I“~A« 4 from Der isolierte Staat is recognized as an unrealistic generalization of reality. No place, be it homestead, city, or nation, exists in complete isolation from influ- ences of the economic, social, and political systems which surround it. By its very nature a city is a focal place, and it relates to its tributary or service areas by the connecting paths of communication. These access routes then give producers or consumers living near them a com- parative advantage over others living either farther from the city or route of access. The fact that all peOple within a service area do not have uniform accessibility to the dominant central place forces the develOpment of secondary service centers which provide some goods and services which are not so desirable as to attract people long distances. In 1955 Walter Christaller attempted to analyze a complete system of central places Operating within a com- Plex hierarchy of communities.2 He explained the organiza- tion of communities as hexagonal systems of market places ranging from the largest metropolis down to centers com- Prising a single function. His theory has been the founda- tion for much of the research done in central place I‘esearch and market analysis. ‘ 2Carlisle W. Baskin, "Translation of Walter Christaller's 'Diezentralen Orte in Sflddeutchland'" (un- Published Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Geography, Univer- Sity of Virginia, 1957, Ann Arbor, Michigan: University Microfilms, 1961). o,. o-- .i.- n ' - ~..1 5 Geographers, because of their concern for determining the orderliness of space, have attempted to apply Chris- taller‘s hexagonal theory. Although hexagons allow for the positioning of market boundaries without overlap, they nevertheless do not appear to fit reality. Dickinson,3 Smailes,4 Brush,5 and others,6 found that there did appear to be some orderliness in settlements when transportation was more primitive and uniform. But our modern transporta- tion system lacks uniformity in speed and has caused con- siderable alteration and adjustment in the location of market places and their tributary or service areas. Brush and Bracey in their research on "Rural Service in Southwestern Wisconsin and Southern England" stated: The fact that rudimentary centers developed at about six mile intervals in both areas (England and Wiscon- sin) during the time of primitive transportation leads to the conclusion that the basic distance factor was the time and effort required to get to any center by 5Robert E. Dickinson, "The Distribution and Func- tions of the Smaller Urban Settlements of East Anglia," Geography, VII (1952), 19-51. 4A. E. Smailes, "The Urban Hierarchy in England and Wales," Geography, XXIX (1944), 41-51. 5John E. Brush and Howard E. Bracey, "Rural Service Centers in Southwestern Wisconsin and Southern England," figographical Review, XLV (October, 1955), 559-69. 6Jac P. Thijsse, "A Rural Pattern for the Future in the Netherlands," Regional Science Association Papers, X (1962), 155-41; and Gunnar OIsson and Persson Ake, "The Spacing of Central Places in Sweden," Regional Science A§sociation Papers, XII (1964), 87-95. Brian J. L. Berry, Egggraphy of Market Centers and Retail Distribution (Englewogd Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1967). August Losch, The Economics of Location, trans. W. H. Woglom and W. F. Stolper (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1954). 6 cart or foot. The effect of railways was much more significant in Wisconsin than in England because rural settlement and agriculture were still undergoing rapid evolution in the last half of the nineteenth century. The similar effects of automotive vehicles and improved roads in the twentieth century are perhaps unexpected.7 Though the impact may have been unexpected, it has nevertheless been most dramatic, not only with respect to market areas served by large urban centers but within the cities themselves. As early as 1915, in his article 8 "Social Anatomy of an Agricultural Community," Galpin noted the effect of new modes of transportation replacing the horse. Galpin and others, such as Kolb and Polson in their 1955 article "Trends in Town-Country Relations,"9 observed that higher speeds made it possible for peOple to travel farther to obtain their needs, thus benefiting from the economies of scale offered by large cities. Gilmore in Transportation and the Growth of Cities observed in 1955 that with new innovations and technology: . . . people can travel further at no greater travel cost to perform social or economic functions than they could travel formerly. As a result of this greater ease of travel, there has been a tendency to transfer certain social and economic functions from smaller to larger institutional units and from smaller communities 7Brush and Bracey, op. cit., p. 569. 8C. J. Galpin, "Social Anatomy of an Agricultural COmmunity," University of Wisconsin Agricultural Research §£§tion Bulletin, No. 54 (Madison: University of Wiscon- sin, I9I5l- 9J. H. Kolb and R. A. Polson, "Trends in Town and Cbuntry Relations," University of Wisconsin Agricultural §E§earch Station Bulletin, No. 117 (Madison: University Of Wisconsin , 1933) . 7 to larger ones. However . . . the desire for acces- sibility, plus the cost . . . has prevented this transfer of function from being as nearly complete as many have assumed.10 Garrison, et al., in Studies of Highway DevelOpment and Geographic Change noted, however, that: As transportation is made cheaper, the service areas of the large centers will expand, particularly along the highways and at the expense of the smaller centers. The tendency toward concentrating already owing to in- creased specialization of services requiring larger service area threshold pOpulation will be intensified. . . . On the other hand improved access also appre- ciably raises urban rents and this contradictory force may encourage decentralization of services to lower rent points. . . .1 From the preceding statements one can see that com- munication invention and innovation have markedly altered the character of life throughout not only the United States but all parts of the world where the new technology has been widely employed and accepted. William F. Ogbun in 1949 observed in his article "The Process of Adjustments to New Inventions": If an invention through its use changes one part of our social organization, its influence does not stOp there but extends toward the other parts of our social order which are connected with it.1 loHarlan W. Gilmore, Transportation and the Growth of Cities (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), p. 1430 ' llWilliam Garrison, Brian J. L. Berry, Duane F. Marble, John D. Nystuen, and Richard Morrill, Studies of Highway Development and Geographic Change (Seattle: Uni- versity of washington Press, 1959), pp. 252-55. 12William F. Ogbun, "The Process of Adjustment to New Innovations," Technology and International Relations (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949), p. 21. r1 8 The role of transportation technology in reshaping the nature of life is most clearly exemplified in the more recently settled portions of Anglo America where economic deve10pment was in its infancy at the time of communication innovations. Likewise, those areas were not as committed to existing economic and social conditions and patterns as they are today. These early conditions in the North Ameri- can Great Plains and Middle West underwent a series of rapid transitions during the short span of less than seventy years. For the most part, settlement west of the Mississippi and east of the Rocky Mountains occurred during the latter half of the nineteenth century. The economy of these areas at that time was almost totally agrarian, and individuals were usually isolated and self-sufficient. Amos Hawley in his book Human Ecology: A Theory of Com- munity Structure said of those times: Isolation makes self-sufficiency mandatory, and once established, self-sufficiency preserves isolation.l5 Food, because of its bulk, places a particularly heavy burden on transportation facilities. Although transport facilities may be adequate for assembling materials from a local habitat, they rarely are suffi- cient for the importation of surpluses that might be available in adjacent areas. . . . The maximum scope (of an individual's activities) is measured by the radial distance that may be traversed in a half day's journey from the village site.14 13Amos H. Hawley, Human Ecology: A Theory of Com- munity Structure (New York: The Ronald Press, 1950), p. 225. . 14 Ibid., p. 154. 9 These observations conform to those made by Christaller in 16 Germany, Brush in Wisconsin,15 Hoover in Michigan, and others, who noted the pattern of settlements in areas with a well develOped agricultural base before the arrival of the railroad or automobile. When the railroad extended into such agricultural areas, the settlement pattern seemed to change markedly. In many cases the railroad meant life or death to an exist- ing community. Many case histories exist of thriving towns which seemed to stagnate and in many cases disappear en- tirely. Martin A. Knapp in his 1902 article "Social Effects of Transportation" noted: The advent of steam wrought an immediate and radical change in the elemental needs of society. . . . The primary function (of the community) was altered both in extent and relation. . . . The conditions of commer- cial intercourses were abruptly and completely altered and a suitable new world of energy and opportunity in— vited the conquest. . . . No other triumph over the forces of nature compares with (the steam engine) in its influence upon the human environment. It has directly and powerfully affected the direction and volume of commercial currents; the location and move- ment of population; the occupations and pursuits in which the masses of men are engaged, the division of labors, the conditions under which wealth is accu- mulated, the social and industrial habits of the world and all the surroundin s and characteristics of the associated life today. 7 15Bracey and Brush, op. cit., p. 569. l6Edgar M. Hoover, The Location of Economic Activity (New Yerk: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1948), p. 125. 17Martin A. Knapp, "Social Effects of Transporta- tion," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, XX (July-December, 1902), 4-6. 10 For peOple who had had to travel at three miles per hour the railroad suddenly opened markets and opportunities which had been unthinkably remote the day before. It made possible the concentration of large numbers of people and created inland centers which could never have existed without the railway. Places which formerly had provided only minimal services to a relatively small area were rapidly transformed into centers which accumulated, pro- cessed, and sold the surpluses produced by their tributary areas. These activities, coupled with an expanded market area, produced the capital for the acquisition of goods and services previously unobtainable in remote and in- accessible places. The "multiplier effect" of the focality generated by the railroad's arrival is readily apparent.18 The advent of the automobile and motor transport acceler- ated the changes started by the rails. The motor vehicle was completely independent in its mobility. It provided door-to-door convenience unobtain- able from the railway. The automobile driver operated as a free agent not constrained by schedules or the limited alternatives of the rail lines. The range of available goods, services, or other satisfactions was expanded to wherever a passable road existed. Some central places changed their importance and adjusted the functional characteristics of their markets. In many cases the small lBIbid., p. a. 11 service community was bypassed by the motorist in favor of places which offered a greater choice of goods and services. The motor vehicle not only transformed rural pat- terns of consumption but also methods of production. With a truck and tractor the farmer could now afford to specialize and take better advantage of his environment. No longer was the farmer self-sufficient; he did not have to be. From specialization came efficiency which yielded greater and greater surpluses of capital. Increased pur- chasing power permitted the farmer to become still more efficient in production and helped to raise his standard of living. The spiral nature of capital expansion demon- strates the importance of the "multiplier effect" in capital regeneration. Increased agricultural efficiency and increased capital from agriculture also attracted more businesses and services to agricultural communities. These observations are reinforced by Garrison, gp_§1., in their Studies of Highway Development and Geographic Chang_: Almost without exception location patterns are de- termined by the present network of highway facilities and represent the efficient arrangements of specializa- tion owing to the availability of their transportation. The improvement of the transportation system will in- troduce further efficiencies into the location system for retail business; this is the impact of continued transportation deveIOpment.l9 19Garrison, Berry, Marble, Nystuen, and Morrill, 0p. cit., p. 157. 12 The Premise and Problem The primary premise of this study is that travel time, not distance, is a primary factor in determining the economic and spatial organization of a region. And it is only when both concepts of time and distance are combined that the utility of space for human activity is seen in its 20 This study will serve as an em- prOper perspective. pirical test of this principle in the River Bend Area of Minnesota. Arising from this a priori principle are a series of secondary assumptions which form the basis of this study. They are: 1. that the historical patterns of transportation and the relative ease of accessibility of points within and beyond the region determine the economic and spatial organization of that area; 2. that marked changes in transportation technology or routing tend to alter the internal economic and settlement organization as well as change the extra-regional relationships of the area; 5. that as regional consumers are able to travel faster they are also willing to travel farther to obtain more alternatives in order to realize both economic and personal satisfactions, thus causing an alteration in the functions per— formed by regional market centers; 20The essence of this notion is more fully develOped in Lawrence A. Brown's and Frank E. Horton's brief comment on their research notes, entitled "Functional Distance: An Operational Approach" in Geographic Analysis, Vol. II, No. 1, January, 1970, pp. 76-85. In their remarks they note that "Functional Distance" is a measure of the prOpen- sity of any set of two nodes to interact. Though their article does not mention the use of time as a possible factor influencing the propensity for interaction, the application is alluded to in their discussion of the po— tential applications of their research. y. 15 4. that as consumers are reoriented and the market functions of a center are altered there will be a corresponding variation in the size and shape of the market area for that place. The parameter of the market area of any place is determined by two factors, one the speed with which consumers can reach a particular center and secondly the attraction qualities of that center. In order to test these assumptions, several questions had to be answered: 1. Is there really a hierarchy of central places? 2. Can the attraction of any central place be simply analyzed on any other basis than the pOpulation of the center? 5. Is there any correlation between community population size and the number of functions performed for its service area? 4. If there is a hierarchy of places as Christaller posited, does it necessarily follow that the largest place in the hierarchy, "the dominant regional center," perform a variety of functions unavailable in places with only one-half to two- thirds its magnitude? The Study Area This research will analyze some of the factors in- fluencing the growth and change in a group of rural centers in the present service area of Mankato, Minnesota. Although the sample is a small one, the eight counties in- cluded are not atypical of other agriculturally oriented market areas in the Upper Midwest and North American Great 21 Plains. The role of transportation and transportation 21The rational for this is based upon studies by: John R. Borchert, The Urbanization of the Upper Midwest 1950-1960, Urban Report No. 2 (Minneapolis: Upper Midwest Research and Development Council, February, 1965); John R. Borchert and Russell B. Adams, Trade Centers and Trade Areas of the Upper Midwest, Urban Report No. 5 (Minne- apolis: Upper Midwest Research and Development Council, 14 innovation in the reshaping the regional economic develop- ment, the settlement patterns, and the functional orienta- tion of service centers will be the primary focus.22 Decreasing travel time between places within the modern or present market area around Mankato, Minnesota, is basic to this study. The modern market area of Mankato has been defined by using a composite of the service areas of local retail and wholesale establishments and com- munications media within or near the community.25 The September, 1965); Edwin N. Thomas, Richard A. Mitchell, and Donald Blome, "The Spatial Behavior of a Dispersed NOn-Farm POpulation," Papers of the Regional Science Association, Vol. IX (1962), pp. 106-55; and Brian J. L. Berry, H. G. Barnum, and R. J. Tennant, "Retail Location and Consumer Behavior," Papers of the Regional Science Association, Vol. IX (1962), pp. 65-106. 22The rational for this paper can be attributed in large part to preliminary work done under the guidance of A. K. Philbrick who sparked the curiosity regarding the effects of changing time-space relationships between points in space when speeds are increased. Much of the work done by Garrison and Berry relates to this approach but lacks the historical perspective. When analysis of markets, economics, settlements, or transportation takes place in any dynamic area without the benefit of the historical perspective much of the importance of some of the observa- tions is lost. The impetus for thesis research grew out of Morrill's article on "Towns in Sweden," where he came to this same conclusion on page 2, Annals of the Associa- 192570f American Geographers, Vol. LIII, No. 1 (March, 25On the basis of this composite and the spatial awareness demonstrated by the political, social, and economic regions focused upon Mankato and the definition of the Mankato service area in C. C. Zimmerman's "Farm Trade Centers in Minnesota," the defined eight county area can be considered valid as the framework of this research. The governor's commission on regional planning also desig- nated all the counties included in the River Bend Area as Region 9 for planning in Minnesota, 1970. ‘\ .OV s “v D . “h. ‘- \ .g .. . . \ . 15 indicated area was deliberately distorted to conform to county lines. Data Sources The primary source of data for this research was Dun and Bradstreet's Book of Commercial Ratings. These listings, which are intended primarily for credit analysis by lending institutions and businesses supplying credit, have been published quarterly since 1868. Therefore, any business which has applied for credit with any bank or other business is listed. Under the name of each trade center is included a list of all commercial functions located in that place, alphabetized by the name of the business. These lists are standard references and are con- sidered by bankers and businessmen to be the best source of information concerning the presence or absence of certain types of enterprise in a center at a given time. The fact that the data were collected by the same firm, using the same criteria and techniques year after year, for the same purposes, helps insure uniformity. In order to maintain continuity, the January volumes of the Dun and Bpadstreet's Book of Commercial Ratings for 1900, 1910, 1920, 1950, 1940, 1950, and 1960 were selected for this study. The research value of these resources is l6 . . 24 . 25 substantiated by C. C. Zimmerman, Paul H. Landis, 26 27 Douglas Chittick, and Elsie S. Manny. Limitations of the Data One of the primary limitations in the use of the Dun and Bradstreet data is the difficulty in obtaining it. The Dun and Bradstreet Company agrees with its subscribers that these books are confidential, and they are destroyed or returned after each new issue is published. Only two reference sets are maintained: one at the Library of Congress in Washington, D.C.; the other in the reference library at Dun and Bradstreet's headquarters at 12 Church Street in New York City. The size of the volumes precludes their being borrowed through interlibrary loan from the Library of Congress, and Dun and Bradstreet will not lend their copies, but they will accommodate a researcher at their facility in New York. 24C. C. Zimmerman, "Farm Trade Centers in Minne- sota," Minnesota Agricultural Experiment Station Research Bulletin, No. 269 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, I955)- 25Paul H. Landis, "South Dakota Town-Country Trade Relations," South Dakota Agricultural Experiment Station Research BulIétin, No. 274 (Brookings: University of South Dakota, 1952). 26Douglas Chittick, "Growth and Decline of South Dakota Trade Centers 1901-1951," South Dakota Agricultural Ekperiment Station Research Bulletin, No. 4487(Brookings: University of South Dakota, 1955). 27Elsie S. Manny, "Dun and Bradstreet as a Source of Sociological Data," Rural Sociology, XII, No. 1 (March, 1947). 58-59- 17 Another problem is that Dun and Bradstreet does not include most forms of personal services such as lawyers, physicians, dentists, veterinarians, barbers, and beauti- cians in any of their listings. The Martindale-Hubble Law Directory gives data for attorneys for the same decennial intervals employed above. Information concerning physi- cians was obtained from the American Medical Directopy, published annually by the American Medical Association. No uniform information was available for veterinarians, dentists, barbers, and beauticians for the period 1900 through 1960, and they were therefore not included in this study. Confirmation of the data gathered from these sources was made with early editions of Polk's Gazeteer of Minnesotai North Dakota, South Dakota, and Montana for 1900, 1910, and 1920. The Polk's City Directory for Mankato, Waseca, and New Ulm for the years 1950, 1940, 1950, and 1960 was also useful but was limited to the immediate area of those places. Dun and Bradstreet was also useful for determin- ation of population of places not enumerated in the U.S. Census. The pOpulation data given for places of less than one thousand are the best available estimates. For all other places, state and federal census figures were used. Information concerning roads, road quality, traffic volumes, and mileage between service centers was obtained from the Minnesota State Highway Department in St. Paul. 18 County highway maps have been kept by that department since 1920. These maps maintained consistent data relating to the exact routing of all federal, state, county, and town- ship roads in each county of the study area. In addition, they gave the type of surface maintained and the location of certain cultural features. Road maps prior to the 1920's were reconstructed with data supplied by the Minne- sota State Highway Department, the Minnesota State His- torical Commission, and various county road atlases. Early atlases indicated roads which were major wagon routes at or about the turn of the century. Traffic volume maps are available for all state subsidized roads. These State Aid Road traffic maps date from 1918 when the highway department was formed. Definitions of Terms Throughout this study a number of terms will be used which require definition. Central function.--Includes only those activities of a retail or service nature discussed in Table 1.1. Functional unit.--Refers to any individual retail, wholesale, or commercial service enterprise existing at any time in any size trade center. Functional intensity.--Is the sum total of the functional units found in a community or trade center at any time. 19 TABLE 1.1.--Classification of central functions used in analysis of service centers in River Bend Area of South Central Minnesota Loaded, Sic No.‘ Function Value 521 Lumber & Building Materials 2 522 Plumbing & Heating 2 525 Paint, Glass & Wallpaper 4 524 Electrical Supplies 4 5251 Hardware 1 5252 Farm Equipment 1 551 Department Store 7 555 Variety Store 6 559 General Store 1 54 Food Store 1 5511 Automobile Dealer 4 555 Auto Parts 6 554 Service Station 1 5559 Mobile Homes 5 56 Ready to Wear Clothing 2 571 Furniture 5 '572 Appliances 4 575 Music, Radio & T.V. 4 5812 Restaurant or Bar 1 591 Drugs 5 592 Liquor 5 595 Second Hand Stores 2 594 Books & Stationary 4 595 Sporting Goods 1 596 Farm & Garden Supply 4 597 Jewelry 5 598 Fuel, Coal & Ice 4 5992 Florist 5 5995 Photo Supply 6 5997 Gifts 5 5999 Misc. Retail Goods 2 60 Banks 4 81 Attorneys 5 801 Physician 5 806 Hospital 5 807 Medical Laboratory 6 719 Hatchery, Stock Yard & Act 5 729 Livery 2 75 Rental Equipment 2 79 Amusements 4 271 Newspaper 5 701 Hotel 4 721 Laundry & Dry Cleaning 4 722 Photo Studio 5 20 TABLE l.l.--Continued Loaded Sic No.‘ Function Value** 725 Shoe & Harness Repair 2 726 Mortuary 5 75 Misc. Business Agents 5 75 Auto Repairs 1 751 Blacksmith 1 76 Misc. Repairs 2 5591 Machine Shop 5 4225 Cold Storage Plant 5 4242 Drayage 5 4852 Radio Station 5 505 Wholesale Notions & Clothing 4 504 Wholesale Groceries & Food 4 505 Wholesale Hides 4 508 Wholesale Machinery & Supply 4 5092 Bulk Oil 2 5094 Wholesale Candy & Tobacco 4 5095 Beverages 6 5098 Wholesale Building Products 1 192 Nursery 4 202 Creamery 2 204 Grain, Feed & Flour 2 ‘Standard Industrial Classification Number from U.S. Bureau of the Census, Standard Industrial Classifi- cation Manual (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office). **See Appendix, page 225. 21 Loaded functional value.--Not all functional units have the same size, sales, threshold pOpulations, or relative importance in a community or series of central places. Therefore each functional unit was assigned a loaded value on a scale ranging from one to seven, as shown in Table 1.1, pages 19-20. These values were based upon information obtained from the National Retail Merchants Association and the Chamber of Commerce. Criteria employed for the loadings included: frequency of occurrence, com- parative size, estimated volume of sales generated, 28 and extent of threshold estimated hierarchical position, p0pulations.29 This technique eliminates the disparity between the individual functional units when determining the functional intensity of a series of service centers. An attempt was made to test the validity of the ranking system and the load totals by running a series of Pearson product moment or Pearson "r" point correlations between the loaded functional values of each community and the population of that place at the same point in time. The analysis reveals a very high degree of validity for the tests which ran as follows: 28Berry, Barnum, and Tennant, o . cit., pp. 74-78. 29T. L. Smith, "Farm Trade Centers in Louisiana 1901-1951," Louisiana Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin, No. 254 (Baton Rouge: University of Louisiana, January, 1955). 22 Coefficient Degrees of Sample Standard of Year Correlation Deviation t Ratio* Freedom 1900 .9740 105.875 46.9894 119 1920 .9196 110.907 24.5507 110 1940 .9869 175.555 60.5580 97 1960 .9570 227.027 51.1607 89 *"t" tests indicate significance at 95 per cent confidence limits for all coefficients of correlation. Service center or central place.--Any place, whether incorporated or not and regardless of the size of its pop- ulation, is considered a central place or service center if it has or had a name or postal address and possesses some functional unit. This definition does, by intent, exclude any community with no central function, no matter how large its population. Time-space.--This is a notion best develOped by Donald Janelle in his thesis "Spatial Reorganization and Time-Space Convergence." Janelle considers time-space as the prime factor in understanding the organization of 50 man's activities in any areal unit. Janelle also speaks of "time-space convergence," which is the rate at which 50Donald G. Janelle, "Spatial Reorganization and Time-Space Convergence" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Dept. of Geography, Michigan State University, East Lansing, 1966), pp. 2-4; "Central Place DevelOpment in a Time-Space Framework," The Professional Geographer, XX, No. 1 (January, 1968), 5-10; and "Spatial Reorganization: A Model and Concept," Annals of the Association of American Geographers, LIX, No. 2 (June, 1969), 548-564. 25 travel time between places has been declining in response 51 to increasing transport efficiency. Accessibility.-—Under conditions of an almost uni- form transportation capability such as existed prior to 1900 one would expect the develOpment of a uniform settle- ment pattern similar to that suggested by Christaller. Then a hierarchy of places would probably have developed with the largest place at the center of the region. But when any element of the landscape is found to have greater utility in terms of site or situation, it may cause a modification in the settlement pattern which would negate the uniformity described by Christaller. Those places which grew the largest and the fastest could be explained by the utility of their site relative to all other places. Centers which have the greatest accessibility tend to be dominant regardless of their situation. The location of this center is not determined simply by the limitation of 31Although other authors have not been so explicit in their discussion as Janelle, consideration should be given to the implications of time-space convergence in the writings of: George K. Zipf, Human Behavior and the Principle of Least Effort (Cambridge, Mass.: Addison Wesley Press, Inc., 1949); Edward Hassinger, "The Rela- tionship of Trade-Center POpulation Change to Distance from Large Centers in an Agricultural Area," Rural Soci- olo , XXII, No. 2 (1957), 151-56; P. D. Converse, "The Automobile and the Village Merchant," University of Illinois Bureau of Business Research BEIletin, No. 19 (1928), pp. 27-42; Edward Ulman, "A Theory of Location for Cities," The American Journal of Sociology, LXIII (1957- 1958), 855-64; and Duane F. Marble, "Effect of Highway Improvement on Urban Retail Locations," Oregon Business Review, XVIII, No. 10 (October, 1959), 1-4. 24 distance or space, but when more realistically viewed it is decided by time-space and ease of access to the region's pOpulace. Convergence.--When viewed in purely spatial terms distance is constant, but when perceived historically as a concept of space and time combined, one can view points in space as converging upon one another. Over the past half century this convergence of points in time-space has been occurring at a very rapid rate. For instance, the trip from Mankato to Judson, Minnesota, covers fourteen miles. In 1900 this trip required four hours and forty minutes; by 1950 the time span needed to travel the same distance had diminished to 45.5 minutes, and by 1960 it had de- creased to fifteen minutes. Theoretically these places are 18.66 times closer to one another today than they were some sixty years ago. The result of the increased accessibility of some places relative to others has been the realization of comparative advantage of the former for economic and, in some cases, political activity. It is assumed that any place which has a greater relative degree of accessibility will logically become a dominant center as a result of its increased focality. Out of this concept arises the notion of market areas and the hierarchical structure of markets 25 hypothesized by Christaller,32 Zipf,55 Lo'sch,54 and others. The inter—relationships which exist between the concepts of accessibility and focality are intertwined. The comparative advantage of a place tends to produce centralization of human activity. Centralization in turn tends to generate focality, simply by the attraction of choice and Opportunities offered. As activity is in- creasingly concentrated and specialized, the numbers of consumers required to sustain the place expand through growth of the areal extent of the service area or increase of the internal pOpulation of the region. Thus, any centralization of human activity becomes a focal place and the degree or intensity of its focality is determined by the numbers and activities of peOple available to sustain it. With these notions regarding the orderliness of man's organization of space, we will proceed to analyze some of these ideas in terms of the changes which have taken place within the study area. The examination will be historical and geographical in nature and will focus upon the 52Baskin, loc. cit. 55Zipf, loc. cit. 54 Lgsch, op. cit., p. 455. 26 56 which have functional55 and developmental processes generated the observed changes in central places within the Mankato market area from 1900 to 1960. Plan of Presentation The research design of this study is geared to ex- plain the role of changing transportation systems and the increasing impact Of transportation speeds on the spatial organization of a region. The next chapter will discuss the physical factors which influenced the development of the River Bend Area prior to 1900 and explore changes in its social and economic characteristics which occurred as a result of variations in accessibility. The third chapter analyzes some of the forces Operating in the River Bend Area from 1900 to 1960 which caused the changes in the settlement patterns, especially those factors which contribute to the decline or disap- pearance Of communities which existed at the turn of the century. At the same time it will evaluate the changes resulting from technological adaptation, transportation innovation, economic growth and recession, and other elements. 55Functional processes refer to the inter-related factors which influence the changes which occurred in the purpose or function of a central place over time. 36Developmental processes relate to the factors which influence the growth or decline of the magnitude of central functions performed by a central place. 27 Chapter IV discusses the forces influencing the character of the functional base of the service center and attempts to determine the historical trends of growth and change in central places as well as the existence Of hierarchical levels of central place activity.57 The functional differences between a small cluster of houses around a lone general store and a center of thousands of peOple being served by hundreds of retail, service, and wholesale outlets are those of degree. The differences will be defined in terms of the hierarchical level of services provided by the sum of the respective central place functions. The fifth chapter introduces the concept of time- space convergence and the function of service centers within the study area. The alterations in the service areas of communities should be related to changes in their relative accessibility which were created by increased speeds of transportation from 1900 to 1960. One of the basic assumptions Of this study is that there is a relationship between the magnitude of a service center's retail and commercial base and the size of its trade area. The size of a trade area is dynamic and re- flects the mobility Of the population it serves, the 57Brian J. L. Berry and William Garrison, "The Functional Basis of the Central Place Hierarchy," Economic Geography, XXXIV (April, 1958), 145-54; and Berry, Barnum, and Tennant, op. cit., p. 78. 28 commercial attractiveness of the trade center, and long term economic conditions. These factors determine the number, size, and distribution of trade centers in an area which is predominantly agricultural. The development of an industrial concentration usually modifies the pattern considerably. Though the primary focus here is upon the inter- relationships Of transportation and the economics of trade centers, it does not intend to exclude the importance of social, political, or institutional influences. But, these elements will only be discussed where they influence the total study area. Therefore, the analysis of change in the service center-trade area relationship will be limited to changes in pOpulation, transportation, commerce, eco- nomic trends, and agricultural technology. CHAPTER II THE REGIONAL SETTING AND FACTORS RELATING TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE RIVER BEND AREA, 1850-1900 Several stages of economic and technological develOpment can easily be identified in the Upper Midwest and Great Plains. The first period is typified by the Opening of the prairie for agriculture. In the Upper Midwest between the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers early expansion tended to occur along and back from the rivers as contrasted to the Great Plains where the paths of least resistance were usually Old Indian or buffalo trails. Lack of reliable information caused settlement during this period to be spotty. Occasional forts and trading posts served as data sources concerning the availability Of space for develOpment. As settlement increased, a second stage of expansion is clearly discernible. The development Of low-draft, steam power vessels Opened up formerly sparcely develOped areas by providing mass transportation into the areas accessible to the rivers. The role of the steamboat in the settlement of the Mississippi, Minnesota, and Missouri River basins is 29 50 well documented.1 During the mid-nineteenth century the presence Of the steamboats on the rivers far in the in- terior Of the Great Plains and the Upper Midwest pushed the wilderness frontier toward the west. A third stage of expansion in the Upper Midwest was brought on by the railroads after 1865. Prior to the railroad much of the pOpulation and economic growth was concentrated along or near the waterways. Railroads, how- ever, permitted settlement Of areas far removed from navigable water, while returning with produce Of the re- gion to the market and distribution centers. Previously remote areas became accessible and then integrated as part of the agrO-economic systems prevalent at those times.2 After the turn of the twentieth century the fourth period of regional growth occurred with the introduction of the automobile and the building of good roads. The automobile and truck further extended the limits of rela- tive accessibility and caused a marked alteration in the character Of economic activity and settlement. This re- search will focus primarily on the impact of the automobile upon the regional character of the study area in South Central Minnesota. In order to do this it is necessary to 1William J. Petersen, "The Early History of Steam- boating on the Minnesota River," Minnesota History, XI (June, 1950), 125-44. 2Martin A. Knapp, "Social Effects of Transportation," The Annals Of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, XX (July-December, 1902), 8. 51 understand elements of the region's develOpment prior to the automobile. Because it would be impossible to make any detailed study of the Upper Midwest due to its enormous size, the "River Bend Area" of Minnesota was selected as a sample. The eight counties in Fig. 2.1 constitute the market area Of the city of Mankato, which historically has been the dominant focus of the region. Blue Earth, Le Sueur, Nicollet, Faribault, Brown, Waseca, Watowan, and Martin Counties make up a core region for the Mankato service area.5 This region has traditionally emphasized agricul- ture, and even its industrial activity is related to the processing of agricultural produce such as flour mills, animal feed manufacture, canneries, creameries, and vege- table oil processing. Employment in manufacturing amounted to only 18 per cent of the total labor force in 1958 as compared to over twice that in the state as a whole. The strong emphasis upon agriculture as the economic base coupled with the limited develOpment of industry contributed to the choice of the River Bend Area for this study. In most communities, the lack of manufacturing eliminates many of the problems of discerning how the community develOped 5John Borchert and Russell B. Adams, Trade Centers and Trade Areas of the Upper Midwest, Urban Report NO. 5 (Minneapolis: Upper Midwest Research and Development Council, September, 1965), pp. 7-25. 52 H.m .wwm 206$. MEOO <2? oz: 32¢ Zm 4555.2 1.- ..... 3...... E 01500.. 57 United States quickly pushed pioneer settlement up and out of the wooded ravines and into the open prairie. Though settlement by homesteaders proceeded rapidly from 1850 to 1860, the total pOpulation of the area in 1860 was only 20,451. As shown by Fig. 2.4, over half of the peOple in 1860 were concentrated in Le Sueur, Blue Earth, and Nicollet Counties, with pOpulation densities dr0pping off dramatically towards the south and west. It was not until the 1890's that the area population densities assumed a degree of relative uniformity, as shown in Fig. 2.4 and 2.4a. The River Bend Area is flat to gently undulating, except along the river valleys and stream courses where the bluffs are heavily eroded and drop off abruptly by as much as several hundred feet.7 The soils are, for the most part, composed of unconsolidated glacial drift of Wisconsin age with a heavy clay component which tends to retard groundwater movement. The central portion of the study area was once covered by glacial Lake Minnesota which deposited lacustrine clays on the uplands. The peripheral areas in Brown, Martin, waseca, and Le Sueur Counties are dominated by till plain deposits which are relatively low in relief but somewhat less fertile and more easily eroded than the flatter land of the old lake bed.8 8 71bid., pp. 415-18. Ibid., pp. 459—45. 58 POPULATION DISTRIBUTION RIVER BEND AREA 1860—I 880—1900 19(10 Emma. . _, 0 £2 0... u‘l' n—n Fig. 2.4 I860 ..P+II o . u. .H... .. _. _ H . . .I... .m.4m.l_ _ I ..m ...”..umuunnmm... . ....74 I_ ww%......_...£...._. 4 ._ I. .....wuumvumw .I. ... \.......H.H..”....m............. ...; m 31.7.. .... . _.. . . x..l_mmwml.l_l.l-. p _”.........N...... . .. _ . . . aw"... _ _ m DWI. .. .\eoo -. on 00 m I |. -—.—._..___. US ConIuI Dole 59 w¢.m .mHm gas-U m 3 "eusaom A o _ _ . . «...-I32 _ .. gun—Ice: . _ .. own—Io:— ...... ... I32 _ . ......5. I32_ .... «9 I32 . .I.-lo l—nl.‘tl.hld°”l.l.tfl”ll&”|4l In l2bhuuz_ _ _ . _ . . c.9732. - . ....Ioo: _ .. cue—I92: _ —.t ...—«Io... .l K.-NI ...“ . = . . Io..— .....&v.n I3... .... .... a... I32 ......afi. I32 . _ _ I . b.3022 . . :—¢.. mm_._._m2wo ZO_._.<._D¢Om ..(aau 40 The dominant physical feature is the valley of the Minnesota River and its tributaries, the Le Sueur and Blue Earth Rivers. The Minnesota River meanders through a deeply out valley flanked on both sides by steep bluffs dropping abruptly at first and then more slowly across wide terraces. The flood plain averages more than three miles in width throughout the River Bend Area. Much of it is tilled but is subject to periodic flooding. A signifi- cant portion of the lowland area is dominated by poorly drained land, such as sloughs, abandoned meanders and cut- offs of the river. Many old terraces away from the flood plain provide fertile, well—drained agricultural land. Climate The climate of the region is ideal for small grains and other crops adapted to a growing season of less than 150 days.9 The summers are warm and humid, with average June, July, and August temperatures being above seventy degrees. (See Fig. 2.5.) But the winters on the open prairie are particularly inhospitable and usually include blizzards, heavy snow, long periods of intense cold, and high winds. 9Edward VanDyke Robinson, Early Economic Conditions and the Development of Agriculture in Minnesota (Minne- apolis: Bulletin of the University of Minnesota, Studies in the Social Sciences, No. 5, 1915). 41 50322.: 23:50.... ZOm< 42 Indians The Dakota Sioux, a tribe originally found in the northern Minnesota-Wisconsin forests, had been driven out into the plains by the Chippewa Indians. The Sioux then adopted a very warlike posture in order to exist because they had to displace the Mandan Indian tribes of the Upper Missouri River.10 The Sioux gained some superiority over their neighbors after they adopted and became adapted to the horse of the white man which gave them increased mobility. These former forest dwellers became highly skilled hunters.ll With the coming of the pioneers, the Dakota Sioux once again were threatened, but in 1851 they agreed to cede a large portion of southern Minnesota to the white man for $50,000 according to the Treaty of Traverse de Sioux.l2 As shown by the map of Indian secession, Fig. 2.2, page 55, only a portion of northern Brown County was set aside as an Indian reservation at that time. A 10James W. Lynd, "History of the Dakotas," Minne- sota Historical Collections, Vol. II, pp. 145-47. 11The essence of this notion comes from Prescott W. Webb, The Great Plains (New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1951), pp. 115-18, where he discusses the impact of the Spanish horse on the Indian culture of the Apache and Comanche. But it seems to apply equally as well to the Dakota Sioux, who adOpted the horse before the Chippewa, but adapted it to plains rather than forest living. This is corroberated by E. E. Edwards, "American Indian Con— tributions to Civilization," Minnesota History, XV (Sep- tember, 1954), 252-72. 12 Robinson, op. cit., p. 45. 45 smaller section of Blue Earth and Waseca Counties was appropriated by the government in 1855 to establish another Indian reservation for the displaced Winnebago Indians of Wisconsin. The Sioux uprising of 1862 was a war in which several hundred settlers were murdered in Minnesota and Iowa. This event retarded immigration to the River Bend Area, and only settlements located adjacent to the rivers l5 and military roads managed to survive. Economic Recession and the Lack of Transportation The period from 1858 to 1865, a particularly diffi- cult one for the River Bend Area, was due in part to the Indian uprisings but also to the nationally severe finan- cial crisis of 1857 to 1859. Businesses failed, mortgages were foreclosed, land speculation dropped off sharply, immigration stOpped, and emigration caused a loss of markets in areas which were, at that time, only marginally productive, as a general economic malaise settled over much of the nation's agricultural interior. In addition, a further deterent to settlement in southern Minnesota during the early sixties was the Civil War, fought from 1861 to 1865. Few agricultural settlers could move westward to seek cheap land. Prior to 1865, the lack of roads, railroads, and market towns also retarded the develOpment of the 13Ibid. 44 agricultural resources of southern Minnesota. As shown by the map of the southern Minnesota road network in 1860 (Fig. 2.6), few towns of any size existed that were not located along navigable rivers or at power sites. In terms of year around usefulness all of the streams of Minnesota, other than the Mississippi below St. Paul, were of marginal value for shipping agricultural products. The peak period for marketing and sale of grains and potatoes was mid-summer to late fall. But steamboats could travel upstream on the Minnesota River more than fifteen miles only from early April to mid July.14 As shown by Table 2.1, the heyday of steamboating on the Minnesota was from 1855 to 1865. Two considerations must be made in evalu- ating these data: (1) even though the number of boat trips for some of the years was quite large, the size of these boats was quite small, usually less than thirty tons capa- city; and (2) most of the trips were short, often going only as far upstream as Chaska, Minnesota, some twenty- eight miles upstream from St. Paul.15 (See Fig. 2.7.) The limitations on year around transportation posed by the variations in flow of the rivers in the central part of the state meant that the average farmer in 1861 had to travel eighty miles to sell his produce at a town on a 14William J. Petersen, "The Early History of Steam- boating on the Minnesota River," Minnesota History Maga— zine, XI, No. 2 (June, 1950), 157-58. 15Ibid. 45 m h 46 TABLE 2.1.-—Steamboat departures from St. Paul from 1850 to 1872 for destinations on the Minnesota River’ Steamboat Trips Date (Below Mankato) 1850 4 1851 5 1852 15 1855 49 1854 50 1855 109 1856 207 1857 292 1858 594 1859 500 1860 250 1861 518 1862 415 1865 177 1864 166 1865 195 1866 100 1867 100 1868 80 1869 50 1870 50 1871 20 1872 1 *Thomas Hughes, "Steamboating on the Minnesota River," Minnesota Historical Society Collections, Vol. X, NO. l,_PaI"I3 2, pp. 158-600. 5m .wE 47 33:» .0833... 8.1.3.3fi 4 d . q I U — 1.133% _ _ _ _ _ _ . .20 3 . . . . . _ fen-:0 L. _ .—I _ _ _ _ . I.I..I.I4 ......... . ..I.I..I..I.I.. IIIII a IIIII . ......... 1 ...-......— . _ _ _ . 10:423.. . :2) . _ _ _ . . _ 231 ..o 93.. . _ 1...: _ _ _ . .I-! .. _ . 2.00.303... ..I _I.I”.I.I.I._.I.I0u.. 4...? ..I..Iu ..... r.I on. 3.83.: . _ _ . I .1. I... . . :- .32: .I.. . 2.1.1.? ...-c _ _ 3...... . . _ . - . Luci". , _ .... . 5040‘ .|.I .._I.._hao.onlu. seine: _ _ _ . .I ...}: .... . .8. .. . I. . 1. 13:3. .I.I._ ‘ _ r.I.L-I.n .00... 0.310... II.. . I . .. v . . u . 10.20.32 .0 :88 o 142. :5} so... . ..... . l ...... .2... I I ..... I. I I. 3.8.! fl. _ . ...) $30.30 . _ ...-...... 20:00.» 1 _ _ IIIIIII I . _ . 20.53:?! . I .. _ ._l I J ......... . ‘.|-'. ngOh mm>_~_ .mn._mm_mm.<< a ma o<0¢1<¢ RELATIONSHIPS RE RURAL-URBAN I B __m___7%7%%%%%%//W ____m___7%/%7%%%/%%W ____W___7%7%%%%/W_____ W ______7%7//% ___7%7% W7. 7 PPPPPP 55 was essentially self-sufficient with only minimal de- pendence upon others. The few needs not met by the farm or its neighbors were purchased from the general store, but selections were limited and prices tended to be high, relative to the present. The storekeeper was often the postmaster, harnessmaker, blacksmith, druggist, and miller for the area. The demand for these services being limited and his skills being minimal, the general store often served a market of several hundred square miles. The railroads tended to revolutionize this pattern of marketing; and with access to distant markets, speciali- zation in agriculture was a logical result. By the late 1860's the trend in southern Minnesota was toward producing hard spring wheat.19' Two-thirds of the tilled land in the 20 and the percentage of the New area in 1874 was in wheat, York market price for wheat received by farmers in southern Minnesota had risen from 55.6 per cent in 1869 to 69.7 per cent in 1875.21 With increasing Specialization in wheat and the general decline of subsistence farming came a marked change in the character of the economy of the region. The demand for manufactured goods and specialty items began to in- crease. Specialization produces a surplus which generates lglbid; and Larson, op. cit., pp. 55-75. 20Robinson, op. cit., pp. 260-61. 21Larson, op. cit., p. 94. 54 capital, assuming demand is maintained, which can be con- verted into goods and services formerly provided only by the farm or not sought. The demand for imported groceries, guns, hardware, clothing, and all other forms of consumer goods produced specialized stores and shOps. Thus emerged the "Main Street" type of commercial develOpment. Increased agricultural output and efficiency also contributed to a surplus of disposable income. This surplus also enhanced the centrality of many places by creating the demand for luxury goods, medical services, and hotels. By the turn of the century it was not unusual to find a community of several hundred peOple with a millinery shOp, a hotel, several general stores, a bank, a hardware store, an implement dealer, several bars and restaurants, physicians, a ladies' dress shop, a harness shOp, a blacksmith, a creamery, and several grain elevators. The growth of pOpulation in non-rural places in— creased by 5.5 times in the period 1870 to 1890, and pOpula- tion in places larger than 2,500 expanded by almost five times its 1870 figure in twenty years. A growing rural pOpulation coupled with a rapidly expanding urban population tended to develop service centers with a wide range of sizes and magnitudes. They ranged from the smallest center with only a general store through a continuum of places to the largest center (Mankato) which offered a wide variety of stores, shOps, offices, and yards. 55 This change is best demonstrated by the theoretical representations of changing rank-size relationships of central places shown in Figs. 2.10a and 2.10b below. ao-u-o-c ‘0‘ y lo“ Order a! Center: flank Order of Center: Fig. 2.lOa Fig. 2.lOb Fig. 2.10s and Fig. 2.10b.--Rank size distributions of central places in the River Bend Area in the pre-rail- road and the post-railroad eras of develOpment. Obviously, service centers changed dramatically from the pre-railroad era to the post-railroad era. Rapid ex- pansion of central places along the railroads also created a labor deficit within the region. Personnel in the shOps, stores, and yards of those communities was no longer sup- plied by the family. These businesses often required the services of peOple trained in a vocation. The developing communities attracted peOple to work as employees of the commercial establishments. Likewise, churches, schools, and other institutions were also increasing in these com- munities, further enhancing their attraction. Significant numbers of peOple added to the non-agricultural labor force tended to attract still more services and functions 56 to the community to meet the demand of the expanded pOpulation. The focality of the railroad community was very strong. As previously mentioned, many of these places grew fantastically in only a few months after the comple- tion of the railroads. One example of this development explosion took place at Lake Crystal in 1869. In less than four months this community grew from nothing to a population of over two hundred with forty permanent structures. At the end of that period the community had a grain elevator, hotel, two-story school, two general stores, hardware store, two-story general merchandise and dry goods store, a harness shOp, a cooperage, imple- ment dealership, doctor's office, and a post office.22 Agricultural Diversification During the period of agricultural specialization, primary foci within the community were the grain elevators and flour mills. Almost all economic activity was de- pendent upon the grain market. At that time sales were concentrated during the few short months in the late summer and early fall. Good grain years, such as 1877 through 1880, brought boom periods, but yields had dipped by a 25 per cent average in the state by the mid-to-late ~ 22Thomas Hughes, History of Blue Earth County (Chicago: Middle West Publishing Company, 1901), p. 169. 57 1880's, and prices on the exchange were drOpping as well, which resulted in a poor return in local investments. Low grain yields, the uncertainties of the climate, and low prices influenced another shift in the production patterns of the region during the 1880's and 1890's. The region changed from raising only wheat and the hazards of a one-crop economy to a more diverse agriculture with a heavy base of dairy production. The shift away from wheat was caused by a number of other factors besides yields and prices. During the period from 1874 to 1878 the entire River Bend Area, as well as most of southern Minnesota, was devastated by a series of locust invasions which destroyed many of the crops.25 From the early to mid 1880's agricultural production was again retarded, this time by the chinch bugs. The appearance of the verticilium stem rust which damaged spring wheat throughout the Great Plains made diversified farming a necessity.24 The emphasis upon dairying added the creamery to further enhance the focality of many service centers. In 1885 there were eighteen creameries and cheese factories in the area. As shown by the 1885 map of creamery and cheese factories in Fig. 2.11, two-thirds of the creameries in the River Bend Area were concentrated in Waseca and 25Ibid. 24Robinson, op. cit., pp. 108-9. aa.m .maa .070“ .0333“... 6513 use.» 58 3.0... ...-:0 .{v _ _ _ _ COED-5U O OZmOmd .2 oz: 32.. mam—-mm_¢m<<o_aEw ‘OIOOsUr—_ co_.o.aov< :o_.0>o:c_ :om.:o>:. .09_oo.0¢; 0h :o..aE:—:ou 1e a.:_no:o>< veaooeu:_ tcoEeO voauoeu:_ 0E0uc_ _ozaoo 0.30.0nn_ a:.u.:m coo. 0>t( O>tobanoU .0 c01fi00.‘ .o_uco_u:.w :o_.u:vo.g ..mQOE thZmOdm>mo U.SOZOUm OZ< I._.>>O~_O ._ntinued and freight service had decreased so that the flit. ‘H ‘n '- .1- it ~. ‘v \WL ‘Il 68 rails were being torn up as service was discontinued even more. Closely correlated with the loss of function in small service centers was the disappearance of the local post office. Prior to the Rural Free Delivery Act of 1905, mail was funneled through the local post Office. No provision for mail delivery to home or business was avail- able except by private arrangement. Any place which had a post office was assured of some trade simply by the fact that those residents had to come to the local post Office to pick up their mail. The post office was Often located in the general store; it served as a captive market for the merchant, produced some small revenue for the post— master, and often acted as an important social institution for exchanging news and ideas. By 1910, forty-five fourth class post offices had been discontinued in the River Bend Area. In 67 per cent of the cases the town which had no railroad and which lost its post office franchise had functionally disappeared by 1920. The towns without both railroad service and post offices showed no growth during the period from 1900 to 1920. Only three centers showed no functional decline. of the remainder, two declined by at least a third in their attraction, while the remaining ten functionally declined by more than one-half. Another factor influencing the disappearance of some trade centers was the loss of a resource such as the 69 hardwood forests of Waseca and Le Sueur Counties. Two towns in that area had formerly been logging centers built upon the market created by the sawmills. They literally disappeared overnight after the sawmills were moved away. After 1920, no service centers were started in the River Bend Area. The steady decline in their numbers from 115 in 1920 to 99 in 1960 can usually be attributed to the market reorientation which accompanied automobile and agricultural specialization. New and re-routed highways bypassed many small centers. New technology in automobile and road design allowed the shOpper to go farther and faster with less effort so that many very small service centers simply lost their service area to larger centers. (See Table 5.1.) TABLE 5.l.--Expected vehicular speeds under varying road conditions for period 1910 to 1960 Dirt Road Gravel Road Paved Road Date m.p.h. m.p.h. m.p.h. 1910 5.0 5.0 5.0 1920 14.0 19.5 55.0 1950 18.0 26.0 59.0 1940 25.0 51.0 45.0 1950 50.0 40.0 50.0 1960 59.0 47.0 57.0 of the River Bend Area after 1910. Agricultural specialization became characteristic More and more the farmer depended upon grain and livestock raising and less and less upon general farming and dairying. Thus, the 7O creamery, one of the mainstays of the economic structure of many communities in 1900, was gradually forced out of business. _As the creamery declined in importance, many small centers lost their service functions, e.g., general stores, blacksmiths, service stations, etc., which had lived off the traffic and money generated by the creamery. Increased use of the truck had a similar effect upon the small town grain elevator. As shown in Table 5.2, increasing numbers of trucks were in general use after the 1950's by both farmers and merchants. During the 1940's truck design radically improved the carrying capacity of these vehicles and lowered their price by about 40 per cent. Though the cost of Operating a more powerful, larger vehicle was commensurately greater, the per mile Operating costs were markedly reduced. These factors, coupled with the truck's increased speed, permitted the operator to sell his produce in larger centers; in turn, he gained economies of Operation from the variety of goods and services he had available to him. No longer was he forced to sell his goods at the local elevator simply because his effective range of alternatives was limited by the slow speed of the tractor and wagon. TABLE 5.2.--Trucks in use on farms in the River Bend Area 1950-1960 1930 1940 1950 1960 4,052 4,119 7,775 11,682 Source: U. S. Census of Agriculture. 71 Similarly, the automobile effected a definite re- duction in the role of the small agricultural service center. As demonstrated in the fourth chapter, the rising use of the automobile and declining importance of both the horse and the railroad caused a significant loss of func- tion in many small agricultural service centers. The number of livery stables, harness repair shops, hotels, and blacksmith shOps drOpped during the period from 1910 through 1950. There was a correSponding rise in the number of auto dealers, service stations, auto repair shOps, and other auto-oriented functions. But the growth of these activities was at first confined to the largest centers and only after 1950 did they begin to appear in smaller places. As some functions died out completely and others dwindled in number, the focality of the small center diminished, and in the smallest places, i.e., those with only one or two functions, the loss of market caused their disappear- ance. Analysis of the Dun and Bradstreet Book of Commer- cial Ratingg reveals that prior to 1950, decline in the functional attraction of commercial centers was confined to small places with limited service. Other centers tended to grow. But between 1950 and 1940 even places with pOpula- tions of up to five hundred which had previously exhibited commercial growth and development began to show signs of stagnation and even decline in their importance. There were eighty-five of these places in the River Bend Area in 72 1950 and only thirteen showed any expansion by 1940. The remaining seventy-two tended to remain either static or decline. Some Of this can be attributed to the economic depression of the 1950's, but analysis reveals that of the remaining twenty-seven places in the area, 82 per cent of those with a population over five hundred and loaded func- tional bases over seventy showed growth during the ensuing decades. This pattern is repeated through 1960.5 Much of this pattern of central place growth, de— cline, or stagnation can be linked to the ubiquitous auto- mobile. By 1950 the way the farmer spent his money was overwhelmingly influenced by his accessibility to larger, more distant places. No longer was he limited to the nearby general store for his needs. Rather, he could travel to a larger center and take advantage of the lower prices and wider choices available there. Because the consumer changed his buying habits, those centers with over five hundred peOple expanded, but at the expense of the smaller places. Not only did the market area of these centers change, but the threshold pOpulation necessary to sustain them was altered. Larger centers expanded their effective market areas, thus increasing the numbers of people they served; this increased their attraction for new business enterprises which further enhanced their 5Growth is defined as being an increase of at least 10 per cent over the preceding decade's loaded function. 75 focality. At the same time the smaller centers were losing their potential customers as their market areas shrank, reducing their functional base and decreasing their focality. In several instances a small center retained its viability up to the 1950's because it was isolated from the main trunk highways and paved roads. As a result, these centers retained a sufficient market to maintain themselves by offering very basic goods or services. They presented an intervening Opportunity to the consumer who was not seeking the full service amenities of the large center and who was unwilling to make a long trip over poor roads. But as the county road systems were completed, and paving or straightening of the highways brought these once remote centers closer to the larger communities, both in terms of travel time and convenience, they too began to disappear and die out. Although a new highway caused some centers to dis- appear, the loss of an existing highway could sometimes create the same effect for another center. Since the 1950's the trend has been to bypass small towns by re- routing the highway around rather than through the center. During the decade 1950 to 1960 four centers disappeared while no new places emerged in the River Bend Area. In three of the four instances the highway bypass brought about the center's functional demise. These communities were totally oriented to the automobile and included a 74 service station, auto repair, and a small general store, but they lost such a large prOportion of their business after the route change that they were forced out of business. The very marginal nature of these centers was such that either a new road or loss of a road was such a shock that they were unable to adapt to the new economic situation. Trends in Regional Growth Population and Employment Contrary to what might be expected in a region where many of the service centers were disappearing and others were growing very slowly, the population of the area was expanding as was the economic base. As shown by Fig. 5.1, both rural and urban pOpulations were increasing. The trend of rural population goes counter to that of the state and the nation between 1910 and 1950. During this period regional, rural pOpulation expanded. Most of the increase was created by an expansion of the rural non-farm population living in centers with less than one thousand pOpulation. Due to the limitation of the census data for this period, it is impossible to pinpoint precisely the population trends in the rural areas, but based on other census data it appears that the pOpulation on farms rose from 19104 to 4Regiona1 population at the turn of the century was on the decline, as population densities drOpped from 22.1 per square mile in 1890 to 19.6 per square mile in 1910. RURAL - URBAN RELATIONSHIPS R D __________m________77.W ________m______7/%77%%% ________e77%%%7/%/%/%W__-_= 1. ______a___777%7W W _____a__7%%7%%77/% 7777777 7 _-___a_7%7%%./%%77W - W o o o, o J W PPPPPP 76 1940. In 1950 the first marked decline in rural farm populations since the turn of the century appears. Part of the increase in rural populations from 1910 to 1940 comes from the increase in the number of farms within the area. In addition, the very rapid growth of the urban centers' pOpulations during this same period generated a demand for housing beyond the city limits, which tended to create rural non-farm population around the larger centers such as Mankato. In 1950 the rural non-farm pOpulation of the River Bend Area totaled 42,554, Or 25 per cent of the area population, as contrasted with 59 Per cent for rural farm pOpulation. The rural farm population decreased 12,014 people, or 12 per cent, since 1950. During this same period the region's population grew from 156,072 to 182,611, a 12.5 per cent increase. These shifts in pOpula- tion from farm to urban or rural non-farm demonstrate the increased opportunities for employment in the major centers of Mankato, Waseca, Fairmont, New Ulm, Blue Earth, and St. Peter. Total number of manufacturing establishments in 1950 in the region's centers had increased by only twenty-six units over 1950. But employment in manufac- turing, as shown in Table 5.5, had grown by 1950 to 6,857, an increase of 2.25 times that of the 1950 figure of 5,006. This growth of employment Opportunities attracted peOple both from within and outside the region. Emigration from the farms to the cities resulted in greater TABLE 5.5.--Employment in manufacturing for River Bend Area 1919—1958 Year County 1919 1929 1959 1947 1958 Blue Earth Establishments 91 61 56 71 71 Employees 826 611 510 1,615 2,511 Payroll 785 707 542 5,848 10,272 Value Added 1,955 2,941 2,590 8,442 21,716 Brown Establishments 58 48 47 41 55 Employees 558 478 712 1,581 1,586 Payroll 552 576 600 5,582 5,704 Value Added 2,088 2,756 2,488 7,408 10,559 Faribault Establishments 48 55 5O 29 54 Employees 156 271 450 855 787 Payroll 186 269 252 1,585 2,751 Value Added 525 1,201 981 5,054 5,956 Le Sueur Establishments 67 26 21 5O 55 Employees 502 706 777 1,514 889 Payroll 455 965 482 2,525 5,299 Value Added 2,201 2,808 2,540 7,065 8,080 Martin Establishments 58 26 5O 5O 59 Employees 252 500 665 985 1,557 Payroll 227 521 482 2,627 5,185 Value Added 558 2,285 1,444 4,458 14,041 -Nicollet Establishments 44 21 19 26 25 Employees 182 77 106 247 550 Payroll 161 75 106 517 1,190 Value Added 444 281 410 859 2,595 Waseca .Establishments 55 26 22 27 24 .Employees 266 262 128 696 1,229 ZPayroll 519 291 118 1,454 4,551 'Value Added 955 855 558 2,961 10,405 TABLE 5.5.--Continued 78 Year 1919 1929 1959 1947 1958 Watonwan Establishments 31 21 20 24 22 Employees 151 101 113 570 885 Payroll 164 151 90 811 2,471 Value Added 266 319 222 1,251 2,966 State Establishments 6,225 1,258 5,755 4,567 5,517 Employees 115,625 56,751 78,025 179,986 209,187 Payroll 127,107 47,120 96,887 501,555 1,020,211 Value Added 355.040 155,688 506,840 1,022,586 1,594,505 Source: U. S. Census of Manufacturing. 79 concentrations of rural non—farm pOpulation in and around the larger centers while the pOpulation density of the outlying agricultural areas decreased generally. But increased employment opportunities within the region's urban centers was not the primary cause of de— clining farm population between 1940 and 1960. Rather, it was the result of the consolidation of farm units necessary for the efficient use of the high priced farm machinery becoming available. Steadily increasing use of mechanized equipment eliminated many jobs formerly per- formed by field hands and/or the farm family, forcing these pe0p1e to seek employment in the cities rather than on the farms. Another factor contributing both to the migration from farm to city and the consolidation of farms was the rising age of farm Operators. In 1951 the average farmer's age was 50.4 years, with 64 per cent over age 45. This age factor may have been a major reason for some of the former rural farm population relocating in the trade centers. Since 1950 a significant proportion of the pop- ulation growth of small agricultural service centers comes from elderly farm Operators migrating to communities where they retain some elements of their former life style with- out the responsibilities of farm life.5 5Unpublished research by students in a techniques of field research course at Mankato State College, con- ducted in the communities of St. Clair, Wells, Beauford, and Rapidan, Minnesota, in 1966, 1968, and 1969. 80 Even though the region's agricultural population and the number of farms began decreasing after 1940 while urban employment and urban and rural non-farm populations rose, the area's economic base remained tied to agricul- ture. In 1960 the total regional population amounted to 196,555, with rural farm population accounting for 51 per cent of the total. This is contrasted with 17 per cent of the population living on farms in all of Minnesota. The agricultural orientation of the region has been further enhanced by the increasing industrial employment in the cities of the River Bend Area. In 1959, 50 per cent of the manufacturing in the area was devoted to food and kindred product processing, but only 27 per cent of the labor force was employed in this group of industries. Since 1959 the number of establishments processing agri— cultural produce had declined by 22 per cent, but employ- ment in the remaining 151 businesses had risen by 1958 to more than 50 per cent of the manufacturing labor force. Agricultural Growth and Change Agriculture in the River Bend Area has undergone a series of definitive changes as new technology and transportation have appeared. At the turn of the century general farming was the rule; the specialization of the 1870's and 1880's had declined so much that very few farmers relied upon a single cr0p. The vagaries of the Climate, prices, disease, and pestilence made one-cr0p 81 agriculture too risky. 0ats, hay, wheat, and corn were the staple crops, and most farms also kept a few hogs and dairy cows. During the "teens" agriculture began to respecialize after five canneries started in the eight county area, creating a demand for sweet corn, early peas, squash, pumpkin, and some beans. Not only did these new industries contribute to specialization, but they also contributed significantly to the industrial trend by attracting new labor and business. Since the end Of the First World War the area has attracted several new canneries, and more recently flash freeze Operations, for the processing Of local vegetables and poultry products. The rise Of this type Of business can be attributed to the growth of surplus income in the national economy allowing for pur- chases Of convenience foods in cans, waxed boxes, plastic bags, or foil containers. Coupled with rising national affluence has been a higher demand for fresh meat leading to the increase in beef fattening throughout much of southern Minnesota and northern Iowa. This trend has led tO intensive cultiva- tion of corn and soybeans which are used as hog and steer feed. Thus, through the develOpment of pesticides, herbi- cides, increased plant populations, and highly efficient mechanized farm implements the area has returned to a Specialized agricultural base. The comparative advantages 1She region once held for wheat and other cereal grains 82 have shifted farther west where techniques Of dry farming coupled with new hybrids have given the Dakotas and Mon- tana the least comparative disadvantage for economical production Of cereal grains. The shift in agricultural orientation for the River Bend Area is best exemplified by the changes in the corn- wheat ratio. In 1900 the per acre ratio was 1:2.7; by 1920 it had declined to 1:0.75; and in 1960 it was down tO 1:0.18.6 The changes generated the conditions for a new rural life style. Corn paid a higher return to the farmer than any other form of grain, particularly when converted into pork or beef. Many of the major meat processors of the nation not only maintained buyers and holding pens in the small railroad communities of the area, but several major meat processors Opened plants in neighboring Albert Lea, Austin, and St. Paul, Minnesota. In 1959 the average net income for farmers in the River Bend Area was $2,277; by 1960 it had risen to 85,009 after declining from a high Of 35,454 in 1958. Similarly, median family incomes rose over the period 1950 to 1960 from an average of $2,760 to 34,921.7 ‘ 6Based upon data derived from information supplied by the Minnesota Department Of Agriculture CrOp and Live- Stock Reporting Service and the United States Bureau of the Census. . 7Minnesota Department of Agriculture, State-Federal Chrop and Livestock Reporting Service, 1962 Minnesota Aezricultural Statistics, St. Paul, 1962, p. 66. 85 Periods of economic crisis have noticeably altered the farmer's spending ability, i.e., during the agri- cultural slump immediately following the First World War and during the depression Of the 1950's. During the thirties many Of the region's farmers were hit not only by a sharp decline in agricultural prices but also by the closing Of many of the small town banks. Between 1920 and 1940 over half the banks in the River Bend Area closed their doors. In 1920 there were 149 banks; in 1950 there were 106; by 1940 their numbers had decreased to 75. 0f the seventy-six bank closings during this twenty year period, only seven were consolidations; the remaining sixty-nine were forced closings. With the bank failures went the financial reserves of many farmers who were Often forced either into bankruptcy or very curtailed produc- tion. In many cases they had to sell their basic live— stock herds tO buy feed and seed, meet mortgage payments, and pay Operating expenses and taxes. Lack of a demand for animal feeds, curtailed grain production, and a period of severe drought contributed to the decline Of feed, grain, and flour mills in the area. Between 1920 and 1940 the number Of feed and grain elevators declined 52 per cent, from 188 to 127. During the late thirties and World War II farm prices underwent an almost unprecedented rise. Along with increased economic returns came rural electrification and more mechanization. The demand for food and kindred 84 products during the war, coupled with an even greater demand for meat, milk, and poultry products, and the aid shipments abroad after the war greatly increased the farmer's economic surpluses. He could easily purchase the trucks, tractors, self prOpelled corn pickers, shellers, and combines to make his Operation more efficient and profitable. In addition, he also had sufficient resources to create a new rural life style which had formerly been available only to the urban dweller, i.e., gas and electric appliances, automobiles, and modern home facilities. Increased efficiencies in agricultural production and marketing, coupled with greater mobility, effected another change in the region's agricultural character during the 1950's. Increasing numbers of jobs in industry and commerce and more leisure time, particularly during the winter, enabled many farmers to pursue two occupations, independent farmer and paid employee. By 1960 almost 20 per cent Of the region's farmers were employed in either full or part-time positions away from the farm. The addi- tional income generated by these arrangements further en— hanced rural purchasing power, thus increasing retail sales in the urban centers. The agrO-economic expansion of the region was further enhanced from 1910 to 1940 as the number Of farms grew and the size of farms decreased. (See Fig. 5.2.) This trend is contrary to national trends which showed a general decline in numbers and an increase in size for the NUMBER OF FARMS _ gnaw... m — o 0 o u. d 86 same period.8 Though the trend in land develOpment and farm size seems irrational, it becomes understandable when the vast acreage Opened for cultivation by artificial drainage is considered. As noted in the prceding chapter, much Of the area was previously unsuitable for cultivation because of excessive slope or poor drainage. As shown in Table 5.4, the 1950 Census Of Agriculture indicates the extent of land made available for cultivation by artificial drainage projects installed after the turn Of the century. TABLE 5.4.--Per cent Of county area developed through public drainage projects County Per Cent County Per Cent ~B1ue Earth 58 Martin 60 Brown 25 Nicollet 54 Faribault 56 Waseca 15 Le Sueur 25 Watonwan 25 As more and more land was Opened for cultivation, the number Of farms increased; and even though their average size decreased, the percentage Of each farm unit suitable for tilling was higher. These two factors account for the rising rural farm pOpulation of the area through 1940. The earliest drainage program in the area was begun in 1898. Private drainage programs had been 8Howard L. Hill and Frank H. Maier, "The Family Farm in Transition," A Place to Live, The Yearbook Of Agriculture, 1965, United States Department of Agriculture (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1965), p. 170. 87 instituted by individuals prior to that date by those possessing riparian rights, but these projects amounted to less than 1 per cent Of the total cultivated area at that time.9 During the first third Of the twentieth century, artificial drainage projects rapidly expanded in the River Bend Area. The ditching and tiling projects were provided under laws relating to county or judicial ditch and 10 After the early thirties there drainage legislation. was a marked decline in drainage programs because of a lack of available capital for financing and the marginal utility Of land still awaiting drainage. As the area increased its production and marketing capacity, the value of land and buildings showed a con- tinuous rise in value except for the Depression years be- tween 1950 and 1940. Between 1900 and 1960 agricultural land values in the eight counties rose 7.7 times. (See Fig. 5.5.). The increased value of rural land and buildings indicates the growing economic productivity Of the region. 9Bert E. Burns, "Artificial Drainage in Blue Earth County, Minnesota" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Uni- versity of Nebraska, Department Of Geography, Lincoln, 1954). 10Prior to 1898 the law of the land was based upon riparian rights. Enabling legislation passed at the time made it possible for district courts to Obtain easements along and away from water courses and property lines to allow for the artificial drainage Of swamps and sloughs not adjacent to natural drainage systems. AVERAGE PER ACRE VALUE LAND AND BUILDINGS w . L. M 89 EXpanding Mechanization The growth Of the region and its changes in popula— tion, agriculture, commercial centers, and general economics can generally be traced to rapidly mechanizing production and transportation coupled with expanding and improving of the local road network. In 1910 there were 151 automobiles but no trucks or gasoline tractors in the River Bend Area, though there were six auto dealerships.ll By 1920 automobile ownership had risen considerably, demonstrated by the fifty-four auto dealerships in the area. At this time the first service stations appear in the Dun and Bradstreet Book Of Commercial Rating_. In 1920 there were two service stations, but by 1950 their number had grown to seventy—one. By 1952, the date of the first county automobile registrations, the automobile could be considered to be ubiquitous. The area averaged 5.1 people per vehicle. As shown in the table Of county automobile registrations, the number of vehicles in the region continued to grow until in 1960 it was almost double the number in 1952. (See Table 5.5.) Vehicle ownership in 1960 was the equivalent of one vehicle for every 1.9 residents in the River Bend Area. _g llFrom information contributed by the Blue Earth County Historical Society, Mankato, Minnesota, November, 1967. 90 TABLE 5.5.—-Automobile registrations by county for the River Bend Area 1952-1968* Year County 1952 1940 1950 1960 1968 Blue Earth 10,856 15,286 18,582 24,600 52,955 Brown 7,902 10,200 12,758 15,695 20,090 Faribault 7,180 9,807 12,117 15,988 16,750 Le Sueur 5,868 7,850 8,760 11,655 14,691 Martin 7,751 10,895 15,576 16,250 18,570 Nicollet 4,644 6,199 8,045 9,761 12,956 Waseca 4.579 6,197 7,185 8,801 11,245 Watonwan 4,250 5,655 6,994 8,585 10,551 River Bend Total 55,010 72,047 87,815 101.531 157,766 ‘From information supplied by the Director Of Motor Vehicles, Minnesota Department of State, St. Paul, Minne- sota. The earliest records available for county auto registrations commence in 1952. NO earlier data from reliable sources are available. The widespread acceptance Of the automobile and the growth Of the road network both contributed to altering regional markets and consumer shopping patterns. Although auto design and technology raised the average paved road speed from 55 mph in 1920 to 57 mph in 1960, it was only after the 1940's that much Of this speed capability could be used. Prior to that date, most Of the road net Of the area was either unimproved dirt or gravel roads. In 1950 there were only twenty-two miles of paving in the entire eight county area outside the cities; 10,218 miles, or 61 per cent of roads were improved gravel, the remaining 6,659 miles being dirt. By 1940 it had grown to 1,165 miles, largely through the efforts Of the Works Project 91 Administration in conjunction with the State Highway De- partment. In 1960 paved roads in the region amounted to only 29 per cent Of the road miles, or 2,941 miles, but less than 1 per cent Of the road system Of the area could be classed as either improved or unimproved dirt road. The increased acceptance of the automobile after 1920 started a steady decline in the number Of draft animals used in the area. As transportation speeds rose, the need declined for horses for traveling and motorized farm implements were faster and more efficient than the formerly ubiquitous draft animal. The loss Of importance Of the horse is shown by the drastic drOp in the number of 12 In 1910 almost harness, shoe, and leather repair shOps. every town had such a shop. But between 1910 and 1950 their number declined from 110 to 89. This is not to say that the draft animal was no longer important to produc- tion functions after 1950. As late as 1950 there were still over 91,000 draft animals in the area.15 This represents an average Of six animals per farm at that time. The climate of the region demanded that the draft animal be retained on the farm in southern Minnesota even as late as 1950. Though self prOpelled machinery could be 12Due to a lack of computer capacity in the original analysis, harness, shoe, and leather repair shops were lumped together. 15United States Bureau Of the Census, 1950 Census of Agriculture (Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1955). 92 substituted for the draft animal during ideal conditions, it was often worthless in extreme cold, deep snow, or mud. The draft animal could always be depended upon, even in the coldest Of weather; though slowed by mud or snow the horse or mule was seldom stalled or mired. Most automo- biles in use into the mid 1950's were ill equipped for use under adverse conditions. Mud and snow tires were almost unknown, and chains were the only answer for vehicular use on snow or ice or in mud. Steel wheels with iron lugs were the norm on tractors into the mid thirties. Such machines were easily mired by mud, unsuited for use on public roads, and almost impossible to start in freezing temperatures. Tractors did not usually have self starters until the 1940's when high compression engines became more common. Even though the tractor was less than perfect, there was an average Of one tractor for every four farm units in the River Bend Area in 1950. By 1960 their numbers had grown to almost three tractors per farm unit. These figures do not include the numbers Of self prOpelled corn pickers and grain combines in use, not to mention the balers, silage choppers, and other motorized machinery common on farms today. As previously noted, increased use of the auto and truck has resulted in a steady growth Of auto dealerships, service stations, and auto parts sales. Similarly, as agriculture has mechanized more, farm imple- ment sales and service has also increased. Secondarily, 95 farm c00peratives supplying gas and Oil to farms and parts and tire distributors serving the agriculturalist in the field have also expanded. Conclusions The factors influencing change are not constants; rather, the variables assume differing degrees Of im- portance at different times. Today, the lack of a rail— road Or the loss Of a post Office would affect the de- velopment Of most trade centers only slightly. The dependence of people on commerce and travel has shifted from the railroad to the highway and from the post office to the mail carrier. Technological develOpment and innovation, partic- ularly in transportation and production, can and do alter the settlement pattern of a region and determine the economic character Of an area. Price and demand changes influence consumer tastes by emphasizing certain com— modities at the expense Of others. Economies Of scale and time created by new production and transportation technology further enhance these changes. These factors generate increased disposable income and, when coupled with a more effective and efficient road system, cause the decline or disappearance of some service centers while enhancing others. Increased production and increasing demand for manufactured or processed goods boost Oppor— tunities for manufacturing employment, resulting in 94 increased urban pOpulations. Regional urbanization grows more rapidly as demand for labor in agriculture decreases and transportation efficiencies permit rural dwellers to work in the cities. The following chapters will study the ways in which new transportation and higher speeds alter the role and function of the agriculturally oriented service center. They will demonstrate the existence Of a central place hierarchy while showing the changes which take place within the community functional structure over several decades. Finally, they will graphically demonstrate the dynamics of market areas which result from diminishing time-space relationships and/or functional growth or decline. CHAPTER IV THE CHANGING ROLE OF CENTRAL PLACES IN THE RIVER BEND AREA, 1900-1960 In a histO-geographic central place analysis, it is important to examine not only the factors influencing the change in the center's role but also the functional trends which emerge over time. Most of the work dealing with central places has neglected to examine trends. This perspective yields little insight into the changes in, or past functions Of, central places studied. Hassinger, Kolb, Zimmerman, and others attempted some analysis Of the changes in central places of Minne- sota, Wisconsin, Nebraska, and South Dakota in the late 1920's and early 1950's. But their research did not show that some communities were disappearing while others were growing in their relative importance and still others were remaining static in population and functions performed. During the late twenties, P. D. Converse attempted to in- terpret how the automobile altered the functions performed 1 by villages in central Illinois. His study, however, 1P. D. Converse, "The Automobile and the Village Merchant," University of Illinois Bureau Of Business Research Bulletin, NO. 19 (Champaign, Illinois: 1928). 95 96 only describes the various types Of businesses character- istic of the towns he considered, and does not consider the changes in these enterprises. This research will examine the central places Of the River Bend Area from 1900 to 1960, and will analyze the changes which they underwent. This chapter will con- sider, as Berry, Barnum, and Tennant did in their article 2 the tendency Of hierarchical or on west central Iowa, group class arrangement of central places. At the same time it will question how the functional role of each hierarchical group class changes in response to the de- mands Of economics and accessibility. Further, an attempt will be made to show that hierarchical levels Of central places within the study area have remained essentially static since the turn of the century. Finally, the types of functional changes and the relative importance of individual functions from 1900 to 1960 will be considered. For each decade, a series of profiles of community central functions will be constructed in order to explore the changes in central place structure and the differences between each hierarchical level. The use Of a system Of weighted values for each central function studied is an essential technique employed 2Brian J. L. Berry, Gardner Barnum, and Robert J. Tennant, "Retail Location and Consumer Behavior," Papers and Proceedings of the Regional Science Association, IX (1962), 65—106. 97 in this analysis.5 This technique is analogous to that employed by Berry and others in their study of central places in Iowa. In their research, however, they used a weighted value which was based upon the number of functions an individual establishment performed. The historical foundation of this research precludes field work; therefore, a specific value was assigned each function. This tech- nique, though arbitrary, avoids the confusion of equating different functions. Obviously, it is impossible to account for individual variations in size, sales volume, employment, or inventory due to a lack of uniform data for all decades. (See Appendix, page 225.) The validity Of weighting each function does need to be verified as a device for determining the focality Of a place. Therefore, the loaded values and community population were correlated, as were the loaded values and the number Of central functions in each center. The technique employed was the Pearson Product Moment, or Pearson "r" test. The correlations derived between loaded functional values and the pOpulation Of each place is shown in Table 4.1. On the basis Of the findings from this analysis, the loaded functional value Of each com- munity will henceforth be considered as an index of each community's attraction as a service center. 5A detailed discussion of the assigned loadings and the rational for them appears in Chapter I. 98 TABLE 4.1.--Corre1ation coefficients between loaded values and populations Year 1900 1910 1920 1950 1940 1950 1960 Coefficient .9740 .9812 .9198 .9857 .9871 .9858 .9577 Population* 125 125 115 111 105 105 99 *POpulation = number of centers in 100 per cent sample. The Hierarchy The concept Of the hierarchy of central places is a primary element of this research. Regression analysis was used to avoid arbitrarily determining the hierarchical levels as Brush, Bracey, Christaller, and others have done. As shown in Fig. 4.1, the arrangement of places along a continuum describes a curvilinear function. This function, when constructed as a graph, shows the relationship Of the number of functions in each center relative to the log of the loaded functional value of that place. But the asymptotic curve in Fig. 4.1, when plotted on the x-y axis as dual logarithms or as discrete numbers as shown in Fig. 4.2, assumes the form of a straight line with no discernible breaks or hierarchical steps. Analysis of the curves for each of the decennial periods from 1900 to 1960 revealed that a hierarchy can be determined by fitting a series Of regression lines, each with a unique vector, to a series of empirical regions within each curve. (See Figs. 4.5 through 4.9, pages {611 A? /<;S /) -03°--fl3¢‘ “JO-00" .C—O< 99 IOOO: I. ‘00: 1 ° ‘ I e . . g . 4 ' d 300- Q 0 1 I ' - 5 . fl . ¢ .. 100-4 ' ' 200‘ 3 d . u n . o . 1‘ , l .. o I ‘ l x '00! ..s' I0 I I _." : ”3' , «a: Illllvilll jfi—r I'l'IlIll y—y—r—r 50 lool I I 150 50 "30' ' I no Nunbov of Function! Number oi Functions Scmi- Logarithmic Plot Fig. 4.1 The levels Of the hierarchy, log—Logarithmic or ordinal Number Plot Fig. 4.2 which are identified as group classes, are described by regression lines fitted to each area within the curve by the least squares method of analysis. Empirical analysis Of each curve from 1900 to 1960 determined the range or extent fit. Through a series Of tests and termined that no less than five and groupings could be found within any analysis revealed that by adjusting of each line of best adjustments it was de- no more than seven curve. Comparison and "the lines of best fit" uniformity in the group classes could be derived which yielded high correlations between all the seven curves. The correlations are shown in Table 4.2. It must be noted that each group-class within each decade is not represented. This is the result of the oH®>mH OOQQUHMQOO Pflmo .HmmH mm mflp Pm DOQMOHMHQme ®>wfl mQOHPMHmHHOO HH< .mmmHOImsonw £080 ca maoapm>ammpo MO Hmpadn 30H map hp How Umpqsooom ohm HH> cam .H> .> mommmHOIQSOnm SH mQOHpmHOHHOO nwfim. 100 OOOO.H OOOO.H OOOO.H OOOO.H III: III: III: HH> oooo.a OOOO.H OOOO.H IIII OOOO.H OOOO.H OOOO.H H> OOOO.H OOOO.H IIII OOOO.H OOOO.H III: IIII n> momma. mmmm . 9&0. Hmmm. womm. wmmm. #mmm. >H momma. momma. warm. Nmmm. @1460. mmmm. @mmm. HHH Ommm. mmmn. mmam. menu. maom. wmmm. wmwm. HH mewm. Héww. wmmw. Haww. omam. Buom. mmww. H owma omma Oima omma omma Gama coma mmmao Hmow Imsohw owmaaooma .mmn< unmm Hm>wm mnp no mmmHOIQSOnm Hecanohmhmfln some saunas nsoaoosse no morass one man: msoaaosae ooeooa no soapmaoaaooun.m.r mamas 101 exceptional size or focality Of Mankato, the dominant regional center, relative to other large centers such as New Ulm, St. Peter, Faribault, and Waseca, whose growth was slower throughout the period.4 Analysis of the curves shown in Figs. 4.5 through 4.9 indicates the consistency of the correlations shown in Table 4.2, page 100, and the uniformity Of relationship Of the regression lines for each decade. The solid line plotted on each curve represents the "line Of best fit" for that particular decade, while the dashed line repre- sents the mean line for that particular group for all the decades. The close correlation between the average lines and the regression line for each decade indicates the relatively small change which has taken place with each group-class over time. The relative focal nature Of class I places in 1900 has remained essentially the same up to 1960. The same is true in each class of central place for the seven decennial intervals. The importance Of the relative stability Of the focal nature Of each class of place is further demon- strated by the data in Table 4.5. Analysis Of the average number Of functions in each group-class indicates that the 4The extremely high correlations in groups V, VI, and VII are of little significance since the size Of the sample in these groups was always less than three. But in groups I, II, III, and IV the size Of the number was sufficiently large to give a valid t test Of correlation to each value. HDUOH-d’flflfl“) GOO-DOB “fit-‘94 102 E I: 1000 “J Mankato —" O _" Class VI 500 ‘7 100 I 50-A Class II 10:: -——-Fmgwuuanun __ ---- Median Romanian Line Class I 3 2 1 5 l 1 : : e 4. 50 100 150 200 250 300 350 Number of Function. CLASSES OF CENTRAL PLACES 0F TIE RIVER BEND.AREA 1900 Fig. 4.5 ocHD< HOBOM¢nuci Goo-OF LllllLLL l 105 Mankato 1cm: C1889 .I d 500: 100: 2 Class 111 50 u— —1 __ II Regression Line 10 : ““- Median Regression Line —¢ -— 4 S -— 0 h—o 3 _fl. Class I 2 " 1 n L 1 : y‘ 1 55 loo 150 200 250 300 350 Ntmber of Functions CIASSES OF CENTRAL PLACE OF THE RIVER BEND AREA 1910 Fig. 4.4 0804.4 H’BOMGOBG" OOOUOC" 104 __4 :1 hnhto 1000 d . : Clan VI 5” ‘7 .613“ V '7 '. u IV — O 0 1m 2: ' Clue 111 ” «II-d -—4 "‘ c1”. 11 10 : ... —-— Remnant: Line 5 ..— ***** bhdiln Rem-ion Line h 3 — can I 2 L l 1 1 l 1 ' 55 ' 100 150 200 250 300 356 Mr of Minn- CIABBEOFCIII‘RALPIACEGTHIRIVERMARIA 1920 Fig. 4.5 OHHI< H'BOr-bd’flflfl’i 000.01" 1 llll_ l l 1 11111] 1 l H 8 l l lll'lL ‘6 l 1(35 Manka to 0 Class VII 0 ' Class v -—-- Regression Line ----- Medisn.Regression Line Clsss I WWW-1'50 luster of Functions cussmormmcmamnmnmm 1930 Fig. 4.6 ‘60-‘34 HIIOD‘ROB“ 0.0.0!“ llfllJJJ §§l 111111“ I p 8 11mm ‘6 l 106 lhnhfo figs/Iv Chss III 01sec II > clan I — mm m” ---- Minn Recession Lin 50111015026025'0350350505'555550 “or of Functions cmammggammmm 1 Fig. 407 107 8.: .83 0mm." gaggaaagosgu asguoui 8A. 88 com 8.. 8m 8m 8a p p r - p — h p P — H In H 638.1% T 83 use-938 use! a--- HH 2:8 r 3.3 dog-950m III .... n on HHH .38. m 1 8H M 8a m oSA Ops—no: l h5fl09'fi0fidfl >¢H50 AOI'UO'O 108 gagmgsgagago 3.3 noun-Eon :33: 8.3 nod-nouns” On in! or .wrm 08..” 3002 no hi m >H G .38 .. HHH =3” .a. I HHHT] HHHIVI mWTIII OOH 8m 000a hflfloflfiofllfl >IH50 HCIUUO 109 88.888 88.848 88.58m 88.8w: I: u: u- HH> 88.48m 88.88m 88.8mm I: 88.amm 88.8mm 88.4mm H> 88.88H 88.88H nu mm.8ma 88.88H u: I. > nm.mHH mm.mHH mm.8HH 88.88 8m.8HH H8.88H ms.mHH >H 8m.m¢ ma.m¢ HH.me 88.H¢ 8m.m¢ Hm.Hs No.88 HHH mo.mH 88.mH sm.mfi 8m.ma 46.HH m¢.HH mm.HH HH 8m.m mm.m 8m.m mm.a m8.H mm.m H8.m H 888a 8mmH 8¢8H 8M8H 8mmfi 8HmH 888a mmmao Hmmw 185898 osom aoaam amp oomauooma .oon< MO mm8HOImsOnm £888 a“ mnoapondm mo Hones: ommaoe nu.m.s 88849 110 change in the number of functions performed by groups I through IV centers was very small. The relative con— sistency in the number of functions is yet a further indi- cation of the validity of the hierarchy and the stability of each level within the ranking.5 The variations in the number Of functions found in the fifth, sixth, and seventh groups become more extensive as the size of the groups becomes smaller and the growth Of communities causes shifts within and between classes over time. As indicated in Table 4.4, the decreasing numbers Of centers in groups V and VI can be attributed to lthe increase in focality acquired by secondary centers such as New Ulm, St. Peter, and Fairmont and the marked growth Of Mankato which is the only center in group VI through 1920 and group VII thereafter. All too Often geographers, economists, and others concerned with market or central place analysis tend to overlook the fact that central places are dynamic and changing, rather than static and fossilized elements Of the settlement or market pattern. This is implicit in Berry, Barnum, and Tennant's article "Retail Location and 5A comparison of the data in Tables 4.2 and 4.5 and the loaded function curve for 1950 indicates some varia- tion from the mean data Of the entire study period. Class 11 centers in particular show variation from the mean which was the result Of the build—up Of high loaded value service and retail sales functions in these centers without a sig- nificant change in the number Of establishments. Much of this change can be attributed to the increased affluence of the 1920's and the mobility Of consumers as a result Of in- creased use Of the automobile. 111 OOH mm ooH moH ooH moH OOH HHH OOH mHH OOH mmH mo mmH wkuoB Ho H Ho H Ho H Ho H I I I I I I HH> mo m mo m mo m I I Ho H Ho H Ho H H> Ho H mo m I I mo m Ho H I I I I > mo m mo 0 mo 8 mo m mo m 80 u no 0 >H 8m mm mm 8m mm mm mm mm mm mm mm mm Hm 8m HHH on on 8m 8m 8m mm Hm mm 8m 08 mm mm mm mm HH em 8m 0m Hm mm on mm 8m Hm mm mm m: m: an H 8880 .82 8880 .82 8880 .82 8880 .82 8880 .82 8880 .82 8880 .82 mmeo 88m 88m 88m 88m 88m 88m 88m Igsoho 8888 8m88 I 8488 8mmH 8888 8888 8888 omeIoomH .mmeOIQSOHm hp H8888 888 88 8888888888 888 888 8884 888m H8>Hm 888 8H 8888888 HO 888882II.¢.¢ mqm-P \fl-POWUICDatl—JO‘O NWN NNNNNR) WNW-PmWH-PW I_I NNH l—‘W-PKNNIU wmegmmwm ...: mmm HPUlePNl-J \Nl—J-t-PU‘H—‘ON I—’\NI\)\N NNWNWWNWN-P-P \NUTUWOWVIOWCDOWl—J NWNW F—‘NNW HNWNN HR.) |._l m H H H Hmemm H WHH HHH mmmHm HHmm mwmmmH wmmgtHomm HH HHHHH HHH HHmmm mmmwwwwgwwm wmmmflflmm H H H HHHHH \N a) r m\nHwH IO\NHHH 121 Function 1900 1910 1920 Year 1950 1940 1950 1960 Paint, Glass & Wallpaper Auto Repairs 5 Auto Parts Service Station Electrical Supply Hospital Whls Grocery Department Store Hatchery, Stock Yard & Auction Appliances News Dealer Farm & Garden Store Florist Cold Storage F—‘l—‘I—JH [\JNQN 2 4 H I—J H+4h> FJH l—J \'J|--‘\D\N I—‘m-P 4:04 HHH HmH 122 TABLE 4.9.--Functiona1 profile Of average class V central place Of the River Bend Area, 1900-1960 Year Function 1900 1910 1920 1950 1940 1950 1960 Grocery l4 19 14 12 Auto Repairs 9 14 Clothing 15 11 Restaurant 26 11 Drugs Furniture General Store 1 Service Station Elevator Hotel Mortuary Auto Parts Creamery Bank Plumbing & Heating Shoe & Harness Repair Amusements Newspaper Photo Studio Hardware Electrical Supply Laundry & Dry Cleaner Blacksmith Bulk Oil Auto Dealers Misc Retail Fuel, Ice & Coal Farm Implements Music, Radio & TV Brewery Misc Repair Wholesale Groceries Lumber & Bldg Materials Nursery Green House Variety Store I_I \NWCXDQW I_I #POCDUT ...: I._I H [\J #l—‘N \DI—J l-‘F-PWOW \NOHNNI'U \J‘I IDUTNNKNUH—‘N I...I \NNI—‘Ul \NU’TNNL—‘m \N NU‘IWNNWNN \J'I-POll—‘W R) #01 W010) O\N\fi wm HH mw #H m m mmm mm wwwww www??? # ¢####mew# \nHuH OHH MNU‘Il—J 125 TABLE 4.9.--Continued Function 1900 1910 1920 Year 1950 1940 1950 1960 Hospital Drayage Physician Lawyer Livery Appliances News Dealer Machine Shop Whls Candy & Tobacco Liquor Whls Machinery & Supply Misc Business Agency Cold Storage Whls Beverages Photo Supply NOOPW 15 15 2 9 8 [.4 HH Hmm QOHH 124 The decline of the horse and wagon and the growth of automobile use are both evident in Tables 4.5 through 4.9, pages 118-125, as indicated by the decline of businesses oriented tO the former and the increase Of automobile oriented services and sales facilities. The decline of the blacksmith, the livery, and the harness repair shOps through 1950 indicates the decline in the importance Of the horse in both production and transporta- tion. Many of these enterprises were replaced with service stations, auto dealerships, and auto parts stores. In many cases the evidence indicates that the blacksmith did not really disappear but simply assumed the role Of a mechanic in an "auto repair shOp." This was a natural transition for many other types Of activities displaced by technology; the coal and ice distributor Often became a bulk oil distributor, the general store became a corner grocery or gas station, while the livery became automobile sales and service. As the automobile emerged, specialty services and retailing tended to migrate out Of the lower order centers to places with greater focality and accessibility. The most striking example of these shifts was the decline in the number Of physicians in class II and class III centers. In 1900, as shown in the Appendix, Table A.2, the ratio Of physicians per class II center was .21. By 1960 this had drOpped to .06. Similarly, during the same period 125 physicians dropped continuously in class III centers (Appendix, Table A.5) from an index of 1.92 or about two doctors per center to an index of 1.58. But larger class V, VI, and VII centers almost doubled the number Of physicians serving their markets (Appendix, Tables A.5 and A.6). Likewise, the trend was for clothing stores tO decline in numbers in classes 11, III, and IV centers and migrate to larger centers where greater specialization was possible. The ratio Of clothing stores to the number of centers tended to decline at all levels between 1900 and 1960. But the number of clothing stores which handled a general line declined while speciality shOps dealing in men's ready-tO-wear, women's ready-tO—wear, children's clothing, and infants apparel increased in the larger centers such as Mankato, New Ulm, Fairmont, and Waseca. A counter trend was the disappearance between 1900 and 1950 of many tailors, dress makers, milliners, and corset shOps.7 The functions these businesses once performed were assumed by department stores and lady's ready-to- wear shops. The decline in importance of these establish- ments reduced the dependence of the rural people for clothing from the communities with a low functional attraction, while forcing a greater dependence upon large 7These data are available only from an analysis of the raw Dun and Bradstreet data prior to synthesis. 126 centers for all clothing other than work garments which were usually available at the general store. Still another indicator Of change was the decline in hotels throughout the River Bend Area. Though the data in Tables 4.5 through 4.9, pages 118-125, reveal that the number Of hotels has been continuously declining at all levels since the turn of the century, the sharpest decline is noted between 1920 and 1950. In 1900 there were 159 hotels in the River Bend Area; in 1920 there were 95; by 1950 their number had declined to 55; and in 1960 there were only 58 remaining. This decrease reflects a transportation shift away from not only the horse and buggy, but also the railroad, the primary public carrier prior to 1950. At the turn of the century and until the mid-tO—late 1920's the hotel was the major function in town for itinerant salesmen, laborers, and members of specialized professions. The distances traveled to mar- ket in some cases were great enough to force the area farmer to use the hotel as a stop on the journey to market. The slow speed of the horse and buggy, the schedules Of the trains and their limited facilities, coupled with the fact that only Pullman trains ran at night, made the hotel a primary element of the commercial and service structure of class II centers. But with the emergence of the automobile, better roads, improved auto safety equipment, and day and night trains, the small 127 town hotel quickly lost much Of its importance. Almost 75 per cent Of the hotels in 1900 had closed their doors by 1960, and many of the rest became motels or residential apartments. As shown by the functional profiles in Tables 4.5 through 4.9, pages 118-125, the hotel was a primary ele- ment in the profile of the class II center in 1900. By 1920 it had decreased to the point where it was charac- teristic Of the class II center and the exception in smaller places. By 1940 its numbers had declined to the point where it was no longer characteristic Of centers smaller than class IV. Even in the larger centers the number of hotels continued to drop until the 1960's, when motels began replacing hotels to serve transients. In all probability, as new highways are pushed through, as the interstate system is expanded and Old highways are improved, the number Of itinerants through the area will increase and there will be a proportionate increase in motels throughout the area. Should the recreational re- sources Of the River Bend be developed and promoted the number of transient facilities could rise dramatically. As is indicated by tables of the average number of functions in each class (Appendix, Tables A.1 through A.6), and as confirmed in the functional profiles in Tables 4.5 through 4.9, pages 118—125, the smaller class centers from I through IV have remained essentially the 128 same over the period 1900 to 1960. As some functions declined in importance, others replaced them. The notion that many small places are dying out seems to be falla- cious. Outwardly, the vacant store fronts and empty parking places may indicate a decline Of retailing for consumer goods. But closer analysis reveals that as general stores, creameries, clothing stores, blacksmiths, hotels, and other facilities close their doors, new activities become more and more important to the com— munity's economic viability. Gas stations, garages, bulk Oil distributors, feed and fertilizer sales, cold storage plants, livestock auction barns, and hatcheries become the only local functions. The smaller communities, i.e., classes I through IV, which Often give the impression of slowly dying, are, upon closer analysis, simply orienting more and more tO service for the surrounding agricultural area. Moreover, these types Of businesses tend to locate in more specialized facilities, Often out Of the former commercial hub, because Of their unique requirements for space and accessibility and lack Of need for a location "downtown." Thus, the appearance of commercial decay and decline may be singularly misleading when based solely upon vacancies within the commercial core of the service center. Greater functional attraction, focality, and accessibility have increased the relative importance of 129 the larger classes V, VI, and VII centers. Mankato, the dominant center, has grown since 1900 from a place with 554 central functions to a city with 676 in 1960. At the same time, its functional attraction8 has risen from 869 in 1900 to 1,829 in 1960. As indicated by the graphs in Figs. 4.5 through 4.9, pages 102-108, and the maps in Figs. 4.10 and 4.11, by 1960 the rate Of growth for Mankato had outdistanced the rate Of growth of the other centers in classes V and VI. Much Of the growth in Mankato and the other places comes from expansion and specialization of retail services and goods. Lack Of any extensive industrial development in these centers eliminates the problem Of accounting for excessive growth. Therefore, the growth of commerce and serviCe activity in these centers results naturally from growing focality and increased accessibility. It is also important to note how wholesaling has expanded and concentrated in the largest centers of the region. Prior to 1940, wholesaling, for commodities other than foods, was an important element of the com- mercial structure Of only the largest center. But with retail expansion came an increased demand for wholesale commodities and an increase in the number Of wholesale distributors. In 1950 there were nine wholesale 8Functional attraction here is based upon the loaded values assigned each type Of activity in Table 1.1, page 19. 150 III..|O I o ..Jol lull III..J O ’a. 3,. o _ .Omo : I “M We _ ...: u :1 s. _ . .. t «CW. 9880!... on .1_ its”: . ...... ...... 0mm— - owe. - 03— mZO_._.UZD“_ mU<._.. ._<~_._.ZmU Q.\ 0‘. V... .\ \ _ 820.522 2 s. 820.52.: 8.8 810.52.: 7. ., 3.0:qu 0-: - nu<~¢ ngU Q QZmOmH CENTRAL PLACE FUNCTIONS I940 - 1950-I960 151 29.9. Fig. 4.11 152 establishments in Mankato, six of which were wholesale grocers. By 1940 their number had grown to twenty-two; in 1950 it had risen to thirty, but had drOpped to twenty— One in 1960. The decline between 1950 and 1960 was most noticeable in the wholesaling of food, candy, tobacco, and notions. Two-thirds Of the remaining wholesale ac- tivity in the region sold beverages or industrial and farm machinery parts and supplies. The other wholesalers migrated from the River Bend Area to Minneapolis and St. Paul in order to capitalize upon the economies of scale created by accessibility to markets and supplies. These economies were enhanced by new techniques Of bulk handling and more modern roads. The bulky, hard to ship, low marginal yield commodities, such as grain and beverages, or the close contact goods, such as machinery, machinery parts and supplies, prohibited these dealers from moving. A similar trend is also evident in New Ulm and Fairmont, which have shown gains in wholesale beverages and machinery and supplies while showing declines in whole- sale fOOd, groceries, clothing, notions, tobacco, and candy. The final analysis Of central place functional change is based upon the information in Tables 4.10 through 4.16, which are a further condensation Of the data in the tables Of average frequency of occurrence of functions. 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The criteria employed for the loaded values included: frequency of occurrence of the function, relative size, i.e., floor space, estimated volume of sales generated, estimated hierarchical position, extent of threshold populations and employment. Though the author recognizes the subjective character of the decisions relating to the loadings, precedent for this technique was established by Brian J. L. Berry, H. G. Barnum, and R. J. Tennant in their article "Retail Location and Consumer Behavior" in the Papers of the Regional Science Association, IX (1962), 74-78, and by T. L. Smith in his monograph "Farm Trade Centers in Louisiana 1901-1951," appearing in the Louisiana Agricul- tural Experiment Station Bulletin, NO. 254, Baton Rouge: University of Louisiana, January, 1955. 225 ’