THE VULNERABILITY OF URBAN ELEMENTARY SCHOOL ARTS PROGRAMS: A CASE STUDY By Ryan D. Shaw A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Music Education ÑDoctor of Philosophy 2015 ABSTRACT THE VULNERABILITY OF URBAN ELEMENTARY SCHOOL ARTS PROGRAMS: A CASE STUDY By Ryan D. Shaw In the post -NCLB accountability era, researchers have found consistent evidence of curriculum narrowing in school districts across the country. While macro -level studies have examined the redirection of instructional time and resources toward tested subjec ts (e.g., mathematics and reading) and have shown cuts to school arts programs, little research has focused on how school districts decide to make arts instruction cuts . With the intent of improving our understanding of cuts to elementary arts programs, th e purpose of this research was to investigate how one urban school (Lansing School District in Lansing, Michigan) eliminated its elementary arts specialists. Research questions were: (a) What policy conditions enabled the Lansing School DistrictÕs decision to cut its elementary a rts specialists? (b) How did the decision -making process unfold? (c) How do people involved with the decision describe the subsequent impacts of the cuts? This instrumental case study drew on policy analysis to investigate how macr o-level policy conditions interact with micro -level decision -making processes to cause arts education policy changes. Data sources included 18 interviews with former Lansing School District teachers, current employees, and community arts provider represent atives, as well as related documents and researcher memos. Data were collected over the course of six months . After interviews were coded emergently for themes, I used the Advocacy Coalition Framework (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) to organize findings b y research question. Trustworthiness was enhanced through researcher reflexivity, collection of multiple data sources , prolonged engagement with the research site , participant member checks, and peer review of analysis. Findings showed that a confluence of macro - and micro -level policy conditions enabled the cuts. Conditions included declining enrollment and budget p roblems spurred by school choice laws and other factors, faltering school achievement performance, and a negative perception of elementary arts teachers and subject areas. The elementary arts programs had also been weakened through teacher layoffs, permissive teacher certification/assignment policies, poor oversight, and lapsed grant funding. Analysis showed th at the decision -making process was characterized by rival coalitions whose membership was defined by belief systems. These coalitions engaged in framing/imaging tactics, policy -oriented learning, Òdevil shiftÓ blaming, and coordination to advance their age ndas. Elementary arts teachers were likely weakened by a diversity of coalition membership and a lack of a parental/community coalition. I also found that when a community arts provider coalition surfaced after the cuts were announced, its influence was hi ndered by internal disagreements. Finally, analysis suggested that in the wake of the cuts to specialis t positions, elementary students in Lansing have received inconsistent arts education experiences. Because of classroom teachersÕ lack of efficacy and ab ility, loss of daily planning time, and the inconsistent visits from community arts groups and small contingent of arts coordinators employed by the district, little or no curricular arts education is occurring for students in grades kindergarten through s ixth grade. Based on the findings, I offer critical r eflection on a number of topics and offer general recommendations as well as implications for researchers . Copyright by RYAN D. SHAW 2015 v For our little family. vi ACKNOWLEDG MENTS I first want to thank the teachers and community arts providers who were willing to speak with me about this important topic. Your desire to speak out and fight for LansingÕs health as a district and for the artistic opportunities Lansing students deserve will always be a n inspiration. Trusting an unknown doc toral student to tell your stories was undoubtedly difficult and required a leap of faith. Thanks for inviting me in. To my advisor , Dr. Mitchell Robinson: thank you for everything. You have mentored me and brought me into the profession, and I cannot fu lly express my gratitude in a short paragraph . Over the last three years, your open door and ability to let me forge my own path have meant the world to me. T hanks for being ÒpricklyÓ and standing your ground about important issues. I have learned so much from the way you care about music teachersÕ well being. Thank you to the rest of my dissertation committee for your willingness to read my work, and ask tough questions, and push me to consider multiple angles. When it seemed this study might have needed to be abandoned, your guidance kept the research on track. Thank you especially to Dr. Josh Cowen for introducing me to the world of education policy, and to Dr. Cynthia Tag gart for the unbelievable care you have provided. Thank you to my support system. My friends at MSU and my family helped to keep me on an even keel. Finally, to my wife and best friend, Melanie: y ou let me quit my job and pursue what I loved. I am still not sure how we did this the last three years. I love you and I a m the best version of myself because of you . vii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ......................................................................................................................... xi LIST OF FIGURES ....................................................................................................................... xii CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1 Equity and Opportunity in Urban Schools .......................................................................... 4 Magnet Arts Education Programs ....................................................................................... 7 The Effects of the Accountability Era on Music Curricula ................................................. 8 Specialists vs. Generalists: Teacher Certification ............................................................... 9 Changing Definitions of Arts Education ........................................................................... 12 School Funding Structures ................................................................................................ 15 Labor Laws and Politics .................................................................................................... 16 Summary and Reflections .................................................................................................. 18 Pur pose and Research Questions ....................................................................................... 19 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF LITERATURE ......................................................................... 20 Curriculum Narrowing ...................................................................................................... 21 National Studies ..................................................................................................... 21 State/Large City Studies ........................................................................................ 23 Qualitative Studies ................................................................................................. 25 Targeted Cuts for Accountability -Based Subgroups ............................................. 27 Disproportionate Cuts for Minorities and Students in Poverty ............................. 29 Narrowed Pedagogical Options in Urban Schools ................................................ 31 Summar y ................................................................................................................ 32 The Status of the Arts in Schools: Federal Core? .............................................................. 33 Generalists, Specialists, and Teacher Certificatio n ........................................................... 34 Chang ing Definitions of Arts Education ........................................................................... 38 Cuts to Arts Specialist Positions ........................................................................................ 43 Need for Present Study ...................................................................................................... 45 Purpose and Research Questions ....................................................................................... 47 CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ...................................................................................... 48 Design ................................................................................................................................ 48 Case Study ............................................................................................................. 48 Policy Analysis ...................................................................................................... 49 Sampling ............................................................................................................................ 51 Description of the Research Site ....................................................................................... 52 Theoretical Lens ................................................................................................................ 55 ResearcherÕs Lens .............................................................................................................. 56 Data Sources ...................................................................................................................... 58 Interviews .............................................................................................................. 58 viii Access Issues ......................................................................................................... 59 Documents ............................................................................................................. 62 Researcher Memos ................................................................................................ 62 Procedure and Timeline ..................................................................................................... 63 Analysis ............................................................................................................................. 63 Policy -Formation Analysis .................................................................................... 63 Interview Transcripts Coding ................................................................................ 65 Trustworthiness ................................................................................................................. 65 Limitations ......................................................................................................................... 67 How Data Are Reported .................................................................................................... 67 CHAPTER FOUR: ENABLING CONDITIONS ......................................................................... 69 Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 69 Interpreting Conditions as ÒRelatively Stable ParametersÓ ............................................... 69 Declining Enrollment and Budget Problems ..................................................................... 71 School Choice ........................................................................................................ 71 Teacher Layoffs ..................................................................................................... 72 Magnet School Strategy ........................................................................................ 74 Facilities I ssues and State Aid Decreases .............................................................. 76 School Performance Accountability .................................................................................. 79 The Rise and Fall of the LSD Arts Programs .................................................................... 81 ÒLansing Used to be a PowerhouseÓ ..................................................................... 84 Federal Grants Enhance Arts Instruction .............................................................. 85 Visual Thinking Strategies (VTS) ............................................................. 85 PAINTS Grant ........................................................................................... 86 Picturi ng America ...................................................................................... 87 Mini -Grants, Field Trips, Collaboration .................................................... 87 ÒMI ArtsÓ Grant ......................................................................................... 88 Grant Programs Not Universally Appreciated/Adopted ............................ 89 Grant Funding Allowed to Lapse .............................................................. 90 ÒWeÕre on the Downslope NowÓ: Cut s to Instrumental Music ............................. 92 Negative Perception of Elementary AMPE Teachers and Content Areas ......................... 94 ÒRelease/Planning Time SpecialistsÓ .................................................................... 95 Scheduling Problems and Ineffective Oversight ................................................... 96 AMPE ÒOffered UpÓ in Previous Negotiations ..................................................... 98 Structural Weakening of Elementary AMPE Programs .................................................... 99 Non -Endorse d Teachers Placed in Sp ecialist Roles .............................................. 99 Moving Teachers in and Out of Roles/Schools ................................................... 108 ÒArt on a CartÓ and Negotiable Spaces ............................................................... 109 Discussion ........................................................................................................................ 112 CHAPTER FIVE: THE DECISION -MAKING PROCESS ....................................................... 115 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 115 External Perturbations and ÒShocksÓ .............................................................................. 116 Financial Shock: Emergency Ma nager ................................................................ 116 Accountability Shock: Educational Achievement Authority (EAA) .................. 120 ix Legal Shock: ÒRight to WorkÓ ............................................................................ 121 Understanding the Coalitions and Relationships ............................................................. 124 The Union Leadership ......................................................................................... 125 The District Leadership ....................................................................................... 127 The AMPE Teachers ........................................................................................... 128 Non -AMPE LSEA Members ............................................................................... 130 Coalition -Building Processes and Interactions ................................................................ 132 ÒWhisperingsÓ and ÒRumblingsÓ: Hearing about Potential Cuts ........................ 132 Beginning the Negotiation/Bargaining Process ................................................... 136 The General Membership Meeting ...................................................................... 138 Tension between AMPE and Classroom Teachers ............................................. 142 Discussion: Lack of Parental/Community Coalition ........................................... 144 Discussion: Coalitions and Policy Beliefs ........................................................... 147 Discussion: Separating Personal Beliefs from Professional Beliefs ................... 150 Post -Decision Policy Framing/Imaging .......................................................................... 152 Union Leadership Framing Tactics ..................................................................... 153 AMPE TeachersÕ Framing Tactics ...................................................................... 155 District LeadershipÕs Public Rhetoric ................................................................. 159 Interactions between the CAP Coalition and District Leadership ................................... 163 The Immediate Reaction: CAP GroupsÕ Attempt to Respon d ............................ 163 CAP Groups Look for Guidance ......................................................................... 165 Convening the Full CAP Coalition ...................................................................... 169 AFTA Guidance .................................................................................................. 169 Early CAP Coalition Strategy ............................................................................. 171 The NAMM Forum: Making the Dialogue Public .............................................. 174 CAP Coalition Fractures: ÒNot on the Same PageÓ ............................................ 176 ÒBless and ReleaseÓ ............................................................................................. 181 Second Stage CAP Strategy ................................................................................ 184 Discussion: How Shared is the Endeavor? .......................................................... 189 Mistrust, Blaming, and the ÒDevil ShiftÓ ........................................................................ 192 Mistrust over the Contract Ratification Vote ...................................................... 193 DIAF Chosen Politically ..................................................................................... 194 District Leadership Seen as ÒPunishersÓ ............................................................. 197 CHAPTER SIX: THE IMPACTS OF THE CUTS AND ÒTHE NEW NORMALÓ ................... 200 Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 200 Classroom Gener alists Teaching Art and Music ............................................................. 201 A Continuum of Implementation ......................................................................... 201 Classroom TeachersÕ Reasons for Struggling with Arts Instruction ................... 208 A Counter Example: ÒKids are Getting More NowÓ ........................................... 212 Discussion: Teacher Confidence ......................................................................... 213 Discussion: Is This Arts Integrat ion? .................................................................. 214 Discussion: STEAM Schools .............................................................................. 216 The Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF) ................................................. 219 Hiring and Early History ..................................................................................... 220 Challenges of the DIAFÕs Job ............................................................................. 224 x Tensions between the DIAF and Classroom Teachers ........................................ 229 Discussion: Future of the DIAF Uncertain .......................................................... 234 CAP Groups Partner with the Lansing School District ................................................... 237 Impacts of the Cuts on the LSD Staff .............................................................................. 241 Where are the AMPE Teachers Now? ................................................................. 241 Classroom Teachers Struggling: Health, Stress, and Morale .............................. 245 Bleak Future for the Lansing School District .................................................................. 250 Secondary M usic Enrollment Suffers .................................................................. 252 Discussion: Conflicting Messages on District Health ......................................... 253 CHAPTER SEVE N: DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................ 257 Limitations ....................................................................................................................... 257 Generalizability and Transferability .................................................................... 258 Policy Analysis Limi tations ................................................................................ 259 Critical Discussion of Findings ....................................................................................... 261 Understanding the Cuts in Relation to Class, Race, and Capital ......................... 261 Equity of Opportunity or More? .......................................................................... 267 The Role of the Arts in School Choice ................................................................ 269 ÒShared EndeavorÓ and Appropriate ÒRolesÓ ..................................................... 270 The Role of Teacher Emotions, Stress, and Trust ............................................... 275 Recommenda tions ........................................................................................................... 277 Strengthen Teacher Certification Policy Language ............................................. 277 Adopt Opportunity to Learn Standards ............................................................... 278 Broaden the Concept of Accountability .............................................................. 279 Maintain Planning Time ...................................................................................... 280 Proactively Build Broad Arts Education Coalitions ............................................ 281 Implications for Research ................................................................................................ 282 Coda ................................................................................................................................. 284 APPENDICES ............................................................................................................................. 286 Appendix A: IRB Approval Letter .................................................................................. 287 Appendix B: Denial of Access Letter from Lansing School District .............................. 288 Appendix C: List of Preliminary Codes .......................................................................... 289 Appendix D: Codes Mapped by Research Questions ...................................................... 295 Appendix E: Statement from the Arts Council of Greater Lansing ................................ 301 Appendix F: Statement from the MSU College of Music ............................................... 303 Appendix G: Superintendent Caamal CanulÕs NAMM Forum Speech .......................... 305 Appendix H: Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF) Flyer ......................... 306 REFERENCES ............................................................................................................................ 307 xi LIST OF TABLES Table 1: List of Lansing School District Schools by Grade Level and Focus .............................. 54 xii LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1 : Ad vocacy Coalition Framework Diagram ..................................................................... 64 Figure 2 : Comparison of the SEADAE Venn Diagram and the DIAF Venn Diagram ............... 274 Figure 3: Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF) Flyer ........................................... 306 1 CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION In March of 2013, the Lansing School District (L SD) in Lansing, Michigan reached a decision with its teachers union on a five -year contract. The district had been faced with a large budget deficit, and closing the gap necessitated tough decisions. Over 80 FTEs were cut, including the entire elementary art, music, and physical education teaching staff. The cuts to elementary visual art and music amounted to 27 teaching positions. With the ÒspecialsÓ teachers gone, the responsibility for elementary arts and physical education would now fall on the classroom teachers. This controv ersial move resulted from a stark choice for teachers in the union: all teachers could either accept a 15% pay cut over three years , or could agree to give up their daily planning time and accept the new teaching responsibilities. In the end, over 80% of union members vote d in favor of the latter option. The decision initiated a public relations scramble, with the local and national arts communities decrying the decision and the district countering that the arts programs had not been cut, merely redesigned. Early accounts suggested the arts would now be contracted out to Òcommunity artists,Ó which caught local ar ts organizations off guard ( Wells, 2013). Without notice to these arts groups, Lansing School Districts Õs Superintendent , Dr. Yvonne Caamal Canul, suggested a coordinated plan: Ò We kind of wanted to redesign the arts, music, and P.E. program to bring in community expertise. There are relationships with Wharton [Center] , Michigan State University and the arts community which is very vibrant here in LansingÓ (Li, 2013). A memo from the Superintendent to staff from the same time echoed this purported partnership: Ò The district É will begin redesigning our arts and physical education programming efforts in grades K Ð5 so that there are high levels of inc lusivity with the community Ó (Monday Morning Memo, March 25, 2013). However, the districtÕs decision spurred local arts 2 organizations to close ranks and withhold services in an attempt to leverage a return of the traditional elementary arts programs. Michi gan State University issued a statement against the move, and within days, the story had been picked up by national arts organizations and education blogs (Ravitch, 2013) . The district rhetoric that followed the decision to cut instruction by specialists was especially interesting. Rather than a grim message acknowledging that an unfortunate decision was made to remedy an alarming fiscal situation, administrators painted an optimistic picture. In a news story soon after the decision was made, district spok esperson Bob Kolt noted , ÒIt was an opportunity t o reshape and enhance the arts Ó (Wells, 2013). In another new report , the same spokesperson said , Ò[Elementary arts and PE] will not be replaced, it will just be a better product and learning opportunity Ó (Wittrock , 2013). Another quotation from the district spokesperson reiterated this Òlong -awaited improvementÓ rhetoric: Ò What weÕre doing is very exciting Ñ thereÕs not a model that weÕre looking at É Parents werenÕt happy with the system the way it was. WeÕ re going to work to make ours better. WeÕre going to focus to create a qua lity program that creates value Ó (Kolt in Ross , 2013). Over the following summer, the district hired seven consultants (from the pool of teachers who had been laid off) to create les son plans and give guidance to the classroom teachers who would now teach arts and physical education. Internal documents (meeting agendas and minutes) track the development of this new instructional department. A review of meeting agendas from June and Ju ly 2013 show that the new staffers are first referred to as Òprogram specialists,Ó then Òcoordinators,Ó and finally Òconsultants.Ó A June 10 th planning meeting agenda includes the bullet point, ÒName the group.Ó From a review of these documents, one can see the new elementary arts program c oming together in real time, as staff negotiate d and discuss ed 3 priorities, workflow, and communications. A final bullet point from the June 10 th agenda reads: ÒHow can we resell the program to the Arts community?Ó At first glance, this may seem to be a rather unexceptional instance. After all, curricular/personnel cuts in urban areas are not new or exceptional. As Roza (2012) suggested, ÒIt is an annual ritual in many urban school districts these days: figuring out where to nip and tuck the budget and how to spread the painÓ (p. 54). This also is not the only recent example of cuts to arts specialist positions i n urban areas. High -profile cases of proposed or execute d cuts include districts in Buffalo ( Kingston, 2014 ), Milwaukee (Miner, 2011; Trafi -Prats & Woyw od, 2013), and Los Angeles (Plummer, 2014 ). The Center for Arts Education (2013) reported an 18% reducti on in certified arts teachers at the middle school level in New York City between 2004 and 2012. Contemporary discourse in arts advocacy circles almost assumes a place on the proverbial chopping block , and the tenuous status of the arts in schools reaches back to the 1980s-1990s battles over what would be considered a core subject (Elpus, 2013; Ravitch, 1995), and even back to the slow acceptance of the first schoo l music programs in Boston (Mark & Madura , 2014). As an instrumental case study, however, the Lansing School DistrictÕs ( LSD) decision provides a fascinating example of how a confluence of factors can cause vulnerability for urban elementary school arts programs. Studying the Lansing School District can illuminate issues and provide some answers t o questions that plague many urban school districts. These questions are both timely in the sense that they reference recent policy developments, and timeless in the sense that they represent persistent issues of justice, equit y, and stakeholder values . 4 In this chapter, I first briefly discuss how studying a policy development like the one in LSD raises important issues and questions. I offer only brief introductions here, but will review literature on these topics extensively in Chapter T wo. Equity and O pportunity in Urban Schools Although issues of equity in schooling exist in all kinds of communities, urban centers 1 have long been sites of intense debates about resource s and opportunities (Kozol, 1991, 2005 ). As Fitzpatrick (2011) notes, the majority of schools in America are in large or midsize cities or accompanying urban fringe areas, and these schools serve more than two thirds of all public school students in the United States. On average, urban schools are more likely to serve low income students (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010) , and a variety of stakeholders at local and national levels have long debated the appropriate role of school systems in dealing with poverty (Lipman, 2004). Some critics have noted that even equalizing urban per pupil spending wit h that of suburban districts (or in certain cases, exceeding suburban levels) is not sufficient to facilitate satisfactory outcomes amidst more systemic community issues ( Lipman, 2004 ; Kozol, 2005). Others have criticized aggressively what they see as low expectations and bureaucratic waste in urban public schools and have responded with market -based reforms (Carlson, 1993; Ravitch, 2013b). With more and more Americans living in urban areas (U .S. Census Bureau, 2012), the attention demanded by equity issues is not likely to subside. Some scholars have even suggested that equity is such an important topic in urban schooling as to be used as a kind of rhetorical device. Christenson (2007) suggested that top -down school reforms often co -opt the language of soc ial justice -focused programs such as after 1 Urban refers to densely populated areas, and the US Census Bureau recognizes both Òurban centersÓ (over 50,000 people) and Òurbanized areasÓ (between 2,500 and 50,000) (US Census Bureau, 2012). 5 school and community center activities for at -risk youth . In this sense, efforts to raise stakes for standardized testing outcomes Ña recent focus of reformers Ñmay be framed as ways to remedy historical disenfranch isement (Christenson, 2007). Hursh (2008) further suggests that recent accountability systems can be explained by situating efforts to close the achievement gap within dominant neoliberal frameworks. In sum, the persistent themes of equity and social justi ce in urban schooling can be seen as a form of currency. Urban schools have been ground zero for the most contentious school reform efforts including school vouchers, charter schools, and school choice programs (Lipman, 2004 ). In 2011-2012, whi le 24% of traditional publ ic schools were urban , the majority of charter schools (55%) were located in cities (U .S. Census Bureau, 2012). A narrative of equity and access is at the heart of many of the debates over these issues. Some advocates of vouchers and school choice suggest that these reforms give urban families options and help to level the playing field (Nathan, 1998). Opponents counter that school choice policies exacerbate funding problems in urban public schools (Arsen & Ni, 2012; Ni & Arsen, 2011) by pro moting Òsustained outflows of students and revenue from districts charged with educating the highest -need c hildrenÓ (Arsen, 2013, n.p.). Questions over charter school quality are complex and far from definitive . Though some charters have demonstrated impro vement in terms of student test scores, charters have not, on the whole, been shown to outperform their public school counterparts ( Center for Research on Education Outcomes, 2009 , 2013). Though there are technical definitions for how the government classifies urbanicity, it is also clear that the term ÒurbanÓ has both nuance and a variety of social dimensions. In terms of nuance, there are clear differences between an urban center such as the newly -urban Grand Island, Nebraska (2010 population 50,400) and the New York -Newark area (2010 population 6 18,351,295) (US Census Bureau, 2010). The density (persons per square mile) also differs significantly. Additionally, there are complicated sociop olitical dimensions to the term Òurban,Ó including the conflicting notions of urban centers as places of sophistication/culture versus decay/danger (Leonardo & Hunter, 2007). Scholars note that connotations of urban schooling are often negative (Boutte , 2012; Watson, Charner -Laird, Kirkpatrick, Szczesiul, & Gordon, 2006) . Boutte (2012) suggests: Sociopolitically, the term urban is frequently codified to refer to students of color who are often unruly, poor, and lack academic skills É The nature of exist ing power relationships between White people and people of color in the United States is inherently signified in the term urban. Whether referred to as Òurban,Ó Òinner -city,Ó or other supposedly euphemistic terminology, conno tations of Òdisadvantag edÓ and Òde ficitÓ are suggested (p. 520). Schmidt (2011) concurs, noting that, Ò To qualify an educational enterprise as urban is not an endeavor without perils, as the urban exists within a complex and at times severely biased set of perceptions Ó (p. 1). In discourse about urban spaces, scholars such as Gaztambide -Fernandez (2011) encourage starting with the materialist definition of urban (i.e., population density), but moving on to considerations of these deeper sociological/cultural meanings. Recent legal developm ents have dem onstrated that urban schools also are sites of debates over equity of opportunity. For example, defendants in Vergara v. State of California successfully sued the state of California over employment statutes (e.g., tenure rules, dismissal rule s) they claimed caused inadequate teaching quality for students in five districts. The named plaintiff was a student in Los Angeles Unified School District (Fensterwald, 2014). The trial brought to the fore research showing that teachers in urban schools t end to be less qualified and 7 less effective according to value -added models (Lankford, Loeb, & Wyckoff, 2002), while other scholars countered that teachers account for little of the variance in student test scores, and VAMs may unduly penalize teachers of high -poverty students (Raudenbush, 2013). In a second lawsuit, parents in Pennsylvania sued the state for not providing an adequate education for their children (Graham, 2014). A third major development has come in the form of threatened action from the U. S. Department of EducationÕs Office of Civil Rights. In one recent letter, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan sent a letter to states and districts warning that the office would investigate instances of unequal access to educational resources (e.g., advanc ed courses, arts courses) (Klein, 2014). Another letter warned that states must demonstrate equal access to high -quality teachers for poor and minority children (Rich, 2014). Magnet Ar ts Education Programs While many urban districts maintain arts programs that match the sequential arts offerings present at rural and suburban districts, division of urban districts into magnet schools has changed the delivery of arts instr uction (Goldring & Smrekar, 1999 ). Magnet school s first were accepted as a means of racial desegregation in 1975, and recent estimates suggest an overwhelming prevalence of magnets Ñincluding arts magnets Ñin urban districts nati onwide (Goldring & Smrekar, 1999 ). Around 50% of large urban districts includ e magnet schools in their desegregation plans, while only around 10% of suburban districts do th e same (Goldring & Smrekar, 1999 ). The existence of arts magnet schools can lead to an ironic phenomenon: inequity within urban districts (or within school bui ldings) that mirror general imbalances between many suburban and urban locales (Karpinski, 2006; Wilson, 2001). Evidence for this tracking is mixed, however, with analyses of large data sets demonstrating nuanced results for racial tracking in 8 magnet schoo ls (Davis, 2014). Magnet programs are supported by federal categorical grants such as the Magnet Schools Assistance Program (MSAP), which can improve funding for certain schools by effectively bypassing local funding cons traints (Goldring & Smrekar, 1999 ). In fact, LSD received almost $4 million in September 2013 to develop ÒSTEAMÓ magnet schools: schools that integrate the arts (A) into science, technology, engineering, and math programs (STEM) (Smith, 2013). Milwaukee presents a representative story of t he arts magnet narrative. The city started using arts magnets in its 1970s desegr egation plan and was eventually singled out as an example of excellence for the use of such schools (Miner, 2011). The magnet metaphor is apt, as the district intended to draw students from the suburbs with these specialized programs (Miner, 2011). But in 2011, Milwaukee Public Schools faced drastic cuts of over $80 million and Òart, music, and phys -ed teachers became an endangered speciesÓ (Miner, 2011, p. 4). Several years later, Milwaukee schools are restoring arts positions across the district in an effort to boost school attendance (Toner, 2014). In sum, the arts often take on fascinating significance in urban districts Ñboth as magnets to attract new students, and as one of the first subjects to be cut (Trafi -Prats & Woywod, 2013). The Effects of the Accoun tability Era on Music Curricula Cuts such as the ones in LSD bring up issues related to how the accountability era has affected s chool curricula . Though definitions of s chool accountability can differ (Thompson -Shriver, 2009), I operationalize Òera of accountabilityÓ to mean the post -NCLB era of school reform that includes accountability measures focusing on schools (e.g., Òadequate yearly progress,Ó school report cards) and teachers (e.g., high -stakes teacher evaluation procedures, tying teacher effectiveness to standardized test scores, erosion of teacher tenure), as exacerbated 9 most recently by the federal ÒRace to the TopÓ program (White House Press Office, n.d.). Although accountability measures have existed in different forms for much of the 20 th and 21 st centuries, LaVigne and Good (2013 ) note that the post -NCLB Òneed to document progress in education has had a lasting effect,Ó calling our current situation Òan accou ntability addictionÓ (p. 1). Although music was designated as a core subject under Goals 2000 and No Child Left Behind , it has still been marginalized because it is not a tested subject (Elpus, 2013; Koza, 2010). Since NCLB only mandates tests in math and reading in grades 3 -8 (and less frequently in science) (United States Department of Education, n.d.), oth er subjects have been ignored in comparison. Numerous studies confirm not only that curriculum has been narrowed, but that this narrowing effect is fe lt disproportionately by high -poverty and high -minority groups. This narrowing includes less class time for the arts, fewer class offerings in the arts , and efforts to include tested -subject content in ar ts classes (see Chapter T wo for review of this liter ature). In sum, while the standards -era core status for the arts inspired adoption of state standards and widespread optimism, features of NCLB meant that the arts were still largely considered to be Òworth lessÓ (Koza, 2010). Specialists vs. Generalists: Teacher Certification When a district like LSD moves to include instruction in the arts by elementary classroom teachers (generalists) in place of instruction by certified arts teachers (specialists), it raises persistent questions about teacher qualifications. What does it mean to be qualified to teach a subject? What does it mean to be certified to teach a subject? Are the two synonymous? The NCLB language required that all teachers of core subjects meet qualification requirements by 2005-2006 in their assigned areas, defined as: (a) having a bachelo rÕs degree in the subject, 10 (b) have full/continuing state certification, and (c) have demonstrated subject -matter competency (often as assessed by a teacher certification exam) (Educatio n Commission of the States, 2014 ). Until the Òhighly qualifiedÓ provis ions in the No Child Left Behind act were enacted, certification was determined locally and differed from state to state. This previous arrangement meant that educators could teach Òout of fieldÓ and/or obtain emergency/provisional certification (Educatio n Commission of the States, 2014 ). Not surprisingly, there are correlations between teaching out of field and school district poverty level (Ingersoll, 2005). Recent national statistics indicate that 91% of elementary school music classes and 84% of visual arts courses are taught by certified arts teachers (Parsad & Spiegelman, 2012). These statistics do n ot necessarily tell a complete story because they are not disaggregated. Even though the majority of students are taught by ÒcertifiedÓ teachers, it is un clear whether these teachers are specialists or generalists with an Òall subjectsÓ certification. Byo (1999) reports 1995 statistics suggesting that 70% of elementary school music courses were taught by specialists alone, 22% by a combination of specialist s and generalists, and 8% by generalists alone. Forty -two states have some sort of arts certification language in place and specify the requirements (credit hours or alternative certification routes), and six states include no language about arts teacher certification (Arts Education Partnership, 2014). The difference in preparation is not small: elementary teachers certified to teach arts subjects generally take one or two courses, which pales in comparison to certified arts teachers whose academic major in college involve (on average) over 100 credit hours of coursework in the art form (Parsad & Spiegelman, 2012). Certification rules can be changed by altering a stateÕs administrative code, often under the control of a stateÕs board of education or state Superintendent . A recent case from Ohio 11 demonstrates the ease with which an administrative code change can affect district staffing options. In early November 2014, proposed changes to OhioÕs administrative code (chapter 3301-35.4) would eliminate provisi ons that expressly require districts to provide specialists. Specifically, this includes elementary art, music, and physical education teachers as well as school nurses, librarians, counselors, and social workers (Yutzey, 2014). New language in the adminis trative code would more broadly define Òeducational services personnel,Ó which critics see as an invitation to cut specialistsÕ positions (Candisk y, 2014; Yutzey, 2014). Certification guidelines fo r elementary teachers often are less straightforward than for secondary (6 -12) teacher s. While secondary teachers often are certified in a single subject, elementary teachers may be certified to teach Òall subjectsÓ if students spend the majority of their day in a self -contained classro om with a single educator . In the case of a state like the one in which LSD operates, some elementary teachers are certified to teach all core subjects based on coursework in their teacher preparation program and on subject matter tests ( Michigan Department of Education, 2014 ). Whi le such broad certification provides flexibility for states and districts, it also invites potential problems. Research on generalists teaching music and art suggests that they often do so without confidence, passion, or integrity ( Byo, 1999, 2000; Colwell , 2008; Oreck, 2004). In fact, some research suggests they rarely include arts instruction in their elementary classrooms except in instances of holiday celebration s and other special events ( Bresler, 1994 ; LaJevic, 2013; Stake , Bresler, & Mabry 1991). As Eisner (1999) suggests , administrators who do not employ specialists may be expecting classroom teachers Òto teach what they do not know and often do not loveÓ (p. 19). 12 Changing Definitions of Arts Education Parallel to the changes in who provides school arts education (generalists instead of specialists), there have been documented changes in the ÒwhatÓ of arts curricula. Two related movements Ñarts integration and STEAM Ñserve as exemplars of the changing definitions of what constitutes ar ts education. Arts integration refers to the practice of combining an art form with another core content area. STEAM refers to the movement to include the arts in the federally -sponsored effort to develop more graduates in STEM fields Ñthat is science, technology, engineering, and math (Rhode Island School of Design, 2014; Ryan, 2014). Specific definitions of these terms differ greatly and often do not match what happens in schools where such integration is attempted (Chapman, 2005) . While prominent sources such as the Kennedy Center (n.d.) define arts integration as a supplement to sequential arts instruction taught by certified arts teachers, some schools that feature arts integration have arrangements similar to LSDÕs curriculum (a handful of arts consulta nts offering assistance to generalists). Chapman (2005) also points out that most elementary school schedules guarantee that generalists and arts specialists cannot plan integration lessons collaboratively. Arts integration and STEAM programs also represe nt a shifting significance to arts education from a stand -alone subject area to a means of improvement for othe r outcomes. Arts integration often is trumpeted as a means to improving test score performance by federal groups (PresidentÕs Committee on Arts a nd Humanities, 2011), and there is federal money available to set up STEAM magnet schools ( U.S. Department of Education, 2014 ). The arts also are seen as a method of Òturning aroundÓ failing schools in high -poverty areas. In this sense, they are seen as a means to ends such as improving attendance, parent engagement, and student motivation (PresidentÕs Committee on Arts and Humanities, 2014). Increasingly, one can see the 13 displacement of sequential arts instruction in favor of integration. As an example, ev en though the Los Angeles Unified School District was able recently to raise millions from property taxes, the money will go toward hiring 100 new arts integration teachers, while elementary instrumental music teachers in the district will now each travel to 10 schools, and planned cuts will reduce courses from year -long to semester -long (Plummer, 2014). Bresler (1995) theorizes about the continuum of arts integration. She posits that there are four kinds of integration: subservient, affective, social inte gration, and co -equal. In subservient integration Ñwhich she notes is most common Ñthe arts are used as decoration but lack integrity. Affective integration involves exposure to the arts as a means of tapping into student feelings (e.g., playing music and as king students to write about how they feel). Social integration means using the arts for purposes of community building, such as when a school puts on a play for parents or features music from different cultural backgrounds. Finally, co -equal integration matches the Kennedy CenterÕs (n.d.) definition: rigorous, sequential objectives are equally pursued in both the art form and the core content area. Snyder (2001) offered a related framework of integration, recognizing the three modes of connection (one subj ect area in service of another), correlation (two areas sharing materials/activities), and integration (each subject pursuing its own theme but in tandem). Most recent research on the implementation of arts integration finds th at co -equal integration is ra re and that integration is often superficial (LaJevic, 2013; Mishook & Kornhaber, 2006). Decisions like the one in LSD also bring the relationship between community arts providers and urban school districts to the fore. As mentioned, district officials fr om LSD announced shortly after the vote to cut elementary arts specialistsÕ positions that they would involve community arts organizations in their new plans. While LSD ultimately was not 14 successful in doing so, urban districtsÕ practice of drawing upon co mmunity arts partnerships/resources is well founded. Big cities such as Chicago (Chicago Public Schools, 2013) and New York (New York City Department of Education, 2008) stress the importance of community arts providers and cultural institutions in their a rts education plans/blueprints. The distinction, however, is that such arts education plans stress that community arts providers should only supplement the work of certified arts speci alists, a viewpoint echoed in position paper s from the State Education A gency D irectors of Arts Education (2012, 2014). Numerous authors have suggested that , when school districts partner with community arts providers and visiting artists, student outcomes are positive (Costello, 1995; Heath & Roach, 1999; Krensky, 2001; Weit z, 1996). Other scholars have warned, however, that when school arts education programs rely too heavily on outside groups, economic problems or accountability pressures can create possibilities for wholesale outsourcing. Vasquez Heilig, Cole, and Aguilar (2010) discuss how a provision in Texas law HB. 3 established a pilot program for students in Houston, Dallas, and San Antonio Òto satisfy their fine arts requirement through an outside organization or program if it was not provid ed within their school dis trictÓ (Vasquez Heilig, Cole, & Aguilar, 2010). Clearly, differences exist in how community arts providers interact with, complement, or fully replace public school arts programs (Robinson, 1998). One can find an interesting example of emphasis on curricu lar arts instruction colliding with outside programming in comments made by LSDÕs Superintendent . In September 2013, the John Lennon Educational Tour Bus visited LansingÕs Everett High School for a community forum on the elementary arts decision in LSD. In her opening remarks, the Superintendent stressed her love for the arts and talked about cultural experiences from her youth Ñall of which centered on enrichment outside of school (see Yvonne Caamal Canul speech tran script in 15 appendix G ). Such enrichmen t opportunities, however, are not likely to be available to many of the economically disadvantaged youth in LSD. In a survey of 1,583 inner city middle school students, the vast majority did not participate in any after school events or lessons (Shann, 200 1). As Holloway and Krensky (2001) summarize, ÒThe consequences of cuts and gaps in arts curricula in urban schools are a progressive degeneration of challenging arts instruction to students who can least afford opportunities in the private sector or after schoolÓ (p. 354). School Funding Structures School funding structures are an important aspect of understanding how urban districts make determinations about budgetary cuts. While laws vary from state to state, the basic formula is the same. Most states use some kind of foundation funding, which is a minimum base allocation weighted by type of student (Roza, 2010). They also may use a modified foundation funding arrangement in which the base amount varies for every district, or they may allocate funds for staffing costs based on student enrollment (Roza, 2010). These base funds are then supplemented by ÒcategoricalsÓ: targeted grants at the state or federal level. When legislators seek to enact changes, they most often tie funding to these kinds of categor icals in a kind of bid for local control (Roza, 2010). Michigan, t he state in which LSD operates , changed its funding structure in the mid -1990s in an effort to equalize per pupil expenditures (Roy, 2011). Under this new arrangement, the state shouldered m ore of the burden for school spending, with the majority of operating funds funneling through MichiganÕs school aid fund that raises money through Òa mix of sin and sales taxesÓ (Baker, 2014, p. 14). Local districts can still raise thousands of dollars per pupil through nonhomestead property taxes and Òhold -harmlessÓ millages. Funds for school facilities, however, fall solely on local districts. This provision is rare ÑMichigan is one of only eight states with 16 such a rule Ñand this leads to a disparity of sch ool facility quality (MASB , 2013). Urban districts such as LSD are often characterized by aging school buildings, lack of current technology infrastructure, and vacant properties left when enrollment declines (Davis & Arsen , 2008). In sum, economically sensitive state finance policies, combined with choice/charter school policies that take per pupil funding from public schools are Òinteracting to create a downward spiral in the stateÕs urban districtsÓ (Arsen , 2013, n.p.). This certainly seems to be the case for a district like LSD, which has lost around 4,000 students since 2008 (MI School Data, 2015 ). LSD also is estimated to have lost about 40% of its potential student -aged population to other private schools and other pub lic schools in the 2014-2015 school year (Caamal Canul, 2015 ). A variety of forces brought about the budget deficit, and cuts to staffing were a natural choice to fill the budget gap, since staffing costs account for roughly 60-70% of any school budget (Ro za, 2010 ). Labor Laws and Politics Ultimately, the decision in LSD to cut the elementary arts and P.E. teachers was part of a contract negotiated between the district and the teachers union. Understanding how la bor law and bargaining work is essential therefore to introducing oneself to a situation like the one in LSD. The evolution of labor law in Michigan is fairly straightforward. In 1947, the Hutchinson Act was passed to clarify how employers would work with pu blic employee labor unions (Harty, 2014). When amended in 1965, this became known as the Public Employees Relations Act (PERA) and gave public employees the same collective bargaining rights as described in the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA) (Heron, 2002 ). Under the provisions of the PERA, unions and districts must bargain Òin good faith over wages, hours, and other terms and conditions of employmentÓ (MCL 423.215, section 15 of PERA). For a district like LSD, this practice governs the bargaining that determ ines contract 17 stipulations for teachers, bus drivers, food service workers, and other staff. While certain topics such as those listed (i.e., wages and hours) are mandatory subjects of bargaining, other subjects are classified as Òpermissive,Ó meaning they can be bargained, and some subjects such as pupil contact time required to receive full state aid are Òprohibite dÓ and cannot be bargained (Harty, 2014). These prohibited subjects can be discussed, but they are the exclusive authority of the school employ er. Depending on how LSDÕs decision is framed influences whether it required bargaining. A decision to cut elementary arts specialist positions is fully in the employerÕs control, but the decision to cut elementary classroom teachersÕ planning periods requ ired bargaining. Labor relations do not exist a vacuum, however. In general, and especially in the case of LSD, labor contracts are influenced by political realities (H ammer & Mazeter, 1993; Moe, 2011). The major political force to influence bargaining in LSD was the controversial ÒRight to WorkÓ law passed in 2012. This law amended section 9 and 10 of the PERA to prohibit agency shop arrangements in which union participation (or a fee assessed for non -members) is a requirement of employment (Harty, 2014 ). This law impelled teachers unions to settle contracts before March 28, 2013 so that agency shop rules could be grandfathered in for th e duration of the contract (Harty, 2014 ). LSD may have reacted to the pressure by p assing their contract at the Òeleventh hourÓ on March 21 st, though administrators have denied the law as a reason for passing the contract. Political pressure also may have come from a second source related to state -level efforts to overhaul failing schools. In June of 2011, MichiganÕs gover nor created a state takeover school district and gave power to the State Superintendent or local emergency managers to place schools into the statewide district. Called the ÒEducational Achievement AuthorityÓ or EAA, the 18 system began with 15 schools with p lanned expansion to follow (Higgins, 2011). Schools could enter the EAA after being in the bottom 5% of schools statewide f or three consecutive years (Higgins, 2011 ). The program has attracted scorn from critics who decry the idea of the district as undemo cratic (Ravitch, 2014) and denounce the curriculum, instruction, test results, and efforts to recruit students ( Eclectablog, 2014). In March 2013, just before the decision to cut elementary arts specialists, LansingÕ s administrators were in a panic over proposed legislation that would have opened up its schools to being placed in the EAA ( Balaskovitz, 2013). At the time, six buildings from LSD would have been likely to join the existing 15 schools (Balaskovitz, 2013). Responding to state pressure to improve its schools, LSD had reconfigured buildings in 2012, a necessary move to demonstrate an attempt at improving test scores (Inglot, 2013). While there is no reason to think the districtÕs decision to cut arts specialis ts is related directly to the chance of losing control of its schools to the EAA, the example serves to demonstrate significant political pressure that LSD was under. For LSD to avoid being placed in the statewide takeover district for failing schools, it appeared to be on a course driven by a singular focus on improving its standardized test scores. Summary and Reflections In this introductory chapter, I have attempted to frame the present study. By describing both what happened in LSD, and then relating the policy action to persistent educational issues surrounding the decision, my goal is to set the stage for the general purpose of the study. The purpose of the study is extrinsic to the research site of LSD in the sense that by studying LSDÕs decision i n depth, one can gain insight into the topics described i n this opening chapter. To describe fully the need for my specific research focus and design, one needs to understand how the research literature supports the study. In Chapter T wo, I review relevant research literature on 19 a variety of the topics introduced in Chapter O ne. These include curriculum narrowing under accountability and narrowed curriculum and instruction for high -poverty, minority , and urban populations. I also discuss literature on the complicated status of the arts as a core subject, literature on teacher certification, studies that address generalist teachers engaging in arts instruction, and literature on arts integration. I finish with studies that ha ve looked specifically at how school districts cut or keep their arts programs intact. These final studies ( Major, 2010 , 2013; Schultz, 2006) are most closely related to my study, and I will discuss how my approach both mirrors and deviates from theirs. Purpose and Research Questions With the intent of improving our understanding of cuts to elementary arts programs, the purpose of this research is to investigate how one urban school district cut its elementary arts specialists. Research questions are: 1. What policy conditions enabled the Lansing School DistrictÕs decision to cut its elementary a rts specialists? 2. How did the decision -making process unfold? 3. How do people involved with the decision describe the subsequent impacts of the cuts? 20 CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF LITERATURE As I discuss briefly in Chapter O ne, a policy decision like the one undertaken in LSD raises a number of issues. These issues are wide ranging and include equity and opportunity in urban schools, urban arts magnet schools, the ef fects of accountability on school music curriculum, instruction by specialists versus generalists, changing definitions of arts education, school funding, and labor relations. In this chapter, I review research literature on these topics, and I offer summa ry and synthesis of each issue. In addition, I include research literature on cuts to arts specialist positions. I also demonstrate how gaps in the research literature lead to a need for the present study. This chapter does not represent an exhaustive acco unt of all related literature, but includes the scholarship most relevant to a case study of LSD and its policy developments in elementary arts education. Anecdotal accounts have long pointed to the ability of accountability reforms to negatively impact ar ts programs (Ashford, 2004; Dillon 2006). But the specific mechanisms through which these negative effects occur are worth examining. In general, a review of the literature on post -NCLB accountability reforms (and some pre -NCLB state -level accountability systems) largely support the anecdotal accounts of problematic impacts on school arts programs. In this section, I review the literature on how the standards movement of the 1980s -1990s and the high -stakes testing era of the early 2000s have affect ed arts e ducation through extensive curriculum narrowing and targeted time reductions for accountability -based subgroups. I also discuss how accountability initiatives impact high -poverty and high -minority groups disproportionately . Finally, I review the complicate d role of federal core status for the arts and the changing definition of arts education. 21 Curriculum Narrowing A number of studies have found that under No Child Left Behind , curriculum was narrowed to focus more on tested subjects. Since NCLB only mandates tests in math and reading in grades 3 -8 (and less frequently in science) (United States Department of Education, n.d.), other subjects have been ignored by comparison. Tri angulation of data sources Ñfrom national surveys, examination of national high school transcript studies, studies within states and large metropolitan areas, and small -scale qualitative studies Ñproduces a fairly clear picture of the narrowing of the curric ulum since the inception of NCLB in 2001 -2002. National Studies Pedulla , Abrams, Madaus, Russell, Ramos, and Miao (2003) surveyed a nationally representative group of teachers about the effects of NCLB on curricula . Respondents largely indicated that time had been reallocated in their schools toward the tested subjects of math and reading. Similar results were found in v on Zastrow and JancÕs (2004) study of the liberal arts in schools. Through a national study of principals , the authors found that 25% indi cated having cut back on arts courses, and 33% anticipated future cuts. A series of national studies from the Center on Education Policy (CEP) helped to provide more specifics on the nature of this time reallocation. The CEPÕs report from 2006 found that 71% of responding elementary schools indicated they had cut back on science, social studies, and the arts to focus more time on math and reading. Of this 71%, 20% indicated having cut back on the arts. A follow -up study from 2007 provided information on cu ts in terms of time. Schools indicated that they had cut an average of 145 minutes per week across the non -tested subjects, lunch, a nd recess time. Furthermore, a third study from 2008 study broke down this reduction in 22 time by subject area. Respondents in dicated that visual art and music had been cut an average of 57 minutes per week. Two studies by Abril and Gault explore principalsÕ attitudes toward music in the elementary (2006) and secondary (2008) school settings. Principals in these studies indicat ed generally st rong support for music programs and rated most purposes of music classes high on a five -point Likert -type scale. They indicated in open -response questions that the biggest challenge to maintaining school music programs was high -stakes testin g under NCLB. These results mirror those of Heffner (2007) , who surveyed 214 district and state arts supervisors about the impact of high -stakes testing on music education in the United States since 2001. Arts supervisors indicated that high -stakes testing had negatively impact ed the number and variety of music courses, funding for programs, instructional time, and student enrollment in music classes. Some national studies have used the School and Staffing Survey (SASS) data to investigate curriculum narr owing, and results have suggested a mixed picture with regard to subject marginalization. Dee, Jacob, and Schwartz (2013) examined several waves of the School and Staffing Survey (SASS) to examine responses given by teachers regarding instructional time allotments. They found clear evidence that academic core time (their term for non -arts, health, and physical education courses) had been shifted to focus more on math and reading and less on science and social studies. However, the authors indicated no overa ll time change in the amount of core academic time versus Ònon -academicÓ courses. The study does not discuss the arts in particular, and it is not immediately clear what SASS questions were used to examine time allotted toward the arts. Fitchett, Heafner , and Lambert (2014) also examined SASS data and developed a multilevel model (through Hierarchical Linear Modeling) to describe elementary social studies 23 marginalization. N ot surprisingly, the authors foun d that state testing policy (i.e., whether a state tests social studies) predicted time spent on social studies instruction. Teachers who were more likely to make time for social studies instruction were assigned to later grade levels, had less students with IEPs, and reported more professional autonomy. State/Large City Studies Jones, Jones, Hardin, and Chapman (1999) investigated educatorsÕ perceptions of teaching under a new state accountability system, titled ÒThe New ABCs of Public Education.Ó The researchers surveyed a stratified random sample of N orth Carolina elementary teachers (N = 236) regarding changes to curriculum and instruction. Around two -thirds of respondents indicated increased instructional time for reading/writing, and 56% indicated increased math instruction. The mean number of minut es spent daily in various subject area s ranged from 401 minutes in reading to 46 minutes in music and 44 minutes in visual art. Jacob (2005) examined the effects of a pre -NCLB accountability program in Chicago Public Schools during the 1996 -1997 school year. He used a different estimation strategy than in the aforementioned studies, in that he studied achievement scores o n high -stakes tests and low -stakes tests (i.e., those that did not count for accountability purposes). He found clear evidence that sco res on the high -stakes tests in math and reading were much higher than tests of social studies and science knowledge. Jacob suggested that it was likely that teachers had reallocated their time and effort away from non -tested subjects. No specific mention is made of the arts in this study, but it stands to reason that they were similarly marginalized. Hamilton et al. (2007) present data on NCLB effects in three states: Georgia, California, and Pennsylvani a. They find that curricula were narrowed toward tes ted subjects, but that states differed significantly in their specific responses. Respondents from Pennsylvania, for example, 24 indicated that time spent on the arts stayed roughly the same, while California indicated larger cuts. The researchers also presen t data from frustrated parents who note th at school has been made less enjoyable for their students because of NCLB. While other state surveys present some slightly different findings, they tend to find the same evidence of narrowing. Stecher, Barron, Chun, and Ross (2000) find evidence of narrowing under a pre -NCLB system in Washington State, and VanFossen (2005) describes the marginalization of social studies in Indiana. There also are some state -specific studies that have investigated the effects of NCL B on music programs. For example, the Music for All Foundation (2004) focused on the unprecedented decline in enrollment in CaliforniaÕs s chool music programs. They found evidence of large decreases in music enrollment at the elementary and secondary level s, including a 50% decrease amidst an overall 5% increase in overall student enrollment. While the authors do not offer specific causal claims, they suggest that accounts from local education officials blame a mix of budgetary cuts and accountability -based curriculum narrowing. Gerrity (2009) surveyed 179 high school principals in Ohio about the effects of NCLB. Like Abril and Gault (2006, 2008), Gerrity found that principals indicate high support for music education programs, but acknowledge cuts. The aut hor reports that 43% of programs have been cut back or eliminated due to the emphasis on subjects tested under NCLB. Similar results have been found in Wisconsin. Koza (2010) reports that an annual survey of Wisconsin Superintendent s found that in 2006 -2007, 58% of districts decreased the amount of arts course offerings. Also, 60% of Superintendent s indicated that NCLB had narrowed the curriculum in their districts. Diamond (2012) examined the links between accountability policies, curricular content, and i nstructional strategies in eight Chicago public schools. The study included interviews with 25 teachers, surveys, and classroom observations. The researcher asserts that such policies only penetrate classrooms partially, affecting content more than pedagogy. In line with numerous other studies, participant teachers suggested that testing pressures caused administrators to deman d the prioritization of two tested areas: math and reading. One teacher said: Ò Well, our Principal says those are the two things we mus t do first . If we have to skip everything else Ñwe wonÕt say that out loud Ñbut if you have to skip everything else , that is fine as long as you get math and the reading done. Those are the two things that they are tested onÓ (p. 163). Qualitative Studies Au (2007) performed a metasynthesis of 49 qualitative studies that had investigated the impact of high -stakes testing on instruction. To complete a metasynthesis of qualitative research involved using an approach in which a master template of codes was app lied to all included studies. The author found that for studies in which testing had been reported to affect instruction, instruction had ÒcontractedÓ or narrowed in 69.4% of cases. Curriculum also was largely narrowed to tested subjects and fragmented int o tested bits. Au also found high amounts of teacher -centered pedagogy. The author points out that this narrowing was not universally found in the metasynthesis. In a significant minority (28.6%) of studies, subject matter was expanded and led to more curr icular integration. Mathison and Freeman (2003) undertook a year -long ethnographic field study of two elementary schools in upstate New York. The researchers sought to understand how the elementary teachers responded to pressure to prepare for standardize d tests, and to investigate the interaction of the testing requirements with curricular decisions. Findings included teachersÕ accounts of Òfront -loadingÓ tested content in the first months of the school year at the expense of non-tested subjects. Whole da ys of school are structured toward a given test until the test date 26 passes (e.g ., the ELA test in January), and then restructured toward the next upcoming tests (e.g., math and science). One participant related: I find that I often put social studies and s cience on the back burner to get through the reading and the writing. And I find that I'm spending a good 2 1/2 to 3 hours a day on language arts and I'd rather not. I'd rather be able to teach every subject every day and that doesn't often happen in my cl ass. I wish it did, but it doesn't. Right now we are under the gun, we are under pressure (p. 14). Watanabe (2007) undertook on e of the only ethnographic studies of how accountability pressures shape English language arts (ELA) curriculum and teacher prio rities. Using sustained observations and interviews with 13 teachers in five middle schools in North Carolina, the researcher found that the teachersÕ philosophies of teaching and learning (progressive, constructivist) collided with the underlying theory o f high -stakes testing (essentialism). For example, teachers desired that their students choose reading materials and understand how to write Òlike a real writer writesÓ (p. 327), but felt constrained to focus on mastery of discrete skills in preparation fo r a standardized, timed essay. Teachers also expressed frustration at being forced to cut collaborative projects from their curriculum. Several studies of curriculum narrowing and decreased time for the arts have used a qualitative case study approach. Sp ohn (2008) interviewed six visual arts teachers about the effects of NCLB on their programs. The researcher found that respondents were frustrated at the waning support from administrators for the arts. Principals had told the arts teachers that their programs would become extra -curricular activities if math and reading test scores did not improve. The teachers also reported fewer sections of arts classes being off ered. West (2012) interviewed ten music teachers in Michigan about the effects experienced whe n their schools did 27 not make adequate yearly progress (AYP). He found that the music teachers were losing students because required remediation classes for struggling students were being scheduled at the same time as their music courses. Targeted Cuts for Accountability -Based Subgroups When schools do not make AYP under NCLB, they face a range of sanctions including mandatory school choice provisions and school turnaround/reconstitution (Lipman, 2004). As a result, accountability effects on arts programs are felt most distinctly at struggling schools/districts with high proportions of low -SES and minority students (P owers, 2003). The targeting also can be seen within school buildings, as students who are struggling in math and reading have been systematica lly removed from non -tested subjects. Because NCLB specified certain proficiency targets for schools (i.e., a percentage of the school must achieve a certain test score), studies have shown that schools respond strategically and focus efforts on the stud ents who are most likely to help the school make AYP. Booher -Jennings (2005) studied this strategic maneuvering in the Texas accountability system that became the basis for the NCLB model. She referred to the practice as Òeducational triage.Ó The author pr esent a single case study of a school in which teachers divided kids into three groups: the high -flyers (those who were sure to be proficient), the bubble kids (those who were right on the bubble between proficient and not proficient), and the hopeless kid s (those whose test scores in the early part of the year indicated they would likely not become proficient). She found that teachers focused their efforts almost solely on the bubble kids and ignore the high - and low -achieving students. As the spring test data approached, bubble kids were taken out of electives for extra practice in math and reading. 28 In a discussion of macro -level policy and case studies of individual elementary schools, Lipman (2004) reports on similar instances of this Òeducational tria geÓ in Chi cago public schools. She writes, ÒAt one school, in the weeks before the test, the desks of Ôbubble kidsÕ (those near to passing) line the halls as the children are pulled out of their classes to spend extra time working with tutors on test prepa rationÓ (p. 43). Schools with triage practices, the researcher argues, are servi ng primarily low -income African -Americans and Latinos/as. Test prep activities, Lipman asserts, Òwiden educational inequalities by institutionalizing a narrowed curriculum and less intellectually cha llenging workÓ (p. 43). This le d the author to conclude these triage practices run counter to the claims behind accountability policies, namely that such policies promote equity. Diamond and Spillane (2004) report similar instances of ÒtriageÓ in urban elementary schools in Chicago. The researchers spent time at four sites: two hi gh-performing urban elementary schools and two low -performing Òprobation Ó schools. They found that, in the low -performing schools, staff targeted their effo rts at ki ds who were closest to the test -passing threshold since these students could most easily help the school overcome its probationary status. As a result, the lowest -performing students in the probationary schools received less attention. In terms of subject matter, the two probationary schools had actually narrowed instruction even beyond the two tested subjects (math and reading) to focus almost solely on reading. This practice of formally adding extra instructional time in place of electives is sometimes called double -blocking or double -dosing, and has become a strategy commonly used under NCLB (Cavanagh, 2006). Bartik and Lachowska (2014) studied the double -blocking system in a Midwestern district and found that the process may not reliably help student achievement in tested subjects. Students double -blocked in reading showed improvement when 29 the second period of reading used different curriculum and instructional techniques, but students in math showed no significant differences, which the author s attributed to the lack of curric ular /instruction al change. Rutledge and Neal (2013) also found that data collection and reporting becomes a legitimating force for double -blocking students. The authors studied two elementary schools in which students st ruggling with tested subjects were automatically removed from all electives unless their parents opted for them to get art, music, and physical education. The researchers suggested that teachers/administrators felt justified in their choices because they w ere being Òdata -drivenÓ and noted that , Òthe numbers speak for themselves.Ó The authors suggest that the technical -rational logic of identifying as Òdata drivenÓ helps to legitimizes decisions about curriculum and pedagogy that might otherwise clash with p ersonal philosophies around teaching and learning. Policies also have been written into state law. Baker (2012) reports on a 2008 Louisiana law that ordered struggling students to be opted out of the requirements in music, arts and crafts, health, and phys ical education. The law Baker cites stated: ÒFor students in grades 5 Ð8 who have scored below the Basic level on LEAP21 [the Louisiana Educational Assessment Program] in English language arts or mathematics, the minimum time requirements in health, music, arts and crafts, or electives are suggested in lieu of requiredÓ (Louisiana Department of Education [LDE] 2008, 45). Disproportionate Cuts for Minorities and Students in Poverty The importance of disaggregating the national/regional data on access to art s education is shown by the studies indicating disproportionate cuts for certain students. Recent reports point out that, often because schools struggling to make AYP are centralized in high -poverty areas, 30 curriculum narrowing and loss of op portunities are felt most ac utely in these locations (Government Accountability Office, 2009; National Association of State Boa rds of Education, 2003; National Task Force on the Arts in Education, 2009; PresidentÕs Committee on the Arts and Humanities, 2011). High -poverty schools often lack the capacity to deal with accountability reforms, which can result in massive reallocation of resources toward testing. Some have termed this an Òeducational apartheidÓ (Berliner, 2009; Kozol, 2005). In a study of trends in national education statistics from 1999 -2000 to 2009 -2010, Parsad and Spiegelman (2012) show ed that , on average nationall y, access to arts instruction is high. More than 90% of students have access to a certified music teacher, more than 80% have access to a certified visual arts teacher, and the numbers are predictably lower for theatre and dance. However, gaps in access ba sed on s ocio -economic status are seen easily. While 9 1% of low -poverty schools have yearlong visual arts instruction, only 83% of high -poverty schools offer the same. And while 56% of low -poverty secondary schools offer five or more visual arts courses, only 20% of high -poverty schools offer the same number of visual arts courses . Other studies show that participation by high -poverty students is comparably low in Advanced Placement (AP) music courses (National Task Force on Arts in Education, 2009). There i s some evidence of these disparities that has been shown in state -specific studies as well . Woodworth et al. (2007) found large gaps in access to arts education. In low -poverty schools, 45% had access to music education and 49% had access to visual arts in struction. The numbers were 20% lower in high -poverty schools for each subject area. Some scholars have investigated whether these cuts to the arts disproportionately impact minorities. In a study of public participation in the arts released by the Nati onal Endowment for the Arts (Rabkin & Hedberg, 2011), researchers found a widening gap in reported childhood arts 31 education experience. In 1982, 50% of African -Americans reported having childhood arts education compared to 59% for Whites. In 2009, 57% of W hites reported childhood experience while only around 26% of African -Americans reported the same. Salvador and Allegood (2014) investigated access to music education in two large metropolitan areas. The researchers looked at schools in the Detroit vicinit y and in the Washington, D.C. area and put schools into quart iles by percentage of minority enrollment . The authors found large disparities in access between the upper and lower quartiles (as b ased on minority enrollment percentage ). In the Detroit area, s chools in the lowest minority quartile had 100% access to music programs across elementary/secondary levels, but only 40 -60% (depending on schooling level) of high non -white schools offered music. Narrowed Pedagogical Options in Urban Schools Crocco and C ostigan (2007) investigated the experiences of novice middle and high school teachers in New York City with respect to narrowing of curriculum and pedagogy under accountability pressures. Specifically, the authors sought to study how the narrowing contribu ted to beginning teachersÕ Ò perceptions about their opportunities for developing a satisfying teaching practice Ó (p. 514), since these perceptions might influence retention. Middle school teachers reported being upset at not being able to devote sufficient time to social studies, while high school teachers reported that the social studies curriculum was so broad as to limit pedagogy to direct instruction. Despite frustrations with narrowing of curriculum and pedagogy, many participants Òseemed to be able to devise strategies for their students and themselves that kep t them working in urban schoolsÓ (p. 527). In a related study, Costigan (2013) describes personal accounts of seven New York City teachers working to pursue their preferred pedagogical approach (aesthetic, transactional, 32 inquiry -based) within a neoliberal framework of test -based accountability. Findings suggested that participants felt tension between the approaches that they were instructed to use in their schoolsÕ professional development (e.g ., fact -based readings, drilling, reductionist analysis) and the strategies they felt their students needed (e.g., constructivist approaches, critical analysis). In sum, it is crucial to disaggregate national/regional data on access to arts education. With accountability affecting high -poverty and high -minority schools more intensely, one misses crucial details if only looking at broad averages. As Salvador and Allegood (2014 ) discuss, a look at the statistics from Parsad and SpiegelmanÕs (2012) study mak e the effects of NCLB on arts programs seem minimal. Even a focus on the Detroit metropolitan area average would obscure the huge gaps in access, leading the authors to argue for specific attention to poverty and minority. Elpus (2014) make s a similar poin t in his recent study on national music course enrollment tre nds. Elpus presents data from ten high school transcript studies and finds that there has been almost no change in the percentage of high school students enrolling in at least one music course (a bout 34% in both 1982 and 2009). But when disaggregating the data, the author finds that NCLB had negative affects on the amounts of students enrolling who were Hispanic, English language learners, and those on individual education plans (IEPs). Summary It is important to remember that these issues have not been accidental, but have occ urred by design. Even though the n-Secretary of Education Rod Paige wrote an urgent letter to Superintendent s urging them to use Title I monies to support arts education (Pa ige, 2004), NCLB was designed from a structural standpoint to focus attention on AYP -relevant subjects. As Neal and Schanzenbach (2010) demonstrate, certain children are Òleft behind by designÓ under NCLB. 33 I would argue, as others have (National Associatio n of St ate Boards of Education, 2003; v on Zastrow & Janc, 2004) , that certain subjects, including the arts, are Òleft behind by design.Ó The Status of the Arts in Schools: Federal Core? Accountability systems of the 1990s and early 2000s presented both ca use for concern and reason for celebration when first introduced. Although not first included in the national education goals that President George H. W. Bush enunciated in AMERICA 2000, the arts eventually lobbied for and received official core status und er Goals 2000 legislation (E lpus, 2013). Arts advocates largely were overjoyed at the develop ment and quickly developed national standards in the arts. Optimism for equal footing for the arts was high (Elpus, 2013; Koza, 2010). Since the recognition of the arts as core, the impacts on numerous indicators Ñstandards, enrollment, access Ñhave been mixed. While Elpus (2013) reports some positive impacts, others have noted that the arts ended up as Òsecondary core ,Ó since they were not tested for adequate yearly progress ( Chapman, 2005; Vasquez Heilig, Cole, & Aguilar, 2010). Elpus (2013) estimated the impact of core status on music education by independently pooling s chool -level data from the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 and the Education Longitu dinal Study of 2002 . Elpus specifically investigated the number of unique music courses that high schools offered, how many arts courses were required for graduation, and the probability that schools would enforce an arts graduation requirement. The author found generally positive impacts for schools in states that had no arts mandates (or flexible mandates) prior to Goals 2000. These states were more likely to increase the number of arts credits required for graduation and were more likely to enforce a man date. There was no significant effect on unique courses offered. 34 The federal core status designation on its own had little effect on whether arts programs saw cuts in personnel or time allotted, because it tied no funding to the stateÕs provision of arts programs (Koza, 2010). As a result, states and local school districts had no incentive to direct funding to the arts, especially as compared to directing resources to tested subjects. Scholars suggest that the existence and strength of arts programs thus i s often the result only of specific school board support or of the efforts of specific teachers and administrators, which in turn is highly dependent on the local financial situation (Za karas & Lowell, 2008; Roza, 2010 ). This is illustrated by a comparison of several big cities. In 2003 , Denver successfully passed a 16 million dollar property tax increase and used it to fund 100 new elementary arts teachers (Ashford, 2004). In Chicago, support was pledged for elementary arts instruction, but funded at less than $1 million across the sprawling district, resulting in almost no compliance with mandated arts requirements (Anderson, 2014). Generalists, Specialists, and Teacher Certification Certification is an important policy condition for understanding the sta tus of arts education in LSD and other urban school districts. As with the other issues I have discussed, this is a complex and confusing issue. As was the case with arts standards, arts teacher certification was strengthened by the ÒcoreÓ status push of t he late 1990s (Elpus, 2013). Prominent groups called for reforms (Council of Chief State School Officers, 1992; National Art Education Association, 1999; National Endowment for the Arts, 1988), which led to broad changes in state certification policies (Za karas & Lowell, 2008). As discussed in Chapter O ne, these requirements were developed further by the Òhighly qualified teacherÓ provision of NCLB (U. S. Department of Educ ation, 200 4). 35 The arts, especially at the elementary level, h ave historically been t aught both by certified music specialists and classroom teachers/generalists. It was especially prevalent in the first half of the 20 th century for classroom teachers to devote part of their day to arts instruction under the guidance of a music/art supervisor (Anne tt, 1939). However, authors recently have noted that in the current age of codified arts standards and curricula, elementary c lassroom teacher certification requirements have not kept pace (Seidel, Tishman, Winner, Hetland, & Palmer, 2009). Moreover, some research has suggested that classroom teachers feel generally unprepared to lead arts instruction. Stake, Bresler, and Mabry (1991) offered eight case studies of elementary generalist teachers responsible for arts instruction at elementary schools spread around the United States. They found that in most contexts, the classroom teacher was attempting to integrate the arts without knowledge of the arts or assistance from a cer tified arts teacher . As a result, the arts content was mostly used to enhance basic skill training (e.g., memorizing the names of the presidents by singing a song). If asked to prioritize, classroom teachers g enerally preferred teaching visual art to music. Formal help in the form of curriculum guides and requirements to turn in studentsÕ art projects largely were ignored in the schools studied. McCarthy Malin (1993) studied elementary generalist teachersÕ mu sic instruction. Participants (N = 167) responded to a questionnaire about how they used music in their classrooms and how they felt about their abilities. Over 70% of respondents indicated that they used music in instruction, and singing was the most comm on musical activity. Consistent with other research, music was used most commonly to enhance special occasions rather than to develop musical skill. Participants indicated that they rarely interacted with their schoolÕs music specialist. The researcher fou nd grade level differences, with teachers of lower grades being 36 more likely to engage in frequent music instruction. The participants in this study were not, as in the case of LSD, teaching music in the absence of music specialists. The findings, therefore , are of interest but not directly comparable to contexts in which generalists are solely responsible for instruction. Byo (1999, 2000) took a slightly different approach than other researchers by comparing elementary generalistsÕ and music specialistsÕ perceived ability to implement the national standards in their music instruction. Byo sent surveys to music teachers and fourth -grade classroom teachers in Florida to ask about the feasibility of covering the national standards, including questions on need time, resources, and personal abilities. Findings suggested that music specialists were more amenable to covering the standards, and indicated that they found such instruction to be more feasible than the generalists. As a caveat, this study did not neces sarily survey generalist teachers who were responsible for any music instruction, but merely asked about efficacy for hypothetical situations. Several researchers have investigated teachersÕ beliefs about using the arts in their teaching. Oreck (2004) surv eyed 423 K -12 teachers with his 48 -item ÒTeaching with the Ar tsÓ questionnaire (Oreck, 2000) and sought to understand teachersÕ attitudes toward teaching with the arts and to explain variance in reported attitudes. Echoing other research, the participants largely indicated that , while they had positive attitudes toward the arts, they rarely used them in their teaching. A regression analysis showed that self -efficacy for artistic and creative ability predicted arts use more than any other factor. Constraints on using the arts included pressures to teach mandated and tested curriculum, with one teacher indicating that his use of improvisational theatre games came only after a stressful state testing period had passed. In OreckÕs (2006) follow -up study, the aut hor interviewed six of the teachers from his 2004 research to delve more 37 deeply into how these educators Ò see and define art and how they articulate the factors that influence their curr ent use of the arts in teachingÓ (p. 5). The participantsÕ most cited rationale for including the arts in instruction was recognition of a diversity of learning styles among students. The teachers also discussed the importance of professional development workshops with artists. Garvis (2013 ) investigated the self -efficacy o f novice generalist teachers to teach music as compared to math and English. Participants were 201 beginning teachers (years 1, 2, or 3) of students ages 9 -14 in Queensland, Australia. In Queensland, the author explains, generalist teachers are almost sole ly responsible for music instruction. Results of the survey suggested that beginning teachers report much lower overall self -efficacy for teaching music (mean of 3.441 on a 9 point scale) as compared to English (mean of 7.065) and math (mean of 7.022). Per haps most interesting is the interaction between years taught and self -efficacy. As teachers increased in experience, their self -efficacy for math and English increased, and their self -efficacy for teaching music decreased. Wiggins and Wiggins (2008) inve stigated music instruction by generalists in an unnamed country in which few music specialists are employed. Surveys were sent to 200 schools, and the researchers visited 17 schools to observe teaching and interview teachers and administrators. The goal of the research was to describe in depth the nature of the generalistsÕ music instruction. The researchers reported that many teachers who were innovative and student -centered when teaching other subjects changed into didactic, teacher -centered models when t rying to teach music. Generalis t teachers largely relied on one or two individuals in each school building who could lead music instruction in large -group (e.g., full school assemblies). The researchers also noted that while survey responses demonstrated c onfidence and comfort teaching music, 38 interviews hinted at the opposite: ÒIn one school, where the principal was the music specialist, the principal told us that all of his teachers teach music to their students at least two times a week. As soon as he lef t the staff room, the teachers told us this was not really true, that they did the best they could, which they said was not muchÓ (p. 18). Garvis and Pendergast (2012) use a story constellation approach to describe the experiences of a primary teacher and his principal at a school in Australia. In the narrative informed case study, the researchers present the dual stories of the generalist teacher, Steven, who is responsible for music instruction, and of the principal at StevenÕs school, Elizabeth. The find ings are presented through long narratives grouped by theme. Steven reports that while he is somewhat comfortable teaching visual arts, he rarely teaches music because of his inadequate teacher prep curriculum. Both Steven and Elizabeth also talk about the impact of standardized testing reforms for literacy and numeracy on generalistsÕ music instruction. The principal, Elizabeth, notes: ÒI think at the moment, what is happening on the national scene is very much driven by government agenda, we have these le vels of skills and if youÕre not going to get that then sack the principal and teachers wonÕt receive bonuses. ItÕs that whole accountabilityÓ (p. 117). Changing Definitions of Arts Education It also seems to be the case that changes to sequentia l arts i nstruction in schools are affected by the overwhelming accountability emphasis on math and reading test scores. Two related movements Ñarts integration and STEAM Ñserve as exemplars of how arts can often be paid lip service but become subsumed or subservient to these tested subjects. Arts integration refers to the practice of combining an art form with another core content area. STEAM refers to the movement to include the arts in the federally -sponsored effort to develop more graduates in 39 STEM fields Ñthat is science, technology, engineering, and math (Rhode Island School of Design, 2014; Ryan, 2014). Specific definitions of these terms differ greatly (LaJevic, 2013), and Mishook and Kornhaber (2006) note that Òarts integrationÓ itself is a Òcontested and confu sing termÓ (p. 4). For example, the Kennedy Center (n.d.) defines arts integration as a supplement to sequential arts instruction taught by certified arts teachers, and says that true arts integration satisfies objectives in both the arts area and the core content area. As I will discuss, this is rarely borne out in reality. Some of the optimism surrounding arts integration programs comes from large -scale arts -based reforms projects such as the ÒA+ School ProgramÓ in North Carolina and the Chicago Arts Pa rtnership in Edu cation (CAPE) program . Report ing on the ÒA+Ó program, Gunzenha user and Noblit (2001) suggest general success in terms of teacher buy -in and school culture change. The participating network of schools has grown from 25 in 1995, to 40 schools in 2014 (North Carolina Arts Council, 2014). In an assessment of the CAPE program, Cat terall and Waldorf (1999) report several prominent findings. First, teachers and teaching artists were most likely to integrat e arts into reading instruction and were mo st likely to use visual arts. Students in CAPE schools demonstrated higher achievement, but the differences were only significant at the elementary school level. Some researchers have investigated arts integration in individual elementary schools. Bresler (1994) undertook a qualitative study of classroom generalists attempting to integrate music into their instruction. The studyÕs participants were three elementary schools in Illinois and 39 classroom teachers, three music specialists, a retired music speci alist, and district/school administrators. The author found that inclusion of the arts was inconsistent and that most generalist t eachers felt uncomfortable integrating the arts. Even generalists teachers with musical 40 backgrounds lacked an understanding of how to sequence musical activities to add complexity and often repeated activities without changing or adding musical elements. Whitaker (1996) describes findings from a year -long investigation into the efforts of an elementary music specialist asked to integrate music instruction with her generalist colleaguesÕ curriculum. Whitaker designed a qualitative case study conducted in tandem with the participant to investigate the objectives of the integration project, the content and structure of the project, and the impacts on the teachers and students. In the findings of the study, the music specialist reported some frustration at being responsible for integration and noted that she had to go on ÒwalkaboutsÓ to each classroom to find out what curricular conte nt might work for an integration experience. The specialist said her positioning became one of Òsecond classÓ status and isolation. The generalist teachers, by contrast, admitted to often resenting the integration efforts among other requirements. One gene ralist said, ÒTwenty minutes with music, twenty minutes with art, twenty minutes creative movement and twenty minutes with drama and IÕm supposed to be writing narratives and I have parent conferences and so forth É I am ready to die alreadyÓ (p. 93). Giles & Frego (2004) undertook a pilot study of the music integration activities used by elementary classroom teachers. The researchers interviewed 18 generalist teachers evenly divided among grades one, three, and six. Activities were categorized according t o BreslerÕs (1995) continuum of integration (subservient, affective, social, co -equal cognitive). Findings suggested that 13 of the 18 teachers described subservient integration activities (e.g., singing a song about t he water cycle), nine of 18 described affective integration activities (e.g., playing background music while students engage in writing), and five teachers used social integration (e.g., singing patriotic songs to highlight a holiday). Only one teacher described a co -equal 41 cognitive integratio n activity in which students sang rounds and learned about harmony and form. Integration was rare with half of the teachers engaged in music activities fo r less than 15 minutes per week and the other half averaged 42 minutes (median of 30 minutes) per week . Mishook and Kornhaber (2006) report on arts integration in the era of accountability, comparing reported practices at Òarts -focused schoolsÓ and Ònon -arts -focused schools.Ó The researchers interviewed principals and arts coordinators and categorized thei r responses about arts integration practices through use of BreslerÕs (1995) typography. Findings suggested that arts -focused schools were likely to describe Òco -equalÓ integration experiences, in which the arts subject area and the academic subject area r eceived balanced attention. Non -arts -focused schools, with one exception, reported what Bresler (1995) calls ÒsubservientÓ integration, in which the arts content area is subsumed by the other content area. Keeping the small sample in mind, the authors also note that schools with higher poverty levels were more likely to engage in subservient arts integration practices. Colwell (2008) investigated self -reports of music teachers and classroom teachers before and after a course in integrating music with core academic objectives. The participants (18 music teachers and 19 generalists) rated their self -efficacy for teaching music, self -efficacy for integration, intention to integrate, and general attitudes toward integration. There were no significant difference s in pre - and post -tests responses by classroom teachers with regard to musical ability, musical knowledge, perceived importance of music as an independent subject, and comfort with teaching music. There was, however, a significant post -test difference (mo re positive) in both music specialists and generalistsÕ attitudes (i.e., comfort level) toward music integration to support core academic objectives. However, while all teachers said they were more comfortable with the idea, they actually indicated less in tent to integrate after the workshop. 42 Another concerning result was that even generalists who indicated they had no music specialist at their school showed no increase in professed responsibility for teaching music between pre -test and post -test. Colwell n otes that this may have implications for districts without music specialists. LaJevic (2013) studied arts integration in an elementary school in southwestern Pennsylvania. Participants included two kindergarten teachers, one first -grade teacher, two secon d-grade teachers, and one art teacher. Data sources included individual interviews, focus group interviews, observations of arts integration instruction, district documentation on arts integration, and studentsÕ project artifacts. The researcher found that while teachers were excited to attempt arts integration, the arts were largely deva lued and diluted. LaJevic notes, ÒArts Integration was often used to fill up extra class time in the schedule and was viewed as fun busy -time doingsÓ (p. 10). Activities in cluded coloring in worksheets and cutting out snowflakes to hang on the walls as decoration, with little or no attention given to the integrity of the arts disciplines. Finally, there also is some evidence suggesting a kind of Òreverse integration,Ó in wh ich arts teachers are being asked to integrate tested subjects into their sequential arts instruction. Gerrity (2009) found that 60% of principals expected their arts teachers to include instruction in math and reading. French (2009) found that upper eleme ntary music teachers were being asked to supplement instruction with these subjects, and Shaw (2014) found that music teachers discussed being asked to incorporate lessons in fractions and common core vocabulary into music courses. 43 Cuts to Arts Speciali st Positions Several researchers have studied cuts to music specialist positions. Fields (1982) investigate d how decisions are made about cuts to elementary instrumental music programs in a California county. Research questions focused on the relationships between cuts and factors including budget limitations, support from the school community, school policy, and student/teacher ratios. By analyzing survey responses from 81 principals, Fields found no significant correlation between cuts to instrumental mus ic and reported budgetary issues. There also were no significant correlation s between student/teacher ratio and cuts or between the existence of a policy for providing creative arts programs and cuts. Significant correlations were found for parental support and administrator support. Fields points out that administratorsÕ most cited reason for cuts (budgetary problems) did not account completely for the decision to keep or cut programs. Schultz (2006) studied how ele mentary school arts programs have been affected by recent education reform. The author interviewed six administrators with at least 20 years experience working in Alabama elementary schools about their perception of how the rise of technical standards had impacted student access to the arts. Schultz found that elementary students are at risk for limited exposure to fine a rts because arts positions are not funded or mandated at the elementary level. As a result, schools that offer instruction by arts specialists do so by providing local funding and strong Superintendent support. Schools with flourishing elementary arts programs maintained instruction through proactive battling for position in the curriculum. Finally, administrators noted that elementary schools that had not previously offered arts instruction found it incredibly difficult to start such programs in the face o f accountability pressures. 44 The most recent study of cuts to arts specialist positions was conducted by Burrack, Payne, Bazan, and Hellman (2014). The researchers investigated the impact of budgetary cuts on music teaching positions and district funding in Kansas, Nebraska, and Missouri. Administrators from 462 schools in the tri -state area responded to a survey and indicated music specialists staffing levels. The researchers report troubling cuts, with 375 positions lost in 2011 -2012 alone. Over the course of four years, there was a reported loss of 638 music teaching positions. According to the authors, Òthe majority of losses occurred in general music. If these results were to be generalized, the actual numbers of positions lost could potentially be stagg ering Ó (p. 40). Echoing findings from Fields (1982), neither budgetary problems nor declining enrollment (overall or in arts courses) wholly explained the cuts, leading the authors to blame a combination of budget cuts and accountability pressures. Resear chers also have focused on how certain schools and districts are able to sustain music programs in challenging conditions. Coysh (2005) examined how two thriving Canadian secondary school music programs were able to flourish amidst challenging policy condi tions. Coysh identified these challenging conditions as insufficient funding, school scheduling, agendas of political leaders, elimination of a required arts credit, decreased staffing, and reduced student enrollment. The two thriving programs were able to work thro ugh limitations because of the music teacher sÕ aggressive advocacy and aggressive scheduling. Thriving music programs also had sufficient funding, regularly demonstrated connections/relevance to the local community, and focused on providing both musical and social education for students. The study most closely related to the topic of the present study in topic was done by Major ( 2010, 2013). The author investigated how a small school district made decisions about sustain ing its music program amids t a decade of budgetary cuts. Major offers a case study of a 45 district in a suburb of Detroit, Michigan that had not targeted its music programs when budget cuts had occurred. Through an analysis of district documents and interviews with administrators, the researcher found that decision makers spoke of a commitment to a well -rounded education. The decision makers considered their personal philosophies and values and demands of the students and parents in the community. Music students often sacrificed taking advanced placement courses to enroll in secondary music classes, which sent messages about the importance of these programs. Administrators also spoke of keeping music programs strong for fiscal reasons including keeping students (and per pupil funds) in the district, to attract new residents to the district, and b ecause music programs often offered a Òbang for the buckÓ (over 100 students in a marching band class, for example). Need for Present Study As the literature reviewed in this chapter demonstrat es, the profession has begun to build a body of knowledge around a number of interrelated issues related to the status of elementary arts programs. A major issue affecting these programs seems to be curriculum narrowing under the post -NCLB era of accountab ility. Evi dence exists of broad curricular narrowing toward the subjects that matter for test -based sanctions and rewards Ñthat is, math and English language arts. In this narrowed curriculum, time spent on social studies, the arts, physical education, and even science Ñwhich has been recently privileged in the push for STEM curriculum Ñhas decreased on the whole. Evidence from the literature also suggests the effects of narrowing are felt more severely in schools with high levels of poverty and high numbers o f minority students, and are experienced disproportionately by subgroups within schools (e.g., triage, double -blocking). 46 The review of literature also demonstrates that access to a certified arts specialist teaching a sequential, standards -based curriculu m is not guaranteed. Because of a combination of factors that include certification rules and changing definitions of arts instruction (e.g., arts integration, STEAM), elementary schools in adjoining states or communities may provide wildly disparate exper ience for students. Whether elementary arts programs are taught by a generalist or specialist likely makes a difference for students, since the literature suggests that generalists often eschew the responsibili ty to provide arts instruction and feel unqual ified to deliver such instruction. Though there are several studies that have addressed how district personnel make decisions about arts specialists and programs (Burrack et al., 2014; Major, 2010, 2013), there are important gaps in the literature. For exa mple, Burrack et al. (2 014) demonstrates cuts on a broa d scale through the use of a multi -state survey. The authors hint that several factors Ñincluding budget cuts and accountability pressures Ñmay be to blame, but are not able to deeply investigate these i ssues because of their research design. Major ( 2010, 2013) offers such an in -depth look at a single case, but gives an example of maintaining programs rather than cutting back. My study, which seeks to understand how cuts were enacted in an urban district, can help to illuminate the gaps in the literature. The present study also can connect t he literature base reviewed in Chapter T wo with some of the important topics discussed in C hapter O ne. These issues, which are part of any discussion about a decision like LSDÕs, have little or no accompanying body of research. For example, debates of equity and justice in urban music education programs are underrepresented in the research literature. Additionally, the significance of school funding structures, labor relations, and magnet programs rarely have been discussed in music education research. There 47 also has been little discussion around the sometimes tense relationship between community arts organ izations and urban school districts. The present study will help to address and represent stakeholdersÕ b eliefs about such timely issues. Finally, the present study will make a novel contribution by com bining policy analysis with qualitative case study data. This met hodology is important because some literature suggests a disconnect between macro -level policy conditions and micro -level realities. For example, a recent st udy (Abril & Bannerman, 2014 ) found that elementary music specialists (N = 432) did not perceive ma cro-level (state and national) issues to be important in affecting their programs, with the exception of music -specific policies (e.g., standards). The participants prioritized meso -level (district) and micro -level ( school). The present study will seek to show how all three levels are interrelated. The combination of Lansing -specific data with state and national policy issues will make an important link. Purpose and Research Questions With the intent of improving our understanding of cuts to elementary arts programs, the purpose of this research is to investigate how o ne urban school district cut its elementary arts specialists. Research questions are: 4. What policy conditions enabled the Lansing School District Õs decision to cut its elementary a rts specialist s? 5. How did the decision -making process unfold? 6. How do people involved with the decision describe the subsequent impacts of the cuts? 48 CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY Design At its roots, this study drew upon both case study design and policy analysis. Characterizing the project as one design and not the other negates the intended comprehensive picture of how the LSD decision occurred and what it means for arts education. Therefore, the study can be categorized as a case study with an embedded policy ana lysis, or as an example of a Òpolicy footprintÓ approach (McLaughlin, 1987), in which policy analysis uses a local instance to, as McLaughlin (1990) says, represent both macro perspectives and micro realities. Case Study This study employed a case study d esign, which can be defined as Òan intensive, holistic description and analysis of a single entity, phenomenon or social unitÓ (Merriam, 1988, p. 16). Merriam notes that , Òcase studies are particularistic, descriptive and heuristic, and rely heavily on ind uctive reasoning in handling multiple data sourcesÓ (p. 16). I chose to use a case study design to investigate LSDÕs decision so that I could engage in sustained, in -depth data collection, and offer a rich description of this data (Creswell, 2009). Stake ( 2006) notes that a strength of case study design is its Òattention to the local situationÓ (Stake, 2006, p. 34). Another strength of this design is that it places emphasis on both the interpretations of the researcher and participants, allowing for Òmultip le realities, the different and even contradictory views of what is happeningÓ (Stake, 1995, p. 12). In a complex and contested situation such as the one that is the focus of the present study, a case study allowed for such plurality of viewpoints. This ca se study was intended to be instrumental in its design (Stake, 1995). Thus, while I was interested in the particulars of the LSD situation, and sought to describe the nuances of what happened in LSD in rich detail, the intent was to focus attention on 49 the phenomenon of cuts to urban school district elementary arts programs. In this sense, the choice of case is important because it helps in pursuing the external interest or phenomenon of interest (Stake, 1995). While not purely an example of a phenomenologi cal case study, this study draws on phenomenology both as epistemology and inquiry method (Patton, 2002). As an epistemological stance, phenomenology is described as acknowledging and accentuating multiple realities, subjective truths, and personal experie nces of a given phenomenon (Patton, 2002). As described by Moustakas (1994) and van Manen (1990), phenomenology is a research methodology that seeks to describe the lived experiences, perceived essence, and meaning -making surrounding a phenomenon. My inter view questions were especially informed by the traditionÕs focus on personal experiences. Policy Analysis As a discipline, policy analysis is a broad field that includes both qualitative and quantitative approaches to understanding how policies are forme d, implemented, and carried out (Sabatier, 2007). Policy analysis is varied enough to evade unified description, but often involves researching /studying , clarifying and describing, analyzing, evaluating, and recommending a course of action from among alter natives (M ann, 1975). Policy analysis also can attend to early stages of the policy cycle such as agenda setting and policy formation, or it can attend to the implementation and consequences of enacted policy (Mann, 1975). Some policy analysts start from a perspective of a rational and orderly policy cycle (Howlett & Ramesh, 1995; Lasswell, 1956), while also acknowledging that reality diverges from the ideal cycle. Other scholars have rejected early rational -choice policy -cycle models , arguing that this kin d of approach is ill suited to real -world contexts because the stages often overlap, actors may be involved in all aspects at 50 once, and actual institutions are loosely -coupled and operate with unclear technology (Cohen, March, & Olsen, 1972; Sabatier, 2007 ). Even though critics have rejected some early rational stages/cycle approaches, the basic approach to the policy analysis design remains more or less the same, even for post -modern and critical policy approaches (e.g., Ball, 1994, 1998; Grace, 1984; Levi nson, Sutton, & Winstead, 2009). In general education literature, policy plays a substantial role with myriad books and numerous professional journals/databases (e.g., Educational Policy, Educational Evaluation and Policy Analysis, Education Policy Analys is Archives ) devoted to the study of educational policy. In addition, educational policy is regularly a topic of scholarship in other fields. Notable economists (see the work of Hanushek, Figlio, Chetty, Friedman, Rockoff, and many others) have focused on education, and education policy figures prominently in public policy, political science, and sociology research agendas. Topics of educational policy analysis include policy formation, implementation, and reviews of policy effects. Because educational poli cy-making is a complex endeavor (Weaver -Hightower, 2008) involving federal, state, and local levels, policy analysts often focus on the interplay between these points of influence (Fusarelli, 2002; Hamann & Lane, 2004; Hill, 2001; Spillane et al., 2002). O ther analysts have investigated how special interests and coalitions influence educational policy (McDonnell & Weatherford, 2013; Reckhow & Snyder, 2014; Stout & Stevens, 2000). Though policy matters have long been a concern for the arts education field, formal policy analysis is a relatively ignored area of arts education scholarship. As Aguilar (2011) noted, many articles have been devoted to tracking the implementation of arts education policy (e.g., Baker, 2012; Chapman, 2004; Elpus, 2013 , 2014; Hourig an, 2011) or offering broad principles for developing and understanding policy issues (e.g., Forari, 2007; Hope, 2002; 51 Horsley, 2009; Richmond, 2002; Schmidt, 2009). But few articles in the arts education policy sphere have made use of any recognized polic y analysis strategies/frameworks. Notable exceptions include the work of Jorgensen (1985) on decision -making in music education, Aguilar (2011) who reviews policy formation frameworks and creates a conceptual model for studying policy recommendations, and Kos (2010) who recommends specific policy analysis steps. Because this study was concerned with the genesis of a local -level policy regarding the delivery of elementary arts education, I drew upon an accepted policy formation conceptual framework. In using Sabatier and Jenkins -SmithÕs (1993) ÒAdvocacy Coalition Framework,Ó my goal was to illuminate how a policy subsystem (defined by coalitions and independent actors) interface s with long -term and sudden external forces to advance policy agendas. Sampling This study used purposeful sampling to select an Òinformation rich caseÓ from which Òone can learn a great deal about issues of central importanceÓ (Patton, 2002, p. 230). Purposeful sampling is a common strategy of qualitative researchers for whom the goa l is in -depth understanding rather than empirical generalizations (Patton, 2002). My choice of Lansing School District can be thought of as a kind of intensity sample (Patton, 2002). An intensity sample involves an information -rich case that demonstrates Ò the phenomenon of interest intenselyÓ (Patton, 2002, p. 234), but is not so extreme/deviant as to Òdistort the manifestation of the phenomenon of interestÓ (p. 234). I consider Lansing School District to be an intensity sample because it cut a significant number of arts specialists in a sudden move after years of maintaini ng staffing (see discussion in Chapter F our). While I could have selected other urban sites, some other potential sites had arts 52 programs (elementary and secondary) that had, through slow decline, been in disarray for years. I felt those site -specific staffing particulars could make studying the phenomenon of interest difficult or impossible. Description of Research Site Lansing School District is located in a mid -sized urban area in Mich igan. LansingÕs population in 2010 was around 110,000 with more than 300,000 in the greater urban area (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Spanning around 35 square miles, the city houses state government buildings, two law schools, four hospitals, and a community college. Lansing is also adjacent to East Lansing, which houses Michigan State University. In terms of race/ethnicity demographics, the cityÕs population in 2010 was 55.5% White, 22.9% Black or African -American, and 12.5% Hispanic or Latino (U.S. Census B ureau, 2010 ). Income levels demonstrate relatively high levels of poverty in Lansing. The school districtÕs demographics, however, do not match those of the city. Lansing School DistrictÕs 2010 demographics were 29% white, 54% black and 18% Hispanic (Lansi ng School District, 2013). Students in Lansing also represent a linguistic diversity and have come from many different countries of origin. In 2013, the LSD had 2,167 bilingual students who spoke 53 native languages and originated from 67 different countri es (Lansing School District, 2013). In 2000, the median income f or a household in the city was around $35,000 , and the median income for a family was around $40,000 . The per capita income for the city was around $18,000. About 13% of families and 17 % of the populati on were below the poverty line (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). Because of economic p roblems experienced across the S tate of Michigan related to auto and other manufacturing sector declines, Lansing is one of the poorest cap ital 53 regions in the coun try. It s poverty rate places it 46 th out of 50 capital regions in the U.S. (Hinkley, 2014). The fall 2014 student count for the district was 11,640 (Lansing School District, 2015). The school district population is spread out over 27 separate school build ings, including 22 elementary schools. After a recent reorganization initiated by Superintendent Yvonne Caamal -Canul, the general configuration by building is pre -K-3, 4-6, and 7 -12. Several buildings, however, serve grades K -8. The district has a variety of magnet programs including four STEM schools, two STEAM magnets (grades K -3 and 4 -6 respectively), a Montessori magnet program, a visual and performing arts school, and a Spanish immersion school (Lansing School District, 2013). The organization of sc hools in the district has been (and likely will continue to be) in flux. In the last 10 years, the LSD has closed several schools, reorganized by grade span, and initiated the aforementioned magnet programs. In a March 2015 bond proposal presentation to the school board, the Superintendent proposed that the LSD look into selling/leasing two schools, remodeling two schools, moving several magnet programs, and developing a new magnet program. See Table 1 for a current chart of schools by grade levels and curric ula r focus. Annual state test data shows the low proficiency rates of students in the distri ct. For example, around 25% of third grade students (state average around 40%) and less than 10% of eighth grade students were deemed proficient in mathematics in the 2013 -2014 school year (state average around 34%) . In reading, just under 50% of third grade students were proficient (stage average around 60%) , and around 44% of eighth grade students reached proficiency (stat e average around 75%) (MI School Data, 2014). 54 Table 1: List of Lansing School District Schools by Grade Level and Focus School Name Grades Magnet /Curricular Focus Averill K-3 Spanish Immersion Cavanaugh K-3 STEAM Cumberland K-3 Fairview K-3 STEM Forest View K-3 Gier Park K-3 Kendon K-3 Lyons K-3 REO K-3 Riddle K-3 Willow K-3 Attwood 4-6 Lewton 4-6 Global Studies/Spanish Immersion Mt. Hope 4-6 STEAM Pattengill 4-6 Sheridan Road 4-6 STEM Gardner K-8 Leadership, Law, & Gov ernmen t Pleasant View K-8 Visual/Performing Arts Rich K-8 STEM Wexford K-8 Montessori Eastern 7-12 International Baccalaureate Everett 7-12 New Tech (7 -10) Sexton 7-12 Math, Science, & Engineering Woodcreek 9-12 Alternative Education Beekman Ages 3 -26 Adaptive/Special Education North K-6 Special Education Post Oak K-6 International Baccalaureate, Chinese Immersion 55 Due to systemic declines in the automobile manufacturing sector (and exacerbated by the recession), Michigan lost 0.6% of its population between 2000 and 2010 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010), making it the only state to do so over the 2000 -2010 time period (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). MichiganÕs public schools similarly lost around 200,000 students (11.8% of population) between 2003 and 2013, with some departing becau se of the exodus from the state and others enr olling in charter s chools (Kaffer, 2014). Around ten charter schools operate within the Lansing School District borders, and in 2013 the district reported losing over 1,500 students (previously enro lled in LSD) to these charters and estimates losing over 2 5,000 students to charters/parochial schools since 2000 (Lansing School District, 2013). Like other urban areas in the state, Lansing also declined in population (around 4% between 2000 and 2010), and LSDÕs enrollment has fallen from around 14,500 (2008 -2009) to around 11,640 students in the 2014 -2015 school year (MI School Data, 2014). This represents a 20% decline, with consistent drops of 500 -700 students a year. Many of these students use MichiganÕs school -choice laws to enroll in surrounding districts. LSD reports that since the fall of 2004, it has lost 27,825 student FTEs (full -time equivalents) to these nearby districts (Lansing School District, 2013). Theoretical Lens This study was guided by two theoretical conceptions of educational policy. First, I view policy as messy and complex rather than orderly and governed by rationality or rules (Cohen, March, & Olsen, 1972). Ball (1998) notes that policy making is Òinevitably a process of bricolage,Ó and says that Òmost policies are ramshackle, compromise , hit and miss affairs, that are reworked, tinkered with, nuanced and inflected through complex processes of influence, text production, dissemination and, ultimately, re -creation in contexts of practiceÓ (p. 126). Stages of policy formation overlap (Nakam ura, 1987), and players in the policy game regularly change the 56 rules, cheat, and change roles (Long, 1958; Sabatier, 2007). With this in mind, I relate the policy developments in the LSD to a theory that recognizes complexity and nuance. Second, I view me aning and significance in educational policy as existing in both macro -level analysis and micro -level conditions and at the intersection between the two (Lipman, 2004; McLaughlin, 1987, 1990; Olson & Craig, 2009; Ozga, 1990). As McLaughlin (1987) noted, educational policy study should be concerned with Òsystemwide, or macrolevel dimensions of official policies and microlevel meanings, how they are experienced by teachers, students, and principals in schoolsÓ (p. 4). Educational policy -making is shaped by a kind of Òstreet -level bureaucracyÓ (Lipsky, 1980), in which teachers and other local actors mediate policy implementation based on resources, values, and beliefs (Coburn, 2004; Diamond & Spillane, 2004; Spillane, 2004). Spillane (2004) suggests that: Ò Teachers, district and school administrators, and other locals often fail to notice, intentionally ignore, or selectively attend to policies, especially those that a re in consistent with their own agendasÓ (p. 5). Indeed, local actors may even act as Ònonauthor ized policymakersÓ (Levinson, Sutton, & Winstead, 2009, p. 769) as they reinterpret and direct policy at the district and classroom levels, often leading to incomplete or varied implementation (McDermott, 2000). ResearcherÕs Lens I come to this research st udy both with connections to the research site and phenomenon and with some notable distance. I grew up less than an hour from Lansing and formerly taught public school music nearby. I also have experience with elementary generalist teachers engaging in ar ts instruction, as I recently taught a college course titled, ÒPerforming Arts for the Elementary Teacher.Ó Most significantly, at the time of researching and writing this study, I was a student at Michigan State University. Not only was the Lansing School District located less 57 than five miles away from where I went everyday to learn, work, and teach, I observed/supervised an intern teacher in LansingÕs Eastern High School. Also, my advisor, Dr. Mitchell Robinson, was embroiled in the public debate that fol lowed the decision. All of these factors brought immediacy to the site and research topic. In some ways, this proximity to the topic creates a kind of Òinsider statusÓ that can lend insight and empathy to my research report. However, familiarity also can prevent a researcher from adequately focusing on the topic and cases. I therefore needed to be careful to balance my insider status through reflexivity (Merriam, 2009), by engaging in critical self -reflection of my assumptions and biases regarding public s chool arts instruction. As Moustakas (1994) cautions, I purposefully needed to ÒbracketÓ my experience to view phenomena with Òfresh eyes.Ó At times this bracketing was difficult. As I wrote in a rese archer memo: ItÕs hard to be restrained and clinical about this. IÕm mostly doing okay with that, but there have been several moments of late where IÕm in an interview Ñeither in person or on the phone Ñand I want to interrupt and raise my voice. ÒBut, but Ñwhat about [blank]?!Ó ItÕs hard not to. After all, thi s is a charged issue for me. I care about these kids getting a real arts education on a regular basis. They deserve it!Ó (researcher memo, January 9, 2015). It also is important to acknowledge the distance that exists between me and the research site, part icipants, and phenomenon of interest. As a White, middle/upper class doctoral student, I acknowledge that I may have a lack of understanding about the culture, values, and priorities in the LSD. As a part of my identity, I carry power and privilege that ma y hinder my abilities to understand the topic of my research (Bradley, 2007). This research experience, as well as a prior experience in which I created and implemented a free summer music program for youth in a 58 high -poverty elementary school, have ingrain ed in me the importance of realizing how a university -affiliated researcher is perceived in some urban schools. The notion of a Òwhite knightÓ hero descending on a Òdown and outÓ community with students of color is problematic and can be resented by long -time members of the community (McIntyre, 1997). These issues notwithstanding, I believe that studies of contexts like the LSD should not be avoided because of issues of researcher privilege and unfamiliarity. Researchers must, however, engage in critical self-examination. Data Sources Interviews In total, I interviewed 18 people involved with LansingÕs decision. I engaged in purposeful sampling (Patton, 2002) to select informants who were closely involved with and affected by aspects of LansingÕs policy dec ision. I bounded this to include (a) current LSD teachers, instructional support staff, administrators, and school board members; (b) music and art specialists who retired, moved to a different school district, or lost their jobs after the March 2013 decis ion; and (c) community arts providers who were engaged in conversations about providing arts instruction in LSD. Within this population, I built a list of potential participants from personal contacts, contacts provided by a colleague, and names found in n ews stories about the Lansing decision. As the research progressed, I also used snowball sampling (Patton, 2002) to find participants who were willing to speak on the issue. If a participant suggested I speak with someone, I added that person to my prospec tive participants list and obtained contact information. This strategy may have invited bias to the data set, as those participants who were recommended to me may have been especially opinionated or motivated to speak out on the issue. To counter this, I s ought both confirming and disconfirming evidence from interviewees. 59 Interviews were semi -structure d so that participants both could address similar topics and pursue topics of individual importance. When designing interview questions, I drew from relevant literature on the studyÕs topic. While I had developed a list of possible que stions, I intentionally encourage d the interview to be emergent so as t o support conversations that were personalized and free flowing. In order to view the phenomena with an open mind and to keep the interview focus on the participantsÕ experiences (Van Manen, 1990), I practice d what Kvale (1996) calls Òdeliberate naŁvet”Ó (p. 33) by asking for explanation and clarification even on topics with which I am familiar from my own exper ience. While I preferred to conduct interviews in person, I was only able to make this work with seven of the participants. The other 11 interviews occurred over the phone due to distance or scheduling issues. The interviews lasted between 35 and 90 minute s, and all interviews were audio recorded and promptly transcribed to provide an accurate record of what each participant said. When transcribing interview audiotapes, it is important to remember that important information is inevitably lost. As Polkinghor ne (2005) notes, ÒLost is the way in which things were said, the pacing, the intonation, and the emphasis in the talkÓ (p. 142). Therefore, I took notes while interviewing , whenever possible, and used these notes as analytical memos. I also used the analyt ical memos to engage in self -reflection about the interpersonal dynamics of the interview procedure. Scholars caution that qualitative interviews can be hierarchical relationships with power imbalances between interviewer and interviewee (Kvale, 2006; Weis & Fine, 2000), and they encourage critical reflection to develop sensitivity to these issues. Access Issues Because of the tension around the 2013 cuts, I encountered a number of challenging issues around access to data and participants. The first and major access issue came when my 60 request for research in the district was formally denied. After receiving IRB approval from Michigan State University (see A ppendix A) , I contacted LSDÕs Department of Accountability and School Improvement, which handles all research requests. I turned in a research application specifying my intent to interview district employees and observe elementary classroom teachers. On December 1, 2014, I received a letter attached to an email informing me that m y request had been denie d (see A ppendix B). The letter stated : ÒThe district is undergoing several restructuring initiatives and is unable to accommodate research applications that do not directly benefit our improvement goals.Ó Since I had intended on addressing my third resea rch question Ñregarding the current state of elementary arts instruction and the impacts of the cuts Ñthrough sustained observation of elementary classroom teachers and the consultants from the Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness, this denial of access had a serious effect on the overall research design. It also was not immediately clear to me what impact the LSDÕs denial of access would have on my ability to contact and recruit interviewees. After speaking with my committee members, I decided to contac t the MSU IRB and explain the situation. The IRB confirmed that, even with the districtÕs denial of formal access, the status of approval had not changed, and I would still be able to contact employees on their personal time (i.e., outside of school hours) . The inability to use district resources to identify and contact participants made recruitment more complicated and more difficult. For example, i n deference to current employee privacy, I did not feel comfortable sending emails through the districtÕs e mail system. As a result, I contacted potential informants through personal email addresses, by phone, and via Facebook. Participant recommendations from interviewees became crucial following this denial of access. In all instances of contacting potential participants, I fully explained the situation 61 around the research. This included telling them that the formal research request had been denied, but that they could feel free to speak to me on their own time. I assured each informan t confidentiality. Seve ral aspects of my interaction with potential informants (and with eventual participants, during interviews) were interesting in relation to the districtÕs denial of access. Both current and former employees were frightened to talk Ñeven Òoff the recordÓ Ñbec ause they feared reprisal from LSD administrators. One potential informant who was a current employee decided not to participate because of this fear. A former employee (who ultimately participated) asked for a couple months to consider participation becau se she feared any possible backlash if she was identified. Over and over, interviewees would stop the interview and ask: ÒThis is confidential, right?Ó Or: ÒYouÕre not using names, right?Ó When asking for recommendations for other participants, several int erviewees told me to be very careful in contacting current employees. Some said that younger teachers would not dare speak with me. One informant clarified that this fear stemmed from the general perception that LSD administrators were Òpunishe rsÓ (see mor e discussion in Chapter F ive). This hesitancy to speak seemed to be balanced with an intense desire to, as several participants put it, Òset the story straight.Ó In the snowball sampling process, several informants said something to the effect of, ÒYou s hould contact [name]. SheÕs dying to talk.Ó Others, at the beginning of our conversation, would laugh and say, ÒI hope youÕre ready ÑI have a lot to say.Ó The interviews seemed cathartic for some, perhaps because it gave them a chance to speak plainly on so mething about which they felt passionate. Several times, interviewees cursed, hit the table, and cried as they recounted the way this decision made them feel. 62 Documents I gathered and analyzed all relevant documents about the policy decision -making in L SD. Documents included school board meeting agendas and minutes, the Superintendent Õs ÒMonday MemoÓ to LSD staff, the districtÕs monthly newsletter (ÒThe Bright SideÓ), human resources documents (e.g., job postings), materials from meetings of the Departme nt of Innovative Arts and Fitness, lesson plans, and news articles about the LSD decision. I also gathered any relevant materials (e.g., screenshots of posts, photos posted by the district) from social networking sites such as Facebook. Document analysis m ainly served to address the second research questions, as these documents illuminated the framing/imaging and messaging surrounding the decision -making process. As with interview transcripts, I treated the documents as a separate data source and used them as a means of triangula tion. This triangulation was especially important in the present study, because it deals with policy, which can be considered both official text and action (Ball, 1994). Researcher Memos I wrote researcher memos during or immediat ely after each interview, which included reflections on the interview, unresolved questions, questions for future interviews, and contact information for potential informants. Sometimes I also jotted down ideas for titles and subheadings based on compellin g quotations. I also wrote several general memos that included thoughts and observations throughout the data collection process. Writing these memos helped me to begin to analyze and synthesize across the data set, and they also served as a repository for interpretations. 63 Procedure and Timeline After obtaining initial IRB approval from Michigan State University on November 4, 2014 and getting second approval based on my updated research plan on December 2, 2014, I began to contact and recruit potential participants. I first interviewed individuals who were not currently district employees (i.e., former employees, community arts providers), and then moved on to speaking with current employees. I conducted all interviews between late December 2014 and earl y April 2015. I also began to compile relevant documents for analysis during this period. The analysis phase began during this time period and overlapped with continuing data collection. Analysis continued through the end of April, and I wrote findings and summary chapters between May and June with a defense meeting in July 2015. Analysis Policy Formation Analysis I drew upon the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) to help analyze the policy conditions that enabled the decision in LSD (research question one) and the decision -making process (research question two). Frameworks of this type have been used to provide a means for understanding large -scale policy developments (e.g., national air transportation policy), but also have been used in smaller scale analysis of educational contexts (see Houlihan & Green, 2006; Stout & Stevens, 2000). The ACF focuses on how policies are formulated by coalitions of like -minded actors and policy brokers. See Figure 1 below for a pictorial representation of the framework model . 64 Figure 1: Advocacy Coalition Framework Diagram ACF conceptualizes the coalitionÕs actions within a policy subsystem, which can include multiple coalitions and policy brokers who help advance solutions. In this sense, I interpret the different groups involved with LansingÕs decision (e.g., the music and art specialists, the union leadership, the classroom teachers, LSD adminis trators, community arts providers) to be coalitions within a subsystem. External to the policy subsystem are significant forces that shape the policy formation process. Some of these are called Òrelatively stable parameters,Ó and they include the basic res ources surrounding a problem area, the fundamental nature of culture and social structures, and other rules/norms (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993 ). For the purposes of this analysis, I considered existing policy conditions and resources in Lansing to be th ese 65 Òrelatively stable parameters.Ó Other external forces, according to ACF, are more dynamic and sudden, including drastic changes in socio -economic conditions, changes in public opinion, and momentous policy changes from other subsystems. In LansingÕs ca se, these include impending ÒRight to WorkÓ legislation and a large budget deficit. Interview Transcripts Coding When reviewing individual interview transcripts, I first followed an eclectic coding method (SaldaŒa, 2013) that draws upon multiple coding me thodologies (e.g., values codi ng, in vivo coding, emotions coding). Throughout the coding process, I used the constant comparative method (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) to check preliminary codes against other data sources such as documents and researcher memos . The initial round of coding yield ed 234 codes (see Appendix C) attached to 1,171 excerpts, for a total of 1,713 code applications across the interview transcript data set. Based on ongoing reflection, comparison across the data set, and constant reference t o the research questions, I then updated and revise my initial codes. I dropped several codes that were shown to be not relevant or not substantiated across the data set. I used code -mapping (SaldaŒa, 2013) to group codes into a list of subcategories and categories . I then arranged these broader categories by research question (see Appendix D). Trustworthiness I used several strategies to ensure trustworthiness. As Lincoln & Guba (1985) suggest, trustworthiness can be thought of as the combination of the c redibility, dependability, and confirmability of qualitative data. To ensure credibility (i.e., an accurate interpretation of participantsÕ meaning), I employed member checks with all pa rticipants (Lincoln & Guba, 1985 ). I conducted these member checks at several stages of the project, making available interview transcripts, codes/themes, and the final written research report available to participants for 66 clarification and comment. Few participants made changes to their interview transcripts, though one for mer arts teacher printed out her transcript and mailed the hard copy to me with extensive edits. These edits corrected misspellings, clarified dates that were discussed, and in several instances, removed sentences altogether. One other participant Ña commun ity arts provider Ñreviewed a transcript and called to follow up with me about something they had forgotten to discuss. My personal credibility also is impor tant and was strengthened through my prolonged exposure to the research topic. Because I had been c losely following all developments surrounding LansingÕs decision for the better part of two years, this extended immersion time helped to ensure a thorough understanding related to the continued implementation of the arts education policy change (Creswell, 2009). To pursue dependability (or consistency) in the data set, I followed consistent research p rocedures (e.g., using an interview protocol) and triangulated both methods and data sources (Patton, 2002). I used the constant comparative method to look for patterns and themes across interviews, researcher memos, and collection of documents (Lincoln & Guba, 1985; Merriam, 198 8) and also considered rival explanations and disconfirming evidence (Yin, 2003). I used rich, thick description to clarify details and the essence of the phenomenon (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). In the interpretivist tradition, criteria such as explicitness and vividness are considered vital validation criteria (Whittlemore, Chase, & Mandle, 2001). Finally, Lincoln & Guba (1985) suggest pu rsuing confirmability, which they view as the constructivist/interpretivist analog to ÒobjectivityÓ or external validity. In attempting confirmability, I used seve ral strategies. First, I clarified my researcher biases so that the reader understands my pos ition and the lens that I bring to the study (Merriam, 1988). Second, I sought 67 disconfirming evidence for emerging conclusions (Patton, 2002), and I engaged in peer reviews/debriefing sessions with knowledgeable colleagues who played the role of ÒdevilÕs advocateÓ (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Following recommendations from Patton (2002) and Creswell (2009 ), I engaged peers familiar with the topic and research site, as well as a colleague with no connection to the study. Limitations This study has potential limi tations. Because this is a single case study, results are not generalizable to all school districts. This kind of generalizability based on statistical power, however, is not the goal of qualitative case study research. As Stake (1995) notes, the case stud y researcher should attend to the particularities of the case in order to add in -depth information to a general body of knowledge. In addition, it may be possible that findings from this study can be transferred to other similar contexts. As Guba & Lincoln (1981) suggested: The degree of transferability is a direct function of the similarity between the two contexts, what we shall call Òfittingness.Ó Fittingness is defined as degree of congruence between sending and receiving contexts. If context A and B ar e ÒsufficientlyÓ congruent, then working hypotheses from a sending originating context may be applicable in the receiving context (p. 124). In this sense, transferability is thought of as situational. As Schwartz (1996) notes, rich description of contextua l factors in a qualitative study lead to possible relevance for comparable sites or populations. Schwartz refers to this as Òlogical situational generalizabilityÓ (1996, p. 7). How Data Are Reported I report the findings in chapters devoted to covering the three research questions. In Chapter F our, I focus on the policy conditions that enabled LSDÕs decision to cut e lementary arts 68 specialists. In Chapter F ive, I describe how the decision was implemented, including discussions of the various coalitions an d their fr aming/messaging strategies. In Chapter S ix, I investigate the impacts, almost two years later, of the policy decision on elementary arts education in the district. Finally, I summarize the findings and offer conc lusions and recommendations in Cha pter Seven. 69 CHAPTER FOUR: ENABLING CONDITIONS Introduction In order to discuss the confluence of conditions that enabled the Lansing School DistrictÕs (LSD) decision to cut its elementary arts specialists, I draw upon several data sources. First, I present evidence from the LSDÕs own reports on district finances. These include the districtÕs budgetary reports, its application for federal grant monies, and bond proposal presentation materials. I supplement these sources with information from MoodyÕs Investors Service regarding the outlook for the LSDÕs general oblig ation rating (debt rating). Third, I draw upon news stories about the conditions discussed. Finally, I use findings from participant interviews in this chapter. I present quotations from participants where relevant. Interpreting Conditions as ÒRelatively Stable ParametersÓ I use the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) to frame the conditions in this chapter. The ACF seeks to explain policy formation by illuminating how a policy subsystem operates within la rger external cons traints (see F igure 1 ). The external constraints include Òrelatively stable parametersÓ and Òsudden shocksÓ (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). The differentiation between stable and sudden is not always clearly delineated, though some texts on the ACF point to stable factors being in place for 100 years (Weible, Sabatier, & McQueen, 2009 ). For the purposes of this analysis, I define these relatively stable parameters as those which participants described as long -term or ongoing and/or those that seem to fit the ACFÕs definition of being stable over time and demonstrating resistance to change (Weible, Sabatier, & McQueen, 2009). Specifically, the ACF gives examples of relatively stable parameters as (a) basic attributes of the problem area, (b) basic distribu tion of natural resources, (c) fundamental 70 sociocultural values and social structure, and (d) basic constitutional structure (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) . As mentioned in Chapter T hree, the ACF has most frequently been applied to national policymaking endeavors, which explains the language in those examples (i.e., natural resources, constitutional structure). However, applying these concepts to a school district decision is possible with only minor tweaks. For example, Òbasic attributes of the problem a reaÓ can remain unchanged. The problem area Ñhere, public schooling Ñsurely has basic attributes. These include factors such as funding and governance structures, conventions for staffing, curriculum requirements, and many more. ÒDistribution of natural reso urcesÓ certainly applies, as school districts are reliant on defined revenues from the state and from local tax sources. The third example, Òfundamental sociocultural values and social structureÓ also is applicable to a district like Lansing. In this conte xt, I interpret this to mean the value that society at large (and more locally, within the state of Michigan or the community of Lansing) places on schools and on elementary arts programming. ÒBasic constitutional rulesÓ could be interpreted as applying to the rules that govern public school districts. Based on these definitions of Òrelatively stable parameters,Ó I discuss the following as conditions that contributed to LansingÕs decision to cut its elementary arts specialists: declining enrollment and bud get problems, school performance accountability, the gradual rise and fall of the LSD arts programs, negative perception of art, music and physical education (AMPE) teachers, and the structural weakening of AMPE programs. Last, I reflect on what ACF calls mediating factors Ñthose factors that (in the 2007 ACF revision) intercede between these stable parameters and the policy subsystem. These include the degree of consensus necessary for policy change, and the short -term constraints and resources around the s ubsystem. 71 Declining Enrollment and Budget Problems The ACF makes the conceptual distinction between parameters/conditions that are somewhat stable, and more sudden external shocks (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). In reality, this distinction can be deba table. In the case of district finances, for example, one can see both stable forces (long -term budget shortfalls caused by declining enrollment and state aid changes), as well as more sudden forces at work (the threat of the appointment of an emergency fi nancial manager). In this chapter, I discuss more about the long -term financial picture, and I save a discu ssion of the sudden shocks for Chapter F ive. As discussed briefly in the des cription of the research site (Chapter T hree), declining enrollment had been a long -time problem for Lansing School District. In the 1970s, the district had more than 40 elementary schools and close to 20,000 students enrolled. For a variety of reasons, including macro -level issues such as the recession and the erosion of Mic higanÕs auto -industry, and local issues such as Òwhite flightÓ from city centers to suburbs, the district has been in a decline for years. While reliable enrollment numbers from pre -2002 are difficult to find, a worsening of this trend in the last 15 -20 years seems clear. A news article from 2002 says that, between 1980 and 2002, LSD lost around 3,500 students, with around 3,000 leaving the district between 1995 and 2002 (Sturm, 2002). School Choice MichiganÕs school choice law also has been a factor in the more recent decline in LSD enrollment. MichiganÕs Òschool of choiceÓ provision was enacted in 1996 as part of the State School Aid Act, and it allowed parents to send their students to out -of-district schools more easily (Sturm, 2002). In the first six years of the school of choice law being in effect, LSD did not fare well. The district lost around 1,200 students to other districts during this time, which 72 accounted for $6 million in budgetary losses (Sturm, 2002). Nearby districts did much better over the same period, with the East Lansing schools , for example, gaining around 450 students (a net gain of $3.6 million in revenue) (Sturm, 2002). On the West side of the LSDÕs boundaries, Waverly Community Schools brought in 269 students for a total net gain of $2.8 million (Sturm, 2002). LansingÕs number of students lost through school choice decisions was similarly troubling in the f all of 2014. In a March bond proposal presentation, the Superintendent discussed the numbers: of the 19,277 students eligible for grades K -12, 7,637 students were choosing to go elsewhere. Of these, 5,995 were attending anoth er public school option (Caamal Canul, 2015). While this reporting does not break down this 5,995 into public school charter enrollment and school choice en rollment, it still suggests a large number of students lost to school choice. These numbers are supported by a MoodyÕs Investors Service brief from 2013, which showed that 17% of LansingÕs potential students were enrolled in other public districts in 2011-2012 (MoodyÕs Investors Service, 2013). School choice was mentioned several times in my interviews with former teachers, and one participant remarked on what she had seen: Just a mass exodus out of the urban area. Schools of choice killed Lansing. East La nsing, I believe, has 35% of their students that are school of choice. Where do they come from? Lansing schools. Those who are left anymore are the captive audience, people who can Õt go anywhere else . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Teacher Layoff s Teachers discussed how they had seen the mass exodus of students affect staffing levels. A former music teacher noted that the district had been in a sustained period of layoffs and cuts, and this trajectory enabled the 2013 cuts to the AMPE department: 73 So every year when you lost those kids, you lost that money, you have to get rid of positions. So when I first came in, our association of teachers was about 1,100 members. WeÕre down to 850 now. So that many teachers in a 10 -year period are gone . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Several participants talked about how the period of constant layoffs had taken a toll both personally and on the districtÕs ability to focus on children and develop any kind of long -term strategy. Being laid off ofte n meant not getting paid during the summer and sometimes being rehired the day before the school year began. Constant pink slips brought personal stress for a former teacher: In the eight years I was in Lansing, I Õd been laid off seven different times. Most of those [times I was] surviving all the way through summer until we started the school year again . So I was on unemployment many of those times and not knowing if I Õd have a job in the fall . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Several participan ts said they had gotten used to the situation, and they discussed it with a sense of resignation. One said he had gotten used to Ò wondering if I have a job the next day for the last 10 years,Ó and remembered that being recalled on Òopening dayÓ had become Òpar for the courseÓ (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . Participants also discussed how these layoffs had affected the health of the district as a whole. One former teacher noted that some strong arts teachers left the district because of the ins tability: Ò I know a lot of the peopl e who were former teachers [in LSD] who have left and gone elsewhere. Ó She continued, discussing an exemplary music teacher who was driven to a nearby district: 74 [TeacherÕs name] was a Lansing teacher, yeah. Absolutely. And obviously doing a fantastic job É but did not have support of administration for his program and saw the greener grass, saw he could have a more pleasant work environment. So the layoffs have killed . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Another we ll-respected teacher who led the high school band at Everett High School left the district in 2013 after being laid off. In a news story on the layoff, the teacher, Ben Baldwin, is quoted: ÒThat was my first time getting pink -slipped. It Õs never happened t o me before, Ó he said. ÒI understand it Õs a result of all the changes the district is going through with the elimination of planning periods, but I couldn Õt take the risk. And that Õs what it really came down to. Even though I was there for 11 years, when y ou get a pink slip, you have to start looking around. Ó (Ing lot, 2013) Magnet School Strategy As mentioned, the LSD has been operating under a mandatory desegregation plan since the 1970s. In addition to experimenting with busing arrangements and changing t he boundaries that govern neighborhood school enrollment (e.g., Òcluster plansÓ), one part of the districtÕs plan has been developing magnet schools (Lansing School District, 2013). With the stated goal of Òreducing black student isolation,Ó (Lansing Schoo l District, 2013) these magnet programs have been placed in schools with high -minority, academically struggling populations. In addition to ensuring academically challenging/rigorous options for all students in the district, the secondary goal is to encour age wealthier, white students to stay in the district. Not only have the districtÕs demographics changed on the whole (42% minority and 58% white in 1988, 71% minority and 29% white in 2012), but the districtÕs demographics are now the opposite of those in the city of 75 Lansing, which shows 28% minority population and 72% white (Lansing School District, 2013). In other words, the district seems to enroll and retain little of its potential white population. From 2001 to 2012, the d istrict opened ten magnet sch ools, and it added six more magnet programs in 2013 with the help of a $10 million grant from the federal Magnet Schools Assistance Program (MSAP). The district, in its MSAP application, discusses the enrollment goals of the magnet program: Ò In short, LSD must entice families it once served to return to the district by improving current academic programs through rigorous, innovative magnet schools Ó (Lansing School District, 2013, p. 6). The funds awarded through the new grant will pay for focus teachers (2 -3 year appointments created to organize the magnet theme of the school), and fund curriculum, technology, professional development, and marketing of the new schools. Because the school district has seen declining revenues generated from traditional local a nd state sources, outside funding sources present the only means of creating these kinds of programs to attract/retain students. As the district states in its 2013 MSAP application, the start up costs of a magnet school launch project are too high for the district, and therefore require federal funding up front and community partnerships to sustain (Lansing School District, 2013). Participants spoke glowingly of the effects the original (pre -2013) magnet schools had on the districtÕs ability to attract and retain talented students, and they were especially complimentary of the visual and performing arts school (Pleasant View). A former teacher, who had worked at Pleasant View, spoke of the perceived strength of the school: I was at Pleasant View, the arts magnet school. We had full enrollment every year with a waiting list É T hat was a huge draw that we had in th at building. We drew kids from out of district to Pleasant View. Out of district to a Lansing school so they could study arts ! (interview transcrip t, January 21, 2015) 76 A former art teacher remembered drawing kids to Pleasant View from nearby towns like Haslett and Williamston because of the reputation of the arts programs. Several participants spoke of Pleasant View as a Òdream school,Ó inwhich students were motivated, resources were plentiful, and the school was sheltered from the impact of teacher turnover. Participants said that, in contrast to what often seemed like a constant Òband -aid approachÓ taken by the district to address short -term e nrollment/budget problems, the magnets were an example of strong district strategy. Facilities Issues and State Aid Decreases In addition to the problems associated with declining student enrollment, the Lansing School District had seen the Òrelatively stable parameterÓ of financial problems affected by the state of its facilities and the declining state aid revenues. In terms of facilities, the LSD was faced with a combination of old/crumbling buildings, and vacant/underused properties. These capital improvem ent issues are problems for Lansing because of how MichiganÕs school funding structures work. In 1994, when Michigan revamped its school aid structure, it directed most funds through the state (i.e., the school aid fund), but required that funds for facili ties fall solely on local districts. Districts can raise funds for facilities through either sinking fund millages or bond proposals. While similar in some ways (i.e., reliance on voters approving a tax increase), the two strategies also differ in importan t respects. Both sinking fund millages and bonds can support new construction, remodeling, infrastructure improvements, and site improvements. But sinking fund millage proceeds cannot fund technology or equipment, wh ile bond funds can (Caamal Canul, 2015). Facilities issues are, of course, also related to enrollment. When buildings are old and in disrepair, it can be a factor in school choice decisions, making a district less attractive. Also, when enrollment declines steeply, as it has in the LSD, a distri ct can be left with many underused 77 or vacant properties that also cannot be maintained due to declining per -pupil funding. Out of the 27 buildings with instructional programs (i.e., not administrative or other buildings), the average date of building is 19 60, with one building (Eastern HS) dating to 1928, and two buildings (Mt. Hope Elementary and Sexton HS) dating to the 1940s. The only building constructed since the 1970s is Pa ttengill, built in 2007 (Caamal Canul, 2015). The district, in spite of its eff orts to shed schools that were no longer needed, still has two unneeded buildings that it leases, and three vacant properties (Caamal Canul, 2015). School aid funding app ropriations from the state also have impacted the LSDÕs financial health negatively . Whether or not the current governor, Rick Snyder, has cut education funding has been a contentious debate. Those who blame the state cite per pupil funding levels that have fallen or stagnated. A senate fiscal analysis of per pupil funding shows that Lansi ngÕs funding, over a 10 -year period, ticked up from $7,443 in 2005 -2006 to a high of $7,835 in 2008 -2009, and then fell to a low of $7,314 in both 2011 -2012 and 2012 -2013 (Senate Fiscal Agency, 2015). Overall education funding has recently increased, but t hese funds have largely gone toward employee retirement costs, and have not staved off the financial hardships felt by districts like Lansing (Brush, 2014). Several of my participants were quick to place the blame for the 2013 cuts squarely on the stateÕs lack of education funding. One pointedly said, Ò ItÕs the state Õs fault that that decision had to be made .Ó A current teacher agreed: ÒW e did what we had to do to keep the district moving forward É And whose fault is that? The district Õs or the state? The t eachers Õ or the state? Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . A school districtÕs ability to borrow money for facilities is dependent on its financial standing and debt obligations. This reality has negatively impacted Lansing as well. MoodyÕs, an agen cy that rates school districts, has been steadily downgrading the Lansing School District 78 (MoodyÕs Investors Service, 2013; 2015). In December 2013, the downgrade report (ÒMoodyÕs Downgrades Lansing School DistrictÕs (MI) GO Rating to A1; Outlook NegativeÓ ), cited the districtÕs challenges as Òlimited revenue raising flexibility,Ó Òlong -term trend of declining enrollment factoring unfavorably into the state aid formula,Ó and Òrecent operating deficits resulting in narrow reservesÓ (MoodyÕs Investors Service , 2013, n.p.). The outlook is negative, the report indicates, because of the declining enrollment trend. In 2015, MoodyÕs downgraded the LSD again (MoodyÕs Investors Service, 2015). As both recent MoodyÕs reports indicate, the districtÕs reserves Ñits fund balance Ñhas run low. In 2009 -2010, the LSD had a fund balance of $14,613,171. In 2013 -2014, this had dwindled to $3,399,771. The fund balance currently sits at a problematic level, as the Michigan School Business Officials (MSBO) recommend that districts maintain a fund balance equal to 15 -20% of operating budget (MSBO, 2014). These rating downgrades hurt the LSDÕs ability to borrow (i.e., to issue debt). At the same time, the LSD is not able to avoid seeking bond/millage money. In March 2015, L SD Superin tendent Yvonne Caamal Canul presented on a bond proposal at a sch ool board study session (Caamal Canul, 2015). The Superintendent recommended pursuing a two -mill increase in May 2016 to pay for facilities improvements. The proposal would raise around $110 million for the district, and funds would largely be used to renovate or demolish decaying buildings (Pa lmer, 2015). Several teachers with whom I spoke were pessimistic about the chance of such a bond passing. One current teacher said it Òhad no chance,Ó b ecause the community would not support it. A former teacher told me that it would be interesting to see whether the current employees would support any bond because of fundamental distrust over past administration actions. 79 School Performance Accountabil ity Like district finances, test -based accountability systems acted as a relativel y stable parameter in one sense and also functioned as a sudden shock. The district also dealt with the long -time perception Ñwhat the ACF would call a fundamental sociocultural value Ñthat it was a place of poor academic performance spurred by low student motivation, discipline problems, and fighting/violence. In the wake of the school choice law in 1996, the district dealt with high -profile instances of negative press. First, Lansing Mayor Virg Bernero moved his kids out of Lansing School District, noting that his daughter had been haras sed by other students (Sturm, 2002). MichiganÕs fo rmer governor Jennifer Granholm also chose to move her children to East Lansing Public Schools. As a stable parameter, the district had dealt with low state standardized test scores across the district for years before the 2013 cuts. As a snapshot, the 2011 MEAP results find, on avera ge of all LSD students, 55% of sixth grade students failing the reading test, 84% failing the math test, and 85% failing the social studies tes t. These numbers are worse for eighth grade students on average with 67% failing the reading test, 91% failing the math test, and 98% failing the science test (note: social studies and science are only tested once per grade span) (Lansing School District, 2013). At the high school leve l, one of the three buildings (Eastern High School) has been chronically failing in terms of test score performance. As indicated by the 2011 eleventh Grade Michigan Merit Examination results, 82% of Eastern students were not meeting basic standards in Eng lish, math, science, and social studies. Over 90% failed the science and social studies tests (Lansing School District, 2013). In different years, numerous schools have failed to make Òadequate yearly progressÓ under NCLB. 80 Many schools in the LSD have com e under formal scrutiny for being low -achieving. The stateÕs system for labeling ÒfailingÓ schools used the Òpersistently lowest achievingÓ (PLA) label until 2011, after which these schools were labeled as Òpriority schools.Ó These labeling systems use a c ombination of test score data and graduation rates averaged across several years to arrive as designations (Michiga n Department of Education, 2015 a). The labeling systems followed 2009 provisions in the federal school improvement grant system and requireme nts in ESEA (NCLB) waivers gained after 2011 that required states to label the bottom 5% of schools ( U.S. Department of Education, 2012 ). The two labeling systems differ slightly, as PLA designations required Ò a complex set of tiers and pools of schools to draw from, whereas the Priority school designation is based on the Top -to-Bottom listing of schoolsÓ (Michigan Department of Education, 2015) . Schools that are labeled as ÒPriorityÓ must devise and submit a Òreform/redesign planÓ that Òfocuses on rapid turnaroundÓ (Michiga n Department of Education, 2015 ). The schools then have three years to implement the plan, with constant monitoring from the state. Ten of LansingÕs schools have been ÒPriorityÓ schools in the last few years, and all selected a Òtransfo rmationÓ plan that focuses on (a) teacher and administrator effectiveness, (b) instructional reform, (c) Òextending or repurposing time for instruction and teacher planning time,Ó (d) becoming community oriented, and (e) providing flexibility and support ( Michiga n Department of Education, 2015 ). Some of these ten schools managed to emerge from the bottom 5%, but others have remained. Eastern High School has come under special scrutiny, since it has been in the bottom 5% of schools for five years. Because th e redesign plan is supposed to be given four years for implementation, some have called for the school to be closed (Gantert, 2014). 81 While ample research suggests that schools began to narrow the time allotted for non -tested subjects in the wake of test -based accountability systems (see Chapters One and T wo for a review of literature), Lansing seems to have maintained (and improved) instructional time for elementary arts up until the 2013 cuts. As I discuss in the next section of this chapter, the district had increased the amount of elementary art and music teachers steadily between the 1970s and just before the cuts occurred. Through union contract negotiations, teachers had successfully secured more planning time such that elementary students received ar t once per week for 60 minutes per class, and music twice per week for 30 minutes per class. Participants with whom I spoke suggested that this amount had changed slightly, with one former music teacher saying: Ò It has changed several times since 2001, ran ging from 30 to 45 min once to twice per week. O ne year [music] was 38 minute sessions.Ó The Rise and Fall of the LSD Arts Programs The 2013 cuts came at a time when the district was in the midst of a downturn. The arts programming in the district had be en slowly declining since around 2007, when worsening economic conditions began to have tangible effects on staffing and curriculum. It is also true that the early 2000s represented a kind of ÒheydayÓ for the LSDÕs arts programs. The district had increased its support and staffing levels since another low point Ñthe 1970s. The overall trajectory, then, is arc -shaped. One of my participants, a retired arts teacher who joined the district in the 1970s, talked about the gradual increase in arts programming: Ò[I started in] 1977, and then a s the years progressed, things started getting better. They started thinking about planning time for teachers and how we would offset planning time Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) This teacher remembered a very small arts staff trying to cover over 30 82 elementary schools, which necessitated traveling to 10 different schools (per teacher) and only seeing each class once per month. Current LSD classroom teachers and arts specialists spoke of the previous era of little elementary arts instruction by specialists. When I asked a classroom teacher about regulari ty of instruction in the 1970s when she started in the LSD, she noted: Ò When I started, we didn Õt have a whole lot of anything. I think we had it maybe very periodically, so we were happy to get them Ó (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) Another classroom teacher who grew up attending elementary school in the district said, ÒI went [to] school in Lansing. L ike , IÕm from Lansin g. And we didn Õt [have specialists] when I was a kid either. The classroom teacher di d it! Just like weÕre doing nowÓ (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . Another LSD teacher who grew up in Lansing said the same: ÒW eÕve seen similar times. When I was gro wing up in Lansing School District in the Ô70s, they on ly had two music teachers and [AMPE] was servicing more than 30 buildings at the time. I think it was up to 35 [elementary schools] back in the Ô70s.Ó This lack of specialists at the e lementary level i mproved slowly but was still prevalent in the late 1990s. A classroom teacher remembered that even in 2000, instruction was sporadic: ÒW hen I got hired 14 years ago, we got ar t like once a month, and music ÑI donÕt know, once every 3 weeks. We didn Õt have w hat we had when it got cut Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . Arts programming improved in the district first at the secondary level, and came later to the elementary schools. These improvements in weekly arts time for elementary students came throug h negotiations. As a current classroom teacher noted, ÒW e had worked to increase it, to increase it, to increase it to try to get elementary the same as high school, where they have almost an hour every single day. Ó The ÒitÓ here is two -pronged, of course. ÒItÓ is both arts programming and planning time. In other words, these increases in student contact time with arts specialists 83 came via contract negotiations because what was negotiated was expanded planning time for classroom teachers. A current LSD teac her also suggested the increases came in response to a different understanding about the value of the arts: More people know a lot more now about the importance of arts education than they did in the Ô70s. I think they always knew it was important, but no t a lot of people did. And as more people knew the importance of music in particular, that Õs when our numbers started to climb. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) For those teachers who were aware of this long, slow process of improvement, the 2013 cuts were especially upsetting. A retired arts teacher discussed how enjoyable it was to work in the ÒheydayÓ of the early 2000s after being spread so thin: ÒF rom 2000 on it was better a nd better and better. The last eight years I taught, I taught specific ally in one school and I Õd say about 2000 it started. It was fun, you know? It was great. So yeah, thatÕs Ñand now weÕre back to where we were [laughs]Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . The district had employed only a handful of endorsed arts specialists in the 1970s to teach elementary school art and music. By the time of the 2013 cuts, there were 27 FTEs in art and music. This retired teacher discussed this history of increased staffing in the period immediately preceding the cuts: I also wa s in on meetings with the Superintendent and HR and some other people, some regular teachers and that, and I was trying to describe to them Ñbecause IÕd been in the district for so long Ñwhat it was like when I first started teaching . Having to go to 10 scho ols, only seeing everybody once a month, a nd how it had progressively gotten better, and giving them suggestions and they didn Õt wan t to hear it. They didnÕt want Ñthey didn Õt want to hear anything . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) 84 ÒLansing U sed to be a PowerhouseÓ As mentioned earlier, current and former LSD teachers spoke fondly of the early 2000s as a ÒheydayÓ for arts education. A former elementary art teacher noted that there was a time in the district when one could brag about what was happen ing: I remember when the district was wonderful. It was a powerhouse É We had all kinds of great programs. It was wonderful. It was something to be proud of. And I used to brag about [LSD]. You know, people say that Lansing Ñin the press Ñis this, that and the other, all this negative stuff. But I would tell people, ÒNo Ñyou really need to check out some of the things there. ItÕs good.Ó (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) One former arts teacher decided to apply to the district at the urging of a friend w ho stressed how strong the programs were in the early 2000s: Ò I was encouraged to come to Lansing by a fellow colleague who had just retired . He encouraged me to come and I knew that working at a b igger school district would be Ñthere would be more opportun ity because, and I Õd known this , but in a district the size of Lansing, there Õs a lot of grants, there Õs a lot of opportunities. A nd that did come true, it was fabulous . (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . Other teachers echoed this idea that, in the early 2000s, Lansing was a place that drew good teachers who had a sense of mission about teaching in an urban district. ÔÔA current classroom teacher, however, mentioned that the loss of the elementary arts programs had changed her perception of working in LSD: I remember starting out and you felt so good about working in Lansing because you knew those kids needed you. And you knew you were making a difference, and now it Õs an embarrassment in many ways to tell people you Õre in Lansing. You Õre almost more embarrassed than you are proud o f being there now É You don Õt even want to tell 85 anybody anymore that you Õre a Lansing te acher because itÕs embarrassing, i f that makes sense. (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) Federal Grants Enhance Arts Instruc tion In addition to gradual increases in sequential arts instruction provided by increases in teacher planning time, the districtÕs ÒheydayÓ included rich curricular enhancements provided by federal grant monies and community partnerships. Across the inte rview data set, most participants spoke glowingly of these programs, describing them as Òexcellent,Ó Òamazing,Ó Òwonderful,Ó Òfantastic,Ó Òexciting,Ó and Òphenomenal.Ó At the same time, several participants who were intimately involved with the organizing and administering the grants noted that not all LSD teachers embraced the programming provided. They also spoke of disappointment with how the grant department was cut once the funds ran out and no new arts grants were pursued. Visual Thinking Strategies ( VTS). In 2003, Lansing School District began an arts -integration project in its visual and performing arts magnet school, Pleasant View Elementary. Pleasant View had just opened in the 2001-2002 school year as part of the rollout of themed magnet schools across the district. The project was based around ÒVisual Thinking StrategiesÓ (VTS). Visual Thinking Strategies are a pedagogical practice/intervention that has been applied in numerous schools and museums, and involves using aesthetic/social -constructivi st techniques to engage students in higher -order thinking and aesthetic judgment (Charland, 2011). As a former LSD employee discussed, ÒItÕs about looking at art and leading a guided discussion about what [students are] observing, and it forces the observ er to go back and either talk about the evidence Ñwhat were they seeing that makes them say something, or reframe what theyÕre thinking or saying Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . As applied in LSD, teachers 86 first would have their students write a description of some object, then engage in 10 -12 guided viewings led by the teacher (using VTS), and then write a second time. The former LSD employee familiar with the project said that the second attempt at writing was Òricher, and better, and more descr iptiveÓ (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . PAINTS Grant . The Lansing School District applied for and received several federal ÒArts in Education ÑModel Development and DisseminationÓ (AEMDD) grants. One of these was for a project called PAINTS, which stood for ÒPromoting Arts Integration in Teaching Standards.Ó The grant summary describes it as a joint project between LSD, Michigan State University, Wharton Center for the Performing Arts (a nearby performing arts venue operated by MSU), and Kresge Art Museum (MSUÕs art museum). Grant funds (around $275,000) were p rovided to cover Òresearch -based arts integration programs for K -8 students and other instructional staffÓ (Lansing School District , 2006). The goals of the program included (a) enhancing teachersÕ arts content knowledge, (b) providing instructional strate gies, (c) developing arts integration skills, (d) integrating technology into instruction, and (e) Òpromoting on -going communication between teachersÓ ( Lansing School District , 2006). The grant expanded the VTS work from one school (Pleasant View) to four schools (adding Wexford Montessori School, Lewton Elementary, and Bingham Elementary), covering 1,233 students and 140 teachers (Charland, 2011). A retired art teacher spoke glowingly of the PAINTS program, noting: ÒW e got lots of professional development, new art materials, document cameras, l aptops. I t was technology -bound, too. And a l ot of field trips for kids, tooÓ (interview transcript, January 5, 2015). The specific goals of AEMDD grants necessitated that the LSD publicize the work. As the AEMDD web site discusses, these grants are discretionary and competitive, and they are 87 meant to further the development of programs such that Ò strategies for integrating the arts into the regular elementary and middle school curricula Ó could be Ò implemented, expande d, document ed, evaluated, and disseminatedÓ (U. S. Department of Education, 2015 ). This dissemination occurred in several ways. As a former LSD employee discussed, the districtÕs VTS programs were the subject of a research study by Professor William Charlan d, an art education professor from nearby Western Michigan University. In addition to writing about the phases of VTS implementation (see Charland, 2011), district personnel traveled to several conferences around the country to present on its PAINTS progra m. Picturing America. The last arts -integration focused grant that LSD received was funded through the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) . The $75,000 grant was awarded to fund two conferences in the 2011 -2012 school year for Òup to 70 K -12 Michigan teachers on the history of Michigan Õs pre - and post -World War II manufacturing might and its influence on the arts, culture, and societyÓ (N ational Endowment for the Humanities , 2011). The projectÕs exact title was ÒPicturing America: The Legacy of the ÔArsenal of DemocracyÕÓ (National Endowment for the Humanities, 2011). The NEH provided portfolios and LSD personnel operated the professional dev elopment conferences with support from Michigan State University. Mini-Grants, Field Trips, Collaboration . Arts s pecialists in the district also were successful in receiving mini -grants from the Lansing Education Advancement Foundation for small -scale pro jects. These small grants Ñeach totaling $400 -500Ñfacilitated art projects in school gardens, paid for field trips and materials, or enabled the schools to bring in guests such as opera singers and country music artists. Arts teachers collaborated with clas sroom teachers on arts -integration projects and presented on the 88 projects for national audiences. A former art teacher discussed the positive teacher -teacher collaborations: It was absolutely wonderful. I got to work with classroom teachers, I was able to collabor ate with them É T here were a lot of things like that going on with arts specialis ts and classroom teachers. So those were great, great times with kids. They were going t o the Wharton Center all the time . They were taken to the DIA [Detroit Institu te of Arts] , they were going to REACH [studio art center], all kinds of stuff . (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Another grant -funded program facilitated intensive nature experiences for students. The program, called ÒBIG Lesson,Ó involved a classroo m teacher and art teacher taking students to a nature center for a weeklong, site -based learning experience. The district also forged effective partnerships with a local art studio, ÒREACH Studio Art.Ó Because REACH was located in Lansing, and was close t o one of the LSDÕs elementary schools (Moors Park Elementary, now closed), this partnership was convenient. For several years, students could be bused to REACH for after -school art programs. In addition, in the 2009 -2010 school year, REACH initiated an aft er-school project with the LSD and Michigan State UniversityÕs Residential College for Arts and Humanities. Called ÒPatterns of Place,Ó the project included four faculty artists from MSU including a poet, painter, printmaker, and photographer. The collabor ation yielded an exhibition at REACH, in which around 90 pieces of art from 70 student artists were displayed. ÒMI ArtsÓ Grant . The other major national grant discussed by LSD personnel was operated through the Lincoln Center Institute in New York City. Termed the ÒMichigan Art ProjectÓ or ÒMI Art,Ó the 89 federally -funded program brought seven teaching artists t o Lansing between 2005 and 2009 and also operated in -depth professional development for Lansing teachers. Rather than Òone -offÓ experiences, this p rofessional development consisted of full immersion weeks in New York City, summer institutes, and ongoing development training. As with other grant -funded projects, classroom teachers and arts specialists spoke favorably of the experience. A former arts t eacher said: ÒWeÕd gone through a partnership with Lincoln Center in New York City, where for four years they had specialists come and teach us how to teach ÑI canÕt think of the word Ñaffectively? We went to New York, they came here É And that was just exce llent. And a lot of the classroom teachers got in on it and everything Ó (interview transcript, January 5, 2015). Another commented: ÒI was Lincoln Center trained. I t was an amazing program. Ó Grant Programs Not Universally Appreciated/ Adopted . Though the grant -funded programs that were present between 2003 and 2012 created a sort of high point in terms of the arts, not every teacher appreciated or adopted these offerings. As discussed in CharlandÕs (2011) article, participation varied widely in LSD: Ò Parti cipation during the inaugural semester ranged from those teachers who jumped in with both feet, to those who made sincere but cautious attempts, to the few who did no VTS at all Ó (p. 9). Classroom teachers cited reasons for not embracing VTS that included Òever -increasing accountability and new ly mandated reading initiativesÓ (p. 9). Charland does, however, cite survey data showing an increase in belief in VTS over several years of implementation in Lansing. This mixed attitude among teachers toward grant -funded arts -based programming was not con fined to the classroom teachers but also included endorsed arts specialists. As a former LSD employee recalled, arts -based/a rts -integration strategies only were embraced by teachers who were younger or especi ally a ttached to the concepts: 90 I think we had 26 art teachers that we were working with. I would say maybe 5 or 6 of them really embraced that, and they were the best teachers, they were the most innovative people É Most teachers th ough, thought of it as someth ing more to put on their plate . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) She noted that the most experienced teachers were ÒentrenchedÓ in their ways and not as open -minded as t he Òyounger, more energetic, more pliable teachers .Ó She also found this to be an issue when it came to the technology -training component of the PAINTS grant. The technology component that teachers were supposed to be doing with their students was not working because the teachers themselves did not have the Òdigital literacyÓ to impl ement the strategies. Even after $100,000 was then reallocated for technology training for the teachers, the older educators still balked at the program. This former employee noted: ÒW e conducted a lot of professional development and I would say more than 50% of the teachers Ñand they tend to be the older teachers Ñthey didn Õt want anything to do with it Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . Grant Funding Allowed to Lapse . Once the federally supported grants Ñincluding the federal AEMDD grant, the Lincol n Center Institute Grant, and the National Endowment for the Humanities grant Ñran their course, they were not replaced and no new arts -in-education funding was pursued. The personn el who managed these grants also were let go in 2013 just before the sweepin g cuts came. Several participants expressed how upset they were at this decision by the district. One former art teacher said: Those grants ended and it was ver y curious. They ended and then ÑitÕs like they no longe r needed us because, I mean, [the grants] weren Õt funding our salaries, but they were funding all these programs. And they had to be done by us [arts specialists], so it wa s 91 curious. Within a year, then É those programs werenÕt run anymore, and they weren Õt pursuing them, like they were supposed to. (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Several former teachers went as far as to allege that the district had violated the terms of the grant, because the grant applications involved the intent to sustain programming after the grant funding ended. On e former teacher said: ÒThe sustainability, is very interesting É TheyÕre supposed to sustain them at some level. But whatever level now is zilchÓ (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . Another said, ÒA lot of federal grants that you apply for, a lot of grants, one of the stipulations is they fund you for so many years and then the reason why they have to go through the district is because the district has to sign that they will pledge funds for so many years beyond. And so all those, they ran out and the district didn Õt fund them, as I understand itÓ (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) . Another questioned why the district was not Òin troubleÓ for abandoning the grant -funded programs. A former employee with knowledge of the grants, however, noted that intention to sustain at the time of initial funding is all that is required by law: Ò The grants were taken through, all the way to their culmination, we spent all the money we have committed on the program, we did all the things tha t we said we would do. What the district did not do was pursue more grants for the arts.Ó This employee suggested that the failure to reapply for more grants or sustain the current programs likely was due to the change in district leadership, as the new Superintendent had just c ome into the district in 2012. She said: ÒThe reason for that probably was, from my perspective, is that we had a brand new Superintendent É I think there were so many things that needed to be addressed that this was kind of put on a back burnerÓ (intervie w transcript, January 21, 2015) . 92 ÒWeÕre on the Downslope NowÓ: Cuts to Instrumental Music Several teachers with whom I spoke talked about how one marker of the declining ÒhealthÓ of the arts programs in the LSD was the decision to make beginning band extra -curricular. In 2012, the district reorganized the grade levels in i ts buildings. As a result, the sixth grade bands were no longer concentrated in the middle sc hools (which had been grades six to eight). They instead were put into many buildings that housed grades four to six. Also, the fifth and sixth grade bands had been operating on a Òpullout lessonÓ model, where a teacher pulls out small groups of like -instrument students from another class to work on beginning fundamentals. District administrators then a sked music teachers to run the fifth and sixth grade programs after school. This necessitated that the band meet at a si ngle site, meaning that interested students would all have to be bused to one school. A current music teacher remembered: [LSD has gone] through lots of transitions in the past decade, one of which was the beginning band program going from in -class, school hours, to after school É [It] started out ok ay, but Lan sing is such a widespread city [that having] one site for the kids Ñwe started out with 200 kids, not a bad turnout. And it was down to about 140 by the time we ended it [that spring] . And after that, that Ñthey couldn Õt find teachers to continue the position. We had it for another year as a n after -school program, and now, I don Õt even think students will get an opportunity to start on the band or string instrument until they get to seventh grade . (inter view transcript, February 23, 2015) As the district was considering the cuts to beginning band, they discussed the issue at a board meeting. A former music teacher remembered the conversation about a perceiv ed lack of student learning in fifth grade band: 93 One of the administrators got up and said, ÒWell, all they know how to do at the end of the year is ÒRow, Row, Row Your Boat.Ó É T he fifth grade program was eventually killed as well É [First] they decided to move it Ñthey were going to try it extracurricu lar. And they did it I think twice a week and had the kids shipped to different schools. It just didn Õt work, and these are urban kids Ñyou can Õt just ship them everywhere and except them to be able to get there or get home. (interview transcript, January 2 1, 2015) Participants also discussed the Òdecimation of the strings programÓ as a turning point in the downward slope of the arts programs. Several factors may have contributed, including teachers being asked to teach outside their area of specialty. One former teacher related: ÒW e saw decimation of the strings program for sure, in Lansing. That was s tarting even before I got there. T he strings program was going down hill because they couldn Õt get teachers who were actually strin g teachers thereÓ (intervie w transcript, January 21, 2015) . Several other isolated cuts occurred as well. One highly respected strings teacher left the district to take a nearby job. Another strings teacher who was struggling with enrollment numbers proposed a schedule to his princi pal that would allow him to keep the orchestra classes going. The principal, however, told him not to bother because the numbers were too low. As a result, th ere are currently no grades nine to 12 orchestra classes in LSD, and two of the high school buildi ngs only have a semester -long strings exploration class for seventh and eighth grade students . This practice of localized cuts within certain district schools was not only an issue for the orchestra program. A music teacher told me that Òafter about eigh t years, they started cutting my jobÓ (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . This included slowly cutting the amount of choir classes at the high school level, which changed the teaching load and ended up forcing this 94 teacher into an elementary positio n. A former music teacher shared that talented secondary arts teachers had left the LSD because the district was assigning them to too many classes: TheyÕre demanding so much É Y ou see these teachers , and now they Õre not just teaching just high school, th eyÕre teaching middle school and high school. And it Õs ridiculous. We have lost a lot of really good musicians, art teachers, phys ed teachers to different districts, and I Õve written a lot of recommendation letters for people . (interview transcript, Janua ry 20, 2015) In some cases, arts teachers retired and were not replaced with strong educators. A former art teacher noted: We had an amazing dance teacher there for 30 years at Everett High School Unbelievable. Nobody had a dance teacher, nobody had a dan ce program in an urban school district, or suburban, anywhere around us. When she left, did they replace her with somebody just as phenomenal? No. They kept having a revolving door and that whole program went down the tubes . (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Negative Perception of Elementary AMPE Teachers and Content Areas Participants in my study consistently voiced that the LSD did not value the arts except as a means of providing planning time to other teachers. As a former music teacher put it, ÒLansing never took the idea Ôart for art itself,Õ they always did it, ÔOkay , this is just for planning time ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . This lack of value was reflected in the attention paid to arts classes. A former music teacher said she could not get LSD administrators to come to her classroom: They never valued the art , music , and phys ed for itself. I mean, I would invite [the Superinten dent ], I donÕt know how man y times to watch a music lesson. O ther arts 95 specialists did too, bu t she never came, and you know Ñthey were just Ñbetween the [Superintendent and the] board, they just didn Õt care . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) Partic ipants discussed feeling as though they were regarded as less important than classroom teachers. They perceived this attitude from some classroom teachers who would bring their classes to appointed art or music time late. One former art teacher said the cl assroom teachers in her building, ÒC onsidered the art program to be nothing, so they didn Õt even bother to come if what they were doing was more important than anything we were doingÓ (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) . When she challenged a teacher who kept bringing his students 20 minutes late to art class, he complained and they got into an argument. She remembered this as an ongoing source of stress: ÒT hat kind of thing wears you down .Ó This same teacher remembered walking into her art classroom only to find it had been converted into a studio where all the students would have their yearly pictures taken. She said: Suddenly I felt completely useless and peripheral to any learning ac tivities that were going on. To walk in and find my room just tor n upÑnot torn up , but made into a studio and suddenly I Õm on the cart, it sends a message to your teachers there. (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) ÒRelease/Planning Time SpecialistsÓ Former arts teachers said that the lack of value on the arts w as especially obvious because of how administrators and union leaders referred to the teachers and the AMPE department. A former music teacher, when I used the term ÒAMPEÓ in our interview, laughed and said: ÒI think that is such a funny name, ÔAMPE.Õ I me an, talk about demeaning, you know? ÔAMPE Staff.ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . I heard from several former teachers that they were 96 often referred to as Òplanning time specialistsÓ or Òrelease time teachers,Ó implying that their purpose was pu rely to provide a break for, as my participants said, the Òreal teachers.Ó One former teacher remembered being referred to as a Òbabysitter.Ó A former music teacher recalled a specific moment when the union president used this kind of language in a meeting with the AMPE teachers: The union president of the Lansing School Education Association at the time was in a meeting with all of the AMPE people . And this was maybe 2007 , I donÕt know, maybe it was 2006. But he said to all of us, he called us Òrelease tim e specialists. Ó And there was a big uprising. P eople were very angry of course because we Õre educators, we Õre educators, and for somebody to be referred to in that matter was very degrading. And that was the breakdown Ñpart of the beginning of the breakdown between Ñthe relationship between the AMPE staff and the union . (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) Another former teacher remembered the comments similarly: Ò I can quote one of the union leaders who said, Ô You are just pla nning time. ThatÕs all you ar e.Õ This person never, ever got it Ó (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . Scheduling Problems and Ineffective Oversight In addition to the perception of arts teachers as merely ÒfillerÓ for teachersÕ planning time needs, administrators had also voiced frustration at trying to schedule and assign AMPE teachers. In many settings, art, music, and physical education teac hers at the elementary level often can have complicated and changing schedules. Two art teachers may end up sharing three schools, and it i s not uncommon for classes to be combined, awkwardly split up among arts teachers, or for a class to see a different art teacher on different days of the week. A former music teacher explained the frustration over elementary AMPE teacher schedules: ÒW hen y ouÕre 97 so itinerant and you Õre in so many different places, and you have a different number of contact minutes, people don Õt always appreciate it and understand it. And I think sometimes a lack of understanding breeds hostility and animosity at times Ó (inte rview transcript, January 6, 2015) . Amid the conversations about scheduling, this former employee often heard AMPE teachers described as ÒinconvenientÓ and a Òpain in the ass.Ó This teacher remembered: Every year it was brought up that we were a pain in the ass. And everybody complained about us because nobody really understood what we did, nobody really understood scheduling and the different constraints that need to be put to be successful with it, and so because people didn Õt understand, we were just always kind of shoved to the side as inconvenient . (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) This teacher noted that central office administrators in LSD Òjust flat out said Ô They Õre a pain in my ass, I wish they were gone.ÕÓ The frustration went beyond inco nvenience in scheduling to the belief that AMPE staff members were not teaching full loads: Ò Nob ody thought that anybody worked. T here was always this misconception that people were lazy, and they weren Õt really doing anything, and they weren Õt really pull ing their weight Ó (interview transcript, January 6, 2015). This assertion that some AMPE teachers were shirking responsibility may not have been entirely unfounded, and the issue is also wrapped up in details about oversight. Numerous participants told me that, because AMPE was seen as a Òpain in the ass,Ó no administrator wanted to oversee the teachers. Whenever an administrator oversaw the AMPE department for a time and became frustrated with the scheduling issues, they passed the responsibility off to another administrator. A former art teacher explained: ÒW e never actually had a boss. We were bounced around from principal to principal, administrator to administrator. Nobody wanted us 98 and we all k new that. They just were like [grudgingly], Ô Oh, weÕll t ake on AMPE ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). This situation eventually progressed to the point where some AMPE teachers were tasked with making their own schedules with no oversight from an administrator. For some teachers, this Òbegged for peop le to screw around,Ó as a former art teacher explained: IÕll just tell it like it was. There were some people who would scam the system. They would come up with little fake schedules and, you know, it was like maybe 2% of us É You had to come up with your schedule. If you were assigned a building, you figured out what days you were there and y ou had people sign up, ideally five classes a day, of an hour, 60 minute classes, and then a little planning for yourself, hopefully. But some people if they were in a building that didnÕt have as many classes, and they had like half a day or something that could have been all their plannin g or free, and they should have packed it in more or shared schools or whatever. There was a person who made fictitious names up and put it in. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) This teacher was furious at this practice and commented on how it reflect ed poorly on the hardworking teachers: And IÕm telling you right now, there was just Ñyou canÕt do that É People, if they find out, theyÕre going to think [AMPE teachers are] all that way. And I was aghast when I saw those things happening. I was just shoc ked. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) AMPE ÒOffered UpÓ in Previous Negotiations Another marker of the negative perception of AMPEÕs value among LSD leadership (i.e., administrators and union members) was that cutting the department had been an opti on discussed for some years. A number of informants, when asked what had recently happened in LSD to 99 make cutting the AMPE department, said discussing cuts to AMPE was a long -standing solution to budget problems. A former music teacher remembered: Ò I found out that whenever there was a question of budget, our former [union] president had always of fered our heads up on a plate. ÔWell why not just take these guys? Just take them right here. Problem solved Ñthis m oney goes back into the budget ÕÓ (interview tran script, February 23, 2015) . When I asked interviewees when they first heard that AMPE might be cut in 201 3, several could not remember, because it was a constant possibility in prior years. A former music teacher said: Ò I think why it Õs probably insignific ant in my memory is that there Õd been rumblings for years that they were going to cut AMPE. I mean for the past Ñthe last two or three years of my time there, it was always a possibility that they Õre going to cut AMPE Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 201 5). Structural Weakening of Elementary AMPE Programs Aside from the seemingly prevailing belief that the arts and music teachers at the elementary level were dispensable or presented scheduling problems that needed to be solved, several district practice s that directly weakened the AMPE department were discussed at length by my informants. I consider these, in combination, to be both a contributing cause to the negative perception of the AMPE department and a distinct parameter that enabled the cuts. Non -Endorsed Teachers Placed in Specialist Roles By far, the most commonly discussed factor enabling the cuts to specialist positions was the districtÕs practice of putting non -endorsed teachers into art, music, and physical education positions at the elemen tary level. It was the one issue that came up in every single interview I conducted with current and past district employees, and it also came up in most of the interviews I conducted with community arts providers. This issue illustrates effectively how ma cro policies 100 interact with micro realities, and shows the confusion around policy issues such as certification vs. endorsement, compliance, guidance, and flexibility. At the macro -level, states traditionally have been responsible for determining the way i n which teachers are deemed el igible to teach (certification) and for determining which teachers may teach which grade levels and courses (endorsement). This changed with the passage of the No Child Left Behind act in 2002. As a result of NCLBÕs Òhighly qu alifiedÓ teacher (HQT) provisions, the federal government tied funding to more strict rules about certification and endorsement (U.S. Department of Education, 2004) . Each state now had to confirm, by its own method, that every teacher in a core subject was highly qualified, and these methods differed for newly certified teachers and current educators. In Michigan, aside from provisions for alternative certification and other instances of flexibility, teachers had to have an academic major in the subject are a, completed through a degree program at a state -approved teacher education program. They also had to pass a subject -matter certification test. Teachers already certified prior to NCLB could be grandfathered in by demonstrating subject -matter competency th rough a variety of methods that complied with the federal HOUSSE rules. The certification/endorsement situation has been fluid and developing in Michigan. The state changed its certificates in 1988, ushered in the new Basic Skills section of the Michigan Test of Teacher Certification (MTTC) in 1991, added subject -matter tests in 1992, dealt with NCLB compliance between 2001 and 2006, has continually changed and/or retired certain subject -matter specific certificates, and changed rules for issuance and renew al of entry level and continuing certificates (e.g., provisional, professional). Since the passage of the initial HQT provisions in N CLB, the federal government also has become increasingly flexible in its approval process for state compliance. Only nine s tates were fully compliant by the initial 101 deadline of July 2006, and all other states then applied for and received approval with various levels of flexibility (Learning Point Associates, 2007). MichiganÕs elementary teachers are Ñin most situations Ñshown to be highly qualified by passing the MTTC Elementary Education Test (Test #103). Passing this test certifies the elementary teacher to teach Òall subjects.Ó Teachers certified before September 1, 1988 can teach in all subjects K -8, while those certified a fter this date can teach all subjects in grades K -5, and in grade 6 -8 for which they have an academic major/minor. This latter group can also teach all subjects up through grade 8 if they are in a Òself -contained classroomÓ (i.e., students receive majority of instruction with a single teacher). In 2008, the State Board of E ducation adopted new program standards for elementary education (Michigan Department of Education, 2008). One of the changes was that elementary educators were now required to take coursework in performing and visual arts as part of their degree program: Ò Elementary program standards will ensure that teachers are prepared with broad content knowledge in integrated science, language arts, social studies, mathematics, reading, visual a nd performing arts, physical education, and healthÓ (Michigan Department of Education, 2008, p. 3). This document goes on to clarify that this preparation will include Òsome depth and breadthÓ across content areas (p. 4). At the 32 approved teacher prepara tion programs in Michigan, this seems to have b een interpreted as including one or two courses focused on integrating arts into instruction. Guidance from the Michigan Department of Education on appropriate course assignments for elementary educators has developed over time. Buried somewhat in the Certification Standards for Elementary Teachers (2008) is a clarification about teaching the arts: 102 The teacher generalist, who is prepared to teach in a self-contained classroom , is not prepared to teach and sho uld not be assigned as a specialist in a program outside the self -contained classroom context (e.g., music, visual arts, physical education, health, reading, technology, library media). (emphasis original, p. 4) This means that a teacher with all subjects certification (K -5 or K-8) should only teach music and visual arts if they administer instruction to the students in their classroom (i.e., not for an entire school). Further guidance to this effect is found in the MDEÕs ÒAppropriate Instructional Assignme nts for Elementary Certified TeachersÓ (2015 b). The language mirrors the Òshould notÓ assertion of the 2008 document: . These certificates have what is known as an Òall subjects Ó designation. The all subjects designation authorizes the holder to teach all s ubjects under Michigan law, within the grade levels indicated. However, based on the 2008 Elementary Certificate Program Standards the MDE recommends that the holders of these certificates only be assigned to teach departmentalized courses (e.g., music, vi sual arts, physical education, health, Title I reading, Title I Mathematics, library media) if they hold those specific endorsements OR if they have had appropriate coursework or professional devel opment in the relevant cont ent. (emphasis original, p. 1) In a phone conversation with MDE employee, Alex Clark, he discussed how the state had, until recently, interpreted the aforementioned Òall subjectsÓ certifications to be literal: ÒAll means all, they can teach all subjects in those gradesÓ (personal commu nication, March 31, 2015). However, the department issued the guidance (mentioned in the previous paragraph) because it strongly recommended that someone have specific endorsements (e.g., in art education, music education) to teach in the arts. A look at t hese two pieces of guidance shows 103 how the state has attempted to clarify its intent while still maintaining flexibility for school districts to assign generalist teachers to a variety of courses. To refer back to the local situation in Lansing, interviewee s described to me how the union had formally instituted the placement of classroom generalists in specialist positions in Òlayoff situations.Ó A former music teacher said, ÒI n Lansing, there is contractual language that states that in a layoff situation, y ou donÕt have to have a music certification to teach general music Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . What started as a Òletter of agreementÓ to this effect was later added as contractual language. This practice, which may have started out as a temporary way to avoid laying off all -subjects certified teachers, became common practice as the LSD was almost always in a Òlayoff situation.Ó Another former music teacher remembered: Supposedly, there was an LOA, which is a letter of agreement, which allow ed them for the purposes of avoiding layoffs, to put somebody who was all subjects in an [specialist] position without that endorsement. However, they did that even if it wasn Õt to avoid layoffs. If it was to avoid layoffs, I can appreciate that and I Õm se nsitive to that, and I can deal with that. However, that Õs not what happened. And when lay offs are over, and a position opens in an area they are highly qualified in, you need to pull them out and you need to put them in the job. A nd it never happened . (in terview transcript, January 6, 2015) The endorsed art and music teachers I spoke with were uniformly against this, both as a state policy and as a district policy. A former music teacher remembered finding out that she could be replaced with a generalist: ÒI was told that any K -5 all subjects could take my job, and I [thought], ÔT hat canÕt be right, that canÕt possibly be right, with all the training I went through.Õ You have to be kidding meÓ (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . Teachers that I spoke with 104 were not entirely sure of whether the LSD was in violation of state rules or merely in violation of the guidance language on appropriate assignment. One former teacher understood the LSDÕs actions as illegal, saying: Ò According to the state, anybody who taught art, music, phys ed, had to be certified in that. But Lansing schools decided to ignore that and just put like classroom teachers in there Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . Another echoed this sentiment, saying LSD was Òout of complianceÓ and Òviolated certification guidelines.Ó Others seemed to understand that the LSD was, in essence, exploiting a gray area. One former teacher had looked into the details: Ò I had begun that research in 2006 when I was told ÔJoe SchmoÕ could take my job É T hey had updated the regulations between 2006 and that time, but it was still the same language and it said, ÔK -5 generalists are not prepared to and should not be assigned to t each in a spec ialist classroom ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . Several endorsed arts teachers fought this policy and tried to raise awareness of the practice. A former art teacher discussed bringing it up at a school board meeting: Ò I went to many meetings , and I showed them the state laws. And the state law doesn Õt say you have to do it, but it says no one should be teaching art, music , or P.E. unless they have an en dorsementÓ (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . Other art teachers raised the issue at a meeting that the union held to discuss the highly qualified provisions in NCLB, as one recalled: Because we brought up that [issue] Ñwe printed [the guidance language] off and we shared it. We got on the agenda, did everything legit. And it said something about Òthe specialist should be endorsed Ó something, something. ÒRegular classroom teachers should not be teaching ,Ó da da da . But it wasnÕt , ÒN ot allowed to.Ó I t was , ÒThis is our strong suggestion. Ó So we showed that to them and said, ÒWhy are we still doing this? You know, this is ridiculous. You have enough endorsed people, people have been laid 105 off who shouldn Õt have. Ó And I remember [the union presidentÕs] face. She was mad that we did that. She looked like she wanted to just wring our necks É We we re just trying to make things fair and put an end to this ridiculous practice . (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) Several endorsed arts teachers fought the issue for the last time when the decision to cut the AMPE department was impending. The teachers attempted to asser t, again, that Lansing should not be staffing all -subjects certified generalists in specialist positions. They were rebuffed, however, as one former music teacher discussed: ÒW e were looking at i t with colleagues and what not É I remembe r that was the death knell Ñit said Ôshould not Õ not ÔcanÕtÕÓ (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . In their mind s, the teachers said the state policy language should not be allowed to apply to a district like Lansing. One educator explained: The whole point of that wording is to allow Negaunee [rural district in the upper peninsula of Michigan] , which has , like , 60 teachers, to ha ve somebody whoÕs not certified É ItÕs not meant for a large urban district like this in any way shape or form É your mouth is just agape that that Õs actually allowed. And most districts use the discretion to hire people who are certified. Unless you Õre Lansing. (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Another former music teacher agreed: Ò K-8 [certification] , which was intende d initially to prepare teachers to provide [art and music] should they end up in a district where it Õs not there, unions around the state have used it as a means of replacement. Ô You Õve got a K -8, so you can teach eighth grade band.ÕÓ (interview transcript , February 23, 2015) . Specialists and classroom teachers agreed that, as a result of this policy, the elementary arts instruction was uneven across the district. With around half of the AMPE department being 106 non-endorsed at the time of the cuts, there wer e some teachers who were highly respected and others who were regarded as incompetent, as a former music teacher explained: Ò Because of some of the folks in the district who were ÒK-5 all subject sÓ teaching music, we didn Õt have a great reputation. There w ere probably half of them not doing a great job Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . The incompetent teachers angered both specialists and classroom teachers, with specialists especially angry at how this poor instruction reflected on the AMPE depart ment as a whole. One former music teacher remembered: ÒW e had one music teacher in there who , for the first year, he tau ght the recorder the wrong way Ñhe put the wrong hand in the wrong place, and whenever he wrote his [music] notes , heÕd write Ôem backwar ds, you know, which just infuriated me Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . Another participant echoed this same type of story: Ò God Ñthere were people teaching music that could not even read music. Like, really? Ó And: ÒI saw people teaching music that had the music book upside down É Your sheet music --upside down!Ó (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . Arts teachers I spoke with were quick to point out that it was not only the Òall subjectsÓ generalists who r eflected poorly on the department, but that a number of endorsed specialists were engaging in poor instruction as well. One music teacher said that there were two endorsed music specialists who covered the building Ñhimself and one other teacher. The classr oom teachers would routi nely tell this teacher that students were begging to come to his class instead of the other teachersÕ class: Ò The teachers that had the other music specialist would just come to me and go, Ô What is she doing? I don Õt get it. My kids miss you ÕÓ (interview transcript, February 23, 2015). Other participants echoed this, saying some specialists were Òphoning it in,Ó playing CDs instead of actively singing and moving with students. 107 The net effect of the bad teaching by some in the AMPE department was that classroom teachers began to resent and discredit the arts and music teachers, and some felt they could do better teaching these subjects than the AMPE teachers. One former teacher music noted: You Õve got half of the elementary teachers in the district seeing that there Õs a piss -poor job being done of teaching these subjects. So yeah , ÔI can do that better Ñabsolutely. He leaves at 3:30 everyday ÑI can do that. He plays CDs all the time ÑI can do that. Õ So that killed us . (interview transcr ipt, January 21, 2015) Another music teacher agreed: Ò The people within the AMPE system screwed each other É So the district and the union always had teachers th at they could point to to say, Ô Well, he Õs not doing anything. I can get a classroom teacher to do that ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) In the same way that administrators seemed to pass oversight of the AMPE department around, I was told that administrators would, rather than deal with a teacher who was known to be giving poor instructio n, instead send them to a different building: ÒEvery year [AMPE teachers] had different schools because [principals] didnÕt want bad ones Ñthe prin cipals would complain and say, Ô We need a different music teacher, w e need a different art teacher Ñwe donÕt like this person.Õ So they would switch them around Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . A former art teacher relayed frustration that administrators did not take responsibility for evaluating and firing bad teachers: ÒTake care of those [bad teachers] . There were some administr ators who could have just absolutely kicked their behinds and sent them packing. They had enough proofÓ (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) . Instead, ÒIt was just chess pieces.Ó Participants told me that, in the end, enough elementary principals had complained about the poor AMPE teachers that the district leadership began to seriously consider cutting the department as the contract negotiations neared. In Fall 2012, one of these principals was 108 overseeng the AMPE department a nd told some of the AMPE teachers to Òget things in order.Ó He had been disgruntled over an unendorsed teacher, as a former art educator related: There was a teacher who was under his supervision, who was teaching art and had no background in art, and [th e principal] was disgusted. We all were disgusted. We explained this is not right, and we all volunteered in wh atever ways to help this person. I t had been going on for a year. (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) A current classroom teacher echoed this, saying that, ultimately, it was Ò very adversarial, political, and somewhat vindictive to eliminate those positions Ó (interview transcript, March 14, 2015). Movi ng Teachers in and Out of Roles/Schools Because of layoffs, arts teachers often taught in a number of buildings within LSD. One former teacher said: ÒIn the eight years I was in Lansing, I taught in 20 different schools Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . But several informants also told me that they felt AMPE teachers had been moved ar ound and reassigned to buildings as part of an intentional effort to create instability. In the last year or two before the cuts occurred, some teachersÕ schedules were revised, and this change took them out of buildings in which they had worked for years. A former art teacher remembered getting the revised schedules: Ò I was emailed a schedule for my year É And it was just a ridiculous schedule, which had me going across town, and it didn Õt make sense at all .Ó This teacher got together with another teacher who had been moved, and they found a way to redo the schedules to make more sense. This, however, was met with opposition: Ò[Our administrator] totally rejected it and she emailed us Ñthe AMPE teachers Ñthat she was livid with people responding to her about what they wanted and she wasnÕt honoring any 109 choices. S he didn Õt want to hear anything from anybody, she Õd made her decisions , and that was that .Ó This teacher felt that the moves were made in order to ÒdestroyÓ bonds between AMPE teachers and other build ing staff: They mixed everybody Õs schedules up, they broke those bonds and now you Õve got [classroom] teachers who feel no remorse because they d onÕt know that new arts teacher , so they don Õt feel bad about the loyalty that they would have had they worked with them for years and known their families . (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) Another senior elementary art teacher was moved from a building in which he had taught for a long time. The suspicion among my participants was th at there were politic s involved and that district leadership Ò didn Õt want the building teachers to feel sorry for anybody, especially if they had a new AMPE person they didn Õt knowÓ (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) ÒArt on a CartÓ and Negotiable Spaces In addition to feeling like specialists were moved haphazardly between buildings (either intentionally or only as a symptom of devaluing the arts), participants also spoke of how specialist teachers lost dedicated spaces. The phrase, Òart on a cartÓ was used frequently to describe the feeling o f operating without a classroom and , instead , traveling to teach in a variety of classrooms in a building. In the LSD, as in many districts, this situation arises when an influx of students creates the need to open up another class (e.g., another ÒsectionÓ of third grade), or when a principal decides to use a classroom for coaching, interventions, testing, or other purpose s. A former art teacher explained how this made her feel: We were on a cart, most of us, which meant we went into a classroom, not an ideal situation É But that tells you right ther e the feeling about art and music. Most of us were 110 on a cart, most of us didn Õt have dedicated space. And that Õs not the way it happens in the suburban schools. Even in the rural school districts I taught in, I had my own space there. So we were always rel egated to, ÒOh we have too many classrooms this year, you Õre going to have to go around the building. (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Some art teachers said they had been Òart on a cartÓ for so long that it did not bother them. Others remembered f rustration at the way they often were displaced from a classroom without warning. A former art teacher said that when she was suddenly bumped from her room, it made her feel like her space was negotiable and that she did not have a place. A current classroo m teacher said his colleagues started to feel like ÒvagabondsÓ as they went from classroom to classroom. Displacing the art and music teachers from their classrooms also had a negative effect on their relationships with the classroom teachers. Art and mu sic teachers, when they taught from a cart, had to deliver instruction in the classroom generalistÕs space. This created a number of issues. As a current classroom teacher suggested, it created animosity between teachers whenever student discipline problem s arose. This teacher remembered: It was a phasing of first pushing them into the class room because there wasnÕt space É The art and the music was being done in the room t he last couple years, and they Ñthe [classroom] teachers were being expected to be on site and that became a major issue . [Specialists] were coming into the classroom during planning time, and the teachers really weren Õt planning Ñthey were being stuck with dealing with discipline. (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) Thus, the classroom teachers were, in essence, losing their planning time , as they had to work through problems with which the specialist was deal ing . The classroom teacher remembered that 111 this, ÒC reated for a ripe environment for the teachers were coming back or staying in a nd dealing with problems Ó (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) . Another current classroom teacher with whom I spoke discussed her frustration at this problem. She noted that certain specialists just could not manage the classroom well: ÒT here were some very qualified specialists, but there were some speciali sts that had a lot of struggles and spent a lot of time dealing with management, that couldn Õt control classes Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . For this teacher, who already felt confident teac hing the arts to her students, losing planning time to a specialistÕs classroom management problems caused her to question the value of the specialist: Ò I felt like I did ju st as good a job teaching music and songs to my kids, as the music specialist that came in, and did a better job managing my class than they did Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . Participants also told me that, as the 2012 -2013 school year wore on, and specialists had heard that they were like to be cut, some of the AMPE teachers took sick leave/personal days more often. When substitutes Ñwho mostly had no music/art expertise Ñwere in charge of these subjects, the discipline problems were even worse. This discipline issue, caused by an instructional space problem, exacerbated tensions that already existed. A current classroom teacher remembered: Watchin g this stuff going on, it ju stÑit got to a point where , because the discipline was such a big issue , and it was not really being dealt with , and it was being always blamed on instruction, on the teachers Ñit became a real divisive issue when it came to eliminate these positions, becau se it Õs like they were blaming the AMPE people for so long . (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) This same teacher felt that the district had purposefully allowed this situation to occur to foment anger: 112 It was a burden being put back on the teacher, to me, by design. So then when it came right to get rid of that versus taking a 15% cut, people were already worn out. And so, this was done by design over time . (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) In addition to creating hostility over discipline issues, having the specialists teach in the classroom teachersÕ spaces amplified other interpersonal issues. Participants said that, if a classroom teacher already was inclined to think the specialists Òjust playÓ with kids, having the specialist teaching in his/ her room brought this jealousy/frustration to the fore. Another former art teacher s aid that classroom teachers already were frustrated with some unendorsed AMPE teachers, and having them in their classrooms exacerbated this: So these [unendorsed] people came in, weren Õt good in that area because they hadn Õt been trained in it. So a lot of [classroom] teachers I think voted for this because they ended up having these people in their classrooms and they were not Ñthey didn Õt know their craft . (interview tran script, January 5, 2015) Discussion In this chapter, I have reviewed a number of relatively stable parameters that frame the situation that the Lansing School District faced in 2013 when it eventually decided to cut its elementary art and music teachers. Understanding this backdrop is integral to contextualizing the external pressures that guided the districtÕs decision -making process. The advocacy coalition framework also states, as one of it main hypotheses, that external factors such as the ones discuss ed are more important to the agenda setting/policy change process than activity that occurs within the policy subsystem (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Thus, when attempting to locate the conditions that enabled the March 2013 cuts, as I do in my first r esearch question, it is crucial to define and study these factors. 113 I arrived at this list of factors through my analysis of interviews and relevant news stories. In several cases, including financial problems and accountability pressures, one can find both stable conditions a t work and sudden shocks. In the case of finances, there had been a steady declin e in available dollars (stable) and the threat of a takeover by an emergency financial manager to be appointed by the Governor (sudden). In terms of accou ntability, there had been persistent test score and graduation problems (stable), as well as the threat of being moved into the Education Achievement Authority (sudden). In some cases, the distinction between stable and sudden is unclear. For example, the negative perception of AMPE teachers and growing animosity between classroom generalists and arts specialists seems stable. But the more recent exacerbation of the problem brought on by forcing arts teachers to work in generalistsÕ classrooms could be seen as a gradual crescendo of the stable parameter, or a sudden shock. I have chosen to interpret it as the former, but the classification is debatable. Of course, in all areas of this analysis, the ACF is best considered a heuristic, since this is one of the first known applications of the framework to a local education situation. As see n in the ACF model (see Fi gure 1 ), one must consider several issues in analyzing how relatively stable parameters exert pressure on the policy subsystem. One Òmediating facto rÓ is the degree of consensus necessary for change to occur. In essence, this consensus mediates how a coalition is able to seize on a new opportunity created by an external pressure. This ability to mobilize also is affected by the short -term constraints and resou rces of co alitions (see F igure 1). Combined, these mediating factors suggest that the degree to which a coalition (or a full subsystem of several coalitions) is nimble and responsive is important for policy change. As I discuss more in Chapter F ive, the coalitions involved in the decision -making process were fluid in membership, overlapping, and varied greatly in their responsiveness. More 114 important , the negotiating process exemplified the distinct power imbalances of the coalitions involved, as t he decision itself came down to conversations between only two groups: the central administrators and the union bargaining team. Moreover, these coalitions ultimately seemed to do little negotiating and reach a consensus with an alacrity that startled some . As I discuss more in Chapter F ive, it was this quick consensus that led some to accuse the administration and the union of being Òin cahoots Ó or to level complaints of corrupt union vote counting. 115 CHAPTER FIVE: THE DECISION -MAKING PROCESS Introduction In Chapter F our, I focused on describing relatively stable parameters Ñor policy conditions Ñthat had been in place in the Lansing School District that seem to have enabled the 2013 cuts to elementary arts specialist positions. Underst anding these parameters is important for contextualizing th e policy decision that was made and is important for understanding the pressures on the policy subsystem. In this chapter, I focus on the decision -making process itself. I first extend Chapter F ourÕs discussion of financial and accountability pressures by explaining the sudden shocks that helped to force a decision. I then introduce the coalitions involved in the lead-up to the decision and in the immediate aftermath of the vote to approve the chang es. In the discussion of coalitions, I also include sections addressing the relationships between the groups. Per the advo cacy coalition framework (ACF) , I discuss other events and mechanisms that advanced the decision -making process. These include addre ssing policy -oriented learning, possible changes in belief systems, and policy imaging/framing efforts used to shape the conversation about the decision. Throughout the chapter, I draw on my analysis of interview data and on relevant documents (i.e., news stories, letters, policy whitepapers, speech transcripts) to frame the discussion of the decision -making process. I spend a major part of this chapter examining the community arts providers who were drawn into the situation in the LSD after the Superinte ndent told the press the arts providers would provide instruction in place of the specialists. Following the twists and turns of this coalitionÕs actions, which happened after the decision occurred, is instructive for understanding how such groups function in a local arts education ecosystem, how beliefs and tensions change 116 coalition membership, and how communities deal with delivery of arts instruction in schools in times of lean budgets. External Perturbations and ÒShocksÓ As I discuss in Chapter F our, the ACF suggests that factors external to the policy subsystem are more likely to spur policy change than internal factors (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Certain external factors (shocks) have the power to cause sudden shifts in coalition actions or the perceived need for policy change. Examples from other contexts include a surprising election result or coup dÕetat ÒshockingÓ a defense policy subsystem, and a major airline disaster spurring immediate changes to airline maintenance policy (Sabatier, 2007 ). Two shocks I discuss in this chapter are related to the financial and accountabi lity parameters I discussed in Chapter F our, but are distinct in the terms of the pressure they applied to the subsystem. The third shock is a statutory change: the passage of the ÒRight to WorkÓ act. This shock seems to especially have spurred the teachers union to act quickly. Finan cial Shock: Emergency Manager As discussed in Chapter F our, Lansing School District has been in a downward financial spiral for years as a res ult of declining student enrollment, the inability to raise funds to replace vacant or crumbling buildings, and declining per pupil funding from the state. The fund balance, which serves as a sort of Òcushion,Ó had become dangerously low in the years prece ding the cuts. This trajectory could have continued unabated, with the district possibly even operating with a deficit, were it not for the perceived threat of an emergency financial manager takeover imposed by the state. The possible threat of a takeover was, I contend, a precipitating factor that encouraged the district to make the staffing cuts in 2013. 117 The laws providing for emergency financial takeover of local municipalities and school districts were first put into place in 1988. Public Act 101 (198 8) first created the emergency financial status to deal with a financial emergency in the Michigan city of Hamtramck. This act was then amended by Public Act 72 (1990), which broadened the powers of the emergency manager. Public Act 72 also specifically na med school districts as susceptible to oversight. Under these statutes, a review would be conducted if a governmental unit failed to make payroll, pay debts, or at the request of a l ocal or state official (Blitcho k, 2012). Early on, several Michigan munici palities (Ecorse, River Rouge, Royal Oak Township) and one school district (Detroit Public Schools) came under emergency management from the state. Several other citiesÑHamtramck, Highland Park, and Flint Ñalso came under state managem ent in the early 2000s (Blitcho k, 2012). A complicated series of events then changed the process between 2011 and the present. 2 In 2011, Public Act 4 amended the previous law. Under Public Act 4, MichiganÕs Department of the Treasury would conduct a preliminary review of trou bled municipalities and would order a review in instances of pro bable financial stress (Blitcho k, 2012). MichiganÕs Governor would then appoint a board to conduct the review, and could appoint an emergency manager in certain circumstances (Michigan Departm ent o f Treasury, 2015). This law eventually was suspended in 2012 after a successful petition campaign, at which point Public Act 72 was reinstated. Public Act 4 was repealed in the 2012 general election by Michigan voters, but the legislature then passed Public Act 436 shortly thereafter, which effectively continued the practice of appointing emergency managers (Michigan Department of Treasury, 2015). 2 In some versions of the law, the title, Òemergency financial managerÓ is used; others use Òemergency manager.Ó For the sake of readability, I use Òemergency managerÓ or ÒEM.Ó 118 The new law brought more urgent treatment of financially unstable school districts. In addition to Detroi t Public Schools (which emerged from the original PA 72 oversight, but reentered emergency management in 2009), school districts in Highland Park, Muskegon Heights, Pontiac, and Benton Harbor have had emergency managers appointed (Michigan Department of Tr easury, 2015). Under this new law, public school districts could be dissolved by emergency managers (Michigan Department of Treasury, 2015). Two districts ÑInkster Public Schools and Buena Vista Public Schools Ñhave been dissolved under the dissolution rules put in place in 2013 (Michigan Department of Treasury, 2015). All of the school districts that have come under emergency management had experienced financial stress and were unable to meet certain obligations. The EM solution, however, has been highly con troversial and criticized. Opponents note that the EM system usurps the authority of publicly -elected boards (Dawsey, 2014). The threat of an emergency manager seemed to exert pressure on the Lansing School District leadership without any formal discussio ns necessarily taking place. Several news stories discuss ed the possibility of an EM assignment in a general sense. For example, a 2011 new story from LansingÕs local NBC affiliate, titled, ÒCould Lansing Schools Get An Eme rgency Financial Manager?Ó cited budget deficits and worried board members and parents (Golds mith, 2011). Yet it also pointed out that , when asked about appointing an emergency manager for the LSD, Governor Rick Snyder said there had been no such discussions (Goldsmith, 2011). Another 20 11 news story, again from LansingÕs NBC affiliate, (Norman, 2011) quoted Dr. T.C. Wallace, the LSD Superintendent at the time saying that the district did not need an emergency manager. Other news stories suggested the School B oard and Lansing Mayor Virg B ernero were in support of appointing an emergency financia l manager in 2011 (Lloyd, 2011) and that incoming 119 Superintendent Yvonne Caamal Canul was aware of the potential for an EM (Fox 47 News, 2012). Ultimately, it seems that the potential for emergency m anagemen t was discussed by the Board, the Superintendent , and others, but may not have reached any level of specificity. Participants raised this issue, however, as being an impending threat even in 2013 and beyond. A current classroom teacher said that t he EM threat figured into the considerations about cuts: Ò We know the state Õs kind of h olding us against this whole, ÒIf you donÕt balance the budget, you Õll be taken over by a financial manager. Ó This teacher went on to say: ÒW e did what had to do to keep the district moving forward and to avoid having a financial manager and going into a deficit Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . Interestingly, a representative of a community arts group with who m I spoke interpreted the districtÕs reorganization in 2 012 and cuts in 2013 as a kind of substitute for an emergency managerÕs reorganization. This representative said: [Superintendent Caamal Canul] was brought in as the Ñwhat do they call them ? T he Òemergency man ager.Ó Well , had they h ave not been able to cut , they would have been in emergency mode and they would have brought in a m anager. The School B oard said, ÒI f you want an emergency manager, we donÕt have to do anything. If you think you can do what that person would do Ó Ð and they gave her the wherewithal to make those cuts. So otherwise we would have been in a whole different situation. (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) Again, support for an impending assignment of an EM to Lansing School District is not easily substantiated. Even operating with a deficit would not mean entering a management situation, since around 50 Michigan districts are currently operating with deficits (Carmody, 2014). What 120 is clear, however, is that the discussion over a possible emergency manager had been going on for several years as the district worked to shed liabilities and lower its deficit. Accountability Shock: Educational Achievement Authority (EAA) Much like the way that the Òemergency managerÓ laws applied sudden pressure to a long -standing financial issue in LSD, an accountability reform brought sudden pressure to the poor academic performance that LSD had long demonstrated. Governor Rick Snyder created the Educational Achievement Authority (EAA) in 2011, setting it up as a new public school district that is able t o operate statewide (State of Michigan, 2015). Since its first semester began in August 2012, the EAA has enrolled 15 of the stateÕs lowest performing schools including nine elementary/middle schools and six high schools (three of the schools are charters) . The schools are all located in Detroit, though the Governor has endorsed expanding the reach of the district to include more schools from d istricts around the state (MyFOX Detroit.com, 2014). In the same spirit as the emergency manager laws, the EAA is a takeover entity, which removes low -performing schools from the oversight of publicly elected school boards. In fact, there is some symbiosis, as emergency managers of school districts may place schools into the EAA, and the emergency manager of the Detroit Public Schools entered into an interlocal agreement with nearby Eastern Michigan University to create the EAA (Naughton, 2014). The EAA presented a ÒscareÓ for Lansing School District as it related to the future of six of its low performing schools, esp ecially Eastern High School (Balasko vitz, 2013). As I discussed in Chapter F our, Eastern had been on the persistently lowest achieving/priority school list for three years when Michigan legislators began considering a bill that would take the EAA statewide (Li, 2013). The bill, which ultimately passed the house and then failed to pass as amended by the senate, would have made it possible for Eastern High School to be transferred 121 immediately into the EAA (Li, 2013). In a news story from March 2013 (just befo re the cuts were an nounced), Superintendent Caamal Canul called the EAA expansion bill ÒblasphemousÓ (Balaskovitz, 2013). The pressure created by the possible EAA expansion seems to have been a more sudden pressure related to the stable parameter of low academic performance. As some participants noted, pressures such as this forced the district to make short -term decisions like the cuts to specialist positions. This was often referred to as a ÒBand -Aid approachÓ that ignored the Òbig picture.Ó A former ar t teacher said: In urban school districts, they don't look at the total picture of what is important. They're scrambling, they're scrambling. I mean you've got Eastern High School that's got the EAA breathing down. ÒBand -Aids Ó is all I can say. The Lansin g School District has a ÒBand -AidÓ strategy. We'll put a ÒBand -AidÓ on it, we'll put a ÒBand -AidÓ on it. They don't look at long -term . (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Participants said that, rather than immediately causing the district leadership to cut AMPE teachers, the potential loss of schools to the EAA prompted the district to divert its attention and resources away from non -tested subjects and staff, as part of the ÒBand -AidÓ strategy. This seems supported by the Superintendent Õs comments in a July 2014 report to the School B oard, in which she described more changes being made at Eastern in an effort to avoid future EAA takeover. She noted that there would longer periods of study for English and math (Lavey, 2013). Legal Shock: ÒRight to Wor kÓ Of the three ÒshocksÓ I discuss in this chapter, the passage of the ÒRight to WorkÓ act in early 2013 seems most connected to the policy decision to cut elementary specialists. While participants discussed the emergency manager takeover and the EAA ta keover of LSD schools as 122 bearing down on the district, the ÒRight to WorkÓ legislation had already passed and had an immediate effect on the contract bargaining process. Participants discussed this issue differently and spoke of it more often than the othe r sudden shocks. As with other potential causes of this particular decision -making process, the extent to which it caused the actual cuts to specialists was debated by the teachers with whom I spoke. Amid large -scale protests at the state capitol, Governo r Rick Snyder signed MichiganÕs ÒRight to WorkÓ bill into law in December 2012. The law restricted the ways in which private -sector and most public -sector unions (exempting police and firefighter unions) could operate and collect dues (Hartfield, 2012). Un der the law, teachers Õ unions would no longer be able to compel educators to pay dues. It prohibited so -called Òclosed shopsÓ or Òagency shopsÓ where employees had no choice but to join unions or pay union fees ( Hartfield , 2012). This arrangement effective ly meant there could be Òfree -ridersÓ: teachers who benefit from union contracts but do not pay dues that fund the unions in their bargaining and other work (Hartfield, 2012). In an effort to avoid the deleterious effects of the law on union operations, nu merous school dist rict unions attempted to settle contracts quickly , since contracts signed before March 28 could ensure Òagency shopÓ arrangements for the life of the contract (Spencer, 2013). Around 50 school districts settled contracts in this manner, a nd this included Lansing (Spencer, 2013). In general, participants acknowledged that ÒRight to WorkÓ had sped up the bargaining process, but suggested it had no other specific connection to the AMPE cuts. A current teacher who was involved closely with th e contract negotiations said: Ò I mean you got the politics , with the "R ight to Work" [law] that was coming in at that time Ñthat just had passed Ñwe had to do an expedited bargain before the deadline to get it through Ó (interview transcript, March 14, 2015). This teacher clarified that an expedited bargain meant a smaller team was involved in 123 bargaining than would have been in a more ÒnormalÓ contract bargaining situation. Another current employee agreed: ÒT his hap pened to all coincide with the ÔRight to Work Õ law, and the union was under the pressure to get thi s contract set in stone before the deadline Ó (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) . Participants varied in their perspective s on whether the expedited contract bargaining was good for the district. A teacher who had been on the bargaining team at the time remembered misgivings at hurrying up the contract adoption in light of the cuts to the AMPE department. This teacher had prot ested the c uts in bargaining team meetings but ultimately supported securing Òagency shopÓ status for the length of the five -year contract: I personally made it known [to the bargaining team members] that I wouldn't sabotage what they were doing for the sa ke of the district É I was in agreement with agency shop , to maintain that for 5 years with all that was going on politically and legislatively. (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) A current teacher discussed being unhappy at how the union prioritized c ontract passage above a measured look at the terms of the contract. This teacher said: It was the union . To get it through "Right to Work ." And people that I know very well that were o n the negotiating committee tried to stop it . That's exactly what [the u nion] tried to do Ñwas to get it through. They didn't care how they got it through as long as they got their dues. (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) Several teachers with whom I spoke were adamant that while ÒRight to WorkÓ expedited the bargaining , it did not fundamentally change bargaining, as the financial stress on the district was still in place. They noted that offering up AMPE teachers would have been considered a viable solution no matter the exact timing of the bargaining. A former music te acher said: 124 The right to work decision was completely disconnected from this [solution] É T his had nothing to do with them cutting [AMPE]. [Right to Work] was the rush to hurry up and get ratified, so that was the urgency to ratify. And this was a conveni ent, quick, down and dirty [solution] ÑÒThese people have been a pain in our ass for all this time, hereÕs how we can do it. ItÕs a Òwin win, Ó right?Ó (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) A current teacher echoed similar ideas about the inevitability of the decision -making process, saying that whether they contract had been settled in March or June, Òthe financial picture was going to be the same.Ó This teacher remarked: The budget deficit was going to be there inevitably. So yes, did we want to get our contract signed so that we weren't affected by "Right to Work" right away? Absolutely, who wo uldn't? Why would we want freeloaders in our organization? We don't. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) Whatever the exact effect of ÒRight to WorkÓ on the barg aining process, the expedited bargaining and ratification spurred mistrust, as I discuss later in this chapter. Understanding the Coalitions and Relationships In an attempt to explain the decision -making process in Lansing, I draw upon the ACFÕs coalition ideas. The ACF predicts that coalitions form by the grouping of actors who share similar belief systems around a given policy issue (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Depending on the policy issue, this can mean coalition membership made up of potentially hundreds of policy actors, including politicians, media members, special interest group representatives, and others. The ACF suggests that actors in the coalitions desire to translate their belief systems into policy, and the framework makes distinctions b etween levels of belief (i.e., how deeply held the beliefs are). The deepest beliefs are referred to as deep core beliefs, which are individual, 125 normative, and resistant to change. The new level is policy core beliefs, which determine coalition membership. Policy core beliefs relate to the desired course of action on a specific policy issue. While also resistant to change, these beliefs are easier to change than deep core beliefs. Finally, the third level of belief is referred to as secondary beliefs, which are policy -focused but more narrow and easy to change based on new information (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). In this section, I describe the coalitions present before and immediately after the decision was made to cut the elementary arts specialists in 2013. These coalitions overlap in some interesting ways, since the teachers Õ union Ñthe Lansing Schools Education Association Ñhoused three separate coalitions (union leadership, AMPE teachers and non -AMPE teachers). While members of each group likely would not identify the ÒAMPE teachersÓ as formal coalition, I classify them this w ay based on their beliefs and they ways they functioned in relation to agenda setting. I also describe the relative ÒstrengthÓ of the coalitions, since some of the coalitions I describe, such as the community arts providers, only became involved after the union and administration successfully passed the contract that finalized the staffing decision. I also discuss how these coalitions negotiated with and related to one another to move the policy issue in desired ways. The Union Leadership The union leader ship included those in formal leadership positio ns within the union (e.g., the President and Vice P resident) and also included the members of the LSEA that were placed on the bargaining team. These teachers grouped together as a coalition because of policy core beliefs related to securing the best possible contract for the union. In correspondence between bargaining team members and an AMPE teacher who lost his/her job in the cuts, one can see this 126 policy core belief rising above the objections of the AMPE teacher. One bargaining team member responded to an email objecting to the cuts by saying: Ò The facts are we have a short window, need to help the district stay afloat.Ó The Òshort windowÓ here refers to the need to ratify a contract before the ÒRight to W orkÓ deadline. Another bargaining member told this AMPE teacher: Ò When a Team goes into Bargaining we don't go in as an interest group. We go in as doing what Õs right for all members.Ó In an interview I conducted with a bargaining team member, the teacher told me tha t members wrestled with options but moved along with the AMPE cuts to help secure Òagency shopÓ (dues -paying provision in defiance of ÒRight to WorkÓ). One can see evidence of the policy core belief, here, that the chosen policy option should privilege the union. In other words, the union Ñor at least the majority of the union Ñshould Òdo wellÓ in terms of the eventual contract agreement. The ACFÕs distinct ions between belief levels is helpful in illuminating how a policy core belief such as this can drive decision making. No doubt, the union power players, as I call them, held important deep core beliefs about the purpose of public schools, the right for al l children to learn. They likely also held deep core beliefs that were even closer to the policy core belief, such as the importance of public sector unions. Also, it is likely true that secondary beliefs abounded that were negotiable (and likely the subje ct of actual bargaining negotiations). These secondary beliefs could have included prioritizing that union membership maintain salary in the new contract, or that union members maintain their current teaching hours (i.e., length of day and report times). T he policy core belief, however, unites the members Ñhere, the union leaders Ñinto the coalition. 127 The District Leadership Because of the districtÕs decision not to grant access to school buildings or to school administrators in this study, my ability to s ummarize the policy core beliefs of the district leadership Ñthe administrators and school board members Ñis limited. Based on interview accounts, participants paint a mixed picture of the district leadershipÕs goals and values in the bargaining process. Cer tain participants felt the Superintendent and school board did not value the AMPE departmen t and therefore aggressively used the bargaining process to eliminate those teachers. Others suggested the Superintendent was a lover of fine arts and culture, and o nly begrudgingly supported the proposal to cut the elementary specialists. Without interviews with the district leadership, it is impossible to say how the goals and values surrounding AMPE functioned in negotiations. It is likely that the policy core va lue that united the district leadership in its approach to negotiation was the desire to arrive at a financially advantageous union contract that would also stave off possible external pressures (e.g., emergency manager). Participant interviews seem to sug gest a single -mindedness about this policy outcome on the part of the administration. For example, a current classroom teacher said that the district leadership focused on district finances to the detriment of other issues during negotiations: The team fr om administration was going back 30 -40 years, and it shows how disconnected they were from what was going on in the classroom. They were like, ÒWell we didnÕt have planning back then.Ó Well, neither did you have accountability, these tests, common core, th ese expectations É So they were looking at it Ñit was a money -saving deal Ñbut it showed how disconnected they really were É [They] didnÕt consult 128 the principals or the teachers on it Ñit was more of a money thing. (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) The AMPE Teachers The elementary art, music, and physical education teachers were a diverse group at the time of the 2013 cuts. As discussed in Chapter F our, the district had, for years, allowed non -endorsed teachers with all -subjects certifications to teach these subjects. Exact staffing numbers were difficult to find, but at the time of the cuts, estimates from my participants place the total amount of elementary art, music, physical education, and library specialists at about 47 teachers. Of these, about 15 taught music and 12 taught art. Participants suggested that about half of these 27 art and music teachers were not endorsed. This diversity is important because it affected the cohesiveness of the coalition. The half of the AMPE staff that held all -subjec ts certifications could, depending on seniority and other factors, move back into classroom teaching positions after the cuts. Conversely, those with music education or art education certifications could not take classroom teaching positions. It is unclear , in fact, whether all 47 AMPE teachers voted for or against the planning time cuts given the split in certification/endorsement. This diversity in the coalition likely translates to lack of a unified policy core belief. There was however, unity of belie f among the endorsed AMPE teachers with whom I spoke. The policy core belief was quite clear: these educators desired that the art, music, and physical education programming remain present via sustained planning time for classroom teachers. These teachers understood that some cuts were inescapable, in the form of staffing cuts or an across -the -board salary cut. A former music teacher said he expected Òmaybe a downsizing of the [AMPE] department,Ó or a pay cut accepted by the membership. He sai d accepting sm all cuts was common in Lansing: ÒWe Ñas a district ÑweÕve all take n pay cuts to save jobs. I mean I 129 donÕt know how many times weÕve taken little 2% pay cuts to save 36 people, or something like that Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . As I discuss later in this chapter, the AMPE coalition rarely framed the policy debate as being about their jobs, but rather lamented the policy change for its effect on the arts programming in the district. This focus on continuing the arts programming in its current form seems to be the policy core belief that united the endorsed AMPE teachers. One can see the opposing policy core beliefs between the union power players and the AMPE teachers in a series of email messages exchanged between a former AMPE teacher and bar gaining team members. The AMPE teacher had sent an email to the bargaining team members, which focused in large part on the loss of programming: If this [planning time cut] is presented and ratified, it will be a history -making decision that will change w hat it means to be a teacher and a student in the Lansing School District. Having no AMPE will rob our most vulnerable students of opportunities to excel in the subjects that make us human. (email correspondence, March 17, 2013) The bargaining team membersÕ responses stress that, while they care about the AMPE teachers, they must make tough decisions. Though the AMPE teachers were members of the union, participant interviews revealed deep feelings of mistrust and negativity amon g these teachers toward the union leadership. Over and over, I heard participants say they felt as though they were misrepresented by the union leadership. A former music teacher said the actions were antithetical to the concept of a union: I just couldnÕ t believe they would consider it, and to me, it was ÑI thought we were a union. I thought t hat we are all in this together. S o if the district is saying either a small 130 group of you has to hurt, or all of you have to hurt, I would have thought my union would choose for all of us to hurt . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Another former music teacher remembered wondering, Ò Now if we're fellow union membe rs, why is this even an option? É If we're part of the union then we should be as worthy as the other teachers Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . One former teacher went as far as to suggest that the AMPE teachers should have involved the Michigan Education Association, the state parent group of the LSEA: I still donÕt know why they did not go fo rward with the MEA and you know, question [the representation]. B ecause how do you target one group of members who are paying dues and cut their jobs? If thatÕs not discrimination and unfair representation, I donÕt know what is . (interview transcript, Janu ary 6, 2015) Non -AMPE LSEA Members In the same sense that the AMPE teachers were gathered loosely into a coalition that lacked a unified policy core belief, the coalition of classroom teachers and other non -AMPE union members was ideologically diverse. W ith over 800 non -AMPE members in the union, such diversity of beliefs is inevitable. This diversity was exacerbated by who made up this pool of non -AMPE union members. As one participant explained to me, voting members who did not teach regularly in a clas sroom outnumbered those who did: In Lansing, it's not just teachers [in the LSEA] É So now, 400 of the 850 staff are now in the classroom in front of the kids all day, and 450 are not, and they're making the decisions É So the major stakeholders who are su ffering now are the ones who aren't the major population anymore making the decisions. (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) 131 This teacher explained that these 450 members who were not full -time teachers included teacher consultants, psychologists, and soc ial workers. A former music teacher suggested the non -teaching membership was a factor in the vote: [The] predominance of the people that voted for it were not impacted by this. So for example if youÕre a social worker, you donÕt get planning time anyway, but theyÕre part of the LSEA. If youÕre a speech pathologist, if youÕre a physical therapist, people like that are in that same bargaining unit, and they voted for the raise and they didnÕt give a crap about the planning time because it didnÕt impact them. (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) This diverse membership may have affected the vote, although it still does not account for the dramatic passage of the proposal to eliminate planning time. Reports of the vote noted that around 80% of the LSEA voti ng body approved the policy change. Thus, diversity aside, one can surmise that the policy core belief defining this coalition was the desire for a contract that did not dramatically cut pay. Based on interviews, it is unlikely that the non -AMPE member coa lition wanted to eliminate planning time or the specialists. The refrain of ÒNo one wanted this to happenÓ was mentioned frequently among classroom teachers. Given the two options, however, the 80% supporting the vote makes the policy core belief clear. Some non -AMPE teachers were horrified by the idea of the union considering the option to cut the specialist teachers. As a current classroom teacher told me: Ò I can't believe our union thr ew those people under the bus É I just can 'tÑI still can't believe i t.Ó A variety of former AMPE teachers shared stories of their close friends and colleagues expressing disgust at the AMPE cuts and voting against the proposal. Several participants also told stories of classroom 132 teachers coming to them after the vote to ap ologize. These teachers said they had been confused and had not fully thought through the impact of the loss of planning time. Coalition -Building Processes and Interactions As the ACF hypothesizes, coalitions come into being through grouping processes based on belief systems (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). In the case of the Lansing coalitions, these belief systems centered around policy core beliefs on what should happen f or the impending contract adoption. Arriving at these policy core beliefs occurred, I argue, through interactions between coalition members and between opposing coalitions. These interactions served to build the coalitions by clarifying policy core beliefs . In this section, I discuss three coalition -building processes: the ÒwhisperingsÓ about the possible cuts, the general membership meeting and its aftermath, and the union bargaining teamÕs process of choosing possible options. ÒWhisperingsÓ and ÒRumbling sÓ: Hearing about Potential Cuts As I discussed in Chapter F our, cutting the elementary art, music, and physical education teachers had been discussed informally as an option for several years preceding the 2013 cuts. However, the ÒwhisperingsÓ about the coming cuts took on a different tenor in the fall of 2012. Former AMPE teachers with whom I spoke remembered how an elementary principal gave them a Òheads upÓ that they would likely lose their jobs. The principal was upset with an AMPE teacher in his buil ding who was delivering sub -par instruction, and was venting to the AMPE teachers at a steering committee meeting he was overseeing. He told the AMPE teachers that the administration had done an efficiency study to look at ways to save money, as a former t eacher recalled: He said, "You better be looking for something, some other job , because the district did a study and they found it was cheaper to pay teachers comp time than to pay your salaries. 133 They did the math." And that was Ñthat sent shock waves. (in terview transcript, December 16, 2014) Another former teacher described the principal as saying the district Òcould save a bunch of moneyÓ if they Ò cut the elementary art, music, P .E, and library too, and give everybody a stipend for losing their planning timeÓ (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) . A former music teacher remembered that a different principal with fore knowledge about the cuts tried to provide early information. This teacher said the principal was Ò trying to look out for me .Ó This princip al let the teacher know that the AMPE department would likely be eliminated and replaced. As a result, the teacher said he had been Ò biting my nails s ince like November of that yearÓ (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . In both cases of principals providing information about the potential cuts, it seems they spoke without specific permission from the administration. In fact, several participants said they had heard that the principal who alerted the steering committee in the fall of 2012 was later rep rimanded. One teacher noted that this principal had Ògotten into deep, deep consequencesÓ for Òletting the information slipÓ (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) . This process of hearing whisperings about the cuts directed the actions of the AMPE teachersÕ coalition in interesting ways. Instead of compelling the coalition to mount some sort of public opposition to the impending cuts, it seemed to spur either insular conversation or resignation to the coming policy change. These actions may have occu rred for several reasons. First, former AMPE teachers said they felt powerless. One said that when she heard from the principal at the steering committee meeting, it was clear the cuts would occur: Ò He told me and I could see the writing on the wall then, tha t this was going to be Ñthis is going to happen. T his is going to be a done deal Ó (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . Another did not join the 134 negotiating committee, because she said it would not Òhave made any difference for me to be there advocati ngÓ (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) Second, AMPE teachers may have been afraid to speak up between November and March because of fears related to job security and other forms of retaliation (as I discuss later in this chapter, there were widesprea d fears that the administration would punish those who spoke out). An AMPE teacher who retired just before the fall of 2012 told me that the teachers spoke only among themselves because they felt they would be punished if they went public with the district Õs intentions. Because the retired teacher was no longer worried about her job, she took it upon herself to speak out as March neared: I kind of elected to have the voice É I started sending messages, mostly on Facebook, but I think once or twice to the s tate journal Facebook page as well É I was pretty glad that I had spoken up because nobody knew --nobody else seemed to know that or was saying it . (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) Hearing about the coming cuts seemed to push some AMPE teachers to look for other jobs or to retire. An art teacher remembered how the steering committee meeting made her reassess her retirement: Seeing that flips my decision . [With] that said, I'm out. I might as well be the first one at the gate I figured, because I'v e got my 10+ years, I can retire. If I want to look around [for other jobs] , there's going to be a whole slew of Lansing teachers looking for jobs [laughs]. So I pulled out . (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) Four other teachers said they began looking for other jobs when they heard of the impending cuts. All four remembered this searching as upsetting because of their feelings of loyalty to the Lansing School District. Several interviewed and were offered jobs in other districts, but waited 135 as long as possible to see if the vote to ratify the contract might somehow fail and save their positions. The coalition of community arts providers also seemed to have been affected by these early rumors of coming cuts. Th e leadership of the Arts Council of Great Lansing (ACGL) was first alerted to the possibility of cuts after speaking with AMPE teachers. A former leader of the ACGL noted that these rumors were too vague to spark action: We kind of heard something might b e going on, but we couldn't really get any Ñany sort of clarity on what t hat was going to be. We knew on e teacher in particular that was a frequent visitor to the o ffice and utilized our services. S he indicated that she was going to retire at the end of the year, and we had heard another teacher , you know, come in and say, "You know, I've decided IÕm going to retire at the end of the year." S o we were sort of like, "Hmmm É WhatÕs going on?" (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) When the ACGLÕs leaders tri ed to probe into the situation, specifics were lacking. A teacher who indicated the intention to retire told the ACGL leader, "T here's stuff that's coming down the pike, and it's not something that we can really talk about and it's not Ñit's not goodÓ (inte rview transcript, December 10, 2014) . In addition to the vagueness of the details, ACGL leaders said they simply could not believe that LSD would cut the elementary arts programs. A former ACGL leader remembered: One teacher said something at one point, but it was such Ñit sounded like a rumor that couldnÕt possibly be true , and I dismissed it. One of the teachers at one point in the fall of 2012 said something like, ÒOh the yÕre going to get rid of all the arts in the schoolsÓ or something [sighs] . ButÑI didnÕt even think about [that remark] again until after it happened. (interview transcript, December 15, 2014) 136 This inaction led to a later scramble in March when the decision was announced. As a former ACGL director noted: We heard these rumblings here and there and knew that some of the teachers were making decisions to retire. A nd then it wasnÕt until March tha t it really just kind of hit us É we really only had days to kind of take any action. (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) Despite the inactio n in the fall/winter of 2012, the rumors of the cuts began the early process of building the community arts provider coalition, which would become especially active in the immediate aftermath of the districtÕs decision. Beginning the Negotiation /Bargainin g Process The coalitions most closely involved in the actual decision -making process were the union power players and the district leadership. These two groups decided on the proposal that would be voted on by the unionÕs membership to ratify a 5 -year con tract. And while the membership could have voted against the staffing cuts, the terms of the two proposals made it almost impossible for planning time and AMPE specialists to be retained. The eventual options voted on Ña drastic pay cut or a loss of planni ng time Ñwere not the only money -saving possibilities, however. Therefore, the processes by which the union power players and the district leadership arrived at the options solidified the coalition -defining set of policy core beliefs. The ACF classifies thi s process of acquiring new information on policy options as Òpolicy -oriented learningÓ (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Policy -oriented learning can occur when a coalition attempts to Òrefi ne and adapt its belief system in or der to realize its goals more efficientlyÓ (K bler, 2001, p. 624). Of the many possible means of spurring policy change, authors of the ACF have made it clear that policy -oriented learning lacks power in 137 comparison to external events (e.g., stable parameters and shocks). They also stre ss that policy -oriented learning has not been investigated as extensively as other aspects of the framework (Weible et al., 2011). Caveats about policy -oriented learning aside, it seems clear that the coalitions involved closely with bargaining used polic y-oriented learning as a means of clarifying policy core beliefs and the translation of these beliefs into contract options. For the union power players, this learning began with a bargaining survey sent out to the union membership. The survey was emailed to the membership and asked ge neral questions about what they woul d like to see happen in the contract negotiations. As a former teacher explained to me in an email, ÒBargaining surveys typically ask members to rank their feelings of importance on things s uch as insurance, compensation, and holidays, in order to give the bargaining team a direction for the negotiations. Ó While surveys such as this are typically used to guide bargaining, they often do not reference the specifics of proposals. Teachers with whom I spoke, however, did recall that the survey hinted at the possi bility of cuts to planning time and that it referenced a support time that could help the classroom teachers handle teaching art, music, and physical education. A former music teache r recalled: I do remember in one of the questionnaires , or the clarification of the questionnaire, there was a very brief blurb about there being a Ñsome kind of support team to continue to th e [specials] in some way, shape, or form. It was very vague. So we knew that those positions were more than likely going to be there, we just didnÕt know what they entailed whatsoever . (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) 138 This same teacher remembered that the union was frustrated with the responses to the bargaini ng survey questions. The teacher noted: ÒA lot of people didnÕt even answer the questionnaire or a lot of people answered in a way that the union didnÕt like, because [the union] tried to politely put it as an Òeither/or Ó and some people said Òneither Ó (in terview transcript, February 23, 2015) . A bargaining team member with whom I spoke agreed, saying the survey responses revealed disagreements among the membership. This teacher said the proposed options Òreally divided the bodyÓ (interview transcript, Marc h 14, 2015). Because of the membershipÕs divided responses to the bargaining survey, and the deep budget cuts necessary, the union bargaining team experienced tension as they tried to decide on the options to bring to the membership. A bargaining team mem ber recalled that, ÒI t was very hard for the whole team, you could just see it sucking the life out of them Ó (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) . Some of the AMPE teachers on the negotiating committee tried to appeal to the barg aining team. A s one forme r music teacher told me: ÒI would beg them and say, Ô Please, please talk to [the other bargaining team members] and get them to understand what this is all aboutÕÓ (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . The strife between members lasted until the last minute, as one bargaining team member recalled: Several of the people around the table were very undecided, but when it came down, they point -blank asked me at a certain point, "Would you take a 15% cut?" And I said, "Yes!" (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) The General Membership Meeting One of the most discussed interactions between coalitions occurred at the unionÕs general membership meeting in early March. This meeting occurred several times, with one main meeting and several repeat meetings at si tes around the district to accommodate the large 139 membership. The meeting was pivotal because it was the site of the bargaining teamÕs announcement of the two options it was bringing to its membership. At this meeting, the union power players told members t hat they would soon vote to either accept a five percent pay cut each year for three years or would vote to eliminate planning time. As I discuss later, framing the vote as a planning time issue rather than as a staffing cut was considered by some particip ants to be an important strategy, as well as potentially dishonest. For a number of participants, this meeting brought shock and disbelief. The AMPE teachers remembered texting each other angrily about the options being presented. Emotions ran high, with some teachers crying and others arguing with the union leadership. One teacher got into a verbal altercation with the past union president: It was awful. I was super angry and our former president was there. And I remember getting pretty up close and per sonal with him and kinda wagging my finger in his face and telling him, ÒThis is a sure -fire way to lose families. You mark my words, youÕre going to lose Ñif you want to lose students, this is the way to do it.Ó (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) A for mer art teacher discussed how, once the particulars of the proposal were clear, she stood up abruptly and left the meeting: There was a lot of arguing going back and forth about, you know, how this is a bad thing. It pitted teachers against teachers, and once the union finally stopped beating around the bush and said "Yes, that's our plan" to dismantle us, I got up and walked out. I heard all I needed to hear [laughs]. (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). As the proposal was presented at the meeting, lines between the coalitions (and their desired policy actions) were solidified. In essence, the membership meeting seemed to make several 140 AMPE teachers, who described themselves as Òdie -hardÓ union supporters, wish to remove themselves from the union. A former art teacher remarked: ÒW hat I said at that union meeting is, ÔOK, thanks. Can I have 20 years worth of dues back then please?ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). Several participants remembered how an AMPE teacher stood up and pointedly questioned the union leadership. This teacher said the questioning was done in an effort to clarify the impact of the cuts and to make it clear Ò that cutting planning meant that there will be no more art, music, P .E. teachers Ó (interview transcript, January 2 1, 2015). This teacher also wanted the classroom teachers to realize they would be responsible for those subjects and that they would Òhave those dear children in [their] classroom 6 ! hours a day with no breaks except for recess and lunch Ó (interview tran script, January 21, 2015) . I spoke with this former AMPE teacher, who discussed the interaction. This teacher remembered asking the union president to say exactly who would lose jobs. The questioning invited a lot of ÒskirtingÓ on the part of the president , so the teacher had to reformat her inquiry: Definitely skirting of the questions. I had to format m y questions in five or six different ways to get the president to say what I w anted her to say. And by the fifth meeting of course, I had it down pretty pa t É And she knew at what point in the presentation I was going to raise my hand, and she knew exactly what I was going to say, because no way in hell was I going to take this sitting down, for my colleagues or these kids. (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) This teacher remembered standing up in the meetings as Ònerve -wracking,Ó and noted that it was difficult to speak pointedly without making an overly -emotional appeal: 141 I tried to make it as not emotional as possible. I wanted to be very pragmatic abo ut it. And I didnÕt want to incense anyone Ñthat was not ever my goal nor did I want to be perceived that way, as a rebel -rouser . I just wanted my colleagues to see the face of a person who was going to lose their job, whose household in come is going to be cut in half. A nd I said, ÒYeah, $5,000 for you guys is a cut, itÕs a lot of money. But $57,000 for me is a lot more. So thatÕs my job thatÕs gone.Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) The teacher remembered that her protest at the meeting was met with Òsilence.Ó A lot of the non -AMPE teachers turned away to avoid eye contact. Another interesting juxtaposition of the coalitions occurred at the general membership meeting. No rmally, union meetings are open only to due -paying members and all other school personnel Ñincluding administrators, secretaries, and others Ñare not allowed to attend. But at the meeting in March 2013, the Superintendent attended the meeting and spoke to the membership. A former art teacher remembered how surprised she was at the Super intendent Õs presence: Then I was absolutely astounded whe n the meeting started that the Superintendent was invited to a closed union meeting É Oh my gosh, I was aghast and I was nudging people and saying, ÒSince when do we let people from Ñyou donÕt have a dministrators or anybody whoÕs not in the union. ItÕs not allowed.Ó (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) One can see evidence of coalition membership in how different teachers described having the Superintendent present at the meet ing. The Superintendent made a statement at the beginning of the meeting, during which she cried and expressed sadness at the situation. A current classroom teacher described this as evidence of the administration being sympathetic: Ò I remember the Superintendent cried when she came to our meeting and said, Ô I can't believe this is what we're 142 offering you guysÕÓ (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . A former art teacher was much more contemptuous: Ò She came up, gave her spiel, cried tears. I remember thinking to myself , ÔYes, she is a theatre majorÕÓ (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) . Tension between AMPE and Classroom Teachers As soon as the general membership meeting occurred, and the options Ñacross the board pay cut or AMPE staffing cut Ñwere made known, relationships so ured between AMPE teachers and classroom teachers. This tension only increased after the vote o ccurred. The two coalitions largely were on opposite sides of the vote, though some classroom teachers did vote against the planning time elimination. AMPE teach ers were upset that classroom teacher colleagues had voted them out of a job, and the classroom teachers tried to explain that they could not accept a large pay cut. A former art teacher recalled the interaction: It was tense. There was a lot of, ÒBut you donÕt understand my situation. IÕm a single female, IÕm divorced, IÕm this, IÕm that,Ó or ÒThings are tough.Ó And what I kept saying is, ÒOK Ñyou might take a 15% cut, but I doubt it.Ó I think it was just bluffing, myself. ÒThe rest of us will take a 100% c ut. And probably never teach again, so think about that.Ó It was terrible. It was so divisive. It was horrible . (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) A former music teacher remembered that, ÒI t was very bitter those last few months É It was very sad, it w as very sad. We had teachers everyday crying Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015). AMPE teachers remembered classroom teacher colleagues who would not make eye contact after the vote because of feelings of guilt. A former music teacher summed up the situation: 143 WeÕre talking about over 40 people, Ryan, who lost their jobs. They were cut Ñover 40. Who had homes, who had families, who had a long -time career, w ho were proud of what they did, w ho had relationships with kids and families. I meanÑthey lost Ñand because [classroom teachers] voted against them, they ended up losing their job. So every da y people had to face each other É I mean how awful must that feel for them looking at you, saying ÒOh my God ÑIÕm the reason why youÕre not going to have a job.Ó (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) This tension also played out on social media sites. The union had an online forum, where members could post questions and discuss issues. A former art teacher recalled: ThereÕs a LSEA forum. Man, people were duking it out. I was one of them because I wasnÕt going to listen to this crap. You know, all these [classroom] teachers saying, ÒOh, weÕll suck it up, weÕll do just fine, weÕll suck it up and be fine. And weÕll do ju st as good a job.Ó I was like, ÒNo, you, wonÕt!Ó É It got really nasty. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) Sometimes this tension translated into poor working relationships. A former music teacher recalled: When a [classroom] teacher would say, "You k now, I'm doing this unit . Can you help me?" The specialist would say, "No." Normally, they were willing to work extra. N ow they were saying "No, you voted us out." (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) As the end of the school year neared, some of the A MPE teachers took sick days without notice in an effort to express their displeasure about the vote. A current classroom teacher said: 144 [Sometimes they] didn't show up. They didn't call for a sub. E specially after they felt like their positions were being cut, then they just stopped showing up and we didn't have anybody to teach art, music, and P .E. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) Discussion: Lack of Parental/Community Coalition In an effort to describe the landscape of coalitions and the ways in which they interacted to refine their policy core beliefs, one coalition that is notoriously missing is a parental/community coalition. The lack of such a coalition was likely of signific ant importance for the final decision, since vocal groups of parents and community members who rally behind school district causes can wield enormous influence. One need look no further than the dozens of school board meetings each year around the state an d country during which parents and community leaders pack meeting rooms to protest changes. Championed causes include curricular changes, bond proposals, efforts to open new buildings or close/repurpose old buildings, or teachersÕ labor contracts. There are numerous examples of how parental/community coalitions have risen up to delay, limit the damage to, or completely stave off the elimination of school district music programs. A recent search of news articles finds parents flooding into school board mee tings to protest proposed cuts in places like Norristown, Pennsylvania (Wills, 2015). The Norristown district decided to put the music teaching positions (that had been considered for cuts) on a line item as part time, with the possibility of becoming full -time in the fall. In rural Line Mountain, Pennsylvania, a dozen parents spoke for two hours at a school board meeting when the board announced it may not fill a music teaching position left vacant by an exiting teacher (Desantis, 2015). The board decided to table the vote. At School 84 in Indianapolis, parents successfully overturned plans to cut instrumental music (Colombo, 2015). In East Grand Rapids Ñonly an 145 hour from Lansing Ñparents who were upset about proposed cuts to elementary art, music, and physical education held yard sales and donated over $250,000 to the districtÕs foundation. The cuts were eventually staved off by this show of community support (Moroney, 2015). I also heard from several participants who noted that districts near Lansing brought similar proposals up in early contract discussions. A former music teacher said nearby Superintendent s had started to refer to the Lansing cuts as the ÒLansing solution.Ó While details are difficult to verify, participants told me similar cuts had been co nsidered in Grand Ledge, Waverly, and Fowlerville (cities near Lansing), but that the proposals never made it far due to a feeling that the community would not support such cuts. A parental/community coalition may not have become as involved in the debat e as it would have had secondary music programs been considered for cuts. A look at recent news articles also demonstrates how strong the parental groups behind secondary music programs can be in organizing and mounting protests to proposed cuts. For examp le, when high school band programs are endangered, school board meetings are often filled with stu dents in marching band uniforms and hundreds of parents who support the band. Potential cuts to secondary music programs can also spur petitions of opposition with thousands of signatures (Bolus, 2015; Phalon, 2015). Several participants agreed there was a relative lack of parental organization around elementary arts programs in Lansing as compared to the districtÕs high school band programs. Several of the p articipants discussed how the absence of concerned citizens was a major problem. A former art teacher said: Another issue is parents in the Lansing School District aren't as collective in terms of coming to a school board meeting. W e did have a couple peo ple then but, you know, their 146 concerns are greater than this. And they didn't come out in droves and say, "No, this is wrong. We can't give up art, we can't g ive up music, we can't do this.Ó (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) A former music teacher sa id that parents who were ÒleftÓ in Lansing after years of declining enrollment did not care enough about the cuts (at the time) to mount a protest: A big part of it is parents. Again, weÕve got the lowest common denominator left. The parents are not speaki ng up enough about this, because the parents who are left are, I perceive, the ones who donÕt really care that much about it. But think about any other district. If you get parents to a school board meeting who are absolutely saying this cannot happen, the yÕre going to find a way to fix it. (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Another former music teacher agreed that a presence at the board meeting would have helped stop the cuts: If people were as concerned then as they are now, it would not have happ ened. DonÕt think for a minute if people stormed that board meeting, those board members would not have stood for it, the Superintendent would not have allowed it to happen, and it would have been stopped. (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) One forme r teacher in particular was incensed at the lack of community support, especially given the proximity of Michigan State University and the arts and cultural community. This teacher felt abandoned by the educational/cultural professionals in 2013 as no one came to the school board meetings to protest: ÒN obody came to say anything. YouÕve got people talking amongst themselves, but where were you? For God Õs sake , MSU is right there. You couldnÕ t 147 come to a damn board meeting?Ó (interview transcript, January 6, 2015). This teacher could not understand the lack of support: Educated people understood the impact if this went forward, and they still chose to do nothing É If you work for a university, isnÕt that kind of your role? To make sure Ñif youÕre in music educa tion, how hypocritical. Or if youÕre in arts education, how hypocritical for you to be growing people up to get these jobs, but yet when theyÕre cutting 40 plus peopleÕs positions, that probably came through your program, arenÕt you involved? I mean, why w ouldnÕt you come? Why wouldnÕt you come to the meeting? YouÕre saying ÒC ome to our university, come and get this degree, you can get a job, you can make money.Ó ThatÕs a disconnect for me. Where were you? Where WERE you? É I donÕt fucking know . (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) Discussion: Coalitions and Policy Beliefs As discussed, the coalitions involved with the decision -making process surrounding the 2013 cuts were defined by their policy core beliefs. Coalitions differed in terms of these belie fs, and the groups also varied in terms of the cohesiveness/unity of beliefs across the coalition. I also discussed how there was a notorious lack of coalition activity on the part of parents and community members. Because the coalition group that eventual ly did coalesce from the community arts providers in the Lansing area came together only after the decision -making process, I discuss this group separately later in the chapter. As I also discussed, certain coalitions Ñthe union leadership and the district leadership Ñengaged in policy -oriented learning to shape the particulars of the policy proposals they would ultimately advance. The districtÕs cost study and the unionÕs bargaining survey pointed them toward a planning time cut. This alignment of policy op tions is what the ACF would label an 148 example of coalition coordination (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Coalitions engage in frequent coordination in order to advance their agendas, and this coordination can come as a result of policy -oriented learning or because of purposeful efforts to seek out sympathetic coalitions (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Some researchers using the ACF have found that coordination is most likely when there is a reasonable belief on the part of one coalition that another coali tion shares beliefs (Matti & Sandstr ım, 2013). Coordination also can result from the actions of specific individuals, termed policy brokers (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Policy brokers mediate between coalitions and seek compromise (Bratt, 2013). Whil e these brokers can be inde pendent of coalitions, they also are likely to be part of an advocacy group (Bratt, 2013). To achieve compromise, brokers use a variety of tools. One such tool can be policy -oriented learning processes, such as identifying outsid e aspirational models for policy, or consulting various experts. Another tool can be speeding up or slowing down negotiations (Bratt, 2013). As is the case with policy -oriented learning, details about policy brokers (e.g., who can be policy brokers, are po licy brokers necessary, do policy brokers operate on material self -interest) are underdeveloped in the ACF literature (Bratt, 2013). Participants seemed to agree that there was an unusually high degree of consensus and coordination between the two central coalitions in the Lansing decision (the union power players and the district leadership). This coordination seems to have been spurred by the intense external pressures on the subsystem: financial strain and possibility of takeover. It may also be the cas e that the long -lasting parameter of low esteem for the AMPE department was a significant belief held by both coalitions. The two sides at the bargaining table seem to have been so coordinated 149 that it ultimately became unclear who floated the proposal to c ut planning time and the AMPE teachers. For example, one participant said the union first advanced the idea: It was kind of a lot of back and forth and , you know, the union would say, ÒWell what if we cut this? Ó And the administration said, ÒWell you canÕt cut that, what about this?Ó From what I Ñwhat I took from it was it wasnÕt [that the] administration was quick to say, ÒYeah, take music, take art, take gym ÑthatÕs not important.Ó In fact, if my memory Ñwhich fades in and out from all the junk weÕve had thr own at us Ñserves, supposedly someone in administration when it was presented from the union, by the union to cut us, the administration said something along the lines of, ÒAre you sure that this is where you want the cuts to be made?Ó (interview transcript , February 23, 2015) But a former teacher with knowledge of the bargaining process disagreed. This teacher said the administration proposed the planning time cut: Ò There was much information that I knew that was never given to the general membership É I stand by my statement that the first side that spoke of eliminating planning in negotiati ons was the DistrictÓ (interview transcript, January 21, 2015). Because the proposal to cut planning time (and AMPE teachers) seemed to have been a coordinated move between the union leadership and the district leadership, the quick adoption brought charges of Òbackdoor dealsÓ and the two parties being Òin cahoots.Ó I discuss more about this mistrust later in this chapter. The close coordination of the two coalitions also meant that different participants blamed different groups for the policy decision. Almost all participants were upset with the union for a lack of representation of the AMPE teachers, but varied in their blame for the district leadership. A former mus ic teacher made it clear that she was only upset with the union: 150 I was so upset with the union. I mean they were the ones that caused this. Because the administration was willing to work with us so that we could keep some planning time and maybe cut some t eachers which we all understand in this day and age . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) Teachers who had lost their jobs in the cuts argued among themselves on Facebook about whether the board was ultimately to blame, as one former art teacher recal led: I [got online] and said, "Y ou know, the board was responsible, the board and the union, Ó and [posted] that board members needed to be voted out and held accountable, and would be held accountable by being voted out É [A colleague] came on and said "I t was the union," because she's really rallying against the union. I said , "No, it was the board too. It was all of them." (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) Had the two central coalitions been less coordinated, it would have been simpler for teach ers to blame one or the other in the aftermath. Discussion: Separating Personal Beliefs from Professional Beliefs I noticed a theme related to beliefs that came up across multiple interviews with former teachers, current classroom teachers, current arts consultants in the ÒDepartment of Innovative Arts and Fitness,Ó and community arts providers. These participants noted that, before and after the decision, they had to wrestle with holding conflicting personal beliefs and professional beliefs. The ACF is m ute on this subject, treating belief systems as fluid but one -dimensional. In other words, at any given time, actors and their coalitions are expected to hold and operate on a given belief, not to hold a certain belief and act on another that is in opposit ion. Yet this concept came up frequently as participants told me that , while they did not prefer the result, they were in a Òworld of second best.Ó Other participants, especially the AMPE teachers who lost their jobs, 151 were adamant about standing up for the ir principles throughout the decision -making process. Their position, however, as the Òlosi ng coalition Ó likely explains why they were not in a position to hold one personal belief and operate on a professional belief. For example, a former AMPE teacher d iscussed the experience of being simultaneously angry at the union leadership, but needing to put it behind her: Ò I try really hard to ke ep the personal part out of it É I have to try to look at it as objectively as possible Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) A bargaining team member who is still employed as a classroom teacher in LSD echoed the same sentiments, explaining that it was difficult to disagree with the proposal and still agree not to ÒsabotageÓ the decision. I also heard from a current m ember of the Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness Team who did not know how to react to the outcry that occurred after the decision was announced. Mitchell Robinson, Professor of Music Education at Michigan State had publicly stated that the LSDÕs dec ision was wrong because it meant having non -endorsed educators in charge of the arts. The teacher said: As a n educator whoÕs [endorsed] and believes that is important, I respect and support his view 100%. But not 100% of me supports that 100%. The other pa rt of me is given the challenge of picking up what scraps we have to provide something for the kids. ThatÕs my job and th atÕs my belief as Ñnot as an arts educator, but as a teacher in general. So I mean, itÕs like, ÒYay Mitch! Damn you Mitch!Ó (interview t ranscript, February 23, 2015) Other participants stressed that, since the end product of the decision Ñnon-endorsed teachers responsible for the arts, without any planning time Ñwas so undesirable, it clearly meant that the Superintendent did not believe in or want that option. Multiple participants said the Superintendent believes in having endorsed specialists, but is in a tough budget situation. Others, 152 like a current classroom teacher, stressed that beliefs about the importance of specialists did not weigh heavily in the decision to make the cuts: Nobody voted and was like, "Yes! We're losing art, music, and PE." Nobody thought that way É I didn't vote saying, "Oh this person's no t going to get a job." I voted Ñthis is what , for me, I can stomach this rath er than this. I think that's what most people did. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) In the aftermath of unpalatable decisions such as the one in LSD, it is interesting to consider whether policy core beli efs directed coalition behavior or whether dec isions are reflections of choosing from among undesira ble options. Such decisions also may be reflections of actors attempting to operate on Òprofessional beliefsÓ or obligations rather than personal beliefs. Post -Decision Policy Framing/Imaging The ACF predicts that coalitions will seek to influence the public, the media, and other groups by intentionally manipulating the policy image. Authors of the ACF refer to this as a framing tactic (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). Coalitions attempt to frame the p olicy issue in the way that is most advantageous to their desired outcome. This framing can occur in the build up to policy change and may be a significant factor in moving a policy proposal to become noticed. Framing also may function as a strategy after a policy change has occurred, as coalitions seek to shape subsequent action and debate. In addition to being featured in the ACF, framing/imaging has been widely discussed in other policy analysis frameworks (Kingdon, 1995; Stone, 1989). In this section, I examine how different coalitions attempted to frame the proposal to cut planning time and the AMPE teachers. 153 Union Leadership Framing Tactics The union leadership seemed to use several framing tactics as it brought the proposal options to its general membership. The first of these was to frame the decision as taking a pay cut or losing planning time. This is how a current classroom teacher explained the options: [Cutting planning] would save the district $8 million dollars. Or we would be pr epared to take a large pay cut ÑI thin k it was 15% or something over three years. And so, I mean, you know, the general sentiment was Òneither one.Ó I don't want either one. I don't want a pay cut and I don't want to lose my planning time, but that wasn't an option . (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) This classroom teacher was adamant that, though the staffing cuts occurred, it was a vote to cut planning time: They brought in the negotiations committee prior to that meeting and told us that É basically either we v ote to eliminate planning time Ñwhich is what we did. W e didn 't vote to eliminate positions. W e voted to eliminate planning time . (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) While not characterizing the options presented as Òdishonest,Ó participants felt the fram ing was used to intentionally obscure the resulting AMPE staffing cuts. Numerous participants expressed frustration at this ÒeuphemisticÓ framing, with a former music teacher discussing the framing strategy: The funny thing was they actually just talked a bout it as eliminating planning time. They rarely came out and said weÕre cutting art, music, and P.E. ÒThis is reduction of planning time.Ó That pissed me off. You canÕt put that in there. That pissed me off to no other, because they werenÕt actually talk ing about what it was, what the programmatic change 154 was going to be here. They were trying to make it as euphemistic as possible. ÒWeÕre just going to give you some money to teach on your planning. ThatÕs all it is.Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015 ) This teacher expressed her feelings in an email to the bargaining team, writing, ÒThe ÔplanningÕ option is indeed a veiled offer to completely eliminate the AMPE classes from our elementary schools Ó (email correspondence, March 17, 2013). Another former music teacher felt this framing was especially misleading for those in the district who were not elementary teachers. The teacher said: [Eliminating planning time] was written in writing. T hatÕs what was to ld to everybody, including the Board of E ducation. And then when people are making decisions Ñif IÕm a high school teacher, I donÕt understand how elementary works be cause itÕs a different animal. E ither youÕre elementary or youÕre secondary, and most people donÕt understand the other one. So when p eople voted, that was the information that they voted with. Take a pay cut or get a raise, and I just donÕt have any planning time . (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) This music teacher called the unionÕs action a Òcomplete and total lack of disclosur eÓ on the reality of the cuts. As discussed earlier, when a former AMPE teacher questioned the union leadership during the general membership meeting, there was also a perceived lack of transparency about what the planning time cut would mean for staffing. Participants felt that the union leadership also used framing tactics in how it presented the financial impact of the cuts. A former music teacher recalled that the union had not only said there would be a five percent cut each year for three years, but had presented the total amount of money that teachers would lose if they accepted the pay cut: 155 So we had the meetings, and they presented basically, ÒHereÕs the planning cut option, and then hereÕs h ow much money youÕll lose over three years if you donÕt take this option. Ó So it wasnÕt even , ÒHereÕs a yearly amount, hereÕs a pe rcent reduction.Ó I t is quite literally , ÒI f you make $60,000 , hereÕs the amount of money over 3 years youÕre going to lose if you donÕt take this option. Ó (interview transcript, Jan uary 21, 2015) In tandem with this description of the financial impact was the emphasis on receiving a $5,000 stipend for giving up planning time. Participants felt like this combination of described loss and gain framed the choice as a Òno -brainer.Ó A for mer music teacher remembered: [They said],"Okay , you're all going to take a 15% cut if we keep your planning time and the specialists. But if we get rid of the specialists, you don't have to take your cut and you'll get a $5,000 stipend." Well given that c hoice, what are you going to do? (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) Some said that the framing was dramatic enough that teachers felt bullied into supporting the planning time cut. A former art teacher said: [Teachers] were threatened, they were bull ied. The offer on the table was "Y our insurance is going to cost you a gazillion dollars unless you vote yes on this." And then they dangled that $5,000 stipend o ver their heads, and they were Ña lot of my friends felt they had to vote for it, because they couldn't afford a cut . (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). AMPE Teachers Õ Framing Tactics Analysis of how the AMPE teacher coalition fr amed the policy issue reveals several approaches. These teachers generally relied on the strategy of framing the i ssue in terms of opportunities for students and in terms of the long -term health of the district. This approach came 156 through in the story of a former art teacher who brought an art student to speak out against the cuts at a school board meeting immediately before the cuts occurred. The student expressed sadness at the loss of arts programming, as the teacher explained: I brought [the student] to the board meeting to speak to the board. And ooh, that didn't go over very well [laughs]. He stood up in front of the board. H is parents brought him because they were very active about it. H is parents brought him, and he got up to podium and bawled and bawled and said , "Please don't c ut these art programs. I don't know what I would do without art on a weekly basis." And he cried. (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). AMPE teachers used this framing in their appeals to union leadership and to the non -AMPE teachers ahead of the membership vote. They discussed the cuts as taking away Òlife possib ilitiesÓ from students, and a former art teacher recalled telling other teachers that, ÒT his isn't about people, it's about the students. It's the program loss and what that means for these kids long -term, over timeÓ (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . The AMPE teachers also extended their framing to emphasize equity and justice. A former music teacher said Lansing kids Ò are the ones that really needÓ the arts, and another educator explained: Research shows that urban kids and struggling kids need art music and P .E. They need their gross motor skills developed, they need hands on, they need differentiation, they need project -based learning, they need it more than anyone else. (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) These teachers brought up stories deta iling the impact that arts classes had on certain students for whom the arts were the only avenue for success in school. A former art teacher said: 157 I am also extremely aware of the impact of a good arts program Ñan excellent arts program Ñon an at -risk stud ent É So I know what that will do. In fact, when I left, kids were crying. I had a boy [who] couldn't read, but he could [do art]. A nd this is so common. You know, your LD kids and your ADD kids. S o when he heard I was leaving, here I had been building him up and all this stuff, and he just wept. I know that is not going to be replicated and it makes me sick to my stomach. (interview transcript, December 16, 2015). They argued further that the Òat -riskÓ kids in Lansing needed the arts provided by endorsed t eachers in school because these students were not likely to receive extra -curricular arts experiences. A former art teacher said: Ò They donÕt have all these opportunities to go to a museum, or hav e extra music lessons, or danceÓ (interview transcript, Janu ary 6, 2015) . A community arts provider representative agreed, saying: TheyÕre not going down the street to get their tr umpet lesson. TheyÕre just not É This is a very poor district. I tÕs pov erty, thereÕs a lot of poverty. I f itÕs not being provided withi n the school, Mom and Dad arenÕt taking them down to the local music store to get them trumpet lessons at $50 a half hour pop. (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) In the same way that correspondence between a former AMPE teacher and the Superintendent revealed competing discourses, framing debates around in -school versus out -of-school arts experiences occur red. In several instances, the Superintendent publicly stated that she was a lover of the arts, and cited formative cultural experiences, all of whic h occurred in extra -curricular contexts. Former AMPE teachers with whom I spoke cited this as a n example of the Superintendent misunderstanding the opportunities available to Lansing students. 158 Former AMPE teachers discussed how they faced dilemmas in term s of messaging and framing. While their strategy of emphasizing the downside the cuts would have for students and the district as a whole, other coalitions Ñincluding the union leadership, the district leadership, and the non -AMPE union members Ñultimately c ared about money. A former art teacher expressed frustration: I ca red that they knew this wasn' t about me, this was about kids É [but] the teachers never , ever, ever looked at what that meant. They just saw numbers É People base personal decisions on people's livelihoods, not on programming . (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) A former music teacher remembered attempting to purposefully change the framing to appeal to this sensibility: I did push upon all the ki d aspect and all of that, too, but wh en youÕre talking with your union brothers and sisters, you gotta talk to them about the money. Because theyÕre presenting the argument that this is how much money youÕr e going to lose if you take a 15% cut, so I have to talk about it in money terms , too . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) This realization led the teacher to tell the other teachers that a 15% cut paled in comparison to the AMPE teachers losing their entire salaries. A former music teacher recalled frustration at the failure of the Ò kid/programmingÓ fra ming. This teacher emailed the Superintendent and emphasized the loss of arts programming for students. The email also included references to the cognitive and social benefits of studying the arts, but the Superintendent responded by fr aming the issue in terms of budgets and 159 certification policy. The teacher included in the letter a story about a student who only seemed to have success in music, as the teacher related to me: I put him as an examp le on the letter I sent to the S uper, and I said, ÒThere are children like him who will not be reached any other way than through quality music instruction .Ó Her response to me was a pat on the head , essentially. ÒWell, you have a very limited certification , so that might hurt you in terms of havi ng a job with us. And either youÕre with us or youÕre not, so hopefully youÕll decide to stay on board.Ó It didnÕt address Ñshe talked all about me and my job, which I didnÕt talk about at all. [My email] was all about the kids and the programming and all o f these things, and hers was ÒY eah, youÕre worried about your job.Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) This exchange exemplifies the competing framing of the issue between coalitions. District LeadershipÕs Public Rhetoric The district leadership us ed framing tactics in several ways as it publicly discussed the policy decision. To analyze the districtÕs approach, I gathered every article that was published on the decision and then listed every quotation from a district leade r. I present these quotati ons along with supporting interview content. Analysis shows that the district attempted to frame the issue as a problem of poor AMPE teaching that needed to be solved. The district leadership then framed their proposed solution as superior and innovative. As they detailed how community arts providers would step in to fill the void left by the departing specialists, their public rhetoric drew the community arts provider coalition into the public debate over the issue (as I discuss later in this chapter). In sum, the cuts were framed as a win for the district. The district leadership focused on several ÒbrokenÓ aspects of the AMPE department in its public comments. First, they called into question the AMPE teachersÕ qualifications, noting 160 that there were non -endorsed educators teaching these subjects. A news story from March 26, 2013 quotes district spokesperson Bob Kolt (italics mine): ÒWeÕre going to take some of these community arts programs and put them in schools, rather than have a lot of uncertified ar t, music, and P.E. teachers ,Ó he says. Right now, only half the current art, music, and gym teachers are certified in those subjects, says Kolt. (Wells, 2013) Other quotations discuss the AMPE program as being in need of redesign and students being in need of better teaching. Spokesperson Bob Kolt was quoted as saying (italics mine): ÒI think itÕs an opportunity to reshape and enhance the arts ,Ó Kolt said. ÒThatÕs how the Superintendent and the teachers looked at it.Ó É ÒThe experience will not be replaced, it will just be a better product and learning opportunity ,Ó he said . (Wittrock, 2013) Another quotation from Bob Kolt suggested that parents were upset with the AMPE: ÒParents werenÕt happy with the system the way it wasÓ (Kolt in Ross, 2013). Framing the decision in terms of a need to replace a bad product upset a number of my participants. These teachers were upset that the district cited non -endorsed teachers as a problem, when district decisions had allowed that st affing practice to flourish. Former AMPE teachers also felt that parents were not unhappy. A former art teacher referenced this statement by Bob Kolt: I invited him to come into my school and dare tell me that any of my parents are unhappy. That's what he said in the article, something like, ÒParents aren't happy.Ó É And I invited him to come to [school name]. I said, ÒYou take a look around, walk around, and you tell me my parents are unhappy.Ó (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) 161 In other public com mentary, the districtÕs leadership argued against assertions that the arts were being cut. In a news article, district spokesperson Bob Kolt said, Ò The Superintendent is receiving calls from arts groups all over the state saying, ÔWhy are you cutting the a rts?ÕÓ É ÒBut itÕs just not true Ó (Kolt in Wells, 2013). The Superintendent publicly stated, Ò We have no intention of eliminating the arts from our curriculum Ó (Caamal Canul in Ross, 2013). The Superintendent also referenced the secondary music programs in an effort to rebut the outcry about cuts, saying, Ò ThereÕs still going to be a band at Eastern. There are still going to be performing arts at Everett Ó (Caamal Canul in Lavey, 2013). Third, the district leadership framed the new approach Ñseveral consult ants, community arts providers, and classroom teachers handling arts instruction Ñas innovative. A news article quoted spokesperson Bob Kolt as saying, Ò What weÕre doing is very exciting Ñ thereÕs not a model that weÕre looking atÓ (Kolt in Lavey, 2013). Th e district followed this framing in its naming of the team of consultants who were hired to write lesson plans for elementary art, music, and physical education, calling it the ÒDepartment of Innovative Arts and Fitness.Ó Several participants expressed dis gust at the districtÕs attempt to frame the new approach as positive. A former music teacher recalled: I think it was a memo that came out from the Superintendent Õs office around that time. Oh, and Bob Kolt was the dis trictÕs communications guy, [he] spoke about h ow weÕre going to have ÒNew, innovative, integrated arts Ñda da da da da. Ó And I blew a gasket. (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) When I asked participants about the comments suggesting the new arrangement would be innovative, several made co mments such as, ÒThatÕs insane,Ó or, ÒAre you kidding me?Ó Several outsiders to the district, namely some of the representative from community arts groups talked 162 about how convincing the districtÕs rhetoric was on this topic. One representative said: Ò Thei r message was so well crafted, that , had I not understood how incorrect some of the rhetoric was, I would have believed it was just as well for the students Ó (interview transcript, December 15, 2014). While less framing addressed the ability of the classro om teachers to teach art, music, and physical education, several public comments did address the feasibility of this ar rangement. Assertions from the Superintendent seemed to suggest that arts integration was planned, rather than sequential arts ins tructio n. In a news story, the Superintendent said, ÒM any classroom teachers also work art and music into the curriculum as part of read ing, social studies or scienceÓ (Lavey, 201 3). The union Pr esident discussed how teachers would likely Òteam teachÓ and take on the new subjects according to their strengths: ÒMaybe IÕm better at art, but you're better at music and you're better at P.E.Ó (Seidl in Wittrock, 2013). The most controversial framing employed by the district leadership related to the involvement of co mmunity arts providers. Although the district did not contact these groups in any formal way, the district confidently stated that new partnerships would be a feature of the districtÕs elementary arts instruction. In a ÒMonday Mornin g MemoÓ to district sta ff, the Superintendent explained that the district would ÒB egin redesigning our arts and physical education programming efforts in grades K Ð5 so that there are high levels of inclusivity with the community in the greater Lansing area Ó (Lavey, 2013). In a n ews story days after the contract was approved, spokesperson Bob Kolt said, ÒWeÕre contracting out those services to community artistsÓ (Kolt in Wells, 2013). The Superintendent named specific groups in another news story: ÒWe kind of wanted to redesign th e art, music, and P.E. program to bring in community expertise. There are relationships with Wharton, Michigan State University and the arts 163 community which is very vibrant here in Lansing," said Lansing School District Superintendent Yvonne Caamal Canul.Ó (Li, 2013) As I discuss in the next section, this Òcalling outÓ of the community arts providers jump -started the community arts provider coalition and started a tense series of conversations between this coalition and the district leadership. Interactio ns between the CAP Coalition and District Leadership I now turn to describing the interactions between the community arts provider (CAP) coalition and the district leadership. Even though the CAP coalition only became active in the aftermath of the union vote, I spend significant time detailing how the coalition attempted to respond to being Òcalled outÓ by the district. I do this for several reasons. First, this interaction raises many issues related to who is (and should be) responsible for providing art s education to school -aged children. Second, this interaction demonstrates how two coalitions Ñthe CAP group and the district leadership Ñwork with and against each other as time progresses. As I discuss, there was a distinct stage of Òearly CAP strategyÓ fo llowed by a shift in tactics Ñwhat I refer to as Òsecond stage CAP strategy.Ó I also detail how and why the CAP coalition eventually fractured. The Immediate Reaction: CAP GroupsÕ Attempt to Respond After the union vote occurr ed, local reporters quoted th e Superintendent and district spokesperson discussing the future involvement of the community arts providers. The Arts Council of Greater Lansing (ACGL), an organization that represented local artists and community arts providers, became the flashpoint for the debate over the involvement of these groups. Because the ACGL acted as a ÒconvenerÓ of many arts groups and had access to the leaders of a number of local agencies, it functioned as a microphone for the CAP coalition. 164 I spoke with former leaders of t he ACGL who discussed how they were caught off guard by the district leadershipÕs comments. These leaders talked about how quickly the de cision seemed to have been made and how this had left them with little time to respond. A former employee said: When th e dec ision was made, it was kind of Ñit all happened within a week. I mean , I felt like we were sort of bombarded at the last minute and didnÕt have a clear sense of what was going on. (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) This employee continued, discussing how surprised the arts groups were at being mentioned by the district: [ACGL] hadn't been talked to. And to our know ledge, none of the arts groups Ñthe major arts groups in the community Ñhad been talked to É T here were a couple organizations that were sort of called out, as well as just in general saying "Well , the arts and cultural community will step in and handle all of this." (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) Early on, the ACGL leadership attempted to und erstand the details of the cuts but had difficult obtaining accurate information. An ACGL employee discussed how some reports said that 87 art and music teachers had been eliminated, while the actual number was lower (27 teachers). It was similarly difficult to ascertain a reliable numb er representing what the districtÕs deficit was and what the AMPE cuts would amount to in terms of savings. A number of CAP representative s said that having fore knowledge of the cuts and being able to respond to being Òcalled outÓ was hindered by the lac k of organized relationships between the district and the CAP groups. While some CAP groups had isolated partnerships with LSD teachers, there was almost no communication between CAP representatives and the district leadership. The ACGL did host an annual student art show that featured LSD student artwork, 165 but there was no organized communication between the ACGL and the district. As a result, a former ACGL employee said the issue ÒwasnÕt on our radar.Ó Other representatives echoed the sentiments, such as an employee of the Lansing Symphony Orchestra: ItÕs very telling as to where the relationshi p was before this even happened: t here wasnÕt one b etween the Superintendent and any represent ative from the arts community. T here was no pre -existing relationship whatsoever. (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) In addition to the initial surprise, a number of the groups were very angry. Representatives from these groups resented being made to look as though they were going to replace the AMPE teachers. A former music teacher discussed the reaction from a local arts group, which was operated by an acquaintance: [The Superintendent ] took it upon herself to say, "Yeah, this person's gonna help and this person's gonna help." É And [the arts groups] finally sai d, "We 're not working with them. Shoot! They cut all the programs. W hy should we work with the m?" So there was a lot of anger É Oh were they mad! (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) A representative from an arts agency agreed that the Superintendent Õs stat ement Òset some folks off.Ó This representative said she felt someone needed to publicly say, ÒPssh Ñhold on! LetÕs make it clear what our limits are hereÓ (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) . CAP Groups Look for Guidance In the immediate aftermath of the districtÕs statements, the ACGL had begun to field concerned phone calls and emails from many of its constituent artists and member groups. The group felt it needed to release a public statement to make it clear that they had not agreed to any relatio nship with the district. Before releasing the statement, the ACGL met with several groups for advice. The first was a local group that included several professors from Michigan State 166 University, a representative from the Michigan Council for Arts and Cultu ral Affairs, and several other people with expertise on state arts policy. As a former ACGL employee remembered, this meeting highlighted the lack of clarity around the decision: We called in people that we knew might know better than we did how to handle such a challenging situation. And then they were also asking a lot of questions because no one was really sure exactly what was happening at that point and it sounded like, if I remember right, no one was able to reach the district to find out what had hap pened or what were the steps that had taken place that led to that decision . (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) The small advisory group then held a second meeting and decided to ask also for advice from Americans for the Arts. Americans for the Art s (AFTA) is the national parent group for ACGL, and the AFTA employees who oversee the groupÕs arts education and policy work had already heard of the Lansing decision, as a former ACGL employee recalled: Ò[AFTA] wanted to know what was going on. T hey had heard wh at had happened in Lansing a nd wanted to know more details and how they could help Ó (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) . The AFTA employees urged the ACGL leaders to release a statement sooner rather than later. An ACGL employee remembered th e drafting of this statement to be difficult: [Our director] worked for about two weeks on the letter to the community, just day and night. And it had to be perfect, and it had to clarify that the arts council had not been aware of the situation prior to the announcement. (interview transcript, December 15, 2014) AFTA personnel also referred the CAP representatives to a white paper published by the State Education Agency Directors of Arts Education (SEADAE). The paper, titled, Ò Roles of Certified 167 Arts Educ ators, Certified Non -Arts Educators, & Providers of Su pplemental Arts InstructionÓ (SEADAE, 2012), recommends how certified arts educators, classroom teachers, and community artists can best work together to provide a well -rounded arts education. The lette r from the ACGL, written in early A pril 2013, appears in appendix E . As is evident from reading the statement, the ACGL took a hard line in its reaction to the cuts and to any potential educational role for local arts groups. In addition to pointing out that the arts council was Ònever contacted,Ó the letter condemns the idea of community arts -provided instruction as a replacement for endorsed specialists: It is careless to think that these community programs could supplant arts and music curricula in the Lansing elementary schools. We believe the elimination of any highly qualified art and music educators to be unacceptable and the lack of a transparent and democratic process leading to such an important curriculum decision to be irresponsible. (ACGL, 201 3) Referencing the SEADAE paper, the letter continues to explain the roles that various groups can play in delivering arts education and refers to certified arts teachers as the ÒcornerstonesÓ of this collaboration. In drafting their s tatement, the ACGL leaders also were able to reference a similar letter released almost immediately after the decision by faculty members at Michigan State University (see appendix F ). One of these faculty member authors had also been part of the small adv isory group convened by the ACGL. Released just days after the contract vote, the letter condemned LansingÕs decision as Òdisa ppointing Ó and suggested that students in Lansing would lose Òcompetitive groundÓ making Lansing Òa less desirable place for famil ies with children to live.Ó The letter also questions the logic behind the plan to bring in community artists: 168 While we understand the budget constraints faced by all of the state's educational institutions, the decision to bring in musicians from the comm unity occasionally to engage with students is no more a substitute for a comprehensive music education than bringing in mathematicians periodically would be considered an appropriate math education. (letter from MSU College of Music, 2013 ) One can see, fro m studying both statements, that the public response to LansingÕs decision Ñand to its Òcalling outÓ of community arts providers Ñwas met with a stron gly negative rebuttal. There also is clear evidence that the groups who issued the statements were hopeful t hat the decision might change. The MSU letter urges the Superintendent to reconsider the policy, and the ACGL letter seems to suggest circumstances could change, noting: ÒWe don't yet know what the next steps of the Lansing School District will be.Ó As the ACGL leadership planned its next steps, they began to hear national reaction to the Lansing decision. A former ACGL employee recalled that a colleague had attended the Arts Education Partnership national conference in April and reported that Lansing was a topic of conversation: [My colleague] had gone to a conference in April, I'm trying to remember what it was Ñearly April. And she said , "Lansing was the topic of the entire conference, to all of these people , nationally." Newspaper articles from the [Lansi ng newspapers] were all sort of distributed and shared, so [she] sort of felt like, not bombarded, but she was like , "I can't believe this is going on." She had emailed me and said , "You just need to know th is is way beyond our community.Ó (interview trans cript, December 10, 2014) 169 Convening the Full CAP Coalition The ACGL next decided to convene a meeting with all the Òmajor playersÓ in the Lansing area arts world. This full coalition would meet off and on from May 2013 until the fall. At the first meeting, the small advisory group addressed the full coalition meeting with a des cription of what had transpired and told them they hoped to have more guidance after the upcoming national meeting hosted by Americans for the Arts. A former ACGL employee sai d: We brought everybody together É W e said , "Here's what we've done so far, here are the talking points that we need to use, here's the line that you need to draw in the sand in case you're contacted individually , which you will be. And give us some time t o talk to our colleagues in June. We're hoping that we'll come back with some recommendations and a process for us to move forward." So that's what we ended up doing. We related the information back to the group and said we wanted to convene the group on a fairly regular basis, and we wanted to develop plans going forward . (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) AFTA Guidance At the June AFTA conference, CAP representatives met with several AFTA personnel, who both gave specific advice on the Lansing sit uation and tried to supply the ACGL leaders with resources. An AFTA employee who advised the ACGL leaders discussed her approach: ÒWe just really talked to the arts council folks one , to understand what was happening, and two , to give them some advice from examples that we had seen nationally Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) The AFTA representative told ACGL leaders to be careful to not be Òadversarial Ó but to act as a partner with the district: 170 [I told them that] you need to talk to the Superintendent as a partner, like "H ere's what we believe , but we want to hear what you also believe ," and then work together. It's just kind of an advocacy best principles. S o we did caution them in trying to do it in a very friendly way and in a way that would be solution -oriented . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) The AFTA representative again m entioned the SEADAE white paper and suggested the ACGL leaders use the Venn diagram (i.e., endorsed arts specialists, classroom teacher s, and community artists, with students in the center) to discuss possible solutions: The Venn diagram doesn't work without all the other players Ñthen it really isn't a Venn diagram. If you're going to tell the Superintendent in Lansing, like , "Sure, it ta kes a village." But then you do away with your certified teachers, it's not really a village anymore. You've done away with a really important piece of it. So we told that message to the folks in Lansing, to keep bringing that up to the Superintendent . (in terview transcript, January 20, 2015) The AFTA representatives also provided resources related to the successful examples of partnerships. In these partnerships, school districts partnered with community arts providers to develop collaborative arts educat ion plans. Examples included ÒBig ThoughtÓ in Dallas, Texas, ÒArts for AllÓ in Los Angeles, ÒArts RisingÓ in Philadelphia, ÒThe Right Brain InitiativeÓ in the Portland Tri -County area (Oregon), and a number of communities that have participated in the Kenn edy CenterÕs ÒAny Given ChildÓ program. A former ACGL leader remembered these examples as reassuring: ÒWe felt like, ÔOkay --well there's at least somebody out here who w e can at least talk to and learn fromÕÓ (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) . Anot her ACGL leader called the examples Òinspiring and wonderfulÓ (interview transcript, December 15, 2014) . 171 Early CAP Strategy After returning from the AFTA conference in June, leaders of the ACGL began to craft a strategy for working with the CAP coalition and the district leadership. A former ACGL leader said the focus turned to, with the full coalition, talking Òabout shared goals, shared outcomes, Ó and to engage in thinking Òstrategically about what was the mission for those organizations and what wasnÕt Ó (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) . The ACGL leaders, in these early meetings, distributed/discussed resources such as the SEADAE ÒRolesÓ paper, an AFTA ÒField GuideÓ provided at the June conference and also clarified talking points. In general, t he initial strategy pursued by the ACGL was two -pronged. First, the ACGL leaders hoped to use the community arts providersÕ services as leverage for the district agreeing to reinstate the AMPE teachers. Second, the CAP coalition hoped to bolster communicat ion with the district. A former leader of the ACGL described the ÒleverageÓ strategy as capitalizing on the districtÕs assertion that the CAP groups had an important role to play in Lansing: If the school district believes that the arts community is the answer, is able to step up and provide some kind of arts programming, then you need to convene the art community together, so that you're all o n the same page to say, "Ok ayÑwell, we will do this for X period of time, say 2 years, with the understanding tha t you're going to sign an agreement that Õs going to say that you'r e going to restore the teachers.Ó (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) The conversation in these early meetings included this leverage concept and specified that the CAP coalition woul d provide some kind of programming for two years (the length of the current LSD/LSEA agreement on financial terms of the contract), contingent on agreeing to restore the positions that were cut. The ACGL leaders acknowledged that obtaining a written agreem ent 172 from the district to restore the specialists was somewhat unlikely, but that the coalitionÕs options were limited: We were feeling li ke our only shot at trying to restore the teachers, is to really put pressure on the district É T hey obviously want to have a solution to , you know, whatever their decisions were to eliminate these teachers, they wanted to still have a way to provide arts education by working with the community. So we felt like we, in that regard, had some opportunity to sort of leverage. "Okay Ñyou want us? Well then here's what we can do, but it's got to be for this period of time and with these limitations." (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) Following the lead of the models presented by AFTA, the ACGL began to look for charitable foundations that might be able to facilitate a partnership based on this leverage strategy. The backing of a large foundation, the ACGL leaders hoped, would provide even more leverage in their dealings with the district, as a former employee discussed: [We hoped] to potentially go to a foundation and say, "We have this situation and we would work in conjunction with the school district and the eventual outcome is to restore these teachers, but in the interim this is what we need your support on." So i f it m eant writing a grant for two years for supplies or resources or whatever it may be to provide at least interim support and then also use the foundation as leverage to say, "Well this foundation is also expecting that the teache rs are going to be restored i n two years .Ó (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) The ACGL leaders described the leverage strategy to the CAP representatives at a coalition meeting and urged them not to enter into any partnerships with the district until the plan had been discussed with the district. 173 The second piece of the early strategy Ñstarting a dialogue with the district Ñproved difficult. While the leverage strategy was internal and could be cultivated and planned among CAP groups, a dialogue required the Superintendent Õs par ticipation. This participation was far from assured, since the relationship between the two sides had become adversarial. The districtÕs assertion that CAP groups would provide services sparked an uproar, and the district leadership also resented the publi c statements made by both the district and the ACGL/MSU faculty. For a time, the Superintendent would not return phone calls from the ACGL, and there were Òhard feelingsÓ all around, as an ACGL leader recalled: Ò I think the Superintendent felt attacked and that she felt that Ñand then she just closed down communication totally. So she wasnÕt going to talk to anybody whoÕs gonna kind of scream in her faceÓ (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) . As the CAP coalition was forming its strategy, the district b egan to move ahead in June/July with its hiring of the Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF). These consultants/coordinators Ñoriginally seven teachers, later six Ñbegan, in turn, to contact CAP groups directly. An ACGL leader remembered: As a tea m, they st arted reaching out to the [art museum] and to the symphony É T he arts organizations kind of said [to us] , "Well we're getting these calls from these people and we don't really know what to do." So as kind of the next step for us to work with the district, we said, "Well, we'll have a me eting. We'll convene a meeting with them." (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) The first contact between the CAP coalition and the district occurred at a small meeting between the ACGL leaders and the new DIA F coordinators (the Superintendent did not attend). An ACGL leader said that, early on, the conversations about the ÒleverageÓ concept were positive: ÒOur meeting with them was actually good. They sounded very interested in the plan that we 174 were beginning to formulate in terms of ÔWe'll provide the support on an interim basis and we need to restore the teachers .ÕÓ (interview transcript, December 15, 2014) . The NAMM Forum: Making the Dialogue Public As mentioned, the DIAF coordinators had begun to meet with ACGL leaders to explore the details of a partnership, and these conversations continued throughout the summer. But the dialogue about how the community arts providers could partner with the district to provide arts education programming also took a decide dly public turn in September, 2013. The CAP coalition worked with the National Association of Music Merchants (NAMM) to plan a forum at Everett High School, as part of its John Lennon Educational Tour Bus program. The community forum would only be part of the overall event, which also included interactive music technology labs and performances by middle/high school musicians from LSD. ACGL Leaders had been put in touch with NAMM by the AFTA representatives, as an AFTA representative discussed: We paired the m with the folks that we know at NAMM É because it was very clear that the community needed to have a conversation and come to kind of a shared sense of value and vision for arts education but then also talk about what the plan of action would be. (intervi ew transcript, January 20, 2015) The forum occurred at an interesting time for the CAP coalition. The ACGL leader who had spearheaded much of the coalitionÕs efforts had left the ACGL to take a new job, leaving the organization without a director. Also, e ven though the event would occur on district property and with a planned speech from the Superintendent , contact between the ACGL and the Superintendent had yet to occur. An ACGL leader recalled that the panel discussion about the Lansing cuts went well, a lthough the event seemed to cement the sense that the cuts were not going to be reversed and the leverage strategy was to be discarded: 175 I thou ght it was a good conversation É Forward looking, very positive and as NAMM does, they guided us through that process with a lot of grace. Because at that point, I think everyone r ecognized there was no recourse. W e werenÕt going to be able to change the decision that was made. It stood . (interv iew transcript, December 15, 2014) Actual conversation between the Superintendent and the CAP coalition was still elusive. While the Superintendent delivered a speech at the beginning of the panel discussion, she then left and did not hear any of the comments from the panel. She did, however, approach the interim director of the ACGL to ask for a future meeting. Framing tactics (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) are evident in the Superintendent Õs speech (a full transcript of the Superintendent Õs remarks are found in appendix G ). The Superintendent Õs speech can be analyzed as such: paragraph one frames the cuts as a product of decreasing enrollment an d policy (Òthe core curriculum mandated through testingÓ); paragraphs two and three position the Superintendent as a lover of the arts; and paragraph four frames the districtÕs new method of elementary arts instruction as an innovative model. Interestingly , paragraph four seems to reference the very Venn diagram of shared delivery that the CAP coalition had used in its response to the districtÕs cuts. The Superintendent said, ÒWe feel very confident that the program will support our efforts and join us in d esigning a model program that involves professional artists, classroom teachers, and specialists Ó (italics mine). Finally, in a rhetorical flourish that seemed to hint at the adversarial discourse around the cuts, the speech ends by saying, ÒLetÕs give pea ce a chance.Ó The subsequent panel discussion featured a professor from Michigan State University, the interim director of the ACGL, representatives from the Michigan Council for Arts and Cultural Affairs and ArtServe Michigan (now called Creative Many), a teacher from Everett High School, 176 and the president of the Everett Parent Teacher Student Association. The discussion lasted one hour and was moderated by a NAMM representative. While much of the discussion was oriented toward finding a new solution, pa nelists did suggest that , without specialists, any collective efforts would be lacking. In a telling example of framing, the districtÕs ÒThe Bright SideÓ newsletter detailed the panelistsÕ comments as ÒechoingÓ the Superintendent Õs message. The newsletter also positively frames the panelistsÕ comments as suggesting that crises (described as externally imposed and purely financial) can engender positive changes. CAP Coalition Fractures: ÒNot on the Same PageÓ Participants said that the CAP coalition began to fracture and wane in its advocacy efforts as the fall of 2013 came and the district leadership showed little or no sign of responding to the CAP coalitionÕs leverage strategy or calls for dialogue. In truth, however, the coalition was somewhat fractured from the start. The CAP coalitionÕs early strategy of leverage required that all local arts agencies be Òon the same page.Ó If an agency were to partner with the district to provide arts programming, as the district hoped, the coalitionÕs strength would h ave been diluted. Representatives from a local arts agency recalled thinking this aligning of different organizations was a formidable task: I donÕt envy the arts council for trying to bring those groups together, because there are different groups around that table with very different missions É We come at it from different points of view, and what we see as our role in the community in this larger conversation is really different. (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) Getting everyone on the same page in agreeing to draw a hard line was difficult for a number of reasons. First, a number of these organizations had pre -existing relationships with LSD. A local art studio had set up an after -school program for LSD students, a local gallery 177 sponsored summer programming, and the symphony held a yearly concert for area schools. The former leader of the ACGL remembered this process as challenging: We had to get everybody on the same page first. And I did have an arts organization that was sort of an outlier and not necessarily so into wanting to sort of to e the line. So essentially I had this rogue organization that I was dealing with on the side (laughs). (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) This organization, a local art studio, had the most extensive pr ior relationship with LSD of any of the CAP groups. Likely because of the early issues with the ACGL, the Superintendent had also begun to reach out to this art studio, inviting the director for meetings and offering to have her serve on the DIAF hiring co mmittee. A former ACGL leader remembered trying to persuade this studio director to adopt the CAP strategy: I had a couple of private conversations with [her] to explain, you know, while I understand how passionate she is and we all are about making sure t hat the kids have access to arts and music, tha t she had to really be careful. (interview transcript, December 10, 2014) The ACGLÕs director was worried about the art studioÕs capacity to provide programming for the entire district: I had to explain that, from best practices and national partners, really [the studio] cannot be the agency or the end -all, be -all to providing arts education throughout the entire district for the kids. There's just no way. The training isn't t here, the capacity isn't there. (in terview transcript, December 10, 2014) A common refrain expressed in interviews related to access to arts education in light of the cuts. Numerous representatives from community arts groups worried that if they did not step 178 up and provide instruction (eith er by maintaining or expanding their roles in LSD), kids Òwould not get anything.Ó This was particularly challenging, participants said, because the missions of these community arts organizations are to provide arts experiences for children. Therefore, drawing a line in the sand to not provide services was counter -intuitive, as two representatives from an agency recalled: The whole idea that all of a sudden weÕre just going to pull back and not do anything and not do anything to promote arts education and n ot be there for the kids was just, just so hard to swallow. It was very hard to swallow. Just really goes kind of against everything that we feel that we should be as a community arts organization. (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) For some who dis agreed with the hard line, the issue was personal. The aforementioned director of the local art studio had deep ties to the Lansing schools, because her own children had graduated from LSD and she had been a long -time presence in the district, first as a p arent volunteer, and later as the director of the community -friendly studio. This director said that she was not sure the rest of the arts community Ò understood entirely what the situation was with the Lansing School District .Ó She was upset with being ask ed to stop programming: I felt like we had to be cautious about not heading in a direction that would penalize the children from accessing art, you know, because we wanted to hold up a certain standard with the school district on what would make it Ña stand ard that they had to comply with in order for us to be able to supply art. And maybe , you know, a standard that might not be reasonable because we're unwilling to negotiat e or talk to each other. (interview transcript, January 9, 2015) 179 For this director, she said she felt ÒconflictedÓ because she wanted to support the teachers who had lost their jobs, but felt that access to arts was Òthe bottom lineÓ: I have mixed feelings É I wanted to be in solidarity with the endorsed arts specialists, and I think that they need to be valued more. At the same time, we want our kids in our district to have access to art. I mean, that's to me, that's the bottom line. There can be a lot of pol itics around it, but the bottom line is the kids in our district need to have access to art . (interview transcript, January 9, 2015) A former ACGL leader also suggested that differences in mission between CAP groups and some coalition leaders led to disagr eements. This leader said that not all the agency representatives felt as strongly about supporting teachers as one of the coalition leaders, an MSU professor: I think there were a lot of different opinions, especially initially. Because, as you know, [the MSU professor] comes from a perspective that is Òstaunch support of arts educators, specialists in the classroom, sequential learning and sort of the gold star standard. Ó We have though, also Ñwe were interfacing with arts agencies that just wanted to prov ide exposure to youth and didnÕt have the same mission as an organization to support the teachers in the classrooms. (interview transcript, December 15, 2014) This leader went on to say that certain agencies might have seen the cuts as a fortuitous opportunity to expand their programming: There were some disagreements certainly , and there were some arts agencies in particular that were really interested in working with the schools and saw it as an opportunity to expand their reach because they would want t o expose those students . (interview transcript, December 15, 2014) 180 As I discuss later in this chapter, this desire to ÒcapitalizeÓ on the cuts led some to charge the CAP groups with Òwanting to make moneyÓ in the district. However, many representatives ec hoed the message of the SEADAE white paper, saying that community arts groups could Òsupplement but not supplantÓ sequential instruction by specialist teachers. Several organizations had worried it would appear as though they were trying to replace the tea chers if they worked with the district. For example, one agency had just received a two -year grant to work with LSD students, but then had to reconsider. A representative recalled: We go t all these great [curricular] materials, but it was right on the eve of this Ñthe teachers getting cut out of Lansing schools. So our biggest concern was ÑÒCrap! Well does this l ook like curriculum replacement? Ó The timing of it was kind of bad. Because all this hap pened, we freaked out É T his [grant] was already in motion, b ut it definitely could look like we brought this on as supplement. (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) For this organization, the leaders had to discuss what their limits would be. They decided to continue allowing LSD teachers and students to come to events that were open to other school districts, and possibly to work in after -school contexts. Going into LSD schools during the school day, however, was seen as problematic: Should we replace teachers? Absolutely not. No way are we going to send our [ar tists] in to teach a free class three times a week É We wouldnÕt send [an a rtist] in to teach a fourth grade class [a lesson] or something like that É I would be really hesitant because it would be seen as replacement. (interview transcript, January 14, 20 15) 181 ÒBless and ReleaseÓ The CAP coalition that had been convened during the summer months began to fracture as tensions and disagreements rose in the meetings. Some CAP representatives said that, because some CAP representative felt conflicted about the strategy, coalition meetings were confusing, tense, and frustrating at times. Some said there was a ÒyouÕre with us or youÕre against usÓ feeling. One explained: ÒI think there was a lot of confusion, a lot of fear É ÔAm I going to be ostracized from the arts community if I do this?ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) . Some participants said it felt like they were being encouraged to draw such a hard line with the district, that by the time the DIAF coordinators were hired, there was already animosi ty toward them: The cut happened and then hiring of the coordinators came. And that was a big, you know, what is this all about? Who are these people? And IÕll never forget, somebody asked, ÒSo I donÕt get it, are [the coordinators] friends? Are they enemi es? Are they frenemies?Ó And [to one another] weÕre like, ÒOh my goodness, should we not call them? Should we be mean when we see them at things.Ó It was like, ÒOh my gosh, IÕm at the mean girl table, I gotta get out of here.Ó (interview transcript, Januar y 14, 2015) CAP representatives who disagreed with the hard line taken by the ACGL leaders said they did not understand or agree with the goals. One representative in particular felt unsure whether to be upset with specific Lansing administrators, or with the union, or whether the goal should be to lobby for better state education policy: What are we asking for? If we all went and advocated and I used my board , which is a really well connected board , to call their legislators and say hereÕs what we want, or to call Lansing School Board and see hereÕs wha t you need to do. What is that? (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) 182 This representative was frustrated because the response from the CAP coalition leaders was, as she said, ÒWeÕre working on that.Ó This lack of a specific lobbying goal was frustrating. At the same time, CAP representatives who looked into the decision began to doubt that anything could be done to reinstate the teachers, since the cuts were tied into the teachersÕ contract for several year s at minimum. One remarked: I just kind of kept sa ying in those conversations, ÒOkay , so weÕve got it Ñnow what? What are we tasking for? Ó [TheyÕd answer] Ò Well weÕre asking for these teachers to be reinstated. Ó [IÕd say] ÒWell thatÕs not going to happen? Do we understand how long the union contract is? ThatÕs not the reality of this.Ó (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) The representative felt that, because of the union contract being in place, the leverage strategy was fundamentally flawed. She said that to deny services to kids and hope the union would reopen their contract somehow was Ònever never landÓ (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) . Others felt that the hard line taken by the CAP coalition seemed disinge nuous given the lack of relationship with LSD. The art studio director with long -time experience in the district said: I think what was frustrating to me when all this happened in the spring of 2013 was that suddenly this decision is made by the school dis trict, which is a very newsworthy kind of thing, and suddenly the arts community is up in arms about that. Where my sense was , "Where were we several years ago when the arts programming already started going downhill?" (interview transcript, January 9, 201 5) A current classroom teacher expressed the same feeling, saying that the CAP coalitionÕs ÒoutrageÓ felt condescending given the tone of the coalitionÕs statements: 183 I'm a little bit offended that they Ñall these people Ñhad all these opinions about how Lans ing is running their art, music programs, when where they hell have they been for all these years? You know what I mean? Like how dare you say, "Oh yo u're going to cut art and music! " when you haven't been involved in the schools until now. We say we're going to cut it and now you want to be Ñstand up and get on your high horse and look down at us? We're just trying to survive. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) Eventually, the disagreements within the coalition combined with the lack of discernible progress and the changes in ACGL leadership resulted in a fracturing/dissolving of the full CAP coalition. Those who left the coalition (stopped showing up to meetings) did, however, agree that the ACGL had reacted appropriately at first, given the districtÕs a ctions. Several representatives said the hard line reaction was the Òright strategy at the right time.Ó The fracturing occurred , however , as different CAP groups balked at the leverage strategy, which both seemed futile to some and misguided to others. A f ormer ACGL leader admitted with a sense of resignation, ÒI t may be that the dream of a programmatic coalition and leverage for the district toward reinstating specialists Ñthat may have just been a pipe dreamÓ (interview transcript, December 15, 2014). The leaders of the coalition Ñthe ACGL director and advisors from MSU Ñworried that this fracturing would mean that the issue would fade from the publicÕs eye. A former ACGL leader said: [ItÕs surprising] that something like this could happen in a community and the outrage could wane. I know initially, as we saw, there were a lot of people that were very angry, and a lot of people willing to give guidance, and a lot o f people really engaged. But as I 184 remember some of my colleagues stating they were fearful of, I think, it has gone off the radar for many people. (interview transcript, December 15, 2014) Several of the early ACGL leaders drew on a ÒmantraÓ of sorts that they learned from sessions at the June 2013 AFTA conference. A speaker had mentioned that, when b uilding a coalition, one can try to persuade member groups to act a certain way, but that ultimately one has to Òbless and releaseÓ those who disagree with the coalitionÕs direction. Second Stage CAP Strategy There was a period of turnover at the top of the ACGL during the fall and winter of 2013, as one leader left, an interim leader briefly took over, a new leader started, and the interim leader left the group to take a new job. The frustration of trying to lead a fracturing coalition seemed to have pla yed a role in this churn. The outgoing director and the interim director had both invested themselves deeply into the process of drafting a public statement, convening the coalition for meetings throughout the summer, playing a role in the NAMM forum, and making initial contacts with the DIAF coordinators. The departing leaders said they began to feel that the Lansing situation was stalled and that their involvement may not have been appreciated any longer. As the new director began her tenure at the ACGL in November 2013, the LSD issue was still looming large. She recalled being asked about how she might handle the situation during her interviews for the position, and had to immediately determine how to interact with the CAP coalition and the district lea dership during her first week of work. To get a sense of the state of the coalition, the new director invited all the groups that had previously attended coalition meetings. The low turnout was indicative of the fracturing, and those who did come expressed their frustration about the early strategy, as she recalled: 185 We invited a very large group, and a very small group showed up and I got their input in terms of what they felt had happened, and there was dissent É There was dissent in terms of those who fel t that we had made the advocacy push. To some of those providers, [that] was not the right way to do this. (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) Some of the early advisory group also brought the new director up to speed, and there was also firm directio n from the ACGL board, as she recalled: Ò When I came on, though, my board instructed me that I was there to help build a new model and [to operate on] the concept of , ÒIt ainÕt ever going back to what it was Ó (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) . The second stage of the CAP coalitionÕs strategy represents a major change from early strategy. The realization that the money and AMPE positions would likely not return anytime soon formed the backdrop of the new strategy. Instead of looking for leverage and dialogue, the coalition now began to try to form a relationship with the Superintendent and DIAF coordinators. This relationship, the new ACGL director told me, would form a foundation for mutual actions. The actions would be Òbaby stepsÓ for both side s, with the ultimate goal being some kind of Ònew modelÓ of collective arts education. The new director of the ACGL explained: The message now is different than it was when it first happened. And the message now really is how do we work to create a model t hatÕs going to work in Lansing? The dollars are never going to come back in the sam e way that they used to be there. (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) As the new director noted, not all players in the CAP coalition agreed with this new strategy. Some , especially those who had fought for the leverage strategy at the outset, voiced their opposition: 186 [Some on] o ur adv ocacy team wants everybody to ÒS top everything!Ó ÒDonÕt give up a step unless they give up a step.Ó É My job right now is if thereÕs a new model and I can be a part of the solution for it, t hatÕs my role É Some of them want to go backwards and say, ÒW e gotta have 27 [teachers replaced] .Ó Well thatÕs not going to happen. So in moving forward, you gotta give a little and I gotta give a little. (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) The D irector, however, felt that this new strategy of purposeful relationship building was the only way to achieve long -term results that were beneficial for students. She noted that unless there was a good relations hip with the Superintendent and the School B oard, no one would take the CAP coalition seriously: If we donÕt have a relationship with them, I have no credibility É This is now development of relationship time, and then I thi nk I can go back and go to the S chool Board meetings and be a credible witness about what really is taking place. I donÕt think, had we shown up at any of those meetings prior to that with no relationship Ñ[they would have thought] ÒWho the hell are you?Ó You know? (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) Ultimately, the ACGL director felt that someone needed to break the impasse between the CAP coalition and the district leadership: IÕm sorry, at some point in time we have to stop saying , ÒI canÕt do anything for you because you havenÕt do ne anything for me.Ó Someone has to give first and if thatÕs u s, I think IÕm okay with t hat. Somebody has to say, ÒTruce!Ó (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) As part of this relationship building , the ACGL director and former Interim D irector met with the Superintendent in the winter of 2013. This was the first meeting between leaders of the 187 coalitions since tempers had flared in the spring. The ACGL leaders recalled the meeting as Òilluminating, surprisingÓ: We were invited to her office and we just o pened communication. It was probably more of a ÒletÕs get t o know each otherÓ a little bit É T hat first meeting was, IÕm going to say, two or three hours in her office. It was a great meeting and we all got Ñwe aired everything. Everything came out on the t able . (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) The Superintendent told the ACGL leaders how upset she was at the CA P coalitionÕs negative reaction and expressed frustration that no one had asked her why the cuts were made. The ACGL leaders also expressed frustration at being Òcalled outÓ by the district: [She said] h ow disappointed she was in what we said, and we said , ÒWell , we were kind of disappo inted in what you said.Ó So it came out and she said after that meeting, she said ÒYou know, you were the only ones who ever came and asked me what had happened.Ó (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) This first meeting led to two more meetings with th e Superintendent . Eventually, the Superintendent turned over the talks about projects to the DIAF team, although the ACGL director continued to correspond sporadically with the Superintendent over email. In order to Ògive a littleÓ and work collaborativel y with the district to find a Ònew model,Ó the ACGL began to be a point person for joint projects. Instead of convening large CAP coalition meetings, the ACGL director began to meet with the DIAF team and magnet school principals and with individual CAP re presentatives with the goal of slotting CAP groups into projects. The ACGL used its list of individual members and groups to provide the DIAF with a ÒdirectoryÓ of possible visiting artists. The ACGL offered to play a role in ÒvettingÓ t hese potential arti sts, as the D irector explained: Ò My job is to figure out who those people might be, 188 how to maybe Ñnot certif y them, but how to qualify them. A nd then how do I get them into the classroom ?Ó (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) . As part of this placement o f artists and developme nt of joint projects, the ACGL d irector also felt her group could aid in finding grant monies, explaining: Ò Are there grants available that we could partner with that we could go after additional dollars? Then that star ts to create t hat new modelÓ (interview transcript, January 7, 2015). The ACGL director also hoped to eventually channel the new model through a more established organization. The nearby Wharton Center for the Performing Arts (located on the campus of Michigan State Uni versity) already operated an Institute for Arts and Creativity with funding from the Michigan State University Federal Credit Union. This institute regularly partnered with the Kennedy Center to provide professional development for area teachers, to bring teaching artists into schools, and to offer other Ò interactive programs that integrate performing arts into K -12 curriculum for almost 29,000 children each year and touch the lives of countless adultsÓ (Wharton Center, 2015). The ACGL director felt this in stitute could provide the infrastructure for the new model of arts education in Lansing schools: I met with [the director of] the Institute for Art and Creativity, and we started talk ing about a bigger project. I think he is going to be a key to some of th is. I think he understan ds what an artist -in-residence Ñthe quality of a qualified artist in residence Ñcould provide within an elementary school setting . (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) The ACGL director was particularly encouraged by the district r eturning the DIAF coordinators to the classroom in their second year. As I discuss more in the next chapter, the first year after the cuts (2013 -2014 school year) featured DIAF coordinators writing lesson plans for use by classroom teachers, but did not in volve any instruction by these coordinators. In the 189 second year, the DIAF team was put into the schools on a rotating basis, providing four 45 -minute lessons throughout the school year. The ACGL director saw this move as an important Òbaby stepÓ: We were r eally excited when we heard they were going to go back into the classroom. And like I said , itÕs a baby step for us, but itÕ s a step in the right direction É TheyÕre actually in the classroom teaching. TheyÕre going to the 21 elementary schools. ItÕs four people versus 27 people, but thereÕs four that are now in the classroom actually doing some of the teaching. So total baby step, but it was a step in the right direction . (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) As I discuss in the next chapter, moving the DIAF team into the classroom seems to have been motivated more by a desire to provide common planning time for classroom teachers than by a desire to change the model of arts instruction. Discussion: How Shared is the Endeavor? Interviews seemed to sugge st that different actors and coalitions involved in the delivery of arts education in a district like Lansing may not share the same goals. This lack of shared vision belies the idealistic rhetoric around shared delivery between groups of stakeholders. The se groupsÑincluding endorsed arts teachers, generalist classroom teachers, and community arts providers Ñare shown in the SEADAE paperÕs Venn diagram as, at least ideally, complementing one another in educating children (SEADAE, 2012, 2014). In the 2012 dra ft, these groups are referred to as Òkey partnersÓ (p. 1). In the 2014 paper, the title, ÒA Shared Endeavor,Ó suggests a collaborative and collegial relationship. But as my analysis of coalitionÕs policy core beliefs and self-interested actions shows, the endeavor can often be anything but shared. 190 A representative from Americans for the Arts (AFTA) d iscussed how local realities often can be at odds with ideal working relationships espoused by groups such as SEADAE and AFTA. This representative said she often sees the different groups fighting over their Òslice of the pieÓ: There are groups who , I think, like I said, are there to support certified teachers, and there's groups that are out there that support only community programs, and there are groups ou t there that support music, and there are groups out there that only support dance. And I think where everyone decides, "I'm putting a stake in the ground to protect this one little area that I work in." (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) As a resul t of the perceived Òturf war,Ó AFTA had taken the position of being ÒagnosticÓ: That's something that AFTA realized about ourselves in counseling Lansing, is we are really the only national association that advocates for quality arts education in a very agnostic way. We don't care if it's happening in the hom e, the school, or the community. We think it's all three. We don't care if its dance or theater or music, or visual arts, or media arts, we think it's all five. (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) This representative felt that, in Lansing, there were not enough people advocating for a shared approach. She noticed groups Òlooking after their own interests.Ó The AFTA representative went on to state that she had seen tensions and Òturf warsÓ increase in situations of scarcity. She suggested that when coalitions are forced to operate on a Òmentality of scarcityÓ for a long time, they begin to worry and become self -focused: It's just this mentality of, ÒT here's only so much, so many resources in this resource pie, so I want to fight for my little one resource, Ó versus , ÒH ow can we all work together a nd 191 contribute our own resources?Ó So that mentality of s carcity is really hard to shake. (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) The representative used t erms like Òcollective impactÓ and Òshared deliveryÓ to stress that the ideal situation flips coalitionsÕ mindsets from one of scarcity to one of abundance: Let's shift to this mentality of abundance. We all have these resources, we all have our own strengt hs, we all want to the same things for the kids, how can we all offer it and align it together, and be all better for it. (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) This representative acknowledged the difficulty of shifting mindsets and mentioned that even when collaboration reaches a healthy point, sustainability is a challenge. As leaders of different organizations come and go, visions change and coalitions can crumble or shift. This lack of collaboration seems to characterize the way that the CAP and di strict leadership coalitions acted in the initial months after the decision. The district leadership expressed hopes of partnerships with community arts providers, but initial CAP coalition strategy focused on leveraging the groupÕs services on a rethinkin g of the staffing cuts, which was essentially a non -starter for the district. Second -stage CAP coalition strategy began focusing on more collaboration, although even this form of working together was (and is) somewhat one -sided. While the CAP strategy is t o Ògive a littleÓ and take Òbaby stepsÓ toward collaboration, the district cannot (or will not) ÒgiveÓ in terms of returning endorsed arts specialists who were cut. As the new ACGL director acknowledged, advocacy with the district toward rein stating specia lists is Òon hold Ó while the terms of the LSEA contract are operating. 192 Discussion: Mistrust, Blaming and the ÒDevil ShiftÓ In this chapter, I have focused on the coalitions and their relationships with one another during the negotiation phase and the post -decision Òfallout.Ó Throughout the discussion, I have drawn upon the hypotheses of the advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). The ACF predicts that coalitions attempt to turn belief systems into policy, and these attempts often involve competition between groups with fundamentally different beliefs (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). When a coalition loses to another in some competitive situation, the ACF predicts, the losing coalition will vilify the winning coalition. The ACF re fers to this as the Òdevil shiftÓ (Sabatier, Hunter, & McLaughlin, 1987). The authors explain that the devil shift Ò explains how coalition members exaggerate the negative motives, behavior, and influence of opponents Ó (Weible, Sabatier, & McQueen, 2009, p. 132). The devil shift hypothesis predicts that actors will exaggerate the malicious ness of a competing coalitionÕs Òmotives, behaviors, and influenceÓ (Weible, Sabatier, & McQueen, 2009, p. 132). The severity of this blame depends on the distance between the competing coalitionsÕ belief systems, and on the degree of loss experienced by the losing group (Weible, Sabatier, & McQueen, 2009). In this section, I discuss the instances of the devil shift in coalition relationships in Lansing. The devil shift wa s pronounced among the AMPE teachers as they expressed feelings of mistrust and betrayal. As I discussed earlier in this chapter, the AMPE teachers felt misrepresented by the union leadership and felt that the negotiation process was unfair since both the union leadership and the district leadership seemed aligned against the AMPE department. In this section, I focus on mistrust about the union vote, about how the DIAF coordinators were chosen, and about the district leadershipÕs treatment of employees. 193 Mistrust over the Contract Ratification Vote Several participants discussed how the vote to approve the planning time cut seemed Òrigged.Ó For some, it was the overwhelming percentage (around 80%) of the union that approved the cut that triggered doubts. A current classroom teacher who sympathized with the AMPE teachers said: I feel in many ways that it was rigged, because I really know a couple people only th at voted it down, to get rid of the arts like that. And Ñand when they say it was 20 % to 80%, I have a hard time believing it. And so do many other people . (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) For other teachers, it was the quickness with which the votes were tallied and announced that caused mistrust. A former art teacher said: ÒH onestly, I even question the vote because it came in so fast. A nd they have to hand -count [some of the] ballots, too. I mean most of it was e lectronic, and it came in quickÓ (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) . Several participants stopped short of sugge sting that the votes were miscounted or falsely counted but felt that union leadership were inappropriately involved in the voting process. These kinds of charges included the union leadership not putting AMPE teachers on the bargaining team and pressuring members to vote for the cuts to avoid ÒRight to WorkÓ rules. A teacher with who m I spoke noted that the union P resident meddled in the voting process by suggesting that the members vote a certain way. This former art teacher said: One thing that struck me , too , is that [the president] said, and put out in emails, urging you to vote, ÒY es.Ó Urging members to vote , ÒY es.Ó And to me , itÕs like Ñthat seems like a Òno -noÓ to say , ÒY ouÕve got to vote this way or that way,Ó or strong ly suggest that you 194 vote [a cer tain way]. B ut he kind of walks that little tight -rope where heÕs just barely skating Ñjust sliding under whatÕs allowed. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) Several former AMPE teachers said the pressure to get the contract approved quickly had resulte d in confusion about the impact of the vote. They discussed this confusion as a reason to mistrust the union leadershipÕs role in the process: I would go into my schools and finish up the year teaching, and the teachers that I would talk to [would say] , "O h I didn't know that was going to happen!" Well , they just bamboozled the rest of the union, and nobody was smart enough to listen . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) DIAF Chosen Politically One of the district leadershipÕs decisions that most caus ed a devil shift was its staffing of the Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF). Once the cuts were approved by union vote, the district announced that it would have a team of educators who would provide support to classroom teachers in their art s and physical education instruction. The hiring process took place Òin a vacuumÓ and revealed troubling ÒpoliticsÓ in the eyes of my participants. The district held interviews for these positions, and several of the most senior teachers applied. Of these, some were not interviewed, and those that were did not get the positions. One of these applicants, a former art teacher, described the process: I'm j ust going to throw it out there: it was fixed. I t was very fixed. There was nobody better for that positio n than me, and anybody will tell you th at. Anybody will tell you that. (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). Numerous retired art teachers echoed this, noting that the most senior and qualified people did not get the job. One educator remembered the s enior art teachers telling her they had not gotten 195 the DIAF jobs, and explaining that they felt they didnÕt interview well: Ò I'm thinking your interviews had absolutely nothing to do with this! This is all --I mean, this is all figured outÓ (interview transcript, December 16, 2014) . Former AMPE teachers and several current classroom teachers said that the qualified arts teachers who applied but were not chosen to be DIAF coordinators were being punished for speaking up prior to the vote. These teachers had been vocal in trying to fight the cuts. They had attended school board meetings and had spoken to the media about the issue. An art teacher who applied but was not chosen for the DIAF team recalled: I am not one to sit down and be quiet, and I was very vocal with the media, with the newspaper, with anybody that would listen to me about what was going on. And I'm gonna tell you right now , that's the only reason I didn't get that job. There is no doubt . (intervie w transcript, January 16, 2015) This was not just speculation, the teacher explained. She had been told by the union president and another person familiar with the contract bargaining that her pre -vote activism was a problem: Ò[The union President ] said, Ô Off the record, I'm just going to tell you right now, sometimes people who go to the podium don't get the jobÕÓ (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). Participants told me that the people who were chosen for the DIAF were not the most qualified or effective but were considered Òyes pe ople.Ó Interviewees who were showed initiative were ignored, a former music teacher said: They wanted people who were "yes people Ó who would not buck the district É If you went into the interview Ñand I talked to several specialists about this Ñif you went i nto the interview and you gave them an idea of what you were going to do, and how you 196 were going to do this, they didn't hire you for it. They di dn't want you to have any ideas. They wanted you just to do what they wanted you to do. (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) Participants said Òfavo ritismÓ was at work and that one of the DIAF coordinators in particular was ÒinÓ with the administrators. A former music teacher said: ÒT he favorites got it. Yeah , it wasnÕt about who was effective, who was highly qualified, nope. It was about who kissed whose assÓ (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) . Probably the most cited element of the DIAF hiring process that invited mistrust was that several people who were chosen for positions were not endorsed. One of t he two art coordinators was not endorsed, and two of the three physical education coordinators initially hired (there are now only two) were not endorsed. This move was upsetting to former AMPE teachers, current classroom teachers, and to several represent atives of the CAP groups with whom I spoke. Not only was it was upsetting to have a non -endorsed teacher in charge of elementary school programming for the whole district, but these educators had been chosen over the most senior endorsed specialists. A f ormer music teacher discussed frustration at having a non -endorsed teacher on the DIAF team: ÒY ou know that innovative department? TheyÕre not even certified, some of them. People teaching art that are not art certified. A re you kidding me? So thatÕs the Ô high qualityÕ?Ó (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) . The non -endorsed art teacher on the DIAF team was considered to be a poor teacher by some of my participants. A current classroom teacher said this art teacher did not understand how to design instru ction and would Ò do the same thing with kindergar tners that she would do with sixth graders! Ó (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . Participants also discussed how the hiring of a non -endorsed teacher belied the districtÕs rhetoric 197 after the vote. Wh ile the district spokesperson had noted that arts instruction was poor because the department contained many non -endorsed teachers, now LSD had hired a non -endorsed teacher to oversee art instruction. In sum, ignoring the most senior art teachers in favor of non -endorsed educators with reputation issues caused massive mistrust and resentment among a number of teachers. Teachers who supported the AMPE department cited these issues over and over, epitomizing a devil shift among an unsuccessful coalition. District Leadership Seen as ÒPunishersÓ Though the devil shift I witnessed among the AMPE teachers was applied to both the union leadership and the district leadership, characterizations varied. Former AMPE teachers characterized the union leaders as being untrustworthy and framed their lack of representation as malicious. The district leadership, on the other hand, was characterized more as b eing insular, ego -driven, and being prone to punishment. Several participants referred to the administrators, includi ng the Superintendent , as Òpunishers.Ó They noted that the district had a number of problems, but that those who held any power to fundamentally change or improve the problems were driven by a desire to protect friends and to exact revenge on people who were critical of the districtÕs actions. Overall, it was clear that, for many of the former and current teachers, this post -decision devil shift applied to the district leadership equaled a high level of mistrust and fear. Several participants suggested the administration had brought a Òdysfunctional cultureÓ to the school district. A current classroom teacher said this dysfunction included mismanagement of funds, interpersonal politics (such as favoritism in hiring), Òbad leadership decisions,Ó and a lack of support for teache rs on issues such as classroom discipline and performance evaluations. While some of the blame for dysfunction was leveled at the Superintendent , much scorn was 198 reserved for the principals. One current classroom teacher called the principals Òderelict,Ó an d another said: The principals are awful. I just feel a lot that starting from Yvonne all the way down, that they [must have] put on an application, "Do you suck as an administrator?" And they put, "Yes." They must hire them. I don't know how they could ge t any worse than they have! I don't know how you could find that many bad principals and administrators in one district. And everyone feels that way. (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) The devil shift went beyond complaints over incompetence and d ysfunction to feeling that administrators would punish anyone who publicly complained about the districtÕs actions. As mentioned, teachers who spoke out about the cuts were said to be Òblacklisted,Ó Òdead meat,Ó and Òpersona non grata.Ó A current classroom teacher said that teachers are still frightened to speak out about complaints: Right now people are too scared to talk. They're just too scared to talk because of, you know, what happened and just too scared to talk, that's all. Because now they can get r id of you if they want to. So everyone just shuts up . (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) A former teacher explained that administrators often would act to make sure employees with whom they disagreed would be penalized: Ò[Anger and bitterness] ÑthatÕ s the tenor of the district right now. ItÕs , ÔWell weÕll get you. W eÕll show you . WeÕll make this up about you.Õ I mean they told so many lies and fabricated things to hurt good peopleÓ (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) . The teacher explained further that administrators would block teachers from getting jobs to make a point: Ò[They would say] Ô Watch what IÕm going to do. They think theyÕre 199 going to have this position? Hah! Watch this.Õ ItÕs sickening. It is sickeningÓ (interview transcript, January 6, 2015). Several participants, when discussing whether the district would ever restore the positions that were cut, brought up the Superintendent Õs ego. A former art teacher said she doubted the positions would ever come back, because it would mean an adm ission of failure for the Superintendent : I think for them to bring it back to what it was, thatÕs not going to happen anytime soon. Because thatÕs admitting , ÒOops! W e were wrong. This really is the way to do it.Ó I think thereÕs some egos involved downto wn with that. I donÕt see that happening É ItÕs kind of admitting defeat [laughs], admitting you m ight have been wrong. And yeah ÑI donÕt think thatÕs going to happen. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) Another former art teacher echoed these sentiment s: Personally I think Yvonne will be the last person on the face of this earth to admit she was wrong. She won't do it. She will not admit she's wrong, no doubt in my mind [laughs] É what Yvonne wants, Yvonne does . (interview transcript, January 16, 2015) . The devil shift is clear in these comments from ÒlosingÓ coalition actors. They illustrate the ACFÕs prediction that those with losses tend to emphasize the malicious intent behind undesirable actions. 200 CHAPTER SIX: THE IMPACTS OF THE CUTS AND THE ÒNEW NORMALÓ Introduction In Chapter F our, I presented findings that addressed the policy conditions that were in place in L SD to enable the 2013 cuts. In C hapt er F ive I illustrated the external shocks that moved the district to make its decisions, and discussed the various coalitions involved in the lead up to the decision and the immediate aftermath. In this chapter, I focus on the third and final research question Ñwhat is the current state of the elementary arts programs in the Lansing School District? To answer this question, I present findings on classroom teachers handling instruction in art and music. I also discuss the work of the coordinators in the Departmen t of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF), and give examples of how the community arts provider (CAP) groups have partnered with the district to deliver supplementary arts experiences. Finally, I review the impacts of the 2013 cuts on the current teachers, t he AMPE teachers who were cut, and the district overall. Because the district did not agree to allow in -school observations, I largely draw upon participant interviews to portray the current situation in the district. Supplementing these interviews are DIA F documents obtained through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, the Superintendent Õs Monday morning memos to staff, and social media posts. I do not, in this chapter, use the advocacy coalition framework (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) to anal yze or organize findings. This is because the ACF is, at its roots, explanatory of coalition activity within policy subsystems. It does not attempt to explain or predict why specific outcomes occur, but rather illuminates how belief systems, policy -oriente d learning, and external perturbations can spur coalition activity (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). 201 Classroom Generalists Teaching Art and Music As the 2013 -2014 school year began, classroom teachers prepared to, for the first time, be solely responsib le for delivering instruction in art, music, and physical education. Before the cuts occurred, students were going to music class t wice a week for 30 minutes each and were engaging in visual arts instruction once per week for 60 minutes. Participants told me this schedule, while shifting slightly, had been in place since around 2005. With the classroom teachers now responsible for instruction in these areas, this frequency and constancy of instruction were now negotiable. As current employees related, the e xtent to which students received art or music instruction after the cuts depended on both their teacherÕs preferences and on the principalÕs enforcement. In this section, I discuss what the classroom teachers have attempted to do and their feelings on bein g responsible for arts instruction. A Continuum of Implementation As mentioned, there does not seem to be any uniformity in how the elementary teachers in Lansing are implementing art and music instruction. Of the hundreds of teachers spread across 20-plus elementary schools, some seem to do almost no instruction ; some are rotating kids so that one teacher in each grade level is responsible for an area of instruction (i.e., one teacher becomes the grade levelÕs art teacher, one become the music teacher, e tc.); some are doing a lot of music and art instruction. My interviews with three current classroom teachers exemplify this range of outcomes. One teacher was doing almost nothing in terms of art and music instruction, and said all the teachers in her buil ding were acting similarly. The second teacher felt comfortable with physical education, but only attempted some art projects, and no music projects. The third teacher felt very confident and was adamant that she and her colleagues were consistently delive ring high -quality instruction in the arts. All participants agreed that shifting 202 the instruction to the classroom teachers, while simultaneously removing any planning time, has been incredibly difficult. Though the resulting experience for kids differs, pa rticipants agreed that teachers were Òdoing the ir bestÓ with what they had to work with. On one end of the spectrum, a classroom teacher said educators in her building were doing little to no instruction in the AMPE subjects. This teacher tried, when pos sible, to frequently incorporate visual art projects into the weekÕs work, but rarely engaged students in music or physical education. She said: At my building this year, I mean me and my two colleagues have been literally to the gym two times to get with all three classes a nd play Ñwhat did we play? I don't know, "Sharks" or something. That's all we've done. They go outside, [but] they're not getting the gym. Or the music. I mean Ñyou know you might sing your Òcome to the carpet song, Ó or do this or that, bu t they're not getting it. N o. (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) This teacher said that, from what she hears, this same situation was common in other elementary schools. Teachers would take kids to the gym to Òrun around or play a game,Ó but were li kely not engaging in skill building. It was difficult to know the extent to which teachers in her building were doing anything organized, she noted, because, ÒW ith no planning time we can't get out of classrooms to see what anyone does Ó (interview transcri pt, February 13, 2015) . Rotating students to a certain classroom teacher for an arts experience, also called departmentalizing, was a common solution among teachers. This approach, however, still depended on at least one teacher per grade level being confi dent enough to deliver instruction in art or music. A current classroom teacher said that , in her K -3 building, only the first grade 203 teachers had attempted to departmentalize. Being willing to teach music or art resulted from prior experience, said a CAP r epresentative who worked with classroom teachers: A lot of the classroom teachers are getting innovative in the sense that one of them does read music in a building, so theyÕll rotate. You know, [one will handle] all the music, because theyÕre like, ÒI sin g in my church choir, I was raised playing music, I took piano as a kid, I can kinda do this.Ó And then someone else will take rotations of P .E., someone else for visual arts. (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) A DIAF team member had seen the same approach be implemented and was optimistic about its prospects: ThereÕs one building on the North side that took that approach. Very systematic about it. They have 3 third grad e teachers. O ne spearheaded music, one spearheaded art, one spearheaded phys ed. The one who spearheaded music at this particular building had , like , 12 years of piano lessons, so at least sheÕs familiar with it. So the buildings that use their teachers to the best of their abilities to try and cover these subjects, I think the kids have a fair shot of coming away with something . (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) The DIAF team members said they appreciated the departmentalization approach, because those teachers Ò try to make an effort to at least bring it to these kids Ó (interv iew transcript, February 23, 2015). Participants agreed that music was the most difficult subject for them to teach. This was likely the biggest impediment for individual teac hers implementing music lessons and was a roadblock to uniformly implementing a departmentalized approach among grade levels. A retired music teacher remembered classroom teachers worrying about this when they heard about the 204 cuts: Ò[They felt] music was the hardest, because everybody s ays , ÔWell, we can draw, or we can take them out and play.ÕÓ (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) . Whereas art and physical education lessons seemed possible for any teacher to implement, one classroom educator said music was different: ÒPhys ed and art are easier than the music per se, because [with music] some do, some don't Ó (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) . In other words, this teacher felt that some people are musical and some are not, echoing previous literature on generalistsÕ lack of self-efficacy for teaching music ( Byo, 1999; Colwell, 2008; de Vries, 2013; Garvis, 2013; Oreck, 2004; Wiggins & Wiggins, 2008). Former music teachers said that their friends who were still teaching in elementary classrooms regularly lamented their frustratio ns with trying to teach music. These lamentations bothered the former AMPE teachers, because they brought up hard feelings about being considered expendable. For example, a former music teacher shared: IÕve had many teachers that come right up to us [sayin g], ÒI can do art, I can do P.E. I cannot do music. I do not know my way around this at all.Ó É [I say] Ò YouÕre damn right you canÕt!Ó [laughs]. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) A former music teacher said that it is difficult to not react angrily when hearing that music is harder to teach: [I say] ÒY eah, youÕre right. It is one of the harder of the three for most to teach.Ó And I often get, ÒWell , thatÕs why we need you back in the classroom.Ó ÒWell yes, thatÕs true , too. You should have thought a bout that before you voted.Ó ItÕs hard. ItÕs hard to not be snarky and negative just because youÕre looking at somebody who possibly was one who voted you, I mean, out . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) 205 Even in situations in which a classroom teache r had some music experiences in their background, stumbling blocks existed, such as the inability to deal with and teach musical notation. Several former music teachers said that they knew of some classroom teachers who played in local rock bands and could sing and play guitar with kids. However, they insisted that the teachers could not teach notation, perform on a variety of instruments, or teach a wide repertoire. In instances in which classroom teachers attempted to personally deliver art and music instruction, a variety of strategies were used in deciding what to teach. As I discuss later, the district intended that the Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF) would create binders of lesson plans and that the classroom teachers would use these curricular materials as a basis for arts instruction. In reality, these binders/notebooks seem to mostly have been ignored by the classroom teachers. One classroom teacher said, ÒThe notebooks sit. IÕve never seen anybody use Ôem. We all do our own artÓ (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . Instead, some teachers found ideas for arts and crafts lessons on websites like Pinterest, as this educator recalled: ÒThey just take Pinterest things, or you know, putÑmake a turkey out of your hand, or cut out val entines and put some tape on itÓ (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . A number of teachers relied upon former AMPE teachers for ideas for lessons. These generalists said they frequently called former art and music teachers they worked with to get advice because they trusted these specialistsÕ years of experience. They also sought out former art teachers because they felt the DIAF art binders were poor quality. A former music teacher said that teachers regularly contacted her to ask for help: I hel p the teachers. I go there and if they call me at home , or text me, or email me or whatever, and say , "I'm doing this unit, do you have something?" I labeled all of my 206 music resources , and I'll go and find it for them and give it to them and occasionally I 'll go and help them teach it. March is reading month, and I went in and read to a class, and then they have a day where I did music centers for them . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) When I expressed surprise at former AMPE teachers offering help, a retired art teacher said she did not mind helping the classroom teachers who had been long -time friends and supporters: Some of my close friends at the schools I was at, they come to me for lessons. I have one teacher in particular who I have coached ho w to do a lot of my lessons. I'm going to help the people who have been good to me . (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). Former art teachers discussed how upset they were at the Òcookie cutterÓ projects that were happening in their absence. They dis paragingly called this approach the Òhand turkeyÓ approach, the Òmake and takeÓ approach, or Òrecipe art.Ó In order to have something be finished in a short amount of time, certain projects they had seen included pre -cut paper or aspects that were Òhalf do neÓ for the kids. The teachers said that they were frustrated when they saw or heard about products that all looked the same or looked ÒprettyÓ: Product over process is the big thing that IÕm seeing. You know, make something look all spiffy and perfect, wh ich is ridiculous, especially when you look at a piec e of kindergarten art. You [shouldnÕt] see perfect lines and shapes Ñgive me a break. So that bothers me b ecause why even have it? I mean the kids have got to make the mistakes and grow and have things lo ok a little bit off. ThatÕs part of the charm of elementary art is to see those interesting little portions that donÕt quite match up the way an adult piece would. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) 207 A former art teacher said the projects were not repre sentative of any culture or movement in art, but were ÒbastardizedÓ: [No one understands] the role of art history or culture in a piece. Not having that basic understanding. I took so many art history classes for my BFA, and you sure can tell the differenc e between the people who have none, or worse ÑtheyÕll have something but theyÕll do it all wrong [laughs]. They wonÕt even understand a certain culture and how that affects the work. ItÕs like bastardized. ItÕs not good. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) The teachers made the distinction between art and craft. One noted that, when all products look alike, it is not art: There's a big di fference between art and craft, a nd what a classroom teacher can do is craft. W hat an art teacher does is art. And when you hang something up on the wall and all things look alike, you know, that's not art. That's "cut, paste, trace." (intervie w transcript, January 16, 2015) Former music teachers discussed a musical analog to Òhand turkeyÓ art. They lamented whose lessons involved Òpressing playÓ on the CD player. They said that while they respected and valued having kids listen to music, there was no substitute for active music making. Even when the CD player was used as background to singing, these former music teachers n oted that there was an obvious lack of skill building. A teacher recalled seeing an after -school choir, organized by classroom teachers at one of the elementary schools, perform at the 2015 district showcase: There were different groups that got up to perf orm É [The teachers] put that CD in, and all you hear Ñthey use the track singers, and thatÕs all you really heard. I mean you could 208 hear the kids a little bit, but without having that ÑI mean it was cute and the parents loved it. But it was unfortunate beca use I think if they had one of us, that it would have been just a different ball game. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) The former music teacher ÒdespisedÓ teachers having students sing along to Òother peopleÕs singingÓ: I canÕt stand it. I find it insulting that it happens, because if we were in there, [students would] be using their own voices, perfect or not. Anytime I did a performance, it was me and music, or piano player Ñbut it was not an accompaniment track. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) Classroom TeachersÕ Reasons for Struggling with Arts Instruction As discussed, classroom teachers noted that music instruction was rare, and art occurred as much as individual teachers were able or willing to engage in instruction. The classroom teachers said that the lack of regular instruction was explained by several factors. First, they said there simply is Òno timeÓ for arts instruction. By this, they seemed to mean that amid the competing concerns spurred by test -based accountability in mat h and reading, and the myriad district initiatives governing this work, they found it impossible to prioritize art and music. A current classroom teacher said that, even with the DIAF providing curricular materials in notebooks, regular arts instruction ju st was not feasible: ÒI mplementing that full notebook was just ludicrous É Things just weren't practical with you being full -time in charge of it Ó (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) . DIAF coordinators said they hear d this refrain from classroom teacher s and agreed that teaching the arts is Òdaunting.Ó One coordinator said, ÒW eÕve certainly run into those teachers that [say ], ÔWe just canÕt fit it all in ÕÓ (interview transcript, February 23, 2015). 209 One classroom teacher tau ght in a magnet school that also was designated as a priority school (i.e., increased scrutiny from the state resulting in a reorganization/redesign plan). These designations necessitated initiatives, which when combined with adjusting to the new Common Core State Standards, overtook any focus on arts instruction. The teacher explained: The way [the district wanted the arts] implemented and all the lessons an d the planning, and the time, okay Ñare you going to give up the Common Core or are you going to give up some of that? Well , it w as kind of a no -brainer to most of us É W e are under the pressure to do a magnet focus on top of the core, on top of the priority school expectat ions from the state and the ISD. T hat's kind of taken a bigger precedent. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015 ) This teacher went on to explain that the burden associated with teaching these subjects amid competing interests was an obvious outcome: Now you have the added stress of evaluation, time, curriculum, new testing procedures, all of the baloney going on. And then on top of it you're supposed to teach all of these subjects É I knew what the end result would be. It was already an unhealthy environment with discipline and politics, and then ÒRight to Work Ó and ÒNo Child Left Behind Ó and all this other balo ney. N ow to put that burden on the teachers Ñwe knew it was going to fall by the wayside . (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) Second, the classroom teachers cited the lack of planning time as damaging to th eir arts instruction. Because the subject matter was new for most classroom teachers, teaching the arts would require intensive planning. But with daily planning time cut, the teachers already had to push their planning of all the other subject material ou tside of the school day. Planning for the arts then competed with this other planning, as a current classroom teacher stated: ÒWhat's hard 210 is taking on [the AMPE instruction] and having absolutely not a minute of the day to plan for anything Ó (interview tr anscript, March 5, 2015) . Even with the DIAFÕs rearranged schedule (during school year 2014 -2015), which placed them in the classroom to provide sporadic planning time for classroom teachers, the teachers felt unable to plan for arts instruction. This comm on planning time required teachers to work together on prescribed topics, which were not arts -related. Third, many classroom teachers seemed to lack the confidence to attempt arts instruction. Echoing the extant literature (e.g., Byo, 1999; Colwell, 2008 ; de Vries, 2013; Garvis, 2013; Oreck, 2004; Wiggins & Wiggins, 2008) , participants said that most classroom teachers simply did not feel equipped with the necessary skill, creativity, or artistic sensibility. A former LSD grants department employee rememb ered classroom teachers balking at past arts integration initiatives: ÒM ost teachers were intimidated by the prospects of it, because they didnÕt view themselves as necessarily creative enough or artistic enough to be leading their students Ó (interview tra nscript, January 21, 2015) . With some training, the employee noted, the teachers gained some confidence, but were often overwhelmed without constant support. A current classroom teacher expressed feelings of inadequacy to teach visual arts: I can't draw a stick person to save my life. How am I going to teach these kids art? And I mean it , too . I can't come up with anything. I have a real spatial problem, I can't see art at allÉ Supposedly we're certified in that area, but you know how it goes Ñwe're certifie d everything, but that doesn't mean I can do everything . (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) Even when support was provided in the form of professional development, participants agreed that it often was less than successful. Both DIAF coordinators and CAP representatives 211 who had participated in training for classroom teachers said that classroom t eachers were overwhelmed by arts instruction. Several CAP representatives said that the Lansing teachers, who took part in a professional development day focused on teaching recorder, expressed frustration. The representatives said the teachers may have un derestimated the difficulty of teaching music: Maybe they thought it was easy, ÒWeÕll just p lay a CD or whatever.Ó A nd then when [as a teacher], youÕre sitting down and [hearing], ÒOkay , weÕre going to teach kids about melody and hereÕs what it means.Ó And [as a teacher] youÕre sitting there going, ÒWow, this is overload. Let me get my head around this. I donÕt know how to teach this. Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) The CAP representatives said that the professional development session they led w as not long enough to provide confidence for the classroom teachers: [The classroom teachers were] just overwhelmed , especially with the recorder É It wasnÕt something they could read through at the PD session, itÕs something theyÕll have to go home and re ally hack it out before they bring it to the kids. (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) However, professional development led by the DIAF was infrequent. The DIAF was allowed to lead a training session during one half day of LSDÕs beginning of the year teacher professional development days. Because this was voluntary, only some teachers attended. A DIAF coordinator explained: Our first year, we had one [training session] on day one, and another one. And then all their PD was aimed at core stuff. So IÕm sure they loo ked at some of these lessons, a lot of these activities, [and] if they didnÕt get a chance to talk to one of us for just a minute to 212 explain it, they would probably look at it and go, ÒI donÕt get this.Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 201 5) A Counter Example: ÒKids are Getting More NowÓ Two of the three classroom teachers I interviewed painted a bleak picture of classroom teachersÕ efforts to implement arts instruction. However, the third teacher told a completely different story, illust rating the role that personal efficacy can play in generalistsÕ experience with arts instruction. This teacher, like the other classroom generalists, acknowledged the difficulty presented by teaching art and music without planning time. However, she said t hat teaching these subjects was enjoyable and not difficult: ÒT o me, the sentiment is not, "Oh we're struggling teaching these subjects." I really like teaching those subjects. It's we're s truggling with no planning timeÓ (interview transcript, March 5, 20 15). Implementing arts instruction involved less pressure, she said: There's so much pressur e on the core curriculum, o n teaching kids to read and they have to be at this level, and teaching kids at math, they have to be at this. T he sentiment I hear from my colleagues is, "I like taking my kids to gym, I like teaching my kids music, because nobody's breathing down my neck and telling my kids they have to be here or I'm doing it wrong." There's so much less pressure . (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) In particular, this classroom teacher felt confident teaching music. She discussed how her background contributed to her confidence: [I feel confident] because I personally ÑI like music. I was in choir my whole life. I actually started out as a music minor at Michigan State É I've always believed in the power of using music in my classroom. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) 213 In fact, she felt that students were now getting a better arts experience than they had with the AMPE teachers: ÒNot to sound ÑI don't know Ñbut I felt like I did just as good a job teaching music, and songs to my kids, as the music specialist that came in Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015). Because this teacher already did Òa tonÓ of art and music, taking on the instruction was not difficult, she related. The teacher was aghast when I mentioned that other classroom teachers said they were not teaching the arts. She said, Ò I am shocked to hear you say that people are saying they're not teaching art, music, and P .E. in their building because we are definitely doing that in our building Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . Teachers were not, she shared, following the DIAFÕs lesson plans, but were individually designing instruction. From what she knew of her colleagues, teachers were Òstepping upÓ so that students were getting art and music instruction: There's this misconception that Lansing kids aren't getting art, music, and P .E. Yes they are! They' re getting it from their highly -qualified , certified in all subjects, classroom teacher. And classroom teachers, yes, are stepping up, doing things they haven't done before because that's what we do. T hat's what was asked of us. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) Overall, the teacher felt conf ident in teaching the arts and suggested that other teachers were doing their best to provide instruction. As I discuss later, she also did not feel that the DIAF coordinators were needed. Discussion: Teacher Confidence A look at three classroom teacher s in the LSD shows that implementation of arts instruction varies widely among generalists. In agreement with previous literature (e.g., Byo, 1999; Colwell, 2008; de Vries, 2013; Garvis, 2013; Oreck, 2004; Wiggins & Wiggins, 2008) , 214 this implementation seem s to depend on competing pressures, support and training, and Ñespecially Ñon teachersÕ confidence and self -efficacy. It is also important to note, however, that endorsed arts specialists do not seem to feel that generalists are capable of providing adequate instruction, even those who are confident, like the third teacher I discuss. While the specialistsÕ lack of confidence in generalistsÕ arts teaching could be a reflection of the Òdevil shiftÓ (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) in the aftermath of the AMPE coalitionÕs losses, it seemed to be a more fundamentally held belief based on the differences in teacher preparation. Because I am a musician and endorsed music teacher, specialists would often bring up the college coursework we had in common, saying: ÒY ouÕre from the same department, in the school that I graduated from É [being an okay musician] doesnÕt make you a teacher necessarily Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . Another participant said, Ò You know what youÕve gone through in your educational process ,Ó and noted that her preparation was different than someone with a science endorsement: IÕve gone through a hell of a lot. And I learned something totally different than the guy over there who wanted to do science. I learned something different, I can teach something different. (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) Endorsed specialists uniformly were pessimistic about non -endorsed classroom teachers engaging in arts instruction, no matter their background. They agreed that teachers could look things up online, follow the DIAF lesson plans, or consult retired AMPE teachers, but that the result would still be Òdifferent.Ó Discussion: Is T his Arts Integration? As I discuss in Chapters One and T wo, definitions of arts integration often differ. In some instances, the bar is set quite high. For example, the Kennedy CenterÕs definition involves 215 meeting Òevolving objectivesÓ in both Òan art form and another subject areaÓ (Kennedy Center, n.d.). This is distinguished from Òarts enhancedÓ curriculum, for which teachers Òneed little or no training in the art formÓ (Kennedy Center, n.d.). Bresler (1995) makes similar distinctions through the illustration of a continuum of integration. Bresler not es that when an art form is used only as a ÒhookÓ to approach other content, the arts are Òsubservient.Ó When both the art form and the other subject area are pursued equally, Bresler calls the integration Òco -equal.Ó In both frameworks, the authors make distinctions between enhanced/integrated instruction in the art s and Òarts as instructionÓ Ñthat is, sequential, standards -based arts instruction by a specialist . Whether or not arts integration has been occurring in the LSD is unclear but generally doubtful. While accounts from participants suggest a variety of practices (e.g., some classroom teachers doing no arts, some engaging in frequent projects), it seems more correct to classify the majority of efforts as Òarts enhancedÓ instruction. As I discuss in the next section, even the DIAFÕs approach is less focuse d on integrating the arts with other subject matter than doing artistic projects based around the calendar/holidays. Support Ñat a district le vel Ñfor arts integration also is unclear. A CAP representative suggested that the Superintendent had indicated a de sire to pursuing arts integration: ÒS heÕs concentr ating most of her energy [on the] classroom teacher and the integration of arts Ó (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) . A former employee said she had heard from a contact who still works in the district that, ÒN ow the Superintendent is starting to think arts integration is kind of an important thing Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015). However, the district had allo wed the various grant -funded arts integration initiatives of the past to expire, and the 2013 cuts meant few people in the district had the arts subject matter knowledge to support integration. 216 Discussion: STEAM Schools As part of LansingÕs magnet schoo l expansion in 2013 that was funded by a federal MSAP grant, two STEAM schools were set up at Cavanaugh Elementary (K -3) and Mt. Hope Elementary (4 -6) schools. The stated goal of the STEAM focus was to integrate science, technology, engineering, the arts, and mathematics. As part of each grant, the district hired a focus teacher (for temporary 2 -year contracts) in each of the STEAM schools. These teachers were tasked with leading the transition from Òtypical schoolÓ to ÒSTEAM schoolÓ by developing curricula and coordinating theme -specific activities. An LSD employee familiar with the STEAM focus positions explained: [The focus teacherÕs] main responsibility is to lead the transition from a traditional school to a STEAM school É That means working with busine ss partners in the community, setting up partnership with places like the Broad [art] Museum, we have a partnership with them, we have partnership with Impressions 5 Science Center, working along with the symphony, so sort of networking and building, you k now, a database almost of resources and partners to support the school. (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) The focus teachers also model integrated lessons for teachers, oversee grant expenditures, and handle marketing and communication, Òmaking sure that potential families are able to access information about [the STEAM] schoolÓ (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) . In terms of curricular content, STEAM -focused lessons mirror arts integration lessons but with a specific focus on areas like robotic s and engineering. The approach is project -based, and an employee familiar with the STEAM curriculum said these projects often imitate Òengineering designÓ challenges, where students must work within hypothetical Òconstraints of materials and 217 timeÓ to crea te a solution for some problem . In one class, students read How The Grinch Stole Christmas! and attempted to design a better sled for the main character: [We] looked at some images of the GrinchÕs sled as well and determined what the problem and where was it. And then our students were Ñtheir design challenge was to create a more efficient sled for The Grinch. And they had to build those out of [materials] ÑweÕre a green school on top of other things, so [there is a] big emphas is on recycling materials and upcycling for us though. They have to build new sleds for The Grinch out of recycled materials. It was valuable. It did take a lot of creativity and that was neat for them to sort of tinker and be artistic . (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) Much lik e the classroom teachers in non -STEAM schools, the employee mentioned that teachers in the STEAM schools were most comfortable attempting to integrate visual art media rather than music: They are [doing] more visual arts than they are music , and I think th at's primarily because it's what teacher s are more comfortable with. You know, if you ask an elementary teacher to create some kind of visual representati ons with the kids, no problem. They g ot it, that's simple for them. But if you ask them to ÑI mean if you're reall y being musically technical , aski ng them to compose something or Ña lot of them j ust don't have that skill set. It's ju st theyÕre not familiar with. (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) In fact, the employee could not think of a STEAM project that had included a music focus. Students had seen a one -hour presentation about sound waves at one point, but had not engaged in any music -centered projects: ÒI don't know exactly what [a music lesson] would look like because I don't have a ÑI haven't s een a great example, you know?Ó (interview transcript, April 29, 2015). 218 The employee noted that, for several reasons, teachers at the STEAM schools were not Òon boardÓ with the STEAM curriculum. For one, the teachers had a number of competing initiatives on which to focus. Cavanaugh Elementary was, in addition to being a newly -minted STEAM school, also a priority school. Because the school was in the bottom five percent of schools in the state in terms of test score performance, teachers had to focus on dist rict initiatives intended to improve tests scores. The employee I spoke with agreed that competing initiatives were a challenge to STEAM implementation: It's the biggest hurdle that we face ... We are at the same time starved for resources and inundated wi th resources. if that makes sense. W e don't have an ar ts teacher or a music teacher. Those things that we really want and need to have, we don't have, but yet we have nine different software licenses for different types of mass intervention, you know? (in terview transcript, April 29, 2015) Teachers also resisted the STEAM concept because many were experienced educators made jaded by experienced with ÒnewÓ concepts like STEAM. The employee explained: The school [staff] is very senior. We have many people w ho have been in the district , or maybe a few , who've been in the district for 30 years. So there's sort of this feeling of having been around long enough to know that these things come as quickly as they will be forgotten , and it feels like another initiat ive for them and they h aven't seen Ñ[havenÕt] been proved how this is going to work, that it will do what it's supposed to do. (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) This attitude was made clear when speaking with classroom teachers in one of the STEAM schools. These teachers knew Ñand cared Ñvery little about the STEAM focus and suggested 219 that the only arts -focused activity students had done involved painting a mural for the schoolÕs entryway. The point of the new magnet schools was to stabilize the district Õs declining enrollment and to improve non -white student isolation in the district (Lansing School District, 2013). I asked the employee if the STEAM schools were meeting their objectives. The employee said that while it was probably too early to tell if t he strategy was working, the other problems at the STEAM schools and the district in general obscured the magnet focus to some degree: I can only speak for our school, but IÕm thinking Ñif I were a parent, it would be very hard for me to choose to send my c hild to any type of school, no matter what the magnet theme, if they were also a failing school, you know? STEAM doesn't drop being a priority school, so I don't know. (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) The Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF) In this section, I profile and discuss the Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness. This is the name the district gave to its group of coordinators hired to support the classroom teachers in their AMPE instruction. Access to the DIAF team was limit ed, as the administrator who oversees the department made them available for interviews, but only two of the four arts coordinators agreed to be interviewed. I also include commentary from former AMPE teachers, current classroom teachers, and community art s providers, in order to provide othersÕ perspectives on the DIAF. I also obtained district documents about the DIAF, including job postings, interview schedules, meetings agendas/minutes, and lesson plans. These were obtained via a FOIA request by a local journalist, given to a professor at MSU, and then offered to me. I first reviewed these documents in summer 2014 and created an analytic memo based on my analysis. 220 Hiring and Early History Plans for the DIAF seemed to be in the works as early as late 20 12 or early 2013, as a coordinator related. The coordinatorÕs principal mentioned that some people would be ret ained if the AMPE department were cut: She let me know of the possibility of the department downsizing if not being eliminated. But if that were the case, there was going to be something in place, in replacement of it. [We] just were not sure what that was going to be. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) Having a support staff of some kind also was mentioned by district spokesperson Bob Kolt in comments to the media immediately after the cuts were announced. In an Mlive story from March 26, 2013, Kolt was discussed as saying Ò some teachers who are slated to be cut could end up back in the classroom as consultantsÓ (Kolt, in Wittrock, 2013). A t the time of the announced changes, Kolt said there could be 10 -20 consultants, though this number would later change. Studying the districtÕs documents reveals considerable confusion/indecision around the DIAF. First, the district seems to have been unsure of what to call the teachers who would be hired. The job posting advertises openings for ÒFine Arts/Physical Educatio n Program Specialists.Ó In later documents, the terms ÒcoordinatorÓ and ÒconsultantÓ are used. In a meeting agenda from June 10, 2013, one bullet point reads: ÒName the project.Ó The first time one sees the name, ÒDepartment of Innovative Arts and FitnessÓ is in the meeting notes from July 9, 2 013. Desired qualifications also may have changed. A former art teacher said the first job posting required that applicants be endorsed in art, music, or physical education, but this initial posting was removed and re placed with one requiring ÒValid Michigan elementary teaching certificate and/or specialists Fine/Visual Arts, Music, or Physical Education endorsement/certification.Ó 221 The district documentation does not corroborate this assertion, however, and only the la tter requirement is listed in the job posting I obtained. As discussed in Chapter F ive, several senior arts teachers had applied for the positions but were not selected. District documents show that the first round of interviews included 22 teachers. A s econd round whittled this down, listing interviews with nine teachers, although two teachers who ultimately were hired are not listed on this second round. As one of the coordinators I spoke with discussed, the hiring proceeded ov er the course of several m onths and did not necessarily match the posting. The job posting was for two music, two art, and two physical education specialists, but initial hiring included one music, two art, and three physical education teachers. A coordinator I spoke with said moti vations for applying for a DIAF job included personal financial concerns and the desire to make sure the new programs would be good for students: Myself, I didnÕt see getting the position as being this wonderful, amazing Ñyou know, ÒYay! IÕm head of the Ôbl ah.Õ Ó No. It was, ÒI can keep paying my mortgage, IÕm still doing something hopefully related to elementary [arts] , and if thereÕs any restructuring going on, IÕll be here to be part of it, to make sure it doesnÕt go in a direction that it shouldnÕt be goi ng in. That was my reasoning for even applying for this job. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) Several areas of focus are listed in the job description, interview questions, and early meeting agendas. Common to all three documents are three major job duties: (a) helping classroom teachers integrate the arts into their curriculum, (b) engaging the community arts (or fitness) providers, and (c) leading professional development for classroom teachers. As the first meetings occurred, these job duties b egan to be fleshed out and clarified. The DIAF team would 222 Òwrite lesson plans for teachers to useÓ (meeting notes from June 10, 2013). These lesson plans would integrate with the curriculum, and likely follow Òmonthly themes that re late to core subjectsÓ ( meeting notes from June 10, 2013). One can see evidence of the many questions this group tacked in early meetings: where would they be located, how would they organize materials, which buildings would they visit, what would their schedule be, would they be paid for work over the summer, and what would their long -term goals be, among other issues raised. As a DIAF coordinator explained, ÒA lot of those first meetings dealt with what Ñhow the team isÑkind of how the teamÕs going to present itselfÓ (interview t ranscript, February 23, 2015) . By the meeting on July 9, 2013, the DIAF had a draft of a vision statement, which read: Our vision is to create a Culture of Caring by developing lessons that promote a positive environment of mutual respect; a Culture of Co llaboration where extensive partnership with a wide variety of stakeholders invigorate and energize our school community; and a Culture of Excellence where each students is provided innovative Arts and Fitness learning experiences that advocate for 21 st century readiness. (m eeting notes from July 9, 2013) These capitalized terms (e.g., Culture of Collaboration) are taken from the LSDÕs school improvement plan. On a DIAF flyer, produced later in the summer to advertise the department, the vision statement is also accompanied by a version of the SEADAE Venn diagram, which details how classroom teachers, certified arts/fitness educators, and community groups should work t ogether (see flyer in appendix H ). It is interesting to note that this diagram was used by the Arts Council of Greater Lansing (ACGL) in a meeting with the DIAF team in July as a means of arguing for the reinstatement of the AMPE teachers. As the flyer indicates, it was then co -opted as a way to support the districtÕs intended arts education sch eme. 223 One of the coordinators explained that, in these early meetings, a retired principal guided them: Ò We had a consultant, retired principal, who came in at first, and she kind of led us. We met with her on a monthly basis. She kind of guided us through how we would do things Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . After the guided meetings in the early summer, a period of inactivity followed because of hiccups related to funding and to staffing. The DIAF had hoped to meet more frequently over the su mmer, b ut the funds were not available. A s a coordinator explained: ÒWe were told weÕd be given some extra hours over the summer to try to get things in order. It turned out the budget did not allow those extra hours Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 20 15) In addition, the team members were not cemented until near the beginning of the 2013 -2014 school year, making organization a challenge. Initially, the district only hired one music coordinator, but then called an applicant at the end of the summer to o ffer the job. Other district documents show that the DIAF was officially Òrolled outÓ at a succession of meetings. The DIAF introduced itself at meetings with the CAP coalition in late July (held at the ACGL office) and at a principalsÕ meeting in late August. The DIAF also organized a steering committee with a representative from each K -3 and 4 -6 building. This steering committee met in October and November to discuss logistics, ideas for projects, and to notify each building representative of future events. At the October meeting, the building representatives were asked to take surveys back to teachers to get feedback on how and when the DIAF should interact with educators. At the November meeting, one can see the e vidence of nascent partnerships with community arts/fitness providers. The minutes list Òout of districtÓ guests from several community foundations. 224 Challenges of the DIAFÕs Job DIAF coordinators discussed a number of challenging aspects of their jobs. Most challenging, they noted, was the creation of lesson plans. This was dually challenging because of both the restraints on curriculum, and because of the cognitive dissonance experienced during the writing process. First, DIAF coordinators had d ifficul ty with the sheer number of lesson plans they needed to produce. One coordinator said, ÒT he number of lessons we had to write was just so ridiculous. An entire school yearÕs worth of lessons twice a week Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . The coor dinators were tasked with creating two lessons per week (30 minutes each), for every week of the school year. With around 30 weeks and seven grade levels (K-6), this amounted to just under 500 individual lessons. At the same time as the lessons were being created, the coordinators had to visit 21 elementary schools (each school was visited twice for art, twice for music, twice for physical education) to model lessons for teachers. Determining the content, scope, and sequence of the lesson plans also was incredibly challenging. The coordinators explained that, because they were creating instructional materials for people without content expertise, it was hard to know what the classroom teachers were capable of, and what to prioritize for the students: We h ad to assume [classroom teachers knew nothing] . We knew that there were teachers in the district with some skill, but this is going out to every teacher in the district, K -6. And it had to be something that supposedly every teacher in the district could ma nage. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) The coordinators said they often would look at each other and bemoan the task of lesson plan creation: 225 Well, it was hard. IÕll be honest with you. We would look at each other daily and go, ÒOh my God. IÕve go t to finish this lesson.Ó It is a daunting task ÑyouÕre right, to put it out there for somebody that d oesnÕt know anything about [the arts] . (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) A former music teacher said she could not imagine the difficulty the DIAF coordinators faced, because of her experience trying to write lessons plans for substitute teachers: The problem is if youÕre designing a music lesson for a non -music [teacher] ÑyouÕre killing most of whatÕs important about the music part of it. When I left sub plans, I had to know whether the sub was a musician or a non -musician. And I knew if it was a non -musician, there was only so much I could do to get my kids having a musical experience on that day . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) This former music teacher remembered that this aspect of the DIAF coordinatorsÕ job had been a deciding factor in not applying for one of the positions: [I thought about] t he option of me staying on to be one of those [coordinators] and applying for those positions, and I said, ÒI w ould rather cut my eyeballs out [than] to design lesson plans for a non -music teacher. No. I donÕt want to dumb down what I do, absolutely not.Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Other restraints governed the work. The coordinators h ad decided to structure the les sons around the yearÕs calendar rather than integrating with specific content from curricular subjects. Thus, lessons had to relate to holidays and themed -months (e.g., Martin Luther King Jr. Day, Black History Month, Hispani c Heritage Month). The coordinators also wanted the lessons to progress in terms of sophistication, but they could not be sure that teachers would follow the schedule, as a team member related: 226 Of course, a big issue with our lessons is because they are di rectly related to certain events on the calendar, if they donÕt start Ñif they start at lesson one, week one but they didnÕt do it until November, everything is completely off. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) Second, the lessons had to fit the dis trictÕs elementary art/music textbook series, which the coordinators disliked: Ò[We tried to find] activities that anyone could teach or lead É within the confines o f the less than wonderful [textbook] series that we have Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015). For a variety of reasons, the coordinators experienced personal discomfort during the lesson plan creation process. Not only was it difficult to write the plans, for the aforementioned reasons, it was upsetting at times. A coordinator recalled the cognitive dissonance of lowering standards to write a lesson plan: It was so daunting to write a lesson that a layperson could follow, that wasnÕt complete crap. We have very high standards for ourselves as educators É Everything I teach, thereÕs a pr ocess, thereÕs a commonsense way of approaching everything. You start with this before you move to this. And to try and have that mindset while writing these lessons Ñwe tried. ItÕs not realistic, but you know, we did the best we could . (interview transcrip t, February 23, 2015) In addition, coordinators worried that by creating the binders of lesson plans, they may have been unintentionally making their positions unnecessary. At the end of the first year of work, they worried that, with the lesson plans in circulation, they could be laid off more easily: We were just waiting to find out if we had a job for another year or not, basically. We had delivered them a yearÕs worth of sub plans. In someoneÕs eyes, maybe our services 227 were no longer needed because they got the plans. [Worrying about that] made it really difficult to write a lesson that, in your head, might replace you at the end of the year. Do I really want to make them that good? [laughs]. [I wanted to write] ÒSome instruction required Ñsee me. DonÕt try this at home on your own, kids.Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) The DIAF coordinator s also struggled with not being able to interact with students on a regular basis. Because the job descriptions and duties were ambiguous at the outset, the coordinators had held some hope they would have instructional responsibilities. They recalled being upset when it became clear this was not part of the job: We were pushing from the day of our interview onward to Ñhow can we get back in the classrooms? How can we get back in the classrooms? How often are we going to get to see the kids? Are Ñwe can still do this job, we just wonÕt get to see kids as often. At one point we were told, flat out, ÒThatÕs not what this job is. This job is going to entail other things .Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) The coordin ators were frustrated with this but we re told by an administrator that it was important that they follow what the union had voted for: Ò[The administrator said], Ô This is what the union voted for, this is what the teachers voted for. L et them have what t heyÕre going to vote for.ÕÓ (interview t ranscript, February 23, 2015) . A classroom teacher who worked with the DIAF coordinators said they often lamented not being with kids: Ò They hate their jobs the way it is. They want to teach children all the time, is what they want to do. They want to use their skills that they trained all these years for Ó (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . In the second year, as the DIAF team was tasked with doing more instruction (each school saw the coordinators four times in 45 minute sessions), the challenge shifted to 228 determining what to prioritize. Coordinators said they had begun to prioritize active learning focused on ÒdoingÓ and ÒmakingÓ rather than art appreciation: IÕm given 45 minutes four times a year? We hit the ground running É ItÕs not just, ÒLetÕs discuss this. Ó Like I said, thereÕs nothing wrong with that, but it canÕt be only that É ThereÕs such a sense of urgency now, because itÕs not like, ÒWell , weÕll get to it on Thursday.Ó ItÕs Thursday eight weeks from now. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) In certain cases, the length of time and the infrequency of visits excluded certain possibilities. A former art teacher noted: We've got kilns almost in every building. They probably haven't been fired in 2 years. They're not doing clay with the kids, they're not doing anything. Because I would know, the teachers would talk about it. And how could you with two people and what, 24 elementary schools? No way. (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Another challenge of the DIAF coordinatorsÕ job de scription was to form partnerships with community a rts providers. As discussed in Chapter F ive, this collaboration was framed by a public and often vitriolic debate about AMPE teachers being supplanted. When I asked the DIAF coordinators what it was like t o be in the middle of the debate, one said, ÒIt was hellÓ (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . The coordinators sympathized with the AMPE teachers who were cut but also had to remain neutral and quiet about the situation. The logistics of recruiting community artists and organizations for partnerships was also challenging, as a coordinator recalled: Ò[We were] just trying to get these connections, you know. Trying to work with people and it was pretty difficult. Some were willin g to work with us, some werenÕtÓ (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . The coordinator listed a couple successful partnerships, but said: 229 I think just finding more than th at has been the difficult thing. W eÕve certainly hit roadblocks. Certainly finan cial roadblocks as well, b ecause you know, it costs money. People donÕt want to come in and do it for free. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) Tensions between the DIAF and Classroom Teachers Another challenging part of the DIAF coordinatorsÕ job wa s working with classroom teachers. Many teachers appreciated and liked the DIAF team, as a coordinator recalled: W hen we would go in, most really were very glad, very happy to have our help, to kind of understand what we do Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015). However, a number of generalists did not follow the DIAF lesson plans. One classroom teacher I spoke with even said she did not think the lesson plan binders were supposed to be followed: ÒT hose binders were never meant to be something to stick to. Those binders were so that you have a guide for what to do. But they were never meant for to follow this lesson by lesson Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . As a DIAF coordinator recalled, teachers who did not implement the lesson plans fell into one of two categories: There were basically two kinds of teachers that donÕt follow the lessons or would not follow the lessons. I canÕt speak whether they actually are or not because IÕm not in the classroom 5 days a week. But thereÕs the ones that think they know everything because they have a K -8 cert. And then thereÕs the ones that are loud enoug h to admit they donÕt know [the arts] , they canÕt do our job, so theyÕre just not going to try. And while thatÕs rude, at least itÕs honest. And with that kind of a response, thereÕs a little validation that someone knew that we were doing something that was important and special and unique. That not anyone can just pick up and do it. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) 230 Both types of teachers were frustrat ing to work with, the coordinators said. It was frustrating to work with the teachers who would say they already knew how to do everything detailed on the lesson plans, and it was difficult to help those who felt helpless. Some of the ÒhelplessÓ teachers did not read the lessons closely but still complained. These generalis ts would follow the first step and then give up: [They would say] ÒOkay Ñnow what?Ó And weÕre like, ÒWe actually did put some ideas down, if you take the time.Ó É At the beginning [they wo uld say], ÒYou have nothing in these lessons, thereÕs nothing.Ó É ThereÕs four or five activities here, IÕm pretty sure. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) One of the classroom teachers I interviewed talked about her refusal to work with the art coordinators. Because she was frustrated with the AMPE teachers being cut, and because she disliked the art coordinators, she resisted collaboration. This teacher called the art coordinators Òa jokeÓ and called their notebooks of lesson plans Òdumb.Ó She was especially frustrated when the coordinators would come in to model lessons during the fir st year (school year 2013 -2014) and during the second year when the coordinators would come in to do art projects with the students. The projects often were left unfi nished, she noted, and she refused to allot time for completion: My two other colleagues and I , we don't hang [the coordinatorsÕ] stuff up when they leave. We just tell the kids to take [the project] home and they'll have to finish it at home, because [the coordinators] never finish anything either, and I'm not going to finish it for them . (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) As an act of protest, this teacher had begun hanging up artwork in the classroom and hallway, along with a banner that read, ÒIn spired byÓ with a former art teacherÕs name. This upset the art 231 coordinators, and they began to write, Òinspired byÓ along with their names, on a sign near the completed DIAF project artwork. The classroom teacher said she would pull this off the wall and put it in the trashcan : [The coordinators] expected us to hang this sign next to the work in the hallway. And it's like ÑI took a picture of it in the trash and sent it to [a former art teacher] . That's what I do [laughs]. I'm not going to ÑI refuse to. I'm just going to be a little rebel . (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) I spoke with three classroom teachers about their perceptions of the DIAF coordinators. One teacher (discussed in the paragraph above) was nega tive about the art coordinators but respected the music coordinators. Another generalist had known the coordinators for years and said he felt bad for them, since he had seen the Òfrustration on their facesÓ from what was ÒdumpedÓ on them (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) . The thir d classroom teacher, whom I discussed earlier in this chapter as being very confident in her ability to teach the arts, respected the consultants but felt they were unnecessary. When she heard of the DIAF team, she remembered feeling ÒindifferentÓ: I guess my feeling was, "Okay Ñthat's nice to have some binders." I'm certified, K -5 all subjects, so I'm fully capable of looking at the curriculum and creating lessons for art, music, and P .E. just like I do for literacy, math, science, and social studies. So it wasn't really that necessary . (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) In 2014-2015, the DIAF coordinators came in to teach four times a year, which provided collaborative planning time for classroom teachers. The teacher, however, questioned the expense to the district: 232 Is it worth the $600,000 that we're paying for that? Um, probably not because I think we could have subs do the same thing with the right lesson plans. But, you know, it's better than not having them, I guess. But I don't think it's worth the money that we're spending on them. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) The general sentiment seemed to be that the DIAF approach itself was too infrequent to make an impact. Even though the second year of the DIAF had brought the coordinators back into the classroom four times a year, classroom teachers frowned on the particulars of the scheduling/logistics. Teachers said that while kids enjoyed the visits from the DIAF team, four times a year was too little. It also frustrated teachers (and the DIAF te am) that all the coordinators were scheduled to come to a given building on the same day. Instead of spreading out the visits to a specific school, the DIAF team ÒconvergedÓ on a school and provided back to back instruction: 45 minutes of music, 45 minutes of art, and 45 minutes of physical education. This approach made a current classroom teacher feel like the distri ct was just Òcovering the bases Ó rather than finding the best schedule for kids. A DIAF coordinator noted that it was particularly difficult t o teach in the third Òblock,Ó since kids were disoriented by the experience: Believe me, if that class youÕve got is the third rotation, the last rotation of the morning or the day, and itÕs the younger kids ÑGod save you. Because theyÕve had a break from routine an hour and a half long, and youÕre asking them for 45 more minutes of break from routine. I mean, it works. It just works roughly. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) One classroom teacher bemoaned the fact that the coordinatorsÕ schedule was inflexible. She remembered asking the coordinators to switch visit days and come to her school on a Monday, in order to avoid another commitment: 233 We had something going on, and we said, "Can you change your schedule?" [They said] "Oh no. Our schedule's set." Where they could have said, "Oh yeah, " [instead they said] "We don't go into schools on Mondays and Fridays. O h no." They won't change their schedule at all. It's basically if you miss your time, too bad so sad. (interview transcript, February 13, 2 015) The tightly -scheduled arrangement also meant that if DIAF coordinators were absent on a given day, kids still were sent to work on art, music, and physical education activities, but instruction was done by a substitute teacher. A classroom teacher com plained: Ò[Three coordinators] were all gone on the same day. So that really messes things up because then you just get some old sub in there that Ñand that's itÓ (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . On this particular day, the classroom teacher noted , the art coordinators had left a blank sunflower cut -out for the kids to color: We get [the coordinators] like , four times a year, and then the one time so far we had a sub. T hey brought up a sub in. They had a coloring page of a sunflower. I mean, it was like , "Oh my God." Its like, "Really? We get you four times a year and you leave a sunflower?" And so that took the [substitute] , I don't know, 10-15 minutes. S o she was completely [wondering] , "Ok ayÑnow what do I do for the rest of the time?" It caused nothing but problems. (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) Two of the three classroom teachers also said that they felt the lesson plans designed by the DIAF asked too much of them. The teachers said that, when there were AMPE specialists, the instruc tional activities they witnessed were not nearly as complex as what they were being asked to do in the provided lesson plans. One teacher said: 234 [Looking at the lesson plans] it's like, "Oh my God. You've got to be kidding me." Especially with a lot of the gym-type stuff, and all that kind of crap. [Colleagues of mine are] like, "Oh my God, they expect us to do that Ñthey never did any of that stuff." (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) Another classroom teacher said it was clear that the DIAF created the lesson plans to demonstrate legitimacy to outside parties: They had to create [binders] , design it based on grade level content expectations and the common core. And they gave us all these binders that they threw at us, and then we were supposed to imp lement them É Implementing that full notebook was just ludicrous, because what you were being told to do in that, you didn't even see the [former] art, music, P .E. teachers doing. (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) Based on the lesson plans included in the district documents I received, there is a clear attempt to align lessons with state grade -level content expectations. It is unclear, however, whether individual le ssons were unreasonably complex or whether implementing the full binder of lessons would be unreasonable. Undoubtedly, this perception depends on the teacherÕs confidence, as well as what the teacherÕs former arts specialists had done. Discussion: Future of the DIAF Uncertain The Lansing School DistrictÕs solution to continuing elementary a rts education in the wake of the 2013 cuts hinged on the DIAF team supporting classroom teachers. This arrangement, in turn, hinged on the particulars of the union contract, which specified that classroom teachers would operate without planning time for at least two years. After two years, aspects of the contract would be renegotiated. As a result, the status of the DIAF coordinators has been and continues to be uncertain. Both the renegotiation and the potential for further cuts 235 based on declining district enrollment have threatened the coordinatorsÕ positions. As mentioned, the coordinators had feared that the job they did in years one and two may have made it easy to cut their positions: once the lesson plans and community arts partnerships were cemented, would there still be a need for the DIAF? Coordinators discussed their frustration at not knowing whether they would continue to have jobs. As the renegotiation period neared, in January Ð April of 2015, coordinators said they heard constant rumors about their fate, many of which were conflicting: We get conflicting information about the future like on a weekly basis. And itÕs always by people that really donÕt have a clue themselves, and they either give us false hope or false doom. ÒOh I heard you guys are gon e next year.Ó This is coming fro m one of our former co -workers É And then we hear from someone else and theyÕre on some kind of union committee, ÒOh get ready for next year, thereÕs going to be more of you!Ó É IÕve gotten to the point where I just t une out all of it. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) The coordinators said that, whatever eventually happens with their positions, they felt the district valued the DIAF and would like to keep it intact. The noted that administrators had assured th em of this: Ò About the only thing weÕve gotten solid is, if the money was there, there would be no question that our team would be reinsta ted in some state, in some formÓ (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . The uncertainty from year to year made ref lection and planning difficult. I asked if there had been a lot of discussion after the first year related to what had gone well and what needed improvement. Coordinators said: I donÕt know if the reflection came to us, because I donÕt think it was us ref lecting. I think it was our administrators reflecting whether weÕre going to have [the DIAF] next year É 236 We were just waiting to find out if we had a job for another year or not, basically. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) In May and June, as I w as writing this chapter, I began to hear of the districtÕs plans for the following school year. The contract renegotiations had not been formally announced, but another round of layoffs and deficit battling was surfacing in conversations. The Superintenden tÕs Monday Morning Memo to staff, written on May 11, addressed this: You might have read in todayÕs Lansing State Journal the news about our district needing to cut $2.7 million in order to have a balanced budget next year. Yes, I was kind of surprised to see it in the newspaper too since the ink isnÕt even dry on the white board where we do our calculations! But, itÕs true that we are having to make several cuts and at ThursdayÕs Board Meeting, weÕll be recommending lay -offs for LSEA and other bargaining g roups. (Mon day Morning Memo, May 11, 2015) I contacted one of the current classroom teachers to ask about the details of the layoffs. In an email, this teacher said: Ò The prospect is 50 [layoffs] which equates to around 5 million savings if none return. That is all I know so far and is not set in stone but was sent out to us via email Ó (email correspondence, May 28, 2015). I asked a former employee if these details might include the DIAF coordinators. After speaking with a union leader, the former employee emailed, saying: ÒT he integrated arts positions are NOT slated for elimination, but the funding will move so that they are grant funded next year, ra ther than from the general fundÓ (email correspondence, May 28, 2015). It seems likely that moving the DIAF coordinatorsÕ positions off the general fund payroll seems to be a first step in eliminating these positions. While it is unclear which grant funding sources will support these positions, grants run out after a specific time period. Unless the distric t 237 restores the positions to the general fund after the grant sources run out, or unless the district finds another source of outside funding (e.g., other grants, outside foundation/community monies), it seems likely that the DIAF positions are not likely t o exist in several years. This likelihood is compounded by the trajectory of enroll ment in the district, which as I discuss later in this chapter, continues downward. CAP Groups Partner with the Lansing School District As discussed in Chapter F ive, ther e was considerable tension around community arts providersÕ partnerships with the Lansing School District in the wake of the 2013 cuts. Early CAP coalition strategy attempted to withhold services unless the district agreed to return the AMPE teacher positi onsÑwhat I have called the ÒleverageÓ strategy. Even in these early meetings, where representatives from the CAP groups discussed the leverage strategy and talking points, there were dissenters. Several CAP groups had been working with the LSD for years, p roviding in-school and after -school enrichment, and were unwilling to stop these partnerships. As discussed, for a number of these representatives, the cuts only inspired them to work more with Lansing. They felt that they were needed urgently in the absen ce of regular instruction. The CAP coalition strategy shifted toward forming deeper relationships with the LSD administration. The new ACGL director hoped that by being part of a new model of arts education in Lansing, the group could become a trusted pa rtner in the eyes of the Superintendent . Besides, a s the ACGL D irector told me, the leverage strategy was not plausible because CAP groups had been unw illing to stop their work. The D irector emphasized that CAP groupsÕ work in the district after the cuts r epresented a continuation of prior projects, rather than a dramatic increase in involvement: ÒM ost of our arts educators had never gi ven up what they were already doing, so even in the face of the changes, theyÕre still in the schools. TheyÕre still artist s-in- 238 residence, theyÕre still people providing work to our kids Ó (interview transcript, January 7, 2015). The D irector also said that, because the arts council represented constituent groups who were interested in working with the LSD, she had to follow th eir desires: [The CAP groups are] my constit uents, and thatÕs my membership. T hose are the people that pay me to do the work that I do. So I have to listen to them, and if theyÕre continuing to provide work within the Lansing School District, I have to sup port that. I canÕt just say, ÒNo.Ó I canÕt [say], ÒYouÕre not a part of my group anymore because youÕre doing that.Ó They believe in that and itÕs a part of their work . (interview transcript, January 7, 2015) Representatives of CAP groups echoed these sen timents, saying that after early conversations about withholding their programming, they just kept Ògoing about their business.Ó One representative said that very little had changed: ÒP eople have just kinda settled in. The [art museum is] doing what the [a rt museum Õs] doing. W eÕre doing wha t weÕre doing. [The art studio] is doing what theyÕre doing. Has a to n changed? No. I donÕt think soÓ (interview transcript, January 14, 2015) . A local art studio had, however, specifically partnered with the district to provide more programming in the wak e of the cuts. As discussed in Chapter F ive, the D irector of this art studio had been a long -time Lansing resident, and was close with the LSD administration before the cuts. In addition to furthering the after -school programs already initiated, the art studio met with the DIAF team in July 2013 to propose new projects. In the district documents I obtained via a local jour nalistÕs FOIA request, there were meeting minutes and an informational flyer (provided by the studi o) from the art studioÕs presentation to the DIAF team. The art studio proposes field trips, guest artists, contracted professional development conducted by the studio staff, and 239 placement of teaching artists from the art studio on a contracted basis. In t he meeting minutes, a proposal reads: ÒDuring the day Ñtarget one grade level Ñcustomized classes.Ó This last approach Ñcontracting with the art studio on grade -level projects Ñwas the districtÕs favored option. The director of the art studio explained that they started with a project for all fifth grade students in the district (except those in the visual and performing arts magnet school, Pleasant View): We did put together a program that's called "Music and Me" that we piloted last year , and it was a progr am with the fifth graders that integrated music and visual arts. So we had an instructor that actually had been an art specialist in the --not in the Lansing School District, but previously in another district --that is o ne of our lead teachers , and she took this on and delivered that program last spring and then she's getting ready to do tha t again this spring with the fifth graders. So that was one program that we --we contracted with the school district to do tha t. (interview transcript, January 9, 2015) The studio director said that the programming could expand in the years to come to include other grade levels. To get a sense of the ÒMusic and MeÓ project, I watched a video of students working on ÒMusic and MeÓ curricula (Music and Me, 2014). The video i s part of a PowerPoint presentation that the art studio made to district administrators, and lasts around 10 minutes. Aims of the project are listed and include designing and producing musical instruments, exposing students to Latin music so that they make cross -cultural connections, and Òpromoting active musical activity through playing and moving to musicÓ (Music and Me, 2014). Though the art studio director said the project included almost all fifth graders, the video only lists nine participating elemen tary schools. Each elementary school designed a different instrument (with paper, paint, glue, and 240 other supplies), and students are shown posing with their creations (e.g., guitars, violins, tambourines , panpipes, drums). Students also are shown ÒplayingÓ the percussion instruments along with prerecorded music. The presentation noted that plans to bring students together to ÒjamÓ at an end of the school year event were unsuccessful. While it is difficult to get an exact picture of which CAP groups are doi ng work with LSD students during the school day, several other projects are noteworthy. The Lansing Symphony continues to offer a young personÕs concert each spring for all area schools. Accompanying curricula and materials (i.e., recorders, CD recordings, sheet music) and professional development for tea chers accompanies the concert and is funded through the ÒLink Up!Ó program operated by Carnegie Hall. In Lansing, third grade students currently participate in the symphony partnership. It is impossible to know how many classrooms and schools participate, however, as principals and teachers participate voluntarily. Several other community artists have partnered with the DIAF team. A local musician Ben Hassenger has worked with teachers in the district on a number of projects. One is the ÒGuitars in the ClassroomÓ project, in which teachers are trained to use acoustic guitars and simple songs to teach classroom content. Ben also does a variety of projects in elementary schools, such as the ÒUkulele Kid Experi enceÓ (U.K.E.) at Attwood Elementary. In March, local hip -hop musician Ozay Moore conducted a workshop titled, ÒBringing Hip Hop into the Classroom.Ó In general, the ACGL has begun to act as a coordinator between the LSD and the Wharton CenterÕs Institute for Arts and Creativity (sponsored by the Michigan State U niversity Federal Credit Union) to bring in Òartists in residence.Ó These artists are funded by the Wharton Center Institute as part of its educational programming, and then, when grant money (or di strict 241 funding) exists, they are brought into Lansing classrooms. Because this district/grant money is scarce, only a couple artists take up residency each year. Impacts of the Cuts on the LSD Staff In addition to the noticeable impacts on the arts educ ation that Lansing School District elementary school students receive, participants spoke at length about the impacts on the LSD teachers Ñboth those that lost their jobs in the cuts and those that are still employed by the district. The 27 AMPE teachers wh o lost their positions were affected differently depending on several factors. First, some art and music teachers who were non -endorsed or who held a second certification were able to go in classroom teaching positions after the cuts. For numerous endorsed specialists, however, the cuts meant being out of work, finding a new teaching job, leaving teaching altogether, or retiring. I discuss some of these endorsed specialistsÕ stories in this section. Also, for the classroom teachers still employed in the LSD , the lack of planning time combined with new responsibilities seems to have negatively impacted teacher health/stress and morale. Based on participant interviews, it would be difficult to overstate the negative situation for classroom teachers: current an d former educators constantly characterized the LSD as being in crisis. Where are the AMPE Teachers Now? As mentioned, some AMPE teachers were able to go back into classroom teaching positions, while others were not. A former music teacher talked about h ow some of her friends with dual certifications were slotted into classroom teaching roles after the cuts, although they had not previously taught anything except art or music: There was a teacher that was an art specialist who was also a reading specialis t and she went back in the classroom É I know one of our music specialists is now an English 242 teacher in high school. She never taught English. But the district said , "I t's on your certification, so we're going to cut you from music and you 're going to star t teaching 11 th and 12 th grade English.Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015. ParticipantsÕ characterization of what happened to the AMPE teachers, however, seemed to differ depending on coalition membership. Perhaps not surprisingly, former AMPE teac hers spoke more passionately about the cuts than non -AMPE teachers. A former music teacher spoke of the broad impact on the teachers who were cut: WeÕve lost all these teachers, weÕve lost a quality education program, weÕve lost all these certified people who have families and who had a long career, people who have 20 more years of service and have been loyal to that district É YouÕre talking about peopleÕs livelihood and their ability to support themselves and their family. That is serious. A lot of those people still do not have jobs. (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) Several non -AMPE participants, however, downplayed the negative effects on the AMPE department and noted that many of these teachers quickly found other jobs. A current classroom teacher said: When you look at the number of elementary specialists positions that we had, many of those people held general elementary certifications. They weren't just specialized in art or just specialized in music. And many of them landed in positions with in the district. Yes, there were layoffs É But you know, many people landed in positions eventually . (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) Several former AMPE teachers were able to find other jobs in school districts in Michigan. One counted herself Òluc kyÓ and ÒfortunateÓ because Ò usually [districts] donÕt even loo k at you if you have more than five years , because youÕre too expensiveÓ (interview 243 transcript, March 16, 2015) . The other talked about how strange it felt to relocate later in her life: ÒI mean I packed up, sold our house, and we moved É It was hard. I mean who starts over at 50 years old? I did [laughs] Ó (interview transcript, January 16, 2015). The teachers ultimately felt happy in their new positions but also admitted they felt their hear ts were Òstill in Lansing.Ó Several AMPE teachers who were close to retirement chose to retire when the cuts were announced. These teachers were frustrated, however, because they felt forced into retirement and preferred to continue teaching. A former ar t teacher discussed her choice to retire early: I early retired because it's really diffic ult to get a job when y ou've been a teacher for a long time. They don't want to hire someone who's older and so [other art teacher] and I both early retired. But othe r teachers were worried because they didn't know if they could find a job. And I knew I could retire, so I was going to be okay . Not happy about it . (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Other teachers chose retirement because the available positions in the Lansing School District were undesirable. A former music teacher retired to avoid moving from elementary music to a secondary instrumental music position: I had seniority but there were going to make me take a middle school and a high school band, and I just said , ÒI'm too old for it, Ó you know? With those programs, you've got to be there all the time, you've got to be up on it. And I was only planning on staying a couple years, and to build a band program it takes five or six [years] . And they didn't give me much other option É I didn't like it how I went out, but decided to retire. [I] would have taught another couple years had they not done what they d id. (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) 244 Several older teachers also decided, in part, to leave their jobs because they knew other younger teachers needed the positions more than they did. One former teacher explained: I voluntarily walked away from a job because somebody who had 10 years of experience and a wife and children wasnÕt gonna have a job . And I had enough seniority and knew I would land somewhere else, so I voluntarily gave my job up so they could work . (interview transcript, January 6, 2015) Several teachers, for whom the cuts meant the end of their teaching careers, remembered feeling a mix of anger and Òout of sorts.Ó One former music teacher remembered packing up her room at the end of the year: ÒI t was very, very difficult that last [day] when I had to pack up my stuff É I loved te aching, I loved teaching musicÓ (interview transcript , January 20, 2015) . This teacher went on to say that the first year of retirement was Ò extremely difficult because I had been pushed out of something that I had done all my life Ó (interview transcript, January 20, 2015). Another former music teacher remem bered similar feelings during the last days of the 2013 school year: I remember very clearly packing my room up, I think it was the last week of school. And just sitting there and just sobbing, realizing that IÕm not going to be a music teacher anymore. That part of me that IÕve prepared for since I was three ÑI played violin when I was three ÑitÕs gone. I went through the whole depression cycle, and you know, just sad and mourning the loss of that part of me . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) Form er AMPE teachers especially lamented the loss of teacher talent brought about by the cuts. While participants acknowledged prior weaknesses within the AMPE teaching force, they said the cuts had managed to send the weaker, non -endorsed teachers back into o ther teaching positions in the district, but had caused an exodus of endorsed talent. A former music 245 teacher said: ÒA lot of good teachers who could leave did. A lot of the good teachers, and not just music Ñart teachers, too É And thatÕs the sad thingÓ (in terview transcript, January 21, 2015) . A former art teacher echoed this lament: They lost a huge talent bank when this happened, because these people all needed to get jobs and left. I mean many people pulled up stakes and moved, had to move É Good teachers that had been there forever, excellent teachers. (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) Classroom Teachers Struggling: H ealth, Stress, and Morale Participants spoke at length about the difficulty that classroom teachers experienced since the 2013 cuts. The lack of planning time meant that, except for a 25 -minute lunch period, teachers were occupied with students from Òbell to bell.Ó Eating lunch was sometimes unusual for the teachers, as one related: There's no breaks. You're with kid s from bell to bell. So you're ÑI mean, you can't forget to make a copy in the morning. And you can't forget to get the paper you need for this, or the book you need for this, because there is no time to do it. Unless you do it during your lunch which means you'r e not eating. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) Classroom teachers said they often could not even find time to use the bathroom. Before the contract vote, one educator had jokingly warned the bargaining team that they would need to Òinvest in so me D epends [adult diapers] for everybody because they're not even going to be able to go to the bathroom." The joke, however, became reality: Ò I had some colleagues literally get urinary tract infections because they were so stressed , they weren 't going to the b athroom enoughÓ (interview transcript, March 14, 2015) . 246 The classroom teachers said that, although they knew teaching without a planning period would be difficult, things were even more difficult than they had anticipated. The absence of planning time mad e the teachers realize how much they had been able to accomplish when their students went to art or music, as one educator related: You would think it's not like we had that much time before, but it was these little slices of time in the day. I knew that w hen I had my 30 minutes for music, I was going to g et 20 things done. And I would Ñyou know, I would plan my planning time and I used it because that's the time we had. An d now it's gone. It's very hard. I mean you can see it on people's faces that it's wea ring on people. It's not easy. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) It was also problematic that the planning time cut had arrived alongside a new evaluation system and loss of job protection for teachers with seniority. This combination meant that teach ers were working harder than ever, a classroom teacher said: Our evaluations have gotten increasingly harder and complicated and unfair, so nobody feels like they're doing a good job even when they are working harder than they ever have before. Our evaluat ions are set up to make us feel like nobody's doing a good job. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) Another classroom teacher summed up the situation, saying the cuts had t urned the district Òupside down Ó and that the situation now was a ÒdisasterÓ (inte rview transcript, February 13, 2015). Because teachers had no breaks during the school day, routine tasks of teaching Ñgrading papers, communicating with parents or colleagues, making copies, visiting the principal, filling out paperwork, updating a grade book, tracking assessment data for performance evaluations, and 247 many others Ñaccumulated and were put off until after school. A current classroom teacher discussed the challenge: You make it through t hat day, and instead of having three or four things you n eed to get done before you go home, you have 100 things to get done before you get home. And you never feel fully prepared and fully caught up. That's [the hardest part] to me. I could stay until 10 o'clock every night and never feel fully prepared, fully caught up. (interview transcript, March 5, 2014). A former teacher spoke of hearing the same complaints from colleagues in the district: The atmospheres in the building, the morale is just tremendously low. Lines for the copy machines are out the door beca use you can only do it at the beginning of the day and the end of the day. TheyÕre working even more hours b ecause thereÕs no planning time. (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) A former art teacher who left the district noted that friends who still worked in the LSD said they were going to Òlose itÓ: IÕm so surprised some people havenÕt just had a total nervous breakdown. A lot of m y friends that are still there É they said , ÒI am just,Ó one of them said, ÒI feel like IÕm gonna just lose it.Ó I mean theyÕre just miserable. And how that can be good for kids either? I mean the whole thing is ridiculous . (interview transcript, March 16, 2015) Another current employee also brought up the effect that low morale was having on students: The most obvious imp act is that the students are less enriched by the school system, but a huge, huge by -product of this has been the impact on teach er morale. It's just horrible, and if you think about it, a day [is] sad enough for a kid who doesn't have any kind of arts 248 experience , but to be in this school where also you have a teacher who is really unhappy to be there , itÕs sort of a net effect, I think. (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) Several participants said that teachers were now calling in sick or taking exten ded medical/stress leaves. A former teacher had spoken to friends in the district and reported that, ÒTeachers are just dying É TheyÕre burned out. T heyÕre using more and more of t heir sick days than ever beforeÓ (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) . A classroom teacher elaborated: It's just been spiraling and we have had more teachers ÑI know because my friend was seeing [a doctor]. [My friend is] out on a stress leave and [the doctor] said that it's a revolving door that the Lansing teachers are on. Ju st multitudes of different stress leaves because of the no breaks and the no respect from downtown, no help, no listening, and just having to do everything on their own . And then not being respected for anything, a nd everybody's crabby and depressed, and t hat kind of stuff. I mean it's bad, very bad. (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) The stress leaves were taking a toll on building staff, teachers noted. In one building, two teachers Ñout of a staff of twelve Ñhad left during the 2014 -2015 school yea r: ÒT wo teachers have gone. O ne at the beginning of the year was out on a stress leave for two months at the beginning. And one retired at Thanksgiving, didn't even finish out, and sh e retired because of the stressÓ (interview transcript, February 13, 2015 ). Another teacher who worked in this same building said there was even talk among teachers about which local doctors were willing to sign off on a sick leave: ÒThere's talk sometimes about which specific doctors, which practices will support you taki ng a leave for health [reasons] É It's a thing that people discuss for sure Ó (interview transcript, April 29, 2015) . 249 With classroom teachers taking frequent sick days or being on extended health -related leaves, there has been a need for substitute teachers ac ross the district. Participants said, however, that substitutes do not want to work in Lansing because of the lack of planning time and the student disciplinary issues. A classroom teacher said that once a substitute comes in to teach a given class, they a re unwilling to return. Another said that the 2014 -2015 school year brought numerous days where there were not enough substitutes to fill vacancies. These days were unpredictable because scheduled substitutes did not always show up: [Subs will] say, "OK, y eah sure we'll be there, blah blah blah," and then they don't show up, so we might end up with three É Why would they come to our district to sub, when they can go get at least a little bit of break here or there in these other districts? É We're always sh ortÑand [subs] won't even call in. I think what they'll do is they'll sign up for a sub job [in Lansing] and then maybe someone better will come along and maybe they'll get a couple breaks and won't have to do anything. (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) This teacher went on to say that, with teachers taking sick days, and subs not being willing to work, teachers who were present at school sometimes had to cover multiple classes, which created even more stress: ÒWe get screwed and have to take over more kids in our classes sometimesÓ (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . Clearly, this issue became pressing enough that the Superintendent addressed it in a memo to staff on March 23, 2015: Only two more weeks until Spring Break. Hang on! The substitute situation is very serious all around the nation, in fact. We had a very tough day on Friday with about a 75% fill rate for absent staff. Adjustments need to be made on the fly. ItÕs not optimal for our students. So, IÕm asking you to hang in there for another 9 days Ð then you can have a 250 whole week to regenerate for the run to June! Thanks. (Monday Morning Memo, March 23, 2015). Several participants said the situation in Lansing was bad enough that older teachers were advising younger teachers to find other jobs Ñand those who found other jobs were leaving. As a former employee put it, ÒAnyone who can leave is leavingÓ (interview t ranscript, January 6, 2015). A former music teacher said she often counsels younger teachers to Òget out of Lansing while you canÓ: ÒI just tell them, Ô HeyÑgo for it. Lansing's not going to do anything for you. The best thing , if you've only taught 10 year s, your best thing is to get out now, so find a job. ÕÓ (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) . I asked a classroom teacher with many years of experience if she considered retirement, and she said: If I could right now, I would É I can't afford it. I was just Ñone of the rea sons I went to the doctor today [was] just the hopelessness. I'm like , "Oh my God. S eriously. I can't go because of the money, and what else can I do to make this kind of money, you know? Ó So that's the hard part . (interview transcript, February 13, 2015) Bleak Future for the Lansing School District Two years after the cuts occurred, the districtÕs financial outlook still looks bleak. Mostly, the contributing factors are the same ones that put the district in a deficit situation in 2013. Per pupil funding (state aid money for the district), while not keeping pace with retirement/benefit system costs, looks to be up slightly for the 2015 -2016 school year (Greco, 2015). The Superintendent noted, however, that the increase in per pupi l fun ding will reduce the number of layoffs, but likely will not be enough to stave off all cuts (Greco, 2015). Declining enrollment remains the major issue. The district is anticipating the years -long decline to continue, and is budgeting accordingly. 251 While t he decline likely is affected by regional and statewide issues, my participants also emphasized that they had heard of families who left the district (at least in part) because of the cuts to art, music, and physical education. A former art teacher knew of a number of families who were Ò just disgusted that this happened Ó and used the school choice provisions to move students to a new district: Ò I know of one fa mily that went to East Lansing É A lot of families that I did know well went to [nearby district] HoltÓ (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) . Moving kids out of the district to avoid the Lansing high schools was common, this teacher said, but other families who had stayed in Lansing Òon principle,Ó left when the programming was no longer there: [Fam ilies that eventually left] are people that had stayed with Lansing for a long time and believed in the whole, you know, that they wante d their kids to have diversity. But when it wasn't backed up with programming, they left. (interview transcript, January 5, 2015) As discussed earlier in this chapter, the ÒfinancialsÓ of the five -year union contract were able to be opened up for renegotiation after two years. With the grim financial picture in mind, participants were pessimistic about any return of certifi ed arts specialists. A DIAF coordinator said: ÒH onestly, as they get towards negotiating again, [IÕm thinking] that the idea of actually bringing us back Ñnot maybe to the full capaci ty, but maybe partial capacity Ñis not necessarily an option. BudgetÕs still an issue Ó (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) . A current classroom teacher agreed: We're not really in much better of a fi nancial situation than we were two years ago É So I would say I wouldn't be shocked if they eliminated those [DIAF] positi ons, a nd I'd say I'd be surprised if they hired back more AMPE people, because they're not in a financial position , I don't think , to do that. (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) 252 Others cynically noted that once the AMPE positions went away, it would be almost impossible to restore them, since the cuts had saved the district money. A former teacher said: Ò So theyÕre still losing money, so if youÕve got a situation where they just saved a ton of money, you think theyÕre going to go backwards on it? Not an ytime soon. Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015). In addition to feeling like there would be no short -term improvements in AMPE staffing, participants said they had heard the stipend was going to Ògo away.Ó Classroom teachers had been paid a $5,000 st ipend to give up their planning period, but it was rumored that the stipend would disappear after two years because of deficits. Secondary Music Enrollment Suffers Participants discussed how the effects of the cuts were already trickling into the seventh through twelfth grade music programs. While acknowledging that the full effects would not be felt for some years (i.e., until those in early elementary school had no sequential music in K -6), some said enrollment was down and that students were behind in terms of skills. A current employee said: With each progressive year with things staying the way they are, itÕs not going to get better, itÕs going to get worse. They still have Ñright now the high schools still have some kids that happened to have that beg inning band program. Things like that. But now there isnÕt. ItÕs sad. [Secondary music teachers are] aware that itÕs going to have an effect on them. But right now theyÕre struggling to keep their own programs alive. Lack of numbers É Because thereÕs not m uch feeding into it. We donÕt have anything feeding there to inspire. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) A former music teacher had heard of enrollment problems at the secondary level as well, and said there were a variety of causes: 253 Between the re structuring of the grades, moving the teachers around, and the cuts at the elementary [level] ÑI mean all of those things have happened. IÕll be very curious to see where the program s are in another year, another two years, and so on, because I donÕt see them getting any bigger or any better . (interview transcript, January 21, 2015) This former teacher said that even though one high school band teacher was working hard, the number of students in the band program had dwindled to 35 -40 students, a small group for a school of 800 stu dents. In another building, no students had signed up for the eighth grade band. This former teacher exclaimed: ÒL ook at our secondary music programs. T heyÕre shrinking. TheyÕre dramatically shrinking Ó (interview transcript, January 21, 2015). Discussion: Conflicting Messages on District Health Even though most participants agreed that the LSDÕs future was bleak, conflicting external messages suggested the district had Òrighted the ship.Ó Amid internal strife discussed by the teache rs, the Superintendent was being supported by the School B oard and praised by administrators in the state. Th is support came first when the Board of E ducation renewed the Superintendent Õs contract for two years at the March 2013 meeting at which it also approved the five -year union contract. This show of support was almost unanimous, with only one board member dissenting, and the others emphasizing that Ò her excellent work in the district thus far have [sic] made her a perfect fitÓ (Gibbons, 2013). This s upport was furthered in October 2014 when the board unanimously voted to extend Caamal CanulÕs contract through 2018 (Lavey, 2014). The board P resident penned an editorial explaining that the Superintendent had arrived at a time when relations between the board and the administration were poor, Òthe budget was in crisis, student enrollment was dropping every year, and the district lacked a clarity of vision and directionÓ (Spadafore, 2014). The president goes on to praise the Superintendent for the progress 254 made on all fronts. Around the same time, in November 2014, the Michigan Association of School Administrators named Caamal Canul the 2015 Michigan Superintendent of the year, praising her work on the districtÕs strategic plan (Lavey, 2014). In sum, ther e seems to be considerable support for the direction of the district. The praise for the Superintendent , in both board membersÕ comments and her award nomination, constructs a narrative emphasizing how the Òtough decisionsÓ had to be made to Òright the shi p.Ó The loss of elementary art and music specialists, at least in the public sphere, has almost completely faded from view. Even current protests about the Lansing School District do not mention the AMPE cuts. For example, a counterpoint piece, written by a local resident, was published alongside the board P residentÕs editorial that praised the Superintendent . This piece protests the general direction of the district and focuses on school safety and atmosphere, but makes no mention of the elementary art, mu sic, and physical education cuts (Hussain, 2014). In other words, the loud protests from March 2013 turned quickly into shrugs. This is exemplified in a Michigan Radio news story from January 2014, titled, Ò After cutting arts teachers, schools adjust to n ew normal in Lansing Ó (Wells, 2014). The piece discusses the move from outrage to acceptance, noting: Last year, Lansing public school officials laid off all their elementary art and music teachers. The move got national attention from outraged educators a nd arts groups. Now, almost a year after the layoffs were announced, Lansing students and teachers are getting used to the new normal. (Wells, 2014). A teacher is quoted as saying, ÒIt is what it isÓ (Frederick s in Wells, 2014). The cuts also are forgotte n in recent district messaging. Radio and television advertisements from the spring of 2015 emphasized the completeness of the districtÕs offerings, saying Lansing offer s Ò more 255 educational choices to students than any other school district in the greater L ansing region Ó (Lansing School District, 2015). The fundamental question then arises: is the district providing arts education at the elementary level, or is it merely providing sporadic arts -enhanced experiences? Like the health and direction of the dist rict, answers to this question differ. In March 2013, as the cuts were announced, the Superintendent and district spokesperson fought back against claims that the arts were being cut. And to be sure, the official district messaging still represents that el ementary students receive arts education. One of my participants, a classroom teacher confident in her ability to teach art and music, argued the same point, saying: Ò To me, the biggest thing is there's this misconception that Lansing kids aren't getting a rt, music, and P .E. Yes they are. They' re getting it from their highly -qualified, certified in all subjects, classroom teacherÓ (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . The majority of participants, however, said they felt that the district was only Òpaying lip serviceÓ to the arts. The lack of time to teach and ability on the part of the classroom teachers, the lack of enforcement by administrators, the infrequency of DIAF coordinator visits, and the inconsistency of community arts provider visits combined to support this assertion. One of the classroom teachers felt the whole idea of the DIAF was evidence that the district needed to appear like it was not cutting the arts. The teachers said: ÒTo me [the DIAF] was more of, we have to say we're doing somethin g and so we're goin g to say we're going to put these positions in there , because there was all this talk about eliminating art, music, and P .E. So they had to say there was something there Ó (interview transcript, March 5, 2015) . Another classroom teacher said the DIAFÕs method in the second year Ñgiving kids art, music, and P.E. back -to-back -to-back on the same day Ñwas evidence of a lack of integrity in the districtÕs approach. The teacher 256 said that by doing this the district is Òcovering the basesÓ so as to not be dishonest in saying it provides arts instruction. One of the DIAF coordinators said the truth lay somewhere in between the district actually attempting to provide quality arts education and merely Òpaying lip serviceÓ to the arts. This coordinator said: To outsiders, it can indeed look like [lip service] when the district does what they can to look good to the public. ÒOh, look Ñwe have a string quartet in our schools. Music is alive! Praise God!Ó And I get that. But thatÕs not how we ÑthatÕs not how it was put to us. Although IÕm sure the districtÕs going t o try to save face and keep the student population up. Because if the student population drops, the situation isnÕt going to get any better. (interview transcript, February 23, 2015) Whether the district was trying to Òlook good to the publicÓ or was real ly confident that its approach was as innovative as planned, the districtÕs financial problems seem likely to force its hand in the near future. As enrollment continues to decline and the stateÕs aid money struggles to keep pace with ballooning retirement costs, the districtÕs choices will likely clarify priorities around arts education. 257 CHAPTER SEVEN: DISCUSSION AND RECOM MENDATIONS Limitations Acknowledging the limitations of research studies is important to the interpretation of their findings. T he first limitation to consider concerns the trustworthiness of the findings as a function of the overall design. Because this is a qualitative case study of a single school districtÕs policy decision -making process, findings cannot be generalized to all s ettings. Of course, this is also not the goal of such research. Qualitative studies such as this aim for depth of understanding, rich and evocative description, and careful contextualization of phenomena (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Because qualitative studie s operate in a different paradigm than quantitative studies, rules governing internal and external validity differ. Rather than aim for a large number of participants or controlled conditions, designs such as this require information -rich cases and demand that the researcher seek both data saturation and disconfirming evidence (Miles & Huberman, 1994). The localized nature of the study, while negating generalizability based on statistical power, does not engender insignificance. Scholars have suggested the potential for these kinds of Òsmall storiesÓ to challenge unquestioned Òmega -narrativesÓ in education (Olson & Craig, 2009). Olson and Craig (2009) write: In the midst of powerful policy narratives at work in the field of educa tion, small stories intimate ly experienced by people in relationship typi cally do not get attended to because narratives with mega Ðplot lines devised by others and routinely accepted by ourselves in the daily con duct of ou r lives tend to take precedence É Becoming awake to small stor ies lived within and between individual human beings makes it possible to begin to be able to tell these stories in ways that show how tensions relating to diversity, 258 accountability, and standardization manifest themselves in the fabric of everyday lives. (p. 549). In this case study, I sought to tell a Òsmall storyÓ and to relate this story to important macro -level policy conditions. As Olson and Craig (2009) suggest, telling Òsmall storiesÓ helps to address GreeneÕs (1995) challenge Òto learn to move bac k and forth, to comprehend the domains of policy and long -tem planning while also attending to particular children, situation -specific undertakings, the unmeasurable, and the uniqueÓ (p. 11). Generalizability and Transferability In this study, I hoped to d escribe the particularities of the Lansing situation to the extent that readers may better comprehend other situations Ñof cuts to elementary arts education programs Ñwith more nuance and understanding. While the aim is not generalizability, it may be possib le that findings from this study can be transferred to other similar contexts, depending on the degree of similarity Ñor ÒfittingnessÓ Ñbetween Lansing and a given school district (Guba & Lincoln, 1981). As discu ssed in Chapter T hree, there is the potential for Òlogical situational generalizabilityÓ (Schwartz, 1996, p. 7). While it is unlikely that other school districts would echo the LSDÕs process, with identical policy conditions, coalition relationships, and aftermath, it is likely that readers would be a ble to locate isolated similarities in the workings of other districts. As I discussed in Chapter T hree, the study also was limited by constraints on access. I originally planned to address the third research question by going into LSD buildings for obser vations of classroom generalists and DIAF coordinators. I also planned to interview these educators and the LSD administrators during these visits. Unfortunately, my request for access to the district was denied. As a result, my ability to describe what is currently happening Ñin terms 259 of elementary arts education Ñis limited. I do feel that participant interviews and other documents (e.g., DIAF lesson plans, news articles, Superintendent memos) provide sufficient data for understanding the current state of i nstruction in the LSD, but the data set would undoubtedly be richer with observations and interviews guided by visits. It is also important to acknowledge possible limitations stemming from selection bias. Though I attempted to include the perspective of many different stakeholders, those who were willing to be interviewed may represent a certain ÒsideÓ or set of opinions/beliefs, or Ñfollowing my analysis Ñmay have unduly represented a coalition. At the same time, it was rare that anyone that I contacted re fused to be interviewed (this did happen once, as two DIAF coordinators were unwilling to speak). To combat the potential for a myopic view of LansingÕs decision, I sought disconfirming evidence and purposefully represented these viewpoints alongside the d ominant voices. For example, one voice stands out as contrary in my sample of classroom teachers, and this educatorÕs perspective helps to bring nuance to the data set. The perspectives are also varied among the community arts provider representatives. At the same time, the data set is strengthened by the significant repetition of participant opinions. The former AMPE teachers were remarkably unified in their feelings about the cuts, and their telling of stories helped to triangulate each otherÕs assertions . Policy Analysis Limitations This study aims to add to the nascent body of arts education policy literature. As I mentioned in Chapter T hree, although policy matters have long been a concern for the arts education field, formal policy analysis is a relatively ignored area of arts education scholarship. With only a few exceptions (see Aguilar, 2011; Jorgensen, 1985; Kos, 2010), the arts education policy sphere has made little use of any recognized policy analysis strategies/frameworks. As a 260 result, a limitation of this study is its inability to easily fit into a broader body of similar literature. There are also limitations to the use of the ad vocacy coalition framework (ACF) for this type of research study. In a recent review of studies using the ACF between 1987 and 2006, Weible, Sabatier, and McQueen (2011) report few applications to education policy and no studies of actions occurring within a single public school district. However, the authors note that the ACF has been applied to a variety of policy systems (e.g., transportation, marine law, forestry, pollution), suggesting the applications are potentially broad. In sum, using a public poli cy framework that was mostly intended for u se with large policy subsystems to analyze decision -making in a single school district likely involves limitations. At the same time, other frameworks have been used in localized instances of educational policymaking, such as Houlihan and GreenÕs (2006) analysis of physical education policy in England and Stout and StevensÕs (2000) investig ation of a failed Minnesota diversity rule. These two studies, while conducted at a state/national level, address similar coalitions and decision -making processes as my study. Beyond issues of fit, there are almost certainly issues with using the ACF to s tudy such a recent policy development. Authors suggest that at least 10 years should pass before using the ACF to study coalition actions around a policy issue (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). At the same time, Weible et al. (2011) acknowledged that certa in research questions benefit from this waiting period, while others may not require the same passage of time. The authors suggest interpreting shorter -term study results, such as mine, within more long -term subsystem ÒdynamicsÓ (Weible et al., 2011, p. 35 4). Since I have used the ACF to contextualize a decision made roughly two years ago, any firm conclusions are bound to change slightly as time passes. 261 Last, using interview data as the primary basis for an ACF -guided study is somewhat rare, as most studie s use some combination of survey data or legislative document analysis. Primarily using interview data is not unprecedented, and this method accounts for roughly 20% of ACF studies between 1987 and 2006 (Weible, Sabatier, & McQueen, 2009). Critical Discu ssion of Findings Throughout the paper, I have summarized and discussed discrete findings. In this section, I more broadly discuss the studyÕs findings. I focus here on connecting Lansing to the broader conversations about class, social capital, and what counts as arts education. I also make recommendations for policy Ñboth at the macro - and micro -levels. Throughout this discussion, I draw on the critical policy scholarship tradition, epitomized by the work of Ball (1990, 1994), Grace (1984), Lipman (2004), and others. Critical policy scholarship is characterized by interrogations of policy as both official text and discourse (Ball, 1994) and recognizes the inherent power relations in policy making. It also goes beyond recognition toward action. As Lipman (2 004) writes, critical policy scholarship Òrecognizes the centrality of power in policy and policy making and is grounded in a commitment to transform unjust social relationsÓ (p. 13). My intention is to interrogate, critique, and question issues raised by my participants and those that I believe are relevant to districts like Lansing. After this discussion section, I offer recommendations and implications. Understanding the Cuts in Relation to Class, Race, and Capital Even as participants point to the imme diate causes of the cuts, one cannot reduce the discussion about Lansing to being only about budget problems or only about union politics. The underlying issues deserve recognition, and I argue that it is impossible to understand the dynamics of the Lansin g situation without discussing the role of class, race, and cultural capital. 262 Lansing School District is an urban district with a large percentage of minority students and students dealing with the effects of poverty. In general, the popular perception is that the LSD is prone to ÒproblemsÓ and offering Òlesser -thanÓ curricular offerings. The 2013 cuts, then, fit into the narrative about struggling/failing urban districts with their Òbacks to the wall.Ó It comes as no great surprise, in other words, that th e cuts occurred in a place like the Lansing School District while nearby suburban districts manage to support high -caliber arts education at the elementary level. Interrogating the situation means asking some tough questions: why is it not surprising that this happened in a place like Lansing? And as a corollary, why is it Ñat least ostensibly Ñokay that it happened in a place like Lansing? Why would something like this Ònever happenÓ in Okemos, a well -to-do district several miles from Lansing? Considering th e class disparities made evident by comparing Lansing with surrounding districts points to troubling realities about inequity in schooling and the expectations for what urban schools provide. The inequity most evident in this situation is the lack of a cha llenging, intellectually rich, and well -rounded education, which Lipman (2004) claims as a central social justice imperative. There seems to be a feeling, expressed by some of my participants (though notably not by teachers) that districts serving lower -class students simply cannot offer everything. One participant commented that districts have to decide whether to cut the arts or to cut the school nurse. But why should districts like Lansing have to make this choice? Disparate expectations also lead natur ally to the disparate experiences of students in special magnet programs within urban districts. In Lansing, the children who attend Pleasant View Elementary (the visual and performing arts magnet school) continue to enjoy courses in art, music, dance, and theatre. Participants described this school as an ÒoasisÓ or as a ÒdreamÓ school within the troubled district. However, providing unequal experiences within a district is a 263 form of injustice (Lipman, 2004). It also is worth mentioning that this arts magne t school offers similar curriculum to nearby suburban districts. What is an oasis for some students in Lansing is just another neighborhood school in wealthier suburban districts. When troubling the narrative of which schools are expected to provide which curricular offerings, it is hard not to conclude that society is willing to withhold certain educative experiences from low -SES students. The conclusion from some seems to be that until children in struggling urban schools can show proficiency on Òbasic s killsÓ like reading and writing, urban districts cannot or should not begin to worry about well -rounded programs full of art, music, and physical education. And with recent accountability systems (e.g., No Child Left Behind ) requiring improvements in these basic subjects without necessarily Òaddressing the inequitable conditions under which children learnÓ (Noguera, 2007, p. 1), urban schools that lack resources and capacity for improvement can be further penalized. Accountability of this kind then can bloc k access to intellectually rich and challenging curriculum. The belief that struggling, high -poverty schools need not provide arts classes as a required element of their curriculum has become so ingrained that the arts are now positioned as a cure -all add ition. The PresidentÕs Committee on the Arts and Humanities (PCAH) has recently created the Turnaround Arts initiative, which uses a comprehensive arts -focused intervention to help failing (lowest 5% in a given state) schools. Operating in 27 school distri cts in 15 states, Turnaround Arts helps to implement robust and varied arts programs. Although the initiativeÕs materials stress the importance of the arts, the overall purpose of the intervention is to improve Òattendance, parent engagement, student motiv ation and academic achievementÓ (PCAH, 2015). While the project itself is laudable and boasts significant success in achieving its goals, it is worth noticing how it contributes to the positioning of the arts in the educational landscape. 264 Here, the arts ar e brought into a struggling school through outside funding to make an impact on non-arts outcomes. An expectation that school districts provide exemplary arts education as a matter of course is not to be found. Other local instances reinforce this point. A recent editorial in the Detroit Free Press detailed how the New Haven (Michigan) Community Schools cut its music programs in 2011 (Wunderlich, 2015). The editorial, penned by the districtÕs Superintendent , says that New Haven was ÒforcedÓ to make the cut s: Too many policymakers and communities are forced to treat music education as a luxury in times of tight finances and budget cuts in the classroom. To protect core academic programs, local public schools must make tough choices every day. Music is often the first to go. Four years ago, New Haven was in that position. Much loved as it was, our music program could not escape the difficult cut. (Wunderlich, 2015) The Superintendent goes on to say that after community members began digging up old sheet music and instruments from their attics, music was brought back. People teamed together to figure out Ò how to save a program the community wa nted but could no longer affordÓ (Wunderlich, 2015). Again, this narrative deserves questioning. If the dis trict was Òfor cedÓ to cut music and deserves praise for bringing it back, what is the importance of the subject? Do all students deserve the arts and should districts be expected to provide this education? Situations like the one in Lansing also raise important issues about cultural capital. Bourdieu (1986) defined cultural capital as a collection of symbolic elements that confer status and contribute to inequality between those who possess the elements and those who do not. Examples include tastes (e.g., in music, art, food), clothing, material possessions, and mannerisms. Bourdieu theorized that because certain kinds of cultural capital are valued over 265 others, possession of dominant forms of cultural capital can affect social mobility as much as possession of economic capital (e.g., income, property, wealth). Cultural capital is relevant to this study because many students in a district like Lansing are likely to have less outside -of-school exposure to the forms of dominant cultural capital that may confer status (Shann , 2001). My participants brought this up frequently, noting that most Lansing students do not have access to extra -curricular music and art experiences. This disparity puts more pressure on the school district to be an equalizer of cultural capital (Noguer a, 2007), providing cultural experiences during the school day. The cuts to elementary arts education in the LSD add to inequality in terms of studentsÕ cultural capital in several ways. First, without a strong basis in skills and knowledge provided throu gh regular and sequential arts curriculum in grades K -6, students will likely be hampered in their pursuit of artistic lives beyond their school years. This includes becoming a professional artist as well as meaningfully including the arts in oneÕs life as an amateur pursuit. One participant referred to LansingÕs decision as Òtaking away life possibilitiesÓ from kids , which echoes LipmanÕs (2004) assertions about inequality and injustice. Lipman notes: ÒPolicies and programs perpetuate social inequality and injustice when they prepare students of specific racial or ethnic, class, or gender groups for different life choicesÓ (p. 16). Second, the lack of stimulating music and art experiences likely robs students in Lansing of cultural capital that could add to their ability to navigate the social landscape. The relative inability of parents and community members to mount effective opposition to the cuts is worth considering, both in relation to social capital and to deficit models. Several participants were f rustrated with the lack of parental uproar about the cuts, and their anger seemed to follow a popular complaint: that urban parents are not engaged in their childrenÕs 266 school and must not care. This is a frequently discussed tension at many schools (Hargre aves, 2001), as teachers often feel distanced from parents who they perceive as uninvolved. But the assumption that Lansing parents did not turn out in earnest opposition because they did not care is problematic. This assumption relies on deficit thinking and ignores the numerous possible reasons for a lack of parental voice. Parents may not have turned out to protest at the school board meetings because they did not know details of time and place, were busy with work or child care commitments, or did not u nderstand that the teacher contract would be discussed. It is also possible that certain parents ÑEnglish language learners and those who are poor, may not feel comfortable speaking out in a public forum. Parents could have sensed that they lacked the socia l capital to be heard. Research has also suggested that even though teachers and administrators strongly believe in urban parental involvement, their actions can work to exclude parents (Barnyak & McNelly, 2009). One need not look far to understand the ro le that economic and social capital can play in mobilizing effective parent/community opposition to school district acti ons. As I discussed briefly in Chapter Fi ve, there are numerous examples of parental/community coalitions forming to successfully delay or stave off cuts to music programs. These actions, however, do not frequently occur in urban districts, but occur in more wealthy suburban communities. For example, East Grand Rapids, a small, very wealthy district an hour from Lansing, recently considere d reducing its elementary ÒspecialsÓ classes (Moroney, 2015). In reaction, parents held yard sales and funneled donations through a foundation. Around 60 community members marched in protest, and students and parents held signs that read: ÒOur Music, Art, & Gym Are Important,Ó and ÒI DonÕt Want a School Without Music or Gym and Art.Ó The response saved the classes, as reported in an Mlive article: 267 During Monday's final budget proposal, the board resurrected the elementary specials classes after receiving ne arly $260,000 in donations from EGRNow! Ð a campaign through the East Grand Rapids Schools Foundation. The funds also included about $20,000 from a recent community yard sale held in the parking lot of Breton Downs Elementary School. (Moroney, 2015) The c ontrast between the responses in East Grand Rapids and Lansing could not be much more different. In a striking example of both social and economic capital (and the power that comes with it), parents in East Grand Rapids mobilized, were able to raise enormo us amounts of money, and got what they wanted. In Lansing, parental mobilization was absent. Equity of Opportunity or More? Recently, there seems to be mounting pressure from the federal government to ensure that students receive an equitable educ ation. As discussed briefly in Chapter O ne, pressure has come in the form of threatened action from the U.S. Department of EducationÕs Office of Civil Rights. The OCR sent a letter to states and districts warning that the office would investigate instances of unequal access to educational resources, and lists the advanced courses and arts courses as resources (Klein, 2014). So far, such investigations have been rare. In one such investigation, the OCR investigated the South Orange Maplewood School District (New Je rsey) and found that African American students in the district were poorly represented in advanced courses in all grade levels. For example, a letter to the districtÕs Superintendent states: Ò OCR determined that for school year 2012 -2013, African -American students represented 51.5% (946 out of 1838) of the DistrictÕs total high school enrollment, but only 18.7% (148 out of 791) of the DistrictÕ s high school AP course takersÓ (OCR, 2014). The focus here is on access to rigorous classes, and arts courses are only mentioned in a list of advanced placement (AP) courses that the district offers. 268 It remains to be seen whether a situation like the one in Lansing rises to the level of OCR concern. Such recognition seems unlikely since the elementary students are un iformly (across the district) missing out on instruction by endorsed arts teachers, rather than disenfranchising a subset of students. There would only be an issue related if there was inequity of opportunity between students at the magnet and non -magnet e lementary schools. In KarpinskiÕs (2006) case study of a racially -segregated arts magnet program, a principal confronts the inequity of having Òfew, if anyÓ African -American students in magnet arts classes, but finds almost all of the minority students rel egated to the Òbasic skillsÓ classes (p. 46). Such a situation at a magnet school in Lansing undoubtedly would be cause for action, although there is not indication of such segregation. What is clear in Lansing, as mentioned, is that elementary students ha ve different opportunities than in other districts in the area. These disparities between neighboring districts echo findings on access in other metropolitan areas (see Salvador & Allegood, 2014). Any such pressure on equity of opportunity/access bodes w ell for children in urban school districts. However, numerous scholars have pointed out that equity of opportunity is not enough, adding that society must strive for equity of outcome. Noguera (2007) clarifies that while equal access to educational opportu nities is important and far from assured, the much tougher fight concerns equity of results. Lipman (2004) agrees, arguing for an expanded definition of equity that includes outcomes. Blogger Peter Greene recently illustrated the limits of Òaccess,Ó writin g: So let me ask you a question. You've worked really hard at your job, and you have bills to pay. Would you rather have access to some money, or would you like to have the money. Would you like to work at a place where everybody has access to a nice 269 paycheck, or would you like to have a nice paycheck? When you are hungry, do you want access to food, or do you want food? (Greene, 2015) This point is especially germane to LansingÕs situation. Elementary students in the LSD technically have the opportuni ty to make music and produce artwork. However, this is different than their ÒaccessÓ to math instruction. These students are provided with sequential math instruction, but they mostly are not provided with sequential art and music instruction. These opportunities exist without integrity. The question then becomes how to address equality of outcome, and I turn more to this question in my recommendations. The Role of the Arts in School Choice A rarely discussed issue central to the interpretation of this s tudyÕs findings involves the relationship between a districtÕs arts education programs and school choi ce provisions. As discussed in Chapter F our, districts like Lansing have seen their enrollment severely affected by MichiganÕs Òschool of choiceÓ provisio ns, first enacted in 1996. Thousands of students who live within urban school district boundaries elect to attend school elsewhere. While research on exact reasons for pursuing school choice options is scarce (Schneider & Buckley, 2002), professed reasons for opting out of a district like Lansing are likely to include concerns over safety, graduation rates, and curricula. Because public school districts must compete with one another for students, they must consider these potential parental concerns. Unfortu nately, competition and choice, when operating in the ÒmarketplaceÓ of public schools, does not necessarily lead to school districts automatically improving their safety, graduation rates, and curricula. Improvements such as these depend in part on complic ated district -level factors such as school leadership, relational trust among teachers, a nd capacity. These outcomes also are correlated heavily with the background characteristics of the students who attend the schools. In sum, the 270 competition caused by s chool choice can lead districts into difficult situations where they must attempt to improve Ñor appear to improve Ñeven when they lack the tools necessary (Spillane & Diamond, 2004). The need to appear to improve can lead districts into marketing campaigns . It is not unusual for public school districts to enlist agencies to develop branding strategies complete with media advertisements, slogans, website makeovers, and logos. One can easily see how the Lansing School District has been forced into this corner of competition. The district lacks the capacity, in terms of resources, to com pete with neighboring districts but must still present itself favorably in order to maintain as much enrollment as possible. This has led to the district stretching the truth an d engaging in ÒspinÓ about what it offers in terms of curricular offerings, speaking to the press with carefully crafted rhetoric, and evading tough questions about cuts. As shown in Lansing, the arts can become a part of a districtÕs marketing plans in ti mes of competition and choice. There seems to be a need to say that arts offerings are innovative even in the aftermath of cuts. The inability of district administrators to speak with candor is problematic for the transparency a community should expect fro m its public schools. ÒShared EndeavorÓ and Appropriate ÒRolesÓ The extent to which the two State Education Agency Directors of Arts Education (SEADAE) white papers (2012, 2014) about arts education delivery were discussed and used by participants raises a number of questions. The first white paper, Ò Roles of Certified Arts Educators, Certified Non -Arts Educators, and Providers of Supplemental Arts Instruction ,Ó (I refer to this paper as ÒRolesÓ) was published in 2012. The second, ÒArts Education for AmericaÕs Students: A Shared EndeavorÓ (I refer to this as ÒShared EndeavorÓ) followed in 2014 and acts as a kind of three -page executive summary of the ÒRolesÓ paper. The authors note that 271 the purpose of the ÒRolesÓ paper is Òto outline the roles of the key p artners who are responsible for providing an articulated, coherent, systemic, and sustainable K - 12 arts education for a ll studentsÓ (Richerme, Shuler, & McCaffrey, 2012, p. 1). The ÒShared EndeavorÓ is a sort of call to action based on the roles paper. Both papers are unequivocal about how the three groups Ñcertified arts educators, certified non -arts educators, and Òproviders of supplementary arts instructionÓ (which includes cultural organizations, teaching artists, and community arts organizations) Ñsho uld work together. The documents discuss clearly that the basis of a quality arts education is the work of certified arts educators. The ÒRolesÓ paper is most explicit: Ò The primary condition for successful delivery is a standards -based curriculum taught b y educators who are experts in t he delivery of that curriculumÓ (Richerme, Shuler, & McCaffrey, 2012, p. 1). Later in the document, it goes further by contrasting the work of certified arts educators and teaching artists. The authors note that while Òone -shotÓ visits by artists are important and meaningful, they do not serve the same purpose as regular instruction. The authors also seem prescient in their concern for policy action that confuses the two: PolicymakersÕ lack of understanding about the need fo r such ongoing, sequential arts education, the need for appropriately credentialed instructors, and the need for high quality assessment of arts learning may lead them to relinquish their responsibility to fund deep arts education . This, coupled with a gen eral desire to cut spending for public education may encourage others to instead rely on evanescent, privately funded arts experiences . (Richerme, Shuler, & McCaffrey, 2012, p. 2). While one often hears the lament that research and policy white papers rarely make their way into the hands of local actors, several participants referenced the ÒRolesÓ paper. Members of 272 the community arts provider (CAP) coalition said it had provided a basis for their response to Lansing in the aftermath of the cuts, and som e even used it to explain their feelings during our interviews. The Venn diagram was discussed, documents show, in the meetings of the CAP coalition during summer 2013. Few participants spoke at length about the paper itself; instead, they referenced the V enn diagram. In sum, the white paper seems to have been successful in providing guidance and clarification for those working to protest LansingÕs actions. Explicitness of the documents notwithstanding, the Lansing School DistrictÕs co -opting of the Venn di agram shows how easy it is for the white papers to be used as a justification for very different arts education delivery sy stems. As discussed briefly in Chapter S ix, the DIAF team used the Venn diagram in the flyer they made to advertise the new departmen t. And Ñtechnically speaking Ñthe district is not lying about having the three circles intact. Certified non -arts educators (generalists) are present, community arts providers are present, and certified arts educators are present. However, the size of the ci rcles is dramatically different; so much so, in fact, that the diagram loses its original meaning. The DIAF teamÕs use of the Venn diagram begs for stakeholders to interrogate the size and integrity of the circles. Is it enough to have just a handful of c ertified arts educators, some isolated supplementary experiences, and inconsistent instruction by non -arts educators? Taking a critical stance on the co -opting of the Venn diagram also begs for policy makers to read the accompanying material in the ÒRolesÓ paper. The document goes into great detail on differences in expertise and prepa ration of the different players and makes meaningful distinctions between arts education and arts enrichment/entertainment. In sum, the diagram is not enough on its own Ñit nee ds to be carefully Òunpacked.Ó See Figure 2 for a comparison of the SEADAE Venn diagram with the DIAF Venn diagram. 273 There also is no certainty that people agree on the roles described in the white papers. This studyÕs findings make it clear that perspecti ve matters: generalist teachers may or may not feel that they can handle arts instruction on their own. Teaching artists vary in their support for certified arts educators and may feel confident delivering instruction. There are also a number of examples n ationally of Òarts -focusedÓ schools that have no certified arts educators delivering regular instruction but instead involve arts integration coordinators, classroom generalists, and teaching artists. Even the representative from Americans for the Arts des cribed the group as being ÒagnosticÓ on who delivers the instruction. In other words, agreement on the roles paper may not be uniform. It also is fascinating to examine the correlations between a districtÕs socioeconomic demographics and the parts of th e Venn diagram they embrace. As discussed earlier in this section, the general perception of Lansing versus its neighboring suburban districts is that its arts programs are lacking. Several of the wealthier suburban districts are considered to have flouris hing arts programs. But does this mean that they embrace the Venn diagram and offer a coordinated experience for students? Generally, the answer is no. Their reputation is based on having consistent visual art and music instruction K -12, and on having exce llent performing ensembles at the secondary level. It is not uncommon for these ÒstrongÓ arts districts to have no involvement in studentsÕ arts education by non -arts teachers, and to have few if any relationships with community arts providers. These subur ban districts are able to do two things that urban districts like Lansing struggle to do: support sequential arts instruction at all grade levels and rely on families to provide extra -curricular arts experiences. Arts educators and administrators at many h ealthy, suburban districts are expected to take care of only one circle on the Venn diagram: certified arts educators. This contrast, again, shows the heavy burden placed on urban 274 Figure 2: Comparison of the SEADAE Venn Diagram and the DIAF Venn Diagram 275 districts, which ironically also lack the capacity to shoulder an ever -expanding list of responsibilities and accountability demands. Lansing School DistrictÕs version of the Venn diagram epitomizes the Òhollowed outÓ arts curriculum. As I discuss later in the recommendations section, this is an important concept that needs more attenti on. A district like Lansing technically can check boxes for offering elementary art and music, and the permissive elementary teacher certification rules in Michigan even me an that the district is using certified teachers (i.e., ÒK -8 all subjectsÓ) to deliver instruction. But, as shown through participantsÕ accounts of the current state of instruction in the LSD, there are dramatic differences between what students get in Lan sing and what they get in most other districts in the area. With DIAF visits occurring four times a year, and instruction by generalists occurring sporadically and seemingly without sequence/standards/supervision, the elementary arts program is only a shel l compared w ith a healthier district. It also is important to confront the beginning of this kind of hollowing ou t. In Lansing, as I discuss in Chapter F our, the weakening began years before with cuts to b eginning instrumental music and policies that permi tted non -endorsed teachers to fill specialist positions. In other districts, one frequently sees minor staffing cuts achieved through attrition. An arts teacher retires or resigns, and the position goes unfilled as the district rearranges teacher schedules . This recently occurred in Battle Creek, Michigan (Merchant, 2015). The Superintendent noted that the ÒprogramÓ would not be cut, and all courses would still be offered. Continuing to offer courses, while admirable, can be a kind of ÒcoverÓ for hollowing out actions. The Role of Teacher Emotions, Stress, and Trust Understanding how teachers respond to policy changes is important, both for comprehending the programmatic success of reform implementation and for interpreting the 276 effects of teachersÕ psyches and relationships. As shown in this study, the proposed policy change led to (for some educators) anger, mistrust, and debilitating stress. Also, the acts of teacher resistance (e.g., the classroom teacher who throws away DIAF art projects) give credence to the assertion in extant literature that education is a Òstreet -level bureaucracyÓ (Lipsky, 1980) and that teachers are de facto policy makers (Spillane, 1999). One can also see that classroom teachersÕ response to the policy change depended on relationsh ips (or lack thereof) with AMPE teachers, suggesting the importance of social networks in educational settings (Daly, 2010). Far from being surprising, these findings mirror those of numerous studies that suggest the importance of teacher emotions (Hargre aves, 1998; Schmidt & Datnow, 2005), caring (Campbell & Neill, 1994; Lortie, 1985; Noddings, 1984), values and morals (Ball & Wilson, 1996; Joseph & Efron, 1993; Santoro, 2011, 2013), and relational trust (Atteberry & Bryk, 2010; Bryk & Schneider, 2004). W hen the conditions of teaching change, these factors and others will mediate the acceptance of the changes. Policy -makers Õ acknowledgment of these factors, however, is not commonplace, as decision -makers may prefer to ignore how teachers will receive chang e, and may couch reforms and policy changes in what Fineman (1993) calls Òemotionally anorexicÓ discourse (p. 9). Hargreaves (1998) posits that much more is Òat stakeÓ in reform than merely changing oneÕs efforts: Educational cha nge initiatives do not just af fect teachersÕ knowledge, skill and problem - solving capacity. They affect a whole web of significant and meaningful relationships that make up the work of schools and that are at the very heart of the teaching and learning process. (p. 838). 277 Recommendations When considering recommendations based on the findings from this study, it is difficult to know where to start. The forces shaping the challenging work of school administrators and teachers extends all the way up to macro -level influences i ncluding politics, cultural norms, and other Òrelatively stable parametersÓ (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993). As a result, recommendations must be made at different levels of policy -making. At the same time, any recommendations must acknowledge the loosely -coupled Ògarbage -canÓ model of educational policy -making (Cohen, March, & Olsen, 1972). Influence and power can be confusing, since while education policy is largely made at the state and local levels, federal policy can Òsteer from a distanceÓ (Marceau, 1993). At the same time, localized policy acts can be important on a limited basis, but lack the power to displace entrenched values (Koza, 2010). Also, the di scourse about arts education often is dominated by ÒsentimentalizedÓ and ÒglamorizedÓ advocacy narratives rather than policy -specific suggestions (Smith, 2002, p. 23). Recommendations, therefore, need to be specific and actionable. Strengthen Teacher Certification Policy Language When facing difficult budgetary situations and mandated improvement o n test scores in tested subjects, districts will respond rationally. Without strong arts education policy, arts curricula will be cut or hollowed out. Therefore, to avoid cuts like the ones in the Lansing School District, state -level policy language needs to be strengthened. First, stronger policy language related to teacher certification is necessary. Arts education should be provided by teachers with subject -specific endorsements rather than Òall -subjectsÓ certifications. As with other certification provisions, there always will need to be flexibility for extraordinary situations, such as instances where geographically -isolated districts cannot reasonably comply with rules. However, such 278 arrangements should be handled through a discretionary approval proce ss. Because the policy language in a state like Michigan is only a few words away from requiring such subject -specific endorsements for elementary arts educators, closing this loophole would not be overly burdensome. Adopt Opportunity to Learn Standards During the standards boom of the late 1980s and 1990s, policy makers generally approached the standard -setting process by beginning with content and performance indicators. Eventually, however, the ambitious standards plan undergirding GOALS 2000 fizzled , at least in part because of the controversy over opportunity -to-learn standards (Ravitch, 1995). The idea behind opportunity -to-learn (OTL) standards was that without common understanding of the resources needed for schools to operate, students might be unrealistically held to standards without adequate support (Ravitch, 1995). Proponents saw these standards as providing equality through parity in funding, while opponents Ñmostly state governors Ñsaw the opportunity -to-learn movement as portending unfunded federal mandates (Ravitch, 1995). Though the opportunity to learn movement never gained full traction, some disciplines Ñsuch as the arts Ñdid create such standards. The music -specific OTL standards mirrored previous MENC documents titled, Ò The School Music Program: Description and Standards Ó (MENC, 1974, 1986). To ensure that all students are provided with arts education experiences that have integrity, states and/or cities should consider adopting some version of OTL standards. Whether these are purely vol untary, or part of state aid funding (i.e., through categorical incentives), the adoption would signal that there are minimum requirements that students need in order to achieve content/performance indicators. Exemplars of OTL documents abound. In addition to the 279 1994 arts -specific OTL documents, several cities (New York City Department of Education , 2008) and states (Michigan Arts Education Instruction and Assessment, 2013) have composed ÒblueprintsÓ that describe necessary conditions for arts learning. St ates should follow the structure of these documents in addressing appropriate curriculum/scheduling, staffing, materials and equipment, and facilities (MENC, 1994). The most important of these adopted standards would be minimum contact time requirements f or arts instruction. Forty -six states have already adopted some sort of K -5 arts instructional mandate, though these vary in specificity (Arts Education Partnership, 2014). The most clear mandate would specify that all students receive weekly instruction ( or twice -weekly) and also specify a minimum number of minutes per meeting (30 -45 minutes if twice weekly, 60 minutes if once weekly). In conjunction with the strengthened policy language on teacher certification, this policy begins to ensure that all stude nts see a qualified expert and are able to build skills and knowledge through sequential curriculum. Broaden the Concept of Accountability As a corollary to the last recommendation, another important step would be to broaden and reframe the concept of school accountability. Instead of narrowing elementary school curriculum through test -based outcomes on mathematics and English language arts, the focus should turn toward supporting schools and encouraging rich, broad offerings for students. While sanctio ns and school reconstitution are still in vogue, this may only be able to be approached through rewarding schools that excel in offering such offerings. An example of this approach exists in the ÒSchools of OpportunityÓ initiative (Schools of Opportunity, 2015). This initiative seeks to reward schools that successfully attempt to close opportunity gaps by prioritizing research -based approaches. Selection criteria for schools include maintaining a broad and 280 enriched curr iculum (including arts courses) and en suring equal participation in advanced courses (Schools of Opportunity, 2015). The difference between more punitive, narrowing accountability schemes and projects such as this is that these initiatives acknowledge the value of a healthy school environment , both for teachers and students. While Schools of Opportunity currently operates in Colorado and New York, the idea is easily adapted to other states. The initiative asks important questions on curriculum, many of which could serve as a model for other si milar projects: Does the curriculum include a range of subjects, activities and experiences that provide a full, high -quality education? Is it designed with the particular needs of the students in mind? Does it include a rich and diverse array of subjects , including social studies, science, art, music and physical education, available throughout the school year? (Schools of Opportunity, 2015). Without adequate state aid, this concept of rewarding or providing incentives to schools that maintain healthy en vironments and enriching curricula could, however, cause the same kinds of problems for districts like Lansing. Without proper capacity building for urban districts, recognition could exacerbate the enrollment problems spurred by school choice policies. Maintain Planning Time Probably the recommendation with the broadest support from p articipants in this study concern s planning time. Teachers in Lansing, including classroom generalists, former AMPE teachers, and current DIAF coordinators, all agreed that the loss of planning time was a poor decision with negative and unintended consequences. With all the problems that have ensued, it is likely that even the LSD administrators would question the logic of the cut as well. Based on my findings, advancing the option of a planning time cut, which effectively equals a targeted 281 ÒspecialsÓ staffing cut at the elementary level and across the board cuts at the secondary level (as middle and high school teachers individually assume more class sections or ÒprepsÓ ), see ms to be a poor solution to budget deficits. Such a move pits teachers against one another and leads to intensification for classroom generalists (Apple, 1986; Ballet & Kelchtermans, 2009). Teacher morale and health both seem to suffer when planning time i s lost. Even aside from being directly important to the positive experienc e of students, planning time also is essential to maintaining a sense of professional worth in teachers. For classroom generalists, planning time is essential to becoming a thought ful, reflective practitioner (Schon, 1983). Planning time during the school day can give teachers time to process a lesson, allow educators to speak with one another about instructional ideas, and encourage teachers to flexibly change lesson plans to pursu e Òteachable moments.Ó For the specialists who teach during this planning time, having dedicated time and space for teaching engenders professionalism. Though being thought of as place -savers for Òplanning timeÓ is problematic, arts teachers must be pragma tic in understanding the scheduling challenges of elementary schools. Approaches that turn over the sophisticated work of an arts education expert to a classroom generalist who feels ill-equipped to teach the arts, or that attempt to encapsulate such work in a binder of pre -prepared lesson plans, play a detrimental role in the de -skilling of all teachers (Apple, 1993). Proactively Build Broad Arts Education Coalitions As discussed, participants considered the lack of vocal support for AMPE teachers to be an enabling factor for the policy change in Lansing. Parents and community members did not Òturn outÓ at the board meetings leading up to the contract ratification. There was no mobilization of community arts groups. And once the decision had been approved , the efforts on the part of the community arts provider (CAP) coalition to use any sort of leverage to reverse the 282 districtÕs decision, failed. As discussed, one can find numerous instances where this type of mobilization of parent and community support d id help to delay or stave off cuts to arts programs. The important recommendation, then, is for local arts education coalitions to be proactive in their advocacy work. Having a proactive arts education coalition starts with relationships. Several particip ants stressed that, in the period leading up to the cuts, there simply was not a strong relationship between the district and the community arts groups. Without active relationships Ñbetween arts teachers and community arts groups, between arts teachers and district parents/booster groups Ñcuts like the ones in Lansing can be considered, voted on, and ratified before any significant opposition is organized. In an urban district like Lansing, community arts providers and surrounding cultural institutions may n eed to lead the coalition organizing since participants said that mobilizing parents was difficult. But parent booster groups should not be ignored, and elementary arts teachers should consider building and convening parent booster groups focused on advoca cy (Elpus, 2008). Being proactive can be challenging, since contract negotiations are not always transparent. However, public pressure seems to be an important strategy (Elpus, 2007, 2008). Implications for Research With the intent of improving our understanding of cuts to elementary arts programs, the purpose of this research was to investigate how and why one urban school district eliminated all of its elementary arts specialists. As I discussed in the review of sel ected research, this study is needed because of significant gaps in the literature on cuts to arts programs. While we have a number of studies showing the narrowing of curriculum and loss of instructional time for the arts, few studies examine the decision -making process and enabling conditions behind cuts. 283 Major (2010, 2013) and Coysh (2005) examined the issue from the other side, focusing on how districts decide to keep music programs afloat. This article aimed to examine a decision -making process that ul timately produced cuts. The present study also addressed the aftermath of cuts, which helps to build on previous quantitative research from Burrack, Payne, Bazan, and Hellman (2014), and ties into the research on generalists teaching art and music. Much mo re research is needed on why school districts choose to cut or keep arts programs. To extend the findings from the present study, future research could focus on the role of administrator values and how teachers unions represent and view arts teachers. In -depth qualitative inquiry is essential for understanding the beliefs of these key decision makers. Since the public presence of parents and community members seems to be a factor in whether districts make cuts to arts programs, studies could also more close ly investigate how these groups function in relation to local administrators and school boards. It may also be fruitful to compare the decision -making process of officials in similar districts. While no two districts are exactly the same, it would be poten tially illuminating to view peer district responses to similar pressures. Future research should also build on findings from this study and large -scale quantitative studies (see Elpus, 2014; Elpus & Abril, 2011; Salvador & Allegood, 2014) that have disagg regated data to illuminate studentsÕ access to and representation in a rts education. As discussed in Chapter T wo, studies on national access to arts education show that upwards of 90% of elementary students receive regular visual art and music instruction (Parsad & Spiegelman, 2011). However, these studies can miss the dismal circumstances and inequity present in many urban districts. Therefore, future research should dig deeper into subgroup access and a comparison of access within states and districts. Al so, studies on access to arts education need to probe more deeply to uncover the true integrity of a districtÕs curricular offerings. Statewide 284 studies such as the Michigan Youth Art survey (2012), Minnesota Arts Education Research Study (2012), and other similar reports conducted by Quadrant Arts Education Research, have made important steps toward investigating district arts education expenditures, staffing levels, and other important details. But these studies can go even further into determining details of teacher endorsement and frequency of instruction. They must also find a way to improve response rates, as the Michigan survey (2012) only had 20% of schools respond. Future research should also extend the present studyÕs use of accepted public policy frameworks. I found the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) (Sabatier & Jenkins -Smith, 1993) germane to coalition -building and negotiation process, and this framework may be used similarly in other arts educati on contexts. Researchers a lso should consider a pplying the multiple streams framework (Kingdon, 1995), punctuated equilibrium framework (Baumgartner & Jones, 1993), and others to arts education contexts, as these have the potential to provide a means of organizing and analyzing policy formation. As dis cussed throughout this study, any use of these frameworks in arts education contexts will be subject to li mitations, since they have prim arily been vetted outside of education. Local, state, and national arts education contexts, however, have been almost c ompletely devoid of policy formation research. As I discussed in a presentation at the American Educational Research Association (Shaw, 2015), these frameworks can illuminate the development of national arts education policy initiatives such as the securin g of ÒcoreÓ status under Goals 2000, and the development of revised national arts standards. Coda The artifice inherent in concluding a study such as this is that the real and very difficult work of school districts like Lansing never ends. Urban schools are contested spaces subject to constant pressures and Ñtoo often Ñto Ònonvictorious narrativesÓ (Boutte, 2012, p. 516). While 285 the districtÕs work continues, and the Lansing schools adapt to changing times, the work of arts education advocates, researchers, and policy makers continues. As a representative from Americans for the Arts expressed: I don't think there will ever be a time in arts education, or in education in general, where we'll all going to wake up and say, "We fixed education! It's done! Okay .Ó I don't think it's a problem to be solved. I think it's a set of values that we need to maintain and pass on to the next generation. (interview transcript, January 20, 2015) I hope that the work of all parties focuses on the q uality of studentsÕ experien ces and on encouraging growth and flourishing through meaningful experiences in the arts. 286 APPENDICES 287 Appendix A: IRB Approval Letter November 5, 2014To:Mitchell Robinson 208 Music Practice BuildingRe:IRB# X14-1010e Category: Exempt 2, 4Approval Date:November 4, 2014Title:The Vulnerability of Urban School District Elementary Arts Programs: A Case Study The Institutional Review Board has completed their review of your project. I am pleased to adviseyou that your project has been deemed as exempt in accordance with federal regulations.The IRB has found that your research project meets the criteria for exempt status and the criteria forthe protection of human subjects in exempt research. Under our exempt policy the PrincipalInvestigator assumes the responsibilities for the protection of human subjects in this project asoutlined in the assurance letter and exempt educational material. The IRB office has received yoursigned assurance for exempt research. A copy of this signed agreement is appended for yourinformation and records.Renewals: Exempt protocols do not need to be renewed. If the project is completed, please submit anApplication for Permanent Closure.Revisions: Exempt protocols do not require revisions. However, if changes are made to a protocolthat may no longer meet the exempt criteria, a new initial application will be required.Problems: If issues should arise during the conduct of the research, such as unanticipated problems,adverse events, or any problem that may increase the risk to the human subjects and change thecategory of review, notify the IRB office promptly. Any complaints from participants regarding therisk and benefits of the project must be reported to the IRB.Follow-up: If your exempt project is not completed and closed after three years , the IRB office willcontact you regarding the status of the project and to verify that no changes have occurred that mayaffect exempt status.Please use the IRB number listed above on any forms submitted which relate to this project, or on anycorrespondence with the IRB office.Good luck in your research. If we can be of further assistance, please contact us at 517-355-2180 orvia email at IRB@msu.edu. Thank you for your cooperation.Harry McGee, MPHSIRB Chairc: Ryan ShawSincerely,Initial IRBApplicationDetermination*Exempt*Office of Regulatory AffairsHuman ResearchProtection ProgramsBiomedical & HealthInstitutional Review Board(BIRB)Community ResearchInstitutional Review Board(CRIRB)Social ScienceBehavioral/EducationInstitutional Review Board(SIRB)Olds Hall408 West Circle Drive, #207East Lansing, MI 48824 (517) 355-2180Fax: (517) 432-4503Email: irb@msu.eduwww.humanresearch.msu.eduMSU is an affirmative-action,equal-opportunity employer. 288 Appendix B: Letter from Lansing School District Denial of Access to District 289 Appendix C: List of Preliminary Codes No relationship between CAP and LSD Union not representing AMPE DIAF chosen politically Right to Work legislation Two options: cut pay or cut AMPE Pitting teachers against teachers "Supplement but not replace/supplant" CAP publicly take hard line Arts Council looks for allies CAP Strategy: Leverage CAP Everyone on same page CAP: Be part of solution or not? Change in arts council leadership "But the kids w on't get anything" LSD strategy: contract CAP directly Community/economic support for arts/creativity CAP Presents at Nat'l Meetings Advocate for Endorsed Art Specialists "Bless and Release" NAMM forum CAP Strategy: Public conve rsations Policy language: arts mandate Debbie/Yvonne Relationship Coalition splintering/outrage waning LSD strategy: well -crafted rhetoric Confusion about union vote ArtServe/Creative Many Lack of parental/community uproar Families leaving district "It's never going to go back to what it was" Tough budget -driven decisions 21st century skills CAP Strategy: Develop relationships with LSD "Baby steps" CT ineffective at arts teaching LSD strategy: arts integration Policy language: teacher certification Students are losing out No after -school arts because of poverty CAP never stopped working in district CAP Strategy: research other models Threat of emergency manager Sustainabi lity challenges 290 CAP Strategy: joint projects/giving a little/find new model DIAF job /personalities Test-based accountability/NCLB narrowing Federal grants programming CAP Members torn/"caught in the middle" Blame the union "Whe re was the arts community before?" LSD Strategy: Plan to outsource to CAP initially CAP worries about public perception of relationship with LSD DIAF meets with CAP groups Planning arts PD for CT is challenging Separating personal/profe ssional feelings CAP: considering capacity issues Structural weakening of LSD CAP groups angry that coalition out of touch/uncertain LSD "calls out" CAP CAP seeking guidance from AFTA "Roles/Shared Endeavor" white paper & AFTA fiel d guide Importance of CAP/teaching artists/community at large AFTA guidance: be solutions -oriented Advocacy turf war/groups looking at self -interest "The Lansing Solution" / cuts spreading "Shared delivery/leadership" and "collective impact" Subs won't come to LSD Ineffective principals/administrators Schools closing "Release/planning time specialists" AMPE not valued/undervalued CTs rotate/departmentalize to cover AMPE AMPE told to find other jobs Union frames in terms of $$ AMPE shunned/tension with CT AMPE teachers moved around Impossible for CT to say no Union/administration "in cahoots" Community of Lansing losing out AMPE specialists angry at lazy non -endorsed Blame the a dmin/board of ed AMPE not optimistic about CTs doing art CTs ask retired AMPE for help Union has general membership meeting AMPE has bad oversight LSD punishes those who speak out Playing out in public: news stories/social media/boa rd meeting DIAF approach lacks integrity DIAF is too infrequent 291 "Hand turkey"/make and take/recipe art Not a budget issue at heart LSD says parents weren't happy with AMPE AMPE teachers struggle with moving/changing jobs Ego at play with Superintendent Federal grants run out LSD does efficiency study Union slots CT in AMPE avoid layoffs Parents not organized/vocal about cuts Principals mad about lazy AMPE teachers "They didn't see the big picture" CT appreciated some arts teachers "Art on a cart" "Band -Aid" approach Does LSD value/prioritize the arts? Arts essential to academics/cognition Slow decline of arts programs in LSD Magnet schools/advanced tracks Dysfunctional district culture Teacher evaluation pressure Future: bring back some specialists LSD lost endorsed talent when teachers moved "Parents are stuck in LSD" Importance of planning time CT dissatisfied with/jealous of AMPE "Lansing used to be a powerhouse" At-risk kids need arts the most AMPE seen as "problem"/pain in the ass Union frames with "planning time" not AMPE cuts AMPE teachers leave to avoid "bumping" Teacher morale problems "No one came to help" CTs are miserable "Can't even go to the bathroom" CTs are fleeing district Union vote affected by LSEA membership DIAF setup is like return to '70s AMPE improved slowly from 70s to 2000s AMPE tries to advocate with CT ahead of bargaining CT regrets decision/vote DIAF schedule changes to provide planning time Union double -talk about AMPE Stipend issues Non -endorsed move back into CT roles Elementary kids sad about cuts "Music is the hardest" 292 Second ary music enrollment is down Secondary music has publicity aspect "Get out of Lansing while you can" Discipline problems/"hell" or "chaos" Layoffs common in LSD State funding shortfalls have negative effect "School choice is killing Lansing" AMPE frames as programming/kid issue AMPE appeals at union meeting LSD Admin dismissive of AMPE appeals "Yvonne values arts and culture" Teachers driven to retirement/other jobs Union politics STEAM schools/programs "Innovative approach" DIAF: CT ignoring lesson plans Teacher stress/medical problems LSD future looks bleak DIAF: difficult/impossible to write lesson plans Federal grants: new ones not pursued "Paying lip service" to the arts Visual thinking strategies training in LSD through grants LSD faces declining enrollment Federal grants: not embraced by older teachers DIAF uses AI resources from grants CTs not confident teaching arts CTs say current situation is a d isaster CT frustrated with union Union vote: was it rigged? DIAF in classroom in 2nd year CTs: some say "oh well, let's move on" CTs not working well with DIAF DIAF all on same day in each school CTs barely doing any arts Priority school scrutiny CTs doing what they can/doing their best STEAM schools get no CAP projects Teachers taking sick days LSD faces future deficits Teachers have sense of mission about Lansing "There's no one you can go to" AMPE was only reason for some kids to come to school DIAF wants to be teaching kids Pay cut would have been hard to take Bargaining team/negotiating committee: conflicts/dilemmas AMPE: many landed in positions 293 CT: not hard to teach AMPE subjects CTs: fully capable to teach arts CTs: DIAF is bad/not necessary CTs: kids are getting more now Union: 85% vote pass rate "No one wanted this to happen" Union polls its members AMPE teachers not all endorsed AMPE for ced to teach in CT's rooms AMPE/CT clash over classroom mgmt DIAF frustrated with expectations CTs too burdened to do AMPE DIAF creates lesson plan binders CTs "you can't do it all" CT: visual art is do -able Admin "disconnected" from what's going on AMPE outrage/disbelief over decision "This wasn't the only solution" Union often offered AMPE in cuts "Press play on the CD player" DIAF: applied for job for financial reasons DIAF: early disorganization DIAF: not all endorsed DIAF: covers a lot of schools DIAF: how will present itself? DIAF designed to not be with kids DIAF models lessons for CT DIAF follows calendar/holidays DIAF in the middle of outcry DIAF: will we still have jobs? DIAF runs PD for CT DIAF prioritizes music -making in 2nd year CTs have after -school choirs Adversarial atmosphere admin/teachers CAP: Advocacy on hold/changing because of contract timeline CAP has coalition meetings CAP gr oups working in LSD CAP/LSD bad communication/icy relations post decision CAP: groups have different missions CAP: hosted elementary art shows Teachers: fear of losing jobs if speak out CAP: feeling they want to make $$ in LSD CAP: frustration they suddenly care about LSD AFTA: wants to gather data on access/equity AMPE and CAP: hearing about cuts coming Future: hope for AMPE? 294 Insufficient CT PD AFTA: good national access to arts education Principals vary in enforcing CTs teaching AMPE CAP: quickness/lack of clarity around decision 295 Appendix D: Codes Mapped by Research Question R1: Perception and value of AMPE ¥ Ineffective principals/administrators ¥ "Release/planning time specialists" ¥ AMPE not valued/undervalued ¥ Does LSD value/prioritize the arts? ¥ AMPE seen as "problem"/pain in the ass ¥ Union often offered AMPE in cuts R1: Structural weakening of AMPE ¥ Policy language: teacher c ertification ¥ Structural weakening of LSD ¥ AMPE teachers moved around ¥ AMPE specialists angry at lazy non -endorsed ¥ AMPE has bad oversight ¥ Union slots CT in AMPE avoid layoffs ¥ Principals mad about lazy AMPE teachers ¥ "Art on a cart" ¥ CT dissatisfied with/jealous of AMPE ¥ Discipline problems/"hell" or "chaos" ¥ AMPE teachers not all endorsed ¥ AMPE forced to teach in CT's rooms ¥ AMPE/CT clash over classroom mgmt R1: Rise and Fall of LSD Arts ¥ Federal grants program ming ¥ Federal grants run out ¥ Slow decline of arts programs in LSD ¥ "Lansing used to be a powerhouse" ¥ DIAF setup is like return to '70s ¥ AMPE improved slowly from 70s to 2000s ¥ Federal grants: new ones not pursued ¥ Visual thinking str ategies training in LSD through grants ¥ Federal grants: not embraced by older teachers R1: Budget and enrollment issues ¥ Threat of emergency manager ¥ Schools closing ¥ Not a budget issue at heart ¥ LSD does efficiency study ¥ "Band -Aid" approach ¥ Layoffs common in LSD ¥ State funding shortfalls have negative effect ¥ "School choice is killing Lansing" ¥ "This wasn't the only solution" 296 R1: School Performance Accountability ¥ Policy language: arts mandate ¥ Test-based accountability/NCLB narrowing ¥ Priority school scrutiny R2: Mistrust Around Decision ¥ DIAF chosen politically ¥ Union/administration "in cahoots" ¥ LSD punishes those who speak out ¥ Ego at play with Superintendent ¥ Dysfunctional district cu lture ¥ Union double -talk about AMPE ¥ Union vote: was it rigged? R2: Framing/Imaging around Decision ¥ Two options: cut pay or cut AMPE ¥ Advocate for Endorsed Art Specialists ¥ NAMM forum ¥ Confusion about union vote ¥ LSD strategy: arts i ntegration ¥ Students are losing out ¥ No after -school arts because of poverty ¥ Union frames in terms of $$ ¥ Community of Lansing losing out ¥ Playing out in public: news stories/social media/board meeting ¥ Arts essential to academics/cognitio n ¥ At-risk kids need arts the most ¥ Union frames with "planning time" not AMPE cuts ¥ AMPE frames as programming/kid issue ¥ AMPE was only reason for some kids to come to school ¥ Messaging/Rhetoric ¥ "Supplement but not replace/supplant" ¥ LSD strategy: well -crafted rhetoric ¥ LSD "calls out" CAP ¥ "Roles/Shared Endeavor" white paper & AFTA field guide ¥ LSD says parents weren't happy with AMPE ¥ "Yvonne values arts and culture" ¥ "Innovative approach" R2: LSD/CAP Negotiations ¥ No relationship between CAP and LSD ¥ CAP publicly take hard line ¥ Arts Council looks for allies ¥ CAP Strategy: Leverage ¥ CAP Everyone on same page ¥ CAP: Be part of solution or not? ¥ Change in arts council leadership 297 ¥ "But the kid s won't get anything" ¥ LSD strategy: contract CAP directly ¥ Community/economic support for arts/creativity ¥ CAP Presents at Nat'l Meetings ¥ "Bless and Release" ¥ CAP Strategy: Public conversations ¥ Debbie/Yvonne Relationship ¥ Coalition splintering/outrage waning ¥ ArtServe/Creative Many ¥ "It's never going to go back to what it was" ¥ CAP Strategy: Develop relationships with LSD ¥ "Baby steps" ¥ CAP Strategy: research other models ¥ CAP Strategy: joint projects/giving a little/find new model ¥ CAP Members torn/"caught in the middle" ¥ "Where was the arts community before?" ¥ LSD Strategy: Plan to outsource to CAP initially ¥ CAP: considering capacity issues ¥ CAP groups angry that coalition out of touch/uncertai n ¥ CAP seeking guidance from AFTA ¥ Importance of CAP/teaching artists/community at large ¥ AFTA guidance: be solutions -oriented ¥ Advocacy turf war/groups looking at self -interest ¥ "The Lansing Solution" / cuts spreading ¥ "Shared delivery/l eadership" and "collective impact" ¥ DIAF in the middle of outcry ¥ CAP: Advocacy on hold/changing because of contract timeline ¥ CAP has coalition meetings ¥ CAP/LSD bad communication/icy relations post decision ¥ CAP: groups have different missio ns ¥ CAP: hosted elementary art shows ¥ CAP: feeling they want to make $$ in LSD ¥ CAP: frustration they suddenly care about LSD ¥ AFTA: wants to gather data on access/equity ¥ AFTA: good national access to arts education ¥ CAP: quickness/lack of clarity around decision R2: Coalitions and Relationships ¥ Union not representing AMPE ¥ Pitting teachers against teachers ¥ Tough budget -driven decisions ¥ Blame the union ¥ Union has general membership meeting ¥ Bargaining team/negotiating committee: conflicts/dilemmas ¥ AMPE and CAP: hearing about cuts coming 298 ¥ Coalitions: AMPE o AMPE told to find other jobs o AMPE shunned/tension with CT o "They didn't see the big picture" o AMPE tries to advocate with CT ahead of bargaining o AMPE appeals at union meeting o LSD Admin dismissive of AMPE appeals o AMPE outrage/disbelief over decision ¥ Coalitions: Union o Union vote affected by LSEA membership o Union politics o Union: 85% vote pass rate o Union p olls its members ¥ Coalitions: Parents/Community Groups o Lack of parental/community uproar o Parents not organized/vocal about cuts o "No one came to help" ¥ Coalitions: LSD (Admin & BOE) o Blame the admin/board of ed o Admin "disconnected" from what's going on ¥ Coalitions: CTs o Impossible for CT to say no o CT appreciated some arts teachers o CT frustrated with union o CTs: some say "oh well, let's move on" o Pay cut would have been hard to take o "No one wanted this to happen" R2: External Perturbations ¥ Right to Work legislation ¥ EAA ¥ Emergency Manager R3: Continuing Financial Problems and Worsening Perceptions of LSD ¥ Families leaving district ¥ Future: bring back some specialists ¥ "Parents are stuck in LSD" ¥ Secondary music enrollment is down ¥ LSD future looks bleak ¥ LSD faces declining enrollment ¥ LSD faces future deficits ¥ Future: hope for AMPE? R3: The DIAF in Years 1 and 2 ¥ DIAF job /personalities ¥ DIAF meets with CAP groups ¥ Separating personal/professional feelings 299 ¥ DIAF approach lacks integrity ¥ DIAF is too infrequent ¥ DIAF schedule changes to provide planning time ¥ DIAF: difficult/impossible to write lesson plans ¥ "Paying lip service" to the arts ¥ DIAF in classroom in 2nd year ¥ CTs not working well with DIAF ¥ DIAF all on same day in each school ¥ DIAF wants to be teaching kids ¥ CTs: DIAF is bad/not necessary ¥ DIAF frustrated with expectations ¥ DIAF creates lesson plan binders ¥ DIAF: applied for job for financial reasons ¥ DIAF: early disorganization ¥ DIAF: not all endorsed ¥ DIAF: covers a lot of schools ¥ DIAF: how will present itself? ¥ DIAF designed to not be with kids ¥ DIAF models lessons for CT ¥ DIAF follo ws calendar/holidays ¥ DIAF: will we still have jobs? ¥ DIAF runs PD for CT ¥ DIAF prioritizes music -making in 2nd year R3: Where are AMPE now? ¥ AMPE teachers struggle with moving/changing jobs ¥ LSD lost endorsed talent when teachers moved ¥ AMPE teachers leave to avoid "bumping" ¥ Non -endorsed move back into CT roles ¥ Teachers driven to retirement/other jobs ¥ AMPE: many landed in positions R3: Magnet Programs ¥ Magnet schools/advanced tracks ¥ STEAM schools/programs R3: CT s Teaching AMPE ¥ CT ineffective at arts teaching ¥ Planning arts PD for CT is challenging ¥ CTs rotate/departmentalize to cover AMPE ¥ AMPE not optimistic about CTs doing art ¥ CTs ask retired AMPE for help ¥ "Hand turkey"/make and take/recipe art ¥ "Music is the hardest" ¥ DIAF: CT ignoring lesson plans ¥ CTs not confident teaching arts ¥ CTs barely doing any arts 300 ¥ CTs doing what they can/doing their best ¥ CT: not hard to teach AMPE subjects ¥ CTs: fully capable to teach arts ¥ CTs: kids are getting more now ¥ CTs too burdened to do AMPE ¥ CTs "you can't do it all" ¥ CT: visual art is do -able ¥ "Press play on the CD player" ¥ CTs have after -school choirs ¥ Insufficient CT PD ¥ Principals vary in enforcing CTs teaching AMPE R3: CAP Involvement ¥ CAP never stopped working in district ¥ Sustainability challenges ¥ CAP worries about public perception of relationship with LSD ¥ STEAM schools get no CAP projects ¥ CAP groups working in LSD R3: CTs h ave it tough ¥ Subs won't come to LSD ¥ Teacher evaluation pressure ¥ Importance of planning time ¥ Teacher morale problems ¥ CTs are miserable ¥ "Can't even go to the bathroom" ¥ CTs are fleeing district ¥ CT regrets decision/vote ¥ Stipend issues ¥ "Get out of Lansing while you can" ¥ Teacher stress/medical problems ¥ CTs say current situation is a disaster ¥ Teachers taking sick days ¥ Teachers have sense of mission about Lansing ¥ "There's no one you can go to" ¥ Adversarial atmosphere admin/teachers ¥ Teachers: fear of losing jobs if speak out 301 Appendix E: Statement from the Arts Council of Greater Lansing Dear Members, You may have followed recent events regarding the Lansing School District and t he private contract negotiations to cut as many as 87 teachers, many of whom are certified to teach art, music, and physical education to elementary students. You may have also learned that Lansing School District representatives decided to take these acti ons as a part of a deficit reduction plan, and that, according to the Lansing State Journal and Michigan Radio, the district's plan is not to eliminate art and music , but to " redesign the PE, art and music program " for elementary children. A part of this plan is to contract services to community artists and to take " community arts programs and put them in the schools, rather than have a lot of uncertified art and music teachers ". While we at the Arts Council of Greater Lansing respect the difficult financial circumstances facing the Lansing School District, it is critically im portant to understand that the actions and statements from the district have come without any prior input from the Arts Council or the mid -Michigan arts and cultural community. We were never contacted regarding a potential restructuring plan involving the arts community, nor involved in the decision to eliminate the district's certified art, music, or physical education positions. In fact, we learned of the district's plans in exactly the same way as the public --through the local media. While the programs p rovided by the mid -Michigan arts and cultura l community are of high -quality and there is certainly a role for the arts community to play in providing supplemental arts education programs to area youth, it is careless to think that these community programs could supplant arts and music curricula in the Lansing elementary schools. We believe the elimination of any highly qualified art and music educators to be unacceptable and the lack of a transparent and democratic process leading to such an important curri culum decision to be irresponsible. According to the recent report released by the State Education Agency Directors of Arts Education (SEADAE) , there are important distinctions between certified arts educators, certified non -arts educators, and s upplemental art providers. It states, "Certified arts educators, as 'highly qualified' members of the school faculty, are responsible and accountable for the ongoing achievement of their students. This sense of--and in many cases, formal implementation of --direct accountability for student success is missing from systems that lack certified educators." Regarding certified non -arts educators, the report states, "Although many certified non -arts educators feel a commitment to the arts, they typically have lim ited arts expertise." Supplemental arts providers, according to the study, can provide the "connection to the 'real world' of commercial and vocational art ," but "have limited understanding of school practices and the school curriculum." Although the roles of each of these educators are very different, it is important that all work together synergistically, with certified arts educators in the schools serving as the cornerstone s. I encourage you to read more about these very important distinctions by review ing the report. While the district claims that they are not eliminating the arts, just its specialized teachers, they are opting for a short -term budget fix , crippling their ability to address long -term high academic performance and the skills necessary to compete in the new economy. Research shows that arts in the schools advance students' motivation to learn, reduce dropout rates, and increase community volunteerism. Furthermore, a strong standards -based arts education promotes critical thinkin g, a skill necessary in the new economy. According to the Land Policy I nstitute at Michigan State University , the n ew economy is a "knowledge economy" and is based on "who develops and enhances human capital best, and such places will become attractive to knowledge -based enterprises." For several years the Arts Council and many regional partners as a part of a collaborative Cultural Economic Development Plan have focused on strategies in the wake of the new economy. We believe a strong, healthy arts and cultural environment is key to this success, and a major component of it must include equitable access to high -quality, sequential arts instruction 302 provided by certified art and music educators in our schools. Not only do our youth deserve access to high -quality , standards -based arts and music, but our reg ion's long -term health depends on them if we want to remain economically and globally competitive. While we don't yet know what the next steps of the Lansing School District will be, we do know that the decisions of the district have impacted not only ou r children and our community, but our national image. During the Arts Education Partnership Conference held in Washington, D.C. on April 4 -5, the Lansing School District Õs actions were discussed in multiple times , including in a session titled , "Playing Well With Others: Understanding Each Partner's Optimal Role in Arts Education" . Additionally, our national arts advocacy organization, Americans for the Arts , directl y contacted u s to learn more about the issue after hea ring about it at the conference and from other national sources , including the National Association for Music Education . This is national Arts Advocacy Week, and in honor of that, we want to thank each of you for your continued commitment to this issue. We hope that by sharing this important information, we can persuade the Lansing School District to reconsider its decision and understand why these recent actions are so devastating to our youth and to the growth of our region. We will continue to keep you informed on the matter and ask that you keep in contact with us as well. Please don't hesitate to share your thoughts with me by emailing me at leslie@lansingarts.org . Best wishes, Leslie Donaldson, Executive Director Arts Council of Greater Lansing 303 Appendix F: Statement from the MSU College of Music Statement Regarding Proposed Cuts to Art, Music and Physical Education in the Lansing School District March 25, 2013 Music teachers broaden learning on many levels. In response to the Lansing School District's recent announcement, the College of Music would like to offer some perspective. The recent decision by the Lansing School Board and Superintendent Yvonne Caamal Canul to cut music, art and physical education elementary teaching positions from the budget next year is disappointing. As leaders of Michigan State UniversityÕs College of Music, we believe children in our urban schools deserve t he same access to high quality music instruction, provided by certified music teachers, that their peers in the suburbs receive. Students in Lansing will lose competitive ground due to the absence of the cognitive, kinesthetic and psychomotor development represented by the long -term, sequential study of music. This, in turn, will make Lansing a less desirable place for families with children to live. While we understand the budget constraints faced by all of the state's educational institutions, the decis ion to bring in musicians from the community occasionally to engage with students is no more a substitute for a comprehensive music education than bringing in mathematicians periodically would be considered an appropriate math education. We strongly suppo rt Lansing's music teachers and urge the Superintendent and the Lansing School Board to reconsider their decision, which negatively affects the quality of learning for Lansing's 304 children in significant ways. Mitchell Robinson, Ph.D. Associate Professor and Chair of Music Education Michigan State University Rhonda Buckley Associate Dean for Outreach and Engagement Executive Director, Community Music School Michigan State University James Forger Dean, College of Music Michigan State University 305 Appendix G: Superintendent Caamal CanulÕs NAMM Forum Speech September 30, 2013 Many districts in Michigan are suffering from decreasing enrollment, Michigan alone has lost over 25,000 students in the last three years and therefore reduced revenues. We have to make some very difficult and painful decisions about what we can provide our students beyond the core curriculum mandated through testing. This requires us to think differently about how we have provided our students learning options that have existed in the past. Just so you know about me a little personally, I was raised in Latin America. My father was a cultural attach” responsible for giving out Fulbright scholarships in Brazil, Mexico, and Chile. And IÕve had the pleasure of sitting at the feet of famous opera stars, and pianists, and artists Ñvisual, performing Ñsince the age of five. My bachelors degree is in speech and theater and even in 1 973 when I was looking for a teaching job in my specialty, they were hard to find. In fact so hard to find I had to go back to college and get a degree in elementary education where there were plentiful jobs. I guess there is no Òact threeÓ for theatre peo ple Ñnever finish the play, do you? Never open up options for the younger crew [laughs]. IÕm an artist at heart. I have a home filled with artwork from around the world. If you come to my office, youÕll see a place that is a comfy home where art adorns eve ry wall, nook, and cranny. Even my husband came to the U.S. on a visa only granted for special talent. HeÕs a traditional Mayan woodcarver. So I personally am very committed to the arts as a way to enrich and broaden our lives. Fortunately for Lansing, w e have a wonderfully rich artistic community. Given our economic conditions, we thought long and hard about how to offer our elementary children new and different ways of enjoying and learning about the arts and physical fitness. And while our innovative a pproach is still in its infancy, we feel very confident that the program will support our efforts and join us in designing a model program that involves professional artists, classroom teachers, and specialists in the area of arts and physical education. I think todayÕs event is a step in that direction. ThereÕs always a saying ÑthereÕs a saying that I have always loved. ItÕs from a book called The Quotable Woman . ItÕs by Edna Ferber. ÒLiving the past is a dull and lonely business. Looking back strains the n eck muscles, causes you to bump into people not going your way.Ó Thank you for being here with us today, welcome to the Lansing School District, and as my hero would say, ÒLetÕs give peace a chance.Ó 306 Appendix H: Department of Innovative Arts and Fitness (DIAF) Flyer 307 REFERENCES 308 REFERENCES Abril, C. R., & Bann erman, J. K. (2014). Perceived factors impacting school music p rograms : The teacherÕs p erspective. Journal of Research in Music Education . doi:10.1177 /0022429414554430 Abril, C. R., & Gault, B. M. (2006). The state of music in the elementary school: The principalÕs perspective. Journal of Research in Music Education , 54(1), 6-20. Abril, C. R., & Gault, B. M. (2008). The state of music in secondary schools: The principalÕs perspective. Journal of Research in Music Education , 56(1), 68Ð81. Aguilar, C. E. (2011). 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