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thesis entitled
CHANGES IN THE STRUCTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN
GROUPS AND THE EMERGENCE 0F POLITICAL
MOVEMENTS: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AT
HARVARD AND WISCONSIN, l930-l969

presented by

SHLOMO SWIRSKI

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

PH.D. POLITICAL SCIENCE

 

 

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ABSTRACT
CHANGES IN THE STRUCTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN
GROUPS AND THE EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL

MOVEMENTS: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AT
HARVARD AND WISCONSIN, 1930-1969

BY

Shlomo Swirski

This study presents a theoretical approach to the
study of the emergence of movements for political change,
as well as a preliminary test of some hypotheses derived
from the theory, through a study of student political
activity at Harvard and Wisconsin from 1930 to 1969.

The theory views society as a conglomeration of social
roles, interrelated in role sets. Within each role set
there is a certain distribution of decision making power,
and each role group has some expectations as to its position
Vfithin the decision making system. Those expectations may
change when given technological, economic, demographic or
rmtural changes outside a given role set bring about changes
vdthin the role set--such as the creation of new roles,
Changes in the power of a role group, changes in the pattern
cm'interaction of one role group with the outside, changes
in the composition of a role group, or changes in the cen-
trality of a role to its occupants. Changed eXpectations
0f'members of a role group with regard to their position in

the decision making system of the role set can lead to the

,3».

III

Shlomo Swirski

formation of a political movement, depending on the exist-
ence of "class consciousness," on the clarity of identifia-
bility of the opponent, the existence of alternative chan-
nels for decision making, and the existence of alternative
rewards.

The empirical study attempts to specify the relation-
ship between certain structural changes within the American
university role set and changes in students' expectations
with regard to the position of their role group within the
decision making structure of the university. It was postu-
lated that changes which occurred outside the university
role set--the increasing complexity and sophistication of
the American industrial system and the political-military-
scientific competition between the United States and the
Soviet Union after the Second World War--brought about the
following structural changes within the university role set:
an increasing involvement of the university in national de-
cisions, an increase in the size of the student body, an
increase in the heterogeneity of the student body, an in-
crease in the duration of the role of student, and an in-
crease in the necessity to attend college. These struc-
tural changes were used to explain changes in the political
expectations and activity of students. The changed ex-
PECtations were indicated by students' rejection of the
traditional authority exercised by other members of their
role set in student affairs; by their desire for a voice in

the decision making structure of the university; and by

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their rejection of the concept of in lggg parentis and the
image of students as immature citizens on the way.

Two types of data were gathered in the study. For
the structural variables, aggregate data were gathered
from national statistical sources and from the archives of
the two universities. For student expectations and pat-
terns of political activity, data were gathered from a
content analysis of the Crimson and the Daily Cardinal.

The study contains a detailed description of the
changes in the structural and attitudinal variables, as
well as a historical sketch of student political activity
over the forty-year period in the two schools. It estab-
lishes that gradual structural changes that began in the
late forties and were accentuated in the late fifties were
followed by abrupt changes in student political expecta-
tions and activity in the early sixties, which increased
in the late sixties. Other conclusions drawn from the
study were that the changes in students' expectations and
political activity in the sixties were precipitated by a
series of off campus events, and that the changes in stu-
dents' expectations and the changes in students' political
activity did not occur at separate stages, as specified in
the theory; rather, they occurred at the same time and
reinforced each other. Finally, the study found that the
student political activity of the sixties constituted a
genuine student movement, that is, a group of individuals

occupying the same social role, who as a group were outside

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the decision making structure of their set, who tried to

become a prominent part of the decision making structure.

 

CHANGES IN THE STRUCTURE OF RELATIONS BETWEEN
GROUPS AND THE EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL
MOVEMENTS: THE STUDENT MOVEMENT AT

HARVARD AND WISCONSIN, 1930-1969

BY

Shlomo Swirski

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of Political Science

1971

 

PLEASE NOTE:

Some pages have small and
indistinct print. Filmed
as received.

UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS.

 

 

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To my parents

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT S

I would like to express my appreciation to a number
of persons who helped me in the execution of this study:

First of all, I would like to thank my wife,
Barbara, who collaborated with me in many stages of this
work, especially the data collection stage.

I would also like to express my gratitude to the
chairman of my committee, Frank Pinner, for his helpful
advice and criticisms throughout the study. The other two
members of my committee, Ada Finifter and David Bell, also
offered many helpful comments.

In addition, I would like to thank the following
peOPIe at Wisconsin--Alan Abell, Emily Chervenik, Florence
Cappon, Don Greve, Jesse B. Boell, James Liebig and Frank
COOK, and at Harvard, Mary Albro, John B. Fox, and the
staff of the University Archives, headed by Kimball C.
Elkins--for their assistance during the data gathering
stage of the study.

The research reported here was supported by U.S.
Office of Education Grant No. OEG-5-70-0023 (509), for

which I am deeply grateful.

iii

 

.....

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter _ Page
I. A THEORETICAL APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF THE

DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL MOVEMENTS . . . . 1

II. PURPOSE AND DESIGN . . . . . . . . . 34

Purpose of the Study . . . . . . . . 34

Hypotheses O O O O O O O O O O I 39

Design of the Study . . . . . . . . 41

Sources of Data . . . . . . . . . 41

Time Period Selected . . . . . . . 43

Selection of Schools . . . . . . . 43

The Unit of Analysis . . . . . 45

Content Analysis Procedure . . . . . 47

III. STRUCTURAL CHANGES WITHIN THE UNIVERSITY
ROLE SET 0 O O I O O O O O O O O O 5 0

Increased Involvement of the University in
Determination of Alternatives for Social

and Governmental Choice . . . . . . . 54
Expansion of the Student Role Group . . . 75
Change in the Composition of the Student

Role Group . . . . . . . . . . . 86
Increase in the Duration of the Role of

Student . . . . . . . . . . . . 96

Increase in Perceived Necessity to
Attend College . . . . . . . . . . 105

IV. CHANGES IN STUDENT EXPECTATIONS AND POLITICAL
ACTIVITY. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 112

Changes in Patterns of Political Activity . 115
Number of Conflicts. . . . . . . . 115
Types of Issues in the Conflicts . . . 118

Initiating Groups . . . . . . . . 125
Means . . . . . . . . . . . . 129

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Chapter

Changes in Attitudes . . . . . . . .

Freedom from Control . . . . .
Decision Making Rights of Students.
Maturity-Adulthood . . . . . .
Class Consciousness. . . . . .

Summary . . . . . . . . . . . .

V. STUDENT ACTIVISM OVER FOUR DECADES--A
HISTORICAL SKETCH. . . . . . . . . .

The Thirties. . . . . . . . .
The Forties . . . . . . . . .
The Fifties . . . . . . . . .
The Sixties . . . . . . . . .

VI. ANALYSIS OF THE FINDINGS AND ALTERNATIVE
EXPLANATIONS . . . . . . . . . . .

Review of the Hypotheses. . . . . . .
General Pattern of Relationships . . . .
The Time-Lag and the Precipitating Factors.
Student Activity in the Sixties as a
Political Movement. . . . . . .' . .
Selection of Time Period for Study . . .
The Theory, The Empirical Findings, and
Some Questions Raised by the Two . . . .
Alternative Explanations. . . . .

VII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS. . . . . . . .

BIBLIOGRAPHY. . . . . . . . . . . . . .

APPENDICES

Appendix

A. Coding Sheets and Analysis of Attitudes . .

B. Scales Used in Construction of Figures in
Chapter VI 0 O O O O O O O O O O O

C. Intercoder Reliability . . . . . . . .

Page
131
132
134
136
138

140

147
147
157
165
173
193
195
207
209

216
223

225
232

243

253

260

270

274

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10.

LIST OF TABLES

Page

United States Education Expenditures as
Percent of Gross National Product, 1930-
1968 o o o o 0' o o o o o o o o 56

United States Expenditure on Research and
DevelOpment and Education Compared with
GNP, 1929-1965. C O I O O O O O O 57

United States Funds in Higher Education
Earmarked for Education and General Uni—
versity Activity, by Source, 1909-1964. . 59

United States Financing of Total Fundamental
Research Expenditure of the Universities
and Colleges, by Source, 1953-1965 . . . 60

United States Financing of Total University
and College R & D Expenditures, by Source,
1953-1965 . . . . . . . . . . . 61

Federal Obligations for Total Research, by
Field of Science, Fiscal Years 1956-1968 . 65

Harvard University--Percent of Total Income
Coming from the Federal Government, 1952-
53 to 1967-68 0 O O O O 0 O O O O 67

University of Wisconsin Sources of Income,
1930-1969 C O O O I O O I O O O 70

University of Wisconsin Research Expendi-
tures by Sources of Funds, 1940-41 to
1968-69 0 I O O O O O O O I O O 71

United States Resident Degree-Credit En-
rollment in Institutions of Higher Edu-
cation Related to Total POpulation and to
Age Groups 18-21 and 18-24, 1869-70 to
Fall 1968 . . . . . . . . . . . 76

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11.

12.

l3.

14.

15.

16.

17.

18.

19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

Page

United States Enrollment in Institutions of
Higher Education, by Sex and by Control of
Institution, Fall 1946 to 1970 . . . . . 77

United States Percent of the Population Five
to Thirty-four Years Old Enrolled in School,
by Age, October 1947 to October 1968 . . . 78

United States Estimated Retention Rates,
Fifth Grade Through College Entrance, in
Public and Nonpublic Schools, 1924-32 to
1959-67. . . . . . . . . . . . . 79

United States Number of Public and Private
Schools, by Level, 1930 to 1964. . . . . 81

University of Wisconsin, Madison Campus,
First Semester Enrollment, by Sex, 1930-
1969. O O I O O I O O O O O I O 82

University of Wisconsin, Madison Campus, First
Semester Graduate and Professional Enroll-
ment’ 1930-1969 0 o o o o o o o o o 83

Harvard University Enrollments, 1930—1968 . . 85

University of Wisconsin, Madison Campus, Non-
resident Students (Home Address Basis),
1930-1969 . . . . . . . . . . . . 92

Harvard Geographic Distribution of Admitted
and Admitted-registered Students, by State
of Residence, 1930 to 1968 . . . . . . 94

Radcliffe College Percentage of Students from
Outside of Massachusetts, 1930-1969 . . . 95

Harvard--Percentage of Candidates Admitted
and Admitted-registered by Kind of High
School, 1930-1969 . . . . . . . . . 97

United States Graduate Enrollment as a Per-
cent of Total Enrollment, by Sex and Control
of Institution, 1929-1968. . . . . . . 99

Immediate Plans of Seniors at Harvard, 1957-
1969. O O O O O O O O O O O O O 101

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25.

26.

27.

28.

29.

30.

31.

32.

Page

Percentage of Radcliffe Graduates Going to
Graduate School, 1952-1968 . . . . . . 103

University of Wisconsin Graduates, One Year
After Graduation, Letters and Science Only
--l945-1969 . . . . . . . . . . . 104

United States Employed Persons Fourteen
Years Old and Over, by Major Occupational
Group, 1950-1966 . . . . . . . . . 108

Major Types of Issues Involved in Conflicts
at Harvard and Wisconsin, by Decades. . . 119

On and Off Campus Issues Involved in Con-
flicts at Harvard and Wisconsin, by
Decades O I I I O O O O O O O O 12 2

Student Groups at Harvard and Wisconsin
that Were Involved in the Initiation of at
LeaSt Five Conflicts, by Decades . . . . 126

Number of Conflicts at Harvard and Wisconsin
in Which Expressed Attitudes were Found,
by Decades . . . . . . . . . . . 141

Intercoder Reliability for Attitudes Coded
at Wisconsin and Harvard, Calculated by
Method A . . . . . . . . . . . . 276

Intercoder Reliability for Attitudes Coded

at Wisconsin and Harvard, Calculated by
MethOd B O O O O C O O O O O O O 2 7 7

viii

 

 

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2.

7.

LIST OF FIGURES

Steps in the Formation of a Political
Movement 0 O O O O O C O O O O 0

Number of Conflicts Recorded at Harvard and
Wisconsin in the Fall and Spring Periods
of Every Second Year from 1930 to 1969 . .

Expected Relationship Between Structural
Changes and Changes in Student Political
Expectations and Activity . . . . . .

Wisconsin: Percentage of Income from Federal
Sources, Percentage of Out-of—State Stu-
dents, and Number of Conflicts, 1930-1968 .

Harvard: Percentage of Income from Federal
Sources, Percentage of Out—of—State Stu-
dents, and Number of Conflicts, 1930-1968 .

Wisconsin: Percentage of Men and Women
Graduates Attending Graduate School, Per-
centage of Graduate Students in Student
Body, Percentage of Professional and Tech—
nical Occupations in the United States
Labor Force, Student Demands for More
Decision Making Power, Student Rejection
of Faculty and Administration Authority,
and Student Rejection of Their Traditional
Image, 1930-1968 . . . . . . . . .

Harvard: Percentage of Male Seniors Planning
on Immediate Graduate Study, Percentage of
Women Graduates Attending Graduate School,
Percentage of Graduate Students in Student
Body, Percentage of Professional and Tech-
nical Occupations in the United States
Labor Force, Student Demands for More
Decision Making Power, Student Rejection
of Faculty and Administration Authority,
and Student Rejection of Their Traditional
Image, 1930-1968 . . . . . . . . .

ix

Page

27

116

194

198

199

201

202

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8. Wisconsin: Student Demands for More
Decision Making Power, Student Rejection
of Faculty and Administration Authority,
Student Rejection of Their Traditional
Image, and Number of Conflicts, 1930-
1968. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 204

9. Harvard: Student Demands for More
Decision Making Power, Student Rejection
of Faculty and Administration Authority,
Student Rejection of Their Traditional
Image, and Number of Conflicts, 1930-
1968. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 205

10. Wisconsin and Harvard: Enrollment, Number of
Conflicts, and Expressions of Class Con-
sciousness. . . . . . . . . . . . 208

11. Relations Between the Variables Studied. . . 210
12. Simplified Representation of Relationships

Between Changes in Structural Variables

and Changes in Political Expectations and

Activity as Found Empirically . . . . . 217
13. Sample Attitude Coding Sheet . . . . . . 266

14. Sample Summary Coding Sheet. . . . . . . 268

 

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CHAPTER I

A THEORETICAL APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF THE

DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL MOVEMENTS

This chapter presents a theoretical approach to the
study of the development of movements for political change.
Following it will be an attempt to test several hypotheses
derived from the theory on the development of the student
movement in two American universities--Harvard and Wisconsin,
between 1930 and 1969.

The ideas developed below relate specifically to
two bodies of literature: the writings on social movements
and revolutions, and the literature of role theory. Al-
though I do not present here a systematic critique of these
works, it should be pointed out that my approach differs
from the above literature in two important respects: the
literature on social movements usually focuses on the move-
ment after it comes into being, rather than on the processes
that brought about its birth (see, for example, Killian,
1964 and Smelser, 1962). Moreover, social movements are
often seen as abnormal or deviant, and the participants, as

a consequence, as in some ways different from the rest of

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the population (see, for example, the psychological expla-
nations of social movements, such as Cantril, 1963 and Toch,
1965). This study focuses on the processes that precede the
birth of a movement, and, furthermore, it regards political
movements as a normal consequence of broader processes of
social and economic changes. In this sense, the present
approach has more in common with the studies of revolution-
ary change. However, these studies focus on a very small
sample of cases--genera11y the "great" revolutions--French,
Russian, Chinese--and generally consist of historical case
studies. The results are a confusing variety of often con-
tradictory hypotheses (Eckstein, 1965). Role theory liter-
ature served as a source for some of the basic concepts

used in this paper, though aside from its conceptual
aspects, it did not offer much in the way of theoretical
guidance (a comprehensive review and compilation of the

role theory literature can be found in Biddle & Thomas,
1966; see also Dahrendorf, 1968. The best known appli—
cation of role theory concepts to politics is Wahlke,

et a1., 1962).

For the purposes of this study, politics will be
defined as conflict between individuals or groups over
social decision making. This can manifest itself in two
ways: conflict over what decisions will be made on a
given issue or issues; and conflict over who is going to

make the decisions. Politics, then, is a phenomenon that

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pervades all social interaction: the instant we have de-
cisions that affect more than one person, we have politics.
Conflicts over what decisions will be made can center
around an issue which affects only a limited group or one
which directly or indirectly affects the whole society.
Similarly, conflicts over who is to make a given decision
can center around one decision which concerns a small por-
tion of society, or it may concern the making of the cen—
tral decisions in it. The two types of conflict are inter-
related; for example, a group which fails over a long
period of time to influence the outcome of a decision may
decide that the only way to succeed is to take over the
power to make the decision by itself. On the other hand,

a group which tries to take over the decision making power
but fails, may find that some of its goals have been
adopted by the dominant group.

Who are the participants in politics? Who is in-
volved in the conflicts over the making of decisions? In
order to answer this question, we refer to the language
of "role theory" literature, which looks at society not as
a conglomeration of individual biological beings, but as
an ordered collection of social beings, each one fulfill-
ing certain social roles; its unit of analysis is an indi-
vidual's social role.

What is a social role? The literature most fre-
quently defines it as a set of prescriptions indicating

what the behavior of an individual in a certain position

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should be (Biddle & Thomas, 1966, p. 29). "Position" is
defined as "a collectively recognized category of persons
for whom the basis for such differentiation is their common
attributes, their common behavior, or the common reactions
of others toward them" (Biddle & Thomas, 1966, p. 29).
Roles are not found in isolation, but in role sets,
i.e., "that complement of role relationships which persons
have by virtue of occupying a particular social [position]"
(Merton, 1966, p. 283). Thus, a father finds himself in
the same role set with his wife, children, and in-laws; a
sick man in a hospital will be interacting by virtue of his
position with a physician, a nurse and related personnel.
Role theory literature deals mainly with individual
role behavior, i.e., such processes as role learning, role
enactment, and role conflict; the focus of investigation
is usually on an individual and his performance in a given
position in view of the prescriptions defining what his be-
havior in that position should be. In this study, the
focus of interest will be role groups—-groups including all
the individuals occupying a certain position in the society
--rather than individuals. Thus, instead of looking at the
individual student in his relationship with one or several
faculty members and one or several college administrators,
the study will be looking at students as a group interact-
ing with faculty as a group and administrators as a group.
Role language has been used to analyze collective

phenomena before (Parsons, 1951; Eisenstadt, 1954, 1956;

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Merton, 1957): especially relevant for this paper is

Eisenstadt's work on youth groups. In From Generation to

Generation, he describes youth cultures as the collective

 

action of individuals experiencing the same problems while

occupying the same position in their respective role sets

--their families. However, most of the literature of role

theory does not deal with the dynamics of relationships

within a role set. The main theoretical interest has been

the description and explanation of the processes of adjust-

ment of individuals to their social role, and the social

consequences of maladjustment. The confrontations that are

deemed most important are those between the occupants of a
given position and "society," or the "community"--and not
thOse between the occupants of different roles within the
role set. In this sense, the use of the concept of role
group in this study is similar to the way the concept of
"Class" is used, since "class" implies the existence of a
Complementary group, or class, and class analysis focuses
on Conflicts between classes, and not between one class and
" 3°C iety . "

It should be pointed out here that the application
of Ji‘Qle language to collective phenomena does not mean that
there is an analytical difference between individual and
collective role-set dynamics; collective phenomena are

emphasized simply because of the interest of this study

in Political movements.

 

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Thus, society is here seen as a structure of role
sets, which include, in turn, several role groups. Each
person performs at least several roles which are also per~
formed by other persons, and he can thus be seen as a
nmnmber of several role groups. Different role groups vary
in. the degree to which they are popularly thought of as
groups; fathers are individuals who find themselves perform-

ing; the same role within the social organization called
fanuily, but we rarely think of fathers as a group, "the
fatflners." So it is with mothers. But it is easier to
thidmk.about welfare mothers as a group, and even easier to
thiJik so about auto workers, clergymen, or students.

Within each set of interrelated role groups there
eJ‘lists, at any given point in time, a certain distribution
0f (lecision making power, whether the distribution is
codified or not. Thus, in a family certain decisions are
made by each of the members, but most decisions are concen-
trated in the hands of one of the parents. The identity
of ‘the most powerful parent depends on the society and the
per'Sonality of the parents involved. In most bureaucratic
organizations, the distribution of decision making power is
codified. Thus, within the college or university, the
fachalty decides what curriculum is offered and who gradu-
ates from school, the administrators decide who gets what
aunounts of money or who gets admitted to the school, and
students decide, up to a point, what courses they want to

take and how hard they want to study. In general, both

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faculty and administrators have much more decision making
power than students.

In many role sets, the internal distribution of
decision making power is accompanied by a symbolic distri-
bution: titles, honors, forms of address of members of one
role group to members of other role groups, as well as
images of the characteristics of given role groups that
qualify them to make--or disqualify them from making--cer—
tain decisions. Thus, in the university, the faculty used
to be distinguished by their attire, by given titles, and
by certain forms of address used by students. Although
nmch of this has changed, a symbolic distribution still
exists in most universities. The image of the student in
American universities has been for many years one of a
Citizen on the way, who is not yet mature and responsible
enough to make most decisions concerning himself, let alone
those concerning the university as a whole. On the other
hand, the wisdom and the scholarship attributed to the
faculty and the assumed acquaintance of the administrators
with the overall "needs" of the institution have made them
a‘ppear qualified to make a wide gamut of decisions.

The distribution of decision making power within a
I:01e set constitutes an important part of what is called
r0l.e learning, i.e., the process of learning the pre-
SCriptions that define the behavior of an individual in a
certain position. The child learns to "respect his

Elders," as well as what he can or cannot do, and what

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actions have to be approved first by his parents. A stu-
dent in a university learns rapidly how to address his
professors, as well as the multitude of regulations that
apply to his behavior while in school. A black child in
the old South learned early in life what he could or could
not do in his relationship with white people. At the same
time, young parents learn from their own parents, or from
their friends, how to rear their children; new faculty
members learn from their peers how to treat students, and
white people learn from each other how to treat black
peOple. In bureaucratic organizations, the sphere of
authorities is even more clearly delineated and learned

by individuals than in any of the above instances. In each
of these cases, mechanisms have been develOped to deal with
deviance from the norms regulating intrarole set relation-
ships, along with means to prevent deviance and sanctions
to punish it.

An important part of that set of norms that we call

"role" deals, then, with the prOper place each role group
has in the decision making system of its role set. In
this connection it becomes important to ask: Who defines
SOCdal roles? Who watches over compliance? The answer in
sOciological writings, and especially in those of the
structural functionalist school, is "society" (Parsons,
l951; Merton, 1957). However, this answer is hardly satis-
factory. A more satisfactory answer can be found by look-

ing at social role sets, instead of at society as a whole

    
  

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(Dahrendorf, 1968). Role definition and compliance with a
role should be attributed in large part to the dominant
role groups within each role set: the parents in the
family, the faculty and administration in the university,
the management in a factory, and whites in American society.
It is of course no coincidence that revolutionary groups
that question the place of their own role group within the
role set, attempt to create their own educational insti-
tutions, where the traditional roles, and especially that
part of them that involves the distribution of decision
making power, are "unlearned," and new ones learned. Thus
the Black Panthers do not want school integration, and white
student radicals in the United States form their own "free
universities." As a corollary, it should be pointed out
that much of what in structural functionalist writings is
Called "deviance" appears to be, when looking at role sets
instead of at the whole society, a questioning of role set
relationships, or of that part of the "role" that prescribes
hOw'one group should behave with respect to another.
Relations within role sets may be stable for long
.Periods of time. Members of the role groups within the
I701e set may be satisfied with the distribution of decision
making power within the set, or they may take it for
granted. Some groups may eXpress dissatisfaction with the
distribution but do nothing serious to challenge their
Place in the system. However, in some instances groups

with little decision making power may challenge the

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10

dominant groups within the set, demanding a larger voice
in the decision making process, or the complete overhaul
of the system, so that they become the dominant groups.
These are cases where members of one or more role groups
come to have new expectations with respect to the place
of their groups within the role set. What is behind this
change in expectations?

The changes in expectations as to the place of
one's role group in the role set's decision making struc-
ture may start as a result of changes in technology, edu-
cation, communication patterns, territorial changes, popu-
lation changes, or natural disasters. These broad social
and natural changes may influence relations within a given
role set in two ways:

a. They may cause a change in the relative strength or
importance of the different role groups in the role
set, and/or

b. They may change the circumstances of performance
of the role in question.

The first type of change is illustrated by George
Iaefebvre's analysis of the processes which led to the out-
lDreak of the French Revolution:

This class [the bourgeoisie] had grown much stronger

with the maritime discoveries of the fifteenth and

sixteenth centuries and the ensuing exploitation of
the new world, and also because it proved highly use-
ful to the monarchical state in supplying it with
money and competent officials. In the eighteenth
century commerce, industry and finance occupied an

increasingly important place in the national economy
. . . [the nobility and the clergy] preserved the

 

 

 

 

 

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11

highest rank in the legal structure of the country,
but in reality economic power, personal abilities and
confidence in the future had passed largely to the
bourgeoisie. Such a discrepancy never lasts forever.
The Revolution of 1789 restored the harmony between
fact and law (Lefebvre, 1947, p. 4).

Thus, increasing economic power as well as the in—
creasingly strategic place they were occupying in their
alliance with the monarchy led the French bourgeoisie to
expect a larger--or exclusive--voice in the national deci-
sion making structure.

Broad social and natural changes can bring about
several changes in the intra-role set relationships:

1. Creation of new roles: The processes of dif-
ferentiation and specialization that have occurred in vari-
ous historical periods have often created new roles. Thus,
for example, monetization and improvement of the means of
Communication have caused the appearance of merchants in
agricultural societies; colonialism has brought western-
trained intellectuals to Asian and African societies; in-
dustrialization was responsible for the rise of the urban
Prcfletariat. These new roles may alter the previous role
SetLrelationships in various ways: intellectuals in de-
‘Heloping societies, for example, may question the legiti-
many of the rule of the traditional elites and try to
repflace them; merchants in agricultural societies may
become contenders for political power by controlling the

flow of agricultural production; a strong proletariat may

Check the power of the bourgeoisie. Generally speaking,

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12

new role groups will eventually demand a place in the
decision making structure. Thus, the more differentiated
and specialized a society, the more foci for conflict there
will be.

2. Change in thegpower of a role group vis-a—vis
the other members of the role set. Social and natural
changes outside the role set can bring about changes in
the power relationships within the role set in two ways:
first, by creating a situation where a power base or value
already in the possession of the role group in question
acquires increased importance to the role set as a whole,
thereby giving that role group added power vis-a—vis the
other groups in the set; or, secondly, by giving a role
group a new base of power, a new value, which it did not
possess previously.

Examples of the first case include the military in
many countries who in periods of high international tension
find themselves in a strengthened position, or the scien—
tists in the United States and the Soviet Union who were
catapulted into the center of national affairs with the
iincreasing importance of science to the management of the
state in peacetime as well as in wartime. In both these
cases, new external circumstances made the value possessed
bYthe role group in question--military equipment and
eXpertise in the case of the army, and scientific knowledge

in the case of the scientists--vital to the groups with

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13

which they interacted, and consequently, increased their
power.

For examples of the second case we can look at the
Ibos in Nigeria, who, under colonial rule, were able to
take advantage of the educational and commercial oppor-
tunities available more rapidly than did other tribes, ac-
quiring in the process a relative advantage; or at blacks
in many urban centers in the United States, who, as a con-
sequence of white migration to the suburbs and black mi-
gration into the cities, acquired electoral majorities and
were able to elect their own people to political office.

3. Changes in the patterns of interaction of a

 

ggle group with groups outside the role set: This category
refers to cases where a change in the pattern of inter-
action of a role group with the outside brings about changes
in its view of the relationships within its own rule set.
Thus, for example, the Zionist movement owes much to Jews
Who left the traditional ghetto, were influenced by the
liberal and nationalistic movements of the 19th century,
and applied their learnings to the situation of their own
ENEOple. White students who participated in the Civil
Rlights struggles in the South during the early sixties
3beturned to their campuses with a changed view of them-
selves as well as of the American social and political
sYStem. Asian and African youth who study in Europe re-
turn with a different idea of what their societies should

look like, including their own position as intelligentsia

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14

in them. In short, this category refers to cases where, as
a result of new patterns of interaction with the outside,
members of a given role group learn that relations between
role groups can be different from what they were used to,
as well as to cases of sheer contagion of a spirit of
change and rebellion.

4. Changes in the comppsition of a role group.
This category includes cases of changes in the personnel
of a role group. A severe economic depression may add to
the ranks of the unemployed, professionals and academicians,
who in turn, because of their social prominence or their
political skills, may bring about changes in unemployment
legislation that would not have occurred under a normal
state of unemployment. Likewise, the influx of western-
trained intellectuals into nationalist movements in some
colonial countries dominated primarily by religious or
otherwise traditionalist elite groups influenced the pat-
tern of evolution of national liberation movements in those
countries. Opening of the officers ranks in certain South
American armies to all classes of the pOpulation may change
the role played by those armies in the politics of their
Countries.

The four processes described above constitute
changes in the position of certain role groups within their
r01e sets: the creation of new roles, which bring added
fOrce to possible coalitions; changes in the power of a

rOle group, which reinforce its claims to a share in the

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15

decision making process; changes in the pattern of inter—
action of a group with the outside, giving it new expec-
tations, or encouraging old ones; and changes in the compo-
sition of a role group by bringing new skills, new tactics,
or more intense eXpectations regarding its position within
the role set.

In the examples presented throughout this discus-
sion, the broader changes stimulated the rise of a movement
for change in intra-role set relationships. However, such
a movement will not always arise. For example, a democra-
tization of the ranks of officer corps can lead to a with-
drawal of the army from politics; new interactions with
the outside may bring members of a dissatisfied role group
into contact with groups that attempted revolt and were
crushed, and as a result they may not try to change their
position; or, a dissatisfied group that has acquired a new
basis of power may discover that its opponents have in-
creased their own power too. It should be kept in mind
that broad social and natural changes will alter the posi-
tion of all, or at least several of the role groups within
a role set. Thus, while they may stimulate a movement for
Change, they may also reinforce the power of the dominating
group, or they may have no net effect at all on the intra-
rOle set relationships.

The second type of change-~that affecting the cir-

cumstances of performance of the role in question--is

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16

illustrated by the following paragraph, which deals with
the consequences of the increase in the number of American
undergraduates who expect to go to graduate school and the
growing graduate pOpulation:

Graduate students . . . , along with the undergraduates

who identify in whole or in part with them, form a

semistable occupational group. Unlike those under-

graduates and professional students who expect to be

on campus for a fixed period and then depart for some-

thing better, those students see no immediate prospect

of changing their status. They are therefore far more

interested than other students in trying to improve

their present circumstances (Jencks & Riesman, 1968,

p. 47).

Thus, the increasing value of a graduate education
--and the increasing number of those who expect to go to
graduate school—-have changed one circumstance of perfor-
mance of the role of student, namely, the duration of the
role, for at least a significant minority of the student
body. This, in turn, has caused students to expect more in
the way of decision making power in the university.
The changes in the circumstances of performance of

a given role which broad natural and social changes produce

are the following:

1. Changes in the duration of the role: Duration

 

refers both to the length of time a person stays in the
rOle, and to the number of hours a day he acts as an occu-
Pant of that role. Thus, the changes in educational
requirements of different occupations in present-day
American society make it necessary for ambitious youth to

Plan on graduate study, thereby increasing the duration of

eve

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17

the role of student, and the concommitant involvement of
the individual in this role. The shortening of the working
day and the working week in many industrial institutions
over the last decades has decreased the duration of the
role of worker. This decrease may have something to do
with the continuing decrease in labor strife. The differ-
ent personal involvement of army recruits and professional
soldiers in their role is obviously related to the fact
that for the first the service is just a passing role,
while for the second it is a life career.

2. Changes in the degree to which occupation of
the role in guestion affects the other roles the individual
occupies: This category refers to the degree to which the
success and satisfaction a person has in one role he occu-
pies affect the success and satisfaction he experiences in
his other roles. For example, during early industriali-
zation, the role of industrial worker in Western EurOpean
societies affected many of the individual's chances in his
Other roles--familial, educational, political, leisure time
reles, etc. In most of these roles his choices were limited
by the fact that he spent most of his life within the fac-
tory and earned little money. In present-day welfare states
this has changed considerably: a worker can spend more time
With his family, send his children to college, and take
Vacations. On the other hand, the circumstances of present-
day academic competition--the importance of a good academic

Performance in order to earn the degree, be admitted to

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18

graduate school, get a good job--make the role of student
more important to many of its present-day occupants than
it was previously, when students were few, came from upper
middle class or upper class homes, and were assured of
success regardless of their college grades.

Both these aspects of role performance--the duration
of the role and the importance that a given role has with
relation to the other roles an individual occupies, can be
jointly called the "centrality" of the role to its occu-
pants. Changes in the centrality of a given role to its
occupants seem to be generally more important than changes
involving intra-role set relationships. Changes in the
power of a given group where the role is of secondary im-
portance to most members--such as an increase in the num-
bers of, say football fans, may not bring about changes in
exPectations of role occupants. On the other hand, if the
fans had to spend long hours every day as fans, and if that
rele had a crucial importance for the other roles they per-
formed, then the picture would be different. Thus, al-
though changes in technology, education, patterns of occu-
Pational mobility and migration occur quite frequently, and
although there is a great variety of roles, occupied by a
multitude of individuals, there is not an eternal state of
chaos in which different role groups constantly demand
changes in various decision making structures. Movements
for social and political change are much more probable in

role groups where the role is central to the lives of its

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occupants than in groups where this is not the case. This
is obviously not the only variable that determines the pro-
cess of changes in role set relationships in society, but
it is a very important one.

Two steps in the process of political change have
been described: the first one was defined rather vaguely
as "broad social or natural changes" such as industriali-
zation, large migrations, wars or commercialization. These
changes will be termed "external changes," in the sense
that they take place outside the role set involved and are
not consciously initiated by any role group within the set.
Thus, both commercialization and industrialization started
as a consequence of certain technological innovations; in
later stages perceptive groups used both in order to improve
their positions in society, but neither process was a re-
sult of calculated long range planning on the part of the
groups involved to increase their decision making power
Within their role sets.

The second step consists of those changes that take
Place in the position of a given role group within a role
set, or in the circumstances of performance of a given
rOle, as a consequence of the external changes.

In the case of the French Revolution, these two
Steps were followed by a revolt of the bourgeoisie--a
revolt based on the demand to participate in the process
of national decision making on the same basis with the

Other national role groups--the royalty, the nobility and

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20

the clergy. In many other cases, though, the role group

in question may continue to accept its position within

the role set as in the past; or, a long time may pass be-
fore the group demands a different distribution of decision
making power, or these demands may come about as the re-
sult of the instigation of other groups, from outside the
role set. What are the factors that influence the rise of
a demand for changes in the distribution of decision making
power?

1. Identification of the role:group members as a
ggggp: The identification of the problems and grievances
that each individual group member feels as a collective
problem and not as an individual one is, of course, what
Marx has called "class consciousness." As long as each
individual sees his problems as exclusively his own, the
possibility of collective action is remote. Class con-
SCiousness tends to be low in roles where there are per-
ceived individual Opportunities to overcome role related
Problems. For example, for graduate students in many of
the social sciences many of the anxieties related to role
Performance can be overcome by individual competence or
by good relationships with the faculty. Graduate students
have a tendency to feel that a given problem encountered
by one of them will not be encountered by the rest. The
rate of success in the role, as measured by receiving the
degree and getting a job, has been relatively high, so

that only in rare cases does a coalition of graduate

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21

students act to change their collective situation. For
workers in a factory, on the other hand, where problems
are more easily perceived as collective rather than indi-
vidual, and where the rate of success--either as measured
by advancement or by salary--is either very low (advance-
ment) or homogeneous (salaries)--class consciousness is
usually higher.

In other words, the existence of class conscious-
ness is dependent on specific characteristics of the role
in question, such as the way success in the role is mea-
sured--whether there are great variations in the way an
individual can achieve success (In non-organizational
roles, such as "black," success is measured, of course,
by ability to enter into other roles in spite of being
black. Class consciousness is bound to be higher, every-
thing else being equal, in a situation where no black can
enter given roles, than in a situation where entrance is
difficult but possible.); the similarity of the tasks per-
formed by the different members of the role group (There

is more internal differentiation, obviously, between in-
tellectuals" than there is between "students of political
SCience."); or, the degree of communication between the
members of the role group. (Higher among workers per-
forming their job in the same room than among farmers
Settled miles apart.)

2. Clarity of identifiability of the opposing

{gig group or role groups: Dissatisfaction with the

 

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22

present position of the role group in the decision making
process is always bound up with grievances directed at
another role group or groups--the ones that have a dominant
position in the decision making process. The rise of de-
mands for change in the relations within the role set will
depend on how well these role groups can be identified.
Several elements seem to be important here: first, the
specificity of the opponent. It is easier to concentrate
action against grape-growers, in the case of the striking
grape-pickers, than it is to do so against "the white

people,‘ in the case of blacks. The second element is the
degree of agreement between the members of the dissatisfied
role group as to the identity of the Opponent. Thus, one
black group may villainize certain white racist groups,
while others may fix upon all white peOple. Finally, de-
mands for change may depend on whether or not it is possi-
ble to attribute the grievances of the role group in
question to the actions or the position Of the Opposing

role groups.

Up to now, the two factors mentioned--class con-
sciousness and identifiability of the opponent--are logical
first steps in the rise of a demand for change in role set
relations: i.e., the identification of the actors involved
in the conflict; first, the self—identification of the
dissatisfied group, and second, the identification of the
Opponent (a third element, when actual conflict takes place,

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A different set of factors having to do with the
rise of a demand for changes in intra-role set relation-
ships is related to the actual distribution of decision
making power within the role set.

1. Existence of alternative channels for decision
making: This refers to the extent to which the occupants
of the role in question are dissatisfied in other roles
that they occupy. For example, bureaucrats without much
decision making power in their organizations may have great
prominence in voluntary organizations or leisure time activi—
ties. Members of a given minority group may have little
power in the politics of the state, but have much dis-
cretion in the internal affairs of their community, or in
academic or cultural fields.

In other words, members of a role group that is
oppressed in the context of its role set may be members of
Other role groups that have much decision making power
Within their respective role sets. The frustrations in
One field of activity may be mitigated by satisfactions
in other ones.

2. Existence of alternative rewards: Within a
given role set, a group that has a very low position in
the decision making system may have compensatory rewards
that will tend to lessen their desire for more decision
making power. For example, workers in a factory who have

“0 voice in management may have good salaries. The

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24

military in some countries have no wars to fight and little
participation in politics but they have fat salaries.

The existence of both alternative channels for
decision making and alternative rewards is related to the
centrality of the role in question. When the role is very
central, the existence of alternative channels for decision
making or alternative rewards may have a weaker restraining
force on the rise of demands for change than when the role
is not very central.

The above variables will affect the degree of dis-
satisfaction that a role group may feel with respect to
its position within the role set's decision making struc-
ture, as well as the articulation and execution of demands
for change within the role set. It is assumed here that
when there is no strong group identification among members
of the role group, when the Opponent is not clearly identi—
fiable, when there are alternative channels for the deci-
sion making, or when there are alternative rewards, the
probability that changes in the position Of the role group
within the role set and changes in the circumstances Of
performance Of the role will lead to the rise of a move-
ment for political change will be low.

It should be noted that when the variables listed
above are combined so as to encourage the formation of a
movement for political change, the actual form of the move-
ment, the intensity of the conflict within the role set,

and the outcome will depend on a variety of other factors,

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25

such as the nature of the response of the Opponent to the
demands of the dissatisfied group, and the resources—-
leadership, organizational skills, material resources,
availability of allies, etc.--available to the dissatisfied
group. These factors, though, will not be dealt with here,
since they are beyond the scope of the present study.

To review now the major steps outlined above in
the process of change in intra-role set relationships:

The first step is "external changes,‘ such as changes in
technology, war, migrations, or industrialization. These
external changes may then bring about changes in the posi-
tion of given role groups within their role sets by creat-
ing new roles, by increasing the power of one role group
vis-a-vis the others, by changing the pattern of inter-
action of a role group with groups outside the role set,

or by altering the composition of a role group. The ex-
ternal changes may also change the circumstances of per-
formance of a given role by altering the centrality of the
role for its occupants. This second set of changes may, in
turn, bring about changes in the expectations members Of a
given role group hold with respect to the position of their
group within the decision making structure of the role set.
The probability that these expectations will lead to the
formation of a movement for change will be affected by the
degree of "class consciousness" within the group, the

clarity Of identifiability of the Opponent, and the

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26

existence of alternative rewards and alternative channels
for decision making (see Figure 1).

Political change, then, is seen here as a continuous
process taking place within the different social role sets,

originated by "external changes,‘ i.e., changes outside the
given role set, and affecting the decision making structure
within those role sets. The decision making structure is
changed either when a role group which previously had no
voice at all begins to participate in decision making, or
when a role group which previously had a minor voice takes
on a dominant position in the decision making process.

An example of the first type of change is the
process of unionization of labor in the United States until
labor was recognized in the thirties as a legitimate party
in industrial decisions; this change has been graphically
described by Galbraith as the rise of the countervailing
power. An example of the second form of change is the rise
of the bourgeoisie to power in France and throughout the
industrialized countries, at the expense Of the aristo-
cracy and the clergy.

Political change can take place on different social
levels: in the language used here, it can take place within
different role sets. A change within a prominent role set
may affect many other role sets, while a change within a
non-prominent one may have little outside effect. Thus,
for example, the seizure of power by a modernizing intel-

lectual elite in a traditional society will affect not only

 

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28

the structure of decision making at the tOp: if the new
ruling group initiates a process of industrialization and a
system of mass education, it will affect also, among other
things, the relationship between the elders and youth of
many villages, as well as the relations between husband and
wife in the family. On the other hand, if a given ethnic
group takes over the major political posts in a local com-
munity because it has become more numerous than the pre-
viously ruling ethnic group, the effects may be confined

to that community alone.

Generally speaking, industrial society has a more
complex web of roles and role sets than does agricultural
society. Thus, the number of foci for social conflict is
larger in the former. Furthermore, the changes that have
been called here "external" occur at a higher frequency in
industrial societies; for instance, there have been more
technological changes since the beginning of the industrial
era than there were up to that time. Consequently, politi—
cal change is frequent in industrial societies, even though
it may not always take the form of the French or the Bolshe-
vik revolutions. This continuous process of change, and
the ability of societies to respond to the demands of the
different movements, constitutes, according to S. N. Eisen-
stadt, the major challenge to modern industrial states
(Eisenstadt, 1966, Chapter 3).

The conception of political change presented above

seems to fit the coercion theory Of society rather than the

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29

integration theory of society, to use Ralph Dahrendorf‘s
vocabulary (Dahrendorf, 1959, Chapter 5). The coercion
theory of society maintains, according to Dahrendorf, that
social change is ubiquitous, that conflict and dissensus
are found in every society, that every element in society
contributes to its disintegration and change, and that
every society is based on the coercion of some of its mem-
bers by others. The integration theory of society, on the
other hand, stresses stability, integration, and consensus
(Dahrendorf, 1959, pp. 161-162).

Using the approach presented here, one is led to
look for conflict and change in the multitude of existing
role sets: father-mother-children; students-faculty-
administrators; blue-collar workers-white collar workers-
management; Protestants-Catholics; whites-blacks; football
players-coaches-owners; and so forth. In each one of the
role sets of a given society, there is a differential dis-
tribution of decision making power.* The formality and the
legitimacy of that distribution is not crucial, since both
are, generally, only a manifestation of the stability of
the role set relationships and/or of the power and the

success of dominating groups within it. Since the basic

*1 have avoided a definition of "decision making
power" both because I think that for the time being the
framework presented here can be understood and worked with
without such a definition, and for fear of becoming one
more victim in the hOpeless battle to define satisfactorily
the concept of power.

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30

structure of all role sets is the same--individuals and
groups interrelated by virtue of occupying complementary
roles--there is no analytical difference between conflict
and change taking place in the various role sets, which is
not to deny that in every period certain conflicts over-
shadow all the others in the public mind, and that certain
types of conflicts--such as those affecting the occupancy
of the highest governmental posts--have been considered

throughout history to be more worthy of study than others.

A few additional words should be said about the
concept of movement for political change used in this study.
A political movement-~or a movement for political change--
is here defined as a group of individuals occupying the
same social role, who as a group are outside the decision
making structure within their role set or occupy a low
position in it, who try to influence the making of one or
more decisions, or try to become a prominent or exclusive
part of the decision making structure themselves.

By saying "political" the discussion is restricted
to cases where the issue involved is the making of deci-
sions. It should be repeated that politics is here seen
as a phenomenon that pervades all levels and units of
society. Therefore, a political movement can take place
on a national level, a local level, or within small groups.

By specifying "individuals in the same social

role," it is meant that a political movement will be the

31

manifestation of the expectations of a given role group
within a given role set. It is possible, though, that
once the movement comes into being, other individuals will

join it for different reasons. It is also possible

that the original reasons for the formation of the movement
may become irrelevant with the passage of time. A movement
can also be formed by an alliance between two or more dis-
satisfied role groups. Finally, individuals dissatisfied
with the present position of their role group can join
other political movements without ever forming one of their
own.

"Outside the decision making structure or occupying
a low position in it," means that the role group in question
is not recognized by the dominant role groups as part of the
decision making process, or that it is not given enough
weight in it (generally, the second alternative will be
expressed by a feeling on the part of the role group that
it has no influence in the decision making process; i.e.,
it is for all practical purposes outside of it). It
follows that once the role group becomes part of the deci-
sion making process, or has succeeded in its specific
demands, it ceases, from an analytical point of view, to

be a movement.

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32

What, then, is a student political movement? Much
of the difficulty in comparisons between student political
activities in various countries and time periods is due to
the fact that different phenomena are referred to as stu-
dent movements. Three categories Of student political
activity can be distinguished:

1. Activity in the framework of student organi-
zations which are affiliates of adult political organi—
zations. A good example are such organizations as the
National Student League and the Student League for Indus-
trial Democracy Of the thirties in the United States. In
such organizations students participate in politics within
the framework of larger political organizations, and they
are distinguished from the rest of the membership on the
basis of their being students. In such organizations stu-
dent activity is not directed towards specific student
interests, but rather toward a larger political struggle.

2. Activity in the framework of political organi-
zations or parties where students constitute a significant
Part of the membership and leadership. Examples of such
cases would be the Social Democracy in Czarist Russia, or
the national liberation movements across Africa and Asia.
In these cases, students provide a good manpower source
for larger political movements, and once they are recruited,
they act as members of the larger movement, in many cases
w’ithout even being internally distinguishable in so far as

seParate organization is concerned; a revolutionary cell

 

 

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33

might include, for example, a student, a factory worker,
a white-collar worker, and a soldier. Again, this is not
strictly a student movement.
3. Activity in the framework of a student move-
ment, which, according to the definition given above for a
movement, would be a group of students (individuals occupy-
ing the same social role), who as a group are outside the
decision making structure within their role set or occupy
a low position in it, who try to influence the making of
one or several decisions, or try to become a prominent or
exclusive part of the decision making structure themselves.
Most of what is called in the literature "student
movements" belongs to either the first or the second cate-
gory. Student movements as defined in category three are
rare. In this study, the student political activity in
the United States in the sixties will hOpefully be shown

to be a student movement as defined in category number

three.

 

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CHAPTER II
PURPOSE AND DESIGN

Purpose of the Study

The present study is an attempt to apply parts of
the theoretical framework outlined above to an explanation
of the student movement in the colleges and universities in
the United States during the decade of the sixties.

The system of higher education in the United States
has been undergoing great changes in the last few decades.
These changes can be attributed to general changes inside
American society as well as to changes in the position of
the United States in the world at large. Within the United
States, scientific advances and increasing complexity have
made the industrial process a highly sophisticated one,
requiring highly trained personnel and a continuous process
0f research and develOpment and self-improvement. A sub-
Stantial part Of the jobs in industrial production and the
Service industries now require some form of higher edu-
cation. These jobs have become the most prestigious as
‘Well as the best paying ones. The personnel for these

jObS cannot be trained, as they were previously, on the

34

 

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IV.)

 

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35

job, and the university has taken on the task of training
them. Thus, the United States has seen a continuous ad—
vance towards a system of universal education, and the uni-
versities no longer serve as training places-~or prepara-
tory schools--for the elite of the country.

At the same time, in the aftermath of the Second
WOrld War, the United States found itself involved in all
corners of the world as the most powerful state to emerge
from the war. The Soviet Union, however, presented a very
serious challenge to United States hegemony. The cold war
that ensued made national security the major national
priority. Given the nature of modern warfare, the scien-
tific establishment was called upon to make a major contri-
bution to that broad area called "defense"; and as a conse-
quence it found itself getting increasing support from the
federal government. This was manifested in an increasing
interest of the government in the formation of a large and
high quality manpower pool, as well as in increasing sup-
port for the formation of large research and development
facilities, both within and outside the universities. Thus
the system Of higher education now serves both the purpose
0f insuring continuous growth Of the industrial system and
(bf maintaining the United States' position as a major
wor ld power .

These "external" changes have brought about changes
inthe internal relationships within the university role

Set. These latter changes are the subject of the present

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study. More specifically, the study focuses on changes
that have affected the position of the students within
their role set. A complete analysis would require a study
of the faculty, the administration and the trustees, as
well as of the students--but such a study is beyond the
capabilities of a doctoral candidate. It should be kept
in mind, though, that the external changes have affected
more than the students alone.

A cursory review of the literature on higher edu-
cation done at the early stages of the formulation Of the
study revealed that there is a great deal of statistical
information on the changes in the position of students
vis-a-vis other members of their role set as well as on
the changes in the circumstances of performance of the
role of students. Furthermore, some of these changes have
been analyzed and documented elsewhere (see Chapter III).

The objective changes in the position of the stu-
dent body with respect to the other members of their role
set selected for study here are:

1. An increasing involvement of the universities
in national affairs, which brought about a rise in the
Prominence of the university role set, including, by
iflqflication, the university students.

2. An increase in the student population, both in
absolute numbers and in proportion to the relevant age

group, which made for an increase in the power of the

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db‘Hbdh

 

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37

student body in individual universities and university
communities as well as in the nation as a whole.

3. A growing heterogeneity of the student body
in terms of socio-economic status, ethnic and religious
composition, and geographical distribution, which changed
students from an elite group, relatively isolated from
wider social concerns, to a group representing a greater
variety of social and political preoccupations.

The first change-~increasing involvement of the
university in national affairs--is included here, since it
is assumed that through the rise in the prominence of the
university as a whole, the power of the students as a group
in its relations with the outside world has also increased.
Thus, for example, closing down or destroying symbols of
the university involvement in national affairs, such as
the placement offices or the Army Mathematics Research
Center at Wisconsin, are means that students did not have
available to them in previous periods. Such power, it
should be noted, is power not only vis-a-vis the faculty
and the administration, which cherish their relationship
With the government, but also power vis-a-vis groups out-
Side the strictly university role set--e.g., the military,
industry, and the government.

The changes in the circumstances of performance of
the role of student which are relevant to the study are:

4. A growing necessity to attend college in order

t0 succeed in life. This "necessity" is expressed both in

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38

terms of the available opportunities for those with no
college degree or some college education, and in terms of
the expressed desire on the part Of parents and children
to get a college education.

5. An increase in the duration of the role of
student. This will be seen here as an increase in the
number of those attending or planning to attend graduate
school. This category should also include the increase
in the prOportion of college entrants who actually stay in
college for the full four years, as well as the increase
in the number of those who spend a longer time getting
their degree, by traveling abroad, working for a year, etc.

According to the theoretical framework, the above
changes in the position of the students vis-a-vis the other
members Of the role set and in the circumstances of per—
formance Of the role of student may lead to a process of
development of a movement whose aim will be a change in
the structure of decision making within the role set.

Such a process involves many steps--many of which were
Outlined in Chapter I. The present study limits itself
to changes in student eXpectations regarding their posi-
tion as a group within the decision making structure of
their role set, as well as to changes in the pattern of
ENDlitical activity of students, more specifically:

1. Students' acceptance of the authority tra-
ditionally exercised by other members of their role set

OVer student affairs .

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39

2. Students' demands for a voice in the decision
making structure of the role set.

3. Students' acceptance of the in loco parentis
concept, as well as of the image of students as immature
citizens on the way.

4. "Class consciousness" among students.

All of the above are attitudinal variables; in
addition to them this study also focuses on:

5. Changes in the patterns of student political
activity--number of conflicts between students and other
groups both within and outside of their role set, types of
issues over which these conflicts arose, and the means
used by the students to achieve their goals in those con-

flicts.

Hypotheses

The following hypotheses were explored in this
study:

1. A rise in the prominence of the university
role set, as manifested by the increasing involvement of
the university in social decisions, has been associated
With an increase in the number and variety of social and
Exalitical issues with which students concern themselves
and on which they act.

2. An increase in the student pOpulation, both

in absolute numbers and as a prOportion of the relevant

 

 

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40

age group, has been associated with an increase in the
"class consciousness" of students.

3. A change in the composition of the student
population from a fairly homogeneous one to a more hetero-
geneous one has been associated with an increase in the
number and variety of social and political issues with
which students concern themselves, and on which they act.

4. A growing necessity to attend college in order
to succeed in life, as well as an increase in the duration
of the role of student, have been associated with an in-
creasing feeling on the part of students that they have a
right to participate in the decision making structure of
the university, as well as a growing opposition to the
traditional authority of the faculty and the administration
over student affairs.

5. An increase in the duration of the role of stu-
dent and the growing necessity to gO to college have also
been associated with a change in students' self-perception
from one of individuals preparing themselves for citizenship
and adulthood, to one of full citizenship and adulthood.

6. An increase in students' feeling of their right
to a voice in university and off university decisions, and
the change in their self-perception with regards to citizen-
Ship and adulthood, have been associated with an increase in
their political activity, as defined by the number of con-
flicts, the number of participants in these conflicts, and

the means used by the students during the conflicts.

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7. An increase in political activity of students
has been associated with an increase in the "class con-

sciousness" of students.
Design of the Study

Sources of Data

Two bodies of data had to be gathered for this
study: data about changes in the structure Of American
higher education, and data about changes in students' ex-
pectations with respect to the position of their role group
within their role set. The first body consists mainly Of
aggregate data that have in most cases been gathered by
federal agencies and by individual universities. Thus,
for example, data on student enrollment for the nation as
a whole can be found in the United States Census publi-
cations, Or in publications of the Office of Education or
the American Council Of Education, while each individual
university keeps its own records on the subject. The major
task with respect to the collection of this body of data
was simply to locate the information in the libraries or
archives of the universities studied. Not all of the data
were readily available in tabulations, and most Of the data
had to be converted into percentages. This study benefited
from the fact that the schools selected for study are

institutions with a long tradition Of self study, although

many tOpics relevant to the study began to interest them
only in the last few years, and thus longitudinal data on

such subjects were not available.

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Data for measurement of the changes in students' ex-
pectations as to the place of their role group were gathered
through a content analysis of the student newspapers of two

schools--the University of Wisconsin's The Daily Cardinal

 

and Harvard's Crimson.

Ideally, the best data for the measurement of these
attitudinal variables would have been Obtained from periodi-
cal surveys of student populations, and/or interviews with
student leaders. However, this type of data does not exist.
Another way of measuring those variables would have been to
analyze personal accounts and memoirs of individual students
over the years. This method, however, would have been very
unsystematic, and would have presented serious methodologi-
cal problems. The student newspaper, it was felt, provided
the best available source of systematic, longitudinal data
on student attitudes.

The newspaper as a source presents a problem of
representativeness: the newspaper provides a picture Of a
given situation as seen by a few reporters and editors, and
those student leaders or activists who are quoted in it or
who have sent letters to the editor. Thus it does not repre-
sent the student pOpulation as a whole, but only the active
minority. Yet, given the interest of this study in the de-
velopmental process of a movement, this was not a disqualify-
ing factor, since it was felt that in such a process, it is
more important to know what the active minority felt than

to have a representative picture Of the whole student

43

population. Major historical changes came about as a re-
sult Of the work of active minorities. One would learn
more about the dynamics of the Bolshevik Revolution from
selected interviews or accounts of the leaders of certain
political parties and factions than from a Gallup-type poll
of the entire Russian pOpulation Of that time. The same
applies to present interpretations of current student
political action in the United States; some interpreters
tend to dismiss the importance or the impact of the New
Left groups because polls of student populations assure
them that less than 10, 5, or 3% of the college population
engages in protest activities; yet, despite continuing
small percentages, the impact of student activities both

on and off campus cannot be denied or ignored.

Time Period Selected

The time period of this study--l930-l969--was chosen
for two purposes: first, to provide a long enough period
for the detection of changes in students' perceptions of
their role as a group; and secondly, to provide an Oppor-
tunity for comparison between two periods of student activ-

ism: the thirties and the sixties.

Selection of Schools

Given the nature of this study, and time and per-
sonnel limitations, the selection of schools could not be
based on a representative sample from the universe of

American institutions of higher learning. Furthermore, it

 

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is not entirely clear that representativeness was important
in this case: the student movement was strong in some
schools, very weak or nonexistent in others. A representa-
tive sample would have provided information on the relative
statistical importance of various ideas and activities on
different campuses, showing, for example, what is known
anyway, that a majority Of students did not participate
actively throughout most stages of the movement. A repre-
sentative sample might not have served the purpose of this
study--to follow the development of the active minority
which constituted the student movement.

Once representativeness was ruled out, several con-
siderations took priority:

First, that the schools selected should have a tra-
ditionally active student body, so as to provide interest-
ing cases for study;

Second, that the institutions represent different
structural types--and especially public and private schools;

Third, and very important, that the schools selected
have a student newspaper that had been publishing daily for
the forty years under study, and that the newspaper be of
high quality;

Finally, that the schools have graduate schools
awarding advanced degrees in a variety of fields, given the
importance assigned in the theoretical framework to the

duration of the role of the student.

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45

A pretest of the content analysis procedure at the
early stages of the study revealed that with two coders,
about two months would be required to collect the data for
each school. Accordingly, only two schools were selected.
Quite a few schools meet the requirements listed above.

West coast schools were ruled out because of eXpense con-
siderations. Harvard was selected as the private school
because of its traditional role of leader in American higher
education.* Wisconsin was selected because of its tradition

of student activism.

The Unit of Analysis

 

The unit of analysis used in the content analysis
was a conflict between students and other groups within or
outside of the university role set. A "conflict" was de-
fined as any situation in which an organized group of stu-
dents--student government, dormitory council, fraternal
organization, ad hoc group organized around a specific
issue, political organization--engages in activities
(strikes, demonstrations, oral or written public statements,
etc.) designed to affect existing or projected policies in
areas of concern to them either on or off campus. An
”organized group" was considered one in which a recogniza-

ble leadership exists.

 

*For the purpose of this study, Radcliffe is con-
sidered part of Harvard. The two were closely related ever
since Radcliffe was founded; the connection grew constantly
--especially after the Second World War.

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46

A conflict was chosen as the unit of analysis on
the assumption that the probability of finding attitudes
regarding the role of students as a group would be highest
during periods of conflict. In addition, focusing on con-
flict provided the opportunity to record much information
relevant to the subject of student political activity:
number of conflicts in a given year, issues around which
conflicts arose, patterns of alliances of students, means
employed by them to achieve their goals, and declared goals
of students during those conflicts. In view of these con-
siderations, the alternatives--analysis of a given sample
of editorials, letters, or news items made on a random
basis--seemed less likely to yield useful data.

Some further explanations are needed concerning the
notion of conflict as it was used in this study. First,
only conflicts between students and some other group were
considered--and not conflicts between students themselves.
It was felt that the latter would contribute relatively
little to the theoretical interests of this study, in the
sense that in purely intra-student conflicts the proba-
bility of finding discussions of the position of the student
role group vis-a-vis other members of the role set would be

relatively low.*

 

*But intra-student disputes occurring during a con-
flict between a student group and another group were, of
course, recorded.

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47

Secondly, the analysis did not include cases in
which student activity was confined exclusively to drawing
up a resolution, circulating a petition, or conducting a
fund-raising drive. The passage of a resolution, by itself,
can hardly be considered a conflict. Furthermore, many of
the resolutions passed by student governments and political
groups never make the newspaper, thus presenting a problem
of representativeness of those resolutions that would be
included in the study. The same applies to cases where the
only activity was the circulation of a petition. First, it
could be argued that the signing of a petition is a very
passive, non-public form of conflict; but more important,
petitions being such a common practice in American politics,
it was suspected that many of them would not be reported in
the newspaper, especially in the later years, when more
dramatic activities took up most of the newsprint. Thus,
taking into account cases where the only political activity
was the circulation of a petition would also have presented
a problem of representativeness. As for cases where the
only reported activity was an attempt to raise money for
some cause, it was felt that these resembled the periodic
charity drives conducted on many campuses too closely to be

considered conflicts.

Qpntent Analysis Procedure
The actual procedure for the content analysis was

as follows: all the issues of the newspaper, from the

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registration issues to the Christmas break, and from March
lst to the end of the regular school year, were read.* In
each issue, all the news items, feature articles, editorials,
and letters to the editor were read: ads, photographs, car—
toons, and sports pages were excluded.

Once a conflict was identified, all the information
about it--from the first reported activity to the last one
--was recorded on two different types of coding sheets:
attitude sheets and summary sheets (see Figures 14 and 15
in Appendix A). One attitude sheet was used for every unit
of recording (a unit of recording is the smallest section
of a text in which a reference is recorded). The unit of
recording was a letter to the editor, an editorial, or a
speech reported in a news story--in other words, a piece
of writing containing the Opinions of one person.** On
the attitude sheet, any relevant attitude which appeared

was recorded once--even if it was mentioned more than one

time.

 

*The decision to read every second year—-as well as
that to read the Fall and Spring and not the whole academic
year--were made because of time limitations. Thus the
account of student political activities and changes in
their role expectations is not complete in a historical
sense, although it provides a solid enough basis for the
analysis of the process of change. It should be noted that
the exclusion of the Winter months did not result in the
loss of much information for most of the years under study:
both because throughout most years, this was a relatively
quiet period, and because when a conflict did occur, in
many cases it continued in March, when it was coded.

**Although some letters to the editor contained more
than one signature, only one attitude sheet was used for
each letter.

' ’
~ssflr.
onl.y..

 

 

 

49

The summary sheet was used to summarize background
information about the conflict, such as when it started and
ended, who initiated it, how many students participated in
activities related to the conflict, what means were used by
the students during the conflict, what groups on campus and
outside of it supported the cause of the students, and what
groups opposed them. Thus, for any given conflict, there
might be a varying number of attitude sheets, but only one

summary sheet.

CHAPTER III

STRUCTURAL CHANGES WITHIN THE

UNIVERSITY ROLE SET

This chapter will present some Of the available evi-
dence pertaining to the independent variables under study--
changes in American universities' involvement in national
decision-making, expansion of the students' role-group,
changes in the composition of the student body, changes in
the duration of the role of student, and changes in the per-
ceived necessity to attend college.

Before turning to the available data, it is neces-
sary to point out some of their shortcomings. Generally
speaking, there are two main sources Of statistical infor—
mation on higher education in the United States: the Office
of Education and the Census Bureau. The Office of Education
has been collecting data on institutions of higher education
since 1870. The information is based on reports filed by
the various institutions. It appeared first in the Annual
Report of the Commissioner of Education (up to 1916), then
in the Biennial Survey of Education in the United States
(up to 1962), and most recently in the Statistics of Edu-

cation in the United States and the Digest of Educational

50

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51

Statistics. The information refers to enrollment, faculty,
degrees conferred, income, expenditures, and property and
plant fund Operations. Similar information is also con-
tained in the Factbook on Higher Education published by the
American Council on Education.

Information collected by the Bureau of the Census
is obtained by household interviews in the decennial cen-
suses and through current sample surveys. The information
relates to school enrollment, literacy and educational
attainment of the general pOpulation.

The first point that should be borne in mind is that
because their methods of data collection differ, the figures
published by the Office of Education and the Bureau of the
Census are not identical. Various students of higher edu-
cation have analyzed the differences between the two sources
(U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1960, pp. 202-206; see also
Riesman & Jencks, 1969, passim; and Folger & Nam, 1965,
Appendix A). Secondly, neither of the two agencies has
collected information about several variables relevant to
this study, including the socio-economic status of college
students and the ethnic and religious composition of the
student body. The Office of Education does not have such
information because its data are based on school reports,
and most schools do not have or do not publish such infor-
mation themselves. The Bureau of the Census is concerned
with the characteristics of the total population, and does

not concentrate on college students in particular; the two

it as that a
and race. '
since the S

The
eral gover:
Studies of
E‘cundati r

mation it

52

items that are best covered by the Census studies are sex
and race. The latter has been systematically studied only
since the Second World War.

The best data on the relationship between the fed-
eral government and the universities are found in the
studies of the National Science Foundation. However, the
Foundation was created only in 1950, and most of the infor-
mation it publishes starts from that year. For previous
years the only information available concerns income of
universities and is published by the Office of Education.
In these reports one can find only one figure on federal
assistance to universities; it is not broken down into
categories of assistance (e.g., plant or research), or
into governmental agencies supplying the funds, or into
destination of the money (e.g., natural sciences or social
sciences).

Information on changing public attitudes towards
the value of higher education can be found only in a
scatter of public opinion polls; the information that does
exist covers only a few years, and it is not always com—
parable.

Finally, a word about the information found at
Harvard and Wisconsin. Fortunately, the two schools have
a tradition of self study. However, aside from enrollment
figures and financial reports, the availability of sta—
tistics depends very much on what was considered an im-

portant issue at any given period. Thus, the proportion

of blacks am
afocus for
information
school. Th

A

became ixpc

National Sc

is availabi

graduates
“011d “dI
graduates
of infor:
became i
after th

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53

of blacks and other minorities in the student body became

a focus for study only in the sixties, and longitudinal
information on this variable does not exist in either
school. The geographic distribution of the student body
became important at Harvard with the launching of the
National Scholarships program, and therefore a good series
is available on that subject. The socio-economic composi-
tion of the student body was not considered as important as
the geographic distributions, apparently, because no longi-
tudinal information was found on the former. Placement of
graduates became a big operation in both schools only after
World War II, and thus there are figures on plans of the
graduates only since the forties. In general, collection
of information on the student body and related subjects
became important--as on the larger, national scene--only
after the war, with the expansion of universities and the
increasing interdependence of the universities and the
government. Prior to that time, the operation of many
schools resembled a small, family-owned enterprise rather
than a large corporation. When the official in charge of
financial assistance to students at Wisconsin was asked

for data on financial assistance beginning with 1930, he
burst into laughter: "In the thirties, if a student needed
financial help, he would go to the Dean, who would take a
big roll of money from his pocket and ask, 'How much do you
need?‘ And the Dean never bothered to keep statistics on

that."

character:

never e)
impel-ta:
Millers.
SCienti
before
weath6r
enliSte
militar
lent re
and Q‘Ja
SeCOnd

n

‘03P6ti

that tb

A

54

Thus, the information presented in the following
pages is, in many respects, far from being satisfactory.
This is especially true with respect to socio-economic
characteristics of the student body. This is a problem
shared by most studies that cover relatively long periods
of time. Hopefully though, the major points of the general
argument will be supported.

Increased Involvement of the University in
Determination of Alternatives for Social
and Governmental Choice

Beginning with the Second World War, the university
in the United States has risen to a national prominence
never experienced before. This prominence stems from the
importance acquired during and after the war by two of the
university's resources: the knowledge it produces and its
scientific manpower. The government utilized these resources
before the war, as evidenced by the numerous agricultural and
weather stations run by universities, the university help
enlisted to improve the national censuses, and even some
military research (for a review of pre-World War II govern-
ment relations with the scientific community see Cox, 1964,
and Quattlebaum, 1960). However, it was not until the
Second WOrld War and the consequent military and scientific
competition between the United States and the Soviet Union
that the federal government began to use the universities'

resources continuously and on a grand scale.

sity‘s
can be

an L
Fer» Of

versit;
ment 0

C655.

CT‘

at)
O

55

The increasing importance attached to the univer-
sity's resources in the process of national decision making
can be seen by looking at, first of all, governmental sup—
port of the process of production of knowledge in the uni-
versities, and, secondly, by looking at the direct involve-
ment of university scientists in the decision making pro-
cess.

To begin with, in the forty years under study here,
the proportion of the Gross National Product represented by
educational expenditures doubled—-from 3.3% in 1930 to 6.6%
in 1968. In the same period, though, expenditures on higher
education increased four-fold, from 0.6% in 1930 to 2.3% in
1968 (see Table 1).

During the same period, total expenditures on re-
search and develOpment in the United States as a percent-
age of the GNP increased fifteen-fold, from 0.2% in 1930 to
3.0% in 1965 (see Table 2). It should be pointed out in
this context that the United States is the only country in
the West to devote such a large percentage of its GNP to
research and development, and the only country whose
government financed 64% of this expenditure (Organization
for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1968, pp. 29 and
33).

Thus, almost two-thirds of the total research and
develOpment expenditures in the United States are financed
by the government. The majority of these government funds

go to private industry--62.3% in 1965--and only a small

56

TABLE 1.--United States education ex endituresa

as percent

 

 

 

of gross national product, 1930-1968.
Y A11 Higher Educationd
ear . c

Education Total Public Private
1930 3.3% .6% .3% .4%
1932 4.5 .9 .4 .5
1934 3.9 .8 .4 .5
1936 3.5 .8 .4 .4
1938 3.6 .8 .4 .4
1940 3.5 .8 .4 .4
1942 2.4 .6 .3 .3
1944 1.8 .5 .2 .2
1946 2.2 .5 .3 .3
1948 2.9 .9 .5 .4
1950 3.5 1.0 .5 .5
1952 3.3 .9 .5 .4
1954 3.9 .9 .5 .4
1956 4.1 1.0 .6 .4
1958 4.8 1.2 .7 .5
1960 5.0 1.3 .7 .5
1962 5.5 1.5 .9 .7
1963e 5.4 1.6 .9 .6
1964 5.9 1.8 1.0 .8
1965e 6.0 1.9 1.1 .8
1966e 6.3 2.1 1.2f .9
1967e 6.4 2.2 1.3 .9
1968e 6.6 2.3 1.4 .9

 

aReported on school year basis.

Gross National Product adjusted to a school year

basis by averaging data for two calendar years.

cIncludes elementary and secondary schools, higher

educational institutions, schools for exceptional children,

and schools for Indians. Also includes capital outlay and

interest.
d

"Includes auxiliary enterprises and other nonedu-

cational expenditures as given in tables or footnotes of
the Office of Education's Biennial Survey of Education."

 

P. 53, source 1.

eBased on estimates of education expenditures.

fRevised estimate.

Source: American Council on Education, A Fact Book on

Higher Education.

 

TABLE 2."

 

\f‘-luklh'

-J t,‘

as as t"
uv .. “J A! on-

/

2...

"“53 :

557

TABLE 2.--United States expenditure on research and development and education compared
with GNP, 1929-1965. (In billions of dollars)

 

 

 

c c c 91 c
0 Os 0 +1: 0 O
«4 w-ld MI 0 HI
4: 9 44304-4 08.
00 own. «10 60 fl VJ) “NE
g 142 UN OH O U U
as QDU 21:3 :13 SQUID 2100
U u '06-! BUD. 3 L414 '0 H
“H (Kw-HM law-d HZ JSN file-:1
'U '00 '2 '20 +30 #04
dd Ht: H H HMw-QU ram-dz
Q0 (00" 00 60% I! 'U Q '00
O4 U0. U0. «HD- “0.0 U'OSI U’OC
2 OX Gas 0:; OX 0C0 02004-4
0 («III E4 G t-0 PM” E-‘GQQ Eda-O
A B c 0 8 r c
1929 103.1 -- -- 3.2 -- -- ~-
1930 90.3 0.169 0.2 -- -- -- f --
1931 75.8 -- -- 2.9 3.8 3.1 4.1
1932 58.0 0.19 0.3 f
1933 55.6 -- 2.3 4.1 2.5 4.5
1934 65.0 0.17 0.3 f
1935 72.2 -- 2.6 3 6 2.8 3.9
1936 82.4 0.21 0.3 f
1937 90.4 -- 3.0 3.3 3.2 3.5
1938 84.6 0.26 0.3 f
1939 90.4 -- 3 2 3.5 3.5 3.9
1940 99.6 0.34 0.3
1941 124.5 0.908 0.7 3.2 2.6 4.10 3.3
1942 157.9 0.38abc 1.07 0.7
1943 191.5 0.56ab 1.20 0.6 3 5 1.8 4.65 2.4
1944 210.1 0.71ab 1.38
1945 212.0 1.52 0.7 4 1 1.9 5.52 2.6
1946 208.5 1.78 0.9
1947 231.3 2.26 1.0 6.5 2.8 8.54 3.7
1948 257.5 2.6e 1.0
1949 256.4 2.6e 1.0 8.7 3.4 11.1 4.3
1950 284.7 2.8e 1.0
1951 328.4 3.4e 1.0 11.3 3.4 14.5 4.4
1952 345.4 3.8e 1.1
1953 364.5 5.2 1.4 13.9 3.8 18.64 5.1
1954 364.8 5.7 1.6
1955 397.9 6.3 1.6 16.7 4.2 22.41 5.6
1956 419.2 8.5 2.0 19.2 4.6 27.03 6.4
1957 441.1 9.9 2.2 21.0 4.8 30.13 6.8
1958 447.3 10.9 2.4 22.4 5.0 32.41 7.2
1959 483.6 12.5 2.6 24.6 5.1 36.08 7.5
1960 503.7 11.7 2.7 27.0 5.4 39.51 7.8
1961 520.1 14.5 2.8 29.4 5.7 42.52 8.2
1962 560.3 15.6 2.8 32.4 5.8 46.39 8.3
1963 590.5 17.4 2.9 36.3 6.1 51.81 8.8
1964 631.7 19.2 3.0 39.7 6.3 56.68 9.0
1965 681.2 20.5 3.0 44.8 6.6 62.79 9.2

 

a
”Expenditure on Fundamental and Applied Research,” estimated in Science the
Endless Frontier, by Vannevar Bush, 1945.

CbFederal and State government-financed only.
cId + expenditure of Universities and non-profitmaking bodies.

igures for the academic year beginning at the end of the calendar year shown

in the first column. Source: Projection of Educational Statistics to 1975/76. US
Office of Education.

.Source of this series: Department of Defense, Office of the Secretary: of.
Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1960, p. 538. These figures are regarded by
. achIUp as underestimating actual disbursements by about 20 or 30 percent (Production

and Distribution of Knowledge, p. 156).

Estimates.

9The purpose of the correction is to take account of R 6 D expenditures of uni-
versities.

Source: Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development, Reviews of National
Science Policy:-United States, OECD, Paris, 1960, p. 30.

proporti<
the grea'
dustry a
and deve
in resea
ment. T
expendit
universj

(Organi:

fedEra]
VelOpx
ImiVErE
1965, ‘
and 69'

490d:

58

proportion--11.6% in l965--to the universities. However,
the great disparity stems from the different functions in-
dustry and the universities perform in the total research
and develOpment effort--the universities play a major role
in research, while industry plays the major role in develop-
ment. Thus, the greatest single share of the government's
expenditures on fundamental research went in 1965 to the
universities--46.4%--whi1e industry received only 17.6%
(Organization for Economic C00peration and Development,
1968, Chapter 8).

Looking at the revenue sources of universities, in
the period under study here the proportion of universities'
revenues coming from the federal government increased from
4.3% in 1929-30 to 27.8% in 1963-64, while the proportion
contributed by the local and state authorities remained
roughly the same--about 30%. Together, public funds consti-
tuted 36.7% of the universities' funds in 1929-30, and
58.3% in 1963-64 (see Table 3).

The one area that received the highest share of the
federal money within the universities is research and de-
velopment. Most of the research and develOpment in the
universities is now financed by the federal government; in
1965, the latter financed 66.1% of the fundamental research,
and 69.3% of the total research and development (see Tables
4 and S).

In short, the importance attached by the federal

government to the knowledge produced at the universities

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62

can be seen by looking at the sizable increases in national
expenditures on education in general, and higher education
in particular, as well as at the increases in federal sup-
port for research and development at universities, and
especially fundamental research. More than a quarter of
the universities' total funds and more than two-thirds of
their funds for research and development come now from
federal sources.

There are few figures available for measuring the
increase in the direct involvement of scientists in national
decision making. The crucial question here is what universe
should be considered. Some authorities have tried to count
the numbers of scientific advisors to the different govern-
mental bodies. Thus, Avery Leiserson counted the members
of panels, sub-panels and consultants to the President's
Science Advisory Committee (PSAC). He found that out of a
total of 290 members, 50.7% were affiliated with universi-
ties, while the others came from research foundations,
industry, and the government itself (Leiserson, 1965).

Several years before Leiserson, Charles Kidd esti-
mated that "well over a thousand" scientists were members
of different governmental advisory groups, of whom more
than half were affiliated with universities (Kidd, 1959,

p. 193). Kidd's estimate is based on membership of a
"governmental advisory group"--a wider group than that
studied by Leiserson. A third student of the subject,

Christopher Wright, gives an estimate of 800-1000

63

individuals occupying positions in what he calls the "sci-
ence affairs community." This community includes members
of governmental advisory groups such as PSAC, government
contractors for research and policy studies such as RAND
and the Institute for Defense Analysis, the leadership of
science organizations such as the National Academy of Sci-
ences and the American Association for the Advancement of
Science, administrators of large research facilities affili-
ated with universities, and some non-science organizations
and publications (see Wright, 1964). The group that Wright
has in mind is larger than the one Kidd was considering,
yet Kidd's estimate is larger than Wright's.

The problem with all three figures is that they
are based, for the purposes of this study, on very re-
stricted definitions of "direct participation in the pro-
cess of determination of alternatives for national choice."
It seems that the concept should also include a good number
of those scientists who are involved in the actual execu-
tion of the research projects contracted by the government
--or at least those research projects where the practical
application of results can be clearly seen. Much of the
research done in the universitiesin the United States
would be done, in other countries, in government insti-
tutions--and could therefore be more clearly identifiable
with the process of national decision making. The fact
that in the United States the research is done in the uni-

versities only reflects the peculiarities of the political

64

and social structure of the country, and not the nature of
the research or its application.

Whatever figure and whatever definition of scien-
tists' direct participation in the process of national
decision making one chooses, one fact is beyond dispute—-
few of the positions included in the various definitions
existed before World War II; most of those positions ac-
quired their present status and structure only after Sput-
nik I (Wright, 1964, p. 263).

It should be pointed out here that most of the
federal funds for research and develOpment, as well as the
majority of the leadership positions on the science advi-
sory committees, go to the natural sciences. Yet, the
role of the social sciences in national affairs has in-
creased at a great pace too. In such areas as foreign
affairs, defense strategy and management, urban recon-
struction, civil rights, economic growth and stability,
public health, social welfare, and education and training,
the role of the social scientists has been steadily in-
creasing. Looking at the governmental support for research
in the social sciences in Table 6, it can be seen that al-
though social scientists' share of the total government
funds for scientific research is still small, the absolute
figures increased seven-fold from 1956 to 1968. In the
last few years, the rate of increase of federal support
for the social sciences has been higher than that for

other fields of science (see National Academy of Sciences,

TABLE

L15: 3

Med;
310;
Let;
Psych:
Pfiyszc

P031

65

 

 

 

 

TABLE 6.--Federal obligations for total research, by field of science, fiscal years
1956-1968. (In millions of dollars)
Field of Science 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961
Life Sciences (Total) 208 292 342 417 511 629
Medical sciences 103 161 201 248 316 405
Biological sciences 61 75 81 105 128 161
Agricultural sciences 44 56 59 64 68 63
Psychological Sciences 24 38 51
Physical Sciences (Total) 614 597 697 898 1,323 1,764
Physical sciences, proper 246 263 334 464 608 860
Engineering sciences 357 322 350 415 690 364
Mathematical sciences ll 11 14 18 25 40
Social Sciences 30 36 40 31 35 45
Other Sciences 33 33 132
TOTAL, All Fields 852 925 1,079 1,403 1,941 2,620
Estimates
field of Science 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966

1967 1968
Life Sciences (Total) 810 922 1,045 1,167 1,290 1,431 1,584
Medical sciences 550 602 676 725 811 909 1,020
Biological sciences 190 244 289 337 370 406 441
Agricultural sciences 71 76 80 105 109 116 124
Psychological Sciences 57 72 95 103 100 107 124
Physical Sciences (Total) 2,152 2,871 3,145 3,386 3,641 3,817 4,382
Physical sciences, proper 1,029 1,339 1,602 1,705 1,842 1,852 2,040
Engineering sciences 1,059 1,445 1,450 1,576 1,677 1,840 2,205
Mathematical sciences 64 87 93 105 123 124 137
Social Sciences 63 80 102 127 166 178 209
Other Sciences 190 97 77 70 74 90 91
TOTAL, All Fields 3,273 4,041 4,464 4,854 5,271 5,623 6,390

 

Source: The Behavioral Sciences and the Federal Government, National Academy of Sci-
, Washington, D.CT, 1968, p. 40.

.00.. ' Olt on

1968, F
that no
as much

so far

univer:
nation

ties s

66

1968, pp. 35-43). In addition, it should be remembered
that most social science research simply does not require
as much money as natural science research, especially in
so far as plant and instruments are concerned.

The trends towards increased involvement of the
universities in national decision making seen above on a
national level are also found in each of the two universi-
ties studied here--Harvard and Wisconsin.

For many years Harvard has been the closest thing
America has to a national university—-i.e., one to which
the government turns most often when in need of special
knowledge and advice, whose alumni and faculty are found
in large numbers among the official leadership of the
country, and whose opinion is respected by the mass media.
However, the degree of mutual interest shown between the
federal government and Harvard since the Second World War
is unprecedented. Table 7 shows a constant increase in the
proportion of Harvard's total income coming from the fed—
eral government--from 18% in 1952-53 to 37.8% in 1967-68.
I have no tabulation of the proportion of research expendi-
tures at Harvard financed by the government over the same
years, but it has clearly been high throughout; in 1959,
close to 70% of Harvard's federal money went for research
(Harris, 1970, p. 246).

With respect to Harvard faculty directly partici-
pating in national decision making, I have no tabulation

showing changes over time. One report shows twelve

TABLE 7.--Harvard University—~percent of total income com-

67

ing from the federal government, 1952—53 to 1967-68.

 

 

Year Percent
1952-53 18.2
1953-54 17.5
1954-55 17.3
1955-56 17.4
1956-57 17.6
1957-58 19.0
1958-59 19.3
1959-60 24.2
1960-61 26.0
1961-62 27.6
1962-63 30.3
1963-64 32.7
1964-65 33.4
1965-66 34.7
1966-67 36.6
1967-68 37.8

 

Source: Years 1952-53 to 1962-63 are from Table 25 in
Growth and Change at_§arvard: Ten Years in
Statistical Summary, President and Fellows of
Harvard College, Cambridge, Mass., 1964. Years
1963-64 to 1967-68 are from the annual Financial
Reports of Harvard.

 

h?

68

permanent members of the faculty on leave of absence work-

ing for the federal government (see Harvard and the Federal

 

Government, 1967, pp. 191-214). On the other hand, in

 

January, 1963, the Crimson quoted a Boston Globe report

 

that between 800 and 1000 Harvard faculty members were

then serving as part-time consultants to the federal govern-
ment (out of a total of 5200 faculty members). In the Medi-
cal School alone, an official was quoted as saying that 50%

of the school's faculty worked part time for the government

(Crimson, 1.7.63).

Whatever the actual figures are, there is at Har-
vard a strong awareness of the role of its faculty in
national affairs. Some of the best known university people
in government, during the war as well as in the post-war
period, came from Harvard-~James Conant, McGeorge Bundy,
Henry Kissinger, Patrick Moynihan. Over the years the
Crimson has printed numerous features on such personali-
ties, as well as on presidents, senators, and supreme court
justices that have come from Harvard. The Crimson's own
long-standing policy of coverage of national and inter-
national affairs, and, more especially, its editorial com-
mentaries on those events, are a good indication of its
editors' perception of the importance of Harvard opinion--
even that of its undergraduates!--in national affairs.

At the University of Wisconsin the story is similar.
The figures here are more complete than those for Harvard.

The federal government's share of the university's total

IEVEI".

(see

Fh

69

revenues rose from 3.7% in 1930-31 to 25.5% in 1966-67
(see Table 8). As for federal participation in research
expenditures, it increased from 15.7% in 1940 to a high

of 62.2% in 1966-67, followed by a small decline (see
Table 9). In both cases, the trends have been similar:

an abrupt increase during the Second World War, a decline
to pre-war levels immediately afterwards, followed by a
steady increase beginning in the late forties and accentu-
ated after Sputnik.

As for the state government's contribution to the
university's total income, it declined from more than 50%
in the early thirties to 32-34% in the middle sixties. The
state's contribution to research expenditures declined even
more sharply, from 54% in the early forties to 22% in the
middle sixties, after which it began to rise once again
(see Tables 8 and 9). By the late sixties the state and
federal government together supported more than 80% of the
research expenditures at Wisconsin, compared to 70% in the
early forties. On the other hand, the total government
support (state and federal) of the university, a public
institution, has changed only slightly throughout the
years--2.3% from the early thirties to the late sixties.
Thus, at Wisconsin, rather than an increase in the pro—
portion of public funds, the change has been in the source
of these funds--the state's share has decreased and the

federal government's has increased.

70

TABLE 8.--University of Wisconsin sources of income, 1930-
1969. (Percentages)

 

 

 

Year State Students Federal Gifts
1930-31 53.83 22.57 3.69 2.16
1931-32 51.96 23.27 3.94 2.02
1932-33 61.70 21.74 4.74 2.48
1933-34 55.47 24.13 5.18 4.14
1934-35 52.50 25.05 4.89 4.96
1935-36 50.55 25.49 7.82 4.12
1936-37 48.10 26.05 7.15 6.00
1937-38 49.66 26.64 7.14 3.84
1938-39 46.35 25.69 7.02 8.38
1939-40 43.34 25.87 6.72 12.43
1940-41 35.5 15.8 7.1 6.5
1941-42 38.5 14.4 6.7 6.1
1942-43 32.7 9.0 19.9 3.4
1943-44 31.9 5.8 24.8 2.9
1944-45 30.4 9.0 22.2 3.4
1945-46 36.2 8.8 10.5 3.6
1946-47 24.5 17.1 6.0 4.9
1947-48 27.6 17.3 3.8 3.9
1948-49 32.4 14.0 5.0 5.2
1949-50 31.0 19.8 4.8 5.6
1950-51 40.0 14.8 6.4 4.6
1951-52 39.9 15.1 7.7 4.7
1952-53 43.2 13.6 7.3 4.8
1953-54 34.7 15.3 8.6 5.9
1954-55 39.5 12.8 9.2 6.0
1955-56 39.1 9.6 10.0 7.4
1956-57 39.8 10.0 10.5 8.0‘
1957-58 40.5 10.0 11.7 8.4
1958-59 38.1 9.9 13.6 8.6
1959-60 37.8 10.1 14.2 8.2
1960-61 35.6 10.0 16.9 8.6
1961-62 34.8 10.6 18.9 7.2
1962-63 34.1 10.5 21.2 7.2
1963-64 31.7 12.5 22.0 6.6
1964-65 32.7 11.7 22.6 6.7
1965-66 33.4 11.4 23.0 6.0
1966-67 34.5 11.0 25.5 5.4
1967-68 38.3 11.0 22.9 5.1
1968-69 40.5 10.7 18.7 4.6
Notes:

The Student Fees column does not include adult
education fees. All figures refer to all campuses of the
University of Wisconsin. The figures for 1930-31 to 1949-
50 are taken from comparative tables of income and ex-
penditures that appeared up to the later year. The compo-
sition of the items State Appropriations and Student Fees
changed between 1939-40 and 1940-41, the figures reported
up 1930-40 being 6-88 larger for each item than those re-
ported in the later years. The figures for Federal and
Gift columns are the same throughout the period. From
1940-41 until 1949-50 the income of the Extension is
listed separately, which accounts for higher figures for
the State and Student figures after 1950-51, the Extension
sums being distributed now between the different items.

Source: Annual Re rt of the Comptroller and the Repgrt
of the VIce-Rresident of Business and Finance.

0018 9.-
SOUIO

%

Year

1940-41
1941-42
1942-43
1943-44
1944-45
1945-46
1946-47
1947-48
1948-49
1949-50
1950-51
1951-32
1952-53
1953-54
1954-55
1955-51
l956~5-
1957—5
l958~5
1939—6
1960-6
1961-6
196276
1963‘f

1964-,

1965-,

1966~.

1967-.

1968-

SOurc

71

TABLE 9.--University of Wisconsin research expenditures by

 

 

 

source of funds, 1940-41 to 1968-69. (Percentages)
Federal Grants Federal Land Gifts &

Year and Contracts Grant ApprOp. Trustsa State
1940-41 15.7 30.6 53.7
1941-42 14.0 30.6 55.4
1942-43 6.1 13.4 26.6 53.9
1943-44 14.3 12.3 20.6 52.8
1944-45 14.7 11.3 17.8 56.2
1945-46 6.8 8.9 22.3 62.0
1946-47 3.0 6.7 31.1 59.2
1947-48 5.2 6.1 31.3 57.4
1948-49 10.3 6.5 30.4 52.8
1949-50 13.1 7.2 30.1 49.6
1950-51 15.6 7.1 29.2 48.1
1951-52 22.1 5.6 26.4 45.9
1952-53 23.0 5.3 26.9 44.8
1953-54 23.4 5.2 27.9 43.5
1954-55 22.1 7.0 31.3 39.6
1955-56 22.7 7.9 32.4 37.0
1956-57 24.2 8.1 33.9 33.8
1957-58 31.8 6.3 30.2 31.2
1958-59 36.0 5.8 29.8 28.4
1959-60 39.4 5.0 27.9 27.7
1960-61 44.8 4.1 26.6 24.5
1961—62 50.8 3.8 20.7 24.7
1962-63 55.0 3.5 18.5 23.0
1963-64 56.4 2.9 17.4 23.3
1964-65 55.8 3.1 18.3 22.7
1965-66 58.4 2.5 17.4 21.7
1966-67 59.7 2.5 15.2 22.6
1967-68 56.0 2.3 14.8 26.9
1968-69 55.3 2.3 15.2 27.2

aIncludes the Wisconsin Alumni Research Foundation.
Source: Provided by Office of Research Administration,

University of Wisconsin.

number
govern:
However
sisten'
Thus,
Howeve
Count:
count
facul
VOIVE
it s}
9078
cons

that

72

An attempt was made at Wisconsin to count the
number of Wisconsin faculty members directly involved in
governmental work, by consulting lists of faculty on leave.
However, the lists were found to be incomplete and incon-
sistent in terms of the categories used in different years.
Thus, there is no quantitative indication of this variable.
However, as Wisconsin is one of the top universities in the
country, and its faculty is rated among the top in the
country, there is every reason to believe that Wisconsin
faculty share in the national trend towards increased in-
volvement in governmental decision making. In addition,
it should be noted that the university's involvement in
governmental affairs has a long-standing tradition at Wis-
consin, dating from the era of the Wisconsin Idea--the idea
that "the boundaries of the campus were the boundaries of
the State, and that knowledge should be put to work, in
every possible way, for the advancement of society" (Uni-

versity of Wisconsin, History Digest, 1970, p. 21). In

 

fact, the high point of the university's involvement in the
affairs of the state was in the first two decades of this
century, especially during the administration of "Fighting
Bob" LaFollette. Since then, the idea of service to the
state has remained, and service to the national government
is an extension of this same idea. The Mathematics Re-
search Center of the United States Army is only one example

of this idea.

United
employe
nationa

1
"I
T111

73

To summarize, it is clear that scientists in the
United States today, and the universities at which they are
employed, have come to occupy a very important place in the
national decision making structure. To quote Don K. Price:
The United States is the only nation that has ever been
willing to support and create private institutions to
make studies on problems combining scientific and mili-
tary considerations--prob1ems of a sort that would else-
where be considered the very heart of general staff
planning. The private institutions that are now largely
supported by military funds are the most important
sources of independent, skeptical, and uninhibited
criticism of military thinking (Price, 1954, pp. 143-
144).

Clark Kerr has schematically explained the new role of the

university thus:
Knowledge is now central to society. It is wanted,
even demanded, by more peOple and more institutions
than ever before. The university as producer, whole-
saler and retailer of knowledge cannot escape service
(Kerr, 1966, p. 114).

In other words, what the university has to sell is very

valuable to society, and therefore the university's place

in society is now more prominent than before.

The trends that led towards the increasing promi-
nence of the universities in national affairs started dur-
ing the Second World War. In the immediate post-war years,
there was a decline, as if the country was returning to the
pre-war patterns. But very shortly afterwards, with the
onset of the cold war, government-university relations be-
came closer again. This relationship was steadily strength-

ened--as measured by governmental financing of education

and research at the universities, and its use of university

personne
first Sc
begin t.

versiti

schools
major 1
the ma;
more 5
FUblic

5* nat'i

tatlor

the 0.

J 8

(Swan).

.01 H'T1

74

personnel--and became even stronger with the launch of the
first Soviet satellite. Only in the late sixties does one
begin to see a decline in governmental support of the uni-
versities.

The national trends were reflected in the two
schools studied. Both Harvard and Wisconsin are among the
major recipients of federal money.* They are also among
the major contributors of direct scientific advice--Harvard
more so than Wisconsin, but both have a long tradition of
public service--Wisconsin on a state level and Harvard on
a national one.

Finally, the universities, despite frequent protes-
tations of the dangers to academic freedom stemming from
the growing alliance between university and government, have
adjusted to the situation and expect it to continue:

. . . Science and technology have done more than make
academic research and teaching expensive; they have
made them a necessary ingredient in national policy
and in the advancement of human welfare. The uni-
versity no longer expects to avoid involvement in
public affairs, for it is by now all too clear that
free universities and free political institutions

are interdependent and their futures intertwined
(Harvard and the Federal Government, 1967, p. 214).

 

 

*It should be noted that not all universities par-
ticipate in this trend in the same measure. In the early
sixties, while 80% of the institutions of higher education
were receiving some federal money, 5 institutions received
57% of the total, 20 received 79% and 66 received 92%.

See Harvard and the Federal Government, 1967, p. 192.

1
membersh
both in

out of t

degree-c
lion; 1
rolled
fold ir
and 19.
e“roll.
24.35
1ated
1930,
numbe]

COlle<

7S

Expansion of the Student Role Group

 

During the forty-year period studied here the
membership of the student role group has greatly increased
both in absolute numbers and in the proportion of students
out of the college age population.

In 1929-30, the total student population (resident
degree-credit enrollment) was slightly more than one mil-
lion; in 1968 there were about seven million students en-
rolled in institutions of higher learning--i.e., a seven-
fold increase (see Table 10). In 1968, 50.4% of the 18-
and 19-year-olds, and 21.4% of the 20- to 24-year-olds were
enrolled in school; the corresponding figures for 1946 are
24.3% and 10.2% (see Table 12). Finally, it has been calcu-
lated that out of every 1000 who entered fifth grade in
1930, 148 became college students, while out of the same
number who entered fifth grade in 1959-60, 400 entered
college (see Table 13).

Several sub-populations within the student role-
group increased at a faster rate than the group as a whole.
First, the proportion of women students increased from 31%
in 1946 to 40% in 1969 (see Table 11). Secondly, graduate
students constituted 11.1% of the total student population
in 1968, compared to only 4.3% in 1929-30 (see Table 10).
Thirdly, the population of public colleges and universities
increased faster than that of private schools: while in

1946 the two populations were almost equal, in 1968 the

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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1949
1950

1951
1952
1953
1954
1955

1956

1951
135%
1959
1960

1961
1962
1963
1964
1965

 

'77

TABLE ll.--United States enrollment in institutions of higher education, by sex and by

control of institution,

fall 1946 to 1970.

 

Enrollment by Sex

Enrollment by Control

 

 

 

 

 

Year Total of Institution

Men Women Public Private

1 2 3 4 5 6
1946 2,078,0954 1,417,595'1 660,500‘ b
1947 2,338,226 1,659,249 678,977 1,152,377 1,185,849
1948 2,403,396 1,709,367 694,029 1,185,588 1,217,808
1949 2,444,900 1,721,572 723,328 1,207,151 1,237,749
1950 2,281,298 1,560,392 720,906 1,139,699 1,141,599
1951 2,101,962 1,390,740 711,222 1,037,938 1,064,024
1952 2,134,242 1,380,357 753,885 1,101,240 1,033,002
1953 2,231,054 1,422,598 808,456 1,185,876 1,045,178
1954 2,446,693 1,563,382 883,311 1,353,531 1,093,162
1955 2,653,034 1,733,184 919,850 1,476,282 1,176,752
1956 2,918,212 1,911,458 1,006,754 1,656,402 1,261,810
1957 3,036,938 1,985,088 1,051,850 1,752,669 1,284,269
1958 3,226,038 2,092,218 1,133,820 1,883,960 1,392,404
1959 3,364,861 2,153,565 1,211,296 1,972,457 1,392,078
1960 3,582,726 2,256,877 1,325,849 2,115,893 1,466,833
1961 3,860,643 2,408,601 1,452,042 2,328,912 1,531,731
1962 4,174,936 2,587,291 1,587,645 2,573,720 1,601,216
1963 4,494,626 2,772,562 1,722,064 2,848,454 1,646,172
1964 4,950,173 3,032,992 1,917,181 3,179,527 1,770,646
1965 5,526,325 3,374,603 2,151,722 3,624,442 1,901,883
1966. 5,928,000 3,577,000 2,351,000 3,940,000 1,988,000
1967‘ 6,392,000 3,822,000 2,570,000 4,349,000 2,043,000
1968 6,928,115 4,119,002 2,809,113 4,891,743 2,036,372
1969' 7,299,000 4,317,000 2,982,000 5,388,000 1,911,000
1970. 7,612,000 4,478,000 3,134,000 5,618,000 1,994,000
“Estimated. bData not available.

Note:

Beginning in 1960, data are for 50 States and District of Columbia; data for
earlier years are for 48 States and District of Columbia. Beginning in 1953, enroll-
ment figures include resident and extension degree-credit students; data for earlier
years exclude extension students.

Source: U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Digest of Educational
Statistics, 1970, p. 67.

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.OOOH Honouoo on OemH Honouoo .omm On .Hoocom cH
pmHHouce oHo muse» noowIOuuHsu ou 0>Hm GOHusHoQOQ can no ucoouom mmwmum pouHcDII.NH MHmda

in

lte
Car
01;

0!

SQu

79

TABLE 13.--United States estimated retention rates,. fifth grade through college entrance,
in public and nonpublic schools, 1924-32 to 1959-67.

 

 

Sch. yr. Retention per 1,000 Pupils Who Entered 5th Grade High Yr. of First
Pupils School H. S. Time
Entered 5th 6th 7th 8th 9th 10th 11th 12th Gradu- Gradu- College

5th Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade Grade ates ation Studn.

 

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

 

1924-25 1,000 911 798 741 612 470 384 344 302 1932 118
1926-27 1,000 919 824 754 677 552 453 400 333 1934 129
1928-29 1,000 939 847 805 736 624 498 432 378 1936 137
1930-31 1,000 943 872 824 770 652 529 463 417 1938 148
1932-33 1,000 935 889 831 786 664 570 510 455 1940 160

1934-35 1,000 953 892 842 803 711 610 512 467 1942 129
1936-37 1,000 954 895 849 839 704 554 425 393 1944 121
1938-39 1,000 955 908 853 796 655 532 444 419 1946 b
1940-41 1,000 968 910 836 781 697 566 507 481 1948 b
1942-43 1,000 954 909 847 807 713 604 539 505 1950 205

1944-45 1,000 952 929 858 848 748 650 549 522 1952 234
1946-47 1,000 954 945 919 872 775 641 583 553 1954 283
1948-49 1,000 984 956 929 863 795 706 619 581 1956 301
1950-51 1,000 981 968 921 886 809 709 632 582 1958 308
1952-53 1,000 974 965 936 904 835 746 667 621 1960 328

1954-55 1,000 980 979 948 915 855 759 684 642 1962_ 343
1956-57 1,000 985 984 948 930 871 790 728 676 1964 362
1958-59c 1,000 985 978 960 940 906 838 782 717 1966 394
1959-600 1,000 990 983 976 966 928 853 785 721 1967 400

 

a

Rates for the 5th grade through high school graduation are based on enrollments
in successive grades in successive years in public elementary and secondary schools and
are adjusted to include estimates for nonpublic schools. Rates for first-time college

enrollment are based on data supplied to the Office of Education by institutions of
higher education.

b
Retention rates not calculated because of the influx of veterans in institutions
of higher education.

cPreliminary data.

Source: U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Digest of Educational Sta-
tistics, 1969, p. 7.

pcpulat

schools
of Wisc
1969-7|
see Ta}
same p.
and in
Of the

Table

fluctu
the mi

late t

80

population of public schools was 2 l/2 times larger than
that of the private ones (see Table 14).

Turning to the corresponding trends in the two
schools studied, the student population of the University
of Wisconsin increased from 9,401 in 1930-31 to 35,549 in
1969-70 (first semester enrollment, Madison campus only;
see Table 15). This is a four-fold increase.* During the
same period, the graduate population increased nine times,
and in 1969-70 graduates and professionals constituted 28%
of the total enrollment, compared to 12% in 1930-31 (see
Table 16).

The proportion of women at the Madison campus
fluctuated throughout the years: from a high of 38-39% in
the middle twenties, it decreased to 30-32% throughout the
late thirties. The proportion increased significantly dur-
ing the war years, decreasing again afterwards to 24-26%.
In the late forties the prOportion of women began to rise,
until in 1969-70 it reached almost 40% (see Table 15).

At Harvard the increase in the student population
was much more moderate than that at Wisconsin. In 1968-69
Harvard had a total population of 15,468 students, compared

to 9,572 in 1930-31, i.e., an increase of slightly more

 

*This compares with a seven-fold national increase
in student population. Although some schools around the
country may have had a higher rate of increase than Wis-
consin, the difference in the above rates is due mainly to
the increase in the number of institutions of higher edu-
cation (see Table 14).

 

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. II.VH WQQ<R

 

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81

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"MBOZ

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uoflcsm .mmmmaaoo muwnummu .maoosom Hmc0flmmmmoum .mmmwaaoo .mmfluflmuw>flca

 

 

u
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mem.a msm.a nom.a oam.a moa.H 0mm mum>eum
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mam.m mmm.ma ma~.o~ mme.mm ammm.soa www.msa umcommuumco
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mmumum omuflcall.va mqmda

82

TABLE 15.--University of Wisconsin, Madison campus, first

 

 

 

semester enrollment, by sex, 1930-1969.
Total %

Year Enrollment Men Women Women
1969-70 35,549 21,626 13,923 39.2
1968-69 34,670 21,140 13,530 38.0
1967-68 33,000 20,350 12,650 38.3
1966-67 31,120 19,089 12,031 38.7
1965-66 29,299 18,212 11,087 37.8
1964-65 26,293 16,631 9,662 36.7
1963-64 24,275 15,527 8,748 36.0
1962-63 21,733 14,004 7,729 35.6
1961-62 20,118 13,193 6,925 34.4
1960-61 18,811 12,540 6,271 33.3
1959-60 17,433 11,807 5,626 32.3
1958-59 16,590 11,630 4,960 29.9
1957-58 15,929 11,253 4,676 29.4
1956-57 15,918 11,378 4,540 28.5
1955-56 15,134 10,778 4,356 28.8
1954-55 13,954 9,741 4,213 30.2
1953-54 13,346 9,192 4,154 31.1
1952-53 13,571 9,518 4,053 29.9
1951-52 14,020 9,977 4,043 28.8
1950-51 15,766 11,540 4.226 26.8
1949-50 17,690 13,345 4,345 24.6
1948-49 18,623 14,095 4,528 24.3
1947-48 18,693 13,905 4,788 25.6
1946-47 18,598 13,458 5,140 27.6
1945—46 9,028 3,726 5,302 58.7
1944-45 6,615 2,264 4,351 65.8
1943-44 5,904 2,462 3,442 58.3
1942-43 9,026 5,583 3,443 38.1
1941-42 10,511 6,850 3,661 34.8
1940—41 11,376 7,656 3,720 32.7
1939-40 11,286 7,755 3,531 31.3
1938-39 11,416 7,896 3,520 30.8
1937-38 10,905 7,561 3,344 30.7
1936-37 10,071 6,884 3,187 31.6
1935-36 9,065 6,190 2,875 31.7
1934-35 8,053 5,436 2,617 32.5
1933-34 7,374 4,812 2,562 34.7
1932-33 7,833 5,132 2,701 34.5
1931-32 8,765 5,647 3,118 35.6
1930-31 9,401 5,937 3,464 36.8
Source: Obtained from the University of Wisconsin Office

of Institutional Studies.

TABLE ]
semeste

a

Year

1969-7(
1968-6?
l967-6E
1966-6'
1965-6‘
1964-6.
1963-6.
1962-6
1961-6
1960-6
1959-6
1958-5
1957-5
1956-5
1955-5
1954-5
1953-5
1932-5
1951-5
1950-5
1949-5
l948~4
1947-1

1940.‘

1930-1

83

TABLE 16.--University of Wisconsin, Madison campus, first
semester graduate and professional enrollment, 1930-1969.

 

 

 

Total Graduate & % Graduate &

Year Enrollment ProfeSSional ProfeSSional

Enrollment Enrollment
1969-7O 35,549 11,046 31.07
1968-69 34,670 11,083 31.97
1967-68 33,000 10,137 30.72
1966-67 31,120 9,235 29.68
1965-66 29,299 8,415 28.72
1964-65 26,293 7,582 28.84
1963-64 24,275 6,480 26.70
1962-63 21,733 5,667 26.08
1961-62 20,188 5,182 25.67
1960-61 18,118 4,846 26.75
1959-60 17,433 4,501 25.82
1958-59 16,590 4,279 25.80
1957-58 15,929 3,775 23.70
1956-57 15,918 3,793 23.83
1955-56 15,134 3,485 23.03
1954-55 13,954 3,378 24.21
1953-54 13,346 3,335 24.99
1952-53 13,571 3,553 26.18
1951-52 14,020 3,881 27.68
1950-51 15,766 4,118 26.12
1949-50 17,690 3,847 21.75
1948-49 18,623 3,448 18.51
1947-48 18,693 3,035 16.24
1940-41 11,376 1,888 16.60
1930-31 9,401 1,726 18.36

Source: Obtained from the University of Wisconsin Office

of Institutional Studies.

than 60S
the nod!
distrib
vard Co
the yea
women i

1414 (.

seven-
Of eve
makinc
dents
For e
anti-
10%--
gradu
in ma

latic

84

than 60%. The graduate population increased faster than
the undergraduate one--71% and 47%, respectively. The sex
distribution among undergraduates--i.e., that between Har-
vard College and Radcliffe--remained the same throughout
the years. In the graduate schools, though, the number of
women increased considerably--from 323 (6%) in 1930-31 to
1414 (15%) in 1968—69 (see Table 17).

To summarize, the student role group has increased
seven-fold nationally in the period under study. One out
of every two college-age youngsters now enters college,
making for a total of more than seven million college stu-
dents. The absolute numbers are important in themselves.
For example, even if only a minority of the students harbor
anti-war sentiments and participate in demonstrations--say
10%--that makes 700,000 people, or 1,500 undergraduates and
graduates at Harvard, and 3,500 in Madison. Furthermore,
in many college towns, such as Madison, the student popu-
lation comprises a substantial part of the community and
supports much of the local economy.

The pattern of increase has been different at Wis-
consin and Harvard. At Wisconsin there was a four-fold
total increase--while at Harvard only a 60% increase. Both
schools, however, follow the national trends--since nation-
ally the increase of the private university population has
been lower than that of the public one (see Table 11). In
both schools the growth of the graduate population has been

faster than that of the undergraduate one--more so at

85

TABLE l7.--Harvard University enrollments, 1930-1968.

 

Graduate Students

 

 

 

Harvard Radcliffe
Year Total
College College Men Women

1968-69 4778 1198 8078 1414 15468
1967-68 4834 1209 7814 1311 15168
1966—67 4850 1215 7384 1330 14779
1965-66 4900 1193 7389 1344 14826
1964-65 4785 1176 7154 1208 14323
1963-64 4719 1150 6734 1268 13871
1962-63 4737 1163 6716 1095 13711
1961-62 4722 1138 6679 1025 13564
1960-61 4595 1153 6544 968 13260
1959-60 4541 1166 6402 929 13038
1958-59 4482 1112 6360 848 12802
1957-58 4488 1074 6048 781 12391
1956-57 4431 1046 5785 738 12000
1955-56 4452 1010 5608 714 11784
1954-55 4430 1022 5604 698 11754
1953-54 4381 1026 5677 408 11492
1952-53 4423 1026 5730 394 11573
1951-52 4506 1002 5733 350 11591
1950-51 4676 986 5956 307 11925
1949-50 5030 947 5677 331 11985
1948-49 5346 971 5962 341 12620
1947-48 5978 993 8522 417 15910
1946-47 6054 954 8544 441 15993
1945-46 1490 889 2538 428 5345
1944-45 745 843 1265 335 3188
1943-44 1239 815 1655 306 4015
1942-43 3807 796 3192 278 8073
1941-42 3554 743 3689 266 8252
1940-41 3561 757 4590 285 9193
1939-40 3574 808 4805 259 9446
1938-39 3684 822 4899 267 9672
1937-38 3713 802 4576 275 9366
1936-37 3735 780 4528 254 9297
1935-36 3726 813 4144 225 8908
1934-35 3593 819 4136 222 8770
1933-34 3450 835 4488 240 9013
1932-33 3390 834 4838 232 9324
1931-32 3266 822 5270 266 9624
1930-31 3240 807 5202 323 9572
Source: Yearly Harvard Catalogue and Radcliffe‘s Annual Report of

 

the President.

 

   

Wisconsi
schools

of the 9

over tr
in the
the st}
Study I
Protes
Studen
increa
hiGher
than a
graph;
heter.
life
there
more
dent
the A
Class
but a
Patio

the c.

86

Wisconsin than at Harvard. Sex distributions in both
schools have remained largely the same--with the exception
of the graduate population of Harvard.

Change in the Composition of the
Student Role Group

 

 

The numerical expansion of the student role group
over the last forty years has been accompanied by a change
in the composition of the group. Generally speaking, while
the student population at the start of the period under
study here was predominantly upper middle class, white,
Protestant, and from the country's Northeast, the present
student population is predominantly middle c1ass--with an
increasing representation of working class students, a
higher representation of Catholics and Jews, more blacks
than at any previous time, and students from every geo-
graphical area in the United States. This increasing
heterogeneity of the student population has brought college
life closer to the "real world"; or, in different terms,
there is less separation now between town and gown, because
more of the town can wear the gown. To be sure, the stu-
dent population is still far from being representative of
the American population as a whole--b1acks and working
class Americans, for example, are very under-represented--
but a greater variety of social interests and preoccu-
pations is now directly represented on campus than was

the case thirty or forty years ago.

the
cuss

the

the
whi]
com;
the
rat}
PP-
due
for
not
mid

Col

Wit
tud
dea
Of ‘
ProI

SidE

87

As mentioned above, good time series statistics on
the above variables are lacking. Many of the changes dis-
cussed below have been pointed out by various students in
the field, but all acknowledge the lack of good supporting
statistics (see, for example, Wise, 1958, Chapter 2).

With respect to the socio-economic composition of
the national student body, the general Opinion is that
while one out of two college-age youth is today in college,
compared to one in ten in the late twenties, the bulk of
the increase has come from the upper and middle classes,
rather than from the lower classes (Jencks & Riesman, 1969,
pp. 95-97). In other words, the increasing enrollments are
due mainly to a trend towards universal higher education
for upper and middle class youth. Yet, although data are
not abundant, it appears that the proportion of lower
middle class and working class college-age youth going to
college has been increasing faster since the Second World
War than ever before. This point is supported by data on
changes in aspirations of the American pOpulation regarding
higher education, to be presented later in this chapter.

With respect to religious and ethnic representation
within the national student body, there are no good longi-
tudinal data. The literature on Catholic higher education
deals with Catholic schools, and no figures on proportions
of Catholics in non-Catholic colleges could be found. The
proportion of Jews going to college has increased con—

siderably (Newsweek, March 1, 1971, p. 61). As far as

 

IEpIeS'

again

before
of ble
learn:
thong}
(17.7E
nonwh.
U.S. J
the g
were

has a
last

domin
about
C0116
dents
P- 6:
190)

denc

COlL

War .

agail
blac}

OWn .

88

representation of different nationalities is concerned,
again no figures are available.

More blacks are now going to colleges than ever
before. In the ten years from 1955 to 1965, the proportion
of blacks aged 18 to 24 enrolled in institutions of higher
learning rose from 13.5% to 20.1%. It should be noted,
though, that the rate of increase was higher for whites
(17.7% to 29.3%), and furthermore, that more whites than
nonwhites in that age group were enrolled in college (see
U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1967). In other words, despite
the gains in black college enrollment, those made by whites
were even more impressive. Since 1965, black enrollment
has apparently doubled; furthermore, the increases of the
last two decades came mainly in colleges that are not pre-
dominantly black. During the first half of this century,
about 80% of all black college graduates came from black
colleges: now only about a third of all black college stu-

dents attend those schools (see Newsweek, March 1, 1971,

 

p. 68; see also U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1969, Table
190).

Beyond the above figures, the most concrete evi-
dence for the increasing presence of blacks in American
colleges is the fact that while before the Second World
War and during the fifties the organizations that fought
against discrimination were white, now there are enough
blacks in most big schools to fight their causes on their

own .

studen
throng
at the
the pu
respec
the pr
patter
in the

intere

Studer
longi1
Wiscox
are 1;

underl

“(TH-HOOD:-

Among
Skill
pOPu1
49.72
Profe1

0f the

89

Finally, as to geographical distribution of the
student body, the fact that college attendance has spread
throughout the United States can be gathered from looking
at the statistics of higher education for the states in
the publications of the U.S. Office of Education. With
respect to individual schools, the relevant question is
the proportion of out-of—state students. Although the
patterns of student migration have not changed nationally
in the last forty years (see Gossman §E_§l., 1968), some
interesting changes were found in the schools studied.

Turning to changes in the composition of the

student bodies of Harvard and Wisconsin, no systematic
longitudinal data on the socio-economic characteristics of
Wisconsin's students are available. Such studies as exist
are limited to the sixties. One study of a sample of
undergraduates conducted in April of 1965 showed that:
. . . much higher prOportions of the fathers of resi-
dent students were in professional, semi-professional,
or managerial and official occupations than was true
of Wisconsin men (state of Wisconsin--S.S.), and much
lower prOportions of the fathers of respondents were
in skilled, semi-skilled, or unskilled occupations
than was true of Wisconsin men in general (Lins, Abell,
& Stucki, 1967).
Among the fathers of the men undergraduates, 22.8% were
skilled, semi-skilled or unskilled, while in the Wisconsin
population as a whole, the corresponding percentage was
49.7%, according to the 1960 Census. On the other hand,

professionals, managers and officials accounted for 49.2%

of the men's fathers, while their proportion in the state

popui
In 0'
alth
ing

it i

the

the;
but

Sti

has
has
aca
Wha
of,
The;
to E
quer
Pro“

in t

90

population was 18.5% (Lins, Abell, & Stucki, 1967, p. 64).
In other words, Wisconsin follows the national pattern:
although the representation of lower-middle class and work-
ing class youth may have increased in the last forty years,
it is still far from being proportional to their numbers in
the population of the state.

As for ethnic representation at Wisconsin, there
are indications that "new" middle class students, especially
Catholics and Jews, have increased their representation
(Longhi, 1969, p. 92). The Jewish representation is especi-
ally high among the out-of-state students (Longhi, 1969,
p. 92). Although there are no time-series on black stu-

dents, it is my impression from reading the Cardinal that

 

their absolute numbers are greater now than ever before,
but that their proportion in the total student body is
still very small.

A question of traditional importance at Wisconsin
has been the number of out—of—state students. Wisconsin
has always attracted such students because of its high
academic reputation as well as its tradition of liberalism.
What do the figures show? During the late twenties, out-
of—state students comprised about 30% of the student body.
Their proportion fell to 15-17% during the thirties, rose
to above 30% during the Second World War, and fell subse-
quently to 16-17% in the late forties. After that, the
proportion of out-of—staters increased steadily, especially

in the early sixties, reaching a high of 35% in 1966-67 and

1967-f
limit
dents

than

spect
Some
Seymc
diti<
and ;
fess
than
of t
Grea
fami
SEnt
Of 1
shi]
are
ind.
Har.
pOr.
Sch<
thoL

not

the

91

1967-68. At that point the Board of Regents decided to
limit the admission of out-of—staters. Among graduate stu-
dents, the prOportion of out-of—state students is greater
than among the undergraduates (see Table 18).

For Harvard there are no longitudinal data with re-
spect to the socio-economic characteristics of its students.
Some figures have appeared in the President's Reports, and
Seymour Harris has analyzed some unpublished sources for ad-
ditional statistics. According to Harris, "Harvard has been
and still is a college for the children of business and pro-
fessional families and of families with average incomes more
than twice the national average" (Harris, 1970, p. 11). Most
of the evidence presented by Harris shows that although the
great mjaority of Harvard's students come from upper class
families, there has been a trend towards increasing repre-
sentation of the clerical, sales and working classes. One
of the factors accounting for that increase is the scholar-
ship program, since the majority of students of lower classes
are on scholarships (Harris, 1970, pp. 11-15). An indirect
indication of a change in the socio-economic composition of
Harvard's student body is the continuous decline in the pro-
portion of students coming from private, preparatory high
schools (see below); this is only a partial indication,
though, since those who studied at public high schools are
not necessarily of lower socio-economic background.

With reSpect to ethnic and racial representation in

the Harvard student body, there are no longitudinal data

Year

‘

2969-”
1965-6
L96‘-§
3956-5
1965-1
liti-
1963‘
1962-
196;-
1962-
1933-
1955-
1957-

1956-

H PHD—'D-IV‘
I \D WWul'llwl

ow
‘?

92

TABLE 18.-~University of Wisconsin, Madison campus, non-resident students (home address basis),
1930-1969.

 

Undergraduate Professional Graduate Total

 

 

Non-Residents

Year Non-Residents Non-Residents

Non-Residents

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Total Total Total Total
Per Number Per Number Per Number Per Number
Number cent Number cent Number cent Number cent
1969-70 6,290 24.6 25,561 164 15.5 1,058 4,426 49.6 8,930 10,880 30.6 35,549
1968-69 6,839 27.8 24.617 173 16.8 1,030 4,552 50.4 9,023 11,564 33.4 34,670
1967-68 6,614 28.9 22,863 201 18.7 1,074 4,743 52.3 9,063 11,558 35.0 33,000
1966-67 6,609 30.2 21,885 154 15.2 1,013 4,382 53.3 8,222 11,145 35.8 31,120
1965-66 5,866 28.1 20,884 169 16.6 1,020 3,840 51.9 7,395 9,875 33.7 29,299
1964-65 5,104 27.3 18,711 132 13.3 995 3,444 52.3 6,587 8,680 33.0 26,293
1963-64 4,816 27.1 17,795 104 12.0 867 2,924 52.1 5,613 7,844 32.3 24,275
1962-63 4,134 25.7 16,066 99 12.3 805 2,607 53.6 4,862 6,840 31.5 21,733
1961-62 3,645 24.4 14,936 91 11.6 786 2,358 53.6 4,396 6,094 30.3 20,118
1960-61 3,427 24.5 13,965 89 11.1 800 2,149 53.1 4,046 5,665 30.1 18,811
1959-60 2,738 21.2 12,932 73 9.1 800 1,963 53.0 3,701 4,774 27.4 17,433
1958-59 2,394 19.4 12,311 78 9.2 848 1,736 50.6 3,431 4,208 25.4 16,590
1957-58 2,172 17.9 12,154 55 7.0 785 1,578 52.8 2,990 3,805 23.9 15,929
1956-57 2,075 16.9 12,306 53 6.5 816 1,457 52.1 2,796 3,585 22.5 15,918
Undergraduate s
Professional Graduate Total
Year Non-Residents Total Non-Residents Total Non-Residents Total
Number Percent Number Number Percent Number Number Percent Number
1955-56 1,973 15.8 12,466 1,269 47.6 2,668 3,242 21.4 15,134
1954-55 1,892 16.6 11,371 1,155 44.7 2,583 3,047 21.8 13,954
1953-54 1,786 16.5 10,821 1,173 46.5 2,525 2,959 22.2 13,346
1952-53 1,750 16.1 10,870 1,183 43.8 2,701 2,933 21.6 13,571
1951-52 1,773 16.0 11,109 1,283 44.1 2,911 3,056 21.8 14,020
1950-51 1,672 13.2 12,640 1,469 47.0 3,126 3,141 19.9 15,766
1949-50 1,667 11.2 14,868 1,375 48.7 2,822 3,042 17.2 17,690
1948-49 No Data No Data 16,055 No Data No Data 2,568 3,278 17.6 18,623
1947-48 No Data No Data 16,539 No Data No Data 2,154 3,108 16.6 18,693
1946-47 No Data No Data 17,669 No Data No Data 2,213 3,891 19.6 19,882
1945-46 3,427 28.1 12,180 731 48.1 1,519 4.157 30.3 13,699
1944-45 2,221 33.3 6,678 326 48.9 666 2,547 34.7 7,344
1943-44 1,731 28.8 6,011 295 45.2 653 2,025 30.4 6,664
1942-43 1,625 18.8 8,653 424 52.2 813 2,049 21.6 9,466
1941-42 1,667 16.8 9,906 562 45.8 1,227 2,229 20.0 11,133
1940-41 1,629 15.3 10,620 583 41.9 1,392 2,212 18.4 12,012
1939-40 1,468 13.9 10,557 582 41.8 1,392 2,050 17.2 11,949
1938-39 1,453 13.6 10,669 604 41.2 1,465 2,057 17.0 12,134
1937-38 1,314 13.0 10,128 553 38.8 1,424 1,867 16.2 11,552
1936-37 1,220 13.1 9,328 492 36.4 1,351 1,712 16.0 10,679
1935-36 1,071 12.7 8,418 379 31.6 1,199 1,450 15.1 9,617
1934-35 1,105 14.6 7,580 302 28.0 1,077 1,407 16.3 8,657
1933-34 1,127 16.3 6,923 309 29.9 1,034 1,436 18.0 7,957
1932-33 1,368 19.2 7,115 396 30.3 1,308 1,764 20.9 8,423
1931-32 1,878 23.6 7,971 547 39.5 1,384 2,425 25.9 9,355
1930-31 2,396 27.5 8,698 604 46.4 1,303 3,000 30.0 10,001
Source: Provided by the University of Wisconsin Office of Institutional Studies.

 

spec
Cona
17).
Chan
ate

sent

Marc

stud
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ily

late
Stuc
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Stat
ear]
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93

available. Seymour Harris stresses "the great strides made
since 1930" in the "number of student and faculty from minor-
ity groups and also the advances of minority groups in impor-
tant student activities." He quotes a study showing that of
all ivy-league schools, Harvard has the best record with re-
spect to black representation. Harris praises President
Conant and Dean Buck for these changes (Harris, 1970, p.
17). With respect to religious representation, parallel
changes have apparently taken place, especially in the gradu-
ate schools (Harris, 1970, p. 16; see also, on Jewish repre-
sentation in Harvard student body and faculty, Newsweek,
March 1, 1971, p. 61).

As to geographical distribution of Harvard College
students, there has been a notable change during the period
under study; the proportion of Massachusetts students stead-
ily decreased, from 50% in the early thirties to 21% in the
late sixties. While New Englanders constituted 56% of the
student body in 1930, they are now only about 30%. Finally,
whereas students from New England and the Middle Atlantic
states constituted almost 85% of the student body in the
early thirties, they now constitute only about 60%. The
representation of the Middle Atlantic states has remained
relatively stable throughout the years (see Table 19).

As far as Radcliffe is concerned, students from
outside Massachusetts comprised only 34.1% of its student

body in 1930; in 1968 they made up 78% (see Table 20).

94

TABLE 19.--Harvard geographic distribution of admitted and
admitted-registereda students, by state of residence,b 1930

 

 

1933 50.9 57.7 28.3

to 1968.
U
m U m I:
U 'U -H <1) H -HU
Year In: 8 2."; .2 E 1': 13::
mm H '04! U +1 u C-d
m s 3 m bra : u c o u
0.: o c -d4J o o m o o
2 0 2:0 Sat 0: 2 U 22m
1968 21.7 28.9 28.9 9.8 15.8 3.1 10.4
1967 21.2 29.5 29.2 9.1 14.5 3.4 11.3
1966 22.6 30.8 26.7 11.4 14.4 3.0 10.1
1965 22.7 31.1 26.9 9.9 15.5 3.7 9.6
1964 23.2 30.0 25.5 10.4 15.4 4.2 10.2
1963 21.8 29.7 27.1 8.5 16.8 3.8 11.2
1962 22.0 31.3 29.1 7.3 14.0 4.4 9.8
1961 21.2 28.0 30.2 9.4 15.5 4.3 8.8
1960 21.0 30.8 27.6 8.3 16.9 3.9 9.4
1959 21.3 29.1 30.5 8.1 17.1 3.9 8.3
1958 22.7 29.5 32.8 6.3 14.6 4.6 9.0
1957 26.4 33.9 30.1 9.0 12.4 3.7 6.9
1956 28.2 36.3 28.4 7.2 12.7 4.6 8.3
1955 26.6 34.3 29.0 6.5 14.4 5.2 7.1
1954 29.0 35.4 31.3 5.6 15.3 4.1 5.5
1953 31.7 39.8 27.3 6.1 12.5 4.7 6.4
1952 35.8 44.0 27.7 5.6 12.4 2.9 4.8
1951 31.9 39.5 28.3 6.5 13.2 3.5 8.0
1950 31.8 39.3 26.4 6.8 15.0 4.1 7.6
1949 35.3 41.8 24.8 4.8 15.3 4.9 7.8
1948 33.8 41.8 27.4 5.5 12.6 4.0 7.9
1947 34.4 41.0 30.7 4.5 15.0 3.4 5.0
1946 31.6 38.9 31.1 5.1 14.5 4.1 5.9
1945 37.4 45.3 32.1 5.6 10.6 2.2 3.4
1944 38.8 45.5 31.6 5.3 11.6 2.7 2.6
1943 39.9 47.0 32.8 4.5 10.3 2.5 2.5
1942 36.5 43.3 22.3 5.5 16.5 5.0 6.9
1941 40.4 47.6 26.3 3.7 13.6 3.9 4.3
1940 42.5 49.4 25.1 4.3 14.0 2.4 4.1
1939 36.8 44.1 27.1 4.7 13.7 4.9 5.2
1938 34.8 42.5 31.2 3.3 15.2 3.1 4.2
1937 39.1 46.4 28.0 4.3 11.6 3.1 5.9
1936 35.7 41.1 25.3 6.7 19.1 4.5 2.5
1935 44.8 50.6 25.3 3.2 16.1 2.6 1.7
1934 44.8 52.6 24.4 2.5 15.7 2.1 2.1
2.9 7.8 .7 2.1
1932 50.1 56.6 28.9 2.2 7.7 1.6 2.5
1931 48.9 54.3 29.5 2.3 8.6 2.8 1.3
1930 49.4 56.1 27.1 2.5 9.6 2.3 1.2

 

aThe figures up to 1951 refer to those admitted;
those from 1952 to 1968 refer to those admitted and regis-
tered. On the basis of a few years when both categories
were listed, it could be seen that the percentage of stu-
dents from New England among the registered is higher than
that among the admitted, while that of students from the
other areas of the country is lower; i.e., the preponder-
ance of New England in the earlier years is even more
salient than could be gathered from the figures here pre-
sented.

bDoes not include students from the U.S. territories
nor foreign students.

Source: The yearly Report of the President.

TABLE

95

TABLE 20.--Radc1iffe College percentage of students from
outside of Massachusetts, 1930-1969.

 

 

Year Percent
1964 78.0
1963 78.6
1962 77.5
1961 76.7
1960 76.4
1959 75.6
1958 72.8
1957 72.2
1956 71.7
1955 69.9
1954 69.9
1953 66.8
1952 66.3
1951 62.4
1950 59.2
1949 59.8
1948 57.4
1947 54.1
1946 52.6
1945 50.9
1944 46.0
1943 43.9
1942 42.5
1941 46.2
1940 47.2
1939 45.3
1938 40.6
1937 41.1
1936 38.8
1935 37.3
1934 35.0
1933 33.7
1932 33.2
1931 35.2
1930 34.1

 

Source:

dent.

The yearly Radcliffe College Report of the Presi-

 

for a
that

role

96

A very interesting aspect of the composition of the
student body is the proportion of public versus private
high school graduates among those admitted to the college--
a problem relevant to Harvard though not to Wisconsin. The
"preppies" were the majority among freshmen in the early
thirties-~close to 60%. ‘In 1968 they were still a very
large group--but constituted only about 40% of those ad-
mitted. For relatively stable Harvard, this is a rather

significant change (see Table 21).

Increase in the Duration of the
Role of Student

 

The role of student is a temporary one, occupied
for a relatively short period of time. It appears, though,
that in the period under study here the duration of the
role has been increasing, so that for a substantial part
of the student population it now lasts longer than the tra-
ditional four years. Kenneth Keniston has called attention
to the fact that the nature of post-industrial society in
the United States--demand for highly trained personnel,
increasing status and prestige of jobs requiring graduate
education--results in increasing numbers of young men and
women who prolong their education into their middle and
late twenties: "What industrial society did for the years
between twelve and eighteen, post-industrial society is
beginning to do for the years between eighteen and twenty-
six." For the most talented and privileged, deferred entry

into the economic system because of continuing higher

97

TABLE 21.--Harvard-—percentage of candidates admitted and
admitted-registered by kind of high school, 1930-1969.

 

 

 

 

 

Admitted Admitted-Registered

Year

Private Public Private Public
1969 39.7 60.3
1968 40.2 59.8 44.5 55.5
1967 40.1 59.9 40.5 59.5
1966 41.3 58.7
1965 42.3 57.7
1964 42.7 57.3
1963 43.0 57.0
1962 44.0 56.0
1961 44.0 56.0
1960 43.8 56.2
1959 44.8 55.2
1958 46.1 53.9
1957 49.9 50.1
1956 48.5 51.5
1955 47.4 52.6
1954 41.0 59.0 46.1 53.9
1953 41.6 58.4 46.7 53.3
1952 45.4 54.6 52.1 47.9
1951 43.3 56.7
1950 46.2 53.8
1949 44.5 55.5
1948 44.2 55.8
1947 51.0 49.0
1946 52.2 47.8
1945 57.1 42.9
1944 57.2 42.8
1943 57.6 42.4
1942 43.2 56.8
1941 50.9 49.1
1940 57.3 42.7
1939 53.9 46.1
1938 53.3 46.7
1937 56.4 43.6
1936 48.7 51.3
1935 54.8 45.2
1934 57.7 42.3
1933 61.1 38.9
1932 59.2 40.8
1931 54.9 45.1
1930 56.1 43.9
Source: The yearly Harvard Report of the President.

 

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98

education is not only possible, but highly desirable. Thus
there is a new stage of life, the "stage of youth"--that
"emergent stage of life that intervenes between adolescence
and adulthood" (Keniston, 1968, pp. 264-265).

Riesman and Jencks also point to an extension of
adolescence for the many students that remain in the uni-
versity for longer periods of time than before (Jencks &
Riesman, 1969, p. 47). They also note that while graduate
enrollments changed little for some decades, during the
late fifties and since then the rise has been fast and
constant (Jencks & Riesman, 1969, p. 22).

Nationally, graduate student enrollment has in-
creased from a little less than 50,000 in 1929-30 to more
than 800,000 in 1968; the 1929-30 figure constituted 4.3%
of the total student population at the time, while the 1968
figure comprised 11.1% of the total student population (see
Tables 10 and 22).

At both Harvard and Wisconsin the graduate enroll-
ment increased rapidly--more so than the undergraduate
population (see Tables 16 and 17). However, if one wants
to learn about the pattern of lengthening of the role of
student at the two schools, he cannot rely on the numerical
or proportional increases in their graduate populations,
since both attract a great number of graduate students
from other schools or geographic areas, and thus such
numerical increases may simply reflect an increase in the

popularity of their graduate programs. What is needed are

TABLE
of t<

Ye

1929
1939

1947
1949

1951
1953
1955
1957
1955

196:
196:

Yea]

196.
196
196
196
196

Not

Cal
den
fOr
aCa
Pre
Cen
ere

SQu

99

TABLE 22.--United States graduate enrollment as a percent
of total enrollment, by sex and control of institution,

 

 

 

 

 

1929-1968.
Year All Men Women Public Private
Students
1929-30 4.3% 4.7% 3.8% 3.8% 4.8%
1939-40 7.1 7.5 6.4 5.6 8.8
1947-48 6.7 6.5 7.0 5.6 7.8
1949-50 8.9 9.3 8.1 8.0 9.9
1951-52 10.1 11.3 7.8 9.2 11.1
1953 9.5 10.9 7.1 8.0 11.3
1955 8.8 9.6 7.4 7.6 10.4
1957 8.9 9.7 7.2 7.6 10.6
1959 9.9 11.1 7.8 8.8 11.6
1961 10.0 11.5 7.6 9.1 11.6
1963 10.6 12.0 8.3 9.7 12.2
Year Estimates
1964 10.4 12.0 8.0 9.6 12.0
1965 10.5 12.1 8.0 9.7 12.1
1966 10.5 12.2 8.0 9.6 12.3
1967 10.8 11.9 9.2 10.0 12.4
1968 11.1 11.8 0.0 10.4 12.8
Note:

For 1929-30 and 1939-40, graduate enrollment is
calculated as a percent of the regular academic year resi—
dent degree-credit enrollment in the 48 states and D.C.;
for 1947-48 through 1951-52, as a percent of the regular
academic year resident degree-credit enrollment in the
present 50 states and D.C.; for 1953 and later, as a per-
cent of fall or first-term resident and extension degree-
credit enrollment in the present 50 states and D.C.

Source: American Council on Education, A Fact Book on
Higher Education.

 

 

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data indicating that growing proportions of Harvard's and
Wisconsin's own students go on to graduate school, or plan
to do so.

Fortunately, there are figures on this subject from
both schools. At Harvard, the Office of Graduate and
Career Plans has been conducting surveys of the senior
class for more than ten years. Beginning with 1957, the
Office found a constant increase in the proportion of
seniors planning to continue graduate education immedi-
ately after graduation; the rise stopped in 1967-68, when
a change in the draft laws changed the plans of many stu-
dents (see the yearly The Harvard College Class of 19..:
Its Plans for the Future). In 1957, 54% of the seniors
planned immediate continuation to graduate school, while
in 1966 the figure was 73.5%, and in 1967, it was 68.5%.
As for those planning eventual graduate study, their pro-
portion rose from 67% in 1958 to 93% in 1967, dropping to
88% in 1969. In other words, by the end of the sixties,
almost all graduates of Harvard College planned on gradu-
ate study at some time in their lives; the draft law's
changes altered the plans for immediate continuation of
some 20% of the graduates, but it caused a change of only
5% in the number of those eventually planning to go to
graduate school (see Table 23).

The increase in students planning graduate study

was even more noticeable at Radcliffe--while 18% attended

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graduate school immediately after graduation in 1952, 45%
did so in 1968 (see Table 24).

At Wisconsin data were available for the students
of the College of Arts and Sciences only, for the years
1945-69. The figures for women students covered all the
years under study, those-for the male students, only part
of the period. With respect to men, there was an increase
of about 10% during the period of 1956-67 in the proportions
of graduates enrolled in graduate schools, from 50-60% in
the fifties to 60-70% in the sixties. The figures for the
late forties cannot really be used for comparison, because
they are the post-war years when many veterans took advan-
tage of the GI Bill to continue their studies.

With respect to women, there was an increase of
about 15% in the prOportion of graduates pursuing further
study: from 9% in 1957 to 25% in 1967 (see Table 25).

For Wisconsin no figures were available on eventual
plans for graduate study. Nevertheless, even this big
state university has more than half of its men graduates
and one-third of its women graduates going on to graduate
school immediately after graduation.

To summarize, graduate education appears to be the
goal of an increasing part of the student population.
Figures from the post-World War II period for Harvard and
Wisconsin show that a majority of their men graduates
attend or plan to attend graduate school immediately after

graduation; the figures are equally impressive for the

 

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women graduates. For those individuals, the role of student

is a long one--it may be occupied for almost a decade.

Increase in Perceived Necessity
to Attend College

 

 

During the period under study a change occurred in
the attitude of parents and high school students towards
college attendance. Where college was previously a privi-
lege of the talented or rich few, for whom college life was
a prelude to an elite position and career, it has increas-
ingly become a necessity for future life success and status.
While forty years ago success in life could be achieved
through many non-academic avenues, today such cases are
very rare.

The relation between college attendance and success
in life has received much attention from American social
scientists. Probably the best known attempt to explore and
establish that relationship was made by economists who
studied how education relates to life income (see for re-
views of the literature Blaug, 1970, as well as Bowman,
1966). Although the designs of these studies, the assump-
tions on which they are based, and their findings vary, they
generally concur that an investment in education is worth-
while. Another school of social scientists studied the
relation between education and occupation. Blau and Dun-
can's study of the American occupational structure is the
most ambitious of these studies. One of their most im-

portant findings is that, "A man's social origins exert a

106

considerable influence on his chance of occupational suc-
cess, but his own training and early experience exert a
more pronounced influence on his success chances." They
found that the zero-order correlations with occupational
status are .32 for father's education, .40 for father's
occupation, .60 for education, and .54 for first job (Blau
& Duncan, 1967, p. 402).

The two schools of research establish, then, strong
relationships between education and success in life, as
measured by income and occupation. However, what is of
interest here is how the population perceives the relation
between education and success in life. Thus, it is more
important to explore the spread of the notion that "the
more you learn the more you earn" than to look at the re-
sults of the academic studies of the question.

Two indirect indicators of changes in the importance
attached by the American population to higher education will
be presented here. The first one is a change in the occu-
pational structure. Where previously most jobs required at
most a high school diploma, at present the single most im-
portant component of the occupational structure consists of
jobs requiring some higher education. This change could
hardly have escaped the attention of Americans. Martin
'Trow, an authority on educational develOpments in the
'United States, has said that,

The causes for (the) rise in the expectations of ordi-
nary peOple regarding the education of their children

107

--essentially a change in the "educational standard

of living" of the population--are numerous, but proba-
bly the most important factor is the growth in the
numbers of trained and educated peOple needed in our
"post-industrial" society (Trow, 1962, p. 236).

Between 1900 and 1930, when mass secondary edu-
cation was developing, the fastest growing occupational
category was "clerical and kindred workers." Between 1950
and 1970, when mass higher education was developing, the
fastest growing categories were those of professional and
technical workers (Trow, 1962, p. 236). From 1950 to 1966,
the proportion of white collar occupations increased by
50%, while the total employment in the country rose by only
half that amount. Within the white collar category, the
professional, technical and kindred workers were the fastest
growing group both numerically and proportionately--increas-
ing from 4.5 million to 9.3 million, i.e., by 108%. The
group constituted 13% of the total employed persons in
1966, compared to 8% in 1950 (National Science Foundation,
NSF 68-30, p. 5) (see Table 26).

With reSpect to the professional, technical and
kindred workers group, a study by the Organization for
Economic COOperation and Development points out, "There

is virtually no entry into any of these groups except by

the avenue not only of higher education but of complete

 

higher education which, for many fields, includes a number
of years of post-graduate professional education" (Organi-

zation for Economic Cooperation and Development, 1963,

108

TABLE 26.--United States employed persons fourteen years old and over, by major
occupational group, 1950-1966.

 

White-Collar Workers

 

 

 

 

 

Profes- Blue .

Total . . Serv1ce Farm
Year Sional, Clerical Collar

Employed Total Technical, Man-a and Sales Workers Workers Workers

agers .
and Kindred
Kindred
Number in Millions
1950 59.6 22.3 4.5 6.4 7.6 3.8 23.3 6.5 7.4
1951 60.9 22.4 4.8 6.2 7.7 3.8 25.0 6.5 6.9
1952 61.0 23.1 5.1 6.2 8.1 3.7 24.8 6.5 6.6
1953 61.8 23.6 5.4 6.4 8.0 3.8 25.0 6.9 6.2
1954 61.2 23.9 5.6 6.2 8.2 3.9 24.2 6.8 6.3
1955 63.0 24.6 5.8 6.4 8.4 4.0 24.7 7.1 6.6
1956 64.9 25.6 6.1 6.6 8.8 4.1 25.2 7.6 6.5
1957 65.0 26.5 6.5 6.7 9.2 4.1 24.9 7.6 6.1
1958 64.0 27.1 7.0 6.8 9.1 4.2 23.5 7.8 5.6
1959 65.6 27.8 7.1 6.9 9.3 4.4 24.2 8.0 5.6
1960 66.7 28.7 7.5 7.1 9.8 4.4 24.2 8.3 5.4
1961 66.8 29.1 7.7 7.1 9.9 4.4 23.9 8.6 5.1
1962 67.8 29.9 8.0 7.4 10.1 4.3 24.3 8.8 4.9
1963 68.8 30.2 8.3 7.3 10.3 4.4 25.0 9.0 4.6
1964 70.4 31.1 8.6 7.5 10.7 4.5 25.5 9.3 4.4
1965 72.2 32.1 8.9 7.3 11.2 4.7 26.5 9.3 4.3
1966 74.1 33.3 9.3 7.4 11.8 4.8 27.2 9.7 3.9
Percent

1950 100.0 37.5 7.5 10.8 12.8 6.4 39.1 11.0 12.5
1951 100.0 36.8 7.9 10.2 12.6 6.2 41.1 10.8 11.3
1952 100.0 37.7 8.3 10.1 13.3 6.0 40.7 10.7 10.9
1953 100.0 38.2 8.8 10.4 12.9 6.1 40.4 11.3 10.1
1954 100.0 39.0 9.1 10.1 13.4 6.4 39.5 11.1 10.4
1955 100.0 39.0 9.2 10.2 13.3 6.3 39.3 11.3 10.5
1956 100.0 39.4 9.4 10.1 13.6 6.3 38.8 11.7 10.1
1957 100.0 40.6 9.9 10.3 14.1 6.3 38.3 11.7 9.3
1958 100.0 42.3 10.9 10.6 14.3 6.5 36.7 12.2 8.7
1959 100.0 42.4 10.9 10.6 14.2 6.7 36.9 12.2 8.5
1960 100.0 43.1 11.2 10.6 14.7 6.6 36.3 12.5 8.1
1961 100.0 43.6 11.5 10.7 14.8 6.6 35.7 12.9 7.8
1962 100.0 44.1 11.9 10.9 14.9 6.4 35.8 13.0 7.2
1963 100.0 43.9 12.0 10.6 14.9 6.3 36.3 13.1 6.7
1964 100.0 44.2 12.2 10.6 15.2 6.3 36.3 13.2 6.3
1965 100.0 44.5 12.3 10.2 15.5 6.5 36.7 12.9 5.9
1966 100.0 45.0 12.6 10.0 16.0 6.4 36.7 13.1 5.2

 

aManagers, officials and proprietors, excluding farm.

Source: National Science Foundation, Employment of Scientists and Engineers in the
United States, 1950-1966, NSF 68-30, p. 4.

uner
thaz

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amo:
in 1

Cde

one

EXp1
leg.
Sim
196
seen
Was
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for
imp]
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r eat

109

p. 69). For the rest of the white-collar workers group,
some higher education is the norm.

As a corollary to the above figures, it should be
pointed out that up to the late sixties, studies of un-
employment persistently showed a much higher degree of
unemployment for those with less than a college education
than for those who had some (see Organization for Economic
C00peration and Development, 1963, p. 75 for some figures).

Thus the alternatives open to persons without some
amount of higher education have become less attractive than
in the past. Although this is not the only factor that has
caused increasing desire on the part of both parents and
youth to go to college, it is certainly a very important
one.

Some interesting findings regarding changes in
expectations and intentions of youth with respect to col-
lege education have been reported by Joseph Froomkin. Two
similar studies, one conducted in 1959 and the other in
1965, found a rise in the expectations of high school
seniors to go to college. The most interesting finding
was that while the increase was small for students with a
parental income of more than $7,500--only 3%--the change
for students with a parental income of less than $3,000 was
impressive--23%. The discrepancy stems from the fact that
in 1959 a large number of the more well-to-do students ale

ready expected to go to college--68%--while only 23% of the

poore.

1970)

accor
expec
until
Adams
from
ents'
gardj
that
Or we
was :
atte:
rose
1964
to,
grea

tiOn

figu
whil
they
diff
high

Educ

110

poorer students had similar expectations (see Froomkin,
1970).

These findings are especially interesting since,
according to available evidence, no significant change in
expectations of high students to go to college occurred
until the late fifties and sixties. A. J. Jaffe and Walter
Adams examined both published and unpublished opinion polls
from 1939 to 1959 that included questions concerning par-
ents' and high school students' plans and intentions re-
garding college. They found Roper and Gallup polls showing
that in 1939, 54% of the students "planned to go to college
or were interested in going there"; in 1959 the prOportion
was still only 56%. As for those actually planning to
attend college immediately after graduation, the proportion
rose from 40% in 1939 to 49% in 1959 (see Jaffe and Adams,
1964). The changes in the proportion of parents intending
to, and planning to, send their children to college, were
greater between the two years than the changes in propor-
tions of students planning college study.

A note of caution is necessary here: the 1939
figures refer to "persons under twenty years of age,"
while those of 1959 refer to high school seniors. Thus,
they do not refer to the same population, and it is thus
difficult to assert with assurance the rate of change in
high school students' intentions with reSpect to college

education.

lll

Whatever the rate of change up to the late fifties,
it is clear that since then there has been a great increase
in the prOportion of high school students intending to go
to college, and the increase has been especially impressive
for lower class students. The same applies to the parents
--almost all parents now aspire to a college education for
their children, and, as with the children, the changes
have been especially noticeable in the lower economic

strata (see Froomkin, 1970 and Jaffe & Adams, 1964).

CHAPTER IV

CHANGES IN STUDENT EXPECTATIONS

AND POLITICAL ACTIVITY

In this chapter the findings of the content analy-

 

sis of the Wisconsin Daily Cardinal and the Harvard Crimson
will be presented. Changes in the patterns of activity of
students during the forty years under study will be ex-
amined first, followed by a discussion of changes in stu-
dents' expectations with regard to the place of their role
group within the decision making structure of their role
set.*

In the following discussion the four decades will
be compared, with special emphasis on the similarities and
differences between the sixties and the thirties. The main
rationale for such a structure is that each decade does
constitute--this will become clearer with reading--a dis-
tinct period with respect to student political activity.
More precisely, the main periods are: (l) the thirties,

including 1940; (2) the late forties (there was almost no

 

*A history of student political activity at the
two schools is presented in Chapter V. Those who are un-
familiar with the subject may want to read the next chap—
ter first.

112

113

activity in either school during the war); (3) the fifties;
and (4) the sixties. The emphasis on a comparison between
the thirties and sixties is due to the fact that student
political activity was highest during these two periods and
both decades are generally considered periods of a "student
movement" in the United States. Thus, the comparison be—
tween the two is especially significant for testing the
hypotheses of this study.

Generally speaking, the Cardinal and the Crimson

 

provided very good sources of information for the study.
Both are well known for their high journalistic standards,
but more importantly, both were always independent papers
run by students. This is important because, with some ex-
ceptions, both papers covered most student political activi-
ties throughout the decades, regardless of how those activi-
ties were regarded by the administration or the faculty.
While neither paper was above participating in student in—
ternal political disputes, neither was told by non-students
how to run its business.

Internal political disputes between students did
affect coverage of events during some periods: thus, con-
servative editors of the Crimson during the early part of
the thirties looked with scorn upon the activities of the
left and peace organizations, and did not provide detailed
accounts of many of their activities. During the late
sixties, on the other hand, the editors of the Crimson

emphasized the activities of SDS, while providing a lesser

114

coverage of more moderate groups.* The Cardinal, on the

 

other hand, was traditionally more "radical" than the §£lfl7
E22! and provided a more consistent coverage of the most
active groups on campus.

Despite fluctuations (which would be found in every
newspaper), both papers provided extensive coverage of the
developments in student political activity throughout the
years. This is corroborated by reading existing historical
accounts of student political activity:** for the years in
the sample, there was not a single conflict mentioned in
other sources (which did not rely on the two papers) that

was not found in the Cardinal or the Crimson.

 

This point is emphasized because the same things

cannot be said about other student newspapers. The Michigan

 

State News, student newspaper of Michigan State University,
was used in the early stages of this study in order to test
the content analysis procedure; during certain periods--
especially the thirties--the coverage of controversial

political issues was very poor.*** In many schools,

 

*At least that is what a leader of a moderate group
claims. See Kelman, 1970, Chapter 4.

**See, for the thirties, Wechsler, 1935; and Draper,
1967. For the fifties, Schiffrin, (n.d.); for the sixties,
the best review is O'Brien, (n.d.). These are only se—
lected sources; for a detailed bibliography of writings on
student movements in the United States, see Altbach, 1968.
For particular incidents, The New York Times is also useful.

 

***See Wechsler, 1935, p. 304, for an interesting ac-
count of one incident of suppression of information on a
student political activity at Michigan State College in
1935.

115

editors of the student paper have had to submit c0py to
either a faculty advisor or a dean;* under such circum-
stances, coverage of political issues is jeopardized. Thus,

although the Cardinal and the Crimson are not typical col-

 

lege student newspapers, they were good sources of infor-

mation for the study here reported.

Changes in Patterns of Political Activity

 

Number of Conflicts

 

One-hundred and thirty-nine conflicts were identi-
fied at Wisconsin in the sampling of the years 1930-1969.
It should be emphasized that this is not a correct histori-
cal figure, but one based upon a study of every other year.
Of the 139 conflicts discussed here 32 (23%) took place in
the thirties, 22 (15%) in the forties, 17 (12%) in the fif-
ties, and 68 (49%) in the sixties (see Figure 2). The
figure for the thirties includes 1940, since that year re-
sembles the years of the thirties with regard to issues
over which conflicts arose and the organizations that par-
ticipated in the conflicts (for the rest of this study, for
all purposes, 1940 will be considered part of the thirties).

Generally speaking, there were three peaks of
activity during the forty-year period: one was during the

thirties, with a consistent pattern of five to seven

 

*For a review of freedom of expression of student
newspaper editors during the early sixties, see Williamson
& Cowan, 1966, pp. 125-134.

 

116

 

 

30 1
Wisconsin
25 V ""' Harvard
P
20 9
15 J»
10 T A
IN I
\
l \ /
I I
' \ I
I \ ,
If- -fl‘ I V!
5 d) r.-’ \ I
I \ /A I
4 I If ‘v" \ II
I / .
1 ’ \ I \\ ll
{/ \\ ’l \\ //~\ '
—*~ A j‘ + ‘1 - t ;—+ \V/ A \i f e
1930 1940 1950 1960

Figure 2. Number of conflicts recorded at Harvard and

Wisconsin in the fall and spring periods of
every second year from 1930 to 1969.

117

conflicts every year from 1932 to 1940. The second peak
came during the late forties, the post-war period. The
third peak came in the middle and late sixties. Each peak
was higher than its predecessor; the peak of the thirties
was the lowest of the three; that of the sixties, the high-
est. Of the three peaks, the only surprising one is that
of the late forties, since that period is not usually
thought of as a period of student activism.

There were also three periods in which student
activism was very low; the first one was in 1930--there is
no evidence as to the pattern before that. The second low
came during the period of the Second World War, and the
third occurred in the early and middle fifties.

At Harvard, only 90 conflicts took place in the
same period, about two-thirds the Wisconsin figure. Of the
90 conflicts, 29 (32%) took place in the thirties, 8 (9%)
in the forties, 7 (8%) in the fifties, and 46 (51%) in the
sixties. At Harvard there were also three peaks of activ-
ity. The first one was in the thirties, with a consistent
pattern of five to six conflicts every year from 1932 to
1940, almost identical to Wisconsin. The second peak
occurred during the late forties and 1950, with three to
four conflicts each year. This peak was significantly
lower than the corresponding one at Wisconsin; furthermore,
while at Wisconsin the peak of the late forties was higher
than that of the thirties, at Harvard it was lower. The

third and final peak came during the sixties. It began

118

abruptly in 1960, sagged the following year, and rose stead-
ily from 1964 to 1968. Generally speaking, the pattern of
Harvard in the sixties was similar to that at Wisconsin,
with the difference lying in the total number of conflicts.

The low periods of activity at Harvard were much
lower than the corresponding ones at Wisconsin: during the
World War II years there was only one conflict, compared to
four at Wisconsin; during the fifties there were seven con-
flicts, compared to seventeen at Wisconsin. While at Wis-
consin at least one conflict was found in every one of the
twenty years studied, at Harvard there were three years in
which no conflict was found, and three more years with only
one conflict each.

Thus, Harvard had fewer conflicts than Wisconsin,
and her conflicts were clearly concentrated in two periods
--the thirties and the sixties, compared to three periods
of high activity at Wisconsin, and a spread of conflicts
over all the years studied. In spite of these differences,
the patterns of activity at Harvard and Wisconsin were

similar.

Types of Issues in the Conflicts

The 139 conflicts recorded at Wisconsin arose over
a variety of issues (see Table 27). Two broad types of
issues stand out as the most frequent: those involving war
and the military, and those involving racial or religious

discrimination. War and military issues were involved in

119

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120

38 conflicts during the forty-year period (27% of all con-
flicts); race relations figured in 22 conflicts (16%).

The single most frequent type of issue in both the
thirties and the sixties concerned war or the military.
However, in the thirties war-military issues were numeri-
cally more important than in the sixties (they constituted
41% of all conflicts in the thirties and 30% of all con-
flicts in the sixties). In the late forties and throughout
the fifties only four war and military issues were found.

Within the broad category of war and military
issues, three subgroups stand out for their frequency:
ROTC-related conflicts--ll conflicts distributed almost
evenly among the different decades; anti-war activities of
the thirties--8 conflicts; and anti-Vietnam conflicts--12
conflicts. Other issues included in this category--draft
resistance, intervention in Cuba and the Dominican Repub-
lic--were less frequent, and were concentrated mainly in
the sixties.

The second largest group of issues concerned racial
or religious discrimination. This issue came up throughout
the forty-year period, with no significant concentration in
any particular decade. It should be noted, though, that
in the thirties the issue was not very salient. Besides
protests against anti-Semitism in Germany, there were only
two conflicts in the thirties over racial discrimination,
while in both the forties and fifties there were five such

conflicts, and in the sixties there were eight.

121

The next two most frequent types of issues of con-
flict were economic issues and school facilities (dorm con-
ditions, food, class facilities, etc.). Economic issues
were concentrated in the thirties (6 out of 13 such con-
flicts), while in the sixties they were not prominent at
all. Conflicts involving school facilities were found
throughout the decades, without any significant pattern.
Some of the other types of issues appear to be concentrated
mainly in the sixties--campaigns against legislative in-
vestigations of radicals on campus, including anti-HUAC
campaigns; aid to labor groups; expressions of support for
students at Wisconsin or other campuses who are harassed
by authorities on and off campus, and issues involving
specifically student participation in decision making.

A salient characteristic of the sixties was the
variety of issues that were involved in conflicts. Though
war and military issues comprised the single most frequent
type, there were a significant number of conflicts over
other types of issues. If the conflicts which arose over
the most frequent types of issues--war and military, racial
discrimination, school facilities, and economic issues--are
summed for each decade, they constitute 81% of the conflicts
in the thirties, 64% in the forties, 71% in the fifties, and
only 53% in the sixties. There was a greater variety of
issues in the sixties than in the decade to which it is

most often compared--the thirties.

122

A final note on types of issues arising throughout
the period under study: when all the conflicts are divided
into two broad categories, on and off campus issues, i.e.,
issues involving internal university policies and decisions,
and issues involving non-university matters, it can be seen
that across the years there were as many on campus issues
as off campus ones. However, the differences between dec-
ades are notable: in the thirties the distribution was
about equal, in the fifties and forties the majority of the
conflicts were related to internal university affairs, and
in the sixties, the majority of the conflicts centered
around off campus issues (see Table 28).

TABLE 28.--On and off campus issues involved in conflicts
at Harvard and Wisconsin, by decades.a

 

1930's 1940's 1950's 1960's Total

 

 

 

W H W H W H W H W H
On Campus
Issues 15 9 l7 2 12 4 25 8 69 23
Off Campus
Issues 17 20 5 6 5 3 43 38 70 67

 

a1940 is included in the 1930's.

At Harvard the most frequent issues involved in
conflicts were, as at Wisconsin, war and military issues,
and racial and religious discrimination issues. War and

military issues accounted for 26 conflicts (29% of all

123

conflicts), and discrimination issues figured in 12 con-
flicts (13%) (see Table 27).

As at Wisconsin, war and military issues were most
prominent in the thirties and the sixties. However, at
Harvard these issues were relatively more prominent in the
sixties than in the thirties (37% and 28%, respectively, of
the conflicts in each decade).

Discrimination issues followed the same pattern at
Harvard as at Wisconsin: in the thirties they were directed
against anti-Semitism in Germany as much as against racial
discrimination at home; it was only in the sixties that
issues relating to blacks became salient.

A very telling difference is found between the two
universities with regard to the third largest group of
issues: at Wisconsin it was economic issues. At Harvard,
on the other hand, there were only two conflicts centered
around economic issues throughout the forty years. The
third largest group of issues at Harvard was aid to labor--
manifested mainly by support to local labor groups on
strike--and distributed rather proportionately among the
decades. The fourth largest group of issues, was, as at
Wisconsin, those related to school facilities.

During the sixties Harvard, like Wisconsin, saw a
greater variety of issues than in any previous decade, al-
though the difference between the sixties and the thirties

at Harvard was rather slight--during the thirties the four

124

most frequent types of issues accounted for 66% of the con-
flicts, in the sixties—-6l%.

Finally, a great contrast is found when one looks
at on campus and off campus issues. At Harvard the major-
ity of conflicts (74%) throughout the forty-year period
arose over off campus issues. The preponderance of off
campus issues was most pronounced in the sixties--83% of
all conflicts. On campus issues constituted a majority
only during the fifties--four out of seven conflicts (see
Table 28).

To summarize the data on types of issues involved
in conflicts, the major types of issues in both schools
were similar, with the exception of economic issues, which
at Wisconsin were important, particularly during the thir-
ties, but at Harvard were insignificant. At the latter
their place was taken by aid to labor issues. The most
prominent issues in both schools revolved around the war,
the military, and racial and religious discrimination. In
both schools there was a greater variety of issues during
the sixties, but this was much more prominent at Wisconsin
than at Harvard. The major contrast between the two
schools was in the distribution of on and off campus issues:
at Wisconsin the total number of conflicts was equally dis-
tributed between the two, but off campus issues constituted
a majority in the sixties; at Harvard, off campus issues
provided the majority of the total number of conflicts as

well as the majority within all but one of the four decades.

125

Initiating Groups

 

The information gathered for each conflict included
the student group or groups which initiated the action,
i.e., which student group started or first entered the con-
flict. The difference between "initiator" and "ally"
should be noted: the first are those groups from which the
initiative for the action came; the second includes those
groups that later joined in the action or expressed support
for the initiator. This section deals only with the initi-
ator (see Table 29).

At Wisconsin the groups that were involved in the
initiation of the most conflicts throughout the years were
the left and peace organizations; they were among the initi-
ators of 47 out of the 139 conflicts (34%). The second
most frequent initiator was the student government, which
initiated 29 conflicts (21%). The third was the Daily_

Cardinal, initiating 25 conflicts (18%). Dormitory associ-

 

ations, class organizations and departmental organizations
started 15 conflicts.

Looking at the various groups across the decades,
one sees some interesting differences: the left and peace
organizations started 22 conflicts in the thirties, and 26
in the sixties; however, in the thirties that meant 69% of
all conflicts, while in the sixties it was only 38%. Thus,
while one hears all the time about Students for a Democratic
Society (SDS) and other New Left organizations, student

activity in the sixties was not confined to them alone. In

126

TABLE 29.--Student groupsa at Harvard and Wisconsin that
initiated at least five conflicts, by decades.

 

1930's 1940's 1950's 1960's

 

 

 

 

W H W H W H W H

1. The student newspaper 7 5 6 1 6 3 6 2
2. The student government 6 l 10 4 7 3 5 5
3. Dorm, class, depart-

mental organizations 6 3 3 - 2 2 6 5
4. University religious

groups 6 3 - - - - l -
5. Black and civil c

rights organizations 1 - 3 - 1 1 8 4
6. Left and peace

organizationsd 22 19 5 1 2 1 26 27
7. Partisan organi-

zations8 - - 2 - l 1 6 2
8. Ad hoc student

organizations 1 5 4 l l 2 10 4
Total number of conflicts
in the decade 32 29 22 8 17 7 68 46

 

aThe table includes only those student organizations
that were involved in the initiation of the conflicts re-
corded. It does not include all student organizations that
existed on campus throughout the forty-year period.

bThe year 1940 is included in the 1930's.

cAt Wisconsin, includes the Negro Culture Foundation,
Concerned Black Students, Black People's Alliance, FSNCC,
Student Council on Civil Rights. At Harvard, includes SNCC,
Society for Minority Rights, Association of Afro-American
Students.

dIn the thirties, for both schools, includes the Stu-
dent League for Industrial Democracy, National Student Lea-
gue, American Student Union. At Wisconsin, includes also
Young Communist League, Progressive Club, University League
for Liberal Action, Youth Committee Against the War, Anti-
War Committee, Peace Federation. At Harvard, includes also
Harvard Peace Society, Harvard Liberal Club, Harvard Social-
ist League, Committee Against Military Intervention.

In the forties, for both schools, includes the Pro-
gressive Club. At Wisconsin, includes also American Youth
for Democracy, Socialist Club.

In the fifties, at Wisconsin, includes Progressive
Club, Student Peace Center; at Harvard, includes Student
League for Industrial Democracy and SANE.

In the sixties, for both schools, includes Young
Socialist Alliance, Students for a Democratic Society, Stu-
dent Mobilization Committee, Student Peace Center. At
Wisconsin, includes also Socialist Club, W.E.B. DuBois
Club, Committee for Direct Action, Wisconsin Draft Resist-
ance Union, Madison Resistance, Committee to End the War in
Vietnam, Students for Peace and Disarmament. At Harvard,
includes also Young Peoples Socialist League, May 2nd Move-
ment, Tocsin.

eIncludes the Young Republicans, the Young Democrats,
and Students for Democratic Action.

127

the thirties, however, the "student movement" can be attri-
buted almost entirely to the left. Had there been no left,
the thirties might have been very similar to the forties
and fifties.*

The student government was in the center of affairs
in the forties and fifties. In each of these decades, the
student government was the most frequent initiator of con—
flicts. In the thirties and sixties, the student govern-
ment initiated only a minority of conflicts.

The Daily Cardinal was most active in the thirties,

 

forties, and fifties; in these decades it was the second
most frequent initiator.

Religious groups were quite active in the thirties,
but have not been very active since that time, judging from
the number of conflicts they initiated or helped initiate.

The partisan organizations were among the initiators
of nine conflicts; two in the forties (late forties), one in
the fifties, and six in the sixties, most of them in the
early sixties. The most active organization was the Young

Democrats.

 

*It could be said, of course, that members of left-
ist groups activate other student organizations; there was
no way to check that systematically, although some examples
of participation of members of leftist groups in other
campus organizations could be found in the newspaper. The
point is that when the proportion of conflicts initiated by
the left in the thirties (for that period, of course, the
same claim could be made regarding the influence of leftist
students) is compared with the corresponding figure for the
sixties, the relative predominance of those groups is quite
clear.

128

Finally, it is interesting to note that ad hoc
organizations were among the initiators of ten conflicts in
the sixties--the second most frequent initiator of this
decade. Five other conflicts initiated by ad hoc groups
are distributed among the other three decades. This is a
good indication of the general mood of activism in the six-
ties, as compared to that of other periods.

The four most prominent groups in terms of initi-
ation of conflicts at Harvard were the same as those at
Wisconsin: the left and peace organizations (participated
in the initiation of 53% of the 90 conflicts); the student
government (14%), the student paper (12%), and resident and
departmental organizations (11%). To that should be added
ad hoc organizations, which participated in the initiation
of 13% of all conflicts.

Compared to Wisconsin, the role of the left and
peace organization at Harvard was more prominent: they
participated in the initiation of 66% of the conflicts in
the thirties (69% at Wisconsin), and 59% of those in the
sixties (38% at Wisconsin). Thus, student activity at
Harvard during both the thirties and the sixties was initi-
ated to a large extent by these organizations, while in
Wisconsin their role was relatively more prominent in the
thirties than in the sixties.

As for the rest of the groups, their activity at
Harvard was very similar to that at Wisconsin: the stu-

dent government was especially active in the forties and

129

fifties; the Crimson in the thirties and fifties. Religious
groups were active only during the thirties. Partisan
organizations--essentially the Students for Democratic
Action and the Young Democrats--figured rather weakly in

the late fifties and early sixties.

Thus, with the exception of the relative prominence
of the left and peace organizations during the sixties at
Harvard, the pattern of participation of student groups in
the initiation of conflicts in both schools was essentially

the same.

me

All the means employed in a particular conflict were
recorded. The means most frequently used could be grouped
into three major categories: representational means,
petitions, and mass tactics.

Representational means include mainly the action
of elected representatives of the student body, or of stu-
dent organizations. They include resolutions by any of
these bodies; representatives sent to the faculty, adminis-
tration, or a public official; and delegations to off campus
events. At Wisconsin, representational means were used most
frequently in the fifties, in 76% of all conflicts. They
were used the least in the sixties, in 44% of all conflicts.
In the thirties and forties the proportion of conflicts in
which representational means were used was about the same:

59% and 52%, respectively.

130

Petitions include, in addition to petitions, letters
directed to public and university officials. Again, as with
representational means, the fifties saw the highest fre-
quency of use of this means--in 71% of all the conflicts
at Wisconsin. In the thirties, petitions were used in 56%
of all conflicts, while in the forties and sixties, the
prOportions were 33 and 34%, respectively.

Mass tactics include all means that involve the
participation of large numbers of people: demonstrations,
mass meetings, occupation of buildings, sit-ins. At Wis-
consin mass means were used most frequently in the sixties:
in 54% of all conflicts. For that decade they were the
single most frequently used means. In the thirties, mass
tactics were utilized in 37% of all conflicts. In the
forties, such means were used only in 15% of the conflicts,
and in the fifties, no use of mass means was recorded.

Generally speaking, then, the thirties, forties
and fifties saw conflicts where the most frequently used
means were representational means and petitions. These
were the only means used during conflicts in the fifties.
In the sixties, while all means were used in significant
numbers, the single most frequent ones were mass tactics.

At Harvard the pattern of use of means in conflicts
was similar to that at Wisconsin, with one exception: at
Harvard mass means were the most frequent type of means
used in both the thirties and the sixties (48% and 63% of

all conflicts in each decade, respectively). The frequency

131

of their use was higher, though, in the sixties. Repre-
sentational means and petitions were used most frequently

in the forties and fifties, as they were at Wisconsin.

Changes in Attitudes

 

Following are some of the findings concerning
changing student perceptions of their role as students in
the university and outside of it. It should be pointed
out here that these attitudes are not found in abundance
throughout the years. There are several reasons for the
scarcity of attitudinal statements: first, the newspaper
as such reports action more than attitudes. It reports
what each group did, or planned to do, more than what mem-
bers of each group involved in the conflict said. Secondly,
what members of each group said--for example, what student
leaders involved in the conflict said—-will more often re-
fer to the substantive issue at hand than to the general
consideration of their role as students. The frequency of
appearance of the attitudes studied here is thus relatively
low: but the trends of their appearance are clear, neverthe—
less. Furthermore, the trends in the attitudinal variables
are corroborated by the trends in the other variables re-
corded for the conflicts studied: number of conflicts,
types of issues, initiating groups, and means employed by
the students.

The attitudes here reported are grouped into four

dimensions: (I) desire for freedom from control by other

132

groups, (2) demand for greater decision making rights, (3)
rejection of the image of students as immature citizens on
the way, and (4) the presence of "class consciousness" on

the part of students.

Freedom from Control
The dimension of freedom from control was measured
by assertions questioning (a) the right of other groups to

make the given decision involved in the conflict, and (b)

 

the right of those groups to make decisions affecting stu-

dents in general. Examples of the first type of assertion

include: " . . . that is a decision that they [SLIC] have
no right to make"; " . . . how dare they dictate what we
shall or shall not hear or read?"; " . . . but the Uni-

versity does not have any right to forbid a student from
living where, and with whom, and among whom, he wants to."
Examples of the second type of assertion include: " . . .
we reject the implication that such direction and control
[by the university] applies to spheres of activity outside
the academic world"; or "The question is, should we always
have to depend on their good graces when they are not even
a legitimate representative of our wishes?"

The first type of assertion, questioning the right
of other members of the role set to make the specific de-
cision under dispute, was found at Wisconsin in eight con-
flicts throughout the period under study. Out of the eight

conflicts, six took place in the sixties, one in the

133

thirties, and one in the fifties. The second type of
assertion, questioning the right of other members of the
role set to make decisions concerning students in general,
was found in only one conflict, in 1966, when the Wisconsin
Student Association passed a bill giving it all the powers
to regulate students' social and group life, while taking
those powers away from the faculty and administration.

Throughout the years, most of the groups whose
rights were questioned were within the university, or more
specifically, the faculty, the administration, or the re-
gents. Most of the questioning of the rights of others to
make decisions affecting students was done in the sixties.

At Harvard, both types of assertions were found only
during the sixties. During three different conflicts stu-
dents questioned the right of other role groups to make
specific decisions. In two conflicts, students questioned
the rights of others to make decisions concerning students
in general. In all the conflicts, the rights questioned
were those of the university administration to make deci-
sions for students.

Numerically speaking, then, student questioning of
the rights of other role groups within the role set to make
decisions affecting them was more frequent at Wisconsin
than at Harvard. In both schools, however, the questioning

occurred only in the second half of the sixties.

134

Decision Making Rights of Students

 

The dimension of students' rights to participate
in decision making involves two main types of assertions.
The first type of assertion refers to the rights of stu-
dents to make decisions in the specific area under dispute,
for example, housing regulations or women's hours. The
second type of assertion refers to the right of students to
participate in decision making in general, not just in the
area involved in the conflict. Each of the two types of
assertions was scaled. Students were seen as asserting
their right to (a) be consulted (including such expressions
as "have a voice," or "be heard," "have something to say,"
"right to question"); (b) be represented (including such
expressions as "participate," "help formulate," "share
authority,"); and (c) make the decision themselves.

Examples of the first type of assertion, referring
to a specific decision involved in a conflict, are: " . . .
we have a right to question the decision"; or "students
should not determine curriculum, but their views on cur—
riculum should be heard"; "what we want now is partici-
pation for teaching assistants . . . in a shared decision
making process"; "who should tell you what level of work
you . . . can do . . . ? Who . . . but yourself?"

Examples of the second type of assertion, referring
to decision making rights of students in general and not
only in the area involved in the specific conflict are:

" . . . the real question seems to be: do the students

135

have a voice in deciding how university affairs are run?"
or "Does it not follow that in a democratic country we
should have at least in part 'government of the students,
by the students, for the students'?" " . . . Students
should govern themselves and regulate their lives and
interests."

At Wisconsin students' assertions that they had the
right to a role in decision making were found mostly in the
sixties; more than 60% of the assertions regarding specific
decisions were found in this decade. Demands for partici-
pation in decision making in general areas of student con-
cern, not just in the ones directly involved in the con-
flict, came only in the sixties. Furthermore, looking at
the degree of decision making power demanded, it was found
that in the previous decades the assertions concerned mostly
consultatory and representational rights, while in the six-
ties there were demands for representational and for exclu-
sive student decision making rights--in areas under conflict
as well as in other areas. It should also be noted that in
the sixties the areas in which students asserted their
rights to decision making went beyond the limits of the
campus to include local as well as national issues.

In short, at Wisconsin, the sixties witnessed not
only a higher frequency of assertions of students' rights
to decision making power, but also a demand for a higher

degree of participation, as well as a wider sc0pe of

136

decision making--not only in the university, but outside
of it as well.

The pattern was largely the same at Harvard, except
for the fact that assertions of decision making rights were
found in fewer conflicts than at Wisconsin. Assertions re-
garding student decision making rights in specific issues
under dispute were made during eight conflicts (compared to
twenty-one at Wisconsin). Of the eight, five took place
during the sixties, and the rest were scattered through the
years. However, the assertions prior to the sixties in-
volved demands for consultatory rights, while those made
during the sixties involved representation or exclusive
power to make certain decisions.

Assertions regarding students' decision making
rights in general were found only in the sixties (in three
conflicts compared to nine at Wisconsin). In all three,
the demands were for student representation on the decision

making bodies.

Maturity-Adulthood

This dimension measures the acceptance or rejection
by students of their image as potential rather than full
citizens, not yet responsible and capable of making their
decisions. Examples of expressions which belong here are:
" . . . it is the cry of students who believe they are

mature enough to accept the freedom . . . and the responsi-

bility of regulating their own lives"; " . . . if students

137

are old enough to be sent to Laos and fight for American

ideals they are discriminating enough not to be swayed by
the raving of an extremist"; " . . . university students

have the ability to discern fallacious propaganda."

At Wisconsin assertions to the effect that students
are mature, responsible and able to make decisions appeared
mostly in the sixties--ten out of the twelve conflicts
where these attitudes were expressed took place in the six—
ties. The assertions appeared in issues of direct concern
to students within the university, such as housing and
women's hours, but also in conflicts where the students
acted in areas not traditionally seen as their concern.

In such cases students defended their right to speak or

act on the basis of their maturity.

A related area, the concept of in loco parentis,

 

although overlapping with the above attitudes, was recorded
separately when it was mentioned specifically. Expressions

concerning the concept 0f.£2 loco parentis that were found

 

were all negative; i.e., the concept was rejected, and such
attitudes appeared only in the sixties. It is interesting
to note here that at Wisconsin the actual breakdown of the

in loco parentis concept came in the fifties, when students

 

demanded changes in hours and other regulations. Many of
these demands were met with positive response from the
administration and the faculty, and thus do not appear here
since they never developed into conflicts. Liberalization

was slow, to be sure, but steady. It appears that the

138

period of the Free Speech Movement and the increase in stu-
dent activity in the sixties brought with it a reactionary

move within the administration in the area of in loco paren-

 

tis policies--retraction of certain liberalizations, or, in
any case, opposition to new ones. Therefore, while many
regulations were lifted in the fifties without conflict
(this applies, it should be remembered, to the years
studied, i.e., every second year, and cannot be taken as a
definitive historical assessment), and thus without the
opportunity to express the type of attitudes studied here,
the expressions that are found come later on historically,

i.e., years after the concept of ig_loco parentis had begun

 

to erode.

At Harvard there were few and scattered expressions
concerning the image of students as immature or irresponsi-
ble. Moreover, there was not one assertion regarding the

concept of in loco parentis. The contrast between Wisconsin

 

and Harvard on this dimension is a very important one, and

it will be discussed later in the chapter.

Class Consciousness

 

This dimension includes statements asserting that
students have common problems, interests, and enemies, as
well as statements asserting that students are a powerful
or relatively powerful group that can change or influence
policies. Examples are: " . . . this is a problem that

belongs to every student in the University"; . . . it is

139

we who receive the benefits of education, and it is we who
lose if there are flaws in the educational process"; " . .
we can't make our country's policies, but we can make our

voices heard"; " . . . in union there is strength."

At Wisconsin expressions of class consciousness
appeared in two periods of high activism—-the thirties and
the sixties--but not in the forties. In the thirties, the
most frequent assertion appearing was that students were a
group with potential power to influence decisions, while
assertions of common problems were less frequent. In the
sixties, assertions that students had common problems were
as frequent as assertions that they comprised a powerful
group.

In general, it should be noted that while in the
thirties class consciousness expressions appeared mostly
in off campus issues, in the sixties they appeared mostly
in on campus issues; this may be related, of course, to the
questioning of the distribution of decision making power
which took place in the sixties, and which was most promi-
nent in the on campus issues. As for the absence of
assertions of class consciousness in the period of the
late forties, the explanation may lie in the nature of
the conflicts of that period--they were mostly fought by
the student establishment, without mass involvement, and
without questioning present relationships between students

and other groups. Furthermore, a large proportion of

140

students were veterans, many with families, and they identi-
fied as veterans rather than as students.

At Harvard, expressions concerning group conscious-
ness were found only in the sixties--none appeared before
that time. On three occasions, the assertions involved the
power of students to accomplish their goals, and on one
occasion, students asserted that they had common interests.
These assertions of class consciousness were made in con-
nection with both on and off campus issues.

As on the other attitudinal dimensions, here too
there was a numerical difference between Harvard and Wis-
consin: the community of problems between students was
asserted in nine conflicts in Wisconsin, compared to one at
Harvard; the power potential of students was asserted in
fourteen conflicts in Wisconsin, compared to three at Har-

vard.

Email

Looking back at the findings presented in this
chapter, one point stands out: the patterns of changes in
student attitudes and political activity at Harvard and
Wisconsin are very similar. There are differences, but
these are relatively few and do not affect the major trends.
Thus, there were similar concentrations of conflicts in the
thirties and the sixties, with similar periods of low
activity in the early forties and the fifties. The late

forties brought increased activity to both schools, though

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142

this was much more pronounced at Wisconsin. The types of
issues important in the four decades were largely the same,
with the exception of economic issues, which were not im-
portant at Harvard at any time. The patterns of initiation
of conflicts by the various student organizations through-
out the four decades were very similar, though the role of
the left and peace organizations was relatively more im-
portant at Harvard during both the thirties and sixties,
while at Wisconsin it was especially prominent in the thir-
ties. A major contrast was found with regards to the dif-
ferentiation between on and off campus issues-~at Harvard
off campus issues were the most prominent during both the
thirties and the sixties, while at Wisconsin these consti—
tuted a majority of conflicts only in the sixties. As far
as means are concerned, in both schools there was a strong
shift towards the use of mass means in the sixties, as com-
pared to the previous decades.

With respect to attitudes expressed during the con-
flicts, though there were fewer attitudes found at Harvard,
the patterns of expression are the same in both schools--
questioning of other role groups' authority over students,
as well as demands for more student power, were found mainly
in the sixties at both schools. Rejection of the tradi-
tional image of students as immature and irresponsible was
also found mainly in the sixties--although very few such
eXpressions were recorded at Harvard. Finally, expressions

of class consciousness were found in both periods of high

143

activity, though in the sixties there was a greater emphasis
on common problems than in the thirties. In general, there
were more expressions of "class consciousness" at Wisconsin
than at Harvard. The similarities between the two schools
on the above statistical measures are reinforced by the
historical sketches of the four decades presented in the
next chapter.

Thus, the findings of this chapter are parallel to
those of Chapter III; both chapters traced trends in two
universities which were also found on the national level.
In Chapter III the similarities between the national trends
and the school trends were more readily visible, since sta-
tistics for both levels were presented. This chapter pre-
sents trends only for the individual schools, yet these
trends are very similar, and the similarities can be best
explained by concluding that changes in political activity
and attitudes of students at the two schools were part of
a national pattern of change. As was noted for the struc-
tural changes reviewed in Chapter III, so it must be noted
here that the word "national" does not refer to all the
universities in the nation: just as a relatively small
number of schools receive most of the federal money for
research and development, so some schools saw more student
activity than others. But the national character of the
changes in student political activity is important to empha-
size, because some scholars have attempted to explain the

student movement of the sixties through reference to

144

structural differences between American universities, such
as the differences between private, ivy league schools
(such as Harvard) and big, public state universities (such
as Wisconsin) (see, for one example, Lipset & Altbach,
1967).

While most of the trends described in this chapter
were similar at the two schools, some differences were
noted above. The one difference between Harvard and Wis-
consin which I think eXplains most of the discrepancies in
the above trends has to do with the image of Harvard as
well as with the nature of its student body. As mentioned
earlier, Harvard has been and still is a school for the
rich and capable few (although the order of the two may
have been reversing since World War II). The majority of
Harvard students are sons of the country's elite; the
majority of the students, by virtue of ascriptive status
as well as by virtue of their being students at what is
considered the top school in the country, will step into
their fathers' social positions. The students are well
aware of their privileged situation, as becomes clear from
a reading of every other year of the Crimson throughout
the last forty years--and that has not changed much since
the early thirties. The faculty and administration of
Harvard are also aware of it: they know that they are
dealing with the sons of the famous and the powerful, or
those that will become famous and powerful (see, for an

elaboration of this point, Meyerson, 1966, p. 274). As a

145

result, there has been less friction, less conflict, be-
tween students and administration and faculty at Harvard
than at Wisconsin. The image of students as immature or
irresponsible was not emphasized at Harvard, either by the
students or by other groups. When the Harvard student
government made studies of social or academic life at Har-
vard, those studies were respected by the administration--
although not always acted upon. Thus, most conflicts at
Harvard concerned off campus issues; and there were, up to
the sixties, fewer demands for student participation in
decision making, as well as a lesser questioning of the
authority of the faculty and administration than at Wis-
consin. That authority was simply not felt to be Oppres-
sive at Harvard. There was almost no questioning of the
image of student as immature--or of the concept of in 1939

parentis—-because those were not problems at Harvard.

 

Finally, the sense of belonging to the privileged fcw
probably accounts for the fewer expressions of class con-
sciousness found at Harvard.

Left and peace organizations were relatively more
prominent at Harvard than at Wisconsin because at Harvard
there were fewer student-administration disputes than at
Wisconsin--and in the off campus conflicts the most active
groups were those of the left. While at Wisconsin these
groups focused on campus issues during the thirties in
order to gain acceptance by the majority of the students,

at Harvard they had less ground for doing so.

146

Given the socio—economic status of Harvard students,
they raised few economic issues, and none during the thir-

ties, when such issues were most prominent at Wisconsin.

CHAPTER V

STUDENT ACTIVISM OVER FOUR DECADES

--A HISTORICAL SKETCH

This chapter will draw together some of the find-
ings regarding patterns of student political activity and
perceptions of students as regards their role in the uni-
versity and outside of it for each decade studied. It will
also provide a historical perSpective which will help in
understanding the changes which have occurred in student

political activity.

The Thirties

Much of the student political activity at Wisconsin
in the thirties was devoted to anti-war efforts and eco-
nomic issues. Other issues which made their appearance
periodically during this decade arose in response to attacks
on university radicals and "reds" on the part of conserva-
tive elements throughout the state, and most notably, in
the state legislature, and attempts by the same body to
reinstate compulsory military training (ROTC had been volun-
tary at the University of Wisconsin since 1923). The big-

gest such issue, a state senate investigation of "radical

147

148

and subversive" elements on campus in 1935, aroused united
opposition from administration, faculty, and students; an
all-university committee formed by student leaders to de-
fend the university from the state senate included repre-
sentatives from every major campus group. Other issues of
the decade included racial discrimination in intercollegi-
ate athletics and in the local community, persecution of
Jews in Nazi Germany, school facilities, and a protest over
the regents' firing of university president Glenn Frank,
joined by over 1,000 students.

Anti-war activity took the form of Armistice Day
demonstrations against participation in future wars (even
before World War II was imminent), conferences against war,
and annual anti-war strikes, beginning in the spring of
1934. These were generally national in scope and sponsored
by student communist, socialist, and religious organizations.
Anti-war activity was continuous throughout the fall of 1934:
the high points were an anti-war demonstration in Chicago;

a torchlight parade endorsed by many student organizations

including the Inter-Church Council, the Cardinal, the Inter-

 

fraternity Council, the Young Democrats, the Young Republi-
cans--and also the president of the university; and a peace
conference to which representatives from all campus organi-
zations were invited. The anti-war strike of April, 1935,

was attended by 830 students, who, along with other demands,

denounced the idea of compulsory ROTC at Wisconsin. Efforts

149

on the part of the university administration to take the
"radicalism" out of the strikes by declaring solidarity
with the students and offering sponsorship of "peace con-
vocations" instead of "anti-war strikes" made the fight
against war (or for peace) a respectable, very American
activity by the spring of 1937. The anti-war strike at the
University of Wisconsin that year was marked by an absence
of controversy, which its sponsors blamed for the small
turnout of 500 students. Two years later, when a European
war was imminent, an anti-war strike could no longer draw
large audiences. While 2,000 students attended a "peace
convocation" at which Harold Laski argued for collective
security, less than 100 students attended the strike organ-
ized by the local chapter of the Youth Committee Against
the War (YCAW).

At the last strike, in April of 1941, the peace
movement at Wisconsin had lost most of its following: the
peace convocations of previous years were replaced by a
foreign policy debate sponsored by student government
bodies and chaired by a member of the administration to
avoid any possible embarrassment to the university, and
the leftist groups could not manage to agree enough to hold
an alternative demonstration on their own--instead two
rival meetings were held on the same day.

The economic issues of the thirties included united
efforts by students, faculty and administration to prevent

the state legislature from cutting the university budget;

150

protests against food prices at the Wisconsin Memorial
Union and the low wages of students employed by the Union;
and an attempt to lower the compulsory Union fee of $10.
In 1938 the University League for Liberal Action (a local
organization affiliated with the American Student Union),

joined by the Cardinal, student government bodies, the

 

Interfraternity Council, and various dormitory associations
set up a student wages and hours agreement which it cam-
paigned to have local restaurants employing students sign.
"White List" signs were displayed in the windows of local
restaurants adhering to the agreement, and students were
urged to boycott any restaurant not on the list. The cam-
paign was very successful, and most of the local establish-
ments accepted the code.

During the thirties "student power" issues were
non-existent; such issues were not to arise until the six—
ties. Student government was an idea more or less imposed
on the students from above, so that the administration of
student affairs would be easier for faculty and adminis-
trators alike. There was no questioning of the relations
between the students, on the one hand, and the faculty and
administrators, on the other; disciplinary powers of the

faculty were taken for granted, and the Cardinal apologized

 

for discussing the question in an editorial (29 5/14/31).
It was the faculty that proposed student representation on
their committees dealing with student interests (in 1936);

it was the faculty that initiated curriculum changes and

151

had to campaign to get students' opinions on the issue (in
spring, 1939).

It is important to note that student political
activity was referred to at the time as a youth movement
as often as a student movement (see, for one example, 29
12/16/34). It was not conceived as a movement of students,
as such trying to play a part in national politics, but as
young people--most of them in colleges--sharing in the ef-
forts of their elders to improve the world, or, to change
it. There was no rejection of adult solutions as such--
only a preference for some adults' solutions over those of
others.

Leftist organizations initiated or were among the
initiators of twenty-two out of thirty-two conflicts re-
corded during the thirties. The student movement of the
decade was largely due to the efforts of the National Stu-
dent League (NSL), the Student League for Industrial Democ-
racy (SLID), and the various other organizations which grew
out of them, were formed by them, or were dominated by them.

Another important factor in those years was the
various religious organizations on campus and in the local
community. Besides being initiators of six conflicts dur-
ing these years, religious leaders and organizations were
usually readier than most other organized groups to publicly
support the leftist activists and join them in their causes.

Other non-political student organizations--dormitory

associations, class organizations, student governmental

152

units, etc.--were rather inactive as far as initiation of
conflicts was concerned. Fraternities and other social
organizations sometimes joined the action, but were rarely
among the initiators.

As far as the administration of the university is
concerned, during the first half of the decade it was
rather tolerant and cooperative with the student activi-
ties. Above all, it defended the right of the radical
groups to carry out their activities and came out strongly
against attacks on academic freedom from outside the uni-
versity. The administration cooperated with students in
Opposing reinstatement of compulsory ROTC and in protesting
against budget cuts by the legislature; it endorsed the
first anti-war activities, as well as the peace convocations
of later years. Towards the end of the decade, the mood
changed; in the spring of 1939, when students supporting a
peace strike--not the officially-sanctioned peace convo-
cation--distributed handbills on campus, the regents passed
a resolution prohibiting such action.

The appointment of President Clarence Dykstra to
the directorship of the draft in 1940 was accompanied by
an increasingly anti-radical, patriotic mood. There was
some resistance to the draft on the part of the YCAW and
the University League for Liberal Action, but these activi-
ties did not get much coverage in the student newspaper.

The Cardinal discussed the issue of radicalism at the Uni-

 

versity of Wisconsin under the heading, "The Myth of

153

Wisconsin Radicalism," and concluded that actually the
campus had never been receptive to radical ideas and activ-
ties, or, as they put it, "In every bushel, only one bad
apple" (Q9 4/29/41). And in the winter of 1941, Dean Good-
night requested that all student organizations submit com-
plete membership lists to the university. The Youth Com-
mittee Against the War could not find room in the university
to hold its national convention (in spite of the fact that
the university had hosted the American Student Union con—

vention the year before).

At Harvard, as at Wisconsin, the big issue during
the thirties was peace, or, rather anti-war activity. Eco-
nomic issues, which at Wisconsin were important, did not
exist at Harvard. The Depression began to be noticed at
Harvard only in 1932, and did not constitute a basis for
student political activity outside of theoretical discus-
sions at meetings of political clubs.

Related to the war issue was anti-fascist activity.
When a Hitler aide who was a Harvard alumnus was designated
as Marshal for commencement exercises, or when a delegation
of Italian students was officially received by the univer-
sity without clarifying that this act did not signify
approval of Mussolini's regime, left and liberal clubs
protested strongly.

There were also protests against "fascism—from-

within," mainly in the form of laws restricting civil

154

liberties. Students from Harvard traveled to Hartford,
Connecticut, to protest a Connecticut State College ruling
that students demonstrating against military training would
be expelled. Harvard students also protested against a law
requiring Massachusetts teachers to take an oath of loyalty,
as well as against proposals to remove the Communist Party
from the state ballot.

On several occasions, students protested the dis-
missal of faculty members--especially when the reason for
dismissal was suspected to be the radical views of the
faculty involved. The most celebrated such case was the
dismissal of two popular economics instructors, Alan Sweezy
and Raymond Walsh, who were active in the Teachers' Union.
Student and faculty protests succeeded in bringing about a
review of the dismissals. It is interesting to note that
one of the arguments used by the students in the case was
that more consideration should be given to teaching--rather
than research--when appointment decisions were made. This
issue was to become important in the sixties.

There were scattered conflicts involving discrimi-
nation, school facilities, aid to labor groups, as well as
aid to students of other campuses. A very interesting con-
flict took place when the Crimson Board decided to fight
the tutoring schools around Cambridge because the functions
of those schools were "inconsistent with sound educational
practice." The schools were said to steal exams and write

papers for their clients. The Crimson, supported by other

155

student publications and the faculty, succeeded in bringing
about open condemnation of the schools, as well as the
establishment of a university-sponsored tutoring service.

Leftist organizations were the single most active
group at Harvard, as they were at Wisconsin. They were
among the initiators of nineteen out of twenty-nine con-
flicts. SLID, NSL, and the Harvard Student Union were the
most prominent organizations during the thirties. The
second most active group was the Crimson, which partici-
pated in the initiation of five conflicts. In other words,
without the left, activity at Harvard during the thirties
would have been minor.

Throughout the decades the Crimson reported the
activities of the leftist groups in a humoristic, detached
tone. In contrast to the Cardinal, whose editors generally
supported the anti-war campaigns, the Crimson joined them
only towards the end of the decade.

The pattern of the anti-war strikes at Harvard was
similar to that at Wisconsin. The first one was attended
by about 200 students sympathetic to the cause, but also
by many hundreds who came to see a confrontation with a
vocal group opposed to the strike. The next year a special
faculty committee endorsed the strike, and 500 students
attended. Opponents of the strike had a much smaller
following this time; the changes in Europe, as well as the
changed attitude on the part of the faculty, had made the

strike more respectable, but there was no collaboration

156

between the administration and the student organizers such
as there was at the Wisconsin peace convocations. By 1939
there was a split within the anti-war movement, and two
separate meetings were held. The largest one, and the one
with faculty support, was sponsored by those who envisioned
United States participation in a EurOpean war. The other

one, still using the name "strike,' declared continuous
Opposition to participation in any war. In 1940 the split
between the two groups, and the arguments for and against
active participation in the European war, became the domi-
nant issue on campus. When President Conant demanded, in a
.radio speech, "direct naval and military assistance" to
Britain, and a student-faculty group was formed to support
his declaration, 500 students gathered to repudiate their
president's position. Six hundred students attended the
peace strike that year and many participated in a spring
drive to gather local citizens' support against Roosevelt's
pro-British policies. All these activities were Opposed by
active interventionists throughout the year; furthermore,
a split took place within the ranks Of the most active
anti-war group, the Harvard Student Union (affiliated with
the American Student Union) between interventionists and
non-inverventionists; the former walked out and formed the
Harvard Liberal Union.

As at Wisconsin, "student power" issues were non-
existent at Harvard. Furthermore, at Harvard there were

very few campus issues, in contrast to Wisconsin, where the

157

leftist groups attempted to gain support by focusing atten-
tion on campus problems. There were disagreements between
student groups and faculty and administration, but only in
the realm of political Opinions, as in the case Of Conant's
support for aid to Britain. Students at Harvard did not
question their position in the decision making structure
of their role set. One reason for this absence of con-
flict was Offered by the Crimson in a discussion of Harvard
undergraduates' indifference to "social movements":
. . . in a college where each member, student and
faculty alike, is left free to pursue his given task
and no Official thought is paid to caste, creed, color,
or previous condition of servitude, the average Har—
vard man finds it hard to see just what he can really
agitate about. Student publications, for instance,

are not victimized by political censorship, such as
the Daily Texan . . . (Crimson ll/28/36).

 

Harvard's administration stood aloof from the peace move-
ment, in contrast to Wisconsin's, which tried to manipulate
it, first in order to make it look respectable, and later,

in order to quiet it. More on the academic freedom of stu-
dents at Harvard and its influence on student-administration-

faculty confrontations will be said later.

The Forties

 

The decade of the forties contains two distinctive
periods as regards student political activity. The earlier
forties, when the ranks Of students were depleted by the
war effort, saw, as might be expected, very little student
activism. Only two conflicts at Wisconsin, one in 1942 and

one in 1944, are deserving Of mention here; both of them

158

were over the issue of religious and/or racial discrimi-
nation in housing. The 1942 issue was initiated by the

Cardinal in the wake Of rumors that black, Jewish, and

 

Chinese students were having difficulty finding rooms.

The 1944 issue arose over the University Club's
ouster of a black English instructor who had evidently been
accepted by mail (the Club is a social organization for
faculty members, some Of whom live there). Great pressure
was brought to bear on the faculty club members, until the
instructor was finally Offered membership and residence in
the Club.

The post-war years are not generally regarded as a
period of student activism, yet in 1946 and in 1948 there
were eight and ten conflicts, respectively--each year hav-
ing more conflicts than any single year studied in the thir-
ties. What was behind this activity? There was no single
issue that united all student groups as there was in the
thirties and the sixties. Rather, there was action on a
variety of issues by several student groups, most promi—
nently, student government bodies and the American Veterans'
Committee (a liberal veterans' organization formed nation-
ally by veterans who rejected the more conservative, flag-
waving organizations Of former soldiers). The single most
important organized factor was the AVC--they participated,
as initiators or supporters, in at least twelve out of the

eighteen conflicts recorded for 1948 and 1946. Outside of

159

the AVC, veterans were probably active in other organi-
zations as well.

The veterans acted from a different position than
political activists on campus traditionally: they came to
college late, seeking an education which would enable them
to enter the job market.- Moreover, the veterans would not
accept the argument that they were not yet mature or re—
sponsible enough to make decisions. After fighting in
EurOpe and in Asia, they would become indignant when told
that anything was none of their business.

There was a variety of issues involved in the con-
flicts of those years. There were the direct student
interest issues--increase in veterans' allowances, demands
for more basketball tickets for students, as well as two
celebrated attempts to get football coach Harry Strudreher
fired. There were anti-discrimination issues—-participation
in a drive to unseat a racist senator from Mississippi, as
well as a drive to eliminate discrimination from university
housing. There were civil liberties issues--Opposition to
legislative attempts to get rid of communists on campus,
as well as opposition to an administrative attempt to have
all organizations submit complete membership lists. Finally,
there were drives to return voluntary ROTC to the campus.

The greatest heat in 1946 was brought on by the
ROTC issue--which united many student groups--without any
apparent support from the faculty or the administration.

ROTC was again a big issue in 1948, and so was the scandal

160

around a petition to force the football coach to resign.
While the attempts to reinstitute a voluntary system of
military training failed, the unpopular coach took his
leave. Another important issue in that year--at least
retrospectively, was the initiation of a very extensive
study of discrimination in the university; the issue arose
when a black student who had been accepted in one of the
rooming houses when she applied by mail was refused accep-
tance upon appearance in person. The student government
conducted a very extensive study, over a period Of two
years. The recommendations were accepted by the faculty as
well as by the president, but when it came to the regents
(in 1950-51), the recommendations were ignored and a poor
substitute accepted in their stead. The issue, to be sure,
did not involve masses of students--it involved mainly the
student government, but it represented a big effort on the
part of student representatives to introduce changes in the
university, an effort that failed.

Another issue, one that appeared to be somewhat of
a scandal for the university, concerned the regents' fail-
ure to reappoint a popular political science instructor,
Howard McMurray, in spite Of the unanimous recommendation
Of McMurray's department and the Dean Of Letters and Science.

The Daily Cardinal hinted that the instructor was being

 

punished by the regents because he ran for Office as a
Democrat, but neither student nor faculty efforts to keep

him were of any avail.

161

The politics of the period—~as exemplified by the
conflict over discrimination in housing, were establishmen-
tarian politics. The main actors worked through estab-
lished channels; there were few demonstrations, mass ral-
lies, or strikes. The main means utilized were resolutions,
petitions, and delegations to the relevant authorities.
There was no questioning Of the superior role of other role
groups in the role set, as there was to be in later years.
The students played the game Of politics in a trade-unionist
fashion. It should also be pointed out that the results Of
the student actions were not always positive, yet there was
no attempt to give up the channels used, nor to question
their utility. Two decades later students would not accept
failure in so docile a manner.

In general, the administration was not as involved
in student activities in the forties as it was in the thir-
ties. On such issues as ROTC and legislative investigations
Of campus radicals, it remained aloof, probably due to the
general mood in the country at the time.

On other issues, like discrimination in housing and
a student request to remove a Lake Mendota boathouse con-
cession run by a reputed anti-Semite, the university ad-
ministration kept postponing their decision as tO what
action should be taken, and, in the final analysis, did
not give in to student demands.

Following the general mood of the times, the ad-

ministration attempted tO clamp down on radical groups,

l 11." III [I 'III 1' ll Ill: 11"! «III 'IIIIII
.L.

162

especially the American Youth for Democracy-~through the
application of a war-time ruling requiring all student
organizations to file complete membership lists. The rul-
ing was shelved only in the face of a strong, united protest

from the leaders of several student organizations.

At Harvard, there were only eight conflicts in the
forties, compared to twenty-two at Wisconsin. Why the
difference? In the first place, although Harvard had a
branch Of the American Veterans Committee, the organization
was very inactive, participating in the initiation of only
one of the seven conflicts in 1946 and 1948. The leadership
of the organization was not energetic, but more important,

a very small proportion of the campus veterans showed inter—
est in the organization's activities. One reason may be
that Harvard veterans were better Off financially than Wis-
consin veterans.

At Harvard, the most active group of the period was
the Harvard Liberal Union, which started as the inter—
ventionist section Of the Harvard Student Union in 1941,
and later affiliated with the United States Student Assem-
bly, formed in 1943 by liberal, pro-New Deal groups, with
the explicit exclusion of communists. Later in 1947, when
the organization wanted to join the newly formed Students
for Democratic Action, its membership defeated the move
because SDA excluded communists. Earlier in the same year

the communist-dominated executive committee of the HLU had

163

been unseated by the membership. This twisted pattern
affords a good partial explanation Of the relative in-
activity Of Harvard's students at the time: the most
active elements among them were torn by the issue Of ex-
clusion Of communists from their organizations, and thus
not only lost organizational vigor but also shied away from
activities that could be interpreted as adoption of com-
munist arguments. It should be pointed out that the proper
attitude towards communists was an issue in most Of the
student organizations of the time; furthermore, it was a
direct reflection of what was taking place outside of the
student organizations. Most important, the faculty at
Harvard was clearly in favor of exclusion of communists,
even when the activity in question was teaching. President
Conant was a member Of an Educational Policies Commission
sponsored by the National Educational Association and the
American Association of School Administrators which de—
clared that "members Of the Communist Party Of the United
States should not be employed as teachers . . . (because
such membership) and the accompanying surrender Of intel-
lectual integrity, render an individual unfit to discharge
the duties of a teacher in this country."

The students at Harvard did not actively fight for
civil liberties. When the Radcliffe chapter of the Ameri-
can Youth for Democracy refused to submit a requested list
Of its members to the administration, it was expelled by

the Radcliffe Student Council--an action seconded by the

164

Crimson. A similar incident at Wisconsin, it will be re-
called, aroused united opposition to the administration on
the part of most student organizations.

Thus, in addition to inactivity on the part of
organized veterans at Harvard, one finds student liberal
organizations torn by internal division over acceptance of
communist members and support of policies which might look
communist. The stand Of the president of the university
and Of the majority of the faculty, in turn, helped to
reinforce student reluctance to initiate political activity.

The actions that did take place concerned a variety
of issues. In 1946 the most notable conflict arose over
the refusal Of a local bar to allow entrance to black under-
graduates. A variety Of student organizations, as well as
local civic groups, joined in a series Of actions, includ-
ing a publicity campaign, a boycott of the bar, and a
picket, which finally brought about a change in the bar's
policies. In 1948 a conflict arose around the recommen-
dation that a plaque be erected as a memorial to Harvard's
Second World War dead. The overwhelming student majority
wanted the memorial to take the form of an activities
center and an auditorium. Several student organizations,
led by the Student Council, joined in a campaign to make
their views known to the thousands of Harvard alumni, but
the Corporation approved the plaque recommendation. In
the same year, the Dean of Students prOposed that all in-

quiries by student organizations to the vice president pass

165

first through his hands, in order to lighten the latter's
burden. The Student Council rose against the proposal. It
should be pointed out here that the Student Council at Har-
vard has traditionally been a study group rather than a
legislative or executive body. The Student Council's re-
ports were taken seriously by the administration, and were
the main voice and influence that students had in the run-
ning of Harvard. Thus, the reaction to a rule that would
impair their investigative powers was understandable. The
administration's reaction was very telling--the dean hur-
riedly apologized for his action, and declared he would
accept any recommendation on the part of the Council.

As at Wisconsin, students acted through established
channels during the forties. The main means used were reso-
lutions, petitions and delegations to campus authorities.
There was no questioning of the distribution of decision
making power within the university or outside it. At Har-
vard, more so than at Wisconsin, the late forties were a

clear prelude to the "silent generation" of the fifties.

The Fifties

 

With the graduation of the veterans, and under the
influence Of the cold war and an internal drive against
anything that could be called "red," activism on the Uni-
versity Of Wisconsin campus slowly disappeared. Compared
to the other periods covered here--with the sole exception

of World War II, the fifties present the quietest campus

166

scene. Radical groups were either non-existent, nonactive,
or, when active, hardly noticeable. The conflicts recorded
for this period usually dragged on for long periods of time,
and were almost never accompanied by the excitement of mass
participation or the tension of sharp confrontation. Most
Of the conflicts were fought by the Official organs Of the
student body--whether the Cardinal or the governmental
organizations. The Cardinal was clearly the most active
student institution, and it kept calling throughout the
period for more student interest and involvement in politi-
cal or social issues. The Cardinal also kept analyzing
the "Silent Generation," or the "Jellyfish Generation,"
in attempts to explain the inactivity of the students and
also to find a way out Of it. It openly attacked the one
cause it mentioned most frequently-~Senator Joseph McCarthy.

The most frequent issues in the fifties were pro-
tests against compulsory ROTC and budget cuts by the state
legislature. The fights against proposed budget cuts can-
not be understood without pointing out that they were
usually fought by the university as a whole--not only by
the students; it was relatively easy to get student signa-
tures on a subject on which faculty and administration
Openly agreed with the students, and furthermore, initiated
the action.

The fight against ROTC should be seen in light of
the fact that ROTC had been voluntary at Wisconsin since

1923, and was made compulsory again during the war, so that

167

it was a question of restoring something that had already
existed, and not of offering a completely new policy. Even
so, the protests against compulsory ROTC were mild. In
1950, as well as in 1956, the protest consisted of a small
group of silent, walking protestors carrying signs at a
ROTC function. In 1954, the immediate issue was a new
loyalty oath for ROTC men; the strongest protest against
the oath came from the faculty. The students (with the

exception Of the Cardinal) were too timid to use the issue

 

for a general attack on compulsory ROTC. In 1958 the ROTC
issue was in the hands of the student government, which
approached it by way of a detailed study and several reso-
lutions. This time, however, the student government suc-
ceeded in getting a voluntary ROTC bill to the legislature.

There was also activity in the field Of racial
discrimination--starting with the defeat Of a student pro-
posal for the elimination of discrimination in housing in
1950, after a two-year effort, and including a protracted
effort--which lasted into the sixties--to have fraternities
and sororities eliminate discriminatory clauses from their
charters.

Another theme in several of the conflicts was the
defense of free speech. In 1950-51 student organizations
made some stir over the refusal Of the Kemper-Knapp fund,
which usually supported guest Speakers, to finance the
appearance of Max Lerner. The students succeeded in bring-

ing him the same day Senator McCarthy appeared on campus

168

for a speech to the Young Republicans. McCarthy was
laughed at by part of the audience, while Lerner was
applauded, which led the latter to declare that the stu-
dents at Wisconsin were not part Of the "Marshmallow Gener-
ation." In 1954, Students for Democratic Action led a
drive against McCarthy, and in 1956 the campus organizations
put up a united front against a ruling by SLIC that would
require them to submit complete membership lists. This
conflict, which resulted in a partial victory for the stu-
dents, drew together the largest number Of organizations of
any of the conflicts recorded during the decade.

The issue of membership lists had started out of a
dispute between the Labor Youth League and SLIC, a dispute
which led, in the final analysis, to the disbandment of LYL.

The Daily Cardinal, commenting on the case, said:

 

The spirit of radicalism is dying. This became pain-
fully evident . . . with the announcement that the
Labor Youth League has finally succumbed to the com-
bined pressures Of the American Legion, the university
refusal to accept its Officers, and lack of membership.
It seeks likely that the third reason is the strongest
(29 10/2/56).

Which is a good commentary Of the status of radical groups

on campus in the fifties.

But radical groups were not the only ones that
failed to recruit an active membership. Student interest
in student government activities was not abundant either.
In April, 1953, for example, a laborious effort on the part

Of members of the student government to restructure their

organization was shelved after it failed to be approved in

169

a campus referendum because not enough students showed up
to vote.

Throughout the fifties, the administration's be-
havior toward student activism could best be described as
midway between traditional liberalism and harassment of
radical groups. Thus, the administration joined other uni-
versity administrations in protesting a ROTC loyalty oath
introduced in 1954 by the Defense Department, while, on
the other hand, it did everything possible to make life
difficult for the Labor Youth League. Since the radical
groups, as noted above, were small and generally rejected
by the student body, the administration rarely met Oppo-
sition to these actions, and its liberal reputation was

rarely challenged by the students.

At Harvard, the fifties were even less eventful
than at Wisconsin. Only seven conflicts were recorded in
that decade, compared to seventeen at Wisconsin; further-
more, for two Of the five years, 1954 and 1958, no con-
flicts were recorded at all.

The main issue during the early fifties was the
attacks on academic freedom by congressional investigative
committees. Harvard faculty members and students appeared
before these committees, some taking the Fifth Amendment.
The case of Furry, Kamin and Markham--three members Of the
faculty--was the most salient. When they refused to

testify about alleged communist affiliations the Corporation

170

undertook an investigation Of the case aimed at deciding
whether they could be maintained as teachers. Throughout
the investigation, the student body remained silent. When
the Corporation decided to keep the three, the Crimson
praised the action, though the editors expressed dissatis—
faction Over the fact that the Corporation saw refusal to
testify as "misconduct." When two law students were in-
vited to testify before the Jenner committee, no student
group supported them, and they were deprived of honors they
had achieved as outstanding students, including election
to the Harvard Law Review.

In the wake Of a wave Of cancellations by student
organizations of activities which might be construed as
sympathetic to communism, Arthur Schlesinger wrote to the
Crimson that he could not understand what the students were
afraid Of, since there was nothing in the communists' argu-
ments (in this particular case, those of Howard Fast) that
his "ten year Old son could not handle on a bad day" (Crime
gen 5/6/53).

The only actual conflict which arose over attempts
to stifle academic freedom occurred in March of 1953, when
several groups organized a Combined University Students'
Committee on Academic Freedom in anticipation of a visit
by Jenner's committee to Boston. When the CUSCAF planned
rallies in the various area colleges, culminating in a
mass rally on the Boston Common, the Student Council called

the action "rash." Eventually, the CUSCAF scrapped plans

171

for pickets and displays of buttons and banners, and
settled for petitions and small delegations. However,
when the two law students mentioned above were called be-
fore Jenner, CUSCAF did not protest. Thus, the student
organizations Of the fifties did almost nothing about the
biggest issue Of the time.

Another conflict arose in the area of student-
administration relations. The issue was a set Of regu-
lations applying to Harvard's student organization. When
in late 1948 the Dean Of Students declared that a new set
of regulations was necessary, the Student Council devoted
a long time to drawing up recommendations. A faculty com-
mittee revised most of the Council's prOposals and finally,
in February Of 1951, the dean published the new regulations,
ignoring most of the Council's recommendations. The main
disagreements were on rules requiring the filing of member-
ship lists (the students argued that the lists should be
made available to the dean upon request, but should not be
opened to outside investigators) and on whether Cliffies
could be members of Harvard organizations (the students
thought they should). Despite the many efforts expended
by the Council on their study of the question, when the new
regulations ignoring their work were published, the Council
backed down on most of its earlier demands, and decided to
pursue "further study" Of the membership rule. This was a
far cry from the students' reaction to the administration's

failure to accept some of their prOposals in the sixties.

172

It should be pointed out that although there was no
overt harassment of leftist organizations at Harvard, as
there was at Wisconsin, the requirement that they file mem-
bership lists with the administration made their existence
impossible. Thus, the John Reed Club decided to go under-
ground instead Of publishing their names, and the Young
Progressives had to lose their charter because they could
not find twenty members (minimum required) willing to have
their names associated with the organization.

At Harvard, as at Wisconsin, students not only
feared to join radical groups, but were apathetic towards
any type Of political activity. Thus, when the Student
Council decided to hold its first publicized meeting in
March 1955, only ten students came. The biggest political
activities were, as at Wisconsin, during election years, in
the contests Of the Young Democrats and the Young Republi-
cans. Towards the end Of the decade, though, the Committee
for a Sane Nuclear Policy and the Committee to Study Dis-
armament made their appearance and provided the basis for
much activity in 1959-60 (which was not included in the
sample) and 1960-61 (which was).

As at Wisconsin, the main groups active were govern-
mental groups--mainly the Student Council--and the means
employed were representational. Above all, there was very

little activity, and very few students participated in it.

173

The Sixties

 

When one looks at the development of the student
movement at Wisconsin in the sixties, he finds, first of
all, a variety of issues, tactics, groups, and patterns of
participation; the picture is one of a growing general fer-
mentation rather than of a few organizations striving co-
hesively and in unison for the achievement Of a number of
goals.

In 1960, there was small-scale action lacking any
noticeable following on the campus at large--by the Social-
ist Club (against United States intervention in Cuba), by
the Student Peace Union and other small peace groups against
massive spending for civil defense and disarmament--as well
as anti-HUAC activity, a reaction to the San Francisco anti-
HUAC demonstrations and the infamous "Operation Abolition"
film. It is interesting to note that the student govern-
ment at the time started to show interest in Off campus
issues, limiting itself, though, to the passage Of reso-
lutions such as one expressing sympathy for Algeria. It
should also be noted that this action--not to mention the
activity of the socialist and peace groups--drew strong
criticism from the Cardinal, which argued that students
should not concern themselves with affairs which are
"neither Of our (student) making nor within our power to
resolve" and are "completely outside the area of student

responsibility" (QC 4/25/61).

174

The 1962—63 school year is similar to that of 1960-
61. The Socialist Club and peace groups such as the Student
Peace Union and SPAD (Students for Peace and Disarmament),
as well as the Young Socialist Alliance, were the groups
that showed concern with off campus action (Cuba, HUAC,
help to Kentucky miners). The biggest conflict, though,
was a protest by fraternity and sorority members against a
faculty rule that required campus fraternal organizations
to be autonomous from their national organizations with
regard to membership regulations, so as to be able to ac—
cept members without racial or religious discrimination.
Failure to comply with the rule brought a threat of expul—
sion to one sorority, and this, in turn, ignited a strong
controversy about how much the faculty and administration
could regulate student organizations, as well as a demon-
stration by 1,200 Greeks on Bascom Hill.

The year 1964-65 was different. The first part Of
the year had some of the Old themes--there was a fight to
abolish housing regulations, as well as a continuation of
the fight against the anti-discrimination rules concerning
sororities and fraternities. There was anti-HUAC activity,
as well as a large crowd at an anti-Goldwater rally. Stu-
dents began tO express dissatisfaction with the adminis-
tration; the leader of the fight against housing regula-
tions said that "if the administration really trusted its
students, the Student Life and Interest Committee (SLIC)

would be abolished, and only students would debate the

175

matters now coming before SLIC" (29 10/28/64). Two years
later, this exact proposal--at the time not widely sup-
ported, became the actual demand of a widely based movement
to abolish SLIC.

In the spring Of 1965, the campus had already seen
an anti-Vietnam demonstration, and now the Student Faculty
Committee to End the War in Vietnam organized a teach-in on
the war, similar to the first one held at the University of
Michigan, attended by around 5,000 students. The event
aroused bitter opposition from an anti-left, pro-Vietnam
group, which organized a Committee to Support the People of
South Vietnam and gathered 6,000 signatures supporting the
government's policies on the war. The same spring also saw
strong civil-rights activity, focused around the drive to
help civil rights workers in the South, with relatively
large delegations sent to Selma, Alabama, and Washington,
D.C., as well as local rallies in support of these struggles.
In the same year, as if to exemplify the rather absurd posi-
tion of the student in the university-~at the same time
that thousands of students were participating in activities
concerning the war in Vietnam, and hundreds were getting
involved in the struggle for civil rights, residents of the
dormitories were arguing with Residence Hall administrators
over how they were to dress for dinner.

The 1966-67 school year saw war protest as its
major issue, whether in the form of silent vigils against

the war or in heckling of Teddy Kennedy for his refusal to

176

address himself to the questions of the war, or in pickets
of election booths protesting the lack of discussion of
the war in the election campaigns. Other protests centered
around the Spring Mobilization Against the War--two nation-
ally-coordinated peace rallies, one in New York and the
other in San Francisco. Madison sent 175 participants to
New York and also was the scene of an accompanying protest
against CIA recruitment on campus. At the same time,
labor-union type organizations for the protection of stu-
dent interests made their appearance, the most prominent
in that year being the Student Tenant Union. There were
also protests over failure to consult residents of the
dormitories on the hiring and firing of housefellows, as
well as a huge protest over the city's refusal to remove
a hazardous bus lane from a campus street.

The year also saw a big student power conflict.
Arising out Of an SDS anti-Dow sit-in and an attempt to
revoke the status of SDS as a student organization, a dis-
pute developed as to who had the final say as to the status
of a student organization, SLIC or the Student Court. Two
campus parties, one of them the University Campus Action,
which had been formed earlier that year by members Of radi-
cal groups on the assumption that the best way to achieve
their goals would be to form themselves into a regular
student party, introduced a bill to the Student Senate
that would put final responsibility over student group and

social life in the hands of the student government. The

177

bill was passed, over the Opposition of conservative stu-
dent delegates. A long discussion Of the constitutionality
of the bill ensued, including a campus-wide referendum in
which 6,146 out of 10,052 students approved the bill. The
issue was not resolved during that school year, but the con-
flict represented the culmination Of the issue Of student
independence from faculty and administrative tutelage.

The year 1968 was characterized by student attempts
to participate in several aspects Of university life--ad-
missions (of black students), curriculum, teaching assist-
ants' salaries, and student discipline. The biggest con~
flict occurred over demands of the Black People's Alliance.
The organization originally presented the administration
with a list of eight demands. The demands were not met,
and the issue came to a head when in February the BSA pre-
sented an ultimatum, declaring that the administration had
to meet thirteen demands, or they would shut down the uni-
versity. Strikes, sit—ins, disruptions, and confrontations
between students and police and national guardsmen followed
upon these demands, with as many as 7,000 students joining
the black students, supported by the student government,

the Daily Cardinal, and various departmental organizations.

 

Students, the "unconsulted consumer" (Qg_ll/20/69),
tried to achieve participation in making educational policy
by working through the system; students in departments of
History, Psychology, Political Science, English, and Engi-

neering and Science formed departmental associations whose

178

concerns were "for creating a community of scholars in which
professors and students treat each other as equals and, as
groups, have an equal voice in determining the policies
which affect them" (29 11/5/68). When communications be-
tween departmental associations and faculty broke down,
students protested, as when the history faculty passed a
resolution excluding students from departmental meetings a
month after it had unanimously agreed to Open these meet-
ings to students.

The same year, the Teaching Assistants' Association
demanded "participation in and negotiation of the decisions
that affect the terms and conditions of the employment of
TA's at the University"; i.e., recognition Of the TAA as
the exclusive bargaining agent of the TA's at Wisconsin.
Their demand was at first refused, but in May, following a
referendum in which the overwhelming majority of TA's
voted for the TAA, the organization was certified as the
Official union.

The year also saw students viewing their community
as apart from the rest of the city, a community over which
they alone had the right to exercise control. Attempts on
the part Of the District Attorney and Chief of Police to
censor the play "Peter Pan" were met with defiance on the
part Of the director and cast and a barrage of letters to
the Cardinal from outraged students. When the Board of
Regents attacked the Cardinal for its use of Obscene

language, the traditionally independent paper's reaction

179

was, "Up against the Wall, Re...ts," a denouncement of the
"outright effort to exert regent authority on students'
life and interests as well as a violation Of the freedom

of the press and free speech" (29 ll/5/68). In May a block
party held in the Mifflin Street area turned into a riot
when police came to break it up. It was followed by sev-
eral days of protests and battles between students and
police. The incident aroused general demands for "the
right to control the business Of life in our own commun-
ity" (DC 5/6/69).

During the 1968-69 school year, SDS and WDRU (the
Wisconsin Draft Resistance Union) worked together on labor
issues; they joined picket lines with striking teamsters
and city employees, and picketed local supermarkets carry-
ing California grapes in support of the grape boycott.

This year was also characterized by the sheer num-
bers of students that participated in protests and demon-
strations. In addition to the protests already mentioned,
3,000 students participated in a march designed to express
support for GI's in California who were opposed to the war,
and 2,000 participated in a march whose dual purpose was
to protest the election system in the United States and
the return Of Dow Chemical Company recruiters to campus
(the year before a peaceful protest against Dow erupted
into a violent student-police confrontation when police
forcibly removed demonstrators from the Commerce Building

and was followed by a general class strike).

180

Finally, students did not limit their protests to
university authorities, but brought their grievances to the
Madison City Council and the Dane County Board Of Super-
visors, probably because Of the presence of student members
on these bodies: draft cards were burned before the eyes
of members of the Dane County Board of Supervisors, and
draft resisters turned in their draft cards to the Mayor
at a meeting of the Madison City Council. Students also
attended hearings on rezoning proposals and attempted to
prevent high-rise buildings from being built in low-rent

residential areas.

Harvard students in the fall of 1960 seemed to be
aware that they were entering a new phase of political
activism, already begun in the previous year. The first
issue Of the Crimson featured articles on student politics
in the thirties and fifties, as well as descriptions of
current political styles.

The year saw twice as many conflicts at Harvard as
at Wisconsin. The most important issue was disarmament,
and the most active organization was Tocsin, a disarmament
group which organized an all-day, university-wide demon-
stration, hailed as the first demonstration on such a
scale in more than fifteen years. The purpose of this
well-organized and well-publicized effort was to stimulate
student thought and discussion of disarmament and to in-

fluence the government's policies. The group was invited

181

to discuss its proposals with a member of the State Depart-
ment after the demonstration; something that could happen
only at Harvard. The same year saw the beginning of civil
rights activity at Harvard, which included a SNCC-sponsored
election protest against denial Of voting rights to south-
ern blacks and a picket Of Kresge stores.

As at Wisconsin, there were protests against the
HUAC film "Operation Abolition" and against United States
intervention in Cuba. However, the most sensational con-
flict of the year was typical Harvardanian: 4,000 students
participated in demonstrations, sit-ins and disruptions Of
traffic in protest against a decision to print diplomas in
English rather than Latin. With a slogan of "Latin si,

Pusey no,’ the whole affair had the flavor Of a traditional
spring riot, and the administration held to its original
decision.

In 1962-63 disarmament and civil rights were the
major issues, with the latter assuming first importance.
Civil rights activities were coordinated with other Boston-
area colleges through the Civil Rights Coordinating Com-
mittee. These activities centered around three areas:
tutorial help for black school children, discrimination in
housing, and discrimination in employment practices. Most
efforts were directed to legal channels rather than to

public protests. One notable exception was a mass rally

held on the Boston Common to protest the treatment Of

182

marchers in Birmingham, Alabama, in which over 200 Harvard-
Radcliffe students participated.

Tocsin continued to be an active organization,
joining a peace demonstration in New York and organizing
a protest against the Cuba blockage. The only on campus
issue of the year concerned the firing of Richard Alpert
and Timothy Leary for eXperimenting with hallucinogenic
drugs and undergraduates, but the firing took place too
late in the year for any serious protest to develop.

At Harvard, as at Wisconsin, the 1964-65 school
year was a very active one. Student activity became more
militant; Tocsin dissolved itself and bequeathed its pos-
sessions to SDS, because "Its members are turning away from
a passive study of peace and foreign policy and instead,
embracing direct participation in the domestic problems
which they see facing the country" (Crimson 10/3/64). Most
of the student political activity occurred in spring, and
most of it centered around civil rights, especially the
Selma-Montgomery march; and Vietnam. The Crimson, which
in 1962-63 had taken a jaundiced view Of student protests,
supported the activists wholeheartedly. There appeared to
be increased social awareness among the traditionally aloof
student body, with many students volunteering for community-
poverty type projects and some helping local residents to
right urban renewal.

Protests against United States involvement in Viet-

nam began in the winter, organized by SDS and the May

183

Second Movement. Protest activity was continuous through-
out the spring semester. Much of it was coordinated with
other Boston-area colleges, and included a rally on Boston
Common, participation in the April nation-wide march on
Washington, several sit-ins, and attempts to contact and
challenge government Officials.

Interest in civil rights was high, with students
following closely the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party's
voter registration drive and the SNCC-SCLC-sponsored Selma-
Montgomery march. Several Harvard students and faculty
joined marchers in Selma and Montgomery, and delegations
were sent to the Washington demonstration organized by SNCC.
In Boston, Harvard-Radcliffe students picketed, sat-in and
finally slept in at the Federal Building to protest the
violence in Selma and to demand federal protection for the
marchers. They also joined a large demonstration held on
the Boston Common to mourn the death Of a Boston minister
beaten to death in Selma and to demand federal intervention.

The 1966-67 year saw increased student political
activity, much of it centered around the Vietnam war. Dur-
ing the course Of the year student Opinion solidified
against the war, and by the end of the year the Crimson
reported that almost a quarter of the undergraduates had
either signed "We Won't GO" pledges or requested the govern-
ment to institute "conscientious objector" status on the
basis Of an individual's dissent from a specific war (Grim:

son, Commencement Issue, 1967). SDS organized protests

184

against Dow recruiters, against Hubert Humphrey, and against
John McNamara when the latter refused to debate the war dur-
ing a visit to Harvard. As in 1964-65, spring brought con-
tinuous activity against the war, only this time many more
students participated. Many joined the Spring Mobilization
to End the War in Vietnam. Other anti-war activities were
joined or initiated by such diverse groups as the Young
Democrats, the African and Afro-American Student Associ-
ation, the East Asian Studies Department, and Divinity
School students. A special effort independent Of the New
Left was made by a group of moderate students, who organized
the National Day of Inquiry on Vietnam, a teach—in held on
more than seventy campuses, and petitions to the government
for an alternative form of service for those who could not
"in good conscience" fight in Vietnam. Finally, both moder-
ate and radical students joined a coalition which included
faculty members and local residents to organize citizens
against the war, a project dubbed "Vietnam Summer."

This was the year that students at Harvard began
to question the administration's "undemocratic decision
making" (Crimson 1/25/67). Graduate students began to
agitate for reform in the Medical School, the School Of
Education, the Law School, the Graduate School Of Design,
and the Department of Economics, questioning the value Of
required curricula, seeking a closer relationship with the
faculty, and asserting that they should play a larger role

in determining the educational and administrative policies

185

of their schools. However, this agitation did not take

the form of organized protest; rather, students petitioned
their deans for changes. Most Of these petitions were
granted, although the Crimson lamented that "after one

year Of subdued agitation, there have been no major changes
in student-administration relations in any Of the parts of
the University" (Crimson 2/11/67).

The first real student-power conflict occurred at
Radcliffe rather than at Harvard College, when a group Of
girls began a hunger strike to Obtain the right of all
seniors to have their own apartments, declaring that "If
students were adequately represented in the administrative
process, such extreme protests as ours would not be neces-
sary" (Crimson 5/15/67). The strike was called Off when
the president of Radcliffe set up a committee to arbitrate
the diSpute, the girls lost, and the Crimson declared that
"Consultation is as much a myth at Radcliffe college as
it is in the Johnson administration" (Crimson 5/22/67).
Another attempt to gain more student power occurred when
the Federation Of Teaching Fellows was formed. However,
the teaching fellows were no more successful than the
Cliffies; their demands were turned down by the adminis-
tration at the end Of the academic year.

Of the various conflicts that took place during
1968-69, one, revolving around the status Of ROTC at Har-
vard and culminating in the occupation Of University Hall,

overshadowed all the rest. The conflict started early in

186

the fall when the Harvard Undergraduate Committee proposed
withdrawing academic privileges from ROTC. The proposal
was supported by the Harvard-Radcliffe Policy Committee,
and was considered by the Student-Faculty Advisory Com-
mittee, a group formed to facilitate communications between
students and faculty after the anti-Dow demonstrations Of
the previous year. At this point SDS entered the scene.
While both HUC and HRPC--student-governmental bodies that
had achieved moderate success in reforming various aspects
of student life at Harvard--were proposing withdrawal Of
academic privileges--such as credit, course descriptions
in the catalogue, and Corporation appointments for ROTC
instructors--SDS took the position that the basic issue
was not academic but moral; since ROTC trained Officers
for an army that engaged in suppression Of freedom abroad,
keeping the program on campus was equivalent to condoning
and collaborating with the actions Of the military. Accord-
ingly, SDS demanded complete removal of ROTC--even as an
extracurricular activity--from Harvard.

Throughout the year, student Opinion was divided
over the above proposals. However, SDS set the tone by
the initiatives it tOOk to implement its position, and
soon the issue was confounded by a controversy over tactics,
violence, and the structure Of decision making at the uni-
versity. When a faculty meeting was called to discuss the
alternative proposals on ROTC, SDS demanded to be allowed

into the meeting. When the administration refused, about

187

200 students sat in at the University Hall, awaiting the
faculty. The administration, however, canceled the meet-
ing, and took bursar cards from many of the students. For
the next few months the emphasis turned to the issue Of
punishment. SDS argued that punishment would be "political
suppression," and the moderates asked the administration
not to punish the demonstrators. In addition, a special
faculty committee was appointed to consider the prOposal
to allow student attendance at future faculty meetings; as
a special measure, three student-governmental bodies were
invited to send Observers to current faculty meetings.

During the winter months, the faculty passed a
resolution recommending the withdrawal Of academic credit
from ROTC. In response, the administration, and especially
President Pusey, hinted that they wanted to keep ROTC on
campus.

Things came to a head when SDS organized the occu-
pation of University Hall: 250 students took over the
building, physically removing several deans from it. Dur-
ing the night, the administration called the police. While
a great part Of the student body watched and hissed, local
police brutally removed the occupiers, resulting in condem-
nation Of the administration by moderate groups. The next
day, 2,000 students met and called a three-day strike, de-
manding that charges against demonstrators be dropped, that
a binding referendum be held on ROTC and that the Corpor-

ation be restructured. At that time the organization Of

188

blacks at Harvard joined the protest, adding their demands
for student power in the proposed Afro-American Studies
Department. After three days, it was decided at a second
mass meeting to prolong the strike for three more days. A
list of demands similar to that supported by SDS was drawn
up, including, in addition to the original three demands,
an end to Harvard's physical expansion in Cambridge.

The faculty resolved to limit the status Of ROTC
to that Of any other extracurricular activity, and the Cor-
poration promptly declared that it would faithfully abide
by the faculty's vote on ROTC and relocate any tenants
evicted by Harvard's expansion plans. The students then
decided to halt the strike for seven days and hold a secret
ballot on resuming it. Later, the faculty approved the
blacks' demands for an increased role in the planned Afro-
American department, and the Corporation again declared its
intention to abide by the faculty's vote on ROTC. The
secret ballot found that a 74% majority wanted no further
strike. SDS, dissatisfied by the excessive emphasis put
throughout on student power instead Of on the moral aspects
Of ROTC, continued with several demonstrations and dis-
ruptions of meetings of a committee appointed to consider
disciplining the demonstrators, but the high point of the
conflict was over. It was, beyond doubt, the biggest con-
flict in the history of Harvard.

Aside from the ROTC conflict, the most persistent

issue in the 1968-69 year involved student power at the

189

departmental level, although it was not always manifested
in the form Of Open conflicts. Students in Romance Lan-
guages, Comparative Literature, English, Education, History,
Physics and other departments brought up grievances and de-
manded changes, in many cases involving student represen-
tation. A confrontation occurred at the Law School, when
students demanded representation at faculty meetings as
well as a rehauling Of the grading system. In addition,
the content of several courses was criticized by students.
A course on urban violence was changed drastically after
black students protested its content.

Black students were very active: the main Object
was the creation Of an Afro-American Studies department, in
which they demanded and received student representation.
Black students were also active with respect to curriculum
and recruitment to various departments. Finally, black
students at Radcliffe demanded increased recruitment of
black girls, as well as a voice in the appointment of an
admission Officer to deal with black recruitment. When
Radcliffe's administration failed to respond fast enough,

a sit-in and pickets covered by national TV brought about

quick acceptance Of most demands by the administration.

The decade Of the sixties saw a student movement on
both campuses which was quite different from anything seen
before. In sheer numbers Of participants, variety of

activities, and scope of issues, this movement was

190

unprecedented. But there are other characteristics which
are more important. In the sixties students as a group
questioned the relationship between themselves and the
traditional members of their role set--the administration
and the faculty, as well as a variety of local authorities;
they also went beyond the campus to assert themselves in
areas of national concern to a larger degree than ever be-
fore. For the first time, student groups rejected the
rights of other groups to make a variety of decisions con—
cerning them, and they asserted their own right to par-
ticipate with other groups in their role set in the making
Of certain decisions. In a number of areas, students
asserted that they were the only ones who could make
decisions.

At Wisconsin, especially, there was a rejection Of
the image of students as immature, irresponsible young peo-
ple not yet able to make or participate in the making of
decisions of the adult world. There were expressions Of
"class consciousness" appearing in on campus issues as
well as in off campus ones, and extending to students in
other universities. There were also expressions Of re-

jection Of the traditional concept Of in loco parentis.

 

Furthermore, a very large number of conflicts took
place--larger than in any other period--and there was a
greater variety of issues around which conflicts arose.
Student groups recurred to a variety Of means when they

were involved in conflicts. Means such as resolutions,

191

representations to the authorities, and petitions were still
in use, but the most frequent means used were mass means--
demonstrations, sit-ins, mass meetings, and strikes. Large
numbers of students were visibly and sometimes violently
involved in the conflicts. And when student demands were
not met, students insisted on their rights rather than back
down, even when the university authorities sought help from
local and state forces.

In the sixties, students were found in the center
Of politics--they did not--like their predecessors Of the
thirties--follow the policies of adult organizations.
Rather, they initiated issues, and they were among the most
active supporters of those issues, if not the most active
ones. The faculty that in prior periods had had to campaign
to recruit student support in political action, found them-
selves playing second fiddle, when not playing a different
tune altogether. The same holds true for many Of the tra-
ditional adult organizations that in earlier periods had
raised some Of the issues that student groups raised in the
sixties. The campus became a strong focal point for politi-
cal action--and not because of the faculty or the adminis-
tration.

Student political activism of the sixties was not
the type of activism that dismaying faculty and individual
student leaders of the past had hOped that students would
engage in: it was rather activism that strove towards

changes inside the university as well as outside of it.

192

Students were not merely in the position Of supporting
other groups in the process Of change, but were rather
one of the central actors, if not, as some members of

the New Left have suggested, the central actor.

CHAPTER VI

ANALYSIS OF THE FINDINGS AND

ALTERNATIVE EXPLANATIONS

This chapter will deal with the nature of the re-
lationship between the changes in the variables described
in Chapter III and the changes in the variables described
in Chapter IV. This will be done by reviewing the hypothe-
ses as formulated in Chapter II, and by discussing some
important issues pertaining to the relationships under
study.

It should be pointed out at the start that at the
planning stages of this study I expected to find that grad-
ual changes in the variables described in Chapter III (uni-
versity involvement in national decisions, size Of the stu-
dent population, duration Of the role of student, etc.)
would be accompanied by a parallel gradual change in the
variables described in Chapter IV (students' expectations,
and political activity); I expected the general relation-
ship tO look like that depicted in Figure 3. As will be
seen in the following pages, this was not the nature of

the relationship found empirically.

193

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195

Review of the Hypotheses

 

Hypotheses l and 3 stated that:

l. A rise in the prominence of the university role
set, as manifested by the increasing involvement
of the university in social decisions, has been
associated with an increase in the number and
variety of social and political issues with which
students concern themselves and on which they act.

3. A change in the composition of the student popu-
lation from a fairly homogeneous one to a more
heterogeneous one has been associated with an
increase in the number and variety of social and
political issues with which students concern them-
selves, and on which they act.

As was seen in Chapter III, the universities' in-
volvement in national decisions started as a result of the
Second World War. After the war, the new position of the
United States as a major international power and its mili-
tary competition with the Soviet Union contributed to the
continuance Of the war-time relationship between the federal
government and universities. The relationship grew through-
out the fifties, and was accentuated by the scientific
competition between the two super-powers after the first
Sputnik was launched.

Chapter III also showed a trend towards increasing
heterogeneity of the student body. Although the data pre-
sented there were far from being satisfactory, and cannot
serve as a basis for specification of exact patterns of
change, they show that the socio-economic and ethnic compo-
sition Of the student body has been changing since the

Second World War, and especially since the late fifties

and early sixties. The same is true about geographical

196

origin Of Wisconsin and Harvard students. In other words,
the patterns Of change in both university involvement in
national decisions and the heterogeneity of the student
body appear to be similar in that they both started after
the war and were accentuated in the late fifties. These
patterns were on the whole similar at both Harvard and
Wisconsin, and they followed general national trends.

In Chapter IV it was shown that the sixties wit-
nessed an increase in the number and variety of issues on
which students acted; the contrast between the sixties and
previous decades was greater at Wisconsin than at Harvard.
It is important to add here that these issues were acted
upon, in the sixties, by a greater variety of student
groups--again, more so at Wisconsin than at Harvard--and
that while the student groups Of the thirties were follow-
ing the policies of adult organizations on many issues,
those of the sixties initiated most of the action on their
own.

As for the relationship between university in-
volvement in national decisions and growing heterogeneity
of the student body, on the one hand, and the number and
variety of issues with which students concern themselves
and on which they act, on the other, while the first two
increased gradually throughout the fifties and sixties,
the change in the third came in the sixties, and in a rather
abrupt form, intensifying rapidly in a few years. The

immediately preceding period, the decade Of the fifties,

197

was a very quiet period. In other words, there was a lag
of more than a decade between the start of the changes in
the first two variables and the start of the change in the
third one (see Figures 4 and 5 for a graphic represen-

tation of this relationship based on selected indicators).

According to Hypotheses 4 and 5,

4. A growing necessity to attend college in order tO
succeed in life, as well as an increase in the
duration Of the role of student, have been associ-
ated with an increasing feeling on the part of
students that they have a right to participate in
the decision making structure of the university,
as well as a growing Opposition to the traditional
authority of the faculty and the administration
over student affairs.

5. An increase in the duration of the role Of student
and the growing necessity to go to college have
also been associated with a change in students'
self-perception from one of individuals preparing
themselves for citizenship and adulthood, to one
Of full citizenship and adulthood.

Chapter III demonstrated that a larger prOportion
of students occupy their role for a longer time now than
ever before. The upward trend started before the war; after
the war the GI Bill created a great increase in the graduate
population, but the trend continued to rise even after the
veterans left the campus, and especially after the late
fifties. It was also shown that since the end Of the Second
World War more people--both parents and children-~perceived
that higher education was important for success in life;

here too there was an accentuation of the trend during the

late fifties.

198

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Harvard--percentage of
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/

Harvard:
students,

199

Radcliffe--percentagc of
students

out-Of-state

Percentage Of income
from federal sources

Number of

//”” conflicts

 

66 68

This figure is based on Tables 7, 19, and 20, and on Figure 2,

Percentage Of income from federal sources, percentage of out-of-state
and number of conflicts,

1930-1968.

200

The attitudinal changes--demands for more decision
making power on the part of students, rejection Of the
authority Of faculty and administration over student af-
fairs, and rejection of the traditional image Of the stu-
dent as a citizen on the way--took place, as was seen in
Chapter III, in the sixties, or, more precisely, in the
middle and late sixties. While expressions of the above
attitudes were found in previous years, their frequency
and concentration, as well as the degree Of decision making
demanded--were much higher in the sixties.

The pattern of relationships between the independent
and dependent variables here is similar to that in Hypothe-
ses l and 3. While the changes in the duration of the stu-
dent role and in the necessity to go to college took place
throughout the post-war period--accentuated during the late
fifties--the change in attitudes became apparent only in
the middle sixties. In other words, here again there was a
lag Of more than a decade between the start of the change
in the independent variables and that in the dependent ones.
Moreover, the changes in the attitudes were not gradual,
occurring over a long period of time, but rather abrupt
(see Figures 6 and 7 for a graphic representation of this
relationship based on selected indicators).

Hypothesis 6 stated that:

6. An increase in students' feelings Of their right

to a voice in university and Off university deci—

sions, and the change in their self-perception

with regards to citizenship and adulthood, have
been associated with an increase in their political

65*
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30 32 34 36 38 40 4

2()1.

Shukntlxlumusferlkwe
Dudsthflddmg Rune

Student Rejection of Faculty
and Adeinistratien Authority

Student Rejection of Their
hundtunallnnge

. - O.
. “‘I-cp a“
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--- -"
-.— /\

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4‘

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I I T— v

struction of attitude scales.

Percentage of Men Graduates
Atteuung Gnunnmeiaflmol

Percentage of Graduate Students
nIthe saunas Bun!

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f7 ., ..... m...
I

 

15 48 5b 5a 54 5b as 60 52 64

This figure is based, partially, on Tables 16, 25, 26, and 30.

 

 

 

66 68

See Appendix B for con-

Figure 6. Wisconsin: Percentage of men and women graduates attending graduate school, percentage

of graduate students in student body, percentage of professional and technical occupations
in the United States labor force, student demands for more decision making power, student
rejection of faculty and administration authority, and student rejection of their tra-

ditional image, 1930-1968.

202

75 " Student Demands for More

Decision Making Power Percentage of Male Seniors Planning
an Illediate Graduate Study

     

and Administration Authority
65 ' Student Rejection of Their

70" II Student Rejection of Faculty
I Traditimal Image

so ..

L /

SS 0 \ I..- I/’ \ ‘ /’
/’ ~\ , / .‘ //
SO 4) v I /

\ / Percentage of Graduate Students
\ / in the Student Body
454> ‘ /

Percentage of Jason Graduates

Attending Graduate School
40“

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251'

200

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50
L—_Ll.n n J _ .

3O 32 34 36 38 40 42 44 46 48 50 52 54 56 58 60 62 64 66 68

 

 

 

NOTE: This figure is based, partially, on Tables 17, 23, 24, 26, and 30. See Appendix B for
construction Of attitude scales.

Figure 7. Harvard: Percentage of male seniors planning on immediate graduate study, percentage
Of women graduates attending graduate school, percentage of graduate students in the
student body, percentage of professional and technical occupations in the United States
labor force, student demands for more decision making power, student rejection of

faculty and administration authority, and student rejection of their traditional image:
1930-1968.

203

activity, as defined by the number of conflicts,

the number of participants in those conflicts,

and the means used by the students during the

conflicts.

Data on all the above variables were presented in
Chapter IV. In the sixties it was seen that students
voiced new expectations with regard to their decision mak-
ing power, as well as rejection of their traditional image.
Also shown was an unprecedented wave of student political
activity. Theoretically, attitudinal changes were expected
to come first, followed by an increase in political activ-
ity. Empirically, though, it was found that the increases
in the two came at the same time. They reinforced each
other: given attitudes were evoked during a conflict; these
attitudes led to more Obdurance on the part Of the students,
or to a stronger reaction to future actions Of the other
members of their role set or an outside group--in other
words, to new conflicts. In these conflicts the new atti-
tudes were expressed more forcefully, which in turn led to
more activity. The data presented in Chapter IV did not
show this process of mutual reinforcement, since they were
based on the study of individual conflicts--and did not
point out the linkages between conflicts. But the process
can be perceived from a reading Of both the Crimson and the
Cardinal (see Figures 8 and 9 for a graphic representa-
tion of this relationship).

According to Hypotheses 2 and 7,

2. An increase in the student population, both in
absolute numbers and as a prOportion of the

204

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206
relevant age group, has been associated with an
increase in the "class consciousness" of students.
7. An increase in political activity of students has
been associated with an increase in the "class con-
sciousness" of students.

Chapter II presented data on the changes in the
number of students and in their proportion of the total
college-age population. In general, there were small in-
creases during the thirties, a great increase--due to the
presence Of veterans--after the war, and a steady and per-
sistent growth since the early fifties. The general pat-
terns were the same for both Harvard and Wisconsin, al-
though the post-war growth was less spectacular at Harvard,
a private university, than at Wisconsin, a public one.

As for class consciousness, Chapter III showed that
expressions with respect to both the commonality Of prob-
lems to all students and the power potential of students
were found more frequently in the sixties than in the thir-
ties, at Wisconsin, while at Harvard the two were found only
in the sixties. In general, class consciousness was found
more frequently at Wisconsin.

Thus expressions of class consciousness were high-
est in a period of high political activity and at a time
when the student population at both schools had greatly
increased. But a concentration of such expressions was
also found in another period of political activity--the

thirties--when the student pOpulation was not very large

207

(see a graphic representation of this relationship in
Figure 10).

Expressions of class consciousness would be ex-
pected in any period of increased political activity, at
least in so far as power potential is concerned, for every
active group will express some confidence in its ability
to influence policies and decisions. The situation with
respect to assertions of common problems, though, is
different, since these are related to an increasing aware-
ness of problems Of students as a group. Thus, the number
of assertions Of commonality of problems was significantly
higher in the sixties, while assertions of power potential
were found in concentrations in both the thirties and the
sixties. The total number Of expressions involved, though,
was rather small, and the above statement should be con-

sidered with care.

General Pattern of Relationships

The nature of the data presented in Chapters III
and IV--the lack Of good longitudinal series for some Of
the changes within the university role set, and the "soft"
nature Of the data on the changes in student attitudes and
in the patterns Of their political activity--do not permit
the exact statistical measurement of the relationships
stated in the above hypotheses, nor the testing of various
alternative models that would specify the relationships

between all the variables considered here. What can be

8
O
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209

done is to suggest a plausible model on the basis of the
theoretical approach presented in Chapter I and the empiri-
cal findings presented in Chapters III and IV, in the hOpe
that it will aid in understanding these relationships (see
Figure 11).

The general nature of the development of the stu-
dent movement Of the sixties is quite clear. If the vari-
ables considered in Chapters III, IV, and V are put into
two groups, and the first (university involvement in
national decisions, size Of the student body, composition
of the student body, duration of the role of student and
necessity to go to college) are called the "structural
variables" and the second (number of conflicts, types of
issues involved in the conflicts, means used, as well as
assertion Of decision making rights, rejection of tradi-
tional authorities, rejection of traditional image Of stu-
dents and "class consciousness”), "political attitudes and
activity," it can be stated that gradual structural changes
that started in the late forties and were accentuated in
the late fifties preceded abrupt changes in student politi-
cal attitudes and activity in the early sixties, which

accentuated during the middle and late sixties.

The Time-Lag and the Precipitating Factors

 

Between the start of the changes in the structural
variables--the late forties--and the start Of the changes

in political attitudes and activity of students--the early

210

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211

sixties--some ten to twelve years passed. This is the time-
lag between the beginning Of changes in the independent
variables and the start Of changes in the dependent vari-
ables. However, in seeking to explain this lag, instead

of looking at the EEEEE of the changes in the structural
variables, one could look for a point in time when a given
threshold point was reached by these variables; for example,
the point in time when the student population reached the
three million mark, or the point in time when more than 50%
Of the universities' research expenditures were financed by
the federal government. In that case, the relevant time

lag would be that between the passage of the threshold point
by the structural variables, and the start of the change in
students' political attitudes and activity.

However, in order to Specify a time-lag it is neces-
sary to know not only the starting point--the start of the
changes in the structural variables, or the passage Of a
given threshold by them—-but also that point at which the
changes in the dependent variables can be detected. From
the theory it could be anticipated that this point would
be the time when a change in the expectations of students
with regard to their position as a group within their role
set was detected; and as stated at the beginning of this
chapter, those expectations were expected to slowly and
gradually rise parallel to the changes in the structural
variables. Increased activity was expected only later.

However, changes in attitudes and changes in patterns of

212

activity came at the same time, and were mutually reinforc-
ing. This should not really be surprising: political atti-
tudes are evoked by empirical events. Thus, the Free
Speech Movement came in reaction to a denial Of free
speech, and not as a spontaneous realization on the part

Of certain students that they wanted given rights. The
events that signal the start of a political movement, by
evoking the changed expectations and the changes in the
patterns of political activity, are called in the litera-
ture "precipitating factors" (see, for example, Smelser,
1962, p. 16). In other words, the precipitating factors
make the connection between the structural variables and
the political attitudes and activity.

New, precipitating factors are difficult, if not
impossible, to predict. In the case of the present study,
they came in the early sixties, but they could also have ap-
peared in the middle sixties, or in the late fifties. More-
over, "precipitating factors" are not inherently different
from other events: the assassination of a political figure
may trigger a total revolt, but it may also result in the
hanging Of the assassin and continued stability. What
makes such an event a precipitating factor is its timing:
at one point in time it may precipitate a movement, while
at a different point in time it may not.

Thus, the end-point in the time-lag is determined
by the timing Of the precipitating factor. It appears that

the notion of threshold may be more important for the

213

appearance of changed expectations and political activity
than the starting point of a change in the structural vari-
ables. Apparently there is a point beyond which the proba-
bility that certain events will precipitate a political
movement becomes very high, while had they come earlier

the probability of such a movement arising would have been
low. In the present study, there were events during the
fifties--the hearings of a Senate investigatory committee,
the harassment of student radical groups, the Korean War,--
that might have precipitated a student movement had they
come later but which in their time did not even encounter

a resolute Opposition. The nature of the threshold, though,
cannot be suggested on the basis of one case study: more
studies Of more movements are needed in order tO specify
its character.

What were the factors which precipitated the stu—
dent movement Of the sixties? Several events during the
early sixties served as precipitants: the sit-ins of black
students in the South; the changing political atmosphere
with the election Of John F. Kennedy to the presidency,
and his appeal to the young; the Cuban intervention; dis-
armament conferences; negative university reaction to some
student political activity--such as that which caused the
Berkeley Free Speech Movement; and finally, the Vietnam
War. More could probably be cited; a few of these could
be disputed; furthermore, it would be difficult to say

which one was the most important, though many Observers

214

give the civil rights issue the first place. What is im-
portant to note is that with the exception of the Free
Speech Movement, all the factors mentioned involved Off
campus issues. It is indeed difficult to imagine on campus
issues serving as precipitating factors: the off campus
issues were ones of national impact, they activated organi-
zations Of national proportions, and they could affect many
campuses at the same time. On campus issues are generally
Of a local nature, rarely attract national attention, and
rarely lead to the creation of national organizations.
Thus, "student power" issues and demands came late in the
sixties, after the appearance Of Off campus issues, and
these reached national proportions both because of con-
nections created between students during the off campus
issues and because Of similar problems created by student
activity on Off campus issues on many campuses.

In other words, the connection between the struc-
tural changes and the changes in students' political atti-
tudes and activity was not determined by anything that the
students initiated, but rather by events outside their
direct sphere Of interest: the struggle Of blacks, the
election Of a new President, intervention of that Presi-
dent in a foreign country, nuclear tests conducted by two
world powers, and, finally, a military intervention on a
distant continent. This is not very surprising, since

other political movements have also been stimulated by

215

general political, military, economic or social circum-
stances (see Smelser, 1962, pp. 352-353).

TO briefly review the process of development of the
student movement in the sixties: First of all, there were
some developments outside the university role set, namely,
the increasing sephistication of the United States indus—
trial system, its increased demand for highly trained man-
power, and the international military, political and scien-
tific competition between the United States and the Soviet
Union, following the Second World War. These developments
led to an increasing involvement of the university in
national decisions, as well as to the expansion of the stu-
dent body, tO an increasing heterogeneity of the student
body, increasing feelings on the part Of parents and youth
that higher education was a necessity, and to an increase
in the prOportion Of students staying in the student role
for longer periods Of time than ever before. These inter-
nal, structural changes began in the late forties, and
continued throughout the fifties and sixties. When they
began, students were politically inactive and expressed
no dissatisfaction with their position within the uni-
versity role set.

In the early sixties, a series of events took place
that precipitated a student movement. The events--the
election Of Kennedy, the investigations of HUAC, civil
rights campaigns, the war in Vietnam--took place mostly

outside the university, but attracted some student

216

involvement. When students attempted to act on those
issues within the university they met Opposition and re-
strictions. In contrast to the past, the student activists
did not accept these restrictions, but instead asserted new
expectations with regards to their rights within the uni-
versity role set. The escalation Of the war in Vietnam led
to more student activity, more Opposition to student activ-
ity by some faculty and administration, and to a greater
assertion by students of their rights. Before long, the
university was identified by students as an ally of the
groups they were Opposing outside the university. Finally,
the identification of the administration and some faculty
as allies of the Opponents outside the role set led to the
greatest wave Of activity, as well as to the highest expres-
sions of new expectations on the part of students regarding
their position within the university decision making struc-
ture (see Figure 12 for a graphic representation of this
process).
Student Activityiin the Sixties as a
Political Movement

At this point I would like to differentiate between
the two periods of high political activity on American
campuses--the thirties and the sixties--on the basis of
the definition Of a political movement provided in Chapter
I. A student movement was defined as a group Of students
who, as a group, are outside the decision making structure

within their role set or occupy a low position in it, who

217

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218

try to influence the making of one or several decisions,
or try to become a part—-prominent or exclusive--Of the
decision making structure themselves.

What is called the "student movement" of the thir-
ties can be credited mainly to the activity of several
organizations that were affiliated with adult political
parties, and largely followed their policies. There was
one overriding issue--the peace issue. NO connections
were made between the broad Off campus political issues
and the university. Campus issues were less common and
almost never involved a questioning Of distribution of
decision making power within the university role set. Stu-
dents did not act out of any common interest as students:
the "movement" of that time was a campus reflection of the
struggles of the outside world.

In the sixties, on the other hand, independent
student organizations were created whose connections with
adult political organizations, where they existed, had the
nature of alliances rather than formal affiliation. There
were several central issues--Vietnam, civil rights-~but
there was also a great variety of other issues. There
were important campus issues, often involving the distri-
bution Of power within the university. Even on Off campus
issues, students demanded increased power in the university
role set. The movement Of the sixties was not an appendix
Of some adult movement or activity; the campus was the

center Of political activity; students took the initiative

219

--on the campus, in the local college communities, and on
the national scene. Much Of the political activity Of the
sixties was carried out by students acting as students--as
a group with common interests.

The difference between the two periods Of politi-
cal activity can also be seen through changes introduced by
the activity. During the thirties, student political
activity had few lasting effects. In the sixties, on the
other hand, numerous structural and policy changes were
brought about by the student movement: the formation of
syndicalist groups, mainly among graduate students; a larger
participation by students in many aspects of university
decision making; great changes in the in 1222 parentis
policies; curriculum changes; and, more important, an
awareness on the part of faculty and administration that
any major policy decisions in the future would have to in-
volve consultation with students. Off-shoots of the stu-
dent movement developed outside the campus--"free uni-
versities," student communes, radical slates in many col-
lege communities, and student involvement in local issues.
Finally, such events as the passage of the 18-year-Old
vote, the McCarthy campaign, the decision of President
Johnson not tO run, or the changing public attitude to-
wards the Vietnam war can at least partially be explained
by the student movement Of the sixties.

The above changes and accomplishments become im-

portant when dealing with the question, "What about the

220

future Of the movement?" Writing in the early spring of
1971, after the first academic year without any major wave
Of student political activity throughout the country, it is
relevant to ask whether the student movement of the sixties
will fade away as the activity Of the thirties did, bringing
about another period of political apathy on the part Of stu-
dents. It has been argued that the movement of the sixties
will end with the withdrawal of American trOOps from Vietnam.
This is a prediction based on an interpretation of the
movement in terms Of precipitating factors. But the data
presented in this study do not support such a prediction.
The expectations of students with regard to their position
as a group within the decision making structure Of their
role set have changed-~and an immediate reversal to pre-
vious levels of expectation is unlikely. The self-image

Of students has changed--and here again one would not ex-
pect a reversal to the Old image.* The achievements are

there--and cannot be taken away--at least not in the short

 

*Student populations change every few years, and
it could be argued that new generations Of students will
not share the newly acquired expectations Of those who
participated in the movement. Yet, while the turnover of
students may have a weakening affect on the role group's
expectations, it should be remembered that, firstly, the
new students are socialized into their roles to a large
degree by Older students, and thus have a high chance of
"inheriting" the new expectations, and secondly, that
events on the campuses have in many cases spilled over to
the high schools. High school seniors coming to colleges
now are--even before coming into contact with Older stu-
dents--different from the high school seniors who came tO
college in the early sixties.

221

run. Some groups of students now have their own organi-
zations, which will defend their interests; students also
occupy diverse new positions within the university decision
making structure.

Aside from all these considerations, one further
point should be made in this connection, a point of theo-
retical relevance, although it was not dealt with in the
theory chapter. Though the various ideological positions
Of different student political organizations cannot be
summarized into one set of goals, some statements can be
made about their general intention: the student movement
was not a revolutionary movement--within the boundaries of
the role set--in that it did not seek an overthrow of the
faculty or the administrators in favor of a regime run by
students. Neither was it an independence movement in the
sense that it sought to create a community that would sever
all connections with the other members Of the role set.

It was, instead, a movement that sought to influence cer-
tain decisions within and outside the role set, as well as
tO change the decision making structure of the role set so
as to give students a larger role than they had before.

In this connection an illustration can be offered
from socialist strategy--the differentiation between revo-
lutionary party strategy and labor union strategy. The
first led, in a few countries, to a clear-cut revolution.
The second, which did not strive for an immediate revo-

lution, resulted in one or more periods Of intense activity

222

connected with the establishment Of the unions and their
recognition, followed by periods of quiet and then sporadic
activity again, when the unions or their goals were threat-
ened. As a result, management does not have to fear its
overthrow, but it has to take into account the power of
labor in many of its decisions. Furthermore, labor is a
group with considerable influence outside its role set as
well as within it.

The student movement is in some ways similar to the
labor movement. Most important in this connection is the
fact that its goal was not to overthrow the other members
Of its role set, but rather to be recognized by them and to
Obtain from them a larger share of decision making power.
Viewed in this way, the relative quiet of 1971 does not
mean the end of a student movement following the failure of
revolution. The achievements Of the movement are there, as
pointed out earlier. Furthermore, and most important, stu-
dents are not now the same political animal that they were
before the sixties, much in the same way that workers were
not the same political animal after unionization. Sporadic
student activity can be expected--as a response to a given
outside precipitant, when attempts are made by other mem-
bers of the role set to ignore student rights, or when stu-

dents themselves attempt tO strengthen their position.

223

Selection of Time Period for Study

An important question could be asked with respect
to the selection of the historical period for the study of
the development Of the student movement: Why forty years?
And what kind of conclusions would one get if he did a sim-
ilar study for the forty years preceding 1930? In a more gen-
eral sense, the question would be: How does one know what
period to select for the study Of a movement?

Starting with the last question first, the length
of time selected will depend on the information available
as to when the processes that are assumed to have influenced
the intra-role-set relationships started, as well as On the
availability Of data. In this study, there was evidence that
the structural changes that I was interested in, though they
started before the Second World War, were most pronounced
after the war. The year 1930 was selected as the starting
date because I wanted to contrast the political activity Of
students during the thirties with that of the sixties. What
would the conclusions have been had I selected 1890 instead
Of 1930?

The period following the Civil War was the period of
establishment of universities across the country, the estab-
lishment of graduate schools, and the formation Of much of
the structure of the universities as they are known today.
It was the period Of the flowering of the university move-

ment, as Rudolph has called it, in contrast to the previous

224

college system (see Rudolph, 1962, Chapter 16). Thus, in
the period preceding 1930 higher education grew--in numbers
Of faculty, students and graduate students (see Table 10,
Chapter II, for numbers Of students). However, this was a
growth that accompanied the establishment Of a new institu-
tion, and thus it would be misleading to look at rates Of
growth during this period. Moreover, as was seen in Chapter
II, by 1930 higher education encompassed less than 10% Of
the 18-24 age group, and only 4.3% of the students were
graduates. Jobs requiring higher education comprised a
small part of the occupational structure, and the relations
between the universities and the federal government were
minimal. The only development that seems to be related to
student political activity was the admission Of larger num-
bers of sons of immigrants--especially Jewish--in some
eastern and mid-western colleges. Those students appear to
have played an important role as a link between socialist
and communist adult organizations and the campuses. City
College, Brooklyn College and Hunter in New York, for
example, all with high percentages of Jewish students,
were the scene of the strongest student political activity
during the thirties (see Wechsler, 1935, pp. 179-180; and
Draper, 1967, p. 171).

This cursory review Of the pre-l930 period does not
alter the conclusions Of the study; higher education was
still for a small, elite group; the role for almost all

students lasted not more than four years; the role was not

225

as central for success in life, and academia as a whole was
largely isolated from national decisions. Thus the political
activity of students during the thirties did not develop

into a student movement as defined in this study.

The Theory, The Empirical FindingsL and
Some Questions Raised by the Two

 

 

In the theoretical chapter, four stages in the
development Of a political movement were specified: first,
external changes occurring outside the role set, such as
industrialization or commercialization; second, changes in
the intra-role set relationships brought about by the exter-
nal changes, such as the increase in power Of one role group,
or a change in its composition; third, a change in the expec-
tations of the members Of one role group with respect to the
position of their group within the decision making structure
Of the role set; and finally, the formation Of a political
movement, striving to change the distribution of power within
the role set.

The empirical study whose findings have been pre-
sented in the previous chapters focused in the main on only
two of the stages: the second one, i.e., changes in the
intra-role set relationships, and the third one, changes in
expectations. The first stage, external changes, was taken
for granted: the increasing sophistication Of United States
industry and the change in the international role Of the
United States are well-known developments. As for changes

in role set relationships, the following changes were

226

measured: (1) changes in the power of students (increasing
prominence of the university role set as a whole, resulting
in an implied increase in the power Of students both inside
and outside the university, as well as the increase in the
student population); (2) changes in the composition of the
student role group (increasing heterogeneity of the student
body); and (3) increase in the centrality of the role Of
student (increasing necessity to attend college, and increas-
ing duration Of the role of student). NO data were gathered
on changes in the pattern of interaction Of the student role
group with groups outside the role set, although it seems
that this may have been a factor of importance in the early
sixties, when many Of the future leaders of the student move-
ment participated in or came into contact with the civil
rights movement.

It should be pointed out that the selection Of the
above indicators for changes in intra-role set relationships
was determined mainly by a practical consideration: the
availability Of data. Even so, the nature of the data was
in some cases far from satisfactory, especially with respect
to the measurement Of changes in the composition Of the stu—
dent role group and the increase in the centrality of the
role Of student to its occupants. This problem will probably
be encountered in any longitudinal study of political move-
ments.

The other stage that was studied here was the third

one, the changes in the expectations of students with respect

227

to their position within the decision making structure of
their role set. Three main indicators Of changes in expec-
tations were specified: rejection of the traditional
authority of other groups within the role set; rejection

Of the traditional image of students; and finally, a demand
by students for more authority over their own lives as well
as a demand for larger participation in the decisions
affecting the role set as a whole. These indicators were
not specified in the theory, but they could be added tO it,
since they appear to be logically applicable to all move-
ments striving for political change.

One more subject was studied: the changes in the
patterns Of activity Of students. Those changes were impor-
tant for two reasons: first, political activity is in it-
self a partial indicator of expectations held by members
Of a group; and secondly, it would have been very difficult
to understand the changes in expectations unless they were
put in a historical context. It should be pointed out,
though, that the study of the changes in the pattern Of
political activity of students in no way constitutes a
study Of the fourth stage specified in the theory, namely,
the formation of a political movement. In the first place,
some of the preconditions for the formation Of a movement
were not measured: the clarity Of identifiability Of the
Opponent, the existence Of alternative rewards, and the
availability of alternative channels Of decision making.

Changes in class consciousness were measured, since this

228

variable was found in the content analysis along with the
other attitudes. Secondly, activity is only one of the
manifestations of a political movement: the study did not
examine the organization of the movement, its leadership,
lines of communication, etc. Thus, much more work is needed
on the last stage, and especially on the relationship between
patterns of changes in the first three stages and the actual
form and content of the resultant political movement.

It should be pointed out that one of the major find-
ings of this study was that empirically it is difficult to
separate the third and fourth stages: changes in attitudes
and changes in activity appeared at the same time. Con-
firmation of this finding in other studies may lead to a
revision in the theory.

In short, what was studied here was the relationship
between changes in the Objective relationships between one
role group, that Of students, and the other members of the
university role set, to changes in the expectations Of stu—
dents with respect to their position within the university
decision making structure. As such, this study should be
considered only as a first step towards testing hypotheses
derivable from the theoretical framework presented in
Chapter I.

As a first attempt, this study raises as many ques-

tions as it answers. These questions can be divided into

229

two main groups: those questions that arise from the theory
itself, and those that arise from the empirical findings.

As to the questions arising out of the theory, two
will be mentioned here. First, the theory assumes a certain
time lag between the structural changes and the attitudinal
changes: the empirical study suggests that the time lag
in the case of the American student movement in the sixties
was about one decade. However, it is entirely possible that
in other movements the time lag will be different. A serious
problem of interpretation can arise in a case where the time
lag is very long, say more than one generation. In such a
case it will be difficult tO attribute the attitudinal
changes to the structural ones. It may be necessary then
to incorporate additional explanatory factors in the theory,
such as, for example, the effect Of a repressive regime that
stifles a rising discontent for some time. In the main,
though, this question will have to be answered empirically,
i.e., on the basis Of the study of more movements.

A second problem that is not answered in the theory
and is suggested by the empirical study is Of great impor-
tance: how the attitudinal changes take place on the indi-
vidual level. In a sense, this is the final step in the
explanation of the rise of a movement for political change:
in the preceding chapters it was shown how broad changes
in a given society affect specific role groups and role
sets within it. The question is how changes within a role

group affect, or are reflected, in the individual members

230

of the group. Neither the theory nor the data suggest an
answer to this question, since neither was conceived in that
direction. All one can do is tO suggest the direction that
has to be taken in order to answer the question. The answer
will be found not in massive surveys of representative
samples of members Of given role groups, but rather in in-
depth interviews of members Of the active minority within a
given movement, such as the study conducted by Kenneth Ken-
iston (see Keniston, 1968). Such studies, though, will have
to be guided by questions derived from the theory presented
here, and not by the type of questions that interested Ken-
iston, namely, the process by which certain youngsters be-
came radical-activists as Opposed to alienated non-activists.
The problem, of course, will be to differentiate between
those individuals who came to the "right" conclusions about
the position of their role group within the role set on
their own, and those who acquired their explanations, or
ideology, from others. Another question will be whether a
given ideological line, or explanation, is accepted by the
majority Of the activists in a movement because it corre-
sponds to the Objective reality of the situation of the role
group, or because of the skills of the original proponents
of that line. Answering these questions will be extremely
difficult if for no other reason than the fact that the
ideologies Of political movements are never clear-cut or

expressed in one form accepted by all.

231

As for problems that arise out of the empirical
findings, two will be discussed. First, the nature of the
data, and especially the lack Of yearly statistics on many
of the structural variables as well as the attitudinal var-
iables, did not allow the application of rigorous statistical
methods such as those developed by econometricians for the
analysis of time series and the relationships between the
variables over time. It should be pointed out that this
problem may be found in the study of most political move-
ments, if the period for study is a long one: statistics
gathering by most governments and private agencies are both
relatively new, and, more important, problem oriented.
Available statistics may not be relevant from a theoretical
point of view, and statistics that interest the theorist
may not interest the administrator. As for statistical
analysis of attitudinal time series, the attitudes in this
study were not found in abundance. If statistical rigor is
desired, it may be necessary to expand the content analysis:
for example, in this case, the study Of ten or fifteen uni-
versities might have provided sufficient quantities of atti-
tudes.

A second problem is how to determine what amount of
change in the structural variables is necessary for attitud-
inal changes to take place. With the data presented here,
relating as they do to only one movement, these questions

cannot even begin to be answered. What is needed is data

232

from comparative studies Of movements, especially studies Of
movements that are similar in many important respects.

In short, this study has to be regarded as only a
first step towards the testing of the theory presented in
the first chapter. The theory can be put to a rigorous test
only by more--and comparative--studies Of various political
movements. Such studies should also provide the basis for
additions and revisions to the theory, which is in itself,
of course, only a partial, tentative explanation Of the

development of political movements.

Alternative Explanations

 

This brief section will review some of the
explanations Of the American student movement in the sixties
and compare them with the explanation offered in the present
study. The choice of alternative explanations is difficult,
because of the great number and variety Of hypotheses
Offered in the literature; as Frank Pinner has pointed out,
the field suffers not from a dearth of prepositions, but
rather from propositional hypertrophy (Pinner, 1971, p. 128).
Thus, the present review will touch upon the ones that are
deemed the most important, but will not attempt to be com-
prehensive.

The empirical research that has been conducted on
the student movement of the sixties does not Offer much in
the way of alternatives to the explanation Offered here,

because these studies do not approach the problem from a

233

developmental point Of view. They can be divided into three
main bodies, according to their main areas of concern. By
far the most numerous research efforts have been directed
toward differentiating between activists and their non-
activist counterparts as regards background characteristics
[such as political attitudes of parents, child-rearing prac-
tices of parents, socio-economic status, area Of study,
intelligence, academic performance] (see Flacks, 1967; Ken-
iston, 1968; Solomon and Fishman, 1964; Paulus, 1967; Lyonns,
1965; Watts and Whittaker, 1966; Westby and Braungart, 1966;
Heist, 1965; Trent and Craise, 1967; Somers, 1965), person-
ality characteristics [such as flexibility, individualism,
esthetic sensitivity} (see watts, 1966; Flacks, 1967;

Heist, 1965; Lyonns, 1965; Paulus, 1967; Trent, 1967),

and attitudes [such as religious liberalism, academic
orientation, and idealism] (see Keniston, 1968; Watts, 1966;
Flacks, 1967; Trent, 1967; Lyonns, 1965; Heist, 1965; Paulus,
1967; Solomon, 1964).

A limited number of studies have attempted to relate
institutional characteristics and types or frequency Of
student protests. These works have examined various types
of colleges and universities from the standpoint Of their
structural characteristics, student bodies, or intellectual
and/or human relational climates (see Sasajima, Davis &
Peterson, 1968; Scott and El-Assal, 1969; Williamson &

Cowan, 1966).

234

The third area Of empirical research consists Of
identification Of issues over which student protests have
arisen. Richard Peterson has conducted studies at several
points in time to identify the issues and trends (see Peter-
son, 1966 and 1968). While the Peterson studies are the only
ones which have been directly concerned with the identifica-
tion of issues, other studies have yielded data in this area.

In general, then, these studies look at the movement
after it has come into existence; especially, who is active
in it, where (in what institutions) it is strongest, and
what its main issues are. Some of these studies, especially
those that explain student activism in terms of institutional
differences, are relevant to the present research. But, as
seen in the previous chapters, though institutional differ-
ences between Harvard and Wisconsin do account for some vari-
ations in levels of activity and frequency Of expressions Of
certain expectations, the general patterns Of development Of
the student movement at both institutions are very similar.
In short, the empirical literature produced in the last few
years on the American student movement does not Offer expla-
nations that are really alternatives to the one Offered in
this study.*

Among nonempirical studies of student movements, a

rather widespread explanation is that they arise because Of

 

*Although those studies do provide information that
is complementary to the findings presented here, such as
what types Of students became active in the movement, in
what types of schools, and so forth.

235

given characteristics that are said to be peculiar to young
people, such as high idealism, altruism, and willingness tO
accept high risks (see Bakke, 1967, pp. 64-65). These ex-
planations are weak on two accounts: in the first place, as
Frank Pinner has pointed out, if these characteristics are
truly peculiar to the young, then one should see high activ-
ism among all young peOple, and not only among students (see
Pinner, 1971, p. 129). In the second place, even if it is
found empirically that young peOple are more idealistic and
altruistic than other groups in society, one still has to
specify under what conditions these characteristics translate
themselves into actual political activism; it is Obvious that
not every generation of youth is politically active in any
given country.

A somewhat related explanation of student movements
is the "conflict of generations" hypothesis. The most ex-
treme exposition of this hypotheses is made by Lewis Feuer
(see Feuer, 1969). Feuer starts by emphasizing character-
istics that, according to him, are peculiar to students:
altruism and idealism, as well as suicidalism and terrorism
(see Feuer, 1969, p. 5). He proceeds to explain student
movements in terms of emotional rebellion in which there is
a disillusionment with and rejection of the values Of the
older generation (see Feuer, 1969, p. 11). With this con—
ceptual framework Feuer explains all manifestations Of stu-
dent political activism through the ages. In addition to

the problems presented by assigning students particular

236

characteristics that supposedly are present in them more
than in other groups, Feuer's work does not explain why the
"generational conflict" erupts in certain generations and
not in others. Obviously, to answer this question, one has
to look beyond the factor Of generational conflict.

Robert Laufer makes an interesting attempt to over-
come the weakness implied in the universality of the "gen-
erational conflict" hypothesis (which leads to its low
explanatory power) by adding some variables that are sup-
posed to explain its occurrence in the United States of the
1960's. First of all, he asserts that the historical cir—
cumstance that accounts for the peculiarity of the present
generation is its being raised in a post-industrial
society--which is historically unique (see Laufer, 1971,

p. 85). A post-industrial society is characterized by a
peculiar structural make-up, as well as by--among other
things--peculiar socialization patterns which lead to a
discrepancy in values between the Old and the young (see
Laufer, 1971, p. 85). Now, how does that explain the stu-
dggt_movement? Why is there no general ygu£h_movement?
Because, Laufer says, "The first group to experience fully
the effects of post-industrial existence is the children of
the middle class" (see Laufer, 1971, p. 82). Since college
students are predominantly middle-class (see Laufer, 1971,
p. 83), therefore, the generational conflict in this his-
torical stage of post-industrial society finds its manifes-

tation in a student movement.

237

There are several problems with Laufer's explanation:
first, almost every period since the Renaissance could be--
and has been--called unique. Moreover, looking beyond the
United States, this decade has seen student movements in
many countries, most Of them not post-industrial. Secondly,
there is very little cross-generational data on socialization
patterns to show that the socialization of the present gener-
ation has been really so unique. Again, cross culturally,
one could look at countries with similar socialization pat-
terns and no great student activism.

Whatever the case, the "generational conflict"
hypothesis is very weak: in Feuer's hands it provides a
very simplistic and inadequate explanation of a variety of
phenomena; Laufer's article has to recur to tOO many extra—
neous variables to make it applicable to the United States
Of the sixties, and his attempt looks very contrived. In
general, it seems that the generational conflict hypothesis
reflects a widespread prejudice towards students, based on
their traditional image as immature and irresponsible. Some-
how, since they are young and not full citizens, Ehgi£_move-
ments must be a reflection of generational conflict, and not
a movement like any other political movement. The theory
is an extension Of the prejudicial notion that students are
not supposed to be active in politics. They should study,
have fun, and prepare for "real life" later on. Hopefully,
the present generation Of students will do away with these

prejudices, and the generational conflict hypothesis as well.

238

Another explanation Of student movements that is Of
relevance here is the theory Of marginal elites, proposed
by Frank Pinner (see Pinner, 1971). Pinner starts by iden-
tifying students, military leaderships and certain clerical
groups as marginal elites. As such, these groups share cer-
tain characteristics--they are producers of collective goods,
they do not engage in direct exchange of goods or services
with specific members of the community, they are Often physi-
cally separated from the rest of the community, and they are
given privileges and immunities (see Pinner, 1971, p. 131).
The special position Of marginal elites leads them to be
particularly concerned with questions Of the unity Of the
community and problems of authority. Their particular
position as well as their peculiar concerns lead marginal
elites to enter the political arena at times when their own
position, or the integrity of their society, appears to be
threatened. Students in particular tend to act in coalition
with other groups, generally with other marginal elites,
because they lack a "stock in trade" (see Pinner, 1971,
pp. 136-137).

The theory of marginal elites specifies some Of the
conditions under which students--as a marginal elite--will
enter into the political arena. As such, it is not an
alternative explanation to the one presented in this study,
but rather a complementary one. While the framework pre-
sented here specifies some Of the general steps in the

formation of a movement demanding political change, the

239

marginal elites theory specifies conditions under which the
probability that particular role groups--such as students,
the military, and the clergy--will enter politics is
especially high. Evidence gathered in this study tends

to support some Of the hypotheses derived from the marginal
elites theory, especially those relating to the patterns Of
coalition formation Of student movements.

Another attempt to explain student movements ties
their occurrence to a general crisis Of weakening Of author-
ity (see Eisenstadt, 1971, p. 76) or a crisis of culture (see
Mankoff and Flacks, 1971, p. 62) that characterizes modern
societies, and especially those that are highly industrial-
ized. The societies that emerged after the long process Of
industrialization, and especially after the Second World
War, are seen as presenting new demands and new problems
that traditional leaderships are not equipped to deal with.
In the case Of the United States, the exigencies Of the
cold war have put a heavy strain on a leadership that was
required to do more than it was able to handle. Moreover,
some clear-cut failures of the leadership, such as the war
in Vietnam, made its authority non credible.

The main problem Of this type of explanation is
that it is very difficult to measure degrees Of "crisis,"
in order to show that student movements, and other protest
movements, really occur at periods Of high levels Of crisis,
and not in others. The difficulty in proving that a given

period in history is a period of crisis--in contrast with a

240

period of stability and continuity, leads in some cases to
logical absurdities. Mankoff and Flacks, for example, assert
that the present student movement in the United States is
a manifestation Of a generational conflict, and that gener-
ational conflicts are distinguished from class-based Oppo-
sitional movements in that the roots Of the former are found
primarily in cultural crisis, while the latter are determined
by crises in the political economy (see Mankoff and Flacks,
1971, p. 61). The question arises, how do we know that the
present period is one Of cultural crisis, providing the
basis for a generational conflict? The answer is: "The
depth and extent of student unrest in the United States and
other advanced industrial societies in recent years lends
credence to the view that these societies have now entered
a period of cultural crisis . . . " (see Mankoff and Flacks,
1971, p. 62). In other words, the occurrence of the depen-
dent variable is an indicator Of the independent variable.
In short, before one can accept this explanation, he needs
independent measurements both for the degree of "crisis,"
or weakening Of authority, or general "social malaise," and
for the relative frequency Of protest movements across time.
Aside from the problem just discussed, the cultural,
or authority crisis hypothesis is in itself not in contra-
diction, Of course, to the explanation Offered in this study.
In a period Of general crisis not all dissatisfied groups
form protest movements; thus, for each movement one has to

Specify the conditions that brought it about. It can simply

241

be said that in such periods the probability that protest
movements will arise is greatly increased. What the theo-
retical framework presented in this study does is specify

a level Of analysis at which the formation of a movement can
be measured and studied. In this sense it can be viewed as
a "middle range" theory that can be integrated into a more
general theory Of society that will explain changes beyond
the role set level. As mentioned in Chapter VI, the broad
industrial, technological, and international changes that
took place after WOrld War II were taken for granted in
this study. It was also specified that these changes may
have affected not only other groups within the university
role set, such as the faculty and the administration, but
also other role sets. Therefore, this study does not pre-
clude the possibility that a general crisis Of authority
took place in the United States and in other industrial
societies: on the contrary, it can be included in such a
general explanation.

Generally speaking, it appears that one of the prob-
lems encountered by the studies of student movements that
were published in the wake Of the wave of political protest
in the sixties is that with a few exceptions--such as the
theory of marginal elites-~most of the studies use a very
narrow approach and fail to tie their explanations in with

theories that can explain other, non-student movements.

242

The generational conflict theory, and the "special charac-
teristics of students, or youth" hypothesis, are especially

weak in this respect.

CHAPTER VII

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

This study presented a theoretical approach to the
study of the development of movements for political change,
as well as a preliminary test Of some hypotheses derived
from the theory, through a study of the development Of stu-
dent political activity at Harvard and Wisconsin from 1930
to 1968.

The theory views society as a conglomeration Of
social roles, interrelated in role sets. Within each role
set there is a certain distribution of decision making
power, and each role group has some expectations as to its
position within the decision making system. Those expecta-
tions may change when given technological, economic, demo-
graphic Or natural changes outside a given role set bring
about changes within the role set--such as the creation of
new roles, changes in the power of one role group, changes
in the pattern Of interaction Of one role group with the
outside, changes in the composition of the role group, or
changes in the centrality of the role to its occupants.

Changed expectations of members of a role group with

243

244

regard to their position in the decision making system Of
the role set can lead to the formation Of a political move-
ment, depending on the existence Of "class consciousness,"
on the clarity of identifiability Of the Opponent, the exis-
tence Of alternative channels for decision making, or the
existence of alternative rewards.

The empirical study attempted to specify the rela-
tionship between certain changes within the university role
set and students' expectations with regard to their position
in the decision making system of the role set. Specifically,
it was stated that the increasing complexity and sophistica-
tion of the American industrial system, and the political-
military-scientific competition between the United States
and the Soviet Union have brought about the following changes
within the university role set: an increasing involvement
of the university in national decisions, an increasing trend
towards mass higher education, a growing heterogeneity Of the
student body, an increase in the duration of the role Of stu-
dent, and an increase in the perceived necessity to go to
college (these changes, for the sake Of brevity, were called
"structural changes"). The study sought to specify the rela-
tionship between these structural changes and changes in stu-
dents' political attitudes and activity, Specifically: stu-
dents' acceptance of the authority exercised by other mem-
bers Of their role set in student affairs; students' demands
for a voice in the decision making structure Of their role

set; students' acceptance of the in loco_parentis concept,

 

245

as well as their image as immature citizens on the way;

"class consciousness" among students; and, finally, patterns

Of student political activity--number of conflicts in which

student organizations participated, types Of issues over

which those conflicts arose, and the means used by the stu-

dents to achieve their goals.

4.

The following hypotheses were formulated:

A rise in the prominence of the university role set,
as manifested by the increasing involvement of the
university in social decisions, has been associated
with an increase in the number and variety Of social
and political issues with which student concern
themselves and on which they act.

An increase in the student population, both in abso-
lute numbers and as a proportion of the relevant age
group, has been associated with an increase in the
"class consciousness" Of students.

A growing heterogeneity of the student population has
been associated with an increase in the number and
variety Of the social and political issues with which
students concern themselves and on which they act.

A growing necessity to attend college in order to
succeed in life, as well as an increase in the dura-
tion Of the role of student, have been associated
with an increasing feeling on the part Of students
that they have a right to participate in the decision

making structure of the university, as well as a

246

growing Opposition to the traditional authority Of
the faculty and the administration over student
affairs.

5. An increase in the duration Of the role Of student
and the growing necessity to go to college have also
been associated with a change in students' self-
perception from one Of individuals preparing them-
selves for citizenship and adulthood to one of full
citizenship and adulthood.

6. An increase in students' feelings of their right to

a voice in university and Off university decisions,

and the changes in their self-perception with regards

to citizenship and adulthood, have been associated

with an increase in their political activity.

7. An increase in student political activity has been
associated with an increase in the "class conscious-
ness" Of students.

The study focused on the student movements at two
universities: Harvard and Wisconsin, from 1930 to 1969.
Two bodies of data were collected: one consisted of aggre-
gate data on the structural variables, which were gathered
from national statistical sources and from the documents of
the two universities. The second consisted of attitudinal
data, as well as information on conflicts in which students

participated. These data were gathered from a content

analysis Of the student newspapers of Harvard and Wisconsin--

the Crimson and The DailyfiCardinal--the Fall and Spring

 

247

issues Of every second year from 1930 to 1969. The unit Of
analysis in the content analysis was a conflict--any situa-
tion in which an organized group of students engages in
activities designed tO affect existing or projected policies
in areas Of concern to them either on or Off campus.

The study described the changes in the structural
variables, establishing that most Of these changes started
after the Second World War, and accelerated in the late
fifties, after Sputnik l. The changes in political attitudes
and activity were described next. Among other things, it was
established that while there were two periods Of high politi-
cal activity in both universities, namely the thirties and
the Sixties, the sixties were different from any previous
period with respect to the expectations expressed by students
with regard to their place in the university decision making
system, their rejection of the traditional image Of American
students, their rejection Of faculty and administration
authority in student affairs, their expressions Of "class
consciousness," as well as with respect to the number and
variety of issues on which students acted, the organizations
that initiated political activity, the numbers Of partici-
pants and the means used in conflicts.

In general, the patterns Of change in both sets of
variables at the two universities were the same. Differences
that were found between Harvard and Wisconsin were explained

by the elite nature of the Harvard student body and the

248

faculty and administration's awareness of this fact, which
resulted in somewhat different relationships between the
three than existed at Wisconsin.

As for the general nature of the relationship between
the two sets of variables, the study established that gradual
structural changes that started in the late forties and were
accentuated in the late fifties preceded abrupt changes
in student political attitudes and activity in the early
Sixties, accentuated in the middle and late sixties.

Although the nature Of the data did not permit specif-
ication of exact statistical relationships between the dif-
ferent variables, a preliminary model specifying those rela-
tionships was presented.

The study indicated that the precipitating factors in
the student movement Of the Sixties, i.e., the events that
made the connection between the changes in the structural
variables and the changes in the political attitudes and
activity Of students, were Off campus political events, such
as the sit-ins of blacks in the South, disarmament confer-
ences, and, later, the Vietnam war.

It was found difficult to establish empirically two
broad steps in the development of a movement as specified
in the theoretical chapter, namely the appearance of atti-
tudinal changes, and increased activity, which was to follow.
It was found that changed attitudes and changed patterns Of
activity came at the same time. This may have been due to

deficiencies in the data, but more likely, it was a

249

reflection of the possibility that the above two steps are
not empirically separable, that they both appear at the same
time, reinforcing each other.

The data collected supported the contention that the
political activity of students in the sixties constituted a
student movement, when movement is defined as a "group of
individuals occupying the same social role, who as a group
are outside the decision making structure within their role
set or occupy a low position in it, who try to influence the
making of one or several decisions, or try to become a promi-
nent or exclusive part of the decision making structure them-
selves." The thirties, in contrast, witnessed activity in
the framework Of student organizations Which were affiliates
Of adult political organizations, where students as students
played only a dependent role.

Finally, the study suggested that the future of the
student movement might be much like the pattern followed by
the labor movement; namely, that after a period of intense
activity (the Sixties), activity will vary, as it will be
initiated in reaction to outside precipitants or attempts
within the role set to ignore student rights or to revert
tO the pattern Of relationships that existed before the
sixties. Since the student movement, in the main, did not
seek an overthrow Of the traditional authorities within the
role set, the curve Of their activity need not continue to
rise. But the expectations of students with respect to

their position as a group within the decision making structure

250

of the university have changed, and they will not revert to

the traditional pattern. Thus the present--l97l--period Of

relative inactivity does not mean a return to the "quiet" of
the previous decades.

This study Should be viewed as a first step towards
the testing Of hypotheses derivable from the theoretical
approach presented in Chapter I. It should be remembered
that it is a case study Of one movement-~the student move-
ment in the United States in the Sixties. A better under-
standing of the process Of development of a political move-
ment can be derived only from a comparative study Of many
movements, in different countries, and at different time
periods. Furthermore, it Should be kept in mind that this
study looked at the effect "external" changes had on the
student role group only; a more complete study should analyze
the effects on all members of the university role set.

This study analyzed the student movement at only two
universities. This presents a problem of generalizability
of the findings. The problem of generalizability in a study
of this kind, though, is different from that encountered in
a study that tries to establish the relations between certain
properties in a given population; for example, the relation-
ship between socio-economic variables and radicalism, or
activism. For such a study, Harvard and Wisconsin alone
would be insufficient. For purposes Of gaining an insight
into the process Of the development of a political movement,

though, the sample used in this study is more adequate

251

(although not entirely satisfactory), since, as was pointed
out in Chapter II, political movements involve in most cases
a small part Of a role group to begin with, and thus choos-
ing two traditionally active schools is more enlightening
than choosing a statistically representative sample Of
schools. For this type of study, it is far more important
to have a good sample Of movements.

This study points out, I hOpe, the importance Of
longitudinal studies--as well as some Of the problems
involved. For a variety Of reasons, present-day social
scientists have decided to leave history to the historians.
One Of the reasons may be problems related to the nature of
the data needed and the difficulties involved in collecting
them. As was seen in the previous chapters, good statisti-
cal data, even in as scientifically-minded a field as higher
education, and in a statistically-oriented country like the
United States, are not always available. AS far as attitudi-
nal data are concerned, the main way to collect them is
through a very tedious process of content analysis, and the
data collected are not amenable to quantitative manipulations
as are the data gathered through survey research. Yet, if we

want to understand social and political processes, and social

 

and political change, we have to study them across pimp, which
means that social scientists should be made more aware Of
history, or that historians should be made more aware of
social science. This leads me to a final Observation: the

type of research that is called for in this type of study

252

is beyond the capabilities of individual researchers. The
cooperative effort Of many individuals is needed to make
comparative studies of political movements. Most importantly,
the resources and the skills of the various social and human-

istic sciences should be combined.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX A

CODING SHEETS AND ANALYSIS

OF ATTITUDES

APPENDIX A

CODING SHEETS AND ANALYSIS

OF ATTITUDES

Summary Sheet

 

One summary sheet was used for each conflict (see

Figure 14). The following information was coded on the

*
summary sheet:

but)?“

\JO‘ U"
a

9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.

Starting date Of conflict

Ending date of conflict

Duration of conflict

Total number Of newspaper items appearing about
conflict

Total number Of expressed attitudes found regarding
the conflict

Position of the newspaper in the conflict

Stimuli for student action (e.g., university action,
action Of group outside the university)

Connection between conflict and outside events

Type of issue

Number Of participants

Initiating group or groups (up to five)

Means used by students in the conflict

Allies Of the initiators

Opposition Of the initiators

In addition, the purposes or formal demands Of the

students were recorded verbatim, and a chronological develop-

ment of the conflict was outlined.

 

*
Detailed instructions for coding of both summary and

attitude sheets can be found in a Codebook designed for the

study.

The Codebook is not included here because Of its

length, but a limited number of copies are available from the
author upon request.

260

261

Attitude Sheet

 

One attitude Sheet was used for each unit of record-
ing (a letter, speech, editorial, or written declaration,
i.e., a piece of writing containing the opinion Of one per-
son) (See Figure 13). The following information was coded
on each attitude sheet:

. The date
The type of article (e.g., editorial, news item)

The source of the attitudes (e.g., speech, interview)
The position of the speaker or document

«>me

Assertions regarding the following attitudes were coded on
the same sheet:

5. Decision making rights Of other groups with regard to
the issue of conflict
6. Decision making rights of other groups in general
7. Decision making rights Of students with regard to
the issue of conflict
8. Decision making rights of students in general
9. Responsibility of students
10. Maturity-adulthood Of students
11. Students' ability tO reason and make their own
decisions
12. Students' attitude towards T2 loco parentis regula-
tions
13. Constitutional rights of students
14. Common problems of students
15. Power potential Of students
16. Role definition Of students as either active or
passive
l7. Self-criticism Of students
18. Self-reference Of students
19. The role Of the university invoked by students
20. Villains mentioned by students
21. Heroes mentioned by students

 

Categories 16 and 17 were drOpped when in the early stages of
the content analysis it became clear that (1) there were very
few such attitudes, and (2) they could not be reliably coded.
Categories 13 and 18-21 were coded but not analyzed in this

study.

262

Analysis Of Attitudes

The categories actually used in the study were
categories 5-12 and 14-15. Categories 5, 6, 9, 10, and 11
were designed as dichotomous categories, and categories 12,
14, and 15 were dichotomized in the analysis stage as fol-
lows: in number 12 (Column 31 on the attitude sheet), 1 and
2 were collapsed; in number 14 (Column 35), 2 and 3 were
collapsed; and in 15 (Column 36), 2 and 3 were combined.

Categories 7 (Column 21) and 8 (Column 23) were
divided into four sub-categories.

The centrality Of most of the above attitudes (i.e.,
whether the attitude expressed was the main point made by
the author or speaker, or a peripheral comment) was also
recorded. However, this distinction was not utilized in
the analysis, because in the overwhelming majority Of cases
the attitude expressed was central to the argument.

After the data had been coded, the information was
transferred to computer cards. Each of the above ten atti-
tudes was assigned a numerical value as follows: for each
Of the dichotomous categories, a positive assertion was
assigned a value Of +1.00, and a negative assertion was
assigned a value Of -l.00. Thus, if 2 was marked on
Column 27, it received a value of +1.00; if 1 was marked,
it received a -l.00. For categories 7 (Column 21) and 8
(Column 23), the following values were assigned:

1 (students should have no rights) -l.00
2 (students should be consulted) +0.25

ILL

263

3 (students Should be represented) +0.75
4 (students should make the decision
by themselves) +1.00

The above values are somewhat arbitrary; the two extreme
values were assigned following the pattern of all the di-
chotomous variables. The values Of 2 and 3 were assigned on
the assumption that demands for consultation reflect a demand
for a low level Of decision making power, while demands for
representation reflect a demand for a high level Of decision
making power.

Once all the information had been put on cards, the
computer was instructed to compute a numerical value for
each attitude in each conflict, in order that the dominant

attitude or assertion for each category could be determined.

The formula for this value is , where

s|<ms

v is the value Of the attitude on each sheet in
which such an attitude was found, and

n is the total number Of attitude Sheets in which
the given attitude was found in any given conflict. Thus,
if there were 20 attitude sheets for a given conflict, and
in three of them there was some reference to the decision
making rights Of students in general, and the values of
these references were +0.25, +0.75, and +0.25, the value
given to this attitude in this conflict would be

+0-25 + 0°73 + 0°25 = 0.41. Since 0.41 is closest to 0.25,

264

the value assigned to subcategory 2, it would be determined
that in this conflict the dominant assertion would be that
students should be consulted with regard to the decision
under conflict.

What is being measured in the above procedure is
(l) the absence or presence Of a given attitude or category
in a given conflict, and (2) in cases where a given expressed
attitude is present, which subcategory Of it is dominant.

Any value other than zero indicates the presence of some
expression regarding a given attitude in a conflict;* whether
that attitude is positive or negative, or whether the asser-
tion is a high- or low-level one (for attitudes 7 and 8), is
determined by the summary measure just presented.

The absence or presence Of a given category in a
given conflict was considered rather than the relative fre-
quency Of its mention because it could not be assumed that
if, for example, a given attitude was mentioned five times
in Conflict A and only once in Conflict B, in the former
the feeling on the part of the students was five times
stronger.** It should be noted that this method leads to

a conservative estimate of the differences between the

 

*

Unless, Of course, there are equal numbers Of posi—
tive and negative assertions, which would cancel one another
out. However, this occurred only once in the present study.

**
See for a discussion of the merits Of a presence-

absence analysis, George, 1959.

265

thirties and the sixties, since in the latter the frequency
of appearance Of any given attitude in any given conflict

was usually higher.

266

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Col. Col. Col.
1 §§fl§2_ 210 330. R15. STUQENTS 31 IN LOCO PARENTIS 40-610 gROLEIN!QKZD 00-15
1 "tOCOHUIH No Reference 0 No Reference No Reference
2 “lfV'Yd 1 No Rights 1 Acceptable 01 Train Minds
2 Consulted 2 Some Changes 02 Prep.f.Career
7'9 CONP- ; 056'999 3 Represented 3 Not Accept. 03 Prep.f.Cit
A Make Selves 04 Por.Dis.Ideas
32 Centrality 05 Por.Dis.SocProb
“"‘“—_ 22 Centrality 0 No Reference 06 Opp.Person.Dev.
5'5 Egg: 0 No Reference 1 Indirect O7 Ave.Hobilicy
1 Indirect 2 Direct 08 H.Peop1eX.Ideas
L 2 Direct 09 Innovations
“"—— 33 CONSTITUTIONAL.RT 10 Make US Powerf.
7'10 E§I§_2222;2222 23 2!C.RTS.STUDENT8;GBE 0 No Reference ll Serve Community
0 No Reference 1 No Rights 12 Train Leaders
1 No Rights 2 Limited Rights 13 EraseClassDiff
2 Consulted 3 Pull Rights 14 Relevant to Soc
11- ITEM ° 3 Represented 15 ER
4 Make Selves 34 Centrelity
0 No Reference
-—————— 24 Centrality 1 Indirect
I: 2222.112E 0 No Reference 2 Direct 42-3—VIELKIN§_OU:I3__-___—
1 LGI‘GT 1 Indirect ___,__1_____________ 00 No Reference
2 Editorial 2 Direct 35 canon PROBLEMS 01 Individual
3 "9" 1““ 0 No Reference 02 Camp.0rganizat.
4 Column 25 RESPONSIBI§ITY 1 No Com.Prob 03 Raoul:
5 Background 0 No Reference 2 Spec.Com.Prob 04 Administration
6 Other 1 Not Resp. 3 Coenon Probe 05 Trustees
2 Resp.,Trusted L___ 06 University
15 w 36 POWER pol-mm," o7 Pol Party
0 N0: “8" 26 Centrality 0 No Reference 08 St.Gov.Agency
l SPOGCh 0 No Reference 1 Small.Powerls 09 Ped.Gov.Agency
2 INICTV$¢F l Indirect 2 Fairly Large 10 Police
3 "fit-DOCIII- 2 Direct 3 Large;$olve 11 Military
4 IRPETPret. _" ProbsComAcr. 12 Indus.Company
27 MATURITY-ADULTHOOD 13 Hil-lndus-Coflpl.
16 POSITION o No Reference 57 AQT-PAS actress 14 Older Generation
0 Unknown 1 Not Mature-Adult O No Reference 15 Establishment
1 Support 2 Mature-Adult 1 Passive 16 Capitalism
2 Oppose 2 Active 17 Racism
3 0- Support 28 Centrelity _____ 18 OTHER
4 Q- OPPOIG 0 No Reference 38 CRITICISM
____.__.__.___. 1 Indirect 0 No Reference
17 2!§;§I§‘QI!§§§ 2 Direct 1 Apathnontcare
0 N° Reference 2 Too Active _KK:55 HEROES 56°12 '
l Hive Risht 29 ABIL.RZAS,HAXEIDEC, 00 No Reference
2 9° N0! H‘VG 0 No Reference 39 SELF-REFERENCE Ol St.oncanpus
1 No Ability 0 No Reference 02 St.on0th.Camp.
18 ££2£££ll£1 2 Ability 1 Youth 03 8t.0rg.oncamp.
0 No Reference 2 intellectual oa St.0rg.0th.Clmp
1 IndiYQCt 30 Centrality 3 Educ.Per.Pop 05 Pac.on Campus
2 91Y¢Ct 0 No Reference 4 citizens 06 Pac.on0th.Camp.
1 Indirect 5 Adults 07 0ff.on Campus
19 WEN—- 2 Direct 6 Americans 08 Pub.0ff.orAgen
0 N° R°f°"“°° 7 Future Leader 09 Non-U. Organ.
1 Have Richt- 8 OTHER 10 Social Group
2 Do Not HOV! 11 Ind.Grp.0th.Soc
12 OTHER
20 M1
0 No Reference
1 Indirect
2 Direct
Figure 13. Sample attitude coding Sheet

DISSATISFACTIQES

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269

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APPENDIX B

SCALES USED IN CONSTRUCTION OF

FIGURES IN CHAPTER VI

APPENDIX B

SCALES USED IN CONSTRUCTION OF

FIGURES IN CHAPTER VI

Figures 6-10 in Chapter VI represent the number of
conflicts in which a given attitude was mentioned each year.
The height of the bar representing each attitude was deter-
mined in the following manner:

I. Student Demgnds for More
Decisibn Making Power

Two main types of assertions are included here:
first, assertions that students have decision making rights
in the specific area under dispute, and second, that students
have decision making rights in general, not just in the area
involved in the conflict. Within each category, there are
three degrees of demands for decision making power: demands
for consultation, demands for representation, and demands
for exclusive decision making rights.

As mentioned in Appendix A, the following numerical

values were assigned to the three degrees:

demands for consultation +0.25
demands for participation +0.75
demands for exclusive

decision-making rights +1.00

270

271

For construction of the figures, the above values were used
for demands regarding a specific issue involved in a con-
flict, while for demands for decision making power in gen-
eral, the above values were doubled, on the assumption that
demands for decision making power in general represent a
higher level of expectations than demands for rights in a
specific area.

For construction of the figures, all six subcate-
gories were combined. Thus, in a given year there might be
one conflict where a demand for consultation in the specific
area was mentioned (0.25); another conflict where a demand
for representation in general was asserted (0.75 x 2 = 1.50)
as well as a demand for exclusive decision making power in
the specific issue (1.00). The bar for that year would be
the equivalent of 2.75.

The height equivalences are as follows:

0.25 0.75

a u T

2. Student Rejection of Control
by other Groups

Two main types of assertions are included here:
assertions that other groups have no right to make decisions
for students in a specific area, and assertions that they
have no right to make decisions for students in any student
affairs. As mentioned in Appendix A, each such assertion

was assigned the numerical value of +1.00. However, for

272

construction of the figures, the value of assertions regard-
ing the right of other groups to make decisions for students
in student affairs in general was doubled, on the assumption
that these represent a higher level of rejection of control
by other groups. For the construction of the figures, the
two types of assertions were combined. Thus, in a given
year, there might be a conflict in which one statement was
found rejecting others' authority in a specific area (1.00)
and a conflict in which a statement rejecting their power
in general was found (2.00). The bar for that year would
be the equivalent of 3.00.

The height equivalences for these assertions are
the same as for assertions of student decision making
rights.

Student Bejection of Their
aditional Image

 

;.
T

 

Four types of assertions are included here: asser-
tions that students are mature and adult, assertions that
students are able to make their own decisions, assertions
that students are responsible and can be trusted, and asser-

tions that the concept of in_loco parentis is not acceptable.

 

Each assertion was assigned the value of +1.00, and all four
types of assertions were combined in the construction of

the figures. Thus, if there were four conflicts in a given
year, and in each conflict one of the four assertions was
found, the bar for that year would be the equivalent of

4.00.

273

The height equivalence here is as follows:

1.00

 

U
4. Class Consciousness
Two types of assertions are included here: assertions
that students have the power potential to accomplish their
goals, and assertions that students share common problems.
Each assertion was assigned the value of +1.00. In Figure 8,
each type of assertion is represented by a separate bar,

according to the following height equivalence:

1.00

D

APPENDIX C

INTERCODER RELIABILITY

APPENDIX C

INTERCODER RELIABILITY

The content analysis was done by Barbara Swirski,
my wife, and myself. Each reader coded about half the years
in each of the two universities. A pretest of the coding

procedure was run on the Michigan State News during January

 

and February of 1970. In March of 1970 the coding procedure
was pretested on the Daily Cardinal. Finally, in June of
1970, about two weeks were spent again testing the content
analysis procedures and checking for reliability. Thus,
quite a substantial amount of time was devoted to testing
the procedure before the actual coding was begun.

During the pretest stage, the reliability of entire
years was checked to determine if the coders agreed on the
items recorded on the summary sheets. This procedure was
later abandoned, out of two considerations. First of all,
it was sometimes difficult to determine whether or not a
student action conformed to our definition of conflict.
Since it was thought preferable to gather more information
than was necessary for the analysis rather than less infor-
mation, it was decided that whenever either coder was in

doubt over whether a particular action constituted a

274

275

conflict, he should record it as a conflict. At the end
of each coding day the conflicts recorded for the day were
discussed, and it was determined which ones to consider as
conflicts. The procedure also had the advantage of giving
both coders complete exposure to all material coded.

The second reason for not continuing reliability
checks on entire years was that this would have been a
very expensive and time-consuming procedure, since some
years required more than a week to code.

The reliability checks focused on attitudes. Two
methods were used to measure the reliability of attitudes.
Under the first procedure tried, after one reader had coded
an entire conflict, the second reader was instructed to
read all issues during the time period in which that con-
flict occurred and to code the conflict. Since agreement
on summary sheet items was very high (over 90%) and the
procedure, like the previous one, proved very expensive and
time-consuming, a second method was devised. After a given
conflict had been coded, a second set of attitude sheets was
prepared for the second reader. The identification items
were coded (school, conflict number, item number, date,
and type of item). All the second reader had to do was to
locate the appropriate units of recording and code the
attitudes.

Intercoder reliability was calculated in two ways.

The formula for Method A was:

276

T - D
T

 

, where

T represents the total number of coding decisions
checked for reliability, and

D represents the total number of coding disagree-
ments.

The measures of intercoder reliability are pre-
sented in Table 31 below:

TABLE 31.--Intercoder reliability for attitudes coded at
Wisconsin and Harvard, calculated by Method A.

 

 

Total Decisions Disagreements Reliability
Wisconsin 1488 21 98.6%
Harvard 1004 0 100.0%

 

As can be seen, disagreements were few and intercoder relia-
bility was extremely high.

It has been noted that few attitudes were found, so
that in most cases "O-No Reference" was coded. Because of
this fact it was decided to check the reliability of the
cases in which at least one coder had coded an attitude
other than 0. The following formula was then used:

A - D

A , where

 

A represents the total number of cases in which at

least one coder had marked a subcategory other than 0, and

277

D represents the number of cases in which the coders
differed over the coding of an attitude.

The results of Method B can be seen in Table 32
below:

TABLE 32.--Intercoder reliability for attitudes coded at
Wisconsin and Harvard, calculated by Method B.

 

Total Attitudes

 

Marked Disagreements Reliability
Wisconsin 112 21 81%
Harvard 13 0 100%

 

Though intercoder reliability is lower when calculated in

this way, it is still quite high.

 

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