IV This is to describe and analyze the implementation in adult education the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance policy statement throughout the Tanzanian Republic from 1967 to the 19805. The methodology and treatment of this sub-topic differs from the treatment of preceding sub-topics in that this sub-topic contributes most heavily to this work; therefore, it will be handled in the following sub-sections: Section One of this sub-topic includes the official govern- mental and structural responses to the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance document as they relate specifically to adult education in Tanzania. Section Two briefly describes "wakati wa Furaha" (Time for Rejoicing), the "Mtu ni Afya" (Man is Health) and the'Chakula ni Uhai" (Food is Life) campaigns as they sought to perfect radio tech- nology to discover the contributions radio could make to mass literacy campaigns--"Kisomo Kwa Redio" (Literacy through radio). 62 63 This section describes application of mass media principles to the actual mass literacy campaigns themselves. Section Three reports primary sources, by on-site observa- tions of the researcher,(observations were made in July and August, 1981 and 1982). Section One of Sub-Topic IV This section contains the official governmental and struc- tural responses to the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance document as they relate specifically to adult education in Tanzania. Basically the post Arusha-ESR policies were aimed at two things--national integration and self-reliance. After ESR was issued, a series of working parties--involving teachers and educational administrators--was set up to examine the means of implementing the new ideas contained in the documents. At the same time, many schools in the country--particu1arly the secondary schools--began the work of Opening farms, establishing workshOps, and undertaking 'nation building' tasks.1 One of the first tasks was to organize a conference on the implementation of the Arusha Declaration and Education for Self Reliance in Tanzanian education. The conference was held from April 10-14, 1967,2 at University College, Dar es Salaam, and was attended by senior members of Tanzania's officialdom, all Regional Educational Officers, heads of all secondary and teacher training 64 colleges, and the education secretaries of the religious organiza- tions engaged in educational work in the country. If for no other reason than its composition, the Conference on Education for Self- Reliance was significant, for it provided a forum for the educational establishment of Tanzania to respond to President Nyerere's Education for Self-Reliance. Its recommendations for implementation of the new policy on education had added significance because the conference participants bore the major responsibility for implementing the manifesto throughout the educational sector of the society. Two recommendations from this conference have pertinence to our investi- gation. The fourth recommendation of the conference is especially noteworthy: It states, All teachers and tutors should study the contents of the Arusha Declaration and Education for Self-Reliance and devise steps to be taken to achieve desired socialistic and self-reliance attitudes. All expatriate candidates for Tanzanian teaching posts should be inter- viewed by Tanzanians who would also take part in their orientation, both in the country of the expatriate and later in Tanzania.3 Recommendation NO. 6 from the conference was directed at the adult education policy: Schools should become involved in the community with pupils and teachers participating in self-help pro- jects, teaching adult classes during weekends and attending community social activities such as games, concerts, and national festivals. School facilities, such as the library, dispensary and sports facilities, should be open to all members of the neighboring community.4 To carry out the large tasks assigned to adult education, a network of supervisory and coordinating personnel has been established. 65 Four types of adult education programs which operate through the network are functional literacy programs, discussions of national policies, short term mass education programs, and local education programs. The second Five—Year Plan (1969-1974), sought further to implement ESR. It envisaged changing the primary schools into "com- munity educational centres" which, in addition to functioning as primary schools, would meet the educational needs of out-of-school youths and of adults. In this way the formal and non-formal educa- tion would be integrated at the village level through the primary schools ggm_community educational centres. In 1969, the Education Act was passed. It provided, with immediate effect, "for the development of a system of education in conformity with the political, social and cultural ideas of the United Republic."6 The government took over the reaponsibility for all schools, employing all teachers as government servants. The Ministry of Education was renamed the Ministry of National Education and had henceforth to coordinate all educational matters on a national leve1,(a plan of decentralization was later put into Opera- tion.) Under this reorganization plan the new Ministry of National Education enjoyed an enlarged scape of jurisdiction. Under the new organizational chart, a director was appointed whose responsibilities correspond to those of the former Chief Education Officer. The Ministry of National Education created a Directorate for Adult 66 Education. The director at ministerial headquarters was to coordi- nate activities for adult education. In 1973, this Directorate was to have a Director of Adult Education whose district was subdivided into wards; in each ward there is a education officer charged with the responsibility of seeing that adult education classes run smoothly. Teachers at primary schools, secondary school pupils, teacher train- ing college students, develOpment officers and TANU officials all are directed to involve themselves in such a way as to ensure that adult education runs cOOperatively and successfully. Adult education was transferred to the Ministry of National Education so that teachers would be better integrated with the people. Earlier the adult education activities were part of the Ministry of Regional Administration and Rural Development. Although literacy was an important goal in adult education, it was not the only goal. The main emphasis was on rural develOpment which the policy makers asserted could be more efficiently reached through the vehicle of education. Literacy was to be included in response to popular demand, as people of the area became aware of its functional importance. A work oriented literacy project was organized with UNESCO's cOOpera- tion in 1967-1969 in selected areas. At this time the decision-making machinery was expanded through the establishment of the National Adult Education Committee of the National Advisory Committee on Education (NACE). Its function was to advise the Minister on policy matters pertaining to adult education.7 67 The basic unit of the adult education network is the com- munity school which serves during part of the day as the primary school for children while operating in the afternoons as an adult education center. The subjects that are taught at each center may vary depending on the interests of the people, the availability Of teachers, and the develOpment priorities in the district. To carry outtfluilarge tasks assigned to adult education, a network of super— visory and coordinating personnel was established. The government, with the help of UNESCO, started the Func- tional Literacy Project in the west Lake region. People within this region were taught not only how to read and write but also how to improve their trades thereby improving their standard of living. Primary readers were written on relevant subjects: the growing of coffee, cotton or banana trees, for example, and those engaged in such activities were helped to learn to read about them. The provi- sion of a basic education for all its citizens, children and adults, as quickly as possible became the major priority in the develOpment Of education during the post-Arusha Declaration period. Adult education was to become an effective reality in every part of the country; teachers engaged themselves in translating the Arusha Declaration and Education for Self-Reliance in relation to school activities and to the lives of their adult pupils. The use of the ESR guidelines were employed to realize this outcome. Within the framework of the policy of socialism and self- reliance, encouraging attempts at re-orienting the educational systems 68 to the realities and needs of the country in accordance with the policy of education for self-reliance were to be undertaken. Empha- sis was given to the provision of basic skills and knowledge linked to the developmental needs of the citizens and their community. Another action which the government took to assure that adult learning received ample attention was the establishment of the post of District Education Officer for Adult Education in each of the nation's educational jurisdictions. By establishing the structure and allocating the increased funds for adult learning, Tanzania modified the administrative network to deal with major problems related to adult education programs. The designation of the primary school teacher as the one responsible for instruction of adults brought with it a substantial increase in status for adult education as well as psychological support for the instructor. Later studies show that this increase in status alone was not sufficient to keep the primary school teacher instructing the adults when their 30Tz, shillings per month was not forthcoming because of shortfalls in allocations.8 Recognizing that 96 percent of the peOple of Tanzania are rural dwellers, any plan which determines to meet the needs of this segment Of the pOpulation comes a long way toward meeting the government's goals as these relate to the political, educational and ideological goals of the nation. In October, 1974, the TANU National Executive Committee, meeting in Musoma, reviewed educational policy and issued a directive demanding that education and work become more effectively integrated 69 in educational institutions. At this time President Nyerere observed that "the gap between policy and practice is glaring, . . . we in Tanzania have not yet found the right educational policy, or have not yet succeeded in implementing it . . .9 The Institute of Adult Education is designed as the body created for urban adult education needs. Further, it is responsible for training an adult education staff, for research, and for develop- ing a National Correspondence College for isolated, illiterate per- sons. The Institute was established in 1964 by the Council of the University College and grew out of a Department of extramural studies. A.nine-month residential diploma course in Adult Education was started in July, 1969, and continues to the present time. It is headed by Ndrigu Kilindo and information on its function is included in the interviews reported in Section III of Chapter VI. The exis- tence of the network of adult education centers and organizers makes it possible for various types of programs to Operate. The fact that the network exists stimulates creative thinking. As part of this network, that Institute of Adult Education functions as an indepen— dent "parastatal" organization under the Ministry of National Educa- tion. The Institute serves as the focus for professional adult education in Tanzania and operates through several departments, including one related to research. Another action aimed at integration of the country through education was the designation of Kiswahili as the official language Of Tanzania. It was also made the medium for all instruction in the 70 primary schools. This resolution became effective January 1, 1968.10 English, though not eliminated as a class subject, was considered less important as an instrument for rural development and integration. The new books introduced since 1967 and the new syllabi of 1969 also incorporate socialist principles. Courses in African and Tanzanian history are replacing the imbalance of the British Commonwealth and EurOpean social studies. Neither children nor adults continue to memorize names of kings and queens of Great Britain as they did formerly. However, the lack of teaching materials in Swahili impedes the introduction of Swahili as a medium of instruction in higher education, but through the Institute for Kiswahili Research at the University, there is hope that this situation will soon be reversed. The impact on adult education is Obvious--students are not able to make the progress desired if Swahili reading materials are not available. The national curriculum was adapted to conform with local circumstances. Only arithmetic, English, and Kiswahili remained unmodified. Political education and community studies (natural sciences, domestic science, history, and geography) were modified to suit local circumstances. Agriculture, health care, self-help, and instruction in traditional culture were added as integral parts of the curriculum. The Ministry has been trying to produce new textbooks as cheaply as possible and to schedule their introduction according to their availability and available funds.11 71 The policies of the post-Arusha era then emphasized self- realization more than any earlier policies did, especially in primary and adult education where they touch the majority of the Tanzanian population. In addition, primary and adult education for illiterates was to receive priority. This represented a departure from the period preceding the Arusha Declaration when primary emphasis was given to the development only of high level managers and technicians who were needed to assume the positions of expatriate managers and technicians who had departed to their native countries following independence. Universal Primary Education was to be achieved within a ten-year period (1977). Eradication of illiteracy among Tanzania's five and a half million illiterate adults by 1975 was another bold objective.12 Although these objectives were not met by the time planned, Tanzania can today boast of having achieved both objectives. On December 31, 1969,13 the President, in a New Year's speech to the nation, declared the ensuing twelve months as "Adult Educa- tion Year" and said we must give this work a very high priority. The second five-year development plan 1969-7414’ which came after the Arusha Declaration was directly aimed at the implementation of socialism and self-reliance. This reliance on mass education to enable the people to become articulate, intelligent, willing agents in the transformation of their own lives was noteworthy. A distinct feature in the expansion of primary education was the special concern and efforts of the nation to provide education for handicapped children. Education for the handicapped naturally 72 calls for more efforts and heavier investments but represents the commitment of equality and self-reliance characteristic of post- Arusha Tanzania.15 The purpose of the decentralization policy of the government of Tanzania, effected in 1972, was to give more direct power to the peOple and to underscore the fact that the people were essential agents and are central to any develOpment plans. This was as true for policy formulation as well as in the implementation policy. The Tanzanian campaigns were meant to instill the spirit of local interest in national affairs; they were also meant to make the parti- cipant central rather than the structures, the administrators and the equipment. In 1962, Tanzania had recognized, at least in words, that national progress could not wait until school children had been educated and had grown up before the country achieved economic and social development. The immediate education of adults was seen to be essential. In fact, one of the promises of a Tanzanian African National Union member is, "I shall educate myself to the best of my 16 Therefore, ability and use my education for the benefit of all." this spirit of education for self-reliance and its philosophy eventually caused the Ministry of Education to change its name to the Ministry of National Education again embracing the "mass" com- prehensive nature of the reform. Soon thereafter all the schools in the country were nationalized. Local authority schools, voluntary agency schools, and private ones were controlled by the state. 73 Private schools could Operate only after approval by the Ministry of National Education which granted registration permits. Tanzanian culture became an integrated part of the national curriculum. Cul- tural youth movements were formed throughout the schools, and all over the country national games and sports were revived and encouraged. Students involved themselves in adult education activities also, and school councils were formed to run student governments throughout teacher training colleges and secondary schools. National service became integral to the teacher training system. All students, before admission to university or training institutions, were required to join national service for five months. In national service camps they learn alertness, bravery, national spirit, and self-reliance work in different projects: poultry keep- ing, cow rearing, medicine and pharmacy, masonry, mechanics, rice or wheat farming, and adult education. They also learn elementary techniques of the PeOple's Militia Army. During this time of national service they are paid only a small allowance, and their expenses are met by the government.17 There is sincere desire to modernize the country's rural areas. The attempt to do this is through the creation of Ujamaa villages. It has been determined that when people live together in Ujamaa villages, it is much easier for the government to help them and more importantly for them to help themselves. The people form in efforts to get a clean supply of water, build centralized schools for their children, and they provide physical facilities for medical 74 care. They are also helped with modern farming facilities, such as good seeds and fertilizer. After their daily work, the Ujamaa villagers have less difficulty joining adult education classes in the evenings since they are also able to arrange for joint child care responsibilities. The Tanzanian system of education does not end after formal school years. It is a continuous process that involves peOple at all levels, pre-school children, youth and adults. It is an educa- tion that emphasizes progress and development, of peoples' minds and their intelligence. It is an education that believes massive develop- ment for all the people within the nation must be a cOOperative endeavor. To put it in President Julius K. Nyerere's own words: The education provided by Tanzania for the students of Tanzania must serve the purposes of Tanzania. It must encourage the development of a proud, indepen- dent, and free citizenry which relies upon itself for its own development, which knows the advantages and the problems of COOperation. It must ensure that the educated themselves be an integral part of the nation and recognize the responsibility to give greater service the greater the Opportunities they have had. This is not only a matter of school organization and curriculum. Social values are formed by family, school and society by the total environment in which a child develops. But it is no use to our educational system stressing values and knowledge appropriate to the past or the goals of any other society. 8 While Tanzania was concentrating on the needs of the rural sector there was an apparent need in the urban sector for education that was not being addressed. It was decided to approach this need by the delivery of a circular on WOrker's Education. This applied 75 to the wage earning sector of Tanzania found mainly in more urbanized settings. Thus Tanzania, like other previously colonized nations, was preoccupied with the process of changing old political values through education and work. The changing of these values and atti- tudes occupied a place of high priority in the activities of leaders and ruling parties. The assumption, which politicians and behavioral scientists share, is that the political values and attitudes of the peOple directly and significantly affect the survival potential of new nations and the ruling party. With the expansion of the economy and services after indepen- dence, the Tanzanian salaried work force increased. Since the rate of increase in workers was expected to rise, it became necessary to rethink the need to give the Tanazian salaried workers more oppor- tunities to learn so that they too would help make socialism a reality in their new nation. In 1969, this need to enable the workers to continue to learn was declared a policy by President Nyerere. Although his message dealt with the general aims of adult education, there is no doubt that workers' education was an important component Of the adult education program: The task of building a socialist society could not be clearly advanced without an all-round develOpment of the working population towards acquisition both of the new national identity and ideology and of modern pro- duction techniques. Later, in 1973, the Prime Minister, Kawawa, issued a policy statement on workers' educa- tion as only a component of overall educational develop- ment, and as such is subject not only to coordination, but also to subordination, of the whole education system, and adult education in particular, cognizant of the historical conditions and the desired future social and political system in Tanzania.20 76 Within the Directorate of Adult Education there is a Workers' Education Section. This section is reponsible for: 1. Workers' education in Offices, factories, etc., in collaboration with the Department of WOrkers' Educa- tion in the Ministry of Labour and Social Welfare. 2. Curricula development for workers' education. 3. Secondary education for the workers as well as the correspondence course. 4. The organization of the certificate and diploma courses in adult education. 5. To keep the statistics of workers' education in the country.2 The workers' education program must involve all workers, from the illiterate worker to those who have university degrees or are at the top managerial level. At this point self-employed workers were not included. The WOrkers' Education circular also included a six—point guideline to be implemented with immediate effect, by every ministry, institution, parastatal and industrial enterprise. It clearly indi- cated the importance attached by the state to the success of the worker's education program. The seven-points of this guideline were: (i) Any establishment employing workers must have concrete programmers for educating them in various matters, from eradicating illiteracy to technical education; (ii) A WOrkers' Education Officer must be appointed who will be responsible for making programmes of education at the work place. The appointed official should be able and should have full responsibility which will enable him to execute this work; 77 (iii) A separate financial vote for workers' education should be budgeted; (iv) All reports on workers' education programmes and progress reports should be forwarded to the Regional Labour Officer and the Regional Co-ordinator of Adult Education who will be required to send them to the Regional Adult Education Committee and later to the Ministries of National Education and Social Welfare; (v) Workers' education should be conducted during normal working hours for at least one hour every day but institutions are at liberty to use any other time, both outside normal working hours and in excess of one hour per day, for workers' education activities, so long as such liberty does not reduce production and efficiency of the factory or office and is reached by consensus of workers' committee on educa- tion. (vi) Labour officers in the Ministry of Labour will have the right to inspect the places of work to make sure that workers' education programmes exist and that they are being implemented. 2 Further, it was believed that although a successful permanent workers' education program has to be centrally planned and directed, it must also be a collective responsibility of all the peOple and their institutions. Hence, elected workers' education committees were to be formed at all levels of the administrative structure. The main functions of the committees was to insure that in their respective jurisdiction workers' education plans were consistent with the national policy. They were expected to mobilize the workers to enroll in the classes. To give these committees the necessary executive and functional powers, the head of the institution or regional area is the chairman of the committee, while the workers' 78 education co-ordinating officer acts as the secretary. At the national level, the National Advisory Council to the Ministry for National Education is empowered to insure that the Adult Education Committee also handle any matters pertaining to workers' education. MWalimu states that . . . it is essential that work places become places of education as well as of work. Classes must be organized there for literacy, skills, politics and anything else in which a group of workers are interested. Of course this education cannot replace work; but it can and must supplement it, and be part of the working day. At the moment we have, as a new thing, many literacy classes in different factories in Dar es Salaam. But this is not enough. We must go very much further than that. In a country dedicated to change we must accept that education and working are both parts of living and should continue from birth until we die. Then we may begin to deserve the praise that was given to Tanzania by the man who said that our policy is 'revolution'. At the moment, and despite our undoubted achievements, such praise refers more to what we say than to what we do.2 A directive issued by the Prime Minister, Ndugu Rashid Kawawa, on July 5, 1973, firmly committed the nation to workers' education. This circular stated in clear terms that workers' education was part and parcel of the continuing adult education program and a life-long process for all workers in any field or specialization, at any place of work. Its objectives were the same as those laid down in 1970 for adult education in general, that is: "to liberate Tanzanians economically, mentally and culturally; to teach Tanzanians how to change their environment; to make Tanzanians understand their country's policy of socialism and self-reliance.24 In July, 1973, all private firms, parastatals, ministries and institutions were 79 requested to organize well-considered and comprehensive workers' education programs involving all their workers: Workers' education activities in Tanzania now are designed to Offset the consequences of restricted access to formal education Of a large sector of the working pOpulation. This is to be accomplished through the use of conventional teaching methods as well as effective innovatory practices.25 Summarized, . . . the purpose of workers education activities is to provide for workers of all levels of learning opportunities which will help them to understand the ideology of socialism and to become more pro- ductive and effective in their work places, and thus to reduce the education, communication and pro- fessional gap which may exist nationally and inter- nationally.2 Admittedly the colonial type of workers' education was designed to adapt the few selected workers to colonial needs, e.g., support of the colonial administration at the middle manpower level. Therefore at independence, civil servants, professionals, middle- level technicians and political activists all had to be familiarized with the new roles and role performance needed for national recon- struction. By way of a typical example it was reported in the January 1, 1978, Daily News of Tanzania that Tanesco (Tanzania Electrical Supply Company). a parastatal company, was attempting to totally eradicate illiteracy among its workers to conform to the Government's direc- tive on Adult and Worker's Education programs. In 1975 out of 3,700 workers more than 800 were literate and passed into the primary level four stage. Ndugu Mtekani reported that each Tanesco branch has a 80 special workers' education committee with a secretary who is also a teacher and coordinator of workers' education programs. In the Five-Year DeveIOpment plan drawn up for the years 1976 to 1981, the outline for the workers' education program included: eradication of illiteracy amongst the workers; strengthening of the skills of workers who are literate so as to prevent their relapse into illiteracy, or ignorance of modern technological developments; provision and reinforcement of a workers' educa- tion environment and a permanent, lifelong educa- tion; establishment of four zonal workers' education programs by the Ministry of Labour and Social Services.2 Unfortunately the goals of the plan have not been realized although ardous work continues in all areas. Limited funds have not per- mitted increased efforts on these fronts. Some of the economic reasons referred to will be discussed later in this work. Considering the instructions given to factories and Offices, the different seminars organized for workers and the increasing number of opportunities offered to the workers by educational insti- tutions, all provided by the state free of charge, there is every reason to believe that with the support of the whole society, the program of lifelong education for workers should be able to achieve the goal of increasing the knowledge, skills and capacities of the Tanzanian workers and of reinforcing their convictions and attitudes in a socialistic mode. All of the above would seem to assure success in the Worker's Education Division. 81 For seven years after the Education for Self-Reliance mani— festo, the country grappled with the implementation of this document with varying degrees of success. However, by November, 1974, Mwalimu ascertained that there were glaring areas of noncompliance relative to the Education for Self-Reliance doctrine. TANU (Tanganyika African National Union), at a meeting of the National Executive Committee, issued a document entitled'Directive on the Implementation of Education for Self-RelianceJ' It was noted that one of the major failures in the implementation effort was the integration of education with work. Some critics of the Education for Self-Reliance document said that it was perhaps "too naive to expect a successful implementation of the policy by a colonially educated bureaucratic elite aspiring to be capitalists in the midst and perhaps at the expense of the masses of poor peasants."29 Item four of the directive supports an evaluation of the efforts to implement for ESR. "In 1967 we agreed to call this type of education: 'Education for Self-Reliance,‘ and we decided to implement it. How far have we succeeded in its implementation?" President Nyerere goes on to state in Item seven that "We also stated that the education so provided should be for the benefit of the masses, since we would otherwise have no justification for taxing them in order that only a few may be educated."30 Item 12 of the directive states that . . . both in our thinking and in our actions, we have been unduly influenced by 'international standards'. It seems that some of us are not ready to accept that a Tanzanian youth has been properly educated if his 82 educational qualifications or certificates are not recognized by certain foreign countries. That is to say, we have not succeeded in liberating ourselves mentally, nor in having self-confidence, in selecting that which is most suitable to our objective conditions instead of continuing to imitate the system of other people whose economy and mode of life is totally dif- ferent from ours.31 In Item 14 Mwalimu called upon the nation . . . to rid ourselves of the unfortunate habit of giving more esteem to someone who has high education. In our employment policies, performance in the class- room has been the only yardstick. We have continued to judge a young man's abiliEy only by looking at the examinations he has passed.3 Mwalimu declared that we must change the existing procedures and practices in our primary education system. We further deplored the practice of introducing students into secondary schools for the sole purpose of preparing students for university entrance. He called for a reexamination of this premise. In a direct reference to adult education in this directive in Item 21 he states that "It is clear that the tremendous success which has been achieved in our adult education programs has been brought about by the use of revolutionary techniques in the implemen- tation of those programs." This is undoubtedly a direct reference to the practice of permitting secondary school students to teach pupils who are less well educated, for example. In Item 39 Mwalimu states we reminded "ourselves of the decision we made in 1967 whose aim was to ensure that in all our schools, work becomes part and parcel of the students' learning activities. Work is an integral part of learning activities and study is part of work." 83 In Item 40 he refers to work-study integration as being "the most appropriate system for a country such as ours. we took steps, [he notes] in this direction when we issued instructions that adult literacy classes should be conducted during normal working hours, and that they should be considered as part of the normal work schedule." In Item 42 Mwalimu reports that "The National Execu- tive Committee now directs that our educational system be restructured in such a way that everyone attending courses will have to do some work as part of his train- ing. The Committee urges the Government to formulate concrete plans for the implementation of this directive as soon as possible.33 While the proceedings of the Musoma Conference call for implementing the documents of 1967, the proceedings also serve as an evaluative document. In the proceedings Mwalimu reviews the seven years between the pronouncements of the Arusha Declaration and the ESR document and states areas of successes and failures. The "Directive on Implementation" goes on to make recommendations about what should be done at this stage under a section referred to as "Where We Got Stuck."34 The attitude of privilege accorded to a few was changed by the "Musoma Resolution of 1974" which stated that university educa- tion must be regarded as an extension of adult education and hence as a right for the population already working. This position not only elevated the status of adult education; it erased the idea that university education which had traditionally been the domain of the privileged secondary school leavers, was to remain as such. Under the mature-age entrance scheme, workers now have an opportunity to secure places in the university and they are securing these in increasing numbers.35 84 The strategies for implementing adult education in the rural areas of the country were first spelled-out in the Second Five-Year Plan: The main emphasis in adult education in this plan period will be on rural development. It will include simple training in agricultural techniques and crafts- manship, health education, housecraft, simple economics and accounting, and education in politics and the responsibilities of the citizen. In rural areas, vir- tually the whole of this work will be conducted in Swahili. Literacy will be taught on demand, as 36 people become aware of its functional importance. In 1979, President Nyerere presented the results of develop- ment in Tanzania to the TANU Biennial Conference, a decision-making body of the party. He stressed the importance of adult education as a life-long learning process bound up with living and working: Just as working is a part of education, so learning is a necessary part of working . . . . But learning must become an integral part of working and peOple must learn as and when they work . . . . It is there- fore essential that we should stop trying to divide up life into sections, one of which is for education and another, longer one of which is for work with occasional time Off for 'courses'. In a country dedicated to change we must accept that education and working are both parts of living and should con- tinue from birth until we die.37 The TANU Biennial Conference then decided that all literate persons must participate in the adult education programs as part of their work by helping another person to become literate as stated in the TANU pledge. The Second Five—Year Plan (1969-1974) also named various institutions that were to be involved in the process of implementing adult education: 85 The characteristic feature of adult education is that various organizations participate. Among them are government departments, TANU, United Women of Tanzania, the cooperative movement and the churches. Part of the work to be done is the promotion of new activities. 38 Decisions concerning adult education at the grassroots were made the responsibility of community leaders and community centers. The adult education network is seen as just one part, albeit a most important part, of the solution to the goal of national development. To achieve this goal, four different types of adult education programs will Operate through the adult education network: 1. Functional literacy programs, 2. Discussions of national policies, 3. Short-term mass education programs, 4. Local education programs.39 In a related method of achieving national develOpment goals, a major adult education role was assumed by Kivukoni College in providing technical assistance to Tanzanian Workers'education organi- zations, rural training centers, COOperative education agencies, the Tanganyika Library Service and the Institute of Adult Education. The work of the Institute of Adult Education, as its role is central to the work of the Tanzanian network of adult education, will be described later in this work. This will be discussed in the inter- view with the Director of the Institute. Of great importance is the fact that the central focus of the Tanzanian development strategy is the priority given to rural areas and agricultural development. The significance of this choice 86 was expressed by President Nyerere in his "Socialism and Rural Development" speech.4O He explained that Tanzania's resources are land, leadership, ideology and peOple. In the New Year's message referred to earlier on December 31, 1969, President Nyerere defined the Objectives of adult education and declared 1970 as Adult Education Year and further provided guide- lines for action. He summarized the aims of adult education as follows: 1) To shake Tanzanians out of resignation to the kind of life Tanzanian people have lived for centuries; 2) to learn to improve their lives; and 3) to make everyone understand our national policy of socialism and self reliance. Since then both the government and the party have been work- ing hard to educate the masses. Hundreds of thousands of peOple, men and women, Old and young, have enrolled in adult education classes. From that year, the organization Of life-long education with a slightly different emphasis than adult education, on a national level began. A Directorate of Adult Education was established within the Ministry of National Education, thus giving adult education a status equal to all other forms of education such as primary, secon- dary, technical or teacher training. In a further effort to more fully implement the Arusha Declara- tion and the Education for Self Reliance document the National Cor- respondence Institution was established in November, 1970. Since 87 1964 the Moshi Cooperative Education Center has demonstrated that correspondence instruction provides a relatively inexpensive method of instruction for a very large and widely dispersed student body."2 A Tanzanian/Swedish aid agreement addressed the need for an educational process designed specifically to meet the needs of the rural population. This process then, correspondence education, was seen also as a way of assisting the country in its effort to build an egalitarian society based on the principles of socialism. An important characteristic of Tanzanian egalitarianism was to have equal educational opportunities for every citizen regardless of age, sex, marital status, place of residence, social position or any other external barrier. Consistent with the second five year plan of Tanzania (1969) the correspondence institution sought to serve the needs of the literate but isolated persons throughout the country who wished to enlarge their knowledge and understanding of subjects deemed of impor- tance for national develOpment. Therefore the courses were geared toward developing a socialist and self-reliant country. They were written in the national language and thereby made a contribution towards the development of a national consciousness. Swahili is used to answer all inquiries and in information publications. Through the correspondence institution there are mass-oriented courses specifically prepared for those people with little or no formal education. Then there are those manpower oriented or profes- sional courses which are designed to provide training for middle 88 level management and administration in the form of on—the-job train- ing. Finally there are examination oriented courses for any adult wishing to sit for the Tanzania National Examinations for entrance to a higher level educational experience such as admission to the University of Dar es Salaam. The curricula is wholly in the hands of Tanzanians. The course manuscripts are edited in consultation with a subject- specialist tutor and a radio tutor. After printing a course is released and the public is notified in the newspaper and by radio broadcasts of its existence. The courses offered at the present time are political education, Swahili, math, English, geography, his- tory, bookkeeping and bean cultivation.l'3 The correspondence institution also provides for a system of advisement. Counsellors advise students before enrollment and during their course of study. Recorders check on the letters and assignments coming in from students. Assignments are mailed to part- time tutors for correction and marking, and grades are entered on record cards. Part-time tutors are paid a small honorarium for their services. Non-active students are urged to complete courses of study and appropriate letters are sent to them for this purpose. Regional tours are sometimes organized for tutors to distant, isolated correspondence students. Because of the special needs and priorities of the country all the correspondence education needs have not been realized. A few regional centers have been deve10ped but Dar es Salaam remains 89 the headquarters for the correspondence institution. The fact that consultants and part-time specialized services (printing) are more readily found in this area makes such practices logistically sound.44 Indicating the preoccupation with adult education, the President again took literacy as the theme of his message to the nation on the eve of the new year 1971. After pointing out the achievements which had been made in 1970 in appointing and training adult education officers in each district, he made the point that if illiterates are not to be exploited by those who know how to read and write, and if each adult citizen is to play a complete role in national development, illiteracy must be eradicated. Ndugu Rashid Kawawa, Second Vice-President, succinctly expressed it in the following manner: "I have said that adult educa- tion is of paramount importance to national develOpment; it would be more true to say that the two are inseparablef'5 Section Two of Sub-Topic IV Section Two contains a brief description of "Wakati wa Furaha" (Time for Rejoicing) 1971, the "Mtu ni Afya" (Man is Health) 1973 and the "Chakula ni Uhai" (Food is Life) 1975 campaign as they attempted to discover the contributions radio could make to mass literacy campaigns. The Ministry of National Education bought and distributed more than 7,000 radios, and all educational institutions in the country were given radios to be used in adult education acti- vities. Radio discussion group leaders were trained and all radio listening groups were provided with time tables of broadcasts."6 90 The initial campaigns referred to as the Tanzanian National Literacy Campaign were undertaken from 1972 to 1975 as one aspect of a comprehensive adult education effort aimed at mobilizing the human resources of the country for the purpose of rural development and the achievement of personal and national self-reliance. It is instructive to note the manner in which the adult educa- tion administrative policy makers of the country implemented the edicts of the Arusha Declaration and the ESR. A close look at three major mass literacy campaigns provide an Opportunity to scrutinize the elements of the campaigns through the use of (1) radio, (2) printed materials and (3) study groups. The success the campaigns achieved could be realized only through the coordination of the large number of cooperating ministries involved in each of these campaigns. The Institute of Adult Education initiated the mass literacy campaigns and is mandated to organize each literacy campaign for the nation. It is psychologically strategic that the Institute chose Tanzania's tenth anniversary of independence as the natural choice of a subject for the most ambitious radio study-group campaign up to that time--a natural "Time for Rejoicing", "Wakati wa Furaha." The campaign was designed to combine education with a jubilant celebration as there was great enthusiasm among the Tanzanian people in the wake of "Wakati wa Furaha." One of the objectives Of the campaign was the deepening of the Tanzanians' sense of nationhood transcending the divisiveness of the class divisions and the 91 divisiveness of the 120 ethnic groups of the country. The other goal was expanding educational opportunities to all illiterate adults through the radio study-group method.47 The Institute of Adult Education's planning began nearly ten months before the first scheduled broadcast was heard. Study groups were formed in every region of the country. The cooperation of numerous groups was deemed essential--the University of Dar es Salaam, the Ministries of National Education and Rural Development, Tanzanian African National Union and the COOperatives. Study materials for group members consisted of a series of radio programs, a Kiswahili textbook and a study guide. The radio programs and accompanying textbook chapters were loosely integrated. The text was designed to serve as a permanent source of background and factual detail and was written to be read aloud. The radio programs, on the other hand, were meant to stimulate discussion. There were eight half-hour radio programs which began with fifteen minutes of music, answers to questions sent in by groups, and announcements from the campaign organizers. During this gather- ing time, groups had a chance to assemble, settle down, and tune in literally and figuratively. Contributing to the success of the group was a manual for study-group leaders which covered general questions of leadership and which provided hints (including references to the textbooks and one study guide) for running study group meetings. These aids were designed to guarantee a successful campaign. The following Chapter VI includes evaluation strategies. 92 At the conclusion of the successful campaign, the next step was to launch a mass literacy campaign that would test the effective- ness of the campaign in its effort to move from abstract learning with little measurable application to action that would directly affect the quality of life in Tanzania. Following considerable dis- cussion among the ministries, organizations, and individuals involved, a new theme was agreed upon--community health, with an emphasis on preventive medicine. Since treatment and curative health services are far from adequate in Tanzania, the rationale seemed to be that efforts by the people themselves to prevent disease could make a dramatic difference in their lives.l'8 Numerous diseases known to Tanzanians were not only dreaded but were extremely debilitating as well as being so widespread. Tuberculosis, malaria, bilharzia, hookworm, dysentery and other water-borne diseases were chiefly responsible for keeping the cycle of poverty and disease in motion. Another point made by the Ministry of National Health was that all the above-mentioned diseases had in common a susceptibility to preventive measures that included some practical, inexpensive, environmental changes that the people might be motivated to effect. Subsequently, it was agreed that the theme of health educa- tion seemed to fit well with the intended emphasis on action. Many of the recommended environmental measures the campaign would focus on,building latrines, for instance, would be ideally suited to group action, particularly in a Ujamaa village setting. In this campaign, 93 unlike the previous one, action was taken to encourage individuals to make physical environmental changes to foster better community health. Radio was to be exploited to the maximum. Promotion of communal action was to be a fundamental ingredient of not only the radio program, but the printed materials and the training as well. In this campaign there was also the integration of "Mtu ni Afya, (Man is Health), with national literacy efforts. The Ministry of National Education's literacy campaign had become the major acti- vity of the national adult education network. Thousands of peOple had become literate but had little in the way of reading material. The texts then for "Mtu ni Afya" (Man is Health) were geared both in terms of format and vocabulary to those who were newly literate. Seemingly minor details plagued the planners, however, in the campaign timetable. For instance, they had to try to avoid times of planting and harvesting. They also had to complete the sequence of radio programs before Ramadan. During Ramadan, a Muslim religious period, many of the nation's pOpulation who are Muslim fast during the day and reduce the number of activities outside the home to a bare minimum. A campaign on the scale of "Mtu ni Afya" would have been impossible without interministerial cooperation and coordination. No single ministry is equipped to carry out all phases of a mass campaign. A newly created National Coordinating Committee chaired by the director of the Institute of Adult Education decided at its first meeting that its primary duty was to insure the lack of dupli— cation Of effort and the omission of gaps.49 94 The pedagogical concern and goal of the Health Campaign study groups was to progress in logical sequence from learning about disease prevention to action. If the information presented to the study group seemed relevant and practical, members of the study groups could be expected to set about determining how best to prevent the discussed disease or eliminate the health hazard in question. By the time of the next meeting or later, the study group could begin acting on their resolutions, either individually within their own homes or collectively in the village at large. However, there were limitations.50 About half the time, groups did not receive the radio programs. The radio reception in some parts of the country was poor, some groups never had radios and some radios occasionally broke down. When listening to the campaign programs was impossible, group leaders usually presented the perti- nent textbook material orally in an attempt to keep enthusiasm and motivation from diminishing. The data show an average attendance ratio of 51 men to 49 women for each 100 participants in this cam- paign. Early in the campaign, organizers feared that the subject of health education would appeal more to women than to men, but their worries were dispelled as the study groups formed. The ages of study group members ranged fairly evenly; from 16 years to 40 and these accounted for 53 percent of all participants. Data also reveal that peOple of different educational levels worked together in the study groups and this proved advantageous to all. Experience and the willingness to share rather than formally acquired 95 knowledge were the essential ingredients of active participation. Ninety percent of the participants were farmers. In the earlier campaigns 25 percent of the participants were teachers. The elitist phenomena had given way fromIatraditionally "restricted" learning circle concept to the concept of mass campaign. "Mtu ni Afya" was the first radio study group campaign to reach the masses in the rural areas. It reached the target group, farmers of all ages and sexes, in almost all the villages.51 The "Mtu ni Afya" campaign was the first campaign to focus on action. This time each group was to build some health monument, some physical evidence of environmental change resulting from the campaign. Many study groups took up tasks suggested in the campaign materials. Since malaria was the subject studied for the first two weeks, most of the group action reported related to its prevention. Once the mosquito was acknowledged as the culprit, the next step was to destroy its breeding places. The eradication included clearing away large-leafed plants that grew near houses; destroying broken pots, old tins, and other containers that held stagnant water; even the draining of ponds and of large bodies of water was undertaken as a preventive measure.52 This country—wide campaign for preventive medicine and sani- tation was conducted in 1973, and it is difficult to measure the total impact of the "Mtu ni Afya" campaign because the academic requirement of a control group conflicts with the aims of a compre- hensive campaign of this nature. When every measure is taken to, 96 mobilize every person possible, finding someone or an entire group not willing to take part is difficult indeed. In Mtwara the "control group" was swept up by the excitement of the campaign and went on to participate as fully as any of the officially sanctioned study groups. To those with other goals, such as measuring effectiveness, this act itself demonstrated yet another measure of a successful campaign.53 Mass literacy campaigns represent a way of reaching large numbers of people at low per capita cost. The cost of "Mtu ni Afya" was estimated at US four cents per hour of discussion which was much lower compared with the cost per hour of literacy instruction of about US sixty-two cents in the UNESCO/UNDP literacy project. Tanzania, a poor country committed to using non—formal education to involve people in development, can use mass campaigns as a relatively inexpensive strategy to reach the rural population.54 The "Chakula ni Uhai" (Food is Life, 1975) was the third Radio Study Group campaign in mass literacy education. This campaign had the following main objectives: to inform adults of diseases caused by malnutrition, to convince them of the necessity of a balanced diet and to teach them how to prepare nutritious foods from resources found in their immediate environment, to encourage peasants and workers to increase and diversify food production in order to make Tanzania self-reliant in food supplies, and to encourage decisions and actions on the basis of self-reliance following the participation of all group members in discussion.55 97 After initiation by the Institute of Adult Education (IAE), the National Coordinating Committee for the "Food is Life" campaign swung into action. There were six ministries represented: The Prime Minister's office, Education, Agriculture, Social Welfare, Health, and Information and Broadcasting. The Institute of Adult Education, the university, Kivukoni College, the Cooperative College, Moshi; the Nutrition Centre, the Tanganyika Women's Union were all repre- sented on the Coordinating Committees as well. All these representa- tives worked as a team to make their contribution to development through the mass literacy campaign. At this planning phase integration was essential. The train- ing teams reflect an integrated approach. For a mass campaign of the magnitude of "Food for Life," 70,000-80,000 trained group advisors or animators were needed.56 In the "Food for Life" campaign, 20 regional teams were required to come to the Institute for Adult Education for two-day orientation seminars. Each regional team was made up of members of the Regional Administration: Health, Education, Community Development, Institute of Adult Education, Agriculture, Nutrition and the Tanganyika WOmen's Union. Another latent effect of bringing together members and officers from different departments is that it sometimes becomes the beginning of longstanding COOpera- tion among people and offices which could work together to benefit the goals of national develOpment. In spite of unpredicted difficulties, the groups took steps to improve their living conditions by starting thousands of projects. 98 Many groups cleared land for gardens and started growing vegetables. In many places participants decided to undertake poultry-keeping in order to get protein in the form of eggs and meat. Both types of projects were to supply the people with the protein and vitamins needed for a balanced diet. In parts of the country where it is difficult to secure sugar, some villagers started beekeeping. Many day-care centers for children and canteens for workers were opened or planned. Most of these projects are now running on a self-help basis to intensify and integrate the concept of self-reliance. Some have United Nations support. In addition to these direct visible projects, knowledge of the prevention of diseases like marasmus and of the necessity to have a balanced diet and how to prepare it was improved. The realization of the aim to make Tanzania self-reliant in food crOps and to further enhance the production of cash crOps was urged in "Chakula ni Uhai." It was hoped that the improvement of economic well-being would be another important latent effect of the campaign. Educational integration does not stOp there. There were also evaluation and supervision teams in the regions and districts composed of a galaxy of people from various ministries and organiza- tions, and such a structure requires a high degree of coordination to make it work. Fortunately, Tanzania has been blessed with the unifying force of the Party and the verbal, oft-stated commitment of the public authorities to adult education as a national concern for national development. 99 Father D. Mbunda, first Director of IAE, relates that the "Food is Life" campaign was a simple, relevant, down-to-earth camr paign. "Chakula ni Uhai" was a child of popular demand. Its message was basic, and the delivery system had to be worked out property to maximize its impact. A specially prepared booklet on food production, preservation, and nutrition was carefully written by experts from Agriculture, Health, Nutrition and the Institute of Adult Education. The target group was average Tanzanians most of whom were recent graduates of the nation literacy campaign. It was hoped that with this reading material in hand student literacy skills would be rein- forced. The direct message was printed in bold letters and in easy, readable, uncomplicated sentences. The planners knew that such a campaign required mass mobili- zation for action and should be designed to give basic, functional information on health, agriculture, public security, politico-social duties or burning issues that touch the life of the nation as a whole. Mass literacy campaigns are fundamentally adult education programs that again serve to meet the general objectives of national development. Since campaigns require participants to share ideas on equal terms, they can inculcate the sense of equality and socialism while they incorporate aspects of both formal and non-formal education blurring rigid distinctions in learning or teaching styles. As President Nyerere has stated "the primary purpose of education is the liberation of man" (woman).58 The liberation referred to is also demonstrated by women participants. TANU and 100 president Nyerere's new Tanzanian society plan to provide a more favorable place for women, and women have responded by giving President Nyerere their allegiance. Long before independence their status had been deteriorating with the introduction of the money economy and Western education. Cash crops have now become the domain of men, and in all schools, boys vastly outnumber female enrollees. As a result, women are most often economically dependent on fathers, brothers, and husbands, while formerly they enjoyed some economic, thus social independence. Women suffered a double exploitation under colonialism and under men who always made decisions for them. Tanzanian women need to go through a process by which they discover that they have power, that they have creativity and that there are some alternatives that they themselves may initiate which may affect their lives positively. Sufficient numbers of women are not in the forefront of develOpment activities anywhere in the deve10ping world. But recently planners have realized that it will be difficult to meet development objectives without first integrating the previously forgotten half of the pOpulation. This is particularly true for the attainment of literacy goals if these are meant to prOpelthe society nearer national development. Women are rarely on the cutting edge of decision-making in any nation of the world, and the prospects are dim for their immediate entry into the highest echelons of decision-making in significant numbers. It is predicted that women will move into the decision- making mainstream in small, incremental steps.59 101 Offering increased educational opportunities to women will disadvantage some men. Moreover, an illiterate pOpulation cannot hold its leaders accountable to the same extent that a literate populate can. Literate women will demand more information, follow arguments more closely, and present more challenges to politicians than will illiterate women. Currently, male literacy rates in almost every country in the developing world are significantly higher than those of women, so the problem of involving women in literacy activi- ties in higher numbers continues to be a high priority. Decision-making inevitably respects three things: money, power, and education. A review of world leaders indicated that women hold little political power.60 On the economic fringes, with low wages and low skills, the chances for least developed country women acquiring significant wealth individually or collectively are minimal. Obviously, the logical way open to women to acquire power is through the vehicle of adult education. Why should adult education efforts pay particular attention to women? Philosophically because education is a basic human need and the unanimous agreement is that education is a basic human right. Further, an illiterate woman is more likely to be dependent. There is little doubt that literacy helps in storage and retrieval of infor- mation and the comprehension of new concepts. In the government's drive to improve the standard of living for all people, there has been a steady concentration on improving the situation of women in Tanzania. Women's participation in mass 102 literacy campaigns seems to increase with each successive literacy campaign. The first two campaigns did not attract many women. The "Wakati wa Furaha" campaign of 1971 had 38 percent women and 62 percent men. "Mtu ni Afya" had 48 percent women and 52 percent men. Participation in the "Chai ni Uhai" nutrition campaign of 1975 was 50 percent women and 50 percent men. Women appear to be naturally attracted to subjects that are directly related to their problems. Therefore, any educational programs designed for women must relate to their problems and concerns as identified by them.61 Women have been active in non-formal education in the rural areas especially in the last three campaigns including the functional literacy campaigns. The functional literacy classes have been dominated by women. Participation by women presents a challenge to the non-formal educators to extend their efforts in order to pro- vide rural women with appropriate education that prepares them for their changing roles in a developing society. Since it is impossible to reach all rural women through formal education and the programs set up by the various ministries and organizations, mass literacy campaigns offer a great potential for reaching rural women and provid- ing them with the required education. Facilities and infrastructure now exist to make this a reality. There is strong national political commitment, inter-ministrial cooperation at all levels, an adequate non-formal education field staff, and, of course, the radio. Mass literacy campaigns as educational strategy have characteristics which make them more effective in reaching rural women than other strategies which have been tested and mass literacy campaigns can be 103 effective instruments for raising consciousness about and stimulating participation in development.62 Although there was not an Official statement of policy regard- ing enrollment of girls in formal or non—formal education, it is clear from enrollment statistics that girls have always been heavily out- numbered by boys. Earlier education authorities held an unstated preference for boys over girls in the selection of students for further education. This was especially clear in the selection for technical and administrative training. An African saying is "If your Sister goes to school your next meal may be your fountain pen."63 The problems were compounded by parents in many parts of the country who refused to send their daughters to school or to allow them to continue beyond a certain level. This attitude was especially strong among coastal Muslim parents. In response to this attitude, any new secondary school built after 1970 must, as a matter of policy, be either a girls' school or a co-educational school. Since the mid 608, girls have been encouraged to enroll in technical courses in agriculture, veterinary science, and medical laboratory technology. Statistics of enrollment in schools and teachers' colleges from 1961 to 1974 show a progressive increase in the intake of girls at all levels year by year. Since the mid 603 the enrollment of women students into the university has increased also, although at no time has it equalled the enrollment of men.64 Their position remains fairly strong even though they are expected to be subservient to men. They are not only mothers and 104 wives but producers. They do the major part of the cultivating tasks, and they feed the family. They earn small amounts of cash by selling the surplus of their food and perhaps some handicrafts at local markets. Generally they can dispose of this money as they wish. President Julius K. Nyerere has said, "Women who live in villages work harder than anybody else in Tanzania."65 The following observation sheds some light on the traditional role of women in Tanzania. In 1980 on the mainland (but not on Zanzibar) a new marriage law was introduced designed to ameliorate the situation of women. It superseded African customary and Islamic laws. According to this law a first wife has to officially register her approval in court before a husband can take a second wife. She is entitled to inheritance in case her husband dies, which formerly she was not. The minimum age for marriage is set at fifteen (eighteen for men); a woman may no longer be forced into a marriage. Uniform rules are to be applied in case of divorce. Formerly all a Muslim man had to do was to say three times, "I divorce thee." Cases of divorce must first be discussed before a marriage concilliatory board and no longer before elders or village headmen, as was the previous custom.66 Suffice it to say that this departure from tradition is being welcomed by many women. Tanzanian women's group leadership on the local level has been neglected. The existing leaders of the various women's groups could be trained as group facilitators for women's educational programs. 105 It was noted that the incidence of illiteracy was some 10 per- cent higher among women than it was among men. Since women were homemakers, this is an important observation. Homes are microcosms of a bigger community, the nation; hence the urgent need to give special attention to attacking illiteracy among women and preparing relevant reading materials capable of inducing them to continue reading and avoid lapsing into illiteracy. Since the number of women is so large and their role is so vital, it would be hopeless to expect to transform the society without their participation. It is difficult to think of a better place to begin combating illiteracy than in the home, but this will not be possible if parents themselves, especially mothers, are illiterate. "Social benefits accrue to fami- lies with educated mothers. Children with literate mothers stand a higher chance of attending school."67 "The Tanazaian experience in mass campaigns has exploited greatly the craze of our lady-folk for a textile called 'khanga' and 'vitenge'." Men have also taken up the wearing of special vitenge shirts on special occasions, and our textile firms have sure markets with such produce. It was first tried in the "Mtu ni Afya" "Man is Health" campaign. In this campaign we improved over previous experi- ences. We co-Opted desigpers in the 'Chakula ni Uhai' Coordinating Committee so that we could have our own design to preserve the purity and simplicty of the message in symbols. We also had members of the textile company to make sure that the distribution system did not fail the preasant in the remotest areas of Tanzania."68 106 The designed khanga and vitenge came out in excellent finish: simple, but conveying the exact message both to literate and non-literate. The colors chosen were brightly attractive. There was a scramble for those materials and we became worried whether after the 2nd June-the date when the campaign was officially launched at State House by Mwalimu, J. K. Nyerere, the rural population would have any 'Chakula ni Uhai' khangas and vitenge. In north Tanzania-Mwanza and Musoma and in more than six districtS, some of the Tanzania-Kenya border-there were women wearing the Chakula ni Uhai khangas silently delivering the message as they walk down to the communal farm or to the well, selling vegetables at the market, or going to church service or to a wedding feast. It was really great to hear one businessman in a small commercial centre in Musoma region comment--'those vitenge are gone and the demand is still on!' Mwatrx, the firm that made the khangas and vitenge, has been requested to print more because of public demand. The vitenge and khanga publicity technique has also been adopted to pOpularize the current Inter- natwonal Conference on Adult Education for Development. The delivery system of the 'Chakula ni Uhai' message made it sure to involve all the possible influences. We requested the Chairman of the United Women of Tanzania to Open the training seminars of the team of trainers. The National Executive TANU Secretary was requested to close the seminar. This mechanism in itself was a very important element in our delivery system for this involvement of crucial personalities goes a long way to committing themselves to the objectives of the campaign. In this way the projects born out of the campaign and the assignments that derive from the cam- paign are counted to be part and parcel of the Regional District Plans. A crucial factor in the 'Chakula ni Uhai' delivery system was the study groups themselves. The staged training seminars at national, zonal, regional, dis- trist, and divisional levels had these objectives: (a) to train a sufficiently large number of study group advisors; (b) these advisors were local peOple and were trained close to their place of operation in order to cut down on expenses and make the train- ing more relevant; (c) more days were planned to train the group advisors than the teams of trainers to ensure the competence of the grassroot, but crucial, 107 group advisors. Unfortunately, due to financial con- straint we could not do so. Most of the advisors had only a day's orientation and this fault had its reper— cussion in the group formation and handling. The group advisors were supposed to enroll potential 'Chakula ni Uhai' participants on voluntary basis. The group should have consisted of 10-20 members to allow participants ample opportunity to actively participate during a session of one or two hours. While the inability to do this reduced the effectiveness of the campaign, it was still a successful mass campaign effort.69 The next campaign executed which hoped to utilize the structure des- cribed was the "Forests are our Wealth" campaign. The aim of this campaign was to awaken consciousness concerning the value of forests, bush fires, overgrazing, and unwise utilization of natural resources in general. A further recommendation is that the next mass literacy cam- paign address itself to the equality of women in the Tanzanian society. The United Women of Tanzania are mounting pressure to influence the adoption of this recommendation in the very near future. A corollary to this suggestion is that the literacy campaign, when initiated, include economic incentives through special scholarships for women and that the adult literacy curricula should include items which are designed to encourage parents to send their daughters to school.70 Other parts of the literacy infrastructure include a monthly newspaper. There is no end to education which focuses on issues of interest to the new literate. Book production committees have been formed and Tanzanian writers are encouraged to produce materials for use in rural areas and throughout the country. Tape recordings of traditional stories have been used as the basis for developing more reading materials.71 108 Section Three of Sub-Topic IV In addition to archival and historical research, an attempt has been made in this work to employ other methodological approaches. Some qualitative ethnographic research has been utilized. Qualita- tive observations of significant segments of the adult education network were made to discover how these persons saw their role and interpreted and understand it in light of the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance document. As Rosalie Wax suggested, Obtaining something of the understanding of an insider was only the first step. From there it was necessary to gain a position from which one could perceive and describe relationships, systems and patterns which an inextricably involved insider is not likely to be consciously aware of.72 Another advantage in pursuing the methodology of field research is that when a researcher is not dedicated to traditional research methodology, amusing and amazing contretemps may occur, which lend depth to the undertaking.73 These field research observations were made during the months of July and August, 1981 and 1982. In order to complete the understanding gained of the adult education network or the "literacy infrastructure," starting with the Ministry of National Education seemed not only logical but consistent with the structure for adult education which had been delineated. The Director of Adult Education, Ndugu* A. Z. Mpogolo, was not *Ndugu - freely translated as "comrade." The term literally means brother but it is used as a form of address to indicate a sense of solidarity with a connotation of "one of us." 109 willing to grant an interview because researcher had not secured the necessary formal research permit from the Research Council of Tanzania. It appears that such a permit is difficult for an American to obtain without being sponsored by a religious organization or one of the United Nations organizations. The researcher with a permit promises to share said research with the Research Council. From the Tanzanian point of view, relations between the United States and Tanzania are somewhat strained. One of the reasons given for this is that the United States has held views contrary to fundamental views held by Tanzania, i.e., independence for Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and apartheid in South Africa. Tanzania also failed to allow the participation of some American Peace Corps workers in that country; only since 197974 has Tanzania readmitted the Peace Corps into the country to perform some "non-critical" tasks, such as conservation and reforestation. Critical occupations include teaching, and American Peace Corps workers are not permitted to teach in the schools of Tanzania at the present time. Through cooperation of the Research Council office, researcher was able to secure from Mr. Mpogolo, materials that outlined in great detail the structure of the adult education network in Tanzania. The materials secured were speeches Mr. Mpogolo had given in Tanzania in previous years, and the materials contained some statistics on the eradication of illiteracy that made Mr. Mpogolo's pride in his work plausible. One of the points made in his speeches cautions against misinterpreting figures. According to statistics, contained 110 in Mpogolo's report the rate:of illiteracy has not declined dramati— cally. However, this is probably explained by the following facts: (a) The reorganization of rural communitees into permanent villages made the identification of illiterates hitherto unknown, easy. (b) In some cases adult education officers felt that earlier enumerations of illiterates were not accurately undertaken. In view of this, better planned and intensified surveys of the illiterate adults were carried out. (c) Youths not attending school and entering the illiterate adult age group, that is 10 years and above, during the period between 1975 and 1977 might have been a contributing factor.75 Within the Ministry of National Education, under the Director of Adult Education, is the Department of Research and Evaluation. This researcher spent two mornings with Ndugu Hilary Nchimbi, a researcher in that department.76 During that time Ndugu Nchimbi explained the role of the Department of Research and Evaluation against the backdrop of the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance doctrine. The Research and Evaluation Department acts as a trouble shooter primarily for mass literacy campaigns. If a given region was alleged to be unresponsive to the overtures of the mass literacy campaign workers, for instance, or if the residents failed to come out in record numbers for either the literacy classes or the subsequent examinations, the Department of Research and Evaluation is directed to attempt to discover the reasons for such non-compliance. If such a determination is made, the Research and Evaluation Department goes into that particular geographical area and attempts to study it to ascertain the reasons for the areas' 111 lack of responsiveness. The Research and Evaluation Department does not initiate any research. They conduct the research assigned to them by senior administrators within the Ministry of National Education. Ndugu Nchimbi indicated that they operated under severe constraints because of a shortage of staff. The entire department is run by three persons. At the moment two of those staff persons were attending a workshop sponsored by the World Bank, in Washington, D.C. The purpose of the workshop was to teach researchers and evaluators in Third World countries how to record the data needed by the World Bank in such a way that it could be used in the computers now being used for this kind of data processing. Ndugu Nchimbi feels that the work of the Department was most significant. He feels that the nation's overall goals to eradicate illiteracy should be a number one priority. He states that unless there is a way to determine which regions are not responding to literacy campaign efforts, some regions will surpass others. This, of course, will retard the nation in gaining the goal of illiteracy eradication. He further states that the goal of intelligent self- reliance is impossible with an illiterate populace. He equates being ruled by someone else, an alien power, as a more natural condition for illiterates and since native ruling must continue, adult poten- tial leaders and all other Tanzanians must be educated now. The Department of Research and Evaluation also works closely with the University of Dar es Salaam. When there is too much demand on the department's time, they customarily ask the adult education 112 students from the university to assist them in their research. They are also able to make suggestions to the adult education department on areas in which there is a need for more research. When students are able to assist the department in this way, it is sometimes credited as "self-reliance" work. This label is accurate as it describes students being of service to the nation in a volunteer capacity. The students are learning as they contribute their national service. So far, working with this department has not been a part of official National Service work, but Ndugu Nchimbi thought this might be a good idea if a way can be found to logistically work this in with the needs of this department. In response to a question, Ndugu Nchmibi felt that the primary reasons for non-participation in the mass literacy campaigns included shortage or lack of materials and the fact that examiners fail to report at assigned centers promptly and reliably. Also, some adults do not clearly understand the value of literacy and some potential participants are ashamed to participate in literacy activities thus publically defining them- selves as illiterates. The heavy rains, the problems of eyesight, old age, and transportation are also reasons for lack of participa- tion. Fortunately, spectacles are now being received from abroad; having spectacles will probably reduce the poor eyesight reason for non-compliance. The next rung in the literacy infrastructure is the Institute of Adult Education at the University of Dar es Salaam. Professor Mbise of the College of Education76 introduced the researcher to 113 persons at the Institute of Adult Education and to faculty professors who were responsible for adult education at the university. Although Professor Mbise was not a part of the adult educa- tion network, his close affiliation with the college of education at the university and his interest in education in general, seemed worth probing to specifically assess his thinking about adult educa- tion in Tanzania. In his view there was no way for the nation to realize its goal of self-reliance without literacy for all peOple in Tanzania. Logically, then, with so many adults being unable to read and write, it seemed natural to him that government would make pro- visions to see to it that adults did learn to read and write. It was natural that small children, because of their age, were not literate but it was unnatural for adults to be illiterate, he stated. In his thinking, the eradication of illiteracy was a high priority item for a country with goals of self-governance and self-reliance. In response to a question, he saw some shortcomings of the mass literacy campaigns. He related an incident from the area of Tanzania where his wife's parents reside. In this area the trainers or "animators", as they are called, and those working with the adults in the study group seemed poorly prepared for the job and this had had the effect of alienating some of the peOple who had been prepared for a successful learning experience. Professor Mbise was not able to relate how widespread this phenomenon was, but he did feel that it should be corrected. He also has faith in the adult education system and feels that this and any other major educational or logistical problems will be corrected. 114 Professor Mbise introduced the researcher to Dr. Yosiah Bwatwa77 who is the person in charge of the adult education offerings at the university. Dr. Bwatwa, a graduate of Indiana University, was enthusiastic about the role the course offerings played in pre— paring students to go out and fill the role of adult educator. The courses which elicit the most enthusiasm are adult psychology and methodology for teaching adults. His students were engaged in what he referred to as "field work." They are assigned to an area of the country to develop plans for adult education literacy activities. He explained that students are usually sent into an area that has had less success in adult education examination performance than other areas. The student, or a team of students, are asked to do a study of the area. This study reveals cultural, geographic, agri- cultural, political and demographic characteristics. After a profile of the area is completed, the students are asked to prepare a written prescription for the area that will address the unique characteristics described in the study. After the plan has the approval of Dr. Bwatwa, the students are asked to return to the area with the plan. At this point they are instructed to go over the plan with the District Education Officer to see if it is possible to gain his compliance on the plan. If the District Education Officer has some objection to the plan, this is noted and an attempt is made to revise the plan so that it is more agreeable to the leaders of a given area. If the student and the local leaders cannot work out a solu- tion, Dr. Bwatwa reviews the plan and attempts to confer with the 115 local political and educational leaders. Every effort is made to secure the cOOperation of the local leaders, because it is only in that way that Dr. Bwatwa can have any assurance of the plans being executed. If they are executed as designed, the likelihood of success is enhanced. "Adult education is the key to self-reliance", Dr. Bwatwa states with assurance. It is his feeling that he and his department are playing an invaluable part in achieving the development goals of the nation. An important point made by Dr. Bwatwa was that unless illiterates become literate through the means provided by the govern- ment, they would never be able to help the rest of the citizens achieve a self-reliant society. Dr. A. G. Ishumi78 is an instructor in the College of Educa- tion. He sees himself as a professor, a writer and a social critic. He views education as a social tool, a tool which must be used in Tanzania from this point on. He is convinced of the efficacy of lifelong education and feels that every effort should be made to eradicate today's illiteracy 23!. He, however, is most depressed about the plethora of economic and social sectors in Tanzania that need development. Worse than the number of sectors that need development is the scarcity of resources to enhance development in all these sectors and the difficulty of prioritizing needs. In dis- cussion, he referred to President Nyerere's observations about the reliance on money and outside aid. He indicates complete agreement With this point of view, and in conjunction with this idea stated 116 that the worst hindrances in Tanzania are the non-economic factors. These non-economic factors bear "a lasting imprint on the economic outlook of the country and the conduct of the peOple."79 A non- economic factor is belief in some traditional ideas and values. Some traditional beliefs have merit, he states, such as the Ujamaa concept, but many of the old traditional ideas support superstitions and dis- courage a scientific view of developments within and outside the society. These non-economic hindrances retard realization of national goals. Another example cited in this regard was the traditional inferior position assigned to women in Tanzanian society. Dr. Ishumi of the College of Education at the University of Dar es Salaam contends that "education must be seen as a part of the whole national strategy for social and economic development and not 80 Some of the evidence of failure to be seen as an end in itself." meet goals may arise from competing ministries not seeing education as a part of the whole picture of national development and not neces- sarily the most important priority. "Some peOple in these ministries have narrow vision and yield to competitive urges, a colonial inheri— 81 he states. tance", Dr. Ishumd feels his most important role is to comment on the social scene. As an author and educator, he feels he may find a way to communicate his displeasure with the slow pace at which the society is moving to accomplish its national goals. However, he cautions against his own impatience. 117 Professor Mbise introduced the researcher to Ndugu K. Kilindo82 who is Acting Principal Academic Officer of the Insti- tute of Adult Education. The role of the institute is to plan all literacy campaigns. It is also a center for study and experimentation in the field of adult education. It decides on the dates for cam- paigns, prepares the literature, synchronizes the radio material and educates the educators for the campaigns. The Institute is located on the campus of the University of Dar es Salaam and is an integral part of the educational community, thereby granting a high degree of respectability to adult education efforts. Ndugu Kilindo feels that the role played by the institute is crucial to the realization of the national goals for Tanzania. He states that the institute plays a central role in coordinating all the adult education activities in the country. He expressed the opinion that it would not be difficult to duplicate some of the work of the Adult Education Division of the Ministry of National Educa- tion, but to date there had been no difficulty in working together. There is a healthy COOperation between the two bodies, and neither agency feels threatened by the other; and each has separate and dis- tinct areas of responsibility. Ndugu Kilindo did express the fact that sometimes deadlines appear to be unrealistically set by the Adult Education Division of the Ministry. In order to do all the things that are necessary to have a successful literacy campaign sometimes requires more time than allotted. At times it is impossible to avoid these pressures 118 and sometime for very good reasonsii:is necessary to go along with a deadline that seemed arbitrally set. Ndugu Kilindo also expressed some concern about subordinating universal primary education to adult education. At this point he does not feel that this has happened; but some peOple, in their enthusiasm for adult education, seem willing to allow it to happen. With a shortage of resources it is difficult to set priorities. He shares Mwalimu's feeling about the fact that it may be 20 years before those starting primary school now will contribute to the country's development but his feeling is that if we do not start with these students now they may never be able to contribute to the development of the country. They may, in fact, drain off the precious few resources Tanzania has by retarding developing through their poor health and poverty. Professor Mbise arranged for the researcher to meet Ndugu Mbuna,83 the acting director of the Adult Education Center, in Dar es Salaam. The acting director was Professor Mbise's former student and graciously granted an interview. Ndugu Mbuna felt that the role of the Adult Education Center in Dar es Salaam was a very important one because their task was the task of educating any literate adult in the city of Dar es Salaam who desired continued education beyond acquisition of literacy skills. He conceded the importance of the Director of Adult Education at the Ministry of National Education and the Institute of Adult Education. Their functions did not minimize the role of the Center. He considered the Center's role as crucial because it was here that the plans were made real. After a tour of 119 the three-story building which houses the Center, the visit to the Center was concluded by Ndugu Mbuna reiterating the importance of working with the actual student who had the desire to continue his/ her education and giving that student a positive learning experience. He admitted that his work at the center is made easier by the quality of adult educators sent to the center by the University after they had concluded their studies there. The center has a close working relationship with the University. Like Dr. Omari, he feels that education should be a national project not a project for individual evaluation.84 Another part of the literacy infrastructure of adult educa- tion network is the Folk Development College. The Folk Development College idea is a Scandinavian import and has been generously sup- ported with Scandinavian aid. These are residential colleges which enroll new literates who have successfully completed stage IV of the literacy programs. They are enrolled for a short course of three months or a longer course of nine months' duration. The courses taught at most Folk Development Colleges are political education, home economics, economics of rural development, agriculture, handi- craft, leadership and national culture. They are most often staffed with professional teachers eXperienced in adult education. At the present time there are 52 Folk Development Colleges in all 108 dis- tricts in the country so that the newly literate learners can con- veniently further their education.85 120 The researcher visited the Arnautogola Folk Development College in Dar es Salaam. This interview was arranged by Mr. Ben Kasege, mayor of the city of Dar es Salaam. Mrs. Bernadette Fumuko86 was the director of the Folk Development College. She took researcher on a tour of the Folk Development College facilities which consisted of two small buildings. There were eight female students present all of whom were working on individual sewing projects. Most were working on shirts, pants and dresses for preschool children. The home economic and handcraft classes should aid the adults in becoming self-reliant, since buying ready-made garments is very expensive. The other course being taught at this Folk Development College at this time was a course in politics entitled "Politics of Your Country." Mrs. Fumuko said that she was learning a tremendous amount about politics through the course, which was taught by one of the members of the party who has been assigned this task. The response of Mrs. Fumuko was that this teaching was very important because most of the women were apathetic about politics. She felt that this grew out of the fact that they knew little about politics. So far there had been little enthusiasm about political issues, but the women enjoyed the political holidays, she felt, mainly because it was an opportunity to eXpress themselves through their cultural dances, songs and dress. Mrs. Fumuko felt that it would take a while for the women to thoroughly understand the politics of their country, but she felt they should learn all about their nation's goals because she sees it as the way for the nation to achieve its goals. 121 Although UNESCO is not part of the Tanzanian adult education network, the researcher talked to Dr. Mvungi,87 Secretary General of the Ministry of National Education of the UNESCO National Tanzanian Commission because UNESCO and UNDF had played a large part in the functional literacy program in the Lake Region of the country. Dr. Mvungi felt that the best way to achieve literacy for the adults of the country was to interest them in learning about their respective occupational responsibilities, and this was the thrust of the func- tional literacy program. She felt that the assistance of inter- national agencies was crucial, because without this outside help Tanzania could do very little with its limited resources. She also felt that the Tanzanian adult education infrastructure was helpful in UNESCO's being able to have such a successful, experimental, work- oriented literacy program in Tanzania. Further, she felt the nation's leaders and national goals complemented the efforts of UNESCO and UNDP. Dr. Mvungi's role, as she describes it, is primarily a liaison person between UNESCO, UNDP, the Ministry of National Education and the Director of Adult Education; a vital role if misunderstandings were to be kept to a minimum and avoided whenever possible. The adult education network naturally extends outside of Dar es Salaam. Researcher visited the Adult Education Center in Moshi which is comparable in function to the one visited in Dar es Salaam. It is a smaller facility. Ndugu Lema,88 Director, informed researcher that this Center by design did not address itself to the problems of adult literacy, per se. Other parts of the adult education structure 122 worked with illiterates. Their Center was for persons who had achieved literacy but wanted to continue their education for profes— sional or personal reasons. Recently, a law component had been added to their regular offerings of English, political education and accountancy. Some prospective students had to be turned away for two reasons. One, because the Moshi Center is small and could not accommodate all the potential enrollees for the courses in law and two, because of a lack of competent teaching personnel. Ndugu Lema felt that it was important for centers like this one to be established throughout the country so that those persons who were serious about furthering their education could secure more education without having to move to urban centers like Dar es Salaam. For most Tanzanians such a move is quite unrealistic. If the country, Ndugu Lema felt, wanted to discourage feelings of elitism based on education then education had to be made available to all interested persons wherever they lived in Tanzania. His role in serving as director of the center certainly went a long way toward the fulfillment of the national goals of the country. He felt that if more centers were not established soon, there would be alienation among those who already had some education, feeling that they were having to take a back seat to illiterate adults and primary school children. WOrker's Education is also a part of the adult education net- work. the workers education code states; Workers' education should be conducted during normal working hours for at least one hour every day but 123 institutions are at liberty to use any other time, both outside normal working hours and in excess of one hour per day, for workers' education activities, so long as such liberty does not reduce production and efficiency of the factory or office and is reached by consensus of workers' committees on education. All workers must attend classes organized by their institutions as part of their duties. Any worker who fails to attend these classes without a valid reason will be regarded as absent from work and disciplinary action will be taken against him. This will also be applicable to any worker assigned to teach in these classes. Through an instructor at Moshi Cooperative College, researcher was introduced to Himatel Shah,90 part owner of Shah Industries (Shah Industries specializes in leather goods). Shah was enthusiastic about the concept of workers' education. He admitted that when it was first proposed by the government he and the other family owners of Shah Industries felt that this activity would detract from their business. On the contrary, he found the workers were better workers because of these literacy activities which are conducted at his place of business a half hour before work and a half hour after work. The teacher for the literacy classes is assigned by the government and half her salary is paid by the government and half by Shah Industries. Because she does an out- standing job, Shah Industries has doubled their portion of her salary, so that she receives 50 percent more than the government's mandated salary. Shah felt that institing on workers' education was one way to reach some persons who might not on their own seek out educational Opportunities. The workers' education is going well at his industry, 124 and the owners plan to continue it as long as it functions as well as it is at the present time. The opportunities for these interviews as well as the privilege of visiting these adult education parts of the literacy infrastructure provided researcher with a cross-section of informed opinion that reinforced the fact that adult education appears to be a top priority in Tanzania among those who administer the pro- grams. It may not be because adult education per se is viewed as the most essential activity on the part of the Tanzanian leadership. What appears to be at work is the conventional wisdom that without education there is no development in the urban or the rural areas. The consensus, among those interviewed by researcher, appears to be that the Tanzanian key to national development, self-reliance, and self—sufficiency is through adult education. Enthusiasm for all parts of the adult education activity, however, is not universal. Although there appears to be pride in the educational accomplishments achieved, this pride is sometimes overshadowed to some degree by the omnipresent realities of inflation, corruption and shortages of basic necessities. In most interviews there was some veiled reference to these difficulties, but faith in the leadership and the system pre- vail as the dominant tone of all interviews. One can only speculate about the reasons for such observations. However it is reasonable to suppose that the persons interviewed view themselves as being more highly favored than many of their native brothers and sisters. This did not seem to blind them to the fact that there may be shortcomings in their country which they were not willing to discuss freely. 125 Footnotes Chapter V 1Tanzanian African National Union, Rgport of the Education Conference on the Implementation of the Arusha De Declaration and the New Policy in Education for Self Reliance, 1967, p. 5. 2Tanzanian African National Union, 1967, pp. 7-10. 3Z. J. Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of National Literacy Programmes," (International Institute for Educational Planning), p. 17. 4Mpogolo, p. 19. 5Rodney J. Hinkle, "Educational Problems and Policy in Post- Independence Tanzania" (unpublished dissertation Columbia University, 1970), p. 71. 6Julius K. Nyerere, "Directive on the Implementation of Education for Self Reliance" African Review, Vol. 6 No. l, 1976, p. 17. 7Z. J. Mpogolo, "The Tanzanian Mass Literacy Campaign 1971- 1981" (Ministry of National Education), p. 19. 8MP08010, "The Tanzanian Mass Literacy Campaign 1971—1981", p. 27. 9Julius K. Nyerere, Adult Education Year - New Year's Eve Broadcase, December 31, 1969, p. 13. 10 UNESCO, Adult Education Information Notes, 1976, p. 4. 11Joel Millonzi, Citizenship in Africa: The Role of Adult Education in the Political Socialization of Tanganyikans L89l—196l, p. 111. 12TANU, Second Five Year Development Plan (Government Printers), 1969, p. 2. 3Nyerere, Adult Education Year — New Year's Eve Broadcast, December 31, 1969, p. 18. IAMU, p. 170 15Institute of Adult Education, University of Dar es Salaam, Documents on Adult Education, p. 14. 16TANU, p. 4. 126 17Mpogolo, "The Tanzanian Mass Literacy Campaign 1971-1981", p. 17. 18Julius K. Nyerere, Circular on Workers' Education (Govern- ment Printers), 1966, p. 17. 9Nyerere, Circular on Workers' Education, ONyerere, Circular on Workers' Education, 1Nyerere, Circular on Workers' Education, 2Nyerere, Circular on Workers' Education, 3Nyerere, Circular on Workers' Education, 24Rashid Kawawa, Prime Minister, "Worker's Workers' Education, Workers' Education, p. 19. 5Nyerere, Circular on 6Nyerere, Circular on 27Kawawa, p. 23. 28 29 Reliance", p. 9. 3OTANU, "Directive on Reliance", p. 31. 31 n . TANU, Directive on Reliance", p. 33. 32 u . TANU, Directive on Reliance", p. 9. 33 n o TANU, Directive on Reliance", p. 17. TANU, Directive on Reliance", p. 27. 35 Implementation Implementation Implementation Implementation Implementation of Education of Education for of Education of Education of Education 1969, p. 21. p. 17. p. 17. pp. 21-22. p. 24. Education", 1973, p. 27. p. 28. TANU, Third Five Year Develgpment Plan, p. 34. TANU,"Directive on Implementation of Education for Self for Self Self for Self Self for for Self Nyerere, Circular on Workers' Education, p. 42. 127 36TANU, Second Five Year Plan (1969-74) (Government Printers), p. 5. 37Julius K. Nyerere, Report to the Tanzanian African National Union Bi-annual Conference (Government Printers), p. 7. 38 TANU, Second Five Year Plan (1969-74), p. 10. 39Julius K. Nyerere, Socialism and Rural Development, p. 2. 40Nyerere, Socialism and Rural Development, p. 10. 1Nyerere, Socialism and Rural Development, p. 10. 42E. M. Chale, "Correspondence Education in Tanzania" in The Tanzanian Experience--Education for Liberation and Development (eds.) H. Hinzen and V. H. Hundsdorfer, p. 202. 43Chale, p. 205. 44Chale, p. 207. 5Prime Minister Rashid Kawawa, "Workers Education", 1973, 6Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of Literacy Programs", p. 17. 47Budd L. Hall, Mtu ni Afya - Evaluation of the 1973 Mass Health Education Campaign in Tanzania, Studies in Adult Education, Report No. 12, June 1974, p. 74. 48Hall, p. 76. 49Han, p. 77. 50"Mtu ni Afya Has Problems" Daily News of Tanzania, September 7, 1973, p. 4. 51Budd L. Hall, Wakati Wa Furaha - An Evaluation of a Radio Study Group Campaign Research Report No. 13, (Scandanavian Institute of African Studies), p. 13. 52UNESCO, The Experimental Work-Oriented Literacy Prggramme - A Critical Assessment, p. 31. S3UNESCO, p. 32. 54UNESCO, p. 44. 128 55Budd L. Hall and C. Zikambone, Mtu ni Afya: An Evaluation of the 1973 Mass Health Education Campaign in Tanzania, p. 14. 56Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of Literacy Programs", p. 22. S7Ndugu D. Mbunda, "Chakula ni Uhai", p. 30. 58Jilius K. Nyerere, "Our Education Must be for Liberation," The Tanzania Education Journal, 1974, p. 8. 59Ann Berrard and Margaret Gayfer, "Women Hold up Their Half of the Sky," (International Council on Adult Education), p. 27. 6OHilda Kokuhirwa, "Reaching Rural Women - The Promise of Radio Mass Campaigns" (unpublished paper, University of Massachusetts, 1978), p. 11. 61Kokuhirwa, p. 22. 62Kokuhirwa, p. 27. 63Louise Formann "Peasants, Officials and Participation in Rural Tanzania", Experience with Villagization and Decentralization, p. 69. 4Formann, p. 161. 65Julius K. Nyerere, Quotations from Presidenthyerere collected from Speeches and Writings, p. 10. 66 "New Divorce Law," Daily News of Tanzania, August 3, 1980, p. l. 67Kokuhirwa, p. 90. 68Father Mbuna, Chakula ni Uhai Mass Radio Campaign (Insti- tute of Adult Education), p. 4. 69 Father Mbuna, pp. 17-19. 7OKokuhirwa, p. 59. 71Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of Literacy Programs", p. 34. 72Rosalie Wax, Doing Fieldwork (Warning and Advice),p. 42. 73Wax, p. 57. 129 74Tanzania Africa - South of the Sahara (London: Europa Publishing, Ltd.), 1982. 752. J. Mpogolo, "Tanzanian Mass Literacy Campaigns 1971- 1981", p. 13. 76Personal interview with Ndugu Hiliary Nchimbi, July 25-26, 1982. 77Personal interview sith Ndugu A. S. Mbise, August 1, 1981. 78Personal interview with Ndugu Yosiah Bwatwa, August 10, 1981. 79Personal interview with Ndugu A. G. Ishumi, August 15, 1981. 80Personal interview with Ndugu A. G. Ishumi, August 15, 1981. 81Personal interview with Ndugu A. G. Ishumi, August 15, 1981. 82Personal interview with Ndugu Kilindo, August 15, 1981. 83Personal interview with Nudug Mbuna, August 19, 1981. 84C. K. Omari, Strategy for Rural-Develppment, p. 41. 85Tanzania Ministry of National Education Folk Development Colleges in Tanzania (mimeo), p. 4. 86Personal interview with Mrs. Bernadette Fumuko, August 3, 1981. 87Personal interview with Dr. Mvungi, August 1, 1982. 88Personal interview with Ndugu Lema, August 10, 1982. 89TANU, Workers' Education Circular, p. 7. 90Personal interview with Himatel Shah. CHAPTER VI EVALUATION OF TANZANIAN ADULT EDUCATION ACTIVITIES "Mass campaigns have their drawbacks; they have achieved noticeable success and there is every reason to believe that given more thought and more precise planning they can be greatly improved."1 Sub-Topic V This subsection attempts to evaluate the adult education efforts in Tanzania. These activities are to be evaluated against the stated goals of the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance documents. This evaluation is undertaken with a view toward future policy formation in education consistent with stated national goals for countries sharing some of Tanzania's characteris- tics. The UNESCO/UNDP independent assessment of the functional literacy activities in Tanzania, 1968-1973, will also be explained. This chapter is divided into three parts. Section I evaluates the mass literacy campaigns of Tanzania through the eyes of those who have participated in the organization, work and evaluation of the campaigns. Section II utilizes evaluative expertise of Tanzanian educators Pius Msekwa and T. L. Maliyamkono. Their book Th5 Experiments-Education Policy Formation Before and After the Arusha Declaration evaluates Tanzania's mass literacy campaign activities 130 131 and education pursuits in general. Section III critically assesses a specific functional literacy effort in Tanzania by UNESCO/UNDF and the Institute of Adult Education. The Experimental Work-Oriented Literary Programme: A Critical Assessment is a look at functional literacy in Tanzania and ten other countries in 1973. Section I.--At the TANU National Conference held in Dar es Salaam in September, 1971, Mwalimu Julius Nyerere stated "Our failure to implement fully this policy of education for the young is, however, nothing as compared with the extent of our failure in the field of education for adults. As early as 1962 we recognized in words that national progress could not wait until school children had been educated and had grown up to take their places as active citizens. And we said then that this meant that education for adults was essential. Yet despite the words, very little practical emphasis was given to adult education by Government until recently."2 (Recently is a reference to the "Adult Education" year 1970.) According to Ndugu A. Z. Mpogolo, Adult Education Director, We have had our own share of problems in carrying out the campaigns. One of the problems pertains to admin- istrative matters. It has not always been a smooth path to secure the cooperation of other ministries in carrying out adult education programs. Some ministries and/or government bodies have failed to get involved in the task of adult education. Another problem has been the strong urge and enthusiasm that the people have developed in adult education has not always been matched with our readiness to supply the needed material or personnel for helping learners. The pace has been so fast that our capacity to produce enough reading materials and teachers to handle post literacy classes has not been quite satisfactory. 132 We have had problems of transport facilities for adult education coordinators and supervisors at all levels as well as transportation of reading materials and literacy equipment to the villages. We had the problem of funds for printing literacy materials, transport, honoria as well as for training literacy teachers and supervisors. It is our hOpe that as we keep on progressing we shall be in a position to overcome these problems.3 National and international hazards, such as the Amin war, cholera, drought, famine and inflation adversely affect our efforts. At the other extreme so few villages have electricity or biogas lighting. With a diverse literacy infrastructure it has been possible to sustain the retention of skills and knowledge by the new literate graduates as they interact with environments supported with various learning programs. One senses the need to integrate such learning programs into a single package. As long as the learning programs reinforce each other, the learners have the advantage of learning and comprehending so much more. If this integration can be effected it will have a positive effect on the strong urge observed to con- tinue learning.4 There has been a change in the attitudes and behavior of some. Some have lost their state of marginality, alienation and fear and have become more self-confident and assertive. In larger social terms, the most important influence of the mass literacy campaign and of adult education in general is the political culture of Tanzania. The campaigns have also led to Universal Primary Education and by 1981 the enrollment was 97 percent of all the primary school-going age children.5 133 The authors of the Young Child in Tanzania have observed that the policy of ESR has set the pace, but more practical aspects have got to be injected into it to make education a real liberator. Father Mbunda, the first director of the Institute of Adult Education, states that as far as the study groups are concerned, reports have shown that the initial plan to have eight to fifteen members in each group was not adhered to. Some groups had 30 or even 60 members. One reason was that many of the groups were literacy classes--not surprisingly, since about 80 percent of the adults in Tanzania were then in literacy classes --and it was felt difficult to separate members who had been used to each other for a long period. This Obviously had an impact on the discussion style in the groups; often enough participation in the discus- sion was rather limited, and the group advisor actually became a traditional Western styled lecturer. At the Annual TANU Conference in 1971, it was observed by way of evaluation that the "Mtu ni Afya" campaign suggested that, after the radio broadcast and the reading, there were supposed to be discussions, and the groups were expected to make decisions on what they could do to combat diseases in their area. In practice, in some regions there were almost no discussions and no communal action since measures for sanitation were believed to be the task of the local authorities. In these areas "Mtu ni Afya" was accepted as a slogan to be raised whenever the garbage collectors or the cars emptying the pit latrines or the health inspectors of markets did not provide services according to schedule. Issues which would have required the voluntary action of individuals or groups taking the classes received less attention.7 134 The morale of the more committed villages was constantly threatened by a social and economic environment inimical to communal progress. When prices fell, when a village was unable to market its crOps, when essential assistance was denied and when bureaucratic measures from outside weakened the village leadership, educational endeavors were usually among the first activities to be discontinued perhaps temporarily. Nduga Kilindo, acting director of the Adult Education Center in Dar es Salaam, states in a later interview with researcher that-- The function of providing vocational education for primary and secondary school leavers and adults is one of the most difficult jobs, especially when one attempts to integrate this with functional literacy activities. The problem [he asserts,] appears to be the 'colonized mind'. The attitudinal change has not taken place in the minds of many of the people. They continue to perceive education as the way to be freed of vocational and technical responsibilities. Education, to many, is seen as the way to insure more education and finally an occupation that gains for the receiver a white collar job.8 An unnamed campaign worker observed that-- . . in rural districts the main problem was the lack of coordination between the national campaign and the activities of local departments concerned with health and community development. In Moshi district, for instance, locally proposed schemes for the introduction of improved latrines, water protec- tion and mosquito eradication had to be shelved due to the lack of funds for some of the materials needed. All the while the national campaign continued to reiterate the need for sanitation and COOperation in the same abstract manner as the numerous health cam- paigns previously conducted by district officials. A non-native researcher, Budd Hall of the International Council of Adult Education, states that-- 135 the collective action that mass campaigns foster has far-reaching implications. As experience with mass campaigns indicate, behavioral change need not wait until attitude alters. Everyone need not, for example, understand germ theory in order to perceive a need for latrines and to help build them. Social pressure may be used to prompt latrine building while logic and convenience promote use of the finished product.10 The one scheme in MOshi district which was a success was a special scheme in an Ujamaa village dealing with only one illness, bilharzia, which the residents had identified as a major problem, and for whose eradication they were provided with all the necessary material. The lesson to be drawn from this and a number of other examples is that health campaigns are most successful (1) when they are based on investigations identifying a particular local problem, (2) when they deal with one disease at a time, (3) when they mobilize people who have already learned to cOOperate in some other context and (4) not only provide health education, but provide access to the materials or facilities necessary for action.11 A general nation-wide campaign conducted from the center which does not involve either the local experts or the local pOpulation in the planning, and which provides only words and not drugs and/or construction materials, is unlikely to be of much use to the people to whom it is addressed. Further, and perhaps of major importance, such a process erodes the people's confidence in their ability to effect changes in their lives. By way of evaluation, it was observed that participants for the study groups were expected to attend literacy sessions twice a week, listen to the radio and read the text. As non-attenders were 136 threatened by heavy fines in Ujamaa villages,12 most of these people assembled at least for the first few sessions until discipline and fear of sanctions were relaxed. At the session after the broadcast and the reading there were supposed to be discussions, and the groups were expected to make decisions on what they could do to combat diseases in their areas. During these follow-up sessions it is reported that leadership for some of these sessions did not adhere to the procedures for effective group discussions. The primers were criticized for containing some sections that included too many technical terms which had sometimes not been translated into simple Swahili and were therefore too difficult to understand. Also the initially estimated number of study group members was one and a half to two million; exactly 1.5 million books were printed and distributed. Thus, in many parts of the country, not every participant of a group received a book. In some regions the books arrived only weeks after the launching of the campaign, leaving the groups frustrated without sufficient study materials. Where this coincided with a bad reception of the radio programs, the groups experienced difficulty learning. (Earlier 7,000 radio sets had been distributed by the Ministry of National Education.)13 The lS—minute radio program, on the air on Mondays and repeated on Wednesdays, combined some planned repetition with new information on the campaign content; in addition there were general announcements about the literacy campaign, music, and interviews with participants and organizers from around the country. On the whole 137 the radio program was liked by the participants who called it enter- taining, informative and educational, and stated that it had a desirable motivating effect. Some advisors did not appear to have control of the group discussion method as anticipated; some of them seemed to be simply dictating without caring about participatory procedures in asking and answering questions related to the given tOpic. In addition, most women if mixed with men tended to be shy; therefore, men domi- nated the discussions for primarily cultural and traditional reasons. Another problem observed was the need for integration with other major national activities. For instance, "Chakula ni Uhai" interfered with the national literacy examinations, the election campaign, and the Villagization; launching the campaign a few months later would have solved that problem but might possibly have run into Ramadan activities. In Ndugu Mbunda's view the "Chakula ni Uhai" campaign did not really measure up. First, not as many books were printed as intended, probably due to shortage of paper. The ones that were printed arrived rather late, so that the launching of the campaign had to be postponed one month. The "Chakula ni Uhai" campaign was more complex because food habits and agricultural growing patterns vary from location to location. Therefore, this campaign was less responsive to the central planning at the Ministry of National Education. 138 From the reports obtained and some crosschecking by the evaluation section, it is obvious that many study groups were not visited by teams during the campaign period or after, so that these groups were left without any assistance. In some cases this was due to either lack of transportation or commitments in other projects, e.g., the national literacy examinations or the election campaign. Findings indicated that, where a study group was visited and given further help, the output was greater than in study groups that were not visited throughout the whole campaign. Another administrative problem, caused by frequent changes of representatives from ministries or parastatals, was that of continuity in planning and organizing. This problem presented far- reaching complications in terms of planning.14 The training of study group advisors prior to the official launching of the campaign was another problematic element in the planning of the campaign. A training system in stages was developed at national, zonal, regional, district, and divisional levels, and started five months before the beginning of the campaign. In those training seminars the history and objectives of the campaign, the content of the textbook, group leadership and other matters related to the campaign were taught. According to the reports from the districts and regions, and to observations made by the members of the evaluation section, the major problem in conducting these seminars was that instead of having three days for training, especially needed at the levels, in many cases the seminars on the 139 divisional level lasted only one day because the funds had been almost entirely spent at the district level. This was not enough time for proper training, and quite a few of the problems in the groups stemmed from this lack of training.15 An additional area of concern was the issue of inter- ministerial collaboration. While the designation of the Ministry of Education was overseer of adult programs is potentially a unifying force for adult learning, it must be observed that collaborating ministries such as Health, Agriculture and Rural DevelOpment have their own priority lists in the nation building process and that lack of manpower and resources may delay their service to local primary school teachers. Even when able to respond, officials some- times discover at the last moment that the manpower and the material designated to an adult program have had stipulations put on their use by national central authorities or by a foreign donor.16 The study group advisors were to be supported by visiting teams from the respective divisions and districts. The members of these teams were drawn from the Ministries of Agriculture, Health and National Education, from United Women of Tanzania, TANU and other agencies involved in the training seminars for the study group advisors. During the campaign they were instructed to visit the groups in their areas to provide additional motivation and much- needed help in running an effective study campaign at their respec- tive level. 140 A final limitation of the system is a structural one. In the membership of the Institute Council and the Executive Committee, there has been no representation of the 'consumer' or of teachers. That is, regional and district education officers charged with the actual running of the adult education schools have not been involved with those who are making changes in the campaign procedures. Those planning and their lack of perception or lack of motivation in these circumstances might limit the effectiveness of the campaign.17 The literacy campaigns have shown that radio and other media can be used to raise peOple's awareness, that they themselves have control over many of the common health problems and that groups of people working together can change many of the least healthy aspects of the village environment. The literacy campaign, whatever the shortcomings of the Institute of Education may be, represents a concerted effort to marshall the resources of a poorly developed nation to support the vital occupation of teaching and eradicating adult illiteracy in Tanzania (beunda).18 The campaign was a great success vis-a-vis the odds it had to face. Whereas Tanzania has institutional resources that many countries can not match, other countries have transporta- tion and communication infrastructures superior to those in Tanzania. Appropriately modified, Budd Hall asserts, these methods used in Tanzania could work any place and on any scale.19 The Chakula ni Uhai evaluation system helped up assess the appropriateness of our structures, organization, delivery systems, our objectives, the campaign facili- tators, as well as our campaign obstacles and problems. Instead of starting in April, we started in June when some of the would-be participants had lost the initial 141 force and impetus of the campaign. Some groups had despaired and given up due to the delay experienced in the delivery and distribution of books. Then we had the drought in many parts of the country. While the campaign was stressing the importance of increased food production and the importance of balanced diet, some peOple were on the verge of starvation and yet the campaign survived.20 One observation made by Ndugu MpOgOlo as recently as 1982 relates to the waning interest in literacy campaigns. When asked to explain this phenomenon, Mr. Mpogolo stated that the literacy came paigns started formally in 1970. They reached fever heat in 1975. When this occurred, the feeling throughout Tanzania was that the task was over. There was less enthusiasm regarding campaigns and the reasons for the decline were also psychological. So much atten- tion was given to the success of the campaigns that many felt that the illiteracy problems had been solved.21 There was also a little of the nine-day wonder phenomenon that had the people searching for something new in the way of problems to be solved. The logistical problems experienced in Tanzania in executing mass literacy campaigns undoubtedly grew in large measure from the fact that Tanzania's decision to eradicate illiteracy is hampered more by economic constraints than from a lack of agreement with the goals enunciated in the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self—Reliance. Msekwa and Maliyamkono's observation in Part II support this assessment. Section II.--Evaluation by Tanzanian adult education special- ists. In their book, The Experiments, Pius Msekwa and 142 T. L. Maliyamkono discuss factors that shaped education policy in Tanzania before and after the Arusha Declaration. They characterize the post-Arusha Declaration time-— . . . the time of the new policy that committed Tanzania to socialism and self-reliance. The Education for Self-Reliance was subsequently launched and rural development in the framework of Ujamaa was defined. Guidance on workers' involvement and participation in all forms of management were announced. Decentralization of government infrastructure was effected to allow the masses to participate in decision-making for develOpment. This period they identify as a period of awareness and reorganization. The acquisition of political independence laid the basis for the development of a Tanzanian nation-an integrated, cohesive society. With it emerged a national consciousness; this process took nearly a decade. [Now in the mid-seventies, Msekwa and Maliyamkono state], that Tanzania was entering a new phase in the history of Tanzania--the period of evaluation.22 The educational policies involved include education for self- reliance, adult education, decentralization of educational adminis- trative system, and the new period of evaluation of the education sector. Msekwa and Maliyamkono assert that in spite of the difficul- ties in understanding the requirements of the Education for Self- Reliance policy, schools have, on their own, shown some progress towards the fulfillment of at least some aspects of that policy. However, the process of introducing adult literacy (teaching and learning) was unsystematic and was unrelated to the adults' life experience and work orientation. It was not functional. As a result, many adult literacy graduates of the sixties quickly 143 reverted back to total illiteracy. This experience provided the motivation for the joint sponsorship of the work-oriented literacy program. The official view in Tanzania and in adult education circles is that mass literacy campaigns have succeeded in spite of the problems encountered in the process. In spite of undeniable achieve- ments, however, the policy still must be seen as a partial failure. A partial failure, because only one quarter of the defined illiterate pOpulation is now literate. The optimistic 1975 target was not reached. The latent achievement worthy of note was the rising conscious- ness among unschooled people that ignorance is undesirable. This intangible success indicator is not easily measured, nor can its influence be pro- jected, but Optimistic projections abound. Looking at possible reasons for literacy campaign failure, Msekwa and Maliyamkono assert that the lack of reading materials and follow-up literature, as well as low motivation among some unpaid teachers, contributed to the partial failure. (Primary school teachers who taught the adult education classes were the lowest paid civil servants in Tanzania.) The scattered residences of the adult learners and the lack of adequate transportation for teachers and coordinators have posed a problem ever since the beginning of the adult education program in 1970. In some areas economic and social activities have clearly taken priority over adult classes. A major problem noted by Msekwa and Maliyamkono is the diffi- culty of striking a balance between local and central control in the planning of literacy campaigns. The need for both are conceptually 144 of equal importance. Tanzania has not resolved this difficult problem. Localization of education alone is problematic. Centrali- zation alone is unworkable. Another major problem pointed out by Msekwa and Maliyamkono is the problem of expatriates. "Direct applicability of education is hampered by borrowed ideas in the form of foreign experts, foreign language, foreign ideologies, foreign books and foreign materials of other kinds.24 Various other indicators illustrate the failure arising out of the lack of attempt to orient education to specific, relevant needs of the people of this country. This concern also relates equally to failures in the academic and technical spheres to direct application of the material learned to the real needs of the citizen and the country. This observation is at the core of the attempt to make a reality of functional literacy in a bold attempt to move Tanzania closer to the goals enunciated in the now famous Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self-Reliance manifesto. Unless some method is found to orient education to speci— fic and relevant needs of the people of this country, Tanzania will be delayed in realizing her goal of self-reliance. In this connection it is important to remember President Nyerere's statement coming out of the Musoma Resolution of 1974 which can be viewed as an evaluative document also. In Item 10 of the Resolution, President Nyerere reminds the TANU Executive Com- mittee that-- . . . those students who entered Standard I in 1967 are only now completing their primary education, and 145 similarily those who entered Form I have only recently completed their secondary education; hence it may be too early to pass judgement as to how much we have succeeded or failed. Nevertheless, we must accept that most of our objectives have not been achieved. We have not liberated ourselves from the inappropriate system of education which we inherited. [Later in Item II of that same document he states], . . . we have succeeded in making substantial changes with regard to the syllabus which is used in our schools and colleges. In the pre- sent school syllabus emphasis is placed on those aspects which reflect a Tanzanian perspective.25 In view of this paradoxical assessment and the many different agents at work in adult education programs, evaluators find it difficult to claim categorically that adult education programs in particular have played a major role in changing, say, occupational skills in growing cotton or maize. Ways and means are being sought out to better evaluate the total impact of all adult education programs and other supporting programs. Section III.--The Experimental Work Oriented Literacy Programme.--A critical assessment by United Nations Development Pro- gram and UNESCO, bring to this investigation the scientific objectivity called for in this investigation. The UNDP and UNESCO in 1976 embarked on a major effort to develop a successful approach to overcoming the problem of illiteracy, particularly in Third World countries. With the cooperation of twelve member states of the United Nations, the following approach was implemented and tested. The new thrust was termed "functional literacy activities." 146 The underlying assumption of the functional literacy program and its sister projects around the world is that adults will become more effectively engaged in a program which relates literacy aims to practical tasks. A participant in a cattle-raising area, for example, would learn literacy as well as cattle-raising skills presumably more precisely from lessons that focus on the manner of daily living, than he would by concentrating on grammatical rules and literacy skills in general. The program's primary method of learning is personal instruction with a notable effort placed on group participation. Planners attempt to support this work by developing follow-up mate- rials which are often used in conjunction with local radio broadcasts. Planners hOpe that functional literacy programs will be effective against the problem of rising eXpectations and related concerns. It should assist participants to be more realistic about the demands they make of themselves and their nation. In 1965 the Tanzanian government had decided to adopt a selective and intensive approach to the eradication of illiteracy. It was their intention to employ the concept of functional literacy. Functional literacy is defined as literacy training which is more directly linked to production than other literacy training methods. Functional literacy is basically aimed at the development of the total citizen, not just the citizen as producer or consumer, but citizen as reader and thinker and actor! For this experiment the preparatory phase took one year. The UNESCO/UNDF team, along with the Tanzanian team from the Institute of 147 Adult Education at the Division of Adult Education from the Ministry of National Education, embarked on the second phase of the campaign for functional literacy. The second phase began in 1968 with the functional literacy classes taught in Swahili. The experimental, work-oriented functional literacy classes were concluded in 1973, at which time the national adult education literacy infrastructure of Tanzania took over the full responsibility for literacy activities. These activities continued with UNDP financial assistance.26 Four regions around Lake Victoria were selected for the experiment. The reasons for the choice were as follows: (a) densely populated; (b) illiteracy very high; (c) increasing importance of cotton as foreign capital earner; (d) communication and transportation links established (water, air, road) (e) established institutions for training and education already in place; (f) existence of farmers' cooperatives in area.27 The narrow goals of the campaign linked literacy with increased productivity through attitudinal and behavioral change, but functional literacy was not limited to this concern. The pro— ject's specific objectives included the following: 1. Teaching illiterate men and women basic read- ing and writing, also solving simple problems of arithmetic, using basic vocabularies--the words employed in current agricultural and industrial practice. 148 2. Helping them apply the new knowledge and skills to solve their basic economic and social problems. 3. Preparing them for more efficient participation in the development of their village, region and country. 4. Integrating the adult literacy and adult educa- tion programmes with the general agricultural and industrial development of the country. 5. Providing the necessary reading materials, imparting the knowledge of community and personal hygiene, nutrition, child care, home economics, which would help improve family and community life, providing opportunity for a continuing education and avoiding relapse of illiteracy.2 The actual instruction books were produced by an eight—person writers' workshOp. One of the criticisms most often heard by students and teachers alike was a criticism about the shortage of reading materials. This criticism speaks to the heart of the program because it was designed to assist people to become literate. There was a similar complaint in this campaign also about the fact that there were too few follow-up reading materials available. This continues to be a problem for the newly literate person. The printing facilities were simply inadequate to deal with the demand for materials. Perhaps some method could have been devised to deal with this problem before it arose. A final observation of the Expert Evaluation Group of the Experimental Work-oriented Literacy Program (EWLP) was that costs indicate that there was a considerable attrition of participants. This was determdned on the basis of the fact that it took 58 percent 149 more money to produce a final participant than to accommodate an enrollee. There were considerably more enrollees than final parti- cipants. The holding power of the program could be strengthened. No attempt was made to gain precise measurements concerning the impact of functional literacy on various aspects of Tanzanian social and economic development. However, the studies that were conducted indicated that the functional literacy program was success- ful in terms of the following criteria: (1) the increased technical knowledge and application of such knowledge. (2) the adOption of modern hygiene and nutritional practices, and (3) the observation of wider consumption habits among the participants.30 One sample study demonstrated, however, a need for higher literacy instruction standards. A number of graduates were found to have reached an insufficient literacy level in the time allowed (see Appendix B for levels). Some limited before-and-after studies of three groups of participants seemed to show that the functional literacy classes had a direct influence on participants' behavior. There was a noticeable increase in student participation in formal organizations. Student knowledge of modern technology, their adop- tion of modern methods, their knowledge and their level of socio- aspirations were higher.31 Unfortunately, it is reported that, in the category of literacy instructors alone, the attrition rate was high and the reliability of teacher participants was low.32 This had the effect 150 of placing great financial and logistical strain on the supply of teachers and the morale of the teachers, resulting in increased costs for training and recruiting, since both had to be repeated over and over again. Consistent with theory on literacy campaigns, this project demonstrated again the importance of high level government commit- ment. There is little doubt that national commitment is responsible for the high degree of success noted. The favorable background of the treatises (AD and ESR) issued by the President, coupled with the wide discussion issuing from these pronouncements, were indeed favorable national factors. Among other things AD and ESR treatises stressed a strategy of gradual development toward self reliance and self-sufficiency. The participants undoubtedly identified with this. According to President Nyerere, self reliance was to be accomplished through the upgrading of rural productivity and it is to this end that the solid functional literacy infrastructure was directed. Despite successes, the EWLP project Operations met with some failures and problems. There were evaluation failures, lack of a coherent in-service training scheme for literacy teachers, weaknesses in the field supervisory machinery, inadequate teaching materials for literacy classes and field demonstrations, lack of sufficient competent personnel to conduct agricultural demonstrations to ensure that a proper functional approach was maintained, breakdowns in production and distribution of rural newspapers, and lack of proper follow-up reading materials for rural libraries. Some of these 151 problems could not be avoided, considering that work-oriented adult literacy and its evaluation were innovations in this country. The original goals fixed for the evaluation of the Experi— mental WOrk-oriented Literacy Programme were not completely met by the project. Subject to the availability and analysis of more data, as well as the limitations placed upon the evaluation, preliminary findings indicate the following: (1) A positive response among the learners observable, particularly to the practical aspects of the programme. (2) The standard of living of participants appeared to be positively affected by the programme's impact, particularly that part represented by health and nutrition. (3) A trend towards the shaping of attitudes concern— ing education and economic improvement appeared to be taking place. The acquisition of technical information on questions concerning some agri- cultural, health and nutrition practices appeared to be taking place. (4) Some participants did manage to acquire certain levels of literacy skills particularly in the fields of arithmetic and reading, less in writing. However, the project's objective of bringing its participants to the level of four years of primary schooling could in most cases not be achieved. The majority of the participants who showed measur- able literacy skills attained the level of two years of primary schooling.33 There were other factors which affected the project results: (1) indication that the training of approximately two years was not enough for the majority of the participants to become functionally literate; (2) indication that the training cycle was affected by high drop-out rates and drOp-in rates, rela- tively low attendance rates and faulty time utilization. 152 (3) indication that although the majority of partici- pants in most programmes were women, it was they who dropped out more than the men; (4) indication that individual deficiency in the knowledge of the Swahili language acts as a stumbling block in the learning process.34 A number of socio-economic and cultural factors also emerged to account for most of the class instability Observed. Such factors include social and cultural obligations, domestic problems, ill health, scarcity of basic necessities, and poor leadership at the grassroots level. Several problems have been identified as having caused par- tial enrollment. They include weak participation by leaders, espe- cially at the grassroots level, lack of trained literacy teachers, insufficient teaching materials, poor transport facilities, imple- mentation of other national projects, vacant adult education officer posts, especially from the district level downwards, and higher priority given to such important timely occupations as farming and population movements, mostly to planned Ujamaa villages. Adult literacy, an essential element in overall development, must be closely related to economic and social development priorities as well as to present and future manpower needs of the country. Therefore, this provides the rationale of having literacy efforts emulate functional literacy methodology in which literacy is not regarded as an end in itself. Functional literacy should be seen as a way of preparing men and women for their social, civic and economic roles presently and in the future.35 153 As a result of the eXperience gained in Tanzanian radio study group campaigns, there are some valuable findings Open to generalization. Uniquely the Tanzanian study groups were designed to reflect Tanzania's overall policy on adult education and its relationship to the national goals of the country. With each succeeding campaign this relationship could be more easily identi- fied.36 One of the basic assumptions presented in the introductory chapter of this work was that, although no two countries in Africa are the same, Tanzania's precedent and attendant problems may be of interest to other African nations seeking to achieve their goals of national development. In the light of that assumption, some of the suggestions growing out of the Experimental Work-oriented Literacy Program seem to have meaning for nations sharing some of Tanzania's developmental characteristics. For those nations which may be thinking of introducing radio study group campaigns for adult education policy, the following tentative suggestions may have some merit: (i) (ii) (iii) With respect to the overall (nationwide) adult education policy, it will be extremely useful if some policy statement clearly linking adult education to the overall national goals. A clearly defined target group should be iden- tified-~for most African countries at this stage of their development-that target group will be the masses of the country's illiterates who reside primarily in the rural areas of the country. A public, widely discussed, identification of their educational needs and an understanding of (iV) (V) (vi) (vii) (viii) (iX) (X) (x1) 154 the way their needs affect the realization of national goals for everyone in the country. An administrative structure that is designed to provide adult education programs. This structure should be designed to execute adult education programs in the largest, most accessible city to the smallest and most remote village. If radio study group campaigns are foreseen, a small experimental pilot project may be advis- able. It is necessary to develop local per- sonnel for responsibilities such as administra- tion, book production, radio programming, train- ing of adult leaders and teachers, to insure fewer complications when the mass campaigns are undertaken. That some agency start planning at least a year before the first radio program is to be broad- cast. Time must be scheduled to allow for con- tact to be made with various bodies that should be involved—-training, material preparation for the study groups and the radio production staff. The materials produced should relate as closely as possible to the needs, cultural background and occupational life-style of the target popula- tion. This may mean customizing materials for regional significance. Such materials should be both educative and entertaining. Publication of the forthcoming compaign should begin rather early to get some early feedback as to conflicts, duplications of effort, etc. It is important to make use of local resources of all kinds--personnel as well as materials. Group advisors should possess as many group leadership skills as possible to assist them in stimulating lively group discussion, pre- ferably directed toward practical implementa- tion of the newly acquired knowledge obtained in the learning experience. It is advised that a systematic follow-up be built into the actual project. 155 (xii) Finally, the evaluation process should be planned for early in the campaign, because it is through this process that there will be chance of improv- ing the program both at convenient points during its operation as well as the conclusion of the campaign. Finally Kinunda warns, that evaluators and experimentors in each country who develop instruments relevant to the needs of their own projects or programs develop them in their own cultural and social context. External evaluation, although it can act as a check against the possibility of bias, may seriously be hampered by a lack of intimacy of the political, cultural and social interactions prevailing in the society.38 Hence the burden of evaluation of the educational system and programs lies primarily on the country itself. He also suggests that sometimes political and social pressures cannot sustain a vigorous evaluation.39 The above discussion leaves little doubt that Tanzania is one of the few countries to have undertaken more than a rhetorical com-g mitment to a socialist transformation through the vehicle of educa- tion in general and adult education specifically. MOre recent examination of patterns of implementation of the Education for Self Reliance document reveals several tangible barriers to full implementation of the manifesto. Those most frequently noted are: (l) shortage of educational materials (textbooks and equipment for school use); (2) intellectural limitations of many primary school teachers; and (3) attitudes of significant number of teachers in Tanzanian primary schools who view their work as a poor second choice when compared to their first choice profession (accountants, 156 bankers and engineers), for which there are few openings. In concluding this section on the implementation of the Arusha Declaration and the Education for Self Reliance document, Hinkle's observations seem pertinent. He states that the problem of the primary school leaver is basically not an educational problem but rather a problem of agricultural economics. What is critical, he maintains, is visible evidence of the growing economic potential of life in rural Tanzania which is clearly discernible to parents as well as pupils. He defines the present disinclination on the part of primary school graduates to enter agriculture as being based on the fact that the economic returns of such agricultural activity yields few economic rewards that make the "better life" possible. Hinkle feels that the leaders of Tanzania are not unaware of the critical role that noneducational factors play in solving the problems of educational reform in Tanzania.41 Adding to the argument, regarding non-economic factors, is the observation from the Young Child study states, "So long as peasant agriculture remains uncertain and educational credentials remain the key to wage employment, the people's perceptions of the 'meanings' of education cannot change."l'2 President Nyerere's direction in the interest of rural development appears to be valid because without education in the predominantly rural sector of Tanzania there is little in the way of real development in Tanzania. It is not possible to conclude this evaluation without some directed observa- tions regarding the relationship of adult education to social change. 157 Coser defines "social change as any significant alteration in a social structure which includes new norms, new values, and new cul- tural products of a material or symbolic kind, but not minor changes "43 Since adult education does DOt €31St such as fads and/or fashions in a vacuum (Wronski, 1968)44 it is both an instrument of social change and the result of social change. It is structured, in Tanzania, in order to achieve particular political goals. Therefore the creation of the form which adult education takes in Tanzania grows directly out of Tanzania's desire for egalitarian society. Such a society will, in the eyes of the policy makers, come about largely through the work that is done in adult education activities. Consis- tent with these observations is the more inclusive view of educa- tional change in Tanzania viewed within the larger context of the process of social change. Further, in that social change takes place through some medium, organization or group, adult education can be viewed also as an agent of social change. This view recognizes adult education as a type of institution or organization that tends to promote directed change. Adult education, as institution or organization, includes governmental, non-governmental and parastatal agencies. Consequently adult education can be conceputalized both as a deriva- tive of social change and a director of social change. Consistent with this analysis it is of interest to note that the objectives of adult education in Tanzania are expressed in a manner indicating the role of adult education in the political 158 context of the country. Along with the stated aims of keeping up with new knowledge and filling the education gap, the political leaders of Tanzania state specifically that adult education "is to be a basis for social change and for the mobilization of the peOple for development."45 Hely states that changes in society and its needs, will eventually result in changes in the nature, scOpe and pattern of education in schools. Adult education is a response to such change and is then an instrument of social change encouraging increased participation by all citizens who thereby gain a greater measure of political control and confidence in their ability to define reality. Solutions to negative realities cannot be effected by a population which is predominantely illiterate as illiteracy as seen as a major obstacle to rapid progress.46 Reginald Green observes that in the last decade 09603 to l9708)there has beenzamajor shift in emphasis in the thinking regard- ing adult education. His assessment is that presently there has been an awareness that adult education is a developmental process and therefore a political process which must interact with other elements in social, political and economic change.47 Basically the major thrust of adult education is to change parameters. It is to allow men, women and the community which have previously been isolated from development to take part in mobilizing land, labor and natural resources. 159 Jane Thompson's view of adult education is as an instrument of social change. In her book she argues for a more politically conscious approach to adult education which would empower citizens to change directions of the society toward the ends which they per- ceive to be advantageous.48 Whereas several theories have been postulated on the causes of social change, Tanzania's experience in the field of adult educa- tion and its relation to social change is not precisely explained by any of the existing models. Moore suggests that "there is no singular, sovereign cause for social changes in social systesm or subsystems (Mpore, 1968).49 The classical theories of social change begin with an attempt to identify so-called "universal laws" governing the growth and the development of man as a social being. The second theory draws from the Darwinian school of thought and states that a society moves in the direction of a "better" society as it becomes increasingly complex and specialized. The third theory of social change is functionalism which postulates that each society has a mechanism for self-equilibrium and that dysfunctional behavior is rejected by the body politic. The Tanzanian experience with adult education does not fit any of these models exactly and yet utilizes parts of all. Therefore this suggests ways in which social change can be initiated in a social system are variable, multifaceted and complex. 160 Footnotes Chapter VI lBudd L. Hall and C. Zikambone, Mtu ni Afya: An Evaluation of the 1973 Health Education Campaign in Tanzania (Dar es Salaam: Institute of Adult Education, 1972), p. 37. 2 TANU National Conference, 1971 (Dar es Salaam), p. 15. 3Z. J. Mpogolo, "Literacy Campaigns in the Context of Develop- ment" (Dar es Salaam: Ministry of National Education, 1979), pp. 7- 10. 4 Mpogolo, p. 19. 5Mpogolo, p. 34. 6Mpogolo, p. 18. 7Mpogolo, p. 4. 8Personal interview with Ndugu Kilindo, August 15, 1981. 9"Worker Critical of Campaign". Daily News Of Tanzania’ p. 2. 10Budd L. Hall and Paul J. Mhaiki, "Integration of Adult Education in Tanzania" (Dar es Salaam: Institute of Adult Education, 1972), p. 11. 11Ndugu Joseph Mbunda, "Chakula ni Uhai", p. 10. 12Budd L. Hall, Mtu ni Afya, p. 17. 132. J. Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of National Literacy Programmes" (Dar es Salaam: Ministry of National Education, 1980), p. 30. 14Ndugu Joseph Mbunda, "Chakula ni Uhai", p. 30. 15Ndugu Joseph Mbunda, "Chakula ni Uhai", p. 14. l6Budd L. Hall, Mtu ni Afya, p. 14. 17Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of National Literacy Programmes", p. 40. 161 18Ndugu Joseph Mbunda, "Chakula ni Uhai", p. 44-48. 19Budd L. Hall, Wakati Wa Furaha: An Evaluation of a Radio Study Group Campaign (Uppsala: Scandanavian Institute of African Studies, 1973), p. 42. 20 Ndugu Joseph Mbunda, "Chakula ni Uhai", p. 17. 21Ndugu Joseph Mbunda, "Chakula ni Uhai", p. 17. 22Pius Msekwa and T. L. Maliyamkono, The Experiments: Educa- tional Policy Formation Before and After the Arusha Declaration, p. 70. 23Pius Msekwa, p. 73. 24Pius Msekwa, p. 100. 5Julius K. Nyerere, "Directive on the Implementation of Education for Self Reliance", p. 4. 26Adult Education Information Notes (Paris, UNESCO, 1976), No. 1, p. 3. 27UNESCO, The Experimental Work-oriented Literacy Programme: A Critical Assessment, 28UNESCO, p. 9. 29UNESCO, p. 90. 30UNEsco, p. 32. 31UNESCO, p. 41. 32UNESCO. p. 51. 33UNEsco, p. 87. 34UNEsco, p. 91. 35UNEsco, p. 102. 36UNEsco, p. 111. 37UNEsco, p. 114. 38M. J. Kinunda, "The Place of Evaluation in the Tanzania System of Education", p. 11. 162 39Kinunda, p. 111. 40UNESCO, p. 36. 41Rodney J. Hinkle, "Educational Problems and Policy in Post Independence Tanzania" (New York: Columbia University, 1970), p. 112. 42Paul Mhaki, Young Child in Tanzania (age 7-15) (n.p.: Tanzania National Scientific Research Council, 1977), p. 178. 43Wilbert‘Moore, "Social Change", International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 14, p. 367. 44Stanley Wronski, "Implementing Change in Social Studies Programs", p. 199. 45Lewis A. Coser, Introduction to Sociology, p. 199. 46A. S. M. Hely, New Trends in Adult Education (Paris: UNESCO, p. 47. 47Reginald Green, Adult Education in National Development (Toronto: International Council on Adult Education, 1977), p. 101. 48 Jane Thompson, "Adult Education and Social Change", p. 88. 49Wilbert E. Moore, "Social Change", International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, p. 366. CHAPTER VII FINDINGS AND CONCLUSIONS Court and Kinyanjui observe that the "high idealism and sheer eloquence of Tanzania's policies make hard-nosed analysis seem almost sacriligious, yet gaps between policy and practice must be noted."1 Tanzania is a shining model in Africa and Third World countries for unique literacy programs with well-defined objectives and syste- matic and scientific implementation. The success of the literacy efforts were enhanced by political commitment, organizational struc- ture, concrete programs and pOpular participation. In summarizing a work this nature there are, in addition to the obvious facts, two overriding considerations. One is the recogni- tion of the fact that Tanzania is not the most favored of the African nations in terms of geographic location or natural resources. One of the consequences of this reality is that there is a great deal of poverty and disease in this nation. Another consideration is the fact of colonial "over-rule" that resulted in cultural and economic exploitation, because of the very structure of colonialism and the dynamics of underdevelopment. For any country which had to start its independence with such a low economic base and untapped human resources as Tanzania, it would be extremely difficult to achieve 163 164 the desired efficiency in management and administration of literacy campaigns in so short a period. However, in designing the strategy for the develOpment of the country many lessons have been learned. While Altbach and Kelley feel that Tanzania has achieved some measure of success, they also feel it is difficult to predict long- run effect.2 Few studies exist that have attempted to delineate the relationship between non-formal education and the broader social structures of individual African states. Fewer efforts are apparent that have attempted to define the political and psychosocial social- ization roles of either formal or non-formal education and the part these roles have played in the life of newly emerging nations. Duggan and Civille observe that foreign observers have tended to be overly critical of the efforts, even of the capabilities of African leaders, to weld diverse peOples and poverty-striken economies into stable nations.3 The kind of summarization that is desired is an assessment that will reveal whether or not a new person is being developed as a result of the guidelines and implementation of the Arusha Declara- tion and the Education for Self-Reliance document and their implemen- tation. This kind of evaluation cannot be done by a single discipline, nor can one look at one generation to make this judgment. This, can be accounted for by the fact that the ESR is a life-long policy which is aimed at the present, as well as future, generations and both the young and the old. 165 However, the observation that it is utopian to expect the school to undergo a major transformation of social function at the present stage of African development appears to be a valid observa- tion in light of the resistance to egalitarian ideology prescribed earlier in the ESR and the subsequent reaction to it by university students and some critically placed bureaucrats. A number of other important factors emerge. There has been the lack of an effective response among foreign investors and little foreign aid, compared to the foreign aid that went to other former colonies in Africa. There was for Tanzania the ever-present need to cooperate with other African states and the Third World, going as far as, and perhaps culminating in, the Uganda-Tanzania conflict. Tanzania is one of the few nations to have undertaken more than a rhetorical commitment to a truly African socialistic transfor- mation. The implementation described earlier affirms this. If post-independence political leaders list education as one of the top priorities of the nation, there may be manifest as well as latent causes for this thinking. It may be that the political leaders, too, view literacy as an important symbol of modernity and so realize that the demands and expectations of the masses in the field of literacy and all adult education can be more visibly satisfied than in other important sectors. The positive relationship of education to national develOpment is a relationship that has been established. One example was the action of the Indian Adult Education Association. Adult education as a movement and a national program to bring about 166 social change and equality was endorsed in a Declaration and Recom- mendation at the all-India Adult Education Conference in Patna, October, 1981.4 Tanzania's behavior relative to adult education demonstrates the fact that Tanzania has accepted the philosophy that adult educa- tion is a prerequisite of personal and economic growth. The accept- ance of education is related to the proposition that economic growth is indispensible for any meaningful national development. The fact that education has acquired such high visibility in many developing and developed countries suggests that political motivations may lie behind educational policies as they relate to the content of the curricula as well as the decisions regarding the expansion of educa- tional facilities. This same thinking may well permeate decisions regarding who will have access to the education provided. Tanzania's experience since independence in regard to education may well involve some of the above considerations. With 10 percent of the education budget, the independence illiteracy rate of 75 percent has been reduced to 21 percent as of August, 1981 and universal Primary Education became a fact in 1977. Authorities in Tanzania may not have all the answers, but it would have been foolish to them to have sat by idly in the knowledge that their educational system was inappropriate for the sort of society that they sought to create. Perhaps Tanzania's greatest achievement since independence has been accomplished in the field of adult education. This provided the rationale for Adult Education Year, 167 1970, when with a pOpulation of 14% million—~of whom more than 80 percent were illiterate--President Nyerere proclaimed adult educa- tion the national priority.5 Tanzania is a classic example of Dennis Goulet's thesis in Cruel Choice.6 Some manpower planners and educational advisors cautioned that educational expenditures required to finance educa- tional expansion of the magnitude observed in Tanzania involve largely a wasteful diversion of public monies to unproductive con- sumption at a time when it is essential to maximize investment by undertaking a carefully planned program for the expansion of higher level facilities. The indisputable point is that both are needed, thus the "Cruel Choice"--cruel because development benefits are obtained only at a great price employing the principle of economic tradeoffs. Careful attention must be given to estimating usable resources and tolerable social costs. In education it is exceedingly difficult to overcome the individualistic and materialistic biases that permeate inherited Tanzanian educational systems in order that values of self-sacrifice and service can be inculcated and reinforced. The elitism observed in Tanzania today is tangible evidence that colonial education did produce some changes in values and in the traditional social structure. It is the purpose of the present-day policy makers that the changes which occur now should be desired socialistic social changes. The measures employed should be measures which are aimed at containing the privileges of the upper strata and closing the gap between 168 themselves and the masses, a process referred to as egalitarianism. Curtailing primary school expansion, failing to embark on adult education activities, for instance, would have been ways of reinforc- ing the inherited patterns of privilege and elitism. To counter those attitudes of elitism it can be observed that Education for Self-Reliance sought to cultivate respect for the shamba (farm) so that this type of work would become a source of pride rather than punishment. Colonially, shamba work had been used as punishment and students therefore hated to dirty their hands with shamba work. They regarded such work as filthy and dirty, meant only for people who never went to school. Now with the spirit of the ESR and the Arusha Declaration, this work was to be regarded differently by all Tanzanians. The Tanzanian peOple were helped to understand that "Uhura na Kazi" (Freedom and Work) was more than a slogan. It was the means by which they were to display their progres- sion toward the goal of self-reliance. An allied and important task is applying the logic of decentralization in a way which reconciles regional initiative and the policy of national develOpment.7 President Nyerere observes If one views Tanzanian progress on an international scale, including African peOple throughout the disapora, it would be difficult to point to any decolonization effort that even approaches the sophistication or has the potential for long-term success that Tanzania con- tinues to evidence. . . only the improvement of the quality of life serves as a sufficient measure. There are possibilities of a radical socializing role for both formal and non-formal education provided that educational 169 policies and practices are well integrated with broader strategies for development, as they are in Tanzania. It is for this reason that no effort is spared in Tanzania to ensure education its full positive potential. In the under-developed country, schooling may be looked upon as "an escape route" from the bush (rural area) to a white-collar job in the government--thus providing much of the motivation for literacy. The social and the political pressures for education are powered by economic motivations. There is a great demand for educa- tion because, in the minds of people, it is the principle route to jobs and careers and the demand is almost insatiable. A study which bears the title of this work requires an entirely different mind-set than many uninitiated Western readers have conceputalized. To begin with adult education may include entirely different concepts in Western society than it does in coun- tries like Tanzania. The definition contained in the first chapter of this study, although accurate, only begins to define adult educa- tion as it must be internalized to appreciate what is meant by adult education in Tanzania. Picture, if you can, a country poor in resources held in the grip of two colonial powers for more than two centuries, where the only kind of development occurring was the kind of development that was advantageous to the colonial powers. In colonial Tanzania there was no self-determination for the native Tanzanian and the only meaningful role encouraged was the role of 170 "producer for the colonial power." No better scenario could be devised for suppressing the development of leadership potential. Imagine later independence coming to this economically poor nation, which had not been permitted to develop along the lines that would foster either freedom of body or spirit. The script of inde— pendence is finally written largely by a Western-educated, astute, charismatic, young leader who becomes prime minister and later presi- dent of the newly independent nation. The script demands that the new young leader, probably the world's most articulate leader on adult education of one of the world's twenty-five poorest nations, and author of the Arusha Declaration and the ESR. As fate would have it, many of those academically prepared for leadership in the new nation were not prepared for the socialist direction in which this new nation would move. Through courageous national leadership and some financial assistance from the United Nations and foreign donor countries, the new nation constructs the infrastructure which enables it to reduce illiteracy from 75 percent to 21 percent in twenty short years. Questions are raised, however. The questions that remain to be answered are, at what cost, in the broadest sense, was this accomplished and what had to be sacrificed to achieve this memorable success? What were the tradeoffs--quality for quantity? What is decidedly implied is that a tremendous amount of sacrifice was necessary. One need only visit Tanzania briefly to become painfully aware of the sacrifices made daily by the majority of Tanzanians. 171 President Nyerere, like other post-independence political leaders, viewed literacy as an important symbol of modernity and realized that mass expectations could be more easily satisfied in the educational sphere than in many other deficit areas. President Nyerere's proposals then represent a major effort at political socialization and ESR can be seen as an attempt to forge a sense of common community and joint commitment for the country as a whole. This he saw as a prerequisite for a new nation. In the Journal of Modern African Studies, (December, 1976),10 Court attributes Tanzania's relative success in eliminating social and economic inequalities to her ideological stand as articulated in the Arusha Declaration which forms the background for ESR. This is not to say that Tanzania has completely resolved the inherent con- tradictions in the course of articulating the Arusha Declaration which forms the background for ESR. In Tanzania it is possible to find encouragement in the demonstrated resilience of Tanzania's ideals to sustained misapplica- tion and misunderstanding and even some deliberate opposition. Limited resources, both financial and human, and consecutive years of adverse weather continue to plague these noble attempts. An analysis of the mass literacy campaigns, one of the effective implementation responses to AD and ESR, demonstrates that joint exploration, such as that which characterized the Tanzanian health campaign, not only stimulates lively involvement, it becomes a strong motivating element for improving community life in general. 172 Another effect observed of mass campaigns is the strengthening of grassroots political structures and hence the building of a mass political base for the realization of other national goals. The campaign in some cases fortified the newly emerging political structures of Ujamaa villages by calling upon them to take specific actions. It is also clear that, appropriately modified, the methods used in Tanzania could work any place and on any scale. With strong commitment, radio and the study-group approach can be powerful tools for development. Tanzania has the institutional resources that some countries may not be able to match at this time. Other countries have transportation and communication infrastructures that are vastly superior to those in Tanzania. While not under estimating the importance of these tangible elements; it has been found that the most important ingredient in the success of literacy campaigns is official commitment; so that if this is present, success- ful campaigns may occur. The influence of external pressures should not be overlooked. Recently the Amin war, the import price increases and weather have had adverse effects on Tanzanian economy necessita- ting cuts in domestic programs. Conversely, it is Cole's assertion that it is extremely difficult to mobilize educational systems in such a manner as to effect significant attitudinal change. To accomplish this, he states, the schools must have maximal reinforcement techniques available in the larger community.11 It is interesting that the Minister for 173 National Education, critically asserts that so long as African parents perceive the school as an instrument of individual Oppor- tunity, the family will subvert the egalitarian ends of the ESR program. Mgonia goes on to argue that a strong case can be made for concentrating educational resources on areas or groups that are most able to profit from them rather than spreading them so evenly that their effects and benefits are attenuated. This is another dimension of the "quality vs. quantity" debate. He observers that "A rapid rise in the output of schools may well contribute to increases in urban unemployment and rural underemployment and to social and political tensions that can divert the allocation of resources away from their most productive use."12 Manpower planners and educational advisors, both native and foreign, cautioned that educational expenditures required to finance educational expansion involve largely wasteful diversion of public monies to unproductive consumption at a time when it is essential to maximize investment by undertaking a carefully planned program for the expansion of higher level facilities.13 The Brandt Commission report published in 1980 reveals a wider disillusion with education as a factor in development and a deterioration in support for adult education in develOpment aid programs. Adult education administrators and planners in aid agencies and national systems are organizing for conceptual and intellectual clarification and leader- ship in relation to the apprOpraite role and the best 174 strategies and methods to promote adult education as a service towards the reduction of poverty. We need to provide the basis for a more sustained and penetrat- ing analysis of the role (and limitations) of adult education in the war against poverty.14 There is a need to reconcile the conflicting objectives of equality and efficiency. At this stage it appears that growing inequality is the price demanded for growing economically. The price paid in terms of efficiency for egalitarian policies can be extra- ordinarily high. Morrison argues that the school by itself cannot effect drastic social changes. He sees the importance of a dialogue between schools and the larger society and argues for this dialogue. Schooling without dialogue is better than doing nothing about the ills of the educational system left behind by the colonists, but he cautions against heady Optimism in achieving desired goals without dialogue. He states that ESR is a life-long policy and that given the internal consistency observed in Tanzania there is no reason to under estimate its proposed effectiveness. Socie- ties must change their values first, then hand them over to school to transmit to future generations. This is a necessary condition, it is a condition which builds a sense of commitment on the part of the society. 15 Other sociologists observe that the change in values will not be observed in the society at large without the socializing effect of the school and institutional and political forces in the society. The effectiveness of mass literacy campaigns is not completely clear. There are those in Tanzania who feel that large scale cam- paigns divert resources and energies for program that produce only 175 short-term gains. There are others who say that campaigns have demonstrated a capacity for doing what cannot be done in any other way, and that the contribution they make toward realizing long-term goals of nationhood should not be under—estimated. The primary con- tribution of mass literacy campaigns may be in self-determination and self-reliance which are indispensible bases for further personal development, national development and social change. Due to the many agents at work parallel to adult education programs, evaluators find it difficult to claim categorically that adult education programs in particular have played the major role in changing, say, occupational skills in growing cotton or maize or in qualitative characteristics. Ways and means are being sought to better evaluate the total impact of all adult education programs on the society. What is clear is that Tanzania combines the goals of fostering a modern outlook and understanding and accepting social change as well as preparing the literacy learner for new social sys- tems and stressing means of increasing production and/or consumption of goods. Tanzania is one of the few countries where serious efforts have been made in mobilizing and enrolling so many people in literacy programmes in so short a time; in raising the general literacysin motivating them towards learning and in building up an effective and functional administrative framework from grassroots to the national level. An attempt to answer the questions posed in this work regard- ing the cost-effectiveness of the implementation responses make it 176 more difficult to simplify conclusions. If the objective goal is a determination regarding the eradication of illiteracy as a method of achieving national goals, the answer is even more complex and con— clusions more difficult. However, "the International Development Strategy for the Third UN Development Decade calls for the provision of universal education by the year 2000. The realization that educa- tion is a critical component of the effort to combat such widespread and urgent problems as low productivity, high unemployment, insuffi- cient food supply and poor health conditions has led to a reevaluation of the traditional educational process. The three imperatives of the task are: democratization of education (respecting cultural identity), and the adaptation of education to the demands of producti- vity and daily life."16 As summary and for emphasis this excerpt from President Nyerere's Ten Years After Independence speech, bears repeating: The importance of the Arusha Declaration is difficult to overestimate. It provided a guideline to the peOple, the Government and the Party, to which all future policy decisions could be compared. After it there has been no excuse for decisions which, although good in certain respects, would divert our development from its purpose of serving the whole people. An equally important result of the Arusha Declarations, however, has been a new consciousness that the develop- ment of a nation means the development of its peOple, rather than the erection of imposing buildings or impressive roads. Of course, in a country like Tanzania, dispersing your effort to benefit the masses of the people, who live throughout our 360,000 square miles, means that the results of much of the work are not very visible. It is still easier to point to the industrial and business develOpments which have taken place since the Arusha Declaration than it is to display develop- ments in the rural areas. Indeed, more money has in 177 fact been put into the rural areas in this post-Arusha period. Despite much change we have not yet succeeded in making our practice keep up with the change in consciousness."17 However, this investigation makes clear that emphasis placed on adult education in Tanzania stems from its leaders' decision to bring about development through an eqalitarian rural transformation. The political decision to stress socialist development with priority to those living in rural areas preceeded the creation of the adult education network and shaped the structures and organizations that implemented the initiatives spelled out first in the Arusha Declara- tion and two months later in Education for Self-Reliance. This is affirmed by Mpogolo in 1982 when he stated that (1) Adult education in Tanzania is integrated with the development plans of the country as shown in the five year develOpments plans, and (2) Tanzania could declare and implement a mass campaign because it had the political justifi- cation it produced the needed structures and it allocated the needed resources.1 Esayas notes that "without education there is no develOpment progress. Education is both the product of the society and an instrument for bringing about change . . ."19 In summary then, Tanzania's experience demonstrates the naivete of believing that the problem of educated unemployment can be solved merely by curriculum reform or the eradication of illiteracy. The question thus becomes whether or not changes in curriculum, together with changes in examination, are capable of having an impact on the school leaver problem and other inequities of the society. 178 The evidence presented herein not conclusive. The Tanzanian experi- ence also raises questions which relate to the education-development discussion. The "Young Child" study observes that the policy of ESR has set the pace, but more practical aspects have got to be injected into it to make education, a real liberator if it is to carry any worthwhile meaning at all.20 Although Tanzania has stumbled and fallen behind on some of its ambitious plans, it is important to recognize the accomplishments of the program rather than merely to dwell on their shortcomings. The rapid moves to universal education for adults and primary age children will inevitably cause dislocations and resource constraints, but the country will strive to overcome such problems as they arise. Dolan concludes as does this researcher, that after Tanzania attained independence, not only did the primary purposes of educa— tion move away from a colonial context toward new socio-economic goals, but also that the means, by which these goals were implemented, originated as the product of the Tanzanian political phi1030phy of Ujamaa or "African Socialism".21 President Nyerere reveals his sophistication again as he observes that "A liberated nation is not just a nation which has 2 " 2 "I think we must admit that we have overcome alien occupation. not done all that is needed," he states. His corollary observation is that "A man can be physically free from restraint and still be unfree if his mind is restricted by habits and attitudes which limit his humanity."23 179 And he concludes in the spirit of this investigation that "by sharing our knowledge we extend the totality of our understanding and our control over our lives."24 This observation makes it blatantly clear that "President Nyerere is as masterful an author as he is a political theoretician."25 180 Footnotes Chapter VII 1David Court and Kabiru Kinyanjui, "Development Policy and Educational Opportunity" (University of Nairobi, 1980), p. 7. 2Philip G. Altbach and Gail P. Kelly, Education and Colonial- ism, p. 133. 3William R. Duggan and John R. Civille, Tanzania and Nyerere, p. 44. 4"India Adult Education Conference", Convergence, (Patna: International Council on Adult Education, Oct. 1981), p. 17. 5Z. J. Mpogolo, "Tanzania Mass Literacy Campaigns", (n.p.: n.p., 1971-1981), p. 180 6Dennis Goulet, Cruel Choice, p. 78. 7Julius K. Nyerere, Decentralization, p. 7. 8Julius K. Nyerere, "Liberated Man: The Purpose of Develop- ment", Convergence, Vol. IX, No. 4, p. 48. 92. J. Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of Mass Literacy Campaigns" (Dar es Salaam: Ministry of National Education, 1979): P. 19. 10David Court and Kabiru Kinyanjui, "Development Policy", Journal of Modern African Studies, p. 70. 11Edwin K. Coles, Adult Education in Developing Countries (New York: Pergamon Press, 1977), p. 74. 12L. Y. Mgonia, "Adult Education and Political Development", (Institute of Adult Education), p. 7. 13"Brandt Commission Report", Convergence, 1980: P- 27° 14 "Brandt Commission Report", p. 4. 15David Morrison, Education and Politics: The Tanzanian Case (London: C. H. Hurst and Company, 1976), p. 227. 181 16Edwin K. Coles, p. 90. 17Julius K. Nyerere, "Ten Years After Independence" (Tanzania: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Sept. 1971), p. 4. l8Mpogolo, "Planning and Administration of Mass Literacy Campaigns 1971-1981", p. 17. 19Menkir Esayas, "The Local Context as a Source of Local Questions on Mass Communication, Development, Education and Religion in Africa", p. 13. 20Paul Mhaki, Young Child in Tanzania (age 7-15) (n.p.: Tanzania National Scientific Research Council, 1977), p. 416. 21Louis F. Dolan, Transition from Colonialism to Self Reliance, p. 227. 22Julius K. Nyerere, "Liberated Man: The Purpose of Develop- ment", Convergence, Vol. IX, No. 4, p. 57. 23Julius K. Nyerere, Quotations from President J. K. Nyerere, p. 31. 24Nyerere,Quotations from President J. K. Nyerere, p. 44. 25William R. Duggan and John R. Civille, Tanzania and Nyerere: A Study of Ujamaa and Nationhood (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1976), p. 131. 182 APPENDICES 183 APPENDIX A 184 APPENDIX A A more comprehensive treatment of Tanzania follows. "A vision of any part of Africa is impossible without being armed with a background and history of colonial Africa--its impacts, effects and the problems it has generated for the future of Africe."1 Sub-Section I To trace the historical, geographical and political develop- ment of Tanzania thus providing the background for what is to follow specifically as it relates to the descriptive analysis of adult education in Tanzania. Tanzania's Background A brief thumbnail background sketch of Tanzania is included in the body of the paper. For those desiring a more comprehensive background this appendix is included. This section is broken into two principal parts. Part I discusses Tanzania geographically and introduces the reader to the Tanzanian people. Part II is an attempt to provide some historical perspective to present-day Tanzania in terms of its historical heri- tage and varied colonial experience. This background attempts to provide the contextual setting in which Tanzania has attempted to deal with the problems of education in general and adult education 185 specifically and should aid the reader in understanding more fully the total environment in which the adult education efforts have been and are being undertaken. Origins The United Republic of Tanzania is a country of contrasts. Its age, some say, is as old as man himself, since Olduvai Gorge is found within its borders. Anthropologists have found man's earliest known remains here. Tanzania is probably one of the most ancient of inhabited lands.2 In another sense the United Republic of Tanzania is quite new in that it came into being, as such, a mere twenty-two years ago; after Tanganyika, a UN Trust Territory under British Trusteeship, was granted internal self-government after the successful self—rule local election in the fall of 1960. In May of 1961, Tanzania achieved independence. One year later, on the anniversary of its independence, Tanzania became a republic within the British Commonwealth. Zanzibar, a British protectorate, an island less than 25 miles away in the Indian Ocean, was granted its independence two years later in December, 1963. The revolution of Zanzibar in January, 1964, was against the Omani Sultan and the landowning Arab minority and was won by the African Zanzibaris of the African Shirazi party. Following this event, the United Republic of Tanganyika and Zanzibar united and established themselves as one country on April 26, 1964. Later that year the name was changed 186 from the United Republic of Tanganyika to the United Republic of Tanzania, thus becoming the only instance when two independent African states gave up their sovereignty to unite and overcome the major divisions which they inherited from their respective colonial periods. It is interesting to note that independence came to Tanganyika earlier than any other East African country, perhaps because it was the poorest territory in the East African complex of Uganda, Kenya and Tanganyika.3 The total land area of the United Republic of Tanzania (364,900 square miles) is just slightly larger than the combined land area of Texas and Oklahoma of the United States, or Nigeria on the African continent. The above land area includes the 1,200 square miles of the offshore islands of Zanzibar, Pemba and Mafia. The analogy of the 'land of contrasts' continues, noting the wide variety of landforms, climates and peoples. Most of the country lies on the East African plateau, 3,000 to nearly 6,000 feet high, bordered east and west by two branches of the Great Rift Valley. Mountains to 9,000 feet border the country in the South- west and also constitute the southeastern rim of the central plateau of the country. The major rivers drain into the Indian Ocean, but some empty into the interior bodies of water of Lake Tanganyika, Lake Victoria, and Lake Nyasa. Tanzania also has within it both the highest and the lowest areas of the African continent. Mt. Kilmanjaro of 19,520 feet is in this country and so is the floor of Lake Tanganyika which is 187 1,175 feet below sea level. Much of the rest of inland Tanzania is made up of gently sloping plains and plateaus which are broken by low hill ranges and scattered isolated hills. The area of the country which hugs the 50 miles of coastline includes beautiful areas of sweeping sandy beaches and developed coral reefs. Near the mouths of the larger rivers these reefs are broken by the exten- sive mangrove growth so common in Africa. With the exception of the high mountain areas, temperatures in Tanzania are not a major limiting factor for crop growth, though the range of altitude produces a corresponding range of temperatures in regimes from topical to temperate. Weather conditions are dominated by Indian Ocean monsoons that bring two rainy seasons, one long, and one short, affecting different parts of the country at different times. Most of the country is quite dry and the rain- fall is uncertain. Ground frost rarely occurs except in the southern highlands. Minimum temperatures tend to occur in June and July in most places and range between less than 60 degrees F to about 87 degrees F. The contrasts continue. Rainfall is variable both from place to place and time to time. There is generally less rainfall than might be expected at this altitude. For most of the country the heaviest rain falls in a single rainy season--December to May. Along with this problem of a long dry season, for other parts of the country, there is a marked fluctuation in annual rainfall. These distributions and seasonal fluctuations in rainfall greatly 188 influence agricultural practices. In spite of these climatic problems, Tanzania agriculture constitutes 38 percent of the GNP and 80 percent of the foreign exchange earnings of Tanzania. In most parts of the country there is not enough rain or, because it comes unpredictably, floods alternate regularly with droughts. Altitude plays a major role in determining rainfall patterns, with the higher elevations receiving more precipitation. Generally, the total amount of rainfall is not very great. Only about half of the country receives more than thirty inches of rain annually. The contrasts continue. Just northwest of Lake Nyasa there are often 100 inches of rain annually and in parts of the hot and dry Central Plateau and Masai Steppe there is less than twenty inches of rain annually. At times of excessive or surplus water there is drainage into a few large, perennial rivers of the country. Africa's largest fresh water lake, Lake Victoria, drains the southern highlands and provides much needed hydro-electric power, and supplies such to the cities of Arusha, Moshi, Tanga, Morogoro and Dar es Salaam. The offshore islands of Zanaibar, Pemba and Mafia have a more tropical climate with higher average temperatures and greater precipitation than the coastal areas of the mainland. The city of Zanzibar on Zanzibar Island is the center of government, trade and commerce for the Island. Tanzanians voted in 1973 to move the capital from Dar es Salaam to Dodoma, in the interior of the country , by mid-1980.4 189 People The main features of the pattern of population are, firstly, sharp discontinuities in density with a number of densely populated areas separated from each other by zones of sparse population; secondly, the comparatively low density of population is most of the interior of the country; and thirdly, the way in which most parts of the country's rural settlements tend to consist of scattered individual homesteads rather than the more typical nucleated villages, which were relatively rare prior to Ujamaa. Nearly half of the general population density is about 40 inhabitants per square mile. Rural densities are highly variable ranging from large, nearly uninhabited areas in the central interior and the southeastern guadrant of the country to populations of 1,000 persons per square mile or more on the slopes of Mt. Kilimanjaro and a few other places throughout the country. This population distribution is, to a large extent, the outcome of a colonial pattern of agriculture which encouraged cash crop production in those areas enjoying fertile soils and a good rainfall record. Tanzania's 1978 census recognized some 126 ethnic groups. Each of these groups differs in varying degrees from the others in their culture, their social organization and their native language. Most Tanzanians, (95 percent) speak Kiswahili in addition to their native languages. Kiswahili is the commercial lingua franca and is also the language of instruction through the primary grades. 190 About 95 percent of Tanzania's population (19,000,000) is commonly referred to as Bantu, or more accurately, as Bantu speak- ing—~the term has no racial meaning. The most important Bantu language for interethnic communication is Kiswahili, the mother tongue of Zanzibaris, Pembans, and most of the coastal people of the mainland. It became a commercial lingua franca in some areas even before the colonial period. In 1963, it became Tanzania's national language, as some Tanzanians believe that Kiswahili was a more appropriate language for an emerging socialist country than was English, a language "associated with countries considered to be capitalistic."5 Roughly a dozen ethnic groups make up half of Tanzania's population, and no group is large enough to be dominant in relation to any of the other groups. The largest ethnic group, the Sukuma, constitutes nearly 13 percent of the population, or more than a million persons, and the remaining groups are under five percent each. (Such a situation appears fortuitious, as Tanzania has been spared the intense tribal rivalries which have plagued some other African nations. Kenya is a case in point with the Kikiyus usurping the most prestigious positions.) Ethnicity in Tanzania coincides substantially with locality. Some members of many groups have pushed outward from their native habitats in their apparent search for opportunities not present in their own areas. Most (95 percent) of the Tanzanians are African though 75,000 people of Indian ancestry make up a significant part of the urban population and the economy of the country. Despite the 191 government's desire to minimize tribal identities, ethnic groups often coincide with features of the terrain or with the boundaries of ecological zones. One may refer, for instance, to Sukumaland, Gogoland or Chaggaland. One-quarter to one-third of the population claims to be Christian (Roman Catholic and various Protestant groups). Estimates of the number of Muslims are in the same range. The bulk of the population of Zanzibar, Pemba and Mafia, is Muslim. The remainder of the Tanzanians, approximately one-quarter to one-third, adhere to one of the indigenous African religious systems. Brief Histopy Although the validity of the remains is still in dispute, human remains believed to be about two million years old found by anthropologists place earliest man's origin in Tanzania and East Africa rather than in Asia. (A foot skeleton of Australopithecus found here can be constructed from a dozen bones recovered at Olduvia Gorge. While the bones are not as robust, according to speculation the Olduvai hominid was thought to be a much smaller animal.)6 The history of armed struggle by the local inhabitants of this part of East Africa against foreign invaders dates back to the early sixteenth century, when the Portuguese were trying to conquer the coast after Vasco Da Gama sailed around the Cape of Good Hope in 1493. Although the Portuguese managed to rule these people for about two centuries, they never succeeded in subjagating them completely.7 7005: 16008: 1885: 1920 to 1961: 1961: 1963: 192 The Arabs controlled offshore Zanzibar and the Tanzanian coast until about 1506. Portugal ruled until the 16003 when Arab control was reestablished. The inland people of the mainland were largely untouched by the Arabs or the Portuguese at this time, though later internal invasions for slaves were made. Through treaty arrangements the Germans ruled over German East Africa (Kenya, Uganda and Tanzania) for thirty-five years). British control followed for forty-one years. After Germany's defeat in World War I, the League of Nations assigned the former German East Africa territory to Britain as mandated Territory. German settlers were expelled from the area and the area changed from German East Africa to Tanganyika. After World War II, Tanganyika was a UN trust territory under British rule. Tanganyika won independence and Julius Nyerere, former teacher and head of TANU (Tanganyika African National Union) party became prime minister. Tanganyika an independent republic within the British Commonwealth, and Nyerere was elected president in 1962. Zanzibar became independent within the British Commonwealth. 1964: 1965: 1967: 1971: 193 Zanzibar became a republic and on October 29 joined Tanganyika to form the United Republic of Tanzania under President Nyerere. Tanzania became a one-party state with plans announced to develop it on a socialist pattern. The Arusha Declaration and the Education of Self-Reliance policy statements were delivered by President Nyerere in January and March. A dispute broke out with neighboring Uganda because Tanzania sheltered ousted Ugandan President Milton Obote and refused to recognize his military successor, General Idi Amini;8 border clashes continued to 1977, following which Tanzania deliberately fought to oust the Idi Amin regime and succeeded in doing so in 1979. Military intervention in Uganda cost L250 M., or one million American dollars per month.9 194 Footnotes for Appendix A 1Tomeoya, "Vision of Africa" Africa Speaks by James Duffy and Robert Manners (New York: D. VanNostrand, 1971), p. 17. 2"Tanzania”. Africa South of the Sahara, (London: Europa Publication Ltd., 1982), p. 1058. 3Martin Bailey, The Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar: A Study in Political Integration (Syracuse: Syracuse University, 1973)) p0 340 4"Basic Data on Sub-Saharan Africa", Africa South of the Sahara (London: Europa Publications Ltd., 1982), p. 1046. 5Tanzania-—Background Notes (U.S. Department of State, 1981), 6"Tanzania", Africa South of the Sahara, p. 1050. 7"Tanzania" in Encyclopedia Britannica (Chicago: William Benton, 1974), p. 1032. 8Laura Kurtz, An African Education: The Social Revolution in Tanzania (Brooklyn: Pageant-Poseidon, Ltd., 1972), p. 51. 9Margaret Bates, "Tanznaia", Encyclopedia International (New York: Lexicon Publications, 1982), p. 456. 195 APPENDIX B 196 Ministry of National Education Organization Structure. Tanzania “00' “all?" P—--.L--- [newton cont-tuna LIMW'L‘JJL .J r r ntutyl |:o—I::ny——i name a Do] .3 llbef awn“ [vi WHO} inoncoond Teflon! —_I:f_-———o¢oir Home! Emcee unit NOMWO 0"" tumn mother“ unit Com-”toner '0! Notional Education institute ottoml ethanol 0' SHOW" nom-non- . ucohan _.-, ii «p i r11 7 sachet—Is odueoi- 50cc enemy/teem": Puma” fluent-J [Adult education qfiirfiu70707fi “mm aucotion division ”new...” r‘thlIOfl commit" J Ouilqn Functional Wile! uuc. nspeenon one action "'0'“! section .voluonon I mu Education out“! Mull Pnneipol actuary 1 umculum Ru'ol alum." 9'0“ -------- «new education COMING. -------- --- r- Dist-net .009" ‘1 oducohcn commune. A! regional level i duction ditcor “I!" (Cinema ell-c0! adult At dame! M ~-----—- Divisional Nu" Imitation Commute-u At dmtml It mantras; no um moi w l VIII... centre: .. .....,. w «m “BR?"'"} level institution «Mtu Lfimfl:___’ financial “on W Taken from the Final Repon of the Seminar on “Structutes f or Adult Education in Developing Countries. with special refereee to Africa". Unesco. I975. 197 THE UNITED REPUBLIC OF TANZANIA (Tanganyih-Bqlnning Iflzl a ‘sg' § ~ 3 8. 3 u in < >- tn ‘26 h‘ m " 19 § 2: 2 18 u -3 g 17 :1 —9‘| . (l 16 g “ 8 -fl 9 t 3 z ‘5 I < m .4 -20 .. " ” V' ’°"" to one MI I 7'“ mount scu ' Gov't. tech. ~13 I3 > v Form 00' leather lnslilule ‘2 °‘ * IV Form ————— I." ll é Ill Form Training ' .r O ,. tarade It ethnical & '—Iu ' 1 I0 § tt form Acnoutic snonoaav 50'0“ ————— CWMUII P 5 " . . 1- 9 l Fault '6'“ Ill ' “mug __n a vut summm _ 7 VII Slandard t-ll . 6 VI sumhw "lt 5 a V —10 .3 Standard PRIMARY 50-4001 ‘ an IV Slamfd __= 3 s IH sumuw _, 2 ll Standard L‘ I I Shadow *—-4-1 _ ,J Cochlsory ctlucatm: None Schml year: January ~ Member I) term) Secondary gradinq- 1-9 School Certificate and General Commute a “motion ‘5" SICGHMIV (MANN! Non-Formal Education in African Develmment - James Sheffield and Victor P. Diejomaoh. (New York: African-American Institute, 1972.) 198 Organization for Adult Education in the Ministry of National Education Minister for National Education I Principal Sec'ty for National Education l Commissioner National Education I j a]: Director Director Primary Secondary Technical Director Adult Education Education Officers (Adult Education) Coordination I Education Officers (Adult Education) L Adult Education Supervisors Ward Coordinators (Adult Education) *1 Adult Education Teachers 1 Director Teacher Training Education Regional (17) District (65) Divisional (38) Ward (1,800) Centres (70,000+) I r 0 ——-—- 199 IIIVI:.IIII-I In AIJUL~T.EUII(..AITI()N' ' IMIPuhIIav I)! 'JAIIIINAL [HULAIIONI‘J I Winin'xnl ADULT-EJUCATTON EBEIII‘ITi—EE—EUB conwmnt or REGIONAL UEVEItimE-m tionauII—rusf; cIIAImmII REGIONAL COMMISSIONER I CHAIRMAN AREA COMMISSIONER CHAIRMAN I - TANU BRANCH CHAIRMAN ————— _—__4 L DISTRICT ADULT EDUCATION COMMITTEE ISUB COMMITTEE OF DISTRICT DEVELOPMENT COMMITTEEI J FARO ADULT EDUCATION COMMITTEE OR IN TOWN ZONAL ADULT EDUCATION couwrree] ,— HEAO OF PRIMARY SCHOOL I I SCHOOL COMMITTEE II HEAD OI SE CONUAHY SCHOOL I SCHOOL COMMIT L__J TEE __J I PRINCIPAL OF COLLEGE OF NATIONAL EDUCATION OR OTHER INST -d II I HEAD OF NATIONAL SERVICE CAMP, PRISON, FACTORY E iC. I COLLEGE COMMITTEE OF ADULT EDUCATION ADULT EDUCATION CONMITTEF "‘III‘ (LI-tnmiIIt-t' Strut IttII III \IIIIII l‘ltlttt‘atimi l'tttlt'r llit‘ Ministry "l'xflllhildl Ltltttulinn 200 The Flow Chart for Information on Literacy and Post-Literacnyrogram in Tanzania: MINISTRY OF NATIONAL EDUCATION ADULT EDUCATION DIRECTORATE REGIONAL EDUCATION OFFICER REGIONAL ADULT EDUCATION COORDINATOR DISTRICT EDUCATION OFFICER DISTRICT ADULT EDUCATION COORDINATOR DIVISIONAL ADULT EDUCATION COORDINATOR WARD ADULT EDUCATION COORDINATOR SUPERVISORS OF ADULT EDUCATION (READ TEACHER OF PRIMARY SCHOOLS) PRINCIPALS OF COLLEGES OF NATIONAL EDUCATION AND FOLK DEVELOPMENT COLLEGES HEADMASTERS OF SECONDARY SCHOOLS LITERACY AND POST LITERACY CLASSES AT VILLAGE LEVEL Source: Adult Education and Development in Tanzania. (Tanzania, National Education Association of Tanzania, 1975, Vol. 1.). Level I: Level II: Level III: Level IV: 201 A participant who has enrolled but must have attended two-thirds of the literacy sessions in any one year of literacy activities. A participant who qualified for Level I above, but who also has successfully passed one or both tests for the following sub-levels: Sub-level (i): A person who is able to recognize words and/or symbols, writes letters of the syllables, writes numbers and/or arithmetic signs including mental calculations. Sub-level (ii): A person who is able to read a short, simple meaningful sentence, is able to write a simple short sentence and can add and subtract one-figure numbers. A person who qualified for Level II above, but who also has successfully passed one or both tests for the follow- ing sub-levels: Sub-level (i): A person who is able to read a short, simple meaningful sentence, is able to write a simple short sentence and can add and subtract two—figure numbers. Sub—level (ii): A person who possesses mastery over symbols in their written form, or is able to encode and decode written messages. Such a person should be able to perform the following: be able to read fluently a simple text with understanding (the text itself being based on common syllables and vocabularies in the functional primers and according to the most frequent syllables and voca- bularies used in the Swahili language). He should also be able to write a simple short message or passage, add and subtract three-figure numbers, multiply two-figure numbers, and divide by one figure. A person who continuously used the acquired literacy skills. Such a person should have qualified in Level III above, but also should be able to read and write messages; to read a newspaper (for example, Uhuru, Ukulima Wa Kisasa, etc.) to keep up with current happen— ings and obtain information; to read "how to do it your— self" and generally perform as a literate citizen. 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Bx 5.9.3 225 APPENDIX D 226 0320300 0000.223 t good 50960005 adamant .N £099.82.“ 60.302. 00.30.33. 262 00040M~q-fl 000400m.ma 00040304ma 0000000.m~ 00 ~00000 000.~n:«~ 00~qHHm00~ ~0\H00H 000.P~0.wda oooqmoodma 00000m~.- 000.0000mmlummmqmmmwwN 0000000‘H 000.:Nn.m€ roxoomw mpm..0~.rma 000.000.0fi 000.00~.n~ m0~.nom.0a 000.:0n.~0 000.mnm.a 0m0.-0.~. 00x0~0~ 00m.~0:.0fifl 000.0::.n~ 000.000.:H 000.000.0H ~n~.000.n0 000.000.H 000.000.~P 0~\0~0H 0H0.-:.0~. 000.000.nfl 000.00H.0~ 000.000.0H 00m.0a~.~0 0:s.m00.~ 00~.~00.HH 0H\-0H 0»0.:00.~0 000.000.nH 000.000.: 000.000.0 omn.~00.:~ 0wn.mom.~ 000.000.00 -\0~0H m~:.m00.H0 000.000.: m00.0n0.0n 000.000 000.:NP.~P 00n.00m.0 00~.nou.m. 0~\w~0H mm..0rm.~0 nnu.m0~.oa 00H.0-.:~ 0::.00>.H 000.000.0m wxdwwp 00H.m::.m: 000.000.~ 000.000.0H 000.000.H 00m.rsm.0a 0~\m~0. 000.000.00 000.000.~H 00~.~:m.~0 000.000.H 00~40m~.m1 n~\-0H omm.mm0.ap 00m.nmm.m 000.000.H 000.00:.0 mfixflwoa 000.000.0 000.000.F 00m.000.0 «Nwowma m0:.~m:q~ 00:.pm:.~ osxooofl <0H0 000m .000 u00¢mqu 0000 emmmwwmmme amazwo.qu 000000 000» *.s>00 0<20H0mm «saga: =0Ha<0pnm 02.00 <80 203035200 930220500 opauavaoefl unosqoanioa 20H8uwmum>fiao coaumosvm uH=w< .uommmmoum m3um3m nowmow .ua .oH «coo: noucmo coaumosum uasu< .uouomHHQ mama .m .uz .m nouamo 50030 00 000 00300000 033 $8033 0:30... 000330 .2 .m ...0 .0 000sz 0003000200 0055: .H ...0 .m ficmoz mofiuumncaH swam acumwumoum cmzm HoumEHm .Hz .0 coamfi>fin coauwoovm coaumoswm HmGOfiumz mo huumfiafiz uH=w< wo manuaumcH .Hmsoummmmm gnawcoz humawm .u: .m owmaaoo unwedoam>mm Emmamm 0m awn xaom maowouowcum .Houooufin oxoeam ouuoumcumm .mp2 .q coaumosvm H050Humz wo kuumficfiz soaumoswm uH=u< .uouooufin oaowoaz .N .< .uz .m Emmamm mm umo mo uuwmum>aca coaumosvm mo omeHou .Hommmmoum moan: .m .< .u: .N Emmamm mm Hon mo huwmum>fiaz Hommomoum\uosu=< HaasmH .w .4 .un .H coaumoog\c0Hu=ufiumcH :OHuHmom mEmz mom3oa>umucH pmzuo bum muamvcommmm mo wcwumwa m anmem< 230 BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY Adams, D. 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