’wu-I-I-I-u-u-n-u-m SOCIALIZATION, RACE AND THE AMERICAN HiGH SCHOOL Thevsis‘ for the: Degree of 8111. D. MEG-{EGAN STATE UMVERSHY Warren Qavéd Taancaiflen $94355 1115515 ___-_l.=t'fi # LIBRARY Michigan Sta” University This is to certify that the thesis entitled Socialization, Race and the American High School presented bg Warren 0. TenHoufen has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for __flL-_D-__ degree in_S_ogi_9J_ng [(jééZ/{JZW a 345444 CL, A Major professor Date f/Z 7/& 3/ / / 0-169 "m" ’t-n" "it?“ mm L: ,r w v’ ABSTRACT SOCIALIZATION, RACE, AND THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL by Warren David TenHouten This research is an examination of the inter- relationships between race and education. Racial composition in the American high school is studied in terms of its effects on socialization. The research is designed to establish and test a theory of the social— ization of Negro and white youth. A questionnaire is used, in conjunction with observation, to generate data from five American high schools. Two schools are selected from the East South Central region-~one all Negro, one all white . Three schools are from an East North Central metropolis-"ODE 99% Negro, one 47% Negro, and 14% Negro. General System Theory provides a basis for study- ing socialization as a process of structural growth of the Social personality, through role relationships between the child and reference groups participating in his Socialization. This growth involves the differentiation of elements in the system from an earlier undifferentiated matrix and the later increase in interdependence among 3 the differentiated elements. Warren David TenHouten A consideration of Parsonian and Freudian theory, in conjuction with the systems approach, lead to pre- Q. 'p—Jo ’) + Vions about the relative socialization of boys and girls, that vary from Negro to white family structures. It is found that: girls are socialized more rapidly than are boys; whites are socialized more rapidly than are Negroes; the rate of socialization of girls relative to boys is greatest among Negroes. The propositions from which these hypotheses are derived involve the instru- mental~expressive role allocation of parental roles, which are influenced by socio—economic and historical factors. Conjugal roles in the Negro home are shown to be blurred, or reversed, with deleterious consequences for socialization. Parents and teachers are found to socialize to adult roles, such as educational and occupational. Sib— lings and peers are shown to be complementary socializers in they socialize to peer interaction roles. It is found that peers gain in importance as social— izers relative to parents as children age. Adult control and peer control are not alternatives, but joint outcomes of the socialization process. The result is role social- ization for control by adults that are concomitantly peers. The growth of sociometric group structures proceeds according to the same principles as that of personality Warren David TenHouten growth. As children age, their group sturctures change from global, to differentiated, to integrated organization. Data are presented which show that sociometric groups of Negroes and boys are "retarded" relative to those of whites and girls, respectively. The responses of behavior under changing racial compositions are examined. As the proportion of Negro students increases, there is a gradual taking on and giving up of certain roles and activities by both race groups. These changes also have consequences for teachers as socializers. As integration occurs, Negro students have fewer Negro teachers, and must depend on white teachers which are less adequate role models. Hypothesised race sec differences are sex found- extensile to socialization to educational and occupational goals. For Negroes, especially Southern Negroes, there is a smaller relationship between plans and aspirations than for whites. Negro youth perceive frustration in attaining goals, and make predicted anomic responses. Parents, siblings, peers, and teachers are examined for their perceived eXpressive support and instrumental means the provide to help the adolescent attain educa— tional and occupational goals. Race and racial composition are found to affect these perceptions. The most frequent interaction is directed toward referents having both means Warren David TenHouten and support, and the least to those providing neither. A mathematical model is presented, based on Stouffer's "intervening Opportunities" model. It is ‘ound that interaction with a referent v aries direotly with opport— unities (means and support) provided by referents, but is inversely proportional to so (3 d: }A Q) |..J U) tanoe resulting from interaction. Interaction is then shown to be positively related to goal attainment. ‘ v SOCIALIZAIICN, RACE, PHD THE AMERICAN HIGH SQHQCL By ten LAL Ehrren David TenH; A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University 111 partial fullelment of the requirements fcr Time degree ’:1 DOCTCH CF PHILOEchi Department ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This study was financed by a grant (8—031) from the Cooperative Research Branch of the U.S. Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Professor David Gottlieb, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, first suggested that this study be undertaken. He initiated contact with school boards, and with administrative personnel in five high schools and three school systems. Chapter VII, "The " is based on a Social Systems of Negro and White Youth, paper co-authored with Dr. Gottlieb. Professor William Faunce, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, contributed greatly to the organization and content of this research. His ex— tensive evaluation of an earlier draft has been an im— portant contribution to the quality of the final product. Professor Jay Artis, Santo F. Camilleri, John Gullahorn, and Denton Morrison, of the Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, all read the entire manuscript, and made a great many valuable criticisms and suggestions. ii Chapter II, "Role Socialization," was favorable influenced by Dr. Arnold Brekke, and by Richard Benjamin as well. Michael Levin also made a number of useful comments, particularly with respect to the material presented in the early sections of Chapter X. Diana TenHouten read the entire manuscript, and provided innumerable ideas, suggestions, and criticisms Her ongoing research on the relationships of birth order and socialization provided a major theoretical basis for Chapter IV. Frank Sim provided valuable suggestions regarding role theory, helped with problems of statistical design, and wrote a numeric computer program for the analysis of data in Chapter X. Professor Camilleri helped construct a statistical design for the mathematical model presented in Chapter X. The following students of Michigan State University participated both in administering questionnaires and in coding data. They are, in alphabetical order: Richard Benjamin, Melvin Boffman, Elizabeth Force, John Gaa, Maxie Gordon, Bert Green, Robert Grossman, Gretchen Gruenfeldt, Norman Johnson, Joyce Ketlar, Terry Le— Tourneau, Rudy Lucas, Rosanna Parks, Paul McRae, Marilyn Rermberger, Jack Sattell, and Valarie Wescott. Dorothy Capmmn and Judy Johnson contributed many hours of able assistance in coding data and in data analysis. Sandra iii Warden helped a great deal in the construction of data for this report. Mrs. Gianetta TenHouten helped with editing and proofreading. Mrs, Ann Brown typed the final manuscript. Warren D. Teanuten iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGMENTS LIST OF TABLES Chapter I. II. III. IV. THE SOCIALIZATION AND EDUCATION OF NEGRO YOUTH IN THE UNITED STATES. The Socialization of Negro Youth as a Sociological Problem An Evaluation of Research on Race and The American High School Methodology and Sampling ROLE SOCIALIZATION A General System Theory Approach to Role Socialization Some General Principles of Role Socialization Role Theory and Role Socialization ROLE SOCIALIZATION IN THE NUCLEAR FAMILY: PARENTS AS SOCIALIZERS 0n Parsons and Bales' Theory of Role Socialization in the Nuclear Family Family and Society Race and the Structure of Sex Roles in the American Family Limitations of Parents as Peer Inter- action Role Models Relatives and Other Adult Socializers ROLE SOCIALIZATION IN THE NUCLEAR FAMILY: SIBLINGS AS SOCIALIZERS. Introduction 0n Psychoanalytic and Parsonian Theory and Siblings Parsons' Analysis of Sibling-Sibling Relations in the Nuclear Family Role Relations Between Siblings Friendship and Sex Roles in Cross-Sex Peer Interaction V Page ii viii 31 65 130 Chapter V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. PARENTS AND PEERS Parental Control and Peer Control Parental Sex Role Socialization and Peer Interaction Parents, Peers, and College Plans ROLE SOCIALIZATION IN THE HIGH SCHOOL: AS SOCIALIZERS . . . . . . . . . Socialization and the Development of Group Structure Sex Role Socialization in the Peer Group THE SOCIAL SYSTEMS OF NEGRO AND WHITE ADOLESCENTS . . . . . Introduction Involvement in School Activities Prestige and Leadership Criteria for Popularity Within the Peer Group The Racial Composition of Informal Groups Satisfaction With School Conclusion Peer ROLE SOCIALIZATION IN THE HIGH SCHOOL: TEACHERS AS SOCIALIZERS . THE EDUCATIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL PLANS AND ASPIRATIONS OF NEGRO AND WHITE YOUTH . Academic Performance in the High School Educational Plans and Aspirations Occupational Plans and Aspirations Race and the Pursuit of Goals ROLE SOCIALIZATION, INTERACTIVE REFERENCE GROUPS, AND EDUCATIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL GOALS . . . . . . Expressive and Instrumental Role Social- ization: A Universal Phenomenon Components of Bounded Rationality in Role Behavior Expressive and Instrumental Role Social- ization to Educational and Occupational Goals Opportunities and Interaction Interaction, Opportunities, and Intervening Opportunities: A Mathematical Model Interaction and Goal Attainment vi PEERS Page 176 200 236 LA) U) R) Chapter Page XI. SUMMARY . . . . . . . . . . . . . A21 The Socialization and Education of Negro Youth in the United States Role Socialization Role Socialization in the Nuclear Family: Parents as Socializers Role Socialization in the Nuclear Family: Siblings as Socializers Parents and Peers Role Socialization in the High School: Peers as Socializers The Social Systems of Negro and White Adolescents Role Socialization in the High School: Teachers as Socializers The Educational and Occupational Plans and Aspirations of Negro and White Youth Role Socialization, Interactive Reference Groups, and Educational and Occupational Goals Some Evaluations LIST or REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . A39 APPENDICES . . o . . t . . . , a . c . . A61 vii Table 1.1 1.3 3.1 3.3 3.A 3.5 3.6 LIST OF TABLES Mean Years of Schooling of Studentsb Fathers, by Race: All Schools Proportion of Student Body in Sample, and Size of Student Body: All Schools. Sample Sizes, by Race and Sex: All Schools Mean Scores_for Six Values on Levy‘s Modified Study of Values Obtained by Lott and Lott, by Race and Sex, for School Leaders. . . . . . . . . Direct Comparisons Between the Sexes Within Negro and White Students, for Lott and Lott' 8 Total Sample. . . . Mean Scores Made on the Goal. Preference Inventory for Academic Recogni- tion, Social Recognition, and for Love and Affection, in Lott and Lott, by Race and Sex, for School Leaders . . . . Adjusted Mean Scores for Achievement and Affiliation Motivations on French's Test of Insight, by Lott and Lott, by Race and Sex, for School Leaders . . . Percentages of Students Choosing Father and Mother as One of Three Most Admired and Respected People, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . Percentages of Students Choosing Female Relative, Male Relative, Minister, Priest, or Rabbi, Other Male Adult, and Other Female Adult as One of Three Most Admired and Respected People by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . viii Page 25 27 29 104 106 108 110 115 127 Table 3-7 Ratios of Students Choosing Male Relatives as Opposed to Female Relatives, and Male Other Adults as Opposed to Female Other Adults, as One of Three Most Admired and Respected People, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . Associations Between Presence of Older Brothers and Selected Indices of Sociali-. zation, for Boys With One Sibling, by Race: Northern Schools . . . Associations Between Presence of Older Sisters and Selected Indices of Social- ization, for Boys With One Sibling, by Race: Northern Schools. . . Associations Between Presence of Older Brothers and Selected Indices of Sociali- zation, for Girls With One Sibling, .by Race: Northern Schools. . Associations Between Presence of Older Sisters and Selected Indices of Socializa- tion, for Girls With One Sibling, by Race: Northern Schools . . . . . . . Percentages of Students Choosing Brothers and Sisters as One of Three Most Admired and Respected People, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . . . . . Frequency With Which Boys Choose Girls, by Presence or Absence of Older Brothers for Both Boys and Girls: North Negro High Negroes and North White High Whites. Frequency With Which Boys that Go Steady Choose Girls, by Presence or Absence of Older Brothers for Both Boys and Girls: North Negro High Negroes and North White High Whites. . . . . . . Frequency With Which Boys that Never Date choose Girls, by Presence or Absence of Older Brothers for Both Boys and Girls: North Negro High Negroes and North White High Whites. . . . . . . . . Relative Concern Over Evaluation by Parents, Teachers, and Peers: Epperson Data Con— trasted With Coleman Data. ‘L 1X Page 129 15“ 156 159 162 165 171 173 17A 179 Table 5.2 5.3 5.A 5.5 5.6 5.7 5.8 6.2 6.3 Relative Concern Over Evaluation by Parents, Teachers, and Peers, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . . . . . . . Yule's Q Associations Between Parental Rules for Selected Activities and Grade (Sopho- more and Senior), by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . . . Percentages of Students Choosing Male and Female Peers as One of Three Most Admired and Respected PeOple, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . Ratios of Choices Given to Mother and Father as Opposed to Male and Female Peers as Most Admired and Respected PeOple, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . . . . Associations Between Responding to Peers as Opposed to Parents as One of Three Most Admired and Respected PeOple and Grade (Sophomore and Senior), by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . Percentages of Students Having Parents With Conjugal Roles Reversed, by Race: Northern Schools. . . . Phi Coefficients Between Presence of Father and Mother and Selected Indices of Social- ization, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Mean Number of Total Sociometric Choices, and Mean Average Number of In- Sample Sociometric Choices, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . Proportion of In-Sample Choices Made that Were Also Reciprocated, and Product Moment Correlations Between Grade and Number of Choices Reciprocated, by Race, Sex, and Grade: Northern Schools . Percentages of Students Receiving No Socio- metric Choices From Their Classmates, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Mean Sociometric Status of Students and Product Moment Correlations Between Sociometric Status and Grade, by Race, Sex, and Grade: Northern Schools. . . X Page 180 183 185 186 188 194 196 208 210 212 217 Table Page 6.5 Mean and Standard Deviation of Criswell's ‘Integration Index, and Product Moment Correlations Between the Integration Index and the Average Age of Sociometric Groups: Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . 221 6.6 Mean and Standard Deviation of Size of Socio— metric Groups, and Product Moment Correla- tions Between Size and Average Age, and Between Size and the Integration Index: Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . 224 6.7 Product Moment Correlations Between Percentage Female in Group and Group Size, Percentage Female and the Integration Index, Percentage White and Group Size, and Percentage White and the Integration Index: Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 6.8 Criswell's Index of Sex Self-Preference, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . 227 7.1 Percentages of Students Involved in One or More Extra—Curricular Social Activities, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . [\J L) ) \O 7.2 Percentages of Students Participating in Types of Activities, by Race and Sex: Southern Schools. . . . . . . . . . 2A2 7.3 Percentages of Students Participating in Selected Extra—Curricular Activities, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . R) If? U) 7.4 Percentages of Students with Various Perceptions of Membership in a Leading High School Group, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . [\J in. , *3 7.5 Percentages of Students Desiring to be Remembered as "Most Popular" by Perceived Membership in a Leading Group, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . . . 249’ 7.6 Percentages of Students Giving Various Answers to "Who are the Leaders” in Their School,by Race and Sex: Northern Schools 7.7 Percentages of Students Giving Selected Criteria as Important to Being Important in Their Peer Group, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . ?“m Table 7.8 7.9 7.10 7011 8.1 8.2 8.3 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5 9.6 Criswell's Index of Race Self-Preference, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . Total Sociometric Choices, Percentages of Choices Made Within School, Total In-School Choices, and Percentage of In- School Choices Given to Other Race, by Race and Sex. Northern Schools. . . . Percentages of Students That Would Prefer to Attend a Different High School, by Race and Sex. Northern Schools Percentages of Students Alienated by Various Dimensions, by Race and Sex: All Schools Percentages of Students Responding That "My Teachers Haven't Encouraged Me" is a Reason for Not Intending to Go to College, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . Percentages of Students Responding That "Good TeacherS'are a Reason for Choosing Their Present High School as a First Preference, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Percentages of Students Choosing Negro and White Teachers as One of Three Most Admired and Respected People, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . . . Percentages of Students in Various High School Curricula, and Grade Averages for Each Curriculum, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . . Average Academic Grades for College Preparatory and Non-College Preparatory Curricula, by Race and Sex: All Schools. Percentages of Students Responding to Various Subjects as Their "Best Liked, " by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . . Percentages of Students With High Achievement Orientation, by Race and Sex: All Schools . Percentages of Students With High Achievement Orientation, by Academic Grades, Race, and Sex: North Mixed High School Associations Between Achievement Orientation and Academic Grades, by Sex: North Mixed High School . . . . . . . . . xii Page 257 260 261 282 283 1285 301 303 306 312 Table 9.7 9.8 9 10. 10. .9 .10 .11 .12 .13 .1“ .15 .16 .17 Associations Between Achievement Orientation and Academic Grades, by Race and Sex: North Mixed High School Percentages of Students Enrolled in a College Curriculum, by Grade, for Negro and White Boys: All Schools. Phi Coefficients Between College Plans and College Aspirations, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . Percentages of Students Planning to Go Into Various Occupational Classes, for Boys, by Race: Southern Schools Percentages of Students Planning to Enter Various Occupational Categories, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . . Percentages of Students With Occupational Plans Higher Than Their Father's Occupa- tional Category. All Schools Percentages of Students With Occupational Aspirations Higher than Their Occupational Plans, by Race and Sex, and Planned Occupational Class: All Schools Contingency Coefficients Between Father's Occupation, Planned Occupation, and Ideal Occupation, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Percentages of Students Giving No Response to the Question about Their Occupational Plans, by Race and Sex: All Schools . Percentages of Students Perceiving Various Obstacles to a More Satisfying Life, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . Percentages of Students Perceiving Various Ways to Get Ahead the Fastest, by Race and Sex: All Schools . . . . Associations Between Perceived Expressiveness or Instrumentality of Parents, for Negro and White Boys: Northern Schools Associations Between Perceived Expressiveness or Instrumentality of Parents, and Sex of Parents, for Negro and White Girls: Northern Schools. . . ‘ xiii Page 303 306 307 309 312 31A 316 319' 322 326 Table 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7 10.8 10.9 10.10. 10.11 Percentages of Students Perceiving Parents in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educational and Occupational Goals, by Students' Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . Percentages of Students Perceiving Siblings in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educational and Occupational Goals, by Students' Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White Teachers in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educational Goals, Negro Boys: Northern Schools. . . . Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White Teachers in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educa- tional and Occupational Goals, Negro Girls: Northern Schools. . . . . . . Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White Teachers in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educa- tional and Occupational Goals, White Boys: Northern Schools. . . . . . Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White Teachers in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educa- tional and Occupational Goals, White Girls: Northern Schobls. . . . . . . Percentages of Students Perceiving Friends at School in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educational and Occupational Goals, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Meanfrequency of Interaction with Mothers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Mean Frequency of Interaction wi th Fathers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . xiv Page 3A6 3A9 353 LA) U1 ON LA) U1 0\ LA) K.“ (I) Lu ON \J1 367 Table 10.12 10.13 10.1“ 10.15 10.16 10.17 10.18 10.19 10.20 Mean Frequency of Interaction with Older Sisters About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived. Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . Mean Frequency of Interaction with Older Brothers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . . . Mean Frequency of Interaction with Negro Teachers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceivedw Expressive Support and Instrumentaleeans, Negro Boys: Northern Schools. . . . . Mean Frequency of Interaction with White Teachers About Educational and. . Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, Negro Boys: Northern Schools . . . . Mean Frequency of Interaction with Negro Teachers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, Negro Girls: Northern Schools . . . . Mean Frequency of Interaction with White Teachers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, Negro Girls: Northern Schools . . . . Mean Frequency of Interaction with Negro Teachers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, White Boys: Northern Schools . . . . Mean Frequency of Interaction with White Teachers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, White Boys: Northern Schools . . . . Mean Frequency of Interaction with Negro Teachers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, White Girls: Northern Schools . . . . XV Q 0 Page . 369 . 370 . 373 3714 376 378 381 383 385 Table Page 10.21 Mean Frequency of Interaction with White Teachers About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived EXpressive Support and Instrumental Means, “8 White Girls: Northern Schools . . . . . 3 7 10.22 Ratios of Average Interaction for Means to Average Interaction for Support, With cross— Race and Same-Race Teachers for Educational and Occupational Goals, by Race and Sex: ‘88 Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . . 3 10.23 Mean .Frequency of Interaction with Friends at School About Educational and Occupational Goals, by State of Perceived ‘Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . 390 10.2“ Mean Frequency of Interaction with Each of Seven Referents About Educational and Occupational Goals, by Race and Sex: 1 Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . 39- 10.25 Computational Procedure Used in Determining Observed and Predicted Frequencies of High Interaction Between Negro Boys and Their Mothers with Respect to Educational Goals: - Northern Schools. . . . . . . “01 10.26 Observed and Predicted Frequencies of High Interaction Between Each of Seven Referents and Negro and White Boys and Girls, at Each Social Distance (S), With Respect to Educational and Occupational Goals: A0“ Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . C 10.27 Chi-Square Test for Observed and Expected Frequencies of Distributions for Which the Probability of the Kolmogorov- -Smirnov D Statistic Has a Probability of Less Than A0 Five Per Cent. . . . . . . 9 10.28 Phi Coefficients for High Interaction with Parents and Older Siblings, and College Plans and ASpirations, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . A13 10.29 Phi Coefficients for High Interaction with Teachers and Peers, and College Plans, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . filo XVI Table Page 10.30 Phi Coefficients for High Interaction with Teachers and Peers, and College Aspirations, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . A17 A.l Percentages of Students in Each Grade in School, by Race and Sex: Southern Schools . A63 A;2 Percentages of Students in Each Grade in School, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools . A6A A.3 Percentages of Students With Fathers in Various Occupational Classes: Southern Schools. . . . . . . . . . A65 A.“ Percentages of Students With Fathers and Mothers in Various Occupational Classes: Northern Schools. . . . . . . . . . A66 X‘v’ll CHAPTER I THE SOCIALIZATION AND EDUCATION OF NEGRO YOUTH IN THE UNITED STATES The Socialization of Negro Youth as a Sociological Problem The American high school is an institution specifically designed to prepare adolescents for later performance of adult roles. As such, it is a socializing agent. A compre- hensive sociological investigation of the comparative behavior of Negro and white high school students must conse~ quently come to grips with the socialization process. This is apparent. But the task is far from completed. In order to compare the socialization of two or more groups, it is first of all necessary to explicate what general processes can be found in ”normal” social growth. Pathological behavioral patterns, for example, cannot be evaluated——or even really defined--independently of non- pathological behavioral patterns. The evaluation of social processes as normal or pathological is a necessary preliminary step in the search for causal explanation.l An explanation of the behavior of high school students in a context of the socialization process of course requires 1On this, see Harold Fallding, "Functional Analysis in Sociology," American Sociological Review, 28 (l9o3), p. 9. (—V—L an dequate theory of socialization. In this book, a general {1) theory of socialization will be developed. This theory will then be related to the preparation of high school students for adult role performance--social, educational, and occupa» tional. The first task of this theory building process will be to establish criteria for evaluating the performance of various groups of students. These criteria will make it possible to draw conclusions about the relative rates of socialization of various groups. This first step will be based on a consideration of some major dimensions of the growth and development of organic and social systems. On the basis of theory generated from this General Systems analysis, a number of propositions will be derived and tested empirically. This foundation will provide a take—off point for the examination of Specific social systems in which the child is socialized. It will be the topic of Chapter II. In Chapters III and IV, socialization in the nuclear family will be examined. Chapter III will focus on socialization by parents and Chapter IV on socialization by siblings. In Chapter V, the interrelations of parents and peers as socializers will be examined. In Chapters VI and VII, peers and the peer group will be studied. In Chapter VIII, analysis of the high school will begin, with a consideration of teachers as socializers. The entire text can be regarded as a theory of role social- ization. An early motivation for attempting to develop such a theory was a concern with the interrelationships between 2 The continuing integration of race and education. American high schools will have far—reaching social, economic, and political effects. Social research on the detrimental effects of g§_;u£§_segregation was an important argument in the Supreme Court decision of 1954, that declared this segregation unconstitutional. The evidence presented in this case generated considerable controversy among social scientists° More recently, the attention of social scientists and the public have focused more on do £3329 segregation in high schools. Here too, research findings are contradictory. St. John points out that the research evidence on either type of high school racial segregation is surprisingly limited and permits few conclusions,3 So far, much of the scholarly and public debate on racial composition in the high school has been focused on racial composition pgr_§§: As we shall see in Chapter VII, this is a relatively superficial aspect of racial composition. It is important to know what happens within the social system of the high school as a result of the racial composition of 2Max Duetscher and Isodor Chein, "The Psychological Effects of Enforced Segregation: A Survey of Social Science Opinion," Journal of Psychology, 26 (19A8), pp. 259-287. 3Nancy Hoyt St. John, ”De Facto Segregation and Inter- racial Association in High School," Sociology of Education, 37 (1964), p. 326. L‘: the student body and the faculty. It is to this second prob- lem that this research will be directed. Analysis of the internal structure of the high school will provide answers to questions of what racial compositions contribute to normal—- or pathologica1——behavior and performance of Negro and white students. Racial composition as it affects the socialization of youth in the high school has received little attention from social scientists. The following paragraphs will highs light why it is important that qlestions concerning race, racial composition, and socialication should be asked, and answered. There are a plethora of studies indicating that Negroes develop less successfully into adult roles than whites. Negro youth are slower to develop intelligence, personality, and social skills3 three aspects of socialization that are neither exhaustive or mutually exclusive. The evidence is considerable, though not conclusive, that differences in intelligence between Negroes and whites are environmental rather than physiological in their causes. “Since this text is a sociological analysis, explana— tions of racial differences will be based entirely on socio- environmental factors. There is a lack of consensus on whether biological factors are also important. As Roen points out, there is a ". . . lack of Justification for generalizing about (biological) race differences." (See Sheldon R. Roen, ”Personality and Negro—White Intelligence," The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 61 (1960), p. 158.) There is, however, a high level of consensus among social scientists that human nature is so elastic that social analysis can account for a wide range of variation in the behavior of groups: on this, See Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Negro American Intelligence: A New Look at an Old Controversey," Journal of Negro Education (1964), pp. 6—25. As infants, Negroes score as high as whites on intelligence tests.5 Five year old Negro and white children have also been found to be no different on intelligence test scores.6 Yet, as the socialization process continues beyond these early stages, and personality differences develop between Negro and white youth, white children begin to perform better on intelligence tests. Roen found that Negro youth develop intellectually defeating personality traits that are highly correlated with performance on IQ tests. For the white children, personality and intelligence were less closely related.7 Roen also points out that the emergence of personality is closely related to environment.8 Given this finding, it should be expected that a change in environ— ment, through its effects on personality, would change the performance of Negro youth on intelligence tests. In partic— ular, changing to a better environment by migrating from South to North should raise the intelligence test scores of Negro children. Klineberg’s classic study of migration and Negro intelligence supports this conclusion. He writes that 5A. R. Gilliland, "Socio-economic Status and Race as Factors in Infant Intelligence Test Scores,H Child Develop- ment, 22 (1951), pp, 271-273. 6Anne Anastasi and Rita D'Angelo, "A Comparison of Negro and White Pre—School Children in Language Development and Goodenough Draw—A-Man IQ,” Journal of Genetic Psychology, 81 (1952), pp. 147-165. 7Roen, op. cit,, p. 150. 81bid., p. 148. There seems to . . . be no reasonable doubt as to the superiority of the northern over the southern Negroes, and the tendency of northern Negroes to approx— imate the scores of the whites, are due to factors in the environment, and not to selective migration.9 The Klineberg hypothesis was retested, with more rigorous methodological controls, by Lee. Klineberg's findings were generally upheld, as Lee reports ". . . a significant and continuous upward trend in the intelligence test ratings of southern-born Negro children as their length of residence in Philadelphia increases."lo The social environment of the American Negro also depresses psychological growth and adjustment. A major con— tribution by Kardiner and Ovesey, which contains a great deal of historical, sociological, and psychiatric information about the American Negro, leaves little doubt that the minority position of the Negro creates personality disorders-- repressed and supressed hostility towards whites, self-hatred, ll Goff has shown that Negro and a radically split ego—ideal. children receive little guidance from parents in interacting with whites, and in dealing with feelings of resentment and 9Otto Klineberg, Negro Intelligence and Selective Migra- tion (New York: Columbia University Press, 1935), esp. pp. 2A- 34, and 40—42. lOEverett s. Lee, "Negro Intelligence and Selective Migration: A Philadelphia Test of the Klienberg Hypothesis," in Joseph J. Spengler and Otis Dudley Duncan, eds., Demographic Analysis: Selected Readings (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956), p. U37. llAbram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppres- sion: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1951). and inferiority.l2 Bender, in the earliest clinical study of Negroes, found that racial tension is expressed in blocking, mutism, catelepsy, negativeness, and sleepiness.l3 Grossack cites numerous other studies which show ". . . that Negro children are often more emotionally disturbed, more poorly adjusted to teachers and more socially maladjusted."lu The same complex set of social forces that retard and arrest mental development and psychological growth and adjust- ment in the American Negro also act to retard and arrest the general sociological growth of Negro youth. A Negro boy has about half the chance of graduating from high school, and only a third the chance of finishing college or becoming a 15 In the following paragraphs, a few pre- professional man. liminary observations will be made on the interrelations between race and the performance of races in the high school. Then, in the next sebtion of this chapter, a critical evaluation of research on this topic will be presented. 12Regina M. Goff, Problems and Emotional Difficulties of Negro Children (New York: Teachers College, Columbia University, 19h9). l3L. Bender "Behavioral Problems of Negro Children," Psychiatry, 2 (1959), pp. 213-228. 1”Martin M. Grossack, Mental Health and Segregation (New York: Springer Publishing Company, Inc., 1963), p. 3. 15Sidney M. Willheim and Edwin H. Powell, "Who Needs the Negro," Transaction, l (1964), pp. 4-5. It is a well—established empirical finding that Negro students perform at a lower level than white students in the American high school. This is particularly evident when performance is measured by grade point average. Ferrel com- pare} Negro and white students and found that whites scored significantly higher in several areas of academic achieve- ment.l6 Osborne supports this finding, as he found that the performance of Negro students is not only inferior to that of white students, but the relative performance of Negroes 7 . decreases over time." At the same time, many Studies show that the agpirations of Negro students are similar to those of whites. Holloway and Berreman found that the educational and occupational aspiration levels of Negro and white students did not differ significantly by race, when class is held constant.18 Green, in testing eleventh graders, found) that Negro students were more highly motivated than white students, but were lower achievers on the basis of their l6Guy V. Ferrel, "A Comparative Study of Sex Differ- ences in School Achievement of White and Negro Children," Journal of Educational Research, U3 (1949), pp. 116-121. 17R. T. Osborne, "Racial Differences in Mental Growth and School Achievement: A Longitudinal Study," Psychological Reports, 7 (1960), pp. 233-239- ———-fi——_.—. ¥8Robert G. Holloway and Joel V. Berreman, "The Educa- tional and Occupational Aspirations and Plans of Negro and White Elementary School Students," Pacific Sociological Review, 2 (1959), p. 58; also see Bernard C. Rosen, "Race, Ethnicity, and the Achievement Syndrome," American Socio- 1ogical Review, 2“ (1959), pp. 47-60. \0 v['. academic grades.i’ Similarly, Morse found that eighth grade Negro students were more highly motivated than their r". W white classmates. These studies indicate that Negro students' aspirations and motivations are higher than their performance and attain— ment. Duetsch, in this connection, found that Negro boys tend to aspire to very unlikely jobs--with about a third wanting to go into high prestige professions such as medicine and engineering.21 Preliminary analysis of pre—test ques— tionnaires by Gottlieb showed that Negro boys will frequently aspire to a profession that requires graduate training, while at the same time only plan to go to college from one to three years. Stephenson found that both Negro and white students value high achievement and have high aspirations, but the Negro student——faced with obstacles of both class 19Robert Lee Green, ”The Predictive Efficiency and ac ored Dimensions of the Michigan M-Scales for Eleventh a e Negro Students: An Exploratory Study" (unpublished .‘. Dissertation, Michigan State University, East Lansing, chigan, 1963). is“: to C) '71 20Richard J. Morse, "Self—Concept of Ability, Signifi— cant Others and School Achievement of Eighth-Grade Students: A Comparative Investigation of Negro and Caucasian Students" (unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, 1963). 21Martin Deutsch, ”Minority Group and Class Status as Related to Social and Personality Factors in Scholastic Achievement," in Grossak, op. cit., pp. 64—75. Lott and Lott, 111 contradistinction, found Negro high school students more cptinflstic than white students, but shrewd in their appraisal of their position in society, their better chances for white collar*jobs in the North, and their need to eliminate 10 and race, plans lower than.he aspires.22 Race and class background are not, however, the whole explanation of the gap between aspirations and plans in the Negro group. The structure of the high school is also an important determin- ant. Johnson has emphasized that "There is a lack of any discernable relationship between the formal content of instruction designed to relate the youth to his ongoing past and to provide him with the manual and intellectual tools for dealing with his environment. ."23 Adolescents of high school age have the highest rate of unemployment of any age group in the labor force. Within this group, the unemployment rate for Negro youth is over twice that of white youth. The male Negro of high school age is perhaps the most unemployable member of American society. Yet it is this very group that has the highest high school dropout rate. This problem is compounded by the fact that Negro aspirations are undoubtedly changing faster than Opportunities. More Negroes are being socialized' discriminatory racial barriers. Albert J. Lott and Bernice E. Lott, Negro and White Youth: A Psychological Study in a Border State Community (New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1963). 22Richard M. Stephenson, "Mobility Orientation and Stratification of 1,000 Ninth Graders," American Sociological Review, 22 (1957), pp. 204—212. 23Charles S. Johnson, "The Guidance Problems of Negro Youth," in Grossack, op. cit., p. A“. oz , A -- n possibly attain it.“ Witn so few . . .. , ‘Y , x“. d ~.~ ~ -1. L) Aer. ~.~_.._' L/Lsaii ‘a $17 ~pportunities outside of the high school and yet such a high propensity to leave high school, the conclusion can readily be drawn that Negro students in high school do not see a relationship between their school experience and their future goals. On this, Duetsch writes: The lower-class child, and especially the lower-class minority group child, lives in a milieu which fosters self—doubt and social confusion, which in turn serves substantially to lower motivation and makes it difficult to structure experience into cognitively meaningful activity and aspirations. As Erich Fromm consistently points out, one of the social characteristics of modern man is his increasing alienation from both his work and his fellow man. The dynamics of this psychological process in a technological society might be best under- stood through the study of the progressive alienation of the Negro child in a white world.25 Preliminary analysis of data and observation of high schools has suggested that there are systematic differences in Negro performance among different school social structures. A particularly important structural effect was found to be the racial composition of the student body and the faculty. A socialization theory that could explain under which condi- tions Negro high school students best perform could potentially synthesize much research on education. In addition, it would provide obvious policy implications. This will be taken up in later chapters. p) ‘4Ernest Q. Campbell, "On Desegregation and Matters Sociological,” Phylon, 22 (1961), pp. 135—145. 2 .. “Duetsch, op. Clt , p. 75. Segregated Ne ro high s :hools have neither the facilities , 1 JR nor the financial resources to handle the expected increase in enrollment and demands for quality education. Many of these institutions are already operating under inadequate budgets, inferior instruction, and minimal academic standarads.26 A highly probable result will be increasing Negro enrollment in previously all—white or predominantly white schools. School integration will in all probability continue, and perhaps even accelerate, in spite of resistance from the white com— munity. Increasing the proportion of Negro students in high schools creates problems both for the absorbing institution, and the Negro and white students. Yet, as shall be indicated in the next section, little is known about these problems. Educational planners and community decision makers have little systematic research at their disposal on the effects of racial change in the high school. Hence, it is critically important to gain concrete knowledge of the social and academic processes in the high school as they relate to race. In the next three paragraphs, a few remarks will be made on the effects of school integration ‘6Carroll L. Miller, "Educational Opportunities and the N6gro Child in the South, " Harvard Educational Review, 30 (1960), pp 195— 208, John A. Morsell, (Schools, Courts, and the Ivegro '8 Future, " Harvard Educational Review, 30 (1960), pp 179— 194 13 W. I. Thomas wrote that "If men define situations as real, they are real in their consequences."27 Certainly the perceptions of faculty members by students in an impor— tant determinant of their behavior within the school; and conversely; the perceptions of students by faculty members and administrative personnel is an important determinant of their behavior in interacting with students. Research has clearly shown that there are systematic differences in per- ceptions along racial lines, among both students28 and faculty.29 Yet little has been derived from these data. It is in part to an examination of these perceptions, and their effects, that this research will be directed. Reitzes states that an important consideration in-the analysis of race relations is that the key to the behavior of~individ- uals is found in the way in which relevant organizations define situations of racial contact.3O Thus, differential 27Cited in Robert K. Merton, "The Self-Fulfilling Prophesy," in Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957), p. A21. 28See, e.g., St. John, op. cit., George A. Lundberg and Lenore Dickson, "Selective Association Among Ethnic Groups in a High School Population," American Sociological Review, 17 (1952), pp» 23‘35o 29See, e.g., David Gottlieb, "Teaching and Students: The Views of Negro and White Teachers," Sociology of Educa- tion, 37 (196“), pp- 345-353- 3ODietrich C. Reitzes, "Institutional Structure and Race Relations," Phylon, 20 (1959), pp. M8-66. 19 racial perceptions have real consequences not only for students and faculty members, but for the whole organiz- ational structure of the high school. When Negro students go from a segregated to an integrated school, their performance relative to that of white students often deteriorates, though it generally improves absolutely, as Hanson found in the District of Columbia.31 Throughout this text, an examination of various socializing reference groups will be used to explain data such as this. As Nelson found, there is a tendency of people to act in a manner determined by their perceptions of reference groups.32 In this case, where the Negro student goes from a school with Negro teachers as referents, to one where teachers are predominantly or all white, there is a decrease in the extent to which teachers are perceived as providing means for attaining goals, and particularly, in providing expressive support for attaining goals. Deprived of meaningful referents, the Negro student becomes alienated from the school, and consequently sees a lessened relationship between classroom performance and the attainment of educational and occupational goals. This will be a major topic of Chapter X. 31Carl F. Hanson, "The Scholastic Performance of Negro and White Pupils in the Integrated Public Schools in the District of Columbia," Harvard Educational Review, 30 (1960), pp. 216-236. 32Harold A. Nelson, "A Tentative Foundation for Refer- ence Group Theory," Sociology and Social Research, 45 (1961), pp. 27H-280. 15 Studies that deal with socializing reference groups in terms of race are rare. It is still to be determined by which criteria Negro youth become involved with, and inter- act with, various types of referents in an attempt to obtain help in attaining adult roles. The perceptions of parents, siblings, peers, teachers, and others are all potential sources of achievements or causes of pathological perform- ance. A study by TenHouten was designed to establish criteria by which students become involved with, are indif- ferent to, or are alienated from, various socializers.33 Since referents that provide Opportunities for the student to attain his goals are-—a1most by definition--the people that socialize the child, it is apparent that an explanation of goal attainment might be facilitated by a theory of social— ization. To construct such a theory, we will examine " social structure of roles and statuses which provides the context for reference group behavior," as Merton suggests.314 Reference groups will be examixed in a context of systems 9: roles, i.e., of complexes of people in role interaction. ”Reference groups” will not be mentioned again until Chapter 33Warren D. TenHouten, "Methodological Innovations and A Models on the Structure of Reference Group Behavior" (unpub— lished M. A. thesis, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, 1963). 3“Robert K. Merton, "Reference Groups and Social Structure,” in Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957, p. 368. 16 X, where models of interaction will be related to the attainment of educational and occupational goals. Instead, beginning with Chapter II, we will use the terminologies of General System Theory and Role Theory. An Evaluation of Research on Race and the American High School Educating the young is a fundamental task for any society. Sociology, however, has paid astonishingly little attention to the educational process.35 In particular, socialization theory has had little to say about the educa— tion of Negro youth. Child's review of socialization theory in the Handbook of Social Psychology, by way of illustration, has a direct reference to race in only one out of 125 cita- tions.36 This is not surprising in view of the pronounced psychological bent that socialization theory takes, and in view of the persistent bifurcation between theoretical and substantive areas of social science. The psychological sub- stantive orientation of socialization theory does not equip it for dealing with the institutional social structure within which education occurs. Socialization theory has also placed a great emphasis on early socialization. Largely as a consequence of the 35Kasper D. Naegele, "Some Observations on the Scope of Sociological Analysis," in Talcott Parsons, et al., eds., Theories ofgSociety; Foundations of Modern Sociological Theory (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 16. 36Irving L. Child, "Socialization," in Gardner Lindzey, ed., Handbook of Social Psychology, II (Reading, Mass.: Addi- son—Wesley Publishing Company, Inc., 1954), pp. 655-692. L-) influences of Freudian theory, the personality system is believed to be relatively complete by the attainment of adolesence. Recent studies have placed a greater emphasis on the socilization of adolesents and adults. The profound social upheavals that have taken place Since the 1959 Supreme Court decision that racial segrega- tion in public schools is unconstitutional have made the racial composition of schools pressing social, economic, and political concerns. The reactions to this legal de— 37 cision were not predicted by social scientists. In par- ticular, socialization theorists had little to say. Psycho— analysts, psychologists, and social psychologists, because of their focus on the individual's personality system and on early socialization, cannot be expected to make predictions about changes in society-wide intergroup relations. Sociolo— gists and social anthropologists dealing in the area of sociali— zation have considerably less justification for an inability E 37It should be pointed out, however, that interest in this area has recently accelerated. Further, once attention has been directed to race relations, predictions have been forthcoming. For example, see Pettigrew's recent article, in which a series of predictions about the future of the Negro protest are made. In Thomas F. Pettigrew, 'Mctual Gains and Psychological Losses: The Negro American Protest," Journal of Negro Education (1963), pp. 493-506. Also see Everett C. Hughes, "Race Relations and the Socio- logical Imagination," American Sociological Review, 28 (1963), D. 879. A summary of forecasts on the desegregation of Southern schools is presented in A. L. Coleman, "Social Scientists' Predictions about Desegregation," Social Forces, 38(1960), pp. 254-262; also see Thomas F. Pettigrew, "Demographic Correlates of Border-State Desegregation," Qfigdcan Sociological Review, 22 (1957), pp. 683-389. 18 to predict social change of such near-revolutionary magnitude. On this, Grossack concludes that ". . . social science research has been too little and too late to really play a crucial role in the social changes occuring."38 The overall state of socialization theory thus presents a formidable barrier to prediction. Hughes argues that the methodology of sociology militates against that discipline making a major contribution. He finds that trend analysis, is too limited to stimulate the sociological imagination, and that the scope of theoretical interest is too narrow. He writes: Some have asked why we (sociologists) did not forsee the great mass movements of Negroes; it may be that our conception of social science is so empirical, so limited to little bundles of fact applied to little hypotheses, that we are incapable of entertaining a broad range of possibilities, of following out the 39 madly unlikely combinations of social circumstances. Hyman has pointed out that ". . . applied social research seems oriented to the immediate issue rather than no to be problem oriented." Gottlieb, in a forthcoming article, points out four reasons why social scientists are so little concerned with social problems. First of all, the 38Martin M. Grossack, "Attitudes Towards Desegregation of.Southern White and Negro Children," The Journal of Social Psychology, A6 (1957), p. 306- 39 uOHerbert H. Hyman, "England and America, 1962," in Daliel Bell, ed., The Radical Right (New York: Doubleday and Co., 1963), p. 238. Emphasis added. Hughes, 0p. cit., p. 899. value orientations of social scientists militate against a problem orientation. There is a felt need to be "Objective," to emphasize intellectual curiosity, and to be "scientific." Apart from the question Of whether such an orientation Optimizes the social scientists' contribution to the total welfare Of the society, there is little doubt that this orientation is rewarded within the various social science disciplines. Secondly, there are formidable institutional barriers tO cooperation with social work and with education. For example, public schools are very resistent tO the infor- mation-seeking "outsider." There is both suspicion Of the social scientists' motives and cynicism about the worth Of his research. Thirdly, there is a gap in information and ideas between those who work with humans and those who study. them. Related tO this is a difference in professional training and identity. Fourthly, the American sociO-political climate hinders "pre-crisis" research involvement. Research funds are most generally available for attempting to solve a present dilemma. Part Of the reason for this Of course goes back tO the social scientists' inability tO predict future dilemmas. In addition to the above Obstacles tO problem oriented research, research dealing with race has been deterred by a variety Of systematic pressures.“l g ulThomaS F. Pettigrew, "Social Psychology and Desegrega- tion Research," American Psychologist, 16 (1961), pp. 105—112. Before turning to the theoretical development Of the text, some general information Of the methodology and sampling procedures tO be used in this study will be discussed. Methodology and Sampling There is an enormous body of research relating tO socialization, to race, and to the American High School. Within each Of these three areas, there is a need tO estab— lish more adequate theory. The interrelations between these three areas are less develOped than the areas themselves. There is a need tO establish continuity between these areas. Socialization theories do not deal much with educational institutions, though these institutions play an increasingly important role in the socialization process. Socialization theory--as we have seen-—deals little with race. Finally, research on race and education, though gaining at an acceler- ating rate, is by nO means an integrated theory. In this text, an attempt will be made tO cast a theoretical net over all three Of these areas, by dealing with the socialization 0f Negro and white youth in the American High School. This rmt will have weak threads, gaping holes, and will leave im- portant areas uncovered. Yet it is important—-both for theory and policy--tc throw a net, tO try tO systematize the existing farragO Of theory and research. As Novalis wrote: "Theories are nets; only he who casts will catch."42 ¥ “2Cited in Karl R. Popper, The Logic of Scientific Efiflfllggy (New York: Science Editions, Inc., 1961), p. 11. 17" IL K L) attain this goal, or to make an attempt to do so, involves adapting theory from many fields Of scientific inquiry. Data that are secondary as well as primary will be used. Secondary data analysis, after Lipset and Bendix,£43 involves utilization Of findings and conclusions gathered by others and which was originally intended for a variety of theoretical and empirical uses. Many kgy_hypotheses in this text will be tested by data collected and analyzed by other researchers. In addition to secondary data, primary data was collected from five high schools in the United States. The schools were selected on the bases Of region and racial com- position. Two Of the high schools were located in the Deep South (East South Central), and three in the Midwest (East North Central). Some properties Of the five schools and some Of the methodological procedures and problems encountered in gathering survey data from the schools, will be presented in the following paragraphs. A paper and pencil questionnaire was used, in conjunction with Observation, tO generate data from.the high schools. The questionnaire is presented as Appendix A. There are formidable problems in gathering data from the lower strata Of society. Institutional resistance tO the outsider who seeks information has been mentioned. This limits the amount Of secondary data ¥ “BSeymour Martin Lipset and Reinhard Bendix, Social ngdity in Industrial Society (Berkeley and LOS Angeles: Ikuversity Of California Press, 1959), p. x. 98 available. It also severely limited the primary data that it was possible to obtain in this study. Objections to cer- tain questions from the Northern schools and from the Federal Government were in general overcome. For the Southern schools, however, it was not possible tO ask certain questions pertaining tO race and region. In addition, it was not possible tO ask student's names, which made socio- metric analysis impossible. In the Northern schools, question On race and on the student's name were asked, but the students were instructed that they did not need to answer any questions to which they objected. This difficulty reduced the compar- ability Of the Northern and Southern data. A second difficulty was that the lower strata Of society are in general less Skilled in giving verbal responses to items. This was pro— nounced in the South: Students had difficulty ranking items, and following instructions. The greatest difficulty was found in the Southern Negro school: The students in this school had' never taken an Objective test from which they had tO choose. alternative responses. This second difficulty further reduced the comparability Of Northern and Southern schools. As a result, some hypotheses related tO processes by which students attain educational and occupational goals could not be tested for the two schools in the South. As a result Of these methodological problems, more emphases will be placed on the three Northern schools. &nmhern data will be presented where meaningful comparisons cmibe made. The first Southern hign school, "South Negro High School," is located in a suburb Of a large city. The population of this suburb is approximately 10,000. The suburb is predomin- antly Negro. The school is all Negro, in both the student body and faculty. The County's non—white pOpulation represents about 30% Of the 27,000 inhabitants. The median education in the County is 6.8 years Of schooling. Only nine residents Of the County are presently enrolled in college, and only 38 have college degrees. The median income Of the County is $3,800. The white median income is twice that Of the Negro income. The other Southern high school, "South White High School," is located in a city Of 30,000. The school is all white, in bOth student body and faculty. The median education is 11.0 years Of schooling. For the non-white sub-population, which is about 20% Of the total, the median education is 6.A years. The median income Of the city's inhabitants is $5,260. For the Negro minority, the median income is $2,070 per year. The first Northern high school, "North Negro High School," has a predominately Negro student body, and a mixed faculty. The student body is 99% Negro, and the faculty is about 26% Negro. This school's School District has 72% Negro for all schools, and 45% Negro faculty. In all Of the 35 schools in this District, the proportion Of Negro students exceeds the proportion Of Negro teachers. The schools range fmmiall white tO nearly all Negro in student bodies, and from all white to 63% Negro in faculties. Twelve Of the 35 schools are predominately Negro, ll of which have predomin- atly Negro faculties, and one of which has a racially balanced faculty. The schools adjacent to North Negro High School are predominantly Negro. The incomes and educations of persons in the school environments in the Northern city were determined by aver- aging the median family incomes of the school's census tract and all adjacent tracts, and finding the median school years completed for all persons over 25 years of age in the same area. This method was used as each school services more than a single census tract but less than an entire school district. All three Northern schools were located in the same Midwestern metropolis, which has a pOpulation of over two million persons. For North Negro High School, the median family income is $4,400 and the median educational level is 8.9 years of schooling. "North Mixed High School" has a racially balanced student body, being “7% Negro. The faculty is about 8-10% Negro. This school's school district has a “2% Negro student population, and a 19% Negro faculty population. The school is located in a cluster of 13 predominantly Negro schools. There are 30 schools in the district, that vary considerably by racial composition. For North Mixed High School, the median family income is $6,000 and the median educational level is 8.6 years of Schooling. "North White Hi,h School” has a predominantly white student body, being 5% white. The faculty is virtually all white, as there are only a handful of Negro teachers and administrative personnel. The school's district has a 1% Negro minority, in both faculty and student body. For North White High School, the median family income is $7,250 and the median educational level is 9.9 years of schooling. Data on the mean average years of schooling of stu- dent's fathers was obtained from the survey data. This data is presented in Table 1.1. TABLE 1.1--Mean fears of Szhssling of Students' Fathers, by Race: All Schools Negro White Total Census School Mean (N) Mean (N) Mean (N) Data South Negro 10.6 ( 303) -- ( 0) 10.6 ( 303) 6.8 South White -- ( 0 ) 12.8 (1072) 12.8 (1072) 11.0 North Negro 9.3 (1450) 10.9 ( 15) 10.1 (1465) 8.9 North Mixed 10. ( 642) 9.8 ( 798) 10.4 (1440) 8.6 North White 11.7 ( 87) 10.8 (2219) 10.9 (2306) 9.9 All Schools 10.0 (2482) 11.1 (4104) 10.6 (6586) 9.0 The mean average educational levels of fathers as given by students is in every case higher than the values obtained from census data, with the average difference 1.6 years (based mlan unweighted mean for census data). White students report that their fathers have an average Of 11.1 years of schooling, as opposed to 10.0 years for Negro students. In {4116? tl":£‘<1_-e I\.'o;r'i.;:.:rr’: higzl 80.110018, there is an irregular tendency for students with better educated fathers to attend schools that are predominantly white. This holds for both Negro and white students. The questionnaires were administered in English ses throughout a single school day in the Spring of O F4 [D 0) 1963. The Southern schools were entered first. For the Northern schools, the questionnaires were modified slightly. Only the Northern form is presented in Appendix A. A staff of approximately 13 was used to administer the questionnaire: in the three Northern schools. The proportion of Negroes on the staff was increased as the proportion of Negroes in the student body of the schools increased. A high percentage of the student bodies of North White and North Negro were obtained. A lower per cent was obtained for North Mixed High School. This was a result of the school's special vocational curriculum, many of the students of which were not enrolled in any English class. It was necessary to return to this school and give the questionnaire to the non-English students: These students were gathered in a single auditorium, and had no time limit. In all other cases, students were given one 45 minute class period to complete the questionnaire. The South White High School students were also given 45 minutes. The South Negro students were given up to two hours. The schools' enrollments and the proportions of the student bodies that filled out questionnaires are presented in Table 1.2. TABLE 1.2—-Proportion of Student Body in Sample, and Size of Student Body: All Schools School Per Cent (N) South Negro' 81 ( 604) South White 85 (1504) North Negro 75 (2285) North Mixed 88 (2125) North White 91 (2869) All Schools 85 (9387) For both regions, the sample as a per cent of the population increases with the increase in per cent of white students in the school. The Northern schools are larger than the Southern schools. After the questionnaires had been gathered, students who answered very few questions, or who gave non-sense responses, were thrown out of the sample. If a student responded that he was both Negro and another race (Asiatic, American Indian, or Caucasian), he was classified as Negro, as this is sociologically the most realistic. As students handed in their questionnaires, the research workers marked the cover with a code identifying the students' race. By this method, all but five students in the Northern schools were classified by race. These five, and four others who answered the race question differ- ently than the research worker had coded them, were classified by further contact with school administration. Hence, every student in the sample was classified by race. Students who i1“ (1. were Asiatic or American Indian were excluded from the sample. Since a different form of the questionnaire was used for boys and girls, every student in the sample was also classified by sex. Nearly all students gave their grade, which was the first question asked. For those that did not, school yearbooks and records were searched to determine grade. At South Negro High, students from grades 7 through 12 were included in the sample. At South White High, students from grades 9 through 12 were included. North Mixed High consisted of grades 9 through 12, and the other two schools in the North consisted of grades 10 through 12; To optimize comparability, only students in grades 10 through 12 are included in the Northern schools. A break- down of the sample by race, sex, and grade is presented in Table l of the second appendix, Appendix B. (The question- naire is Appendix A.) A number of tables on selected back- ground characteristics of the students are also presented in this appendix. A breakdown of each school's sample by race and sex, but not by grade, is presented in Table 1.3. As was indicated in Table 1.2, the samples are a fairly large percentage of the total populations of the student bodies from which they are drawn. No claim, however, is made that these samples are randomly drawn: They clearly are apt random samples. In a very important sense, the sample is systematically biased in that the students not in school are engaged in deviant behavior, whether they are AsmemV 0.00H AmsmHV o.oofi AAHAHV o.ooa AHQNHV o.oos Amms V o.ood hpcoooom Has AgsmaV H.Hm game V m.ms Amos V ©.mm Ammo V.m.ss Amsm V s.mm maths AsmmHV m.m: Aemm V m.am Amaw V 2.»: Ammo V m.om Asam V are: whom AammmV e.mm Aomm V H.mm Ana V o.H AHGNHV o.ooH as V - opfiez Amafi V m.s Aewm V m.os AQQNHV 0.0m Ao V - lame V o.ooH moosmoz AmmmHV m.ws Ame: V m.sm Am V m. Ammo V m.ms Ac V - hdtflu muse: AmmmHV m.ms Ammm V m.mm Am V m. Amme V m.em Ac V - whom opus; Amm V m.m Aha: V m.mm Asmm V H.mm A o V - Amsm V e.mm maths osmoz “mm V H.m Amms V o.mm Aeom V a.es A s V - Amim V 2.3: hsom osmoz AzV s AzV A AzV s AzV s A2. a womxooom opus: essoz ooxflz escoz osmoz epsoz hens: essom osmox eozom .maooeom use ”XQQ C was poem as ammmam maaemmirm.fl mqmge 30 are absent by reason of illness, work, or "skipping school," The sample is not only not a random sample of the school population; it is not a random sample of the class of all adolescents. Dropéouts could not enter.the sample, nor could students from other schools and cities. With these limitations, statistical inferences are not fully Justified. Statistical tests of hypotheses will be made, however, keeping in mind that the assumptions of these tests are not fully met. It is perhaps unavoidable that these methological problems will be present in social research: They do not, however, preclude the data and theory contributing to useful scientific knowledge. CHAPTER II ROLE SOCIALIZATION A General System Theory Approach to Role Socialization The development of a general theory of socialization, as stated, must deal with a variety of reference groups that, through systems of interaction, contribute to the Child' 5 attainment of full status--or adult ro es--within his society. The socialization of the child can be regarded as a process of structural growth of his social ;personality. In this process, it will be shown that there are systematic changes in the reciprocal role relations iDetween the child and his socializers. Boulding supplies a ciefinition of structural growth. Finally, we have what might be called structural gro wth , in which the aggregate which "growsTr onsists of a complex structure of interrelated parts and in ‘ tions of t.he parts. . . . Problems of structural growth seem to merge almost imperceptibly into the problems of structural change or development, so that frequently what grows” is not the over—all size of the structure but the complexity or systematic nature of its parts.‘L which the growth process involves change in the rela- (J —. —‘ d fience socialization can be viewed as a process whereby the 178 ciprocal role relations between the child and those in his SOcial environment become increasingly complex and systematic. \ 1 , - H _‘. Kenneth E. Boulding, ”Toward a Genera 1 Tneo ry of Growth ;:1§_Qaradiar Journal of Economics and Political Science, 19 'o—~~-., A“? . K 4:33), pp. 320-340 32 Using a General System Theory orientation will enable us to explain, in the philosophical sense, the processes by which the child develops a personality structure that will enable him to perform adult roles. Further, it will provide criteria for predicting the relative rates of socialization of different groups of children. General System Theory is an organismic approach to the analysis of systems. It was formulated by Lotka2 and by von Bertalanffy,3 and is reflected in the psychology of Goldstein, in Gestalt psychology, and in many diverse fields. The theory is based on the observation of structural similarities, or isomorphy, in different fields that are systems, i.e., com— plexes of elements in interaction. It will be shown in this chapter, for instance, that there are isomorphies between 'biological systems and animal communities and human societies. In using this approach, the adolescent will be viewed riot merely as a reflexive resultant of many background ”inde- EDendent variables," but rather as an acting element in a <30mplex system of interaction, in an organized whole. The Ilse of such a Gestalt orientation will enable us to borrow Eseneral principles from other than sociological fields. In- ‘— 2Alfred J. Lotka, Elements of Physical Biology (Balti- rmore: Williams andeilkens Company, 1925). 3Ludwig von Bertalanffy, Problems of Life (New York: (Tohn Wiley & Sons, Inc. , 1952), Ludwig von Bertalanffy, General System Theory," General Systems, 1 (1952), pp. 2— 3 ff. IDPesents a bibliography on the development of general system theory. “See R. W. Gerard, "A Biologists View of Society," General Systems, 1 (1952), pp. 155- 160. 33 addition, this approach makes it possible to differentiate between mere analogy between systems, and isomorphy, or homology, where phenomena that differ in causal factors can be viewed as governed by structurally identical laws. Some writers have been critical of making analogies between systems. Buck, for example, claims that such analog- 5 There ies are feeble, and formal identities do not exist. are, however, a great many studies that haze developed identities between diverse systems. Stone, in a recent dis- cussion of the uses of mathematics in the social sciences, observes that through the use of mathematical analysis, ". . . a number of problems that had seemed to be completely unrelated—-for instance the analysis of educational systems and the programming of capital investments—-prove to be math- ematically identical."6 Making analogies between systems, according to Radcliffe- Brown, is basic to all scientific procedures.7 This procedure will be used extensively in this book. The social processes 5R. C. Buck, "0n the Logic of General Behavior Systems Theory," in H. Feigl and M. Scriven, eds., Minnesota Studies in the Philosophy of Science, 1 (1956). Also see Herbert A. Simon and Allen Newell, ”Models: Their Uses and Limitations," in Leonard D. White, ed., The State of the Social Sciences (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1956). 6Richard Stone, "Mathematics in the Social Sciences," Scientific American, 211 (1964), p. 168. 7A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, A Natural Science of Society (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957), pp. 35-36. 30 by which youth are socialized will be approached by analogy with other systems of growth. It will be shown that there are processes of growth generic to a variety of systems that hold, in Bouldings words, ". . . regardless of the nature of the component elements and of the relations of force between 8 Boulding goes on to claim that ”. . . all growth them." phenomena have something in common, and what is more impor— tant, the classification of Eggms of growth and hence of theories of growth seem to cut across most of the conventional boundaries of the sciences."9 In the theory to be developed here, the approach will be self—consciously eclectic, and little respect will be given to disciplinary boundaries. One important factor that is shared by open systems in growth is an increase in hierarchical order. Hierarchical order, as used here, is adapted from Woodger's mathematical logic. It is exemplified by a square divided into four smaller squares, with each of these re-divided into four still smaller squares. . . . Formally, an object W belongs to a class of members, in a relation R of being a quarter of the next superordinate member.10 This abstract logical ordering is used extensively in sociological theory. The 8Boulding, op. cit., p. 66. 91bid. 10Joseph H. Woodger, "The 'Concept of Organism' and the Relation Between Embryology and Genetics,” Quarterly Review of Biology, 5/6 (1930-1931), pp. 1-3; Joseph H. Woodger, The Axio- matic Method in Biology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1937)- 3;. four W—objects belonging to a class are functions and the entire class is regarded as a system. Each functional member, on the societal level, is represented by an institu- tional structure. For example, where society is the system under investigation, the economy, the polity, religion- management, and the family serve four social functions--goa1 attainment, adaption, integration, and tension management- pattern maintainance. This general theory has been developed by Parsons and his co—workers.ll In the next chapter, we will examine one of the sub-systems of society, the family, in terms of the processes by which the child learns to meet the four functional roles of the family system. von Bertalanffy explicates a variety of biological examples of Woodger's segregation hierarchy- One type is of particular relevance to this discussion: It is hierarchical segregation. Embryonic development is cited as an obvious example of this type of order. The egg in originally a unitary system, W, which segregates in the first, second, . . ., orders. In a physical system, e. g., the space lattice of a crystal, growth comes about by the integration of separate systems. Hence biology and physical systems differ in that a biological llSee, e. g., Talcott Parsons and E. A. Shils, Toward a Geruaral Theory of Action (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1951); Talcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, Illinois: ’Fhe Fuee Press, 1951); Talcott Parsons, Robert F. Bales, and E. 11. Shils, Working Papers in the Theory of Action (Glencoe, Illimiois: The Free Press, 1953). 12Problems of Life, op. cit., pp. 37—54. 3o svstem begins as a primary whole. The growth of the human follows the biological route. In Problems of Life, von Bertalanffy develops the thesis that hierarchical order is ”. . . typical of a pattern which is of wide occurrence not only in the biological but in the psychological and socio— logical fields.”13 The phylogenetic growth of an individual is seen as ". . . the progressive differentiation of life-functions, which were originally combined in a single 14 cell. Similarly in the psychological field." Similarly, too, in the sociological field, as the personality of the individual, originally a primary whole, undergoes a process of progressive differentiation, which goes hand in hand with progressive integration. This process, as Von Bertalanffy points out, may be metaphorically spoken of as a "division of labor."15 Social systems are often more complex than biological systems. Human social systems are without doubt the most complex in the animal kingdom.16 Persons in a human society can serve a variety of functions, or roles, in many l3Ibid., p. 37. 16See Robert Redfield, ed., ”Levels of Integration in Bitihogical and Social Systems,” Biological Symppsia, V0. 8 (Imuioaster, Pennsylvania: Jaques Cattell Press, 1942). 37 sub—systems of the society.17 The increasing differentiation, and concomitant integration, of roles as human societies evolve from primitive, to traditional, to modern-industrial, has been well documented.18 As human societies evolve, roles become more highly differentiated, and more complexly inter- related. So complex is this functional integration in human society, that the fundamental structures necessary for the maintainance of social life is a question with which anthro- pologists and sociologists have been preoccupied for decades. This division of labor, or progressive differentiation means, at the same time, progressive mechanization, i.e., the splitting up of the originally unitary action into a sum of separate individual actions, accompanied by a loss of regu- lability. This principle is illustrated by von Bertalanffy in a sociological analogy: In a primitive community of savages, every one is farmer, craftsman, soldier, hunter at the same time. Progress in cultural accomplishments is possible only by specialization of the members of the group in a l7Radcliffe—Brown views the ”coaptation," or fitting together of the behavior of individuals in a social system in such a way as to maintain a social life as the most general characteristic of social systems. Op. cit., p. 90. Social coaptation is the standardization of the behavior of irudividuals ir1the society; Ibid., p. 107. This is very close to the sociological definition of role behavior. 18See e.g., Leslie A. White, The Evolution of Culture: The IDevelopment of Civilization to the Fall of Rome (New York: Akfikraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1959), p. 187. A very minimal divdjyion of labor is found in societies of non—human primates todemr, and was undoubtedly all but lacking in man's immediate ancestxns. White writes that "Technological and social differ— entiiition and specialization are increased by additions to the amOLurt of energy harnessed and utilized . . ." by a society. Ibid. craft. But then, the specialist becomes unreplaceable, and he is also much more helpless outside his usual occupation than the primitive individua1.19 Every human society, regardless of its level of devel- opment, ascribes roles on the basis of physiological differ- entiation. A few simple distinctions are widely used in the distribution of functions. On this, Hawley writes: Sex and age differences, for example, serve universally as bases of functional differentiation in the human aggregate. . . . Age distinctions appear in connection with numerous activities, the members of one age cate— gory being separated from those of another. . . . Racial heterogeniety, wherever it occurs, forms a third generally recognized basis for the division of labor.20 Hence, the simple distinctions of sex, age, and race are important dimensions of role behavior. A comprehensive theory of role socialization could not ignore them. In this text, these modal roles will be examined extensively. For now, a few prefatory remarks on age will be offered. In every human society, the basic and common biological facts of growth and pubescence21 are marked by a set of cultural definitions which ascribe to each age grade22 its 19Problems of Life, op. cit., p. 46. 2OAmos Hawley, Human Ecology: A Theory of Community Structure (New York: The Ronald Press Company, 1950), pp. 183-184. ‘ZlSee David P. Ausubel, Theory and Problems of Adoles- cent Development (New York: Grune,and Stratten, 1954). 22Radcliffe— Brown defines "age grade" as the recognized division of life of the individual as he passes ftwnn infancy to old age. Thus each person passes into one age grade after another . . . through the whole series." A. .R.1Radcliffe-Brown, "Age Organization Terminology," Map, 13 (1929), p. 121. H 39 basic characteristics. Similar distinctions of roles are made between physical characteristics and socio-cultural attributes.23 An age grade is thus always a broad defini- tion of human potentialities and obligations at a given stage of life. And as such, it involves general and basic role dispositions into which specific roles are built.2u For each age grade in a society, there are diffuse patterns of behavior that are considered apprOpriate. There are prescribed rules for relating to people in the same age grade and in different age grades. Further, there are definite expectations of future activities: While in one age grade, a person is expected to prepare for the next. For the adolescent, the expectation of future activities of course means the fulfilling of adult roles.25 As societies change from primitive, to traditional, to modern, the nature of the set of future activities that define the adult role becomes more complex and incomprehensible to members of the adolescent age grade. In primitive society, it is not difficult for adolescents to define what will be expected of them as adults. Full adult status can be attained 23See S. Joseph Stone and Joseph Church, Childhood and Adolescence: A Psychology of the Growing Person (New York: Random House, 1962), pp. 4-11. 2“S. N. Eisenstadt, From Generation to Generation: Age Groups and Social Structure (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956), p. 22. Also see David Gottlieb, Jon Reeves, and Warren TenHouten, The Emergence of Youth Cultures: A Cross Cultural Approach, forthcoming. 25Gottlieb, Reeves, and TenHouten, ibid. 40 by a ceremony, by the various ELEEE d3 passage and other symbols and ritualism. At the traditional level, adult roles are more diffuse and less clearly defined. Here, the rituals are reduced in importance. Traditional folk festivals of peasant communities, such as rural carnivals, in which youth and marriage are emphasized, are character- istic.26 Marriage and family rites become more important than initiation. At the level of modern society, initiation is virtually absent, and if present, informal. The boundaries that separate adolescence from adulthood become less formal— ized and more diffuse. At the extreme, goals in the adult world are perceived by adolescents as so distant, vague, and unrelated to their present activities, that they increase identification with their fellow adolescents. When goals come to be sought primarily from peers rather than from adults, the result is what Coleman has described as an "adolescent subculture." He writes: The adolescent becomes. . . "cut off" from the rest of society, forced inward toward his own age group (and) made to carry out his social life with others of his own age. With his fellows, he comes to constitute a small society, one that has most of its important inter- action within itself.‘57 The set of roles associated with each age grade becomes more highly differentiated and more complex as societies 26Eisenstadt, op. cit., p. 236; Gottlieb, Reeves, and TenHouten, op. cit. 27James S. Coleman, The Adolescent Sociepy: The Social Life of the Teenager and its Impact on Education (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1962), p. 3. change to more modern types. People come to occupy highly specialized roles. The individual becomes dependent on a large number of strangers with whom he interacts in highly specific role-relations.28 From the above discussion, it is apparent that there are considerable continuities between the growth processes of biological and social systems. Both kinds of systems evolve toward increasing differentiation, or inhomogeneity, and increasing integration of these differentiated elements. In this text, the particular concern will be with personality and social systems, which are of the type that organize themselves . . by way of progressive differentiation, evolving from states of lower to states of higher complexity. This is, of course, the most obvious form of "self— organization," apparent in ontogenesis, probable in phylogenesis, and certainly also valid in many social organizations. . .3 increase in differentiation and complexity--whether useful or not-—is a criterion that is objective and at least on principle amenable to measurement. To this point, we have focused on the develOpment, or phylogeny, of species and societies. General System Theory has led to the conclusion that the growth process of each type of system involves progressive differentiation and an increase in order and complexity. In the above quotation, 28Hawley, Op. cit., pp. 206-208; for an elaboration, see Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1937). 29Ludwig von Bertalanffy, ”General System Theory—-A Critical Review," General Systems, 7 (1962), p. 5. 4 ’1’ L von Bertalanffy suggests that these principles are also "probable” in the ontogeny of the individual specimen. This is tantamount to saying that Hackel's biogenetic law that the ontological growth of the individual "recapitulates" the phylogenetic evolution of the species is extensile to individ- ual humans and their social systems. As an organism develops, its functional systems--biological, psychological, and social—- progressively differentiate and become more complexly inter— related. At the human level, this principle leads to the thesis that the socialization of the child comes about in a manner analogous to the development of entire societies. As the person grows, he can be viewed as gaining competence in developing highly differentiated and complex roles with others in the social system. This thesis will be developed in the next section. Some General Principles of Role Socialization Linton has defined the socialization process as learning what one should do for other peOple, and what one is entitled 30 to expect from them. Learning in turn can be defined as "The totality of those processes by which the person utilizes 31 experience to comprehend and manipulate the environment. 3ORalph Linton, The Cultural Background of Personality (New York: Appleton-Century, 1945), p. 18. 31Ives Hendrick, "Early Development of the Ego," Psycho- analytic Quarterly, 20 (1951), pp. 41—61; M. F. Ashley—Montagu, oo. cit., p. 2. to examine the relationship between personality and social structure. Following Murphy, man will be regarded as " . . . nodal region, an organized field within a larger field, a region of perpetual interaction, a reciprocity of outgoing and incoming energies."32 According to this eclectic view, man is neither atonomous, nor a whole defined entirely by iris socitrl envirmnunont, inlt a H. . . Eflnnictuanl orgyu1lsm- environment field, each aspect which stands in dyn Mic roln~ tion to other aspects. . . . ”35 Lovinson too has emphasized that the relationships betweew11xih: definitions, personality, and social structure must be placed analytically in both ) interpersonal and structural—environmental conicxts.34 An attempt will be made to focus on the personal system, which represents . . . the totality of the relatively enduring . . . .. .7 . . - I!“ .y. . attributes which Characterize an individual. *- lnysicnl f' -‘ ’I ‘r "‘1‘ rs ' ‘1‘, I. 1‘ V "-r‘ " "‘ "-* 1‘ ‘ \ .1 ’ a 't“ (I’ ., ‘gc, ., ‘5‘ on? atrial nit lbubfib. ldrilcdldrly tho wyw—cn ~:-co c1.“ .' '«1 . 1n...- .. r... J” 1 An»... -., r .1 ,....~.: .. y] y- a, 4. C‘J Lil-1 3 47.. |_‘ .-.. -,,,._'. .— MJ-‘T'- - 7' 'WWH.1HU urn}. erUlle? (New lknwtz Mdlgmm , 194;), £., ,, 11.13 _ . 4-;IL,,(3., 11. 63. after . - . H » . o y F ('1 O , ’ J'Danicl J. LeV1nson, Role, Personality, and yOClWi - 0 0 C ' ' .. _, _ ‘ " ._ .~ ,.,I Structure in the Organizat1onal Sottln-E‘i,y Journal oi Awaval F‘ and o,oinl Psychology, 58 (195;), pm. l70—Ldo. Also pufi a, 1 . Miltor Yingor, ”Research Implications of a Field View of ["1 _ _ ‘ r 3 . H o _ ‘ 'v‘ A r I “q , 70 ' r'n K _v 1‘ r lfi" ’ fl . } ... \ lQiTflfllillty, Amerotwni JOUlllli oi {XSClOIINQ/, xle. (lgo ), £4». 1 7 — 100 . i: <5 In Y i I.) {if . '~ o o 7 H .1 y {w -_ J/Alox Inkolcs and Daniel Leylnson, The 'orsonnl pys and the Sociocultural System in Largo—scale Organizations, ficnoi":‘ "‘3" ’1’)“ " 7C“ '11." 1’.‘ ".‘ th "y"70 4. xvii L SLAFJ. Salli: fl} ,‘ 2. iii/1 5” -_T'I-’ IF-E‘\1.I. Lt d 1-x.)O (It. (14.3 {‘6’ .1- \Jxlio o from differences associ— mal level, his orienta— oth his own and his wife's It would appear that, ed with the fathei s Q SD *5 Cit—T le‘ TECH (D DJWQD -< dg—JWL'TD ca tion toward his work p de behavior toward their c l dre . The more the father's job calls for evaluating he qu iality of a piece of work requiring specialized knowledge and skill, the more likely are both the parents to press the child for achievement, and the mcre FESEIWVE d and cor -ditional in their ex"ression of afiectien. 33 Hence, the value of the father as a socializer depends quality orier tation of his cgcupa— (:4 C) g f If C) :3 CT 3. (D (I) H ‘3 ll SD {L d :5 (L ‘ «2 rs. I ,rx 71- yt'v ’\ rs - ..—- ~ ~ i" .r: ' 7 . ~ ‘« A .A‘ . r 7' ' a 7 7’ -‘ ,lunal role. we can expat: tne father to Socialize th- c21-3 in a manrer consists“: 11th the activities important to the “ rumental role. One salient aspect of that V‘- F f) n) CT. :3 (D 'j H. :3 :5 }_J. U) F J. 7:) U} extent to which the father actually evaluates 11) ( l ("T } J° <1 FJ. ( i {<1 P (”f (I) n the quality of a we crete product This makes him a better role socializer for his sons, a more definite model, and more likelv to pressure the child to achieve and place conditions on exoressiveness. The difficulties of a father with low quality orientation is illustrated by Elkin: Since the boy in our society does not generally see his father at or’, c;e s gnificant dimension of the male mcdel is aft-l -':cur . The story is told of the four~ye:r—w d tcy playing ”Daddy” who put on his hat 2 ”BIoid., ,. 22. high quality orientatlc n involves the e.aluatiod of a product as egainst the maintainance of oper— a“i-ns. For e.ample, can rast the skilled craftsman with the business man. Brim nay haze equal education and income, but ‘he farmer is likely ta be more cor cerned with the qua'ity of crk'amsnlp ”L fgkfi jo, that he does, while the latter :njla:‘ze. e’_ ”Were? malnialning ”contacts,” and gross ' -um of <»13s S 1 1r" c"r .t the soientist and the and cOat, Said "Goodbye,” and walked out of the front door, only to return a few minutes later because he didn't know what to do next.3 The father's status level and quality orientation of his work, from Cottrell's Propositions, and from the above discussion, leads the child to adequate adjustment to his future roles. The rewarding of boys for certain kinds of actions, as we have seen,is intentional instruction for learning a generalized sex role. This role learning, as we have also seen, varies directly with the clarity and visibility with which the father provides an interactive role socializer. On this, Broffenbrenner writes: With amount of schooling held constant, parental behavior changes also as a function of the father's occupational orientation. Among families for whom the father's Job is classified as quality oriented, the parents—-especially the fgther——are likely to Spend more time in the home.3 This leads, as cited, to achievement demands and more conditional expressiveness of father to son. For lower occupational levels, however, the fathers are more auth— oritarian and the parental rules are more highly differen- 6 tiated.3 But high differentiation of roles, per se, does not facilitate socialization. It is not enough that the roles be differentiatedu-they must be differentiated with _-‘* hum-w.-. . u . - 3 Frederict alkin, The Child and Society: The Processes of Socialization (Now York: Random House, 1960), p. 54. 3SBroffcnbrenner, op. cit., p. 22. 36Ibid. ' A '- ’ a ‘\ 7“ 4" V '7’ ‘1 7 A 3 ; C h ‘ ‘ N K ) V the lather the ijDquhcntgl immulnc, mad the mother the ex- ressive leader. Brolfertrenner also found that lower class *0 fathers tend to have little instrumental value and interact expressively with their children. This phenomenon, defined as role reversal, is postulated to inhibit socialization. Another stratification variable, parental education, is also related to role socialization. On this, Broffen— brenner reports that high educational level makes little difference on allocation of the expressive role, but that as educational level increases, the father increases in instrumental socialization value. The father ”. . begins to approach the mother in the exercise of both posi— tive and negative reinforcement toward the child. AchieVe— ment demands, principled discipline, and instrumental companionship are more likely to come from both parents rather than principally from the mother, as in the less well-educated family."37 The above discussion shows that there is variability in the allocation of the instrumental and expressive roles 1 between tne mother and the father in American socie CT (1 y. I is not only the case that the roles are not highly differ— entiated, they may even tend toward reversal. Reversal does not facilitate socialization. For the boy child must learn to perform instrumental roles in non—family interaction 37'rk0 r‘ . .LL/lds’ pp. (1‘22. 89 and the girl child must learn to perform expressive roles in non-family interaction. Leik writes that ". . . the male is more apt to have responsibilities calling for instrumentality, while the female is more apt to need ex- pressive behaviors."38 Leik also shown that it is characteristic of the mother and the father to manifest both instrumentality and expressiveness to their children. There is considerable evidenct that this contributes to the child's role adjust— ment. Since this is extremely important to this book, this evidence will be presented in some detail. Elder, in a cross-national study of-parent-child and conjugal role patterns, found the structure of these roles, especially of parent-child roles, to be important determin— 39 ants of achievement motivation and skills. He writes: Many of the personal qualities and skills that enable children to meet standards of excellence-- self-reliance, competent Judgment, problem-solving ability, and a questioning mind--are acquired in parent-child relations providing guidance and yet Leik, op. cit., p. 132. 39Glen H. Elder, Jr., "Family Structure and Educational Attainment: A Cross-National Analysis," American Socio- logical Review, 30 (1965), pp. 81-96. Also see, David C. McClelland, The Achieving Society (Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand, 1958), pp. 135—194; Glen H. Elder, Jr. Adolescent Achievement and Mobility Aspirations (Chapel Hiél, N. C.: Institute for Research in Social Science, 19 2). allowing the child freedom to develOp independent mastery andresponsible decision—making. The data support the view that conjugal role patterns also influence the acquisition of self-confidence and mastery in children, and that the most negative effects are associated with wife—dominance, i.e., with conjugal role reversal.“l Earlier, Elder had reported that American adolescents who had dominant mothers were relatively low on academic moti— vation and garaautonomy.42 This result is also consistent v I with Devereux at al., who had found that American and Nest German pre—adolescent boys in role reversed families were rated by teachers and their peers as selfish, incompetent, excitable, and dependent.“3 Elder found that the highest attaining children in his study were those who had equalitarian conjugal relations between their parents (neither role reversal nor a dominant uOIbid. ulElder, "Family Structure," ibid., p. 81. Elder cites W. D. Wall, F. J. Schonell, and Willard C. Olson, Failure in School (Hamburg: UNESCO Institute for Education, 13623, and Bernard C. Rosen and Roy C. D'Andrade, "The Psychosocial Origins of Achievement Motivation,” Sociometry, 22 (1959‘, pp. 185-218. ugGlen H. Elder, Jr.,"Family Structure and the Trans— mission of Values and Norms in the Process of Child Rearin ' (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of North Carolina, 1962), pp. 17e25. u3See Edward C. Devereux, Jr., "Children of Democracy: On the Consequences for Children of Varying Patterns of Family Authority in the United States and West Germany," summary of a paper presented to the Seventh International Seminars 1 father), and democratic relations in interacting with their parents.LM Articles by Sears“5 and by Payne and Mussenu6 have shown that identification with the father, playing the father role, and "masculinity” of attitudes are positively related to the father's being warm, affectionate, and rewarding; i.e., the father that has expressive value is also the best instrumental role socializer. Bowerman and Elderu7 have shown that "Fathers who neither share nor individually assume leadership responsibilities in family affairs and childrearing were relatively unlikely to be perceived as a major source of support and encouragement.” Mussen's findings support Mowrer's "developmental hypothesis of identification” and indicate that strong identification on Family Research, Washington, D. C., 1962, Edward C. Devereux, Jr., Urie Broffenbrenner, and George J. Suci, ”Patterns of Parent Behavior in America and West Germany: A Cross—National Comparison," International Social Science Journal, 14 (1962), pp. 488-506. Cited in Elder, ”Family Structure,” op. cit., p. 81 ff. qulder, op. cit., p. 8A. ASP. S. Sears, ”Childrearing Factors Relating to Playing of Sex-Typed Roles," American Psychologist, 8 (19333, p. “31. A 6D. E. Payne and P. H. Mussen, "Parent Child Relation and Father Identification Among Adolescent Boys,” Journal c Abnormal and Social Psychology, LII (1956), pp. 359—362. M. ’ ‘. 7Charles E. Bowerman and Glen H. Elder, Jr., ”Varia— tions in Adolescent Perception of Family Power Structure,” American Sociological Review, 29 (196“), p. 567. 92 with the male role is shown in the development of a pattern of sex—role behavior rather than in the development of a few isolated sex-appropriate characteristics.148 Strong masculine identification was shown to be related to indices of personal adequacy and emotional stability. In addition to an inability to develop adequacy and stability in the personality, Epstein and Liverant have shown that boys who are low on masculine identification are less easily condi— tioned: In general terms, they are less educable.“9 Mc- Guire supports this generalization, as his study showed that sex—role development affects the performance of Junior high school students on cognitive and non- cognitive instrur ments selected as potential indicators of talented behavior.50 Hartley presents impressive bibliographic and primary evidence that the male role demands on the adolescent boy 51 create serious adjustment problems. For instance, uBPaul Mussen, "Some Antecedents and Consequences of Masculine Sex—Typing in Adolescent Boys," Psychological Monographs, 75 (1961). ugRalph Epstein and Shepard Liverant, "Verbal Condi- tioning and Sex—Role Identification in Children," Child Development, 34 (1963), pp. 99—106. 50Carson McGuire, "Sex Role and Community Variability in Test Performances," Journal of Educational Psychology, 52 (1961), pp. 61-73. 51Ruth E. Hartley, "Sex-Role Pressures and the Social— ization of the Male Child," Psychological Reports, 5 (1959), 457—468. Among the studies cited: D. G. Brown, "Inversion and Homosexuality,” American Journal of Orthgpsychiatry, 28 (1958), pp. 424-429; Esther Laden Cava and Harold L. Raush, "Identification and the Adolescent Boy's Perception of His 93 the higher rates of referral of boys over girls to child centers has ". . . long pointed to the markedly greater incidence of failure in social functioning in boys as com- pared with girls."52 Males are more apt to engage in delinquent behavior.53 Of the gifted, male youth are more 5“ apt to be underachievers than girls. Through a sifting of this evidence, and through interviews with Al eight and Father," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, A7 (1952), pp. 855-856; S. W. Gray, "Masculinity-Feminity in Relation to Anxiety and Social Acceptance," Child Develop— ment, 54 (1956), pp. 87-109; S. W. Gray and R. Klaus, ”The Assessment of Parental Identification," Genetic Psycho— logical Monographs, 54 (1956), pp. 87-109; R. D. Tuddenham, "Studies in Reputation: III. Correlates of Popularity Among Elementary School Children," Journal of Educational Psychmdogy, A2 (1951), pp. 251-276; R. D. Tuddenham, Studies in Reputation: I. Sex and Grade Differences in Smoool Children's Evaluation of Their Peers. II. The Diagxmmis of Social Adjustment," Psychological Monographs, 66 (1952), No. 333. 52Ibid. Also see: Department of Mental Hygiene, §£§te~of New York: 1956 Annual Report (Albany, New York: D8partment of Mental Hygiene, 1957); Department of Mental HYEiene, State of California, Statistical Report, Year Eflltng June 30, 1955 (Sacramento, California: Department Dflflental Hygiene, 1957); G. M. Gilbert, "A Survey of Referral Problems' in Metropolitan Child Guidance Centers," Mal of Clinical Psychology, 13 (1957), pp. 37-140; 0. A. Ullman, Identification of Maladjusted School Children, Public Health Monograph No. 7 (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1957). 53E. F. Schwartz, "Statistics of Juvenile Delinquency in the United States," Annals of the American Academyof BELLEical and Social Science, 261 (1989), PP- 13‘1“- Pr 5“J. C. Gowan, "The Underachieving Gifted Child, A Buoblem for Everyone," Exceptional Child, 21 (1955), pp- 7~249 and pp. 270-271. 94 eleven year old males, Hartley concluded that there are four major adjustment problems in the male sex role: "Sources of conflict expressed by these young children are lack of adequate models, extensive supervision by women, conflicting nature of multiple role demands, lack of clear, positive definition of the male sex role in socialization practices, and rigidity of role demands."55 Brim, too, emphasizes that adjustment problems in the male adolescent are predictible from role theory. Since interaction between two persons leads to assimilation of roles, and ". . . insofar as warm, affectionate, and rewarding fathers interact more with their sons, or are perceived as such because they interact more, it follows that the sons have more experience in taking their role."56 This is similar to Homans' friendliness-interaction hypothesis. This hypothesis, as formally restated by Simon, states that the level of friendliness between people in a group increases if the actual level of interaction is higher than that "appropriate" to the existing level of friendliness, while if very friendly people interact seldom, their level of friendliness will weaken. Formally, where I(t) is the level of interaction as a function of 55Hart1ey, op. cit., p. 466. S6Orville G. Brim, Jr., "Family Structure and Sex- Rgle Learning by Children," Sociometry, 21 (1958), pp. 1- l . 95 pime, and F(t) is the level of friendliness with respect to .57 time, we have. dF(t)/dt = b[I(t) - cF(t)]. This formalization suggests that there may be--as Broffenbrenner has postulated—-an optimal distribution of expressive support and instrumental means for a parent to have, in terms of producing social adjustment and growth for the child. Evidence also exists to support this con- ceptualization. Broffenbrenner's analysis of data on the distribution of parental roles led him, pppp ppp, to the conclusion that there is an "optimal level" of support and means (expressive and instrumental) that parents should provide, somewhere between the extremes of only affection from the parent or only authority.58 The optimal distribution was found to be different for boys and girls. Extremes of either affection or disci— pline were reported to be deliterious for all children, but 57This hypothesis was developed after an inductive examination of several empirical studies, in George C. Homans, The Human Group (New York: Harpers, 1950), pp. 119-121. For Simon's formalization of this, and related propositions, see Herbert Simon, "A Formal Theory of Interaction in Social- Groups,” in Herbert Simon, Models of Man: Social and Rational (New York:. John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1957), pp. 99—115, esp. p. 101. . ” 58Urie Broffenbrenner, "Toward a Theoretical Model for the Analysis of Parent-Child Relationships in a Social Context," in J. Glidewell, ed., Parent Attitudes and Child Behavior (Springfield, Illinois: C. C. Thomas, 1961), pp. 90-110. Also see: Urie Broffenbrenner, "The Changing American Child: A Speculative Analysis," Journal of Social Issues, 17 (1961), pp. 6-17. Elder, "Family Structure," op. cit., pp. 81-96. 96 the risks entailed varied by sex. Girls are prone to falling too far toward the instrumental end, and boys to falling too far toward the expressive end. The maximum point is farther toward the instrumental end for boys, which is also indicated by previously cited research. Hence we see that the allocation of these two roles differs between societies, and within societies. Various aspects of stratification--class, father's occupation, quality orientation of father's occupation, and father's education—~have been shown by this secondary data to be important variables in the socialization of children by parents. Possession of these attributes by parents facilitates socialization and personality adjustment. All of these attributes are, of course, entirely absent in the broken home in which the father is absent. Sears, Pintler, and Sears have shown that in families where the father is absent the male child will develop male sex role traits more slowly than when the father is present, as there is no father whose role the child needs to take.59 Data comparing the behavior of adolescent boys in broken versus unbroken homes does not always yield sig- nificant results; however, as the cause of pathological 59R. R. Sears, Margaret H. Pintler, and Pauline S. Sears, "Effects of Father Separation on Pre-School Children's Doll Playing Aggression," Child Development, 17 (1946), pp. 219-2 3. 9/ behavior-~such as delinquency-—is family disorganization, and, as Browning points out, "Broken home, as it is generally defined, does not appear to be a valid indicator of family disorganization."60 In later chapters, we will examine data relating to parental socializing attributes and behavior of the child. In Chapter V, parents will be studied in terms of peer interaction. In Chapter IX and X, parents will be studied in terms of purposive role socialization to educational and occupational goals. The text has now reached the point where the race variable can be integrated into the analysis. The whole theoretical elaboration of this book is directed at an analysis of differential socialization of Negro and white youth. Hence, we are now prepared to turn directly to the topic of this section's title, the analysis of ”race and the structure of sex roles in the American family." Evidence will be presented to support the following statements. First of all, the sex roles of Negro and Caucasian parents in the United States are not identical. The American Negro female parent is more instrumental than the American white parent. Also, the American Negro male parent is less instrumental than the American white male parent. This 60Charles J. Browning, "Differential Impact of Family Disorganization on Male Adolescents," Social Problems, 8 (1960), p. 43. Also see F. Ivan Nye, Family Relationships and Delin- qpent Behavior (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1958); Jackson Toby, "The Differential Impact of Family Disorganization," American Sociological Review, 22 (1957), pp. 505—512. \O a}. allocation, for many roles in American society, is not optimal for socialization. Further, the allocation of roles of parents varies in the direction that entails the greatest risks for improper socialization, and poor personality adjustment and integration. This situation, in which the Negro female parent is more instrumental than the white female parent, and the Negro male parent is more expressive than the white male parents, indicates relative role reversal. Among Negro families, the parental sex roles have more cross—sex traits than do white parents. This phenomenon is charac— teristic of both low social class and of minority racial status. It has been shown to retard the socialization process. A brief examination of Negro history provides clues into how this parental role reversal came about. There is vast literature dealing with Negro history, much of which is sociological. No purpose would be served by attempting 'a review of this literature here. Instead, a limited amount of information related to the sex roles of adult Negroes will be presented. The Negro female was, under slavery, and is today, the most permanent and dependable member of Negro society, especially with respect to the socialization of the young. On this Burgess and Locke write: Under slavery the mother remained the important figure in the family. The affectional relations of mother and child developed deep and permanent attachment. Free quently, also, the father was a member of the family group, but often the relationship was casual and easily broken. 99 Then, too, Negro husbands were sold more often. These and other factors contributed to the develOpmenE of a matricentric form of the family during slavery. 1 In the dominant white society, however, the father is the "instrumental leader." He achieves this role-—accord- ing to Parsons-~primarily through his occupation. It is this that makes him an adequate role socializer for the male child, in terms of gaining a sexual identity. In the sub-dominant Negro society, the father shares the instru- mental role with the mother, and is hence a less adequate role socializer. The Urban female Negro parent, because of her better chances of employment vis-a-vis her husband, retains a high status in the family. Lott and Lott found that this situation is reflected in the occupational plans and aspirations of female Negro high school students. They report: The striking lack of interest shown by the Negro girls in homemaking as a primary goal . . . can be viewed as an accurate reflection of reality. Since the majority of Negro mothers were reported to be employed outside the home, it is not difficult to 61Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The Family: Egom Institution to Companionship (New York: American Book Company, l9h5), p. 161. Also see Hortense Powdermaker, After Freedom: A Cultural Study of the Degp South (New York: The Viking Press, 1953), p. 1A7. Kardiner and Ovesey point- out that under slavery the female ". . . had a higher use Value to the group, because of her sexual value to the white male. She was the only member of the group who was capable Of entering into some reciprocity with her white master, as mistress, as mother of lighter-skinned Negroes, and as mammy tO White children... . ." Abram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, EE§_Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Personality of £fl§_American Negro (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1962), p. 3H8. lOO understand how a young Negro girl might come to see herself as a source of income, first, and to take for granted the secondary role of housewife.62 In another context, they add that ". . . Negro girls thus seem to be relatively more masculine or 'hard—headed' in their interests and orientations (than white girls), and relatively more concerned with attainment outside the home."63 The Negro male is at an extreme disadvantage in economic competition. He is, as is often observed, the last to be hired and the first to be fired. If employed, Negroes are more apt to have low status occupations. Blood and Hamblin have argued that the occupational role of the husband is not very predictive of family power (control of the instrumental role), relative to other factors.6u Certainly there are other causes of sex role allocation in the Negro family. But apart from the causes of power, it is apparent that the Negro female parent 3; , 62Albert J. Lott and Bernice E. Lott, Negro and White Youth: A Psychological Study in a Border-State Community (New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1963), p. 73. 63Ibid., p. 77. 614Robert 0. Blood, Jr., and Robert L. Hamblin, "The Effects of the Wife's Employment on the Family Power Structure," Social Forces, 26 (1958), p. 351. This finding suggeSt Parsons may have overemphasized the importance of the father's occupation on socialization. Russell Middleton and Snell Putney, in "Dominance in Decisions in the Family-- Race and Class Differences," American Journal of Sociology, 65 (1960), pp. 605—609, found that the wife increased in dominance with respect to minor decisions if she did pp: work. powerful in the family relative to the white female (for which the trend is towards equalitarianism).65 The Negro female parent, because of her instrumental power, is able to make demands on her husband to share in the expressive role, to perform expressive tasks. This too indicates a tendency toward role reversal. Thus, the Negro father acts in accord with a role that is defined differently than that of the white father. In terms of the dominant white role allocation, the socializa- tion of the Negro father is "arrested" short of full adult status. On this Davis writes: interesting to notice that in relationships between the color castes in the South, or between lower-class and upper—class individuals of the same color group, the individual of subordinate status is treated as if he had child status. White servants, for example, as well as almost all Negroes, are called by their first names by the high-status whites; a Negro man, furthermore, is cgéled "boy" and a Negro woman "girl" by most whites. The impact of this lack of parental role maturity in the Negro father spreads to child socialization, via the attitudes of the sexes to each other. On this, Kardiner and Ovesey write: 65Blood and Wolfe contend that equality between spouses is increasing and that women are more frequently stepping into the primary role in the family. See Robert Blood and Donald Wolfe, Husbands and Wives (New York: The Free Press Of Glen— coe, 1960). This study, like many others, uses a conceptual framework developed by Herbst. See P. G. Herbst, "Conceptual Framework for Studying the Family," in O. A. Olsen and S. B. Hammond, eds., Social Structure and Personality in a City (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 195“), pp. 126-137. 66Allison Davis, "American Status Systems and the Social- ization of the Child," American Sociological Review, 6 (1941), p. 351. The lower class Negro female car nnot be "feminine" nor the male "masculine " Their roles are reversed. Since these values are just the opposite from what they are in the white society, and since the values of white society are inescapable, the male fears and hates the female; the female mistrusts ar d has contempt for the male because he car nnot validate his nominal masculinity in practice. ( On this, Lott and Lott found that, in a study of four border state community high schools: Negro females (tend) to manifest a more typically male orientation toward certain goals. For example, Negro females tended to score hlg er han the white females on the theoretical and political values sc les, and lower on the religious scalest The Negro iris also sccred lower on the love and affection scale of the CPI. In addition, not one of the Negro girls indicated a desire to be a housewife in contrast to 24 per cent of the whlte girls, and the occupational desires of the former were for higher stat us jobs than those of the latter. (Ihis was not true ogathe Negro boys 1 com— parison with the white boys,. In this study, information was obtained on six dimen- sions of personality, three of which can be subsumed under U? h (D nstrumental rubr1c,nd three, the expressive. These p data were not explicitly :nterpreted in terms of sex roles, but can re readily used for that purpose. Th (D scores will be reproduced here, for school leaders in each cf the four m H C)‘ (D of (D (j: d C (n (U (L C \O 5 l I ‘ :r , "I A. race sex group'. eveloped by Levy,’U O7Kardiner and Cvesey, op- Clt., p. 349 68 . . . _ .,l Lott and Lctt, pp. cit., p. 161—162. 6 - , 91b1d., Appendix c 7:- _ . .. . , ,ll . _ 'Coercme levy, "Readability level and Blilerential Test Performance: A Language ReVisicn cf the Study of Values," Joirnal pf Edu oca ational Psychclpgy, 99 (1955), pp, 5-13, and is in the .Allport, \er non, and Lindzey- Stdd“ Of \aluesc7l As mentioned, three of the values from this test can be categorized as 1 Ms rumerltal, and three as expressive: INSTRUMENTAL VALUES Treo reti cal—-dominant interes in the discovery of trut , in ordering and s stematiz;ng Eéifiled 3, through observation nd reasoning. _ _“___‘ est in what is usefil, in the practical ess, and in the accumulation of wealth. o;itioal--primary interest in ppieg, competition, . _ - A. .. ., ‘..\._.l 'fi, iniluen,e and rencun (in ary \ocaticn, not necessarily A1§l~lf~~\ v,--bT\:-A|y\tc/“ _§§§h§ti§r-interest in form and harmogy, in grace and symmetry, and in the artistic episodes of life, which are regarded as a procession oi events in which each impression is en‘cyed for it own sake. _ocial-—characterized by love oi peo pie, altruism or phi;ant ropy, kindness, sympathy, nd urselfishness. Rel; ious-—i nterest in the mystical and in comprehending the unity of the cosmoi and man's relations to it./ In the following “ab e, we predict that, in the Negro group, boys are more expressive and less iml tr umental relative to gi rls than ir; the white group. The relative expressiveness of boys and girls can be derived by a sim'le ratio of the mean scores on each of the six values for boys and girls. The so ores, ratios of scores, and hypotheses tested are presented 71 Gordon N All port, Philip E. Vernon, and Gardner Lindzey, Nangai_ of Di reoti oni: Study of Values (Boston; oughtcn— —Mifflin l93l;. 72Lott and Lott, op.cit., pp. lA-lB. Emphasi in text. .mm .a .w.: mapmg “Ammma ..ocH «QOQmCHB Ucm Unmzmcfim pao: ”xpow 3mzv mpHCSEEoo wumwmlmepom m CH wwsum HmOHwOHogozmm < “cpsow mpfisz ccm opmmz appoq .m mOHspmm new upoq .m pumnfi< "mousomm 104 mmzam> m>ammmhaxm mmsam> HmucmszhumCH mmpoom mSHmb .m>HpHmom m m>HpHmom m m>HuHmom mm>Humwmz mm>fiuflmom mm>HuHmom ”muHSmmm .AmfivA Amv ”AfifivA Amv MAOHVA Any MAmvv Amy ”vav Amv ”Auvv Adv ”mammgpoamm Ho.v Hoo.v Ho.v mo.v Hoo.v Ho.v a mm.m Nn.m H:.m H©.m mH.: mm.m mmhoomlp ANHV AHHV AOHV Amy Amy ANV mm. :m. mm. mH.H mm.H NH.H meHw\mmom ”oapmm om.mm mw.m: om.mm mm.:m mm.mm ma.wm Amav whom mufinz om.mm am.mm m~.:: ow.o: am.fiz po.mz Azflv whom mafia: mo.v m: ms Hoo.v mu m: a mw.m mm. pm.a ma.: :2. om. mmhoomup Amv Amv Aav Amy Amv AHV mm. mm. :m. mm.a mo.H mo.H mapfio\m»om ”afipmm 5m.mm mm.:: mm.mz mm.am mH.:m ma.m: Amav mapfio onmmz mo.mm mm.mz wm.m: :m.mm Hm.:m NH.:: AFHV mmom opmmz OHpmnpmm amaoom .mHHmm .HHom OHEocoom .omne Hpfio\zom "oapmm sz xmm momm m.mpmnmmq Hoonom mom .xmm 6cm momm an appoq cam uuoq an vmcHMuno mmsHm> mo musum vmwhacoz m.»>mq co mmsHm> xam you mmpoom cmmzlla.m mqm¢e 105 Within each race group, girls have lower instrumental value scores and higher expressive value scores than boys. This result is true of all twelve cases. Comparisons of scores between races, however, supports the idea that there is an instrumental—expressive role reversal in the Negro group, when compared to the white group. For instrumental values, the ratios of boys' scores to girls' scores can be expected to be highest in the white group; this predicted pattern is found for theoretical and economic values, but not for political values. For expressive values, the ratios of boys' scores to girls' scores can be expected to be highest in the Negro group. Here, the predicted pattern is followed for all three values--religious, social, and esthetic. In summary, five of the six predictions are supported by Lott and Lott's data for school leaders. There is no theoretical reason, however, to suppose that the sex differences within each race would not hold for the entire sample. On the contrary, the data in Table 3.l are conservative in that Negro leaders may be less apt to have their parents' roles reversed, and the sub-sample of leaders is small. Fortunately, Lott and Lott present statistical data for the entire sample. We can expect the means for boys and girls to be more alike within the Negro group than in the white group: the t-scores should be smaller for the Negro group for all six values. The data are reproduced in Table 3-2 as they are important to the theory presented in this chapter. 106 TABLE 3.2--Direct Comparisons Between the Sexes Within Negro and White Students, for Lott and Lott's Total Sample.a Negro White Value Scale t df p t df p Theoretical .90 108 ns “.78 176 <.001 Economic 2.73 108 <.Ol 5.22 176 <.001 Political 3.59 108 <.001 6.59 176 <.001 Religious .98 108 ns 3.94 176 <.001 Social 3.73 108 <.001 5.78 176 <.001 Esthetic 1.41 108 ns 7.00 176 <.001 aSource: Albert J. Lott and Bernice E. Lott, Negro and White Youth: A Psychological Study in a Border—State Community (New York: Holt Rinehard and Winston, Inc., 1963), p. 196. The above table shows that the predicted pattern is observed for all six values. For the leaders, the boy/girl r'atio had been slightly higher in the Negro group: t 4.19, p <.001 for Negroes and 2.61, p <.O2 for whites. t Earlier in this section the point was made that the sex role reversal vis—a-vis the dominant Caucasian pattern in the Negro race is not optimal for socialization. Further, it was shown that the allocation of roles of parents varies in the direction that entails the greatest risks for improper social- iazation, and for poor personality adjustment and integration. Given this situation, it can be anticipated that there will exist a felt need on the part of Negro youth to attain roles commensurate with their sex: Negro boys should desire to be more instrumental than they are; Negro girls more expressive. 107 These needs should not be felt, however, in the dominant white group, as the sex roles are there more properly allocated. Again, data gathered by Lott and Lott can be used to test this conceptualization. The same group of Negro and white school leaders in Table 3.1 were compared on three subscales of Liverant's Goal Preference Inventory (GPI).73 This instrument measures three needs conceptualized in Rotter's social learning theory.7fi The three needs are academic recognition, social recognition, and love and affection in social situations.75 The needs are defined as follows: Academic recognition--Need to be considered competent or good in academic situations . . . to have social behaviors approved and admired by others to gain academic status; Social recognition--Need to be considered competent or good in social activities . . . to have . . . social behaviors approved and admired by others . . . to gain social status; Love and affection-~Need for acceptance and indication of liking by other individuals in a social atmosphere . . . to feel the sheer Joy of being with others regard— less of any advantage to yourself . . . to feel part of a social group, thag is, to be valued as a friend in social activities. 73S. Liverant, "The Use of Rotter' s Social Learning Theory in Developing a Personality Inventory," Psychological Monographs, 72 (1958), No. 2. 7“Julian B. Rotter, Social Learning and Clinical Psy— chology (Englewood Cliffs, N. J. : Prentice- Hall, 195A). 750m this see Lott and Lott, op. cit., pp. 12-13 ff. 6 7 Ibid., p. 13. The test used is presented in Appendix 1. 108 Academic Recognition is clearly an instrumental need. Social Recognition is somewhat expressive, but is an admix- ture of instrumental and expressive needs. Love and Affec— tion is clearly an expressive need. Data testing our hypotheses that Negro boys will show instrumental needs (needs for Academic Recognition), and that Negro girls will show expressive needs (needs for Love and Affection), are presented in Table 3.3. TABLE 3.3--Mean Scores Made on the Goal Preference Inventory for Academic Recognition, Social Recognition, and for Love and Affection, in Lott and Lotté by Race and Sex, for School Leaders. Goal Preference Inventory Scores Race/Sex (N) Academic Social Love and “Recognition Recognition Affection Negro Boys (17) 23.06 16.59 20.35 Negro Girls (13) 19.00 16.00 25.00 RatiozBoys/Girls 1.21 1.03 .81 (l) (2) (3) t-scores 2.82 .37 3.39 p <.01 ns <.Ol White Boys (14) 19.00 18.43 22.57 White Girls (16) 18.19 19.94 21.88 RatiozBoys/Girls 1.04 .92 1-03 (4) (5) (6) t-scores .34 .59 .35 p ns ns ns Hypotheses: (l) >(4); (3) <(6); Results: Positive; Positive. 4 aSource: Albert J. Lott and Bernice E. Lott, Negro and White Youth: A Psychological Study in a Border-State Community (New8York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1963), Table 4.7, p. 9 . 109 Comparisons of sex within each race group indicated no significant differences in the white group. In the Negro group, however, the Negro boys and girls differed significantly on two goals. As predicted, the Negro boys scored highest on Academic Recognition, and the Negro girls scored highest on Love and Affection. These data provide further evidence for the theory developed in this chapter. In regard to this data on perceived needs, the school leaders differ somewhat from the total samples, though the ratios stay in the directions predicted. Within the Negro group, all three t-scores are non-significant. Within the white group, boys feel a significantly greater need for Social Recognition. Also within the white group, girls feel a greater need for Love and Affection. Still further evidence for the need to overcome role reversal in Negro boys and girls can be generated from data presented by Lott and Lott. French's Test of Insight77 was administered to the school leaders represented in Tables 3.1 and 3.3. This test provided measures of achievement and affiliative motives. Achievement Motivation is defined as a "need for the attainment of a standard of excellence," and Affiliative Motivation as a "need for warm and supporting ¥ 77Elizabeth French, "Development of a Measure of Com- plex Motivation," in John W. Atkinson, ed., Motives in Eéfltasy, Action and Society (Princeton, N. J.: Van Nostrand, 1958), pp. 242-248. 110 "78 Achievement Motivation is interpersonal relationships. defined as a need for attaining an instrumental role; Affiliative Motivation, an expressive role. Hence, the same predictions made, and supported, for the data in Table 3.3 should obtain for these data. That is, the need for instrumental achievement should be pronounced for Negro boys, and the need for expressive achievement should be pronounced for Negro girls. Significant differences should appear only in the Negro race group. The boy/girl ratios should follow the pattern obtained in the preceeding table. TABLE 3.4——Adjusted Mean Scores for Achievement and Affiliation Motivations on French's Test of Insight, by Lott Lott, by Race and Sex, for School Leaders.a Race Sex (N) Achievement Affiliation Negro Boys 8.04 6.94 Negro Girls 6.66 8.00 Ratio: Boys/Girls 1.21 .87 (l) (2) White Boys 8.54 8.25 White Girls 9.41 9.59 Ratio: Boys/Girls .91 .86 (3) (4) Hypotheses: (i) ><3>; <2) <. Results: Positive; Not Significant. a Source: Albert J. Lott and Bernice E. Lott, Negro and White Youth: A Psychological Study in a Border-State Community (New York: Holt Rinehart & Winston, Inc.,l963), Table 4.8,p.100. 78Lott and Lott, op. cit., p. 16. 111 Analysis of covariance showed no significant differ- ences between sexes in the two race groups. There was a difference in the ratios of boys to girls in the direction indicated for Achievement Motivation. The ratios for Affiliation, which differ by .01 in the negative direction, are virtually identical. Sexual tensions and aggression between the sexes are another major factor in the instability of the Negro sex roles in the Negro home. The male Negro comes out of an environment that is harsh and demanding: . . the woman is one toward whom he seems fore- doomed to take a submissive attitude, contrary to the commonly accepted ideal. This spoils his sexual attitude. He may or may not emerge with some gross sexual disturbance, like impotence. But he surely comes out of it with a disturbed, unconfident, un- trusting attitude. If he marries, he knows the woman has much better economic chances than he has. Then, his position in the home is already Jeopardized by his preparation for submissiveness to her--in our male oriented society.79 This too, is a structure that came out of slavery. Burgess and Locke, in developing this thesis, state that "This im- portance of the mother's role in the family during slavery in part accounts for the dominant position of the mother and the presence of the matricentric family form in the lower Class and middle class families today."80 ‘ 79Kardiner and Ovesey, op. cit., p. 345. 80The Family, op. cit., p. 162. Also see Charles S. JOhnson, Shadow of the Plantation (Chicago: University of ghicago Press, 1934), p. 335, and E. Franklin Frazier, Negro .QEEant the Crossways (Washington, D. C.: American Council on Education, 1940), p. 204, p. 291. 112 Referring back to the socialization theory developed in this chapter, particularly with regard to the contribu- tions of Freudian and Parsonian phase theory, it is postu— lated that role reversal results in inadequate socialization, in incomplete resolution of the Oedipal phase. Marriage solidarity of two parents is important in the development of the Oedipal child.81 This situation has implications for peer interaction during adolescence, as we shall see in later chapters. Lott and Lott, though they do not focus on sex roles in Negro and white youth, make the following summary state— ment: the usual sex-typed goal orientations found among white youth do not exist as clearly among Negro youth. The greater similarity between Negro boys and girls may be related to less sharply delineated and differentiated sex roles of father and mother within Negro, than within white, families. The relative instability of the Negro home, the higher probability that a Negro mother is contributing to the income by outside employment and the higher prob— ability that the Negro father is absent from the home, contribute to the lesser likelihood that father and mother roles in the home are as distinct as they are in the average white home. Since the availability of appropriate adult males is generally considered a necessary antecedent for the learning of appropriate sex roles by children, the aforementioned conditions may also help to explain the similarity bggween Negro boys and girls in goals and values. 81According to Anna Freud, one principle reason is that it prevents the child from playing the role of the spouse with either parent. From a seminar discussion, cited in Parsons and Bales, Family, Op. cit., pp. 94—95 ff. Also see: Sears, Pintler, and Sears, 0p. cit.; Browning, op. cit.; Nye, 0p. cit.; and Toby, op. cit. 82Lott and Lott, op. cit., p. 161. 113 The secondary evidence presented in the preceeding pages (the state description), in conjunction with the theoretical propositions developed in Chapters II and III, make it pos- sible to derive theorems (hypotheses) about the relative rates of socialization of Negro boys, Negro girls, white boys, and white girls. These four states will constitute the basic unit of analysis of this text. In terms of general processes of socialization, the best performance can be expected from white girls, and the worst from Negro boys, as whites are socialized more rapidly than Negroes and girls more rapidly than boys. This is a partial order- ing, in which it is not clear whether Negro girls and white bOyS Will rank higher on various measures of sociali- zation. It is possible to say, however, that in general the white boys will perform better relative to white girls than Negro boys will perform relative to Negro girls. A rough picture of the status of the mother and father as perceived by students in the four race sex groups can be obtained by looking at responses to the open—ended question: "Of all the people you know well, which three do you admire and respect the most?" Three blanks were provided. Students who answered "Parents" were given one response for "Mother" and one for "Father." This question was asked only in the three Northern schools of the five schools used to provide primary data. (See Chapter I, and Appendices A and B). Since Negro children are in general provided with a get of referents less adequate than that provided for white 114 children, it is difficult to compare the absolute proportions of students who name their mothers and fathers. For instance, a Negro boy may rate both parents rather low on "admiration" and "respect," but rate alternatives even lower, and hence name one or both parents as one of his three "best" referents. We can, however, interpret the relative responses to mother and to father between race groups for boys and girls. The Negro boys, who are postulated to lack a father as a meaning- ful role socializer, can be expected to answer father less often than mother, and the ratio of responses of father to mother should be lowest for Negro boys. The father is also of little relevance for the Negro gipl. She is socialized to assume a position of relative dominance in her family of procreation, and holds her father in low regard. Among the girls, Negro girls should have a lower father/mother ratio than white girls. Data are presented in Table 3.5. The highest percentage in the entire table is the 45% of North White High School Negro girls who choose their mothers. Within the Negro group, the proportion of Negroes in the school is inversely related to the respect held for parents. This pattern is not as regular, but works to some extent for the white girls, but not for white boys. Con- trolling for father's occupation was found to reduce this relationship, indicating the relation can be interpreted by the higher overall status of parents in schools highest in the proportion of white students. 115 Aoa Ame Asflv Amew om. Hm. es. oo.s sonoo:\wmnomm ”oeomm Aeomso mm AomeHo mm lasso mm is o mm ”Mmew mates opens Ama Asa Aoa Ame mm. as. mm. om. sosoomxsoeomm ”oaomm em me mm M . . mm negro: Amoeav we Amm v mm Ameev om “homo ma possum mahaw Ohmmz va Ago gov Amy ms.a sm.m oo.~ oo. sosrozxposemm ”cease ma m mm . om sensor Aasmav em Amsoav mm Amoev mm A: V o posses mWom open: Asv Amv Ame AHV me. em. mm. as. posoosxsonomm "oesmm om mm mm hm hmnuox Ammmv mm Ammo mm Ammmv em Roomv om spasms whom onwmz sz a sz m sz a sz a new room efioonom HH< poses nonoz pox“: apnea ohms: nape: .mHoonom :Amnpsoz uxmm cam comm an qoanomm vmuomnmmm can oohfifiv< umoz mouse mo oco mm pocuoz Ucm ponpmm wgfiwoonu masonsum no homuncmohmmilm.m mqm¢a 116 The predicted patterns were observed. Within each sex group, Negroes are less father-oriented than whites, with the single exception of Negro and white boys at North Negro High. This inversion is not significant, as the white boys at this school made only two responses for mother and none for father. Within each race group, boys are more father-oriented than girls, a finding consistent with the claim made in this chapter that fathers play a minor role in the socialization of the girl child. Again, there is one exception in the table: White girls are more father-oriented than white boys at North Negro High. This inversion involves an N of 4 for the white boys. For the Negro group, both boys and girls showed more respect for their mothers than their fathers. This is path- ological (in Murphy's sense) only for boys. For the white group, only girls showed more respect for their mothers. This is non-pathological for both sexes. This adds still further evidence for the thesis that the roles of mother and father are reversed in the Negro home relative to the white home. Limitations of Parents as Peer Interaction Role Models The main institutional link between the growing child and the society to which he is being trained for full parti- cipation, is the school--which is highly stratified by age. Successful performance in the peer group and in the school 117 is highly valued in American society. Success, however, can— not be brought about directly by parents. In fact, doing well in these peer interaction situations has become a pggig for continued emotional support and approval from parents. Parental love, under these conditions, becomes "conditional.”83 Children do not make fine distinctions between the ages of their parents. For parents participate in institu- tional patterns that are not highly stratified by age. In a very real sociological sense, parents are perceived as age equivalent by their children: of course, parents are frequently almost the same age, with the man being slightly older than the woman being a prevalent pattern (as a result of the fact that girls are socialized more rapidly than boys). The child knows that he will eventually become an adult. But he also knows that before he attains this distant goal, he must first enter Junior high school, then high school, and then possibly a vocational school or a college. The adolsecent is well aware that success here is related to the attainment of adult roles; this awareness is heightened by adult sanctions. In these formal educational institutions, behavior must change in subtle ways. Since parents are not differentiated by their age, their friends are not either. Hence, as interactive role models, 83See Margaret Mead, And Keep Your Powder Dry (New York: William Morrow, 1942). Patterns of “conditional love" are exam— ined in this book. This pattern is extreme in the United States, and seems to be characteristic of modern industrial societies with developed educational systems. 118 parents are potential socializers in the following kinds of peer interaction: (1) mother-female friends; (2) father- male friends; (3) mother-male friends; (4) father-female friends; (5) father—mother. In general there are two kinds of peer interaction participated in by parents: same-sex and cross—sex. We will examine each of these five kinds of interaction from the standpoint of the sex and race of children. Same-sex peer interaction between the mother and her female friends is relevant for female children. In American society, there is no doubt that mothers provide a more ade- quate role model for their daughters than fathers do for their sons. The mother does interact with her female peers in the home. Further, the kinds of activities she engages in can also be engaged in by the girl, almost as soon as she is physically able. The qualitative difference between the mother as a role model and as an intentional role socializer is minimal. There is a very early direct apprenticeship in the EQElE feminine role. The activities of housewife and mother are immediately visible to the girl. Parsons points out that ". it is very notable that girls' play consists in cooking, sewing, playing with dolls, and so on, activities that are in "88 a direct mimicry of their mothers. There is also direct mimicry of their mother's same—sex peer interaction. As we 84 Talcott Parsons, ”Certain Primary Sources and Patterns of Aggression in the Social Structure of the Western World," Psychiatry, 10 (1947), p. 171. 119 have seen, role learning by girls is further facilitated by the fact that there is no transition of sex role identifica- tion in the latent electral stage: the role model remains the mother. Same-sex peer interaction between the father and his male friends is relevant for male children. We have seen that the father is not a good intentional role socializer, especially in industrial societies. His role is not visible to the child. The occupational structure has shifted out— side of the home, and increasingly involves production in indirect ways.85 This is pronounced in the middle class, and is increasingly characteristic of the lower class. Parsons points out that ”. . . the things the father does are intangible and difficult for the child to understand, such as working in an office, or even running a complicated machine tool."86 The father has a difficult time preparing his sons to be instrumental: The kinds of instrumental activities they can participate in together are apt to involve the crudest level of instrumental behavior. For example, a father taking his son to a football game (which they both participate in only indirectly) is instrumental role learning on a most larval level. 85For an analysis of this, see Daniel Bell, ”The Breakup of Family Capitalism: 0n Changes in Class in America," in Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology: 0n the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties (New York: Collier Books, 1961), Pp~ 39- 5. 86Parsons, "Certain Primary Sources," op. cit., p. 171. 120 The father is a less adequate instructional socializer for the boy than the mother is for the girl. He is also a less adequate peer interaction role model. For his same-sex peer interactions are also centered outside of the home, in bowling alleys, bars and lounges, outdoor sports, etc. The male child, in contradistinction to the female child, cannot participate in these activities to great extent; further, he cannot even witness them. As Slater points out, the extent to which parents are drawn apart by participation in same—sex groups in the American community is considerable. He adds that: . . the phenomena is also striking in recreational activities, which fall largely into two categories: those which separate the sexes, and those which in- volve a reshuffling of partners. Occasionally we find both, as in the case of the traditional Victorian dinner party, during which husband and wife are always seated apart and after which the sexes retire to dif- ferent rooms. In our society separation of the sexes is perhaps the more dominant form in the lower class, while the reshuffling of partners prevails in the middle class.87 Negro adults participate in more same-sex activities than white adults. As a result, Negro youth have less oppor- tunity to view their parents in cross-sex peer interaction. The Negro father, deprived of much instrumental value in the economy and in his home, does not find much interpersonal role satisfaction from the nuclear family (the mother) or 87Philip E. Slater, "On Social Regression, " American Sociological Review, 28 (1963), p. 357. 121 even from the kinship group.88 For lower class whites, however, the kin unit is a primary source of satisfaction. Lower class Negroes participate in voluntary associations, whereas lower class whites participate in their families.89 Family visiting among Negroes is irregular, and ties are looser. Babchuk and Thompson cite marital instability, frequent common-law marriages, maternal family organiza- tion in the lower class family, illegitimacy, desertion, and overcrowded housing as causes.90 Evidence is meager, but it is highly probable that Negro participation in voluntary organizations is more uni- sexual than for whites. In this generalization, church participation (which is hetero—sexual) is not considered as a voluntary organization.91 88This is a major theme in.the literature on lower class Negro life. See Nicholas Babchuk and Ralph V. Thomp- son, "The Voluntary Associations of Negroes," American Socio- logical Review, 27 (1962), p. 653. For further support of this position, see: St. Clair Drake and Horace R. Cayton, Black Metropolis (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1945); Allison Davis, Burleigh B. Gardner, and Mary R. Gardner, Deep South (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1941), pp. 208—251. 89Babchuk and Thompson, ibid. 901bid., p. 653. 911bid., p. 655. The authors write: "Increasingly, sociologists who have been studying voluntary associations rightly have been reluctant to count religious organizations (church affiliation) as voluntary groups. Lenski presents an incisive rationale for the position that religious organ— izations are different from other voluntary formal organiza- tions." See Gerhard Lenski, The Religious Factor (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1961), pp. 17—19. 122 There are also peer interactions between mothers and male friends. The extent to which such interaction provides a role model for the child is limited, as many constraints are put on this interaction, and as these interactions are relatively infrequent. We have discussed peer interaction between parents and non-parents of the same and the other sex. The remain- ing type of parental peer interaction is the cross-sex relations between the mother and the father. As has been shown in this chapter, this interaction is extremely impor- tant in the intentional role socialization of children. This interaction does not in general qualify peer interaction in the sense of providing a role model for the developing child. On this, D. TenHouten writes: Some instances of cross-sex peer interaction will occur as the father and mother interact, but most of their activity with the children, such as mother serving dinner, mother and father tucking the children into bed, or supervising the children's bath is likely to take place in a context of family roles. This does not qualify as peer interaction. In the sense that peer interaction is used here, defined as interaction between sociological "equals" within a given social structure, it is clear that mother and father are not peers. Their roles are highly structured and differentiated: in terms of the family as a system, they have "complementary" 92Diana TenHouten, "Peer Interaction Models and the Personality of Siblings," in progress, p. 5. 123 roles. It could be argued that if parents are to be good role socializers, they will not be good peer interaction models in their interactions with each other, and visa versa. For, to be good role socializers, the mother and father must be clearly differentiated in their complimentary roles, i.e., the father as the instrumental task leader, and the mother as the expressive task leader. The more dichotomous the role allocation in the family, by definition, the less the extent to which the mother is a peer, and a peer inter- action role model. This conclusion is, of course, limited to father-mother interaction. For the cases of father—peer and mother-peer interaction, good models can be provided by parents, and they can concomitantly be good instructional role socializers. In a modern industrial society like the United States, the success of the socialization process depends upon the parents being adequate role socializers. Their contribution as role models is less crucial. Hence, from the standpoint of the welfare of the Child, it is best that parents are pre- dominantly purposive socializers rather than peer interaction role models with respect to each other. At the same time, as has been emphasized,it is advantageous for the child if parent- peer interaction models g3: provided by the child's mother and father. We have seen in this chapter that such interaction is provided to a more nearly ”satisfying” level for girls than for boys. In the case of both sexes, however, it is also 124 probable that parents are not the principal models for learning peer interaction. The child, and especially the boy, must find peer interaction models elsewhere. In Chapter'rv,we shall see that older siblings are an important peer interaction role model. In Chapter V, data will be presented demonstrating the limited value parents have as peer interaction role models. Then in Chapter VI, high school peers themselves will be viewed as peer interaction role models. Peer interaction depends heavily on the learning of appropriate sex and age roles. As was shown in this chapter, it is parents that are primarily responsible for teaching the child his appropriate sex roles. It will be shown in the next chapter that siblings are complementarx_roie socializers to parents. Parents are particularly important for the learning of sex roles; siblings are important for age roles. Parents, as role socializers, in conjunction with siblings, as role models, are predictive of adjustment to age-sex roles of adolescents and their peers in the high school. The impor- tance of parents and siblings to behavior in the peer group will be the tOpic of the next two chapters. Race differences as well as sex differences will be examined in terms of peer interaction. It is difficult for males, during adolescence, to establish social relations with girls. Since cross—sex role relations are one aspect of integrated roles with unlike components of a social system, 125 and since Negro boys are socialized more slowly than white boys, it can be anticipated that the establishment of cross— sex role will be more difficult for the Negro boy than the white boy. Relatives and Other Adult Socializers Before proceeding to the chapter on siblings, one more set of data will be examined. With respect to Table 3.5, it was mentioned that Negro youth can be expected to name their parents as "Most admired and respected" more than white youth even though their parents are less adequate socializers. This was explained by the fact that Negro youth have a less adequate pgp of referents than white youth. In particular, Caucasians are at an advantage in socialization by important referents. For role socialization, the most relevant refer- ents are parents and teachers. These are the referents with the greatest potential to socialize the child. Hence, we can expect Negroes who have less adequate parents and less adequate teachers, to choose more "marginal" referents most frequently. They should turn to non-parent relatives in the family and to other adults not in the school. To examine this notion, the question on "Most admired and respected" peOple included codes of male and female relatives as alternatives to parents, and minister, priest, or rabbi and male and female "other adults" as alternatives to teachers. Race difference should also be found between the sexes. Because of the sex role reversal in the Negro group vis-g—vis 126 the white group, Negro boys can be expected to "admire and respect" female relatives more than white boys, and male relatives less. Similarly, Negro boys can be expected to admire and respect female other adults more than white boys, and male other adults less than white boys. For both relatives and other adults, the ratios of males to females chosen should be lower for Negro boys than for white boys. For girls, the same results can be anticipated: Negro girls can be expected to admire and reSpect female relatives more than white girls, and their male relatives less. Similarly, Negro girls can be expected to name their female other adults more than white girls, and their male other adults less than white girls. As with boys, the ratios of Inales to females chosen should be lower for Negro girls than ‘Nhite girls for both relatives and other adults. Data on the percentages of students in each race sex Esroup naming the various referents as one of three most admired and respected people are presented in Table 3.6. The ratios of males to females given for relatives and other Eidults by each race sex group, for "All Schools," are pre- 8 ented in Table 3. 7. The frequencies with which Negro and white students ITleantion these "marginal" referents is, for "All schools," in tZIue direction indicated. A total of 43% of the Negro boys InEéntion one or more, as Opposed to 42% of the white boys. 27 l maoozom HH< ooHez nosoz ootz nonoz opwmz appoz m m 2 mm pHso< onsom Hocpo : a 3 mm pasp< was: Hmzpo HONONO O HOHOHO HH AOOeV o HOV mH Hooom.oooHsm.soooHeHz mHsHO m o OH ma o>HpmHom onsom opfigz ma Hm w o o>HpmHom was: O s s OH OHsoa oHoEom soeoo O O s m pHsoa oHoz sosoO HOOOHV HH Ammo O Hmsev OH HHOOV NH Hooom.oooHcm.soomHeHz mHHHO mm m ma mm o>prHom oaosom opmoz m mm O m o>HumHom onE H H H O OHsoe oHoEom sosoo OH H NH O oHso< oHoz soeoo HHemHv O HOAOHO O Hmoev O Heo O Hooom.omoHsO.poomHeHz msom m e O mm o>HooHom oHoEom ooHez OH OH OH mm osHooHom oHoz O O H e OHsoa oHeEom poeoo O m O OH OHsoa oHsz nosoo HOOOO O HOMO m HmOmv s HOOOO OH Hooom.oooHsm.soooHeHz osom OH OH OH O osHooHom oHoEom osmoz mH OH OH OH osHooHom oHoz sz a sz R sz s H2O a moeosooom xom momm .mHoozom Chocumoz ”xom paw oomm an .oaqoom omuooomom paw oosHEO< omoz posse so oco mo HHsoa oHosom sonoo one .OHsoa oHoz soroO .Hoomm so .omoHsm spoomficwz .o>HpmHom mama ao>apmaom onEom wchoono mpCoUSOm mo mommpcoopomllw.m mqm(5), (2) '(6), (3) (7), and (4) =(8), in Table 3.7. Only the Negro girls gave more choices to female than to male referents. TABLE 3.7—-Ratios of Students Choosing Male Relatives as Opposed to Female Relatives, and Male Other Adults as Opposed to Female Other Adults, as One of Three Most Admired and Respected People, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Relatives Other Adults Race Sex Male/Female Male Female Negro Boys 1.25 (1) 2.68 (3) White Boys 3.88 (2) 9.56 (A) Negro Girls .42 (5) .60 (7) White Girls 2.22 (6) 1.25 (8) Hypotheses: (1) <(2); (3) <(4); (5) .(5)3 (7) <<8). Results: Positive; Positive; Positive; Positive. CHAPTER 1V ROLE SOCIALIZATION IN THE NUCLEAR FAMILY: SIBLINGS AS SOCIALIZERS Introduction In discussion of socialization in the family, siblings are characteristically neglected, and emphasis is placed on parent-child relations. In the analysis of sociallxafiion, parents, teachers, and other role incumbents tha: ~re pur— posive socializers, or in Sarbin's terminology, *hi* sczjai— , 1 _ ~ ize by intentional instruction, are emphasized. {his was consistent with early theories of socialization, that emphasized direct means of socialization, e.g., parents introducing their children to the usage of money. As social- ization theory evolved, however, it became increasingly apparent that socialization is an extremely complex pron ss, and progresses not only purposively but also in inadveriant r. pH (2 ’1" Ways. The less visible, subtle ways of SOCia.i;g'etV he”. 2 tDeen called incidental learning, and involve processes oi ixientification with, and emulation of, role m dels in the irnitators behavioral field. It has been pointed Cut that \_ 1 H . .. Theodore R. oarbin, "Role Theory,” in Gardner l;ndzey, sci , Handbook of -ial Psychology, Vol. 1, The ry and Mo had f‘ 83; (IReading Mass.: Addison—Wesley Publishing tonpany, in.., 1954),;L 225. 21bid. 130 . ~ ‘ r‘ a A a r\ . ." “N W K‘ '," ‘f' N 7 3". -I - . PA ,—‘ / z“ r‘ i” ,r‘ lfltEHtl'fial 12st :uo t*i on and inciden,el lear.irg opera-: n o . V? ' r‘ 1' A H 4 A ‘ _’ a 3-, fl ‘_ (Q. conJOintly. Yet they are analytically dist not: In in .. tional instruction, the socializee interacts di; reztlv w the socialize ; in incidental learning, th e socia. observes the socializer interact with others. In the preceeding chapter, the thesis was developed that parent socialize primarily by intentional instruction. Thei; success in this endeavor depends on their roles being di ferentiated along an expressive—ins trument a1 continuium. That is, the success of parents as role socializers regv that parents are not peer s to each other. This redu2es their potential as peer interaction role models They ho ever, prOVide eer interac ion re e mod:ls ll inTera with their peers. The structure of Amerioin society ii the types of peer interactions that are available as a model to the child. In this chapter, we shall see that siblings socialize by incidental learning; tieir 1*-rri With peers provides peer interaction role models. 91 ’3 As role theory developed, greater ccgnizarce of t: " 1 ‘_1 , ._ incidental” processes developed, with a corsequer- : a 111 the substantive and theoretical focu us of socializati tineory. Attention came to be focused more and more on SCDCializing agents that are role models and that so::a; bE' incidental learning. A body of literature developed ddolescents and their pe eers: Peers came to be regarded :- s . . e . l C) influential that an ”adolescent subculture" was seen i. L OJ (0 (‘ D 132 exist within the social structure of the American high school.3 We will examine this in the early pages of the next chapter. For now, suffice it to say that a lot of the socialization process has been taken out of the hands of parents and placed in formal educational institutions. Within this context, there has been an increasing emphasis on p33; interaction, i.e., on interaction between ”equals” in a given social setting.“ The increased emphasis on peer interaction has been accompanied by an increased emphasis on siblings as social— izers. Like non-sibling peers in the high school, siblings in the family socialize primarily by incidental learning. The number, order, and sex of siblings, as we shall see, is predictive of sex role and age role adjustment in peer interaction. To summarize, both siblings and peers are role models; parents and teachers, on the other hand, are role social— izers. These labels refer to the two main processes of role socialization: For role models, incidental learning; for'role'socializers, intentional instruction. Siblings R 3James S. Coleman, The Adolescent Society: The Social Ialfe of the Teenager and Its Impact on Education (New York: TVle Free Press of Glencoe, 1961). “The following studies are characteristic: Ibid.; GGEOPge Lundburg and Lenore Dickson, "Selective Association éfnong Ethnic Groups in a High School Population,” American §€¥§%§%g§ical Review, 17 (1952), pp. 23—35; Wayne Gordon, TE: _1__‘g, ystem of the High School (Glencoe, Illinois: The £6296 Press, 1957); H. J. Hallworth, ”Sociometric Relations Ellong Grammar School Boys and Girls Between the Ages of eVen and Sixteen Years," Sociometry, 16 (1953), pp. 59—70. 133 will be studied in this chapter, and peers in tne next two. A significant proportion of the section ”Role Rela~ tions Between Siblings," is adapted from a forthcoming research report by Diana TenHouten, "Peer Interaction Models and the Personality of Siblings." On Psyphoanalytic and Parsonian Theory and Siblings In the preceeding chapter, we saw that Parsons and co~ workers have established great continuity between psycho— analytic theory and role socialization theory in phases of psycho-sexual and sociological growth. Neither Freudian hey rior Parsonian theory has much to say about siblings. fkocus on the meaning of having a sibling for parent—child (éand eSpecially mother—son) relations. Sibling—sibling 811d sibling-peer relations are largely ignored. In psychoanalytic theory, Freud, and especially Adler,) teake the position that lower order siblings gpyy higher Ol?der siblings, because the older ones are more skilled and rrMature, and hence in a better position to gain approval frcm trio parents. Younger siblings, realizing this, ma. hiitred toward older siblings. Older sibling“ hate yo; ger QTies because they received more care and attentio.. in pa:— re rx. ~l’ Ear, boys compete with their brothers f:r the L» M L. ' ' .‘ Vfi ‘ ‘ 7. . ‘ NV , ‘ ‘ ‘ “Alfged Ad,erg that I :fe Shou d Dfixfl 7; k;u e.g‘ 1,7,;+.-l ~.; ~.»; 7 ' "‘83 19.14.), E}. l‘iii-y‘j-i 13“ attention; girls compete with their sisters for their father's attention. Middle order siblings are viewed by Adler as ambitious, but the best adjusted. The youngest child is seen as spoiled: Next to the oldest child, he is apt to be maladjusted. This entire process is called siblingrrivalgy. The psychoanalytic theory of sibling rivalry receives little support from empirical research.6 It is not a theory about siblings, as it is concerned primarily with child— parent relations: Child—child relations are explained entirely in terms of interaction with parents. It is essen- tially a Jealousy theory. It is not a learning theory to the extent to which siblings are not seen as learning from each other. According to Freudian theory, siblings do not social— ize each other in terms of psycho-sexual development. On the contrary, cross—sex sibling relations pose a potential threat of withdrawal of cathexis from larger aggregates to 7 the confines of the nuclear family. Dyadic withdrawal by siblings retards the waxing of erotic instincts which Freud sees as ". . . always trying to collect living substance 6H. E. Jones, "Order of Birth in Relation to the Devel— opment of the Child," in C. Murchison, ed., Handbook of Child Psychology (Worcester, Mass.: Clark University Press, 193l§, pp. AA9-DB7. 7Philip E. Slater, "On Social Regression," American Sociological Review, 28 (1963), pp. 339-364. I35 8 together into ever larger unities.” The social institution which anticipates this possible dyadic withdrawal is the incest taboo° Parsons accepts this view referring to incest as socially regressive withdrawal from ". . . the obligation to contribute to the formation and maintainance O ‘_l of supra familial bonds on which the major economic, p .9 3.. and religious functions of the society are dependent. y agreeing with Freud on this point, Parsons is impli itly saying that siblings are not important to each other in terms of role socializaton. In comparing Freud and Parsons in Chapter III, we saw that the psychological view of family roles led to the conclusion that the oedipal situation is more difficult for the girl to resolve than the boy, whereas the sociological view of family roles led to the opposite conclusion, that it is more difficult for the boy. Here, too, the perspective influences the conclusion. From a psychoanalytic point-of-view, Freud and Adler conclude that siblings are not relevant to each other in psycho—social development. Parsons, from a more nearly sociological view- point, does not deviate from the psychoanalytic view. It will be shown that this view is not entirely correct. 8 Sigmund Freud, NeW‘Introductory Lectures (London: Hogarth, l9u9), p. 139. 9Talcott Parsons, "The Incest Taboo in Relation to Social Structure and the Socialization of the Child,” British Journal of Sociology, 5 (1954), pp. lO6-lO7, ll“. Parsons cites Fortene and Levi-Strauss in support of this position. Also see Slater, op. cit., p. 342. itioal, 136 Regardless of how relevant siblings are to each other in psycho—social development, they clearly gag relevant to each other in terms of role socialization. A jealousy model is not consistent with the sociological conceptualization of role socialization. Parsons' theory of socialization in the family is more sociological than the "mainstreams" of Parsonian theory. But with respect to siblings, the analysis is ”reduced" to a nearly psychoanalytic orientation: There is almost no departure from the Freudian analysis of the Oedipal (and Electral) complex. Learning is discussed not in terms of roles, but of internalization: The process is viewed more in terms of sexual identity than of sex role behavior. With regard to role socialization, the psychoanalytic approach is not very helpful in explaining role socializ :1) tion of siblings by siblings. There are certain over— simplifications, or omissions, in the theory that have been shown by recent research to lead to certain deficiencies. Secondly, Freudian theory, as mentioned, does not lend itself readily to explaining relations between siblings. In the hex; section, we will summarize Parsons' treatment of siblings and then attempt to develOp more adequate theoretical concepts. '1 "7 ’ I *3: sons' nalys sis of Sibi1.g-S*b1in Rel ations in the Nuclear Farrilv : I In review, Parsons contends that the pre—oedipal mother—child system is a two member system, with a ”you H II a me, and a ”non—we." In the second role bifurcation, ". . . 'father' and 'mother' are differentiated out from the earlier 'you' and 'self' (and/or sibling of own sexl and 'sibling of opposite sex' are differentiated out from 10 the earlier 'me'.” The four basic roles in the family are define? by sex and by generation. In the usual Parsonian rtyle, these role definitions are dichotomies. Hence, sits of the same sex are role equivalent. At this stage of development, hree ”identifications” are established, by which is meant internalization of any common collective "1e— categorization” . . . . Two of them are common to members of both sexes, namely internalization of the familial weecategory, and the sibling category, namely 'we children ” The tr ird, by sex, differs for the children 3‘ each sex; in tui third sense the boy identifies with the father, tn: girl with her mother.ll For the third identification the g1“ rl is not making a new identification because children of both sexes identify with lO _ .. . Talcott Parsons, ”Family Structure and the Socializ- ation of the Child, " in Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, in collaboration with James Olds, Morris Zelditch, Jr an” Philip E. Slater, Family, Socialization and Interacti r ocess (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 19)5), Po 73’ 138 the mother at the pre—oedipal phases. This is why the female counterpart of the Oedipus crisis, the Electral crisis, is less traumatic for girls than boys.12 At the electral stage, the girl needs to identify with the father as object only ". . . in his role as instrumental leader of the family as a system, not in the dual role which includes sex—role—model as well."13 In Parsons' theory, the age role is defined by gener- ation. There are along this dimension two roles——parent and child. Children are not differentiated by age, as they are of the same generation. Finer distinctions of age grading are often needed, however. This is such a case. For, except in the case of multiple births, children are of dif- ferent ages. Sibling research has shown that birth order is an extremely important variable in predicting behavior and personal adjustment.lu Older sibs have particular relevance for role socialization. Age will be examined as a variable A. 12Ibid., p. 98. l31b1d., pp. 98-99. l“Diana TenHouten, op. cit.; Charles McArthur, "Person- alities of First and Second Children," Psychiatry, 19 (1956), pp. 47-53; Helen Koch, "Attitudes of Young Children Toward their Peers as Related to Certain Characteristics of their Siblings," Psychological Monographs: General and Applied (Washington: American Psychological Association, 1956), pp. l-Al; Orville G. Brim, "Family Structure and Sex—Role Learning by Children," Sociometry, 21 (1958), pp. l—l6; Helen Koch, "Some Personality Correlates of Sex, Sibling Position and Sex of Sibling," Genetic Psychology Monographs (Provincetown, Massachusetts: The Journal Press, 1955). 139 in sib—sib interaction in this chapter. It will be shown that sibs of the same sex are by no means role—equivalent. There are well-structured role relations between same—sex siblings, that systematically vary by age. There are also well-structured role relations between cross-sex siblings that vary by age. Failure to differentiate between the ages of children in the family is a damaging over-simplifi- cation. This becomes increasingly true in modern industrial societies, where the educational process takes place in schools that are highly stratified by age gradings.15 Under these conditions, we shall see that the presence of older siblings is a valuable asset for the child: In terms of peer interacton, of personality adjustment, and in terms of later attainment of adjustment to adult roles. This is in direct contradistinction to Freudian sibling rivalry theory. The importance of the relative age of siblings for 15Davis points out that the school is American society's most thoroughly age-graded institution. With compul— sory promotion now Operating in most public school systems, we have a form of automatic, involuntary age—grading which has few parallels in primitive societies. In the social life of the elementary or secondary school pupil, great differentiation in rank and clique behavior exists between groups separated by only one or two age-grades." Allison Davis, "American Status Systems and the Socialization of the Child," American Sociological Review, 6 (19u1), p. 3A9. To this, Parsons adds that ". . . in school the child is thrown with others of his age in the same class—-and of course greater refinements of ageograding are emphasized by the fact that a school has a whole series of grades." The school is also seen as being focused primarily around the generational differentiation between teachers and students, whereas the peer group is focused on sex categorization. "Family Structure and the Socialization of the Child," in Parsons and Bales, Family, 9p. cit., pp. 119-115. H E IMO performance in educational institutions is heightened by the fact that these institutions are the only socializing agent that is highly stratified by age grading. The nuclear family, in contradistinction, is conspicuous in the extent to which children are treated alike, regardless of their age or sex. Parsons writes: Birth order as such is notably neglected as a basis of discrimination; a child of eight and a child of five have essentially the privileges and responsibilities appropriate to their respective age levels without regard to their order, . . . . The preferential treat- ment of an older child is not to any significant exter t differgntiated if and because he happens to be the first born. He adds: . the equality of privileges and responsibilities, graded only by age but not by birth order, is extended to a certain degree throughout the life cycle.1 In educational institutions, the primary role stratification is by age: Birth order is not considered, nor is sex to any great extent. This cultural pattern of not differentiating birth order within the family is consistent with extra-familial disregard of a person's birth order. But differentiations of birth order are bases of role socialization of siblings by siblings. The presence of older siblings provides a role model for learning age—specific behavioral patterns that will l6 Talcott Parsons, "Age and Sex in the Social Structure of gge United States," American Sociological Review, 7 (1942), p- 5 l7Ibid. 191 be appropriate at school. The contributions that parents make to learning this finely age differentiated role behavioral patterns are minimal; siblings, on the other hand, provide valuable role models in terms of peer inter- action. On this, Davis writes: children with siblings near them in age have constantly before them the goal of the older siblings, behavior to pace them in learning the appropriate age— sex behavior. The only child, the first child, or a child separated by about six years from his nearest sibling on the other hand, has to face a tremendously steep age-barrier.l8 In a sociological sense, same—sex siblings that differ in age also differ in sex, i.e., older female sibs are more expressive (a female role trait) than their younger sisters; older male sibs are more instrumental (a male role trait) than their younger brothers. Hence, an older sib is a role model not only in terms of age role learning but also for sex role learning. Their is impressive evidence that older 4 l9 siblings facilitate the learning of sex appropriate roles. In summary, this chapter began with a statement that the psychoanalytic theory does not view siblings as a source 18Davis, Op. cit., p. 3A8. 19D. TenHouten, op. cit.; also see the references to Koch and Brim in ff IA of this chapter; Dara Damarin, "Family Size and Sibling Age, Sex Position as Related to Certain Aspects of Adjustment," Journal of Social Ppychology, 29 (1999), pp. 93—102. Other references to sibling research in the TenHouten article include: Ross Stagner and E. T. Katzoff, "Personality as Related to Birth Order and Family Size," Journal of Applied Psyphology, 20 (1936), pp. 340-396; Franz Hillinger, "Introversion as Related to Birth Order,” Zeitschrift fur Experimentelle und Angewandte Psychologie, 5 (1958), pp. 268—276. V 192 of growth and maturation. In terms of role socialization—- which emphasizes the learning of future roles, rather than the resolving of past psychological dilemmas, siblings were viewed as valuable referents. According to the psychoanalytic View, sibling rivalry stems from competition to maintain psychological sex identi- fications with parents.’ The more role conflict and role reversal that exists between parents, the more intense and psychologically damaging this rivalry should be. We already know that there is more sex role reversal and sex role con- flict in the Negro home than in the white home. Hence, we have a means to compare the predictive power of the two con— ceptualizations of siblings and personality growth. Psycho- analytic sibling rivalry theory leads to the prediction that siblings should be most deliterious in the Negro group. Kardiner and Ovesey, in,a psychoanalytic study of Negroes, concur with the sibling rivalry theory. They write: . sibling attitudes in the lower (Negro) class show that animosity and hatred are the rule, with complete severance of relations. But there are many variations of this motif. In some instances, atti- tudes to siblings are friendly, but ties are not currently maintained. In other cases, ties are main- tained by a sense of duty, but attitudes are very hostile. In still other instances, the animosity is so violent that the relations are on a homocidal basis. The deteriorated quality of siblings relationships is easily explained. The opportunities for affection and material necessities in the lower-class child are severely limited. In the struggle to obtain a share of these scarcities, the ensuing rivalry is bitter and enormously exaggerated, in contrast to that be- tween more privileged children. 143 In the middle class, the picture changes considerably. Here, animosity is controlled and ties are maintained, notwithstanding an undercurrent of rivalry. In the upper classes, the attitude is about the same.20 The theory of role socialization developed here leads to exactly the opposite prediction. Since Negroes have more sex role conflict in their families than whites, and since they lack socializing referents, they should learn more from their siblings, not less. The most disadvantaged race sex group of all—-Negro boys--have the most difficulty resolving the Oedipus complex, and establishing a stable adult sex role. As Kardiner and Ovesey point out, " there is little doubt that the persistence of the oedipus complex is a definite indication of retardation of develop— ment."21 This group, according to sibling rivalry theory, should be most hostile to their siblings, and receive the‘ most hostility from their siblings. We predict here that Negro boys should show theistronger benefits from the presence of an older same-sex sibling than any of the other three_groups. Role Relations Between Siblings As mentioned, Parsons shifts his emphasis from role socialization to psycho-sexual "identification” when he con- siders siblings: The perspective is very close to Freud. 2OAbram Kardiner and Lionel Ovesey, The Mark of Oppres- sion: Explorations in the Personality of the American Negro ' (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1952), pp. 67-68. 21;p;g., p. 26. Also see Chapter III of this book. 144 Freud's treatment of siblings, however, takes place only in a context of parent-child interaction. Consequently, there is little elaboration of role relations between siblings in Parsonian theory. In fact, it is implied that siblings barely d2 have a role yipep-yip one another. It will be shown in this chapter that siblings do indeed have role relations with each other, that very systematically with the age, sex, and race of siblings. Siblings clearly perceive age differences among themselves. This perception develOps very early, and is important for socialization. The principal institutional link between the growing child and the society to which he is being trained for full status and social participa- tion is the school—-which is highly stratified by age. A fourth grader that has an older sib in the sixth grade has a highly relevant role model for learning and emulating patterns of interaction that will enable him to adjust to correct behavior in each successive grade. Successful per- formance in the peer group and in the school are highly valued in American society. Parents cannot insure success. Nor can siblings. But siblings can help in very systematic ways. In this chapter, we shall examine data on the effects of older siblings on adjustment to the peer group; in. Chapter V, we shall look at the effects of parents. In Chapter III, we focused on parents as role social— izers and as role models. In this chapter, we shall develop 145 a theoretical extension of this role analysis for siblings as role socializers and as role models. It will be shown that, to a great extent, parents and siblings are compli- mentary referents for the developing youth: Parents are predominantly role socializers; siblings, role models. As role models, siblings are highly relevant for peer inter- action in the high school. As role socializers, parents are of limited value for peer interaction. In Chapter X, siblings will be found to have some value in preparing youth for the attainment of post-high school educational and occupational goals. Parents, however, will be found to be of much greater importance for this purposive role socialization. In a society characterized by the nuclear family, the presence of an older sibling greatly increases the probability that a youth will have both same-sex and cross- sex peer interaction role models. Older siblings bring their peers within the boundaries of the family group, where the younger siblings spend their time. (Parents, as we saw in Chapter III, do not engage in this visible peer inter- action process.) The older sibling, in interacting with his or her peers, provides a model of peer interaction for the younger sib to view; to emulate, and occasionally to participate in directly. In Chapter III, we saw from Parsons' theory that all children in the American nuclear family are differentiated 196 from adults along the power dimension: Children occupy the inferior role, and parents the superior. In this respect, children are peers (role equivalents). This differentia- tion is based on generation: Birth order is not a factor. Children are, however, differentiated according to their sex roles: Boys are inferior instrumental; girls, inferior expressive. In the family structure of the United States, children are treated alike by parents in many respects, i.e., all siblings in a family are in many respects peers to each other, particularly with respect to their pg: roles. Siblings are age peers in the family. But in the school, they are p22 age peers. As children differ in bio- logical age, and enter the school system at approximately the same biological age, they are in different grades in school. Each grade has a certain set of obligations and expectations, i.e., they are age grades. The older sibling has been through the grade his younger sibling is i3. As a result, he or she is able to impart information of how the younger sib should act, and serves as a role model. There are a variety of combinations of younger and older male and female siblings. Each combination will be discussed in this section in terms of socialization of younger siblings by elder siblings. Data from the Northern Schools in the sample will be presented along with the discussion. Before proceed- ing with the theoretical discussion, the nature of the data will be discussed. IA? In sibling research, family size and internal struc- ture introduces many problems of control. For a family containing n children, there are 2n ways to arrange the children by sex and birth order, and n ways to select one child from this family: Thus, there are n2n ways to sample one child from a family of n children. As a result of-this exponential increase in complexity as family size increases, studies of siblings characteristically limit the analysis to small families. This procedure will be followed here. Each sutdent in the sample will have exactly one sibling. The presence of an older sibling of a given sex as an inde- pendent variable will be further simplified, to eliminate interaction between older brothers and older sisters. This will be done as follows: If the presence of an older brother (sister) is the independent variable, the sample members with- out an older brother (sister) will also not have an older sister (brother). Since the members without an older brother (sister) must have one sib, and they cannot have an older sib, they must have one younger sib. These younger sibs will not be differentiated by sex, as they are not important socializers. In summary, there will be two types of samples from which hypotheses will be tested: A. Older Brother B. Older Sister (No other siblings) (No other siblings) No Older Brother No Older Sister (One younger sibling (One younger sibling of either sex) of either sex) 148 The substantive focus here will be on the predictibility of older siblings to success in the peer group of the high school. If older siblings do in fact contribute to the socialization of the child to peer interaction, children with older siblings that socialize should enter into role relations commensurate with the view of socialization devel— oped in Chapter II. A theoretical statement of what happens in the peer group and to the peer group as socialization will be developed in Chapter VI. Here, it will be sufficient to state that the General System conceptualization of the growth process will be shown to be extensile to behavior in the group and pf the group as a sociological entity. As children are socialized, they will form integrated role relations with incumbents of different roles in the social system of the school. In particular, they should increase in the extent to which they form friendship patterns with children of different race and sex groups. It cannot be expected, however, that a race sex group in a school will both give and receive more cross-sex choices than the other sex group of that race. For only a handful of choices crossed both race and sex roles, i.e., there was little choosing between Negro girls and white boys, and little between white girls and Negro boys. Thus, if white boys choose white girls more than white girls choose them back, boys make more choices and girls receive more. This does not make it necessary to throw out one of cross—sex choices made 199 or cross—sex choices received as an index of socialization. But it can be expected that the strength of the relation- ships between older siblings and the weaker of the measures will be attenuated. The weaker measure appears to be choices made, as it is students with the highest status-—that are overchosen--that are the most developed sociologically. The same should hold for cross-race choosing. One would not find consistent evidence in sociological literature that cross-race choosing increases with age, or that it is an index of socialization. From the theoretical statement of Chapter II, however, we can conclude that cross-race choosing lg an index of socialization, as it involves inter- dependence and integration of-unlike role components in the social system. From the thesis that Negroes are socialized more slowly that whites, it can be expected that it will be more difficult for Negroes to establish role relations with whites than for white to establish role relations with Negroes. Sociological research on cross-race roles in high schools does not in general show a marked increase of these roles over age. This is perhaps a result of training and of cultural expectations. In terms of the socialization process here, it is often the case that children are arrested at the differentiated stage in the learning of cross-race roles. (Many popular writers have said that children at very early age do not differentiate among races of their peers, but that they learn to do so. This in itself is not pathological: The 150 same differentiation occurs for sex roles as a natural stage of development. The pathological cultural con- ditioning enters at the third stage. Children are in general able to attain integrated sex roles more easily than integrated race roles.) Sociological research on race does, however, show that Negroes do have more dif— ficulty in establishing cross—race roles than whites. It is a well-established finding that racial and ethnic minorities show a higher level of self-preference than racial and ethnic majorities. Lundburg and Dickson have shown that Negro high school students show greater self- 22 In Chapter VII, we shall see preference than whites. that this finding is supported by data from the Northern High Schools. In addition to the above measures of socialization, -it is desirable to have an overall measure of the integra— tion of students with their peers. One general measure of integration--the final stage of socialization into a system-— 22George A. Lundburg and Lenore Dickson, ”Interethnic Relations in a High School POpulation," American Journal of Sociology, 58 (1952), pp. l-lO. Also see George A. Lundburg and Lenore Dickson, "Selective Association Among Ethnic Groups in a High School Population," American Sociological Review, 17 (1952), pp. 23-35. A recent study by St. John confirms this result: see Nancy Hoyt St. John, ”De Facto Segregation and Interracial Association in High School," Sociology of Education, 37 (1964), pp. 334—338. 151 as suggested by Moreno,23 is the reciprocation of choices made. If A chooses B as a friend, and B also chooses A, they are said to have reciprocated. The prOportion of choices reciprocated should be highest for children with older siblings that are postulated to socialize. The structure of the sociometric data, and the theory of growth in sociometric groups, will be presented in detail in Chapter VI. Students were asked to name their three best friends. From this, it was possible to determine the total sociometric status, the cross-sex sociometric status, the cross-race sociometric status, the cross—sex and cross- race choices made, and the number of reciprocations, for every student in the sample. Since a large majority of students fall into the O or 1 frequency for each of these variables, the items were all dichotomized. We have seen that the independent variables are also dichotomized. Hence, all hypotheses will be tested with 2 by 2 tables. In each relationship, the presence of the older sib and the highest status will have the largest value, so the predicted correlations will be positive for siblings that socialize. (Some situations will be shown ppp to produce socialization.) The significance of phi (of chi-square) will be used as a significance test, and Q/Z max and 23J. L. Moreno, Who Shall Survive? Foundations of Sociometry, Group Psychotherapy, and Sociodrama (New York: Beacon House, Inc., 1953), p. 212. 152 Yule's Q will be used as descriptive measures of association between the independent and dependent variables.2u First, we will discuss socialization ofyounger brothers by older brother's, then socialization of younger brothers by older sisters, then younger brothers by older sisters, and finally younger sisters by older sisters. An older brother provides a same-sex instructional (role socializer by interacting directly with his younger brother. In this respect, he supplements the father. In addition, he is equipped to inform his younger brother of age-appropriate and sex—apprOpriate behavior for peer group interaction. This is attained both directly, through inter— action between the brothers, and indirectly, through the younger brother observing his older brother's interaction with male peers. By watching and emulating this behavior, the younger sib learns how he will be expected to act with his friends when he attains older age grades. To a limited extent, an older brother provides a role model by interacting with his female peers. This inter- action is normally dyadic, and is quite often centered in the girl's home or in adolescent groups outside of either home. 2“ Note: Since the proportions in marginal subtotals will be unbalanced in Tables A l--A.U, Q/G max, which ranges from -1 to +1, will be used as a descriptive measure of association, along with Yule's Q. See Edward E. Cureton, 'Note on 9/9 MAX’" Psychometrica, 2A (1959), pp. 89-91. As usual, "*" and "**" will denote the .05 and .01 levels of significance, respectively, for Q. 153 Hence, the younger brother infrequently observes this inter— action directly; instead, he learns it vicariously, through direct interaction with the older brother. When this is socializing at all, it tends to be characteristic of purposive role socialization. The data for boys and their older brothers are presented in Table 4.1. Striking race differences appear in this table. Negro boys, who lack adequate referents more than any other race sex group, benefit greatly from having an older brother. White boys, gain only on the basis of learning cross-sex interaction, but gain nothing in terms of same-sex interaction. These data add additional evidence to the view that Negro boys have a less adequate set of socializing referents, and will benefit from those that they do have to a greater degree than white boys. Total sociometric status and the number of choices reciprocated are perhaps the most general indices of social- ization in the preceeding table. The correlations were positive, as expected, for the Negro boys. But for white boys there was no correlation for total sociometric status and a weak negative correlation for choices reciprocated. Older brothers socialize Negro boys to cross-race interaction, but older brothers do not socialize white boys to cross-race interaction. These results are highly incon- elusive, however, as there were very few cross-race choices made by either group. 154 TABLE 4.1—-Associations Between Presence of Older Brothers and Selected Indices of Socialization; for Boys With One Sibling, by Race: Northern Schools. Negro Boys White Boys Older Status status Index Brother One One or or More None Total More None Total Total Yes 21 16 37 42 52 94 Sociometric No 27 46 73 96 120 216 Status Total 48 62 110 138' 172 310 9'319*,Q/Gmax=.23 0=.00,fl/0max =.00 Gmax =31, Q=.38 Umax=.74, Q =.00 Cross-Sex Yes 5 32 37 15 79 94 Sociometric No 6 67 73 15 201 216 Status Total 11 99 110 30 280 310 9:.08, 0/0max=.17 G=.14*,0/0max=.28 Qmax=.48, Q=.28 Umax=.90, Q =.45 Cross—Sex Yes 5 32 37 14 80 94 Choices No 2 71 73 18 198 216 Made - Total 7 103 . 110 32 278 310 Q=.21*,0/0max=.57 0=.10*,0/Qmax=.20 flmax=.37, Q=.69 fimax=.5l, Q =.32 Cross-Race Yes 2 35 37 1 93 94 Sociometric No 1 72 73 3 213 216 Status Total 3 107 110 4 306 310 0:.12, U/Umax=.46 0=—.01,Q/Qmax=—.13 0max=.24, Q=.61 Qmax=.08, Q=—.13 Cross-Race Yes 1 36 37 1 93 9a Choices No 1 72 73 3 213 216 Made Total 2 108 110 4 306 310 0=.05, 0/0max=.19 0=-.Ol,9/Qmax=-.13 0max=.25, Q=.34 0max=.08, ‘=-.13 Number of Yes 11 26 37 18 76 94 Choices No 13 60 73 55 161 216 Reciprocated Total 24 86 110 73 237 310 0:.14, 0/0max=.18 Gmax=.75, Q=.32 Q=-.O7,Q/0max=-.2 0max=.34, Q=—.18 155 An older sister also provides a role model for her younger brothers. Her dating behavior is visible to the younger brother; at a minimum, most dates begin and end at the girl's home. An older sister socializes by instructional means only to a limited extent. As boys go through the latent phase of social and sexual development, there is an effort to shed expressive behavior which had been internalized early in the mother—son identity. Hence, the adolescent boy has little need for a role socializer that is expreSsive. An older sister's same-sex peer interaction is neither instructional socialization nor an incidental role model for the boy. The data for boys and their older sisters are presented in Table 4.2. Sisters, like brothers, are of higher utility for the. Negro boy than for the white boy. Older sisters make a sig- nificant contribution to total sociometric status for Negro boys. For white boys, the presence of older sisters has a weak negative relation to total sociometric status. For both races, sisters slightly decrease cross-sex status but slightly increase cross-sex choices made. Sisters are negatively related to cross-race status and choosing for both race groups. As with brothers, the in- frequency of cross-race choosing makes this finding highly tentative. TABLE 4.2—-Associations Between Presence of Older Sis and Selected Indices of Socialization, 156 for Boys (D (D *3 01 t . With On Sibling, by Race: Northern Schools. Negrc B:;‘ White Boys Status Status Index glgigr ne One “ or or More None Total More None Total Total Yes 17 11 29 40 71 111 Sociometric No 2 44 71 96 120 216 Status ’ Total 44 56 100 136 191 327 0=.19*,0/0max=.26 =-.08,fl/Qmax=—.13 Umax=.72, Q=.41 0max=.60, Q=-.l3 Cross—Sex Yes 0 29 29 5 106 111 Sociometric No 6 65 71 15 201 216 Status Total 6 94 100 20 337 327 0=-.16,0/0max=-1.00 0=—.04,0/0m x=—.13 Umax=-.16, Q=—1.00 0max=.30 Q=—.05 Cross-Sex Yes 1 28 29 9 102 111 Choices No 2 69 71 18 198 216 Made Total 3 97 100 27 300 327 U=.Ol,U/0max= .04 7-.00,0/9max = .70 Wmax=.20, Q: .03 flmax=.42, Q = 01 Cross—Race Yes 0 29 29 1 110 111 Sociometric No 1 70 71 3 213 216 Status Total 1 9” 100 4 323 327 ”=—.06,9/wmex=—1.ct 9=—.oc,u/9nax=-.24 Umax=—.06, Q=—1.00 Wmax=.08, Q=—.22 Cross—Race Yes O 20 29 1 110 111 Choices No 1 70 71 3 213 216 Made Total 1 99 100 u 32 3:7 U=—.O6,M/Wmax=-1.00 =—.O2,W/Wmax=— 24 Umax=-.06, Q=—1.00 Qmax=.08 Q=- 22 Number of Yes 10 19 29 13 93 110 Choices No 13 58 71 55 161 216 Reciprocated Total. 23 77 100 73 25V 32 2:.16,g/Jmex=.14 w—— 16*,z/anax=— : Omax=.o4 3:.38 flmar: 18, Q—- 2 \fi ‘xi The data indicate that sisters are of some value to the Negro boy, though not as much as brothers. Sisters, however, contribute little to the socialization of the white boy. It is not surprising that this would be the case, as Negro girls are precocious relative to Negro boys, and the gap is greater than for the white group. It was not anticipated, however, that there would be negative correlations for white boys and their older sisters. Though we have no direct evidence from the primary data, it seems reasonable to believe that the presence of older sisters for Negro boys are a mixed blessing. Though girls have some potential as role models, the Negro boy already has an environment that is filled with powerful females, and undoubtedly finds them threatening as well as helpful. For instance, though older sisters slightly in— crease the extent to which Negro boys will choose girls, choices were not returned to boys with older sisters. Throughout the text, the reversal of sex roles in the Negro family has been emphasized. This reversal is not complete, and is not confined entirely to the Negro group. The white boy as well has difficulty establishing a sex role of his own, and is also threatened to some extent by female socializers. Next, we will consider older brothers and younger sisters. 158 An older brother provides a cross-sex role model for his younger sister. His cross—sex inte *3 action, particularly dating, is not very visible to the younger sister, however. An older brother socializes by instruction only to a limited extent. We have seen that even the father is of limited value here; the older brother is of even less im- portance. An older brother's same-sex peer interaction is neither instructional soc1alization nor a role model. But this interaction is important for girls in high school. It will be discussed in the next section. Data for socialization of girls by their older brothers are presented in Table 4.3. Tablezlgg indicates that older brothers are of limited value for younger sisters. For both Negro and white girls, there is no relation— ship between the presence of older brothers and total sociometric status. Negro girls derive some benefit from cross-sex interaction. For white girls, the associations between brothers and cross-sex statuses are negative. Cross— race status and choices made bear a weak negative relationship to older brothers for both Negro and white girls. The only case in which white girls have a higher correlation is for number of choices reciprocated, as white girls have a weak positive correlation and Negro girls a weak negative cor- relation. 159 TABLE 4.3-—Associations Between Presence of Older Brothers and Selected Indices of Socialization, for Girls With One Sibling, by Race: Northern Schools. egro Girls White Girls status Status Older Index Brother One One or or .ore one Total More one iotal Total Yes 41 52 93 73 48 121 Sociometric No 96 120 216 136 81 217 Status Total 137 172 309 209 129 338 0=.00,g/Gmax=.00 Q=—.02,I’Zmax=- 02 0max=.74, Q=-.01 Unax=.99, Q=— 05 Cross-Sex Yes 15 78 93 8 113 121 Sociometric No 15 201 216 21 19 217 Status Total 30 279 309 29 309 338 G=.14*,0/¢max=.29 0=—.O5,fl/Zmax=—.22 Bmax=.49, Q=.46 flmax=.23, Q=-.2O Cross-Sex Yes 13 80 93 9 112 121 Choices No 18 198 216 18 199 217 Made Total 31 278 309 27 311 338 U=.09,U/Jmax=.18 «=- 01, /Jmax=—.01 0max=.49, Q: .25 Wmax= 23, 3=-.O6 Cross-Race Yes 1 92 93 0 121 121 Sociometric No 3 213 216 1 216 211 Status Total 4 305 309 l 337 338 U=-.01.9/Umax=—.01 fl=-.04,0/Qmax=-l.00 0max=.75 Q=—.l3 Qmax=.04, ;=—l.00 Cross-Race Yes 1 92 93 0 121 121 Choices No 3 213 216 2 215 217 Made Total 4 3o3 309 2 336 338 G=-.01,0/0max=—.01 0=-.06,fl/Zma =—1.00 9nax=.75, o=-.13 9max.06, c=- .00 Number of Yes 18 75 93 56 65 121 Choices No 55 161 216 83 134 217 Reciprocated Total 73 337 309 13‘ ' 313 fl=-.O6,W/Wmax=-.l7 W=.08,fl/flnax=.09 flmax=.37, Q=-.l7 flmax= 89 Q=.16 160 In general, Negro girls benefit from older brothers more than white girls. In Table 4.2, we saw that the reverse is also true. Negro boys benefit from older sisters more than white boys. Hence, it is a general finding that cross-sex siblings are more important for the socialization of Negro youth than for white youth. Given the difficulty which Negro youth have in learning sexvroles from their role—reversed parents, and the general lack of adequate socializing referents available to the Negro adolescent, this is not surprising. It was expected, however, that white boys and girls would benefit more from older cross- sex siblings than is indicated by the Q's and Q's in the above tables. An older sister provides a same—sex instructional role socializer, by interacting directly with the younger. But the contribution made by sisters to sisters should be smaller than the corresponding contribution made by brothers to brothers, as girls have a more adequate role trainer in the mother than the boys do in the father, with respect to same-sex role learning. The main contribution of Older sisters to younger sisters is in terms of age- appropriate behavior. An older sister provides a role model by interacting With her female peers. By observing this interaction, the girl learns how she will be expected to act with her friends When she attains older age grades. Again, as girls have no change in sexual identification in their role socialization, they have little difficulty adjusting to same—sex inter— action. As a result, this kind of socialization is less important to girls than to boys. To some extent, an older sister provides a cross—sex role model for interaction with her male peers. This inter— action is usually dyadic, and centered in the girl's home. The younger sibling can view this interaction more directly than boys can for their older brothers and their female datts Data for girls and their older sisters are presented in Table u.u As in the preceeding three tables, the associations between older sibling and high status are higher for the Negro group. For Negro girls, there is a significant correlation between having an older sister and total sociometric status. For white girls, this result is weakly negative. The rela— tionship for cross—sex status is also significantly positive for the Negro girls, and weakly negative for white girls. The same relationships hold for cross-sex choices made. For Negro girls, the correlation is positive, t.ough not statistically significant; for white girls, the correlation is significantly negative. Both race groups give more cross—race choices if they have older sisters, but receive less. These relationships are based on highly uneven marginals, and as in the other three tables, and are not significant. 9 TABLE H.9—-Ass ociati ons Between Pr ence of C;der Sisters and Selected Indices of Socializat1_n, fcr Girls filth One Sibling, by Race' Northern Schools .~:r=.’§ r; 11'“ Status Status Older Index Sister One One or cr More n he Total Lore Hone iota; Total Yes 22 U 26 63 A3 106 Sociometric No U5 29 74 136 81 217 Status Total 67 33 1.“ 1‘9 129 3-3 7=.22*,7/Zrax=.26 3=—.33,X,‘max=- arrLaX: o 8Ll , 3: 0 [,1b J'ia‘ = o :7} ’ \:-— / 1 r- / Cross-Sex Yes 6 29 2o 9 97 loC Sociometric No 5 03 74 :1 19o 217 Status Total 11 (T) \f) F4 O J LA) C) Pd L) W 1 A) {\J W “=- .O2,7/7max=— 7=.23*, Q/Jma X= 3 6 7max=.22, Q=~ 7max=.59, Q=. Cross-Sex Yes 5 21 2” 5 101 106 Choices No 6 68 79 18 199 217 Made Total 11 ' 89 180 23 333 323 7:.16, 7/Z"ax=.2 flmax=.59, 2:. 7max=.2u, 4:- O\ \1 \Q l I E. :13; \ ‘EQ E? f.) X II I .J I‘. } LL) Cross-Race Yes 1 25 26 l 175 l“6 Sociometric No 0 73 74 1 216 217 Status Total 1 99 133 2 (A) r\) F.) (J) n) A) 7-.l7,7/7hax=1.33 =.33,7/7max-.2 7max—.17, Q=+l.OO wmax=.13, Z=.3 Cross-Race Yes 0 26 26 O 136 106 Choices No l 73 7M 2 215 21? Made Total 1 9 1' l v hum be r of Yes 19 12 Q: a. *1 l _ cm] ices No 29 95 74 if 1;~ 2;" Reci procate d Total . 93 37 11: 1ft 1F7 7=.lj,7/“La\— 1. f: ‘,”’ _»= vrax=.c8, ;— 9 Jncz= ‘ , = g . I 4 Lu Both race groups benefit from an older sister in terms of number of choices reciprocated. This relationship is strongest for the Negro group. As with cross-sex roles, Negroes benefit most from having an older same—sex sibling. In Table 4.1, it was shown that Negro boys benefit more from an older brother more than white boys. Here, Negro girls are shown to benefit from an older sister more than white girls. Hence, it can be concluded that older siblings are more predictive of sociometric "success" for Negroes than for whites. It must be remembered, however, that few phi's were significant, and that the data pertain only to families containing two children. The data do suggest a differential impact of cross-sex and same-sex siblings on socialization for Negro and white youth, which is a previously unobserved phenomenon, and which seems consistent with the theoretical statement develOped in Chapters II and III. This result is also consistent with the predictions made in the.first section of this chapter, and is in contradiction to the view taken by sibling rivalry theory. According to rivalry theory, Negro boys should suffer more than any other group from the presence of older brothers. But the data in Table 4.1 shows that they benefited more than any other group. Hence, the theory develcped here is supported by the data, and the sibling rivalry theory is counter-indicated by the data presented. 164 A generalized picture of the status of siblings as perceived by students in the sample can be obtained from the question on the student's three most admired and respected people. We have seen in Chapter III that Negroes of both sexes rate females higher in answer to this ques— tion for parents and for other relatives. This has been shown to reflect the higher status of females in the Negro group. In coding responses to this question, it was not possible to determine the order of the siblings answered for. Certainly older siblings are more apt to attain this admiration and respect than younger siblings. The per— centages for this data, in Table 4.5, are lower than for parents and other referents. The absolute magnitudes of the percentages underestimate the importance of siblings, as many students have only younger siblings or none at all. White boys show more admiration and respect for their brothers and less for their sisters than Negro boys. White girls show a weak same—sex preference, though there is no difference for the Negro girl total percentages. Before turning directly to the social structure of the American high school, the topic of Chapte. V and VI, we will examine in some detail a very special kind of inter— action that is highly related to our theoretical development though it does not involve a proposition about direct role socialization. In this section, it was stated that an older brother's same-sex peer interaction is neither role 165 m m 0 mm smpmfim mfinfiu Awamflv m Amflmav m Ammsv m Amo Ha wmzposm mung: o m : smpmwm manna Ammouo Ammo m Amzso m looms c smasOLm opwmz m m o Lopmfim whom Aasmav Amsoav m Amway m Ass 0 smnposm means whom Aammfio Ammo m looms m gnome m pwmwmwm osmmz sz sz u sz sz a mafiapam xmm some mHoonom H moan; nppoz omens nusoz osmmz npuoz .maoonom cumnppoz moons mo who mm mmoumam ohm cam comm ma .maaomm oopomammm ohm oopHEo< who: whospopm wcfimoono mucoozpm no mmwmucoopomuum.z mqm¢e r_J C“ C‘\ socialization nor a role model for the girl: But this inter— action was stated to be of importance for high school girls, in their relations to boys. This phenomenon will be the topic of the next section. Friendship and Sex Roles in Cross-Sex Peer Interaction High school boys are under great pressure from their‘ male peers to establish interactions with girls. It will be shown in the next chapter that a lot of this pressure is "compulsive masculinity.” The adolescent boy is expected to establish pre-marital dyadic relationships with girls in his own age grade. This heterosexual behavior is regarded as a normal and integral part of social develcpment. It is behavior, however, for which an adolescent boy in this society is not well prepared, due to inadequate sex role socialization in the family. Girls, being more advantaged in their sex role socialization, are relatively more mature in this respect. This differential socialization of boys and girls results in boys tending to interact with and date and even marry girls that are younger. Apart from the lack of sociological preparation for this kind of cross-sex interaction, the adolescent boy faces another difficulty. In his leap to pre-marital dyadic inter- action, he may ". . . encounter various kinds of resistence and control from parents, other authorities, and the peer 167 group."25 To prevent dyadic withdrawal from the peer group collectivity, a highly complex and specific set of norms invariably governs cross-sex dyads. This social control is geared to eliminate the social effects of the dyad's psy- chological characteristics. On this, Slater writes: The partners are expected to spend the bulk of their time in group activities and to have a relationship of short duration (often measured in weeks). Such institutionalization of the "going steady" relation- ship is clearly a far more effective instrument 26 against libidinal contraction than adult Opposition. The "rating and dating complex" is one such mechanism of peer group control: the most desirable partners are those who conform to group norms; sexual strivings are subordinated to status and prestige needs.27 An emphasis on sexual exploitation in cross—sex dyads is yet another mechanism of peer group control. The boy's status varies directly with the extent to which he "makes out" on a casual (non committing) basis. Thquirl, on the other hand, enhances her status in the peer_group by being taken places, having money spent on her, and so forth.28 k 25See Slater, "On Social Regression,” op. cit., p. 351. 26Ibid. 27Willard Waller, "The Rating and Dating Complex," flflgrican Sociological Review, 2 (1937), pp. 727—734. 28James S. Coleman, The Adolescent Society: The Social Eligkpf the Teenager and Its Impact on Education (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1962), pp. 50-57; pp. 118—124. f 168 As Slater and others emphasize, the strength of these control mechanisms vary directly with the strength of the peer group. Hence, we see that a lack of social preparation, in conjunction with psychological injunctions, make the estab- lishment of cross—sex dyadic relations difficult for the adolescent boy. Given such a problem, we can expect a systematic attempt to solve it. The social process involved in the solution of this problem is akin to what Merton has called "ritualism," according to which the means of attain- ing a goal (status, through dating) is accepted, while the activity can be performed with a minimal psychological com- mittment to the role relationship involved.29 It is well known that competitive interaction (such as dating) produces an acute status anxiety.3O This status anxiety is relieved by choosing to interact with girls that have some basis for not demanding a purely boy-girl relationship in their cross- sex interaction. That is, these boys will seek out girlS» that can (sociologically) interact on an instrumental same— sex basis. They will choose girls who are capable of talking 29Robert K. Merton, "Social Structure and Anomie," in Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social tructure, (Hev. and Enlarged Ed.; Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1961), pp. 149-153. This type of individual adaptation is one of a typology of five modes. In ”conformity,” both cultural goals (here, psychological goals) and institutionalized means are accepted; in "innovation,” goals are accepted, but means are rejected; in "retreatism," both goals and means are rejected; in "rebellion" both goals and means are viewed ambiguously. 30See Harry S. Sullivan, "Modern Conceptions of Psy— Chiatry," Psychiatry, 3 (1940), pp. 111-112; Margaret Mead, £29 Keep Your Powder Dry (New York: William Morrow, 1942), Chapter VII; Merton, cp.cit., p. 1 3. \I) 169 sports, cars, etc. For the boy, interacting with such a girl solves both the sociological problem of status and the psy- chological problem of status anxiety (sexual insecurity). By watching her older brothers interact with their male peers, girls learn boys interact with each other. The boys most apt to seek out girls with older brothers, as friends, on a "ritualistic” basis, will be the one most lacking in cross—sex role models; they should be the boys with no older brothers. In Chapter II, five propositions from Cottrell's article were presented.31 Proposition 5, "Adjustment to more mature roles is aided rather than handicapped by occasional regres- sion to less demanding roles," was included to illustrate Murphy's observation that growth can at times be reversed, and the claim that ". . . this reversal can under certain conditions speed up rather than retard the socialization process."32 An example was provided in the next sentence. It is clear that this proposition is akin to what Merton calls an attempt at reeucing "status anxiety" in the high school setting. Given this orientation, we can now anticipate that boys without older brothers will be drawn to girls with ‘ 31Leonard S. Cottrell, Jr., ”The Adjustment of the Individual to His Age and Sex Roles," American Sociolog cal W, 7 (1942). pp. 617—620. 32Gardner Murphy, Personality: A Biosocial Approach £2_Origins and Structure (New York: Harper, 1947), p. 67. 170 older brothers on a friendship basis, on a basis of "ritual— istic" conformity to the social demands of the adolescent society. That is, it can be predicted that girls with older brothers have the ability to interact with slowly maturing boys as "one of the boys." In the above statement, care has been made to specify that boys without older brothers will choose girls with older brothers on a friendship basis. This is ritualism, and fits Cottrell’s Fifth Proposition. At the same time, we can also expect that the most precocious boys would interact with the most precocious girls on a cross-sex 'dating basis. That is, since the presence of older brothers facilitates the learning of cross-sex role behavior, we can expect that boys with older brothers will choose girls with older brothers as friends on a dating basis. Similarly, we can expect that boys without older brothers will be less apt to choose girls with older brothers on the dating basis. The reasoning behind these claims merits a more ela- borate statement. From the theory on role socialization developed to this point, we know that the presence of older brothers facilitates peer interaction socialization, and in particular facilitates the development of cross-sex role behavior. On the other hand, the absence of a peer inter- action role model (an older brother) will "retard" social— ization and the development of cross-sex role behavior. In the high school, boy will not date girls that are a lot more precocious than they are: Boys often date younger 171 girls, but the reverse is not true. Hence, we can expect that (a) non—precocious boys will not choose precocious girls, and (b) precocious boys will choose precocious girls. Since the presence of older brothers faciliated the devel— opment of "precocity," we deduce that hypothesis that boys without older brothers will not choose girls with older brothers, and Visa versa. First, we need to demonstrate that the presence of older brothers produces cross-sex choices made for boys, and produces cross-sex choices received for girls. Data on this is presented in Table 4.6, for North White and North Negro High School racial majorities. It was necessary to restrict the analysis to these two largest groups, as many breakdowns are required, which reduces the sample sizes. TABLE 4.6——Frequency With Which Boys Choose Girls, by Pres- ence or Absence of Older Brothers for Both Boys and Girls: North Negro High Negroes and North White High Whites. North Negro North White Negro Girls Chosen White Girls Chosen Negro No White No Boys Older Older Boys Older Older T t'l Choosing Bros. Bros. Total Choosing Bros. Bros. 0 8 Older Older Bros. 19 15 34 Bros. 18 16 34 No Older No Older Bros. 13 15 28 Bros. 16 42 48 Total 42 3o 62 Total 24 58 82 7=.08, 7/7max=.l3 7=.44*,7/7max=.56 Qmax=.60 Q=.l9 Gmax=.79 Q=.77 172 For the North Negro High School Negro Boys, 55% of those making cross-sex choices with older brothers chose girls, while only 45% of those without older brothers chose girls. For the North White High School White Boys, the effects of having an older brother are stronger. Of the boys that made cross-sex choices, 40% had older brothers, and 60% did not. Hence, a higher proportion of Negro boys that have older brothers choose girls. This is consistent with the data in Table 4.1, in which it was found that the presence of older brothers is more predictive of same-sex and cross—sex sociometric status for Negroes than for whites. The correlations were positive as predicted. Boys with older brothers will choose girls with older brothers, for both race groups. These data per se, however, are inconclu— sive. We have not yet determined the basis for choices. It is possible to manipulate the data to obtain information on the basis of boy-girl choices, however. First of all, we need to examine boys that choose on a "real," or non—ritualistic basis. One index of this is to control for whether or not the choosing boys go steady. We can then make the convenient assumption that boys that make cross—sex choices and go steady are choosing the girls with which they go steady on a non—ritualistic cross-sex role basis. For the boys that go steady, the associations found in Table 4.6 should increase. Data are presented in Table 4.7. 173 TABLE 4.7-—Frequency With Which Boys that Go Steady Choose Girls, by Presence or Absence of Older Brothers for Both Boys and Girls: North Negro High Negroes and North White High Whites. North Negro North White Girls Choosen Girls Choosen Negro No White No Boys Older Older Boys Older Older Choosing Bros. Bros. Total Choosing Bros. Bros. Total Older Older Bros. 9 6 15 Bros. 12 6 18 No Older No Older Bros. 9 10 19 Bros. 5 22 27 Total 18 16 34 Total 17 28 45 Q=.11,G/Qmax=.12 G=.50**, Q/Qmax=.58 Gmax=.94, Q=.27 Gmax=.96, Q=.9O For both Negro and white boys, the partial correla- tions with going steady held constant are higher than the values obtained in Table 4.6. This contributes additional evidence that precocious boys will seek out precocious girls on a cross—sex role basis. To test Cottrell's proposition, we need to establish a criterion for determining which choices are made on a non- sexual "friendship" basis. An index of this is readily available. Boys that responded that they "Never" date can be thought of as being in this type of role relationship with the girls they choose. Cottrell's Proposition 5 then leads to the prediction that the relationship between older brothers of choosing boys and chosen girls should not only 174 be reduced, but made negative. "The boys most apt to seek out as friends, on a lacking in cross-sex role models, with no older brothers." Data For it has been stated that girls with older brothers, 'ritualistic' basis, will be the ones most They should be the boys are presented in Table 4.8. TABLE 4.8--Frequency With Which Boys that Never Date Girls, by Presence or Absence of Older Brothers for Both Boys and Girls: North Negro High Negroes and North White High Whites. North Negro North White Girls Chosen Girls Chosen Negro No White No Boys Older Older Boys Older Older Choosing Bros. Bros. Total Choosing Bros. Bros. Total Older Older Bros. 0 4 4 Bros. 1 4 5 No Older No Older Bros. 2 7 9 Bros. 1 3 Total 2 ll 13 Total 3 5 8 Q=-.29, G/Gmax= —l.OO =—.47,9/Qmax= -.47 B/Qmax= -.29, Q= -1.00 Gmax= -l.OO, =-.6O Some support is given to above data. The correlations, number of students that do not however, and the relationships the conceptualization by the as predicted,are negative. The date but choose girls are few, are not significant.‘ Most of these non—dating boys chose girls without older brothers, which does not directly support Cottrell's proposition. two from each race chose girls with older brothers. Only Three of the four themselves, however, had no older brothers. These boys that never date and have no older brothers should be the most "retarded" group, more so than the boys that never date but do have older brothers. This does lend some sup— port to the hypothesis. In both schools, a higher propor- tion of the boys without older brothers than with older brothers choose girls with older brothers: For North Negro, the values are 2/9 as compared to 0/4; for North White, the values are 2/3 as compared to 1/5. This gives high negative correlations. This finding is consistent with Cottrell, though it is based on crude indices and a small case-base. CHAPTER V PARENTS AND PEERS Parental Control and Peer Control It is well known that family background characteris— tics exert a strong influence on the high school student's educational and occupational plans and aspirations.1 Age peers in the high school are also an important source of socialization. It can be generalized that peers become an increasingly important source of role socialization rela- tive to parents as the child ages. On this Parsons writes: The family offers a wide enough range of role partici- pation only for the young child. He must learn, by actual participation, progressively more roles than his family of orientation can offer him. It is at this point that the peer group and the school assume paramount importance. Research by Coleman and others on the "adolescent society" has recently focused the attention of sociologists on the teen-age peer group. Coleman writes: 1For a review of this research, see Robert H. Beezer and Howard F. Hjelm, Factors Related to College Attendance, Cooperative Research Monograph No. 8, U. S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Office of Education (Washing- ton, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office, 1961). 2Talcott Parsons, Family Structure and the Socializa- tion of the Child," in Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, in collaboration with James Olds, Morris Zelditch, Jr., and Philip E. Slater, Family, Socialization,_and Interaction Process (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), p. 38. 176 177 . . in a rapidly changing, highly rationalized society the "natural processes" of education in the family are no longer adequate. They have been replaced by a more formalized institution that is set apart from the rest of society and that covers an even longer span of time.3 As Epperson has pointed out, the relative importance of the peer group and the family has been shown by recent evidence to depend on the activities involved, e.g., ". adolescents tend to be peer—conforming in making certain kinds of choice and parent-conforming in other kinds of choice."u Epperson's appraisal of Coleman's data suggest that qualifications should be made regarding the autonomy of an "adolescent society." First of all, Coleman based part of his statement on a question on which the student feels would be "hardest to take": (1) parent's disapproval, (2) teacher‘s disapproval, or (3) breaking with a friend. As Epperson points out, disapproval is not as drastic as breaking. In this sense, the questions are not equivalent. To correct this methodological difficulty, Epperson recon— structed the question to read: "'Which one of these things 3James S. Coleman, The Adolescent Society (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 4. ”David C. Epperson, "A Re-Assessment of Indices of Parental Influence in The Adolescent Society," American Sociological Review, 29 (1964), p. 93. The quotation refers to Clay V. Britton, "Adolescent Choices and Parent-Peer Cross Pressures," American Sociological Review, 28 (1963), pp. 385- 391. Also see Frederick Elkin and William A. Westley, "The Myth of the Adolescent Peer Culture," American Sociological Review, 20 (1955), Pp- 680-58“- 178 would made you the most unhappy?’ (a) If my parents did not like what I did, (b) If my (favorite) teacher did not like what I did, (c) If my best friend did not like what I did."’ using this revised question, Epperson found that &. ". the teenage group is in some respects no more estranged from adults than the pre-teenage group and that standards in the family may not have been replaced by peer group standards in the high school context to the degree ”0 that Coleman implied. The data justifying this conclu— sion (for secondary schools only) are presented in Table 5.1. This question, though not entirely content—free, has a generalized meaning. The data shows a general predisposi— tion to respond to parental wishes, especially in new and indeterminant situations.7 This is, of course, particularly evident in Epperson's data. Epperson's question was included in the questionnaire used here. Data for all schools are presented in Table 5.2. The data in Table 5.2 certainly lend support to Epperson. In the Northern schools, every race sex group in every school gives a higher percentage of their responses that was found by either Coleman or Epperson. In the DEpperson, 0p. cit., p. 94. TABLE 5.1--Relative Concern Over Evaluation by Parents, Teachers, and Peers: Epperson Data Contrasted with Coleman Data.a Boys Girls Eppersonb ColemanC Epperson Coleman Referent Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Per Cent Parent 80.4 53.8 80.5 52.9 Teacher 3.6 3.5 1.2 2.7 Best Friend 15.8 42.7 18.1 43.4 Total Per Cent 99.8 100.0 Y 99.8 100.0 Total Number (82) (3,621) (77) (3,894) aSource: David C. Epperson, "A Re—Assessment of Indices of Parental Influence in the Adolescent Society,” American Sociological Review, 29 (1964), p. 93, James S. Coleman, Egg Adolescent Society (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 94. b . , . . This sample, drawn from a comprenens1ve high school of 2,200 in a medium size city (pop. 60,000) is approxi— mately 50% 10th graders, 42% 11th graders, and 8% 12th graders. c . . _ This sample inCIudes students from all ten of 001e- man's schools, representing small-town, rural, city, and suburban high schools with enrollments ranging from 150 to 1950. 180 000000 0000 000000 0000 Ammmv 000mv 00000 00000 000832 00008 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0000 000 00009 0.00 000 0.m0 0.0 0.0 0.m 0.0 0.0 wsmflhm 000m 0.0 0.m 0.m m.m m.m m.m m.m 0.m 0020009 m.0w 0.30 0.00 0.00 m.mw m.mm 0.00 0.00 0000000 00000 00000 000m whom 00000 00000 000m whom 00003 00002 00053 00002 00003 00002 00003 00002 pcmhmmmm 000000 0000 00002 00002 000000 0000 00002 00002 000 00000 000 00000 00000 00000 A0000 A0000 000002 00000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.000 0.00 0000 000 00000 0.00 0.0 0. 0.0 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 000000 0000 0. 0. 0. 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.0 0.00 0000000 0.00 0.00 0.000 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0000000 00000 00000 000m whom 00000 000m 00000 whom 00002 00002 00003 00002 00003 00002 00002 00002 00000000 000000 0000 00002 00002 .0000000 000 000000 0000 00003 00000 000000 0000 00002 cpsom "20m 020 momm 0n mpmmm 0cm «00000008 “mummhmm an 00000500>m 00>o Cpmocoo 0>00000mlum.m m0m¢a 181 Southern schools, the percentages for teachers are higher than Epperson's values, but much closer to those than to Coleman's. The responses for teachers are small in Epperson, in Coleman, and in Table 5.2. There are regional differences. Teachers are mentioned most often in the South, with the highest values at South Negro High School. Friends are responded to at rates similar to those found in Epperson for the Southern schools. In the North, they are referred to infrequently. Few consistent sex differences are found, although there is a general tendency for girls to name parents more frequently than boys, especially within the Negro group. Gottlieb and Ramsey have pointed out that ”. youth shifts, over time, from social control by adults to a growing influence by peers, and then, once again, to a concern with the attitudes, values and expectations of the adult world."8 This statement is undoubtedly true. But it is not the entire story. Though adult influence is maximal in the early years of social development and in the adult age grades, there is a difference in that adults are not peers for the elementary or high school student, but adults are peers to adults. Thus adult control and peer control are 8David Gottlieb and Charles Ramsey, The American Adolescent (Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1964), p. 184. 182 not alternative results, but joint outcomes of the sociali- zation process. The learning of peer interaction in the high school is not merely a temporary withdrawal from control by adults, and especially parents, as some writers have con— tended. Instead, it is anticipatory role socialization for control by (and of) adults that will concomitantly be peers. We have seen that parents remain powerful referents relative to peers in the high school. In the following pages it will be shown, first of all, that parental control of adolescents decreases as age increases, and Secondly, that the importance of peers relative to parents increases over increasing age. Ianable 5.3 we will examine the relationships between the numbers of parents that control selected activities in the Sophomore and Senior years of high school Yule's Q will be used as an index. Positive correlations represent a decrease in parental control of the selected activities. The correlations in Table 5.3 are in general positive. As predicted, there is a decrease in parental control as the students progress from the Sophomore to the Senior year. This is true even for "Time spent on homework," which is instrumental to a future goal. Another set of data can be used to compare the orien- tations of students to peers and to parents. Data have been presented on parents, other relatives, and siblings as one of three "most admired and respected people." Answers to 183 .00>m0 00. 0:0 00 00000000000 00m 00 0000 00003 00000 000 00000300I0£ov 00000000000 00: 000 00. 00:0 00000E0 00 0 059 ”00020 000000 00. 00000 00. 000000 :0. 000000 00. 00000 000 000000 00. 00000 00. 000000 00. 000000 00. 00030000 000000 00. 00000 00. 000000 00.- 000000 00. 0000 00 000 000000 00. 00000 00. 000000 00. 000000 00. 000000 00000 000000 00. 00000 00. 000000 00.: 000000 00. 000000 020 G sz a sz a sz 0 00030 00000000 00000 00003 00000 00002 000m 00002 0.0000000 00¢ 00000>0po< 00000000 000 00030 00000000 cmmzpmm 00000000000< G 0.00dwllm.m mqm0 “0005000 000000000 0E0 0000EU< 000: 00009 mo 0:0 00 000mm 000800 0C0 0002 0:00oo00 00:00:00,0o 00000:0000011:.m 00009 186 In Table 5.5, we present the ratios of choices going to mothers and fathers over the choices going to male and female peers. TABLE 5.5--Ratios of Choices Given to Mother and Father as Opposed to Male and Female Peers as Most Admired and Respected People, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. North North North A11 Race/Sex Negro Mixed White Schools Negro Boys 1.68 1.42 1.51 1.55 White Boys * 1.11 .67 .82 Negro Girls 1.30 1.26 1.92 1.30 White Girls 4.00 .87 1.26 1.13 The values of the ratios are in general greater than one, indicating that students show more admiration and respect for their parents than for their siblings. This outcome is consistent with the data presented in Tables 5.1 and 5.2. Since the orientation of adolescents should change from parents to peers as the socialization process progresses, a low parent-peer ratio should be an index of socialization. The most socialized groups should have the lowest indices. The values for all schools show this. Within each race group, except at North White, girls have lower ratios than boys, which follows from the view that girls are socialized more rapidly than boys. Within sex group, except at North Negro, whites have lower ratios than do Negroes, which is consistent with the predicted Negro-white differences. 187 A more direct way to View a shift from parent orienta— tion to peer orientation is to compare the numbers of students in the SOphomore and Senior years of high school that respond to parents and to peers as one of three most admired and respected people. As grade increases, the propensity to name parents should decrease, and the propensity to name peers should increase. Data testing this hypothesis for each race sex group, for all Northern schools combined, are presented in Table 5.6. It is predicted that peer orienta- tion and grade will be positively correlated. Further, the correlations should be highest for the groups that are socialized most rapidly. Within each sex group, Negroes should have lower correlations than whites; within each race group, boys should have lower correlations than girls. As expected, all four associations are positive, indicating that peers gain in admiration and respect rela- tive to parents over increasing age. Within each sex group, again as predicted, the white race has higher phi coefficients than the Negro race. Both phi coefficients are significant for the white boys and girls, but neither are for the Negro boys and girls. It was also anticipated that within each race group, the coefficients would be higher for girls than for boys. This result was not obtained, however. For both Negro and white groups, girls had lower phi values than boys. These negative results, though not significant, do weaken the theoretical View. TABLE 5. 6——Associations be tween Responc ng to Peers as Opposed to Parents as One of T're: ”oet Adr ired and Respected People and Grade (Soph iomore and Senior), by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Negro Boys White Boys Referent Sophomore Senior Total Sophomore Senior Total Parents 185 117 302 223 193 416 Peers 100 85 185 233 347 580 Total 285 202 487 456 540 996 Q=.O7,Q/Qmax=.08 G=.13**,Q/Qmax=.14 Qmax=.93, Q=.15 Gmax=.92, Q=.26 Negro Girls White Girls REfEPEHt Sophomore Senior Total Sophomore Senior Total Parents 299 171 470 444 294 738 Peers 190 134 324 204 178 382 Total 489 305 794 648 472 1120 Q=.OS,Q/Qmax=.15 9:.07*, Q/Qmax=.08 Qmax=.95, Q=.1l Gmax=.84 Q=.l4 Parental Sex Role Socialization and Peer Interaction In Chapter III, it was pointed out that the parents are limited in their value as peer interacton role models. It was also suggested that siblings and peers are equipped to socialize to sex roles in the American high school. Parents 23% of some importance, however, as will be shown in this section. 189 Dunphy has pointed out that a major difference between pre—adolescent and adolescent groups is that "Pre-adolescent groups are almost universally uni—sexual in composition, with play centering around sex-categorized activities and "9 role models. It is in this group structure that the growing child learns his or her basic sex role, by same-sex peer activity. By the onset of adolescence, heterosexual choices have increased as the choice of preferred association. On this, Dunphy writes: ". . . during adolescence most persons achieve membership in a heterosexual group and acquire an heterosexual role."lO These heterosexual, or cross—sex, roles will be examined in this section, in terms of identification with the same-sex parent. There is considerable evidence that the high school student in a modern industrial society has great difficulty adjusting to cross-sex roles. Reuter, and many others, have emphasized that "storm and stress" is not characteristic ll of adolescence in all societies. For boys in the American 9Dexter C. Dunphy,"The Social Structure of Urban Adolescent Peer Groups," Sociometry, 26 (1963), p. 230. Also see David P. Ausubel, Theory and Problems ofAAdolescent Development (New York: Grune and Stratten,'l9547. lODunphy,'ibid. Also see August B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1949), and Luella Cole, Psychology of Adolescence (New York: Rinehart, 1948). 11E. B. Reuter, "The Sociology of Adolescence," American Journal of Sociology, 43 (1953), pp. 414-427. For related research, see: Herbert Block and Arthur Niederhoffer, The Gang: A Study in Adolescent Behavior (New York: Philosophical 190 high school, there is a continuous effort to establish masculine potency-—to attain an instrumental role. This has been mentioned in Chapter III. An index of this "complusive masculinity" is the great status associated with physical prowress and athletic skills within the American adolescent community, and the careful avoidance of manifesting cross-sex personality traits. We have seen that the establishment of cross-sex roles is easier for girls than for boys, eSpecially among Negro adolescents. An obvious manifestation of this is the fact that girls tend to date older sib boys, whereas boys are far less apt to date older girls. The rapid rate of developing cross—sex role behavior for girls relative to the rate of boys is in part due to the presence of an adequate same—sex role model in the homee—the mother. Davis, in citing Tyron's research, points out that ". the earlier physical and social maturation of adolescent .girls leads to rather serious adjustment problems for the boys of the same age grade."l2 Library, 1958), p. 7; Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin, Delinquency and Opportunity: A Theory of Delinquent Gangs (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1963); Norman Kiell, The Universal Experience of Adolescence (New York: International Universities Press, Inc., 19643, pp. 11-20, gt passum. l2Allison Davis, "American Status Systems and the Socialization of the Child," American Sociological Review, 6 (1941), p. 351. 191 Hence, the American adolescent is uneasy about his or her sex role socialization. The adult community shares this uneasiness, especially about boys. At the same time, it is also true that parents are typically more concerned with the sexual activities of their daughters than their sons. The preceeding two statements appear to be contra— dictory, but they are not. Parents are concerned about the sex role development of boys because they develop slowly. Parents are concerned about the sex role develop— ment of girls for the opposite reason--because they develop rapidly. There are rewards for sexual activity for boys, and negative sanctions for girls. Coleman has pointed out that sexual activity on the part of adolescent girls leads to a loss of status in the high school community, but to increased status for adolescent boys.13 In summary, parents, and other adults, are concerned about adolescent girls precisely because they are precocious relative to boys in their sex role development. The concern about girls is that they mature faster than boys, the con- cern about boys is that they do not mature and gain the rewards that accrue to those who date, who participate, who are able to conquer girls, and who are generally masculine and instrumental. l3Coleman, op. cit. 192 In view of the difficulty the American male adolescent has in establishing cross-sex interaction, and more generally, an instrumental role, it is not surprising that community rewards accrue to those teachers in the high school that provide the most masculine role models for adolescent boys. For example, the head football coach is often the highest paid member of the high school faculty. The school, as well as the community, encourages early cross-sex interaction. Gottlieb and Ramsey write: Being without a date for the Friday evening football game, the class dance, the school play, homecoming events, the Coronation Ball, and so forth lessens the prestige of the student and gives him a feeling 14 of isolation from the mainstream of school activities. With these observations in mind, we can now turn to our high school data for an empirical analysis of the effects of same—sex parents on cross-sex behavior, and for some general considerations of the effects of parents on peers. The limitations of fathers and mothers as peer inter- action role models were evident in analysis of data for adjustment to the peer group. In Chapter IV, it was shown that the presence of an older sibling was predictive of socio- metric status and choosing (Tables 4.l-—4.4). Older siblings were most predictive of status in the Negro group, which has the most inadequate sex role socialization from parents, and the fewest socializing referents outside of the home. l“Gottlieb and Ramsey, op. cit., p. 170. 193 Certain family background characteristics were run against these sociometric variables. Father's occupational level, father's educational level, and the quality orienta- tion of the father's occupation were found to be relatively independent of sociometric measures of socialization. Only five of the seventy-two correlations (for four race—sex groups, three background measures, and six sociometric indices) were significantly positive. For Negro boys, there was a significant association between father's quality orientation and cross—race sociometric status. For white boys, father's occupation and cross-race choices made were positively related. For white girls, father's occupa— tion was correlated with number of choices reciprocated and with total sociometric status, and father's education cor— related with cross-race choices made. A great number of these associations were close to chance expectancy. The six sociometric variables were also related to conjugal role reversal. Here, conjugal role reversal is defined in terms of the occupational roles of the students' parents. Since the occupational roles of parents are a major boundary linkage between family and society, the allo— cation of these roles is fundamental to the expressive- instrumental dimension of parental roles. Only students living with both parents are included. If the father is in the labor force and is working, and if the mother does not H work, the occupational roles are defined as ”normal" or non 194 reversed." If, however, the father is "laid off," is not working but looking for work, is not working and not looking for work, is disabled, or is retired, and if the mother is working, the conjugal roles are defined as "reversed." From the theoretical discussion and secondary evidence presented in Chapter III, the Negro students should have a higher incidence of conjugal role reversal than white students. Data on conjugal role reversal are pre— sented in Table 5.7. TABLE 5.7—-Percentages of Students Having Parents With Conjugal Roles Reversed, by Race: Northern Schools. Race Per Cent Number Negro 7.0 ( 880) White 3.4 (1798) Total 4.5 (2678) z - 4.0l,g>‘<.001. The Negro students are approximately twice as apt to have their parents' occupational roles reversed, though the proportions are low for both groups. Conjugal role reversal was weakly correlated with cross-sex choices made and received, and for choices recipro- cated; Though reversal in general depressed status, none of the twenty-four phi coefficients were significantly negative. 195 The measure most comparable to the data presented in Chapter IV for siblings is the presence or absence of a parent. Very few families in the sample were motherless. Fatherless families occurred with enough frequency to use father's presence as an independent variable. As expected from the theoretical discussion of Chapter III, girls benefit little from having a father in the home, in terms of sociometric indices of peer socialization. Relationships were weak for both race groups. Within the male group, Negro boys can be expected to benefit less from having a father, while at the same time they are in greater need of a father. Hence, it is difficult to predict which race of boys will have the highest correlations between presence of~ a father and sociometric adjustment. Phi coefficients relating the presence or absence of a father and the presence or absence of a mother to socio- metric indices of role socialization are presented in Table 5.8. A major portion of the coefficients are small and non- significant. Stronger associations were discerned for siblings and sociometric indices than for parents, with the exception that girls benefit more from having a father than from having an older brother, though this result is not strong, and the correlations are small for bggh referents. The data support the idea developed near the end of Chapter III--that parents and siblings are 33mplgm§§ta§y_socializers, }_1 \O 0\ TABLE 5.8-—Phi Coefficients Between Presence of Father and Mother and Selected Indices of Socialization, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. A . Negro White Negro White Presence of Parent/ Index Boys Boys Girls Girls Presence of Father Total Sociometric Status .08** .Ol .06* .04* Cross—Sex Sociometric Status .01 .02 .06* .01 Cross—Sex Choices Made .02 .03 —.04 .01 Cross-Race Sociometric Status .02 —.04* -.08* .07** Cross-Race Choices Made .02 -.01 .01 .02 Number of Choices Reciprocated .10** .03 .13** .18** Total Number (988) (1625) (1116) (1573) Presence of Mother Total Sociometric Status .ll** .01 .02 .Ol Cross—Sex Sociometric Status .01 -.03 -.04 .00 Cross—Sex Choices Made .03 .01 .01 .02 Cross—Race Sociometric Status .00 .01 —.05* .02 Cross-Race Choices Made .03 .01 .02 .05* Number of Choices Reciprocated -.02 .03 .02 .04 Total Number (740) (1478) (819) (1414) 197 with parents socializing by intentional instruction and siblings, as role models, by incidental learning. It should be kept in mind, however, that only two-sib families were considered. Neither siblings nor parents adequately account much variance in the sociometric indices. A further point is that parental sex role social- ization did enable us to make predictions about the differ- ential impact of siblings on race sex groups. Parents, Peers, and College Plans Socio-economic family background variables, and even the presence of the mother and the father in the home, have been shown to have a minimal effect on peer interaction in the high school. This was anticipated on the grounds that parents, and siblings and peers, are complimentary role socializers. The dichotomy is, of course, not complete. Both parents and peers have some influence on sociometric status. Similarly, both parents and peers are predictive of attaining adult roles, e.g., in the post—high school educational plans of students. McDill and Coleman, in a recent report, have shown that peers are an important source of variation in educa— tional aspirations relative to parents, and that the importance of peers increases with increasing age. They summarize their findings as follows: The results of this investigation seriously challenge the generally accepted position that the socio- economic background of the child is a more important 198 source of variation in his educational aspirations than are peer group influences. Using students from a limited number of high schools, it has been shown that by the end of the senior year in high school, the prestige of the adolescents in the school social system contributes more to variation in their stated college plans than does their father's or mother's education. Even more importantly, the data reveal that their high school status assumes an importance, by the end of the senior year, only slightly lower than the desire of their parents in the freshman year.1 Interesting sex differences were also found. As girls are socialized more rapidly than boys, it can be ex— pected that peers gain in importance (as a predictor of college plans) for both sexes, but for girls more than for boys.16 This result was obtained, as McDill and Coleman found that ". . . for girls, the increase in the influence of status in school occurs concomitantly with a decrease in the influence of family background; for boys, the increase in the effect of status is accompanied by a very slight in- crease in the influence of family background."17 At the same time, they found that the social system of the high school has more impact on the college plans of boys than of girls. This is explained by the greater importance of college 15Edward L. McDill and James Coleman, "Family and Peer Influence in College Plans of High School Students," Socio— logy of Education, 38 (1965), p. 125. l6McDill and Coleman found the increase in the effect of status in school ". . . to be contrary to expectations." Ibid., p. 124 ff. This increase can be expected on the basis of theoretical statements made in this chapter and this text, however. 17 Ibid., p. 119. to the futures of males,’18 which is postulated to create a greater emphasis on co lege attendance on boys' high status cliques during high school.19 This report by McDill and Coleman indicated that peers are important socializers not only for learning age and sex roles, but for attaining educational (and undoubtedly occupational) goals in the post-high school environment. The topic of parents, peers, and educational plans and aspirations will be taken up again in Chapters IX and X. In the intervening chapters, socialization by peers will be presented, and the social system of the high schools will be examined. 18Byron S. Hollingshead, Who Should Go to College (New York: Columbia University Press, 1952), p. 33, cited ibid., p. 119 ff. 19Edward L. McDill and James Coleman. "High School Social Status, College Plans, and Academic Achievement: A Panel Analysis," American Sociological Review, 28 (1963), p. 917. CHAPTER VI SOCIALIZATION IN THE HIGH SCHOOL: PEERS AS SOCIALIZERS Socialization and the Development of Group Structure In Chapter V, it was postulated that a change from adult control to control by adults perceived as peers is a funda— mental process in role socialization. In fact, this process can even be regarded as one definition of the socialization process. Such a definition is obvious, but not trivial. Within both racial groups, girls become peer oriented more rapidly than boys. Given this definition, we can equivalently say that girls are socialized more rapidly than boys. In this chapter, we will examine criteria of social— ization as manifested in grgup_structures. From the General Systems approach developed in Chapter II, the thesis emerged that, as children are socialized, their group structure will become integrated, i.e., previously differentiated functions become an organized co—ordinate unity. In terms of inter- personal role systems, the growth of personality is viewed, after Murphy, as the progressive attainment of differentiated, and then integrated, interpersonal role relations.l lGardner Murphy, Personality: A Biosocial Approach to Origins and Structure (New York: Harpers, 1947). 200 201 The group structures of adolescents will be examined in a theoretical context extended from the theory developed in Chapters II, III, and IV. Along with the theory, we will look at secondary data and at data generated from the sociometric groups of the three Northern high schools. (It was not possible to collect sociometric data from the two Southern schools.) Sociometric analysis was invented by Moreno, who defines it as ". . . a method for discovering, describing, and evaluating social status, structure, and develcpment through measuring the extent of acceptance or rejection between individuals in groups."2 Moreno wrote that the evolution of societies follows a process of increasing dif- ferentiation of groups from simpler to more complex patterns according to a sociogenetic law.3 Extensive study of socio- metric groups of children progressing through school revealed that there is a systematic differentiation--an increase in complexity of the structure of groups, as children age. Moreno's analysis of this process is isomorphic to the processes of growth found in a variety of systems in Chapter 2See Urie Broffenbrenner, "A Constant Frame of Reference for Sociometric Research," Sociometry, 6.(1943), p. 364. Emphasized in text. 3J. L. Moreno, Who Shall Survive? Foundations of Sociometry, Group Psychotherapy, and Sociodrama (New York: Beacon House, Inc., 1953), p. 4. .j V. (Dc. II. Consequently, it is worthwhile to outline the phases of differentiation. Moreno distinguishes children up to 7 to 9 years of age as in the Pre-Socialized Period. In this phase, groups are unstable and less differentiated than older groups. Groups ". . . in this period show a diffuse pattern which does not predispose for independent cooperative actions. Partnerships and gangs, when they develOp in this pre- socialized period, are instantaneous, too inconsistent and undifferentiated to produce cooperative action or coopera- tive goals."5 This stage is analogous to the global form of personality organization described by Murphy, in which there is undifferentiated mass activity, in which energy is diffused throughout the system.6 From the ages of 7 to 9, and up to 13 to 14, children enter the First Socialized Period. Here is the first form- ation of peer groups, which begin to show differentiations. These groups are largely uni—sexual, but cross—sex choices begin to appear and increase. This roughly corresponds to Murphy's differentiated stage, in which energy is concentrated in separate systems, and in which heterogeneity is a primary property. 51bid., p. 207. 6Broffenbrenner, op. cit., see ff 41, Chapter II. 203 O The Second Socialization Period begins at ages 13 to 14, and marks the onset of adolescence. At this stage, Moreno writes that ". . . finely integrated interrelations develop."7 This, of course, corresponds to Murphy's inte— grated stage, where the discreet parts come to form an interlocking, interdependent system, where energy passes easily from one part to another. From the analysis of the evolution of sociological group structures over increasing age, Moreno developed four sociogenetic laws, which constitute a group theory of evolu- tion. He writes: Our survey of the development of spontaneous group organization from year to year of age among children and adolescents appears to indicate the presence of a fundamental ”sociogenetic" law which may well be said to supplement the biogenetic law. Just as the higher animals have evolved from the simplest forms of life, so it seems, the higher forms of group organizations have evolved from the simple ones. Our findings suggest the notion that group organization is in its ontogenetic development to a great extent an epitome of the form-modification which successive ancestral societies of the species underwent in the course of their historic evolution. It may be called the group theory pf evolution. This hypothesis is supported by: (a) Spontaneous organization of groupings among children and adolescents develop year by year from simple to more complex stages of integration. (b) These groups reveal that a remainder of lower organizations can always be traced in the next highest stage and that indicators of a beginning towards higher organization can be traced in the next lower stage. (c) Similarities have been noted between spontaneous group organizations among classes of children in the early grades and spontaneous group organizations among mentally retarded adolescents. (Moreno, o . cit., p. 212. 204 (d) Similarities of tendencies in social organiza— tion are suggested b tween children's societies and those of primitives. Moreno's speculations are consistent with the state- ments in Chapter II, in which White (ff 18) and Von Bert— alanffy (ff 19) were cited to this effect. It was pointed out that ”As human societies evolve, roles become more highly differentiated, and more complexly interrelated." In Chapter III, a theoretical framework was presented that led to the conclusions that girls are socialized more rapidly than boys, whites more rapidly than Negroes, and that girls perform better relative to boys in the Negro group. From the above, we should be able to generalize that this formulation is extensile to social groups. The step from personality adjustment is not as great as it might appear, for personality has been defined in terms of roles, 1 which are always reciprocal and involve interaction. Thus, as children age, their group structures should go from global organization, to differentiation, to integration. Girls' groups should become integrated at an earlier age than boys‘ groups, white groups at an earlier age than Negro groups, and the gap should be greater among the Negro group. Moreno refers to mental "retardation." In Chapter I, it was emphasized that the same social forces that retard the intellectual and psychological growth of Negro youth also retard their social adjustment and growth. Here, Q C.)- . . ,— - . . . In1d., pp. 214—215. Empnas1s in text. 205 retardation will be used in a sociological context, in terms of the peer group. Moreno defines a retarded group struc— ture as follows: ”. a sociometric organization resembling those which are found among children one or more years younger, for instance, showing a persistent rarity of pair formation and of many unreciprocated choices, with a large number of isolates.”9 As mentioned, data from the three Northern high schools will be used to test substantive claims. Hence, it is ap- propriate to examine this definition in terms of each race— sex group in each school. In a sociometric group, age, sex, and race become variables rather than states. The age of a sociometric group will be its mean average age based on grade in school: 1 = SOphomore, 2 = Junior, 3 = Senior. The sex of a group is the proportion of females in a group. The race of a group is the proportion of whites in a group. Certain difficulties can be expected in making inter— group comparisons. Firstly, the sample size is small for the North White High School Negroes, and extremely small for the North Negro High School whites. Secondly, the varying racial composition of the three schools has pronounced effects of the behavior of students in the schools. The effects of racial composition on the informal and formal social structure will be examined in the next chapter. For 91bid., p. 702. 206 now, it is sufficient to state that it will be shown that the commitment cfi‘a.racia1 group to their school varies directly with the extent to which they are a majority in their school, or have the prospect of becoming a majority. Hence, greatest comparability will be attained in comparing the North White whites and the North Negro Negroes. Even here, however, full comparability cannot be attained as the students of the Negro race in North Negro High School are a majority in their school, but a minority in the larger con— text of the community and the society.10 Each student was asked the following question: "Give the full names of your three best friends." An in—sample choice of a friend will be defined as a person who is a member of the high school student body, who filled out a questionnaire, and who signed his or her name to that ques- tionnaire. A file relating each student to a unique number was constructed. From this, the friendship choices given and received by each student were coded. A person chosen by another is classified as a member of that person's gpppp. Hence, a person can either choose his way into a group, or be chosen into the group. A sociometric group consists of students related by both reciprocated and unreciprocated choices: That is, if A chooses B and B chooses A, A and B are said to reciprocate; if A chooses B but B does not lODavid Gottlieb and Warren TenHouten, "Race as a Variable in the Social Systems of Three American High Schools," Journal of Marriage and the Family, forthcoming. 207 choose A, the choice is unreciprocated. The following con— vention was used to prevent a sociometric group from becoming very large. ”If a relatively distinct sub—group is linked to the whole group in a one~way chain of two or more unreciprocated choices, consider the subugroup a separate group." This instruction became necessary in about twenty groups in each of the three schools. This procedure is not fully "objective" in that decisions had to be made. There is considerable variation among the race—sex groups in the three schools in the number of friends answered for, and in the number of friends that were answered for that were also in the sample for their school. Data on this are presented in Table 6.1. For the dominant race groups in each school, which includes all groups in North Mixed High School, the per cent of choices made in—school ranged from 32 to 40%. For the minority populations, the North Negro whites and the North White Negroes, a smaller prOportion of choices was made within the sample. Yet they made mpg; choices than their cross-race classmates. It can be concluded that the racial minorities in the two racially unbalanced schools are choosing friends outside of the school they attend. Hence we see from this datum that the friendships of a small racial minority are focused outside of their school and that social .rewards for these two groups are not found in the school. 'ABLE 6.l-—Mean Number of Total Sociometric Choices, and Mean Average Number of In—Sample Sociometric Choices, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Per Cent Mean Average of School/ Mean Average In-Sample Choices Race Sex (Number) Total Choices Choices In—Sample North Negro Negro Boys (806) 2.32 .84 37.6 Negro Girls (894) 2.60 .99 38.2 White Boys ( 9) 1.78 .11 6.2 White Girls ( 8) 1.75 .25 18.2 North Mixed Negro Boys (425) 2.26 .74 32.6 Negro Girls (441) 2.51 .97 38.4 White Boys (532) 2.25 .72 34.6 White Girls (448) 2.42 .92 37.9 Iiortl White Negro Boys ( 53) 2.13 .40 15.9 Negro Girls ( 58) 2.34 .59 25.0 Vhite Boys (1230) 2.12 .72 33.8 white Girls (1289) 2.50 1.04 40.2 209 They are alienated from their high school, as we shall see in other contexts. Table 6.1 also shows that, within each race in each school, girls tend to make more choices, total, than boys, and without exception make more in-sample choices than boys. To the extent that in-sample choosing indicates adjustment to school, it can be concluded that—-under every racial composition-—girls of each race are better adjusted socially than boys. We can now end this necessary methodological digres— sion, and return to the problem at hand——the empirical testing of Moreno's definition of group retardation as a tool for predicting differential sociometric structures of race—sex groups. The definition states that a retarded sociometric structure will have few reciprocations. Data on this are presented in Table 6.2. Examination of this table permits the following state- ments: (1) Within each school (with the exception of North White, where there are no data for whites), girls have a higher proportion of choices reciprocated than boys. This finding persists when race is controlled for.(2) Within each school, whites reciprocate a higher proportion of choices than Negroes. It was predicted that the gap between girls and boys should be highest in the Negro populations, but this is not indicated by these data. The product moment correlations are very small, and indicate in general that *eaa. me. as. am. am. Amwmav macho ease: *eo. mm. mm. mm. Hm. Ammmav whom muse: so.. He. as. as. on. Amm V macho ocwez so. mm. om. am. em. Amm v msom opmez than: escoz me. we. as. as. as. Amssv macho than: eega. mm. as. mm. mm. Aommc msom than: eemfi. mm. me. om. :m. Ammev macho opwez m 00. em. mm. Hm. mm. Aeasv msom opwez 2 news: eehoz co. 00. ee. 00. -Am V matfie town: oo. co. co. 00. Am a msom than: 00. mm. mm. mm. mm. gamma manna oswez *eo. am. am. am. am. “coma whom ocwez oawoz hpsoz mUth Ucm mdpwpm .73» .HOHCmm LOHCSH. meaOEOEQOw .HmDESZ xmm momm O mCO .m 00 m an Homgoo pmpmoogofioom mooflono mo coappooonm H com .maoonom Chocpnoz ”poops pew «xom acomm mp .popmoopofioom mooaoco mo noneoz pom opmnm newspom mcowpmaohmoo pcoEoz @0300pm pom «popmoOhoHoom omad one: pmzp mom: moofloco oHoEmmch mo coaphooopmlum.m mqmflooom mucoUSQm mo mowmpcoopomllm.m mqmflooom mooflogo owmgo>< :moz H c m .maoocom Chocpsoz ”oompo pow xxom .oomx so .oomso pom mspmpm oHLpoEoHoom coozpom mcoflpmaopgoo psoEoz posoohm poo “mucopzpm mo mspmpm OHLBmEofiooo :mozu|:.m mqmqe 218 in the school. Negroes have lowest sociometric status in North White High, where they are fewest, and highest in North Negro High, where they are most numerous. Conversely, whites have lowest status in North Negro High, where they are fewest, and highest in North White High, where they are most. Hence, we see that the proportion of choices increases with age, the proportion of isolates decreases with age, and sociometric status increases with age. These are the criteria Moreno used to define a retarded group structure. The Opposite of a retarded group structure is an integrated group structure. Moreno utilizes integration of sociometric groups as evidence for his theory of group evolution, as he found that ”Spontaneous organization of groupings among children and adolescents develop year by year from simple 17 to more complex stages of integration." The integration of groups was indexed by an increase in the percentage of choices reciprocated over increasing age. Criswell also 18 In Table 6.2, the same found this process to operate. result was obtained. Criswell, in a later paper, presents a general measure of group integration, which allows for controlling for group differences in size and composition ¥ l7 18Joan Henning Criswell, "Sociometric Analysis of Negro—White Groups,” Sociometric Review (Hudson, New York: New York State Training School for Girls, 1936), pp. 50-53. Moreno, op. cit., p. 214. r‘ 219 19 through the use of a chance expectancy model. It is some- what surprising that this integration index has not been used as a measure of socialization, especially considering Moreno's emphasis on the relation of group integration to socialization. A group is distinguished from an aggregate by the social bonds uniting the members. If a group is cohesive the members will be strongly attracted to each other. Blau, in developing a theory of social integration, points out that bonds of social attraction should be viewed from two perspectives: How attracted each person is to the group, and how attractive each person is to the rest of the group. He makes the further distinction that A person's strong attraction to a group clearly does not make him an integrated member of it. . . . Only if he can make himself attractive to the other mem- bers will he attain an integrated position among them. A person is considered to be integrated in a group if the other members find him sufficiently attractive to associate with him fSSely and accept him in their midst as one of them. In sociometric terms, this formulation of integration can be made in terms of friendship choices. If a student is attracted to a group, he will choose persons in that group. If others in that group find him attractive, they will in 19Joan Henning Criswell, "The Measurement of Group Integration," Sociometry, 10 (1947), pp. 259-267. 20Peter M. Blau, ”A Theory of Social Integration," The American Journal of Sociology, LXV (1960), p. 546. I\_) F\_) O tzLirn choose him. Hence, integration can be measured in tzearms of reciprocation of sociometric choices. The measurement of reciprocation was considered by IVIoreno.21 He simply traced the per cent of reciprocated czfioices in school classes over age. As children age, the goear cent of choices reciprocated was found to increase. 53:1milar results were found later by Criswell.22 This {Deattern has also been found in Table 6.2. A more sophisticated measure of group integration was Ibiresented in an article (cited by ff 19) by Criswell. The EEJCpected number of reciprocations in a group of size N, ClaJJ.it R, is given by the formula R = N(N - l)p2, where F) = d/(N - 1) is the likelihood of a person being chosen 'bsl chance. The corresponding formula for U, the expected Thimber of unreciprocated choices, is given by the formula 11 = N(N - l)p(1 — p). R plus U equals T, the total number fo choices made by all members of the group. To obtain the iridex of integration, the obtained ratio of reciprocated to 14r1reciprocated choices is divided by the chance ratio. The Ckiance ratio, N(N — l)p2/Ngn - l)pq reduces to p/q. Hence, tkie entire formula can be reduced to I = R*q/U*p, where R* 153 the observed number of reciprocated choices, and U* is tile cmserved number of unreciprocated choices. 2lIbid. C} 22Criswell, "Sociometric AnalySiS Of Negro-White POUpS," op. cit. .. y ,- ihe in egrati;n index, 1, was c:n;uted for all grOUps 3 in t;k1ez three northern schools. ;:e attained values were thEPYI (Torrelated with *he “verage as“ of ea'h of the groups. (1 - Dar ,1‘ ”“9 wqprtt' ‘ ’“c I F L w (A ‘3‘ .. pr '1 L. ~_ A. '. ’ A at.) A ’ o r, ' v . “F > > ‘ fl 1 _ I \ _ -x . . 1 1 '. >4 — . 3‘ V ' , . . V -‘ .. , 6 .- 5 ‘~ ‘3 x.‘ TA~4~J~ - . . 5'... ‘1)» A . 1:1... Allx'l ..v' , - Ii ...1 I v‘ . 3" ii 0 'v— V V v \ ’— ‘J ~‘o ‘r‘, o J ' -‘ O '\,-. . J we, -q >4 . A‘ ‘ ‘ - >— _ ' l .... ' ' 3.4 A I q - ‘2 La... A'»:|l§) L etflt-Je r}— ' . > - 'r r b J 0 . a “ 4 P '-~ 4 Q , I v - n m . n. n "‘ ‘ . BC_ :1 - a h. “3’: -5 \J-‘ Jl‘tt“.v U Vo’ ) . ~ J - g A ~_-‘ .. Lk‘ O — :~ : 3:.— —_fi Correlations Tum;~ . _ ‘ - ._ between Index " ‘ ' and f" ---...— cc:}1:,cr; g~ iman Std. Zev. Average Age _____‘___¥ -1 v *‘Vr‘t'. ‘ J , c) f-‘Z’ I‘= :Cb I; . _ + FV5rg5T 7" = ; inter of seniors; + 2 (Juniors) S<:;:-'":roi r; + ju.iors + scghomores. I c .: 2*1 :* were in the gredicted direction, t . . rloLeéuz t.e increa:t in integration over age is weak. The t _ hREE: correlati 's are not significant. It is not a sur~ “ ‘ ’ -_ ‘ p1 1:36: that the c:rr~-ations would be so .cw, as tne corre- , « t 1.“... . . .. .« t , 3"1~JLB tetween nu .-r c1 reciprocated choices and grade in M’; - 6 D \' ‘~* ‘~'7 ”ha .1 ‘n ‘ *‘n ‘19]. .c. WHI“ 111‘.. 122A. inose 10h ..o-reia.1o~ns were ‘L s , ‘ . iguificant, hcweVer, as the case base was the number of St ~ L"debts rather than tne number of groups. The integration index is a relatively crude measure of trjef cohesion cf a sociometric group. The higher the R.) K) N index, the more complexly the students in the group are inter—related, the more complex and interdependent are their role relations. Since the groups increase in complexity and inter-relatedness as students age, we can speak of progressive differentiation of the system. This is, in Boulding's words, "structural growth” of a social system.23 In the next section, we will examine the processes of structural growth in adolescent peer groups. Sex roles will be emphasized, and limited reference will be made to race roles. Race and the peer group will be taken up in detail in the next chapter. Before turning to this discus— sion, we will briefly examine sociometric groups in terms of population growth. The size of a group, as we shall see, is an extremely crude measure of group integration. The size of a group is an important property in sociological and social psychological theories of groups, however, and thus merits a few comments. A study by Bassett contains data on high school groups of varying size and age. Of ten cliques, one is predominantly senior, two predominantly Junior, three predominantly sopho— more, and three freshmen. The senior group had 17 students, the Junior groups averaged 13, and the sophomore and freshman 23Kenneth E. Boulding, "Toward a General Theory of Growth," The Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science, 19 (1953), pp. 326-340. 223 groups averaged 10.3 each. Hence, population size is seen to increase with age.”4 Hallworth found that grammar school boys and girls, as they age, had . a tendency to make progressively larger and better integrated groups. . . . There was a growth from mutual choices, through small and loosely—knit structures, to a large group centered around a nucleus of some four or five individuals, one of whom was particularly overchosen.2 Hence Hallworth's data is consistent with Bassett's. He goes beyond in suggesting a positive relationship between size and integration, and that size per sg is not the whole story. Data on the relationships between size and age, and size and integration, are presented in Table 6.6. The correlations between size and age are positive but weak. These values are very close to the correlations found between integration and age (Table 6.5) and between reciprocations and age (Table 6.2). Hallworth's statement that size and integration vary together is supported by high and significant correlations. (It is not clear that Hall— worth meant Criswell's index by "integration.") __ 2“Raymond E. Bassett, "Cliques in a Student Body of Stable Membership," Sociometry, 7 (1944), pp. 290-302. The data is derived from Table X, p. 292. The same table also shows a weak positive relation between grade and number of reciprocations. 25H. J. Hallworth, "Sociometric Relations Among Grammar School Boys and Girls Between the Ages of Eleven and Sixteen Years, " Sociometry, 16 (1953), pp. 39- 70. *xwm. mo. m.mfi ©.N Ammmv tonez epsoz *xma. mH. 2.0H H.s Aman poxfiz cohoz **om. so. m.ma s.w Amsao oemmz essoz 4 coaoohwoch pom omfim om< pom oNflm .>om.opm com: masosw Hoozom & mo LooEsz mcoflpmaoseoo pcoEoz posoomm mdooso mo omflm .mHoocom cmohonoz ”soocH coflpmpw louoH who pom omfim coospom pow «om< owmpo2< pom omflm somepom mcoaomaoomoo ucoEoz poooomm pom Amonomo oHLpoEOHoom mo omflm mo coflpmflsoo ogmoomom pom cmozllo @ mqmf‘ the ”sociocenter.” This is, of course, analogous to the rnc>ther‘s expressive-powerful role in the nuclear family. In summary, Dunphy found that, as in the family, the aciolescent in the peer group ”. . . proceeds through a series CDf‘ successively more complex systems of relationships and in tThe'process identifies with status figures, internalizing‘ tkieir=roles. Thus his personality continues to expand through tkke progressive differentiation of his object system.H36 Hence, we see that the group structures of adolescents <3ar1 be analyzed within the theoretical context developed in EEarlier chapters. In the previous chapter, it was stated thuat peers increase in importance as the child ages, Here, WE? have seen that by the onset of adolescence the peer group 11853 assumed ”. . . many of the functions previously performed fYDI‘ the individual by the family and is thus of considerable Siésnificance in promoting his increasing independence from \ 36Ibid,, p. 245. 232 ishe family."37 The functions described by Dunphy emphasize :intentional instruction. It has, however, been stated in ‘this text that peers socialize primarily by incidental learning, i.e., peers are primarily role models rather than :role socializers. Here, it is seem again that the two pro— cesses are not substantively distinct, and that socializing :reference groups are of value in socialization by both rnethods. As an additional note, it is reasonable to expect ‘that the peer group as a reference group is most important £35 a role model, for incidental learning, and that the peer Egroup as a membership group is most important for role ssocialization, for intentional instruction. The hypotheses in this chapter are consistently Esupported, but the results are characteristically weak, i.e., EStatistically non-significant. It may well be the case that tlie measurement of socialization from the SOphomore to por— t:ion.of the socialization process, that only small increments C<3uld be eXpected in a span of two.years. The hypotheses about boy-girl differentials receive In(Dre consistent support than do the hypotheses about Negro- ‘Vrlite differences. It is apparent that school racial <3Cunposition exerts an influence on the indices of social— iization, as the indices vary in predictable ways under differing \_ 37Ib1d., pp. 2u2-2u3 R.) LA) LA) racial compositions. Since these empirical results are so scattered in the chapter, a summary of the findings will be presented here, with respect to the hypotheses that girls are socialized more rapidly and successfully than are boys, and that whites are socialized more rapidly and successfully than are Negroes. 1. Isolation is an index of poor socialization, and is inversely related to "group solidarity:" In ten of twelve cases, the number of isolates declines over increasing age. a. In five of the six comparable cases in which race is controlled for, in "All Grades," girls are less isolated than are boys. The single exceptions is based on a comparsion of 9 boys and 8 girls. b. With the exception of North Negro High, when sex is controlled for, Negroes are more isolated than are whites. Racial composition is a strong factor: The percentage of a race group in a school isolated is inversely proportional to the percentage of students of that race in the school. 2. _§ociometric status is an index of socialization: In ten of eleven race sex groups, status increases with increasing age. a. Without exception, the average sociometric Status of girls in a school is higher than that for boys. A... b. r*r all comparable cases, Whites have higher 3. Criswe 1's Integration Index is an index of L—‘ ~ ization his index is positively H :3 m H F! r? 3‘ "S (T) (D (I) ( x D‘ O () i,— I U) (‘T }_J socia correlated with age, a. In all three schools, the proportion female b. In two of the three schools, the proportion white is positively correlated with thi index. The excep- U) tion i based on a handful of cases. U) u. group size is a crude in index of socialization: In all three schools, group size is ositively correlated with age. a. In all three schools, the proportion female is positively correlated with group size. b. In only one of three schools, however, is the proportion white positively correlated with size, at North White High. . Criswell s sex self—preference index (receiving 5 more choices than giVing? is an index of satialization. a. Within rac; groups, girls have higher sex self-preference than do boys. b. Within sex groups, whites have higher sex Self—preference than do Negroes. I) :3 ..L 2“ w; .e tn f. l a a J. r“ ‘ 4' r .5..C1AK~ ”V us U rowth in system f‘_ v er the the earl; “f v 0v .1. 2.. II. ”D 4. .4 4 C C CHAPTER VII THE SOCIAL SYSTEMS OF NEGRO AND WHITE ADOLESCENTSl Introduction In recent years, there ha as been a growing concern on the part of social scientists and educators with youth social— n2 ization and the emergence of ”youth subcultures. In pursuit of explanations of these phenomena, the social scientist has looked to what have become a tr aditioral set of ”independent variables": Dimersiors of family organization, social class, religion, parental education, ard ommu ity structure ard size.4 Race, as an independent mlriat e, is rarely utilized in any systematic Way. Inis is rot to suggest that race has been totally neglected. Rather, the student of education has lThis chapter is in part , adapted from David Gottlieb and Warren lensouten “The Social Sys+ems of Negro and Wtite Adoles cents,‘ paper read at the 5‘9tn Annual Meeting of the .American Sociologira l Asso iation, September 3, 19 A, Montreal, (Ianada Fortnc omilg as Daxld Gottlieb .and W rren 7eu~c~lco Racial Composition as a Variable in ire Social S; en TPhree High Schools,” JOlrnal of Marriage and tre Family. (a tj ( 711’ 2Albert J Lott and Bernice E, Lott, Negr o a a wwwte 7K0uth: A Psychological Study in a LflYdPl-STBJE Commu i1 (New -{0rkz Holt Rinehart and WinstoW Inc., I F3} p, 3, Also see R. M. Dreger and K. S. Miller, «omparative P , szccologictl Studies of Negroes and Whites in the Urited St:a tes,‘ Psycho- _lpg1ca1 Bulletin, 57 (igoo), pp. 351—432, 235 Lo p3rac1iced a sort of ”methodological segregation." in Srudies of youth within the formal setting of the high school, Negroes tend to be either "lumped" 1oge1her wi1h other sludeh1s or excluded from the analysis With the ex- planation that their presence would distorl the findings. L1 is primarily in the area of social problems and social devian~e Tha’ Negro youth.are given research consideration. In these insrances. however, Lhe rave variable is 100 of1en merely a marginal showirg wha1 per cen1 of all delinquen1s, drop outs. gang members, and so forth are Negroes. On this, low and 1,011,. wrile: The social sciences in the united Sta1es have . . . to a considerable extent, ignored the nondevian1 Negro, 1hus contributing Lo his lack of visibiliTy. Within psychology, for example, Negroes have usually been excluded from test standardization groups, have not 1ypically been studied as subjects in investiga- Tions of general psychological processes, and have been generally overlooked in s1udies of child developnexd. 'Phe failure to look a1 Negro youth wi1hln the ne11lnm ()1' CVIr' :1rrhCDCil11 l S é1l§l tile IHC)YT? (ll T'Fl,rul ll 1 r1 llltd(rr‘H7 arzcl. HleH 1he present level of awarenesn of rare in lhlvrr hnrnnnnl relations, 1he development of Heltmvmuvvh'. Mud Ormrallonal and occupational aspirations and allalnmvnl. This “hapter will deal wllh slnllarltirn nrd dlfterw Urwvu of Negro and white youth in a con1ex1 of the social flyn19m of their high School. I' .. . — Jazz; .gunanmi=1!"W‘2:nam;lmm—a-mn£t——mwxu.=:m_:—.um mums—naglmn—dm 12“-!» O»— . . n32-..m. -'--I'— :-..n ,. l ..a...”.2_u;&.c -._...A..-..... .—l -... ”.3... a “A... A - .1 .s_ l- I 238 An important consideration in the design of this research was to select schools at different stages of racial integration into most social institution in our society is Negro in—migration and white out—migration, we would expect differences in the social systems of the high schools as the proportion of Negroes increases. Within these social systems, the selection of one predominantly white school, one mixed, and one predominantly Negro makes it possible to examine what processes occur when the student establishment is confronted with an incoming group. In addi— tion, information can be gained on how the newcomers estab— lish themselves and how they are absorbed into the ongoing structure. Although this approach does not offer the analytical opportunities provided by a longitudinal examin- ation, it does allow for the making of comparisons between systems at various stages of racial change. Involvement in School Activities The degree to which students are integrated within the social setting of the school can be determined in part by their involvement in the extra—curricular activities offered by the school. Table 7.1 shows the percentages of students in each race sex group in each school that are involved in one or more extra—curricular activities. TABLE 7.l—-Percentages of Students Involved in One or More Extra—Curricular Social Activities, by Race and Sex: All Schools. Negro Boys White Boys Negro Girls White Girls School % (N) % (N) % (N) % (N) South Negro 63.2 (209) -- —-- 70.0 (263) -- —~_ South White —- --- 72.6 (606) -- —-— 70.9 {6633 North Negro 72.3 (800) 33.0 ( 9) 71.4 (876} 25.0 < 8' North Mixed 73.8 (401) 43.5 (531) 71.4 (420) 49.0 (4433 North White 54.5 ( 55) 64.2 (1196) 51.7 ( 58) 61.3 (1164* At South Negro High, Negro boys participate in fewer activities than Negro boys in the North, with the exception of North White High School. The Negro girls at this school, how- ever, participate at the same rate as Negro girls in the Northern schools where there is a sizeable Negro group in the school, and more than the small Negro minority girls at North White High. The South White High School students of both sexes participate in more activities than the white students in the Northern schools. It can be seen from Table 7.1 that only in North White High are Negro students less likely to be involved in extra- curricular activities than their white peers. In this school, the difference between Negro and white participation is least. 240 As we progress from North White, where Negro students are a small minotiry, to a larger Negro population--in the other two schools-—there is an increase in the prOportion of Negro students participating, and a decrease in the proportion of white students participating. These data indicate a departure on the part of the white students as Negro students gain in numbers, and an increasing involvement of Negro students. This finding evinces the importance of examining in greater detail the social processes by which Negro adolescents begin, maintain, and enhance their involvement in their high school. Hopefully, examination of further data will enable us to decide whether (1) there is an undifferentiated mass exodus on the part of white students who have already been in the system, or whether (2) there is a gradual giving up and taking on of certain roles and functions by both racial groups in the school. It will be shown that as changes in racial compo— sition takes place, the withdrawal of whites from activity participation is not an undifferentiated mass exodus: 0n the contrary, there is a very definite structure in the changes in roles and functions of Negro and white students. It will be shown that, for Northern schools, Negro and white students develop distinct social systems, that result in both racial groups maintaining their own forms of racial segregation. In terms of increasing Negro participation in the high school, the following processes can be anticipated. 241 A. In situations where there is an already established social system of white students, the incoming Negro group will enter first into those activities which call for a minimum of social or unstructured inter-personal contact between the races. The initial participation within the school will be limited to those activities which are not perceived as prestige-giveing by the white majority or by the Negro minority. B. As the proportion of Negro students increases and they become a sizeable percentage of the student pOpulation (such as in North Mixed High School), there will emerge two separate social systems. In this case there will be clear distinctions between the races with respect to the types of activity in which the student is involved and the prestige attributed to those engaged in the activity. C. When there has been a total changeover from white to Negro (such as in North Negro High School), there will be a decline of Negro participation in certain activities which are perceived as status-giving. In other words, participa- tion will spread out to all activities, and student behavior will not be too different from any other group of adolescents of similar background and high schools. The selected activities in which students participate was asked as an open-ended question in the South, but pre— coded in the North. Consequently, a more detailed breakdown was obtained for the Northern schools than for the Southern schools. Data for the South are presented in Table 7.2 and data for the North in Table 7.3 R.) J: R) TABLE 7.2--Percentages of Students Participating in Types of Activities, by Race and Sex: Southern Schools. South Negro South White High School High School Activity Negro Boys Negro Girls White Boys White Girls Academic ll 15 23 29 Athletic 54 39 26 9 Social . 12 34 20 l3 ‘Non—academic 58 64 20 26 Community 11 20 13 23 Sponsored Total Number (115) (166) (592) (595) "Academic" activities refer to clubs associated with academic courses, scholarship and honor clubs, and so forth. "Athletic" activities include intramural sports, and cheer- leading. "Community sponsored" activities refer to formal organizations such as 4—H and Scouting. South Negro High students place less emphasis on academic activities than South White High students. They place more emphasis on athletics, particularly for girls, Negro girls participate in far more social activities than Negro boys; for whites, boys participate in more social activi- ties than girls. This pattern, though not as pronounced, will also occur in the Northern schools. This finding is commen- surate with the idea that Negro girls have more social capability relative to Negro boys than do white girls relative to white boys. Data for the three Northern Schools are presented in Table 7.3. 243 TABLE 7.3--Percentages of Students Participating in Selected Extra—Curricular Activities, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Negro White Negro White Boys Boys Girls Girls Activity North Negro High School Band or Orchestra 19' 67 6 -— Chorus or Vocal 14 -- 37 100 Dramatics 7 33 12 -— School Paper or Yearbook 3 33 8 -— Debate Clubs 10 67 7 —- Student Government 11 —- 18 —- Language Clubs 10 -- 25 —- Hobby Clubs ' 14 67 12 -- Athletics, Varsity ClUb 52 67 35 -- Vocational Clubs 16 -— 18 50 Total Number (597) 3) (626) ( 2) Activity North Mixed High School Band or Orchestra 17 16 10 12 Chorus or Vocal 16 8 41 26 Dramatics 6 6 l9 9 School Paper or Yearbook 6 14 9 16 Debate Clubs 8 15 8 9 Student Government 6 l3 6 14 Language Clubs 3 12 5 l4 Hobby Clubs 8 12 14 13 Athletics, Varsity Club 71 53 58 36 Vocational Clubs 9 7 18 11 Total Number (296) (231) (300) (216) Activity North White High School Band or Orchestra 18 17 10 9 Chorus or Vocal 15 8 37 25 Dramatics 5 5 7 10 School Paper or Yearbook 5 . l4 7 l4 Debate Clubs 7 3 4 3 Student Government 5. 17 7 15 Language Clubs 7 5 —- 4 Hobby Clubs 75 15 33 11 Athletics, Varsity Club 70 62 62 37 Vocational Clubs 15 8 17 12 Total Number (30) (768) (30) (712) 244 From Table 7.3 it can be observed that while there is some variation between students of the same race in differ- ent schools, the variations between races in the same schools are more pronounced. In North White High School, comparison of males and females of each race shows that there are five out of ten activities in which the differen— tial of involvement exceeds five per cent. Of particular interest are the activities in which both groups of students are frequently involved. For the Negro males in the pre— dominantly white school, Athletics,-Band or Orchestra, Voca- tional Clubs, and Chorus are the primary areas of involvement. For the white males in the school, the five activities most frequently given are Athletics, Student Government, Band or Orchestra, Hobby Clubs, and the School NeWSpaper and Yearbook. The two activities in which both groups have a high rate of involvement are Athletics and Band-Orchestra. These are highly structured activities which require little intere personal contact. In particular, they require little inter- racial contact. Student Government, School Newspaper, and Hobby Clubs, on the other hand, demand a closer and more consistent contact which must occur in a relatively informal setting, and for which entrance is controlled by students, on the basis of particularistic criteria such as popularity. The pattern among the females in this school is not too different from that observed among the males. The one excep- tion is the Negro girls' high involvement in Hobby Clubs. This can be explained by the face that the particular club to which the Negro girls belong is a scrool :p.1:crcd prpuiar music group organized by the Negro girls: It is no: parti- cipated in by white girls. .1) In North Mixed High School, there are semen activities $-§ 9'-’~' TI) *3 I among the males, and eight among the females, where d:’ ences in activity involvement exceeds five per tent. In ritie addition, it will be noted that there ar simil (D {/1 31’ between this school and North White High in the types 31 activities in which both racial groups are involved. Finally, the findings for this school lend Euppfi“t to the prOposition that with an increase in the Negro sub—population there will be indications of the emergence of two separate social systems. This conclusion was supported by direct observation of social patterns Within this school. Racial cleavage in areas of social contact was pronounced: In the classroom, in the halls, and in structured activities. In North Negro High School, the school with only a handful of white students, the Negro students show a greater spread in activity involvement. As suggested earlier, in a school where the process of racial change from white to Negro is "completed," there is less concentration in specific activities and a more even distribution into all activities within the school. Although the white group in this school is very small, it is interesting to note that it is very much like the minority group in North White High in that the numberical minority clusters in a few activ1t1es. 246 Prestige and Leadership In examining prestige and leadership in the social systems of high schools, we will look at three sets of data. First, the extent to which students in the various situa- tions perceive themselves as leaders in their school. This will then be related to the student's image he would like others to have of his or her high school experience. Then, we will examine the relationships of students' perceived leadership and criteria used to describe who are the leaders in the high school. Data on student perception of belonging to a leading group in the school was based on responses to the following questions: Would you say you are a part of a group who are leaders in your school? If no: Would you like t e a part of a leading group? "Yes" or "No" responses were offered for each question. Data are presented in Table 7.4 At South Negro High, girls are more apt to belong to a leading group than boys. The percentages for both sexes are higher than at any of the other four high schools. The prOportions of "Yes" responses are slightly higher for boys at South White High School. The proportions for white Students are higher in the South than in the North. In North White High School, Negro students are slightly less apt to belong to a leading group. Of all the students 247 0.00H m. m.aH m.mm :.mm H.mm AosmanHcao moses m.am a. m.ma H.sm m.mm 0.0m AmomHV msom moans o.ooa -1- w. m.sa H.m: c.2m gem V macaw ocmmz o.ooH --- s.m m.sH m.ms m.om Amm V msom ocmmz moan: ascoz m.ooa m. s.sa m.:m 0.0m m.mm AsmsV macaw mung: o.ooa --- m.om H.0m m.:m m.mm AammV msom space o.ooH m. m.HH m.sa H.mm a.mm AmasV macaw ocmmz o.ooa m. s.m s.ma m.mm o.ms AsoaV msom ocmmz sagas assoz o.ooa nun m.ms --- o.mm m.mH Am V macaw moan: 0.0a In- H.HH H.HH m.mm 3.3: Am V msom moses m.mm s. m.m H.mH m.mm m.m: AmsmV macaw ocwmz o.ooa H. m.m s.sH m.mm s.ma AoasV msom ocwmz opmmz appoz c.00H nu- m.s H.0H s.sm 0.0: AoomV macwm muses o.ooa m. m.m 0.:H m.mm m.ms Amme msom manna mews; spasm o.ooa --- m.s H.0H o.sH H.os AommV macaw ocmmz m.ma m.H s.m m.ma 3.0m H.5m AmmHV msom ocmmz oswoz cpsom pcmo pom oxaq co oxfiq poz mpmo OB oxaq QSOhw pmcezz xom comm Hmpoe .oemm cases .62 p.coml eases; wcaesmqlmm Hooaom oz .02 com .02 p22 “02 wcoaom .mow .maoonom HH< “xom ocm comm up .onpc Hoonom swam wcfiomoq m CH aficmsonEoz mo mcoapdoouom macapm> spas mummUSpm mo mmwmuCoopomlnz.s mqm mcfi>flu moCoUSum mo mowmucoomomlsm.m mamae 252 At North Mixed High, where we would predict the eennergence of two separate social systems, there is greater <3c>nsensus between both Negroes and whites as to what leads t:c> leadership and activity involvement. Negroes are more lJLkely than whites to be involved in athletics, and they seee this activity as important to leadership. Conversely, vvriites are lower on athletic activities and give athletics 11233 status. Student government involvement is higher for Wiuites, and they are more likely to see it as a means of lxeadership than are the Negro students. Finally, unlike Kharth White High, where "Party Going" was more likely to be pearceived by whites than Negroes as important to leadership, VIe have the opposite at North Mixed. Here, we would propose tihat Negro students are in the process of developing their C>wn informal networks, quite apart from the white student t>ody. At North Negro High the situation among Negro students r‘esembles that noted among the white students at North White EIigh where whites are a clear majority. There is a more even Supread in the kinds of activities identified with leadership 513 there is in activity participation. Here the total system 1.8 in the hands of the Negro student and there is little I‘eason to concentrate one's involvement in any one activity, <>r group of activities. The small white minority in North liegro High has little involvement in school—centered activi- ties and tends--not unlike the Negro minority in North White High--to turn to the formal system for rewards. Criteria for Popularity Within the Peer Group In the preceeding section, we saw that a racial minority :in a high school will seek status in formal activities requir- :ing a minimum of cross—race interaction. Racial composition tvas seen to be an important determinant of the kinds of {activities students of a given race see as important to status. Piere, we will examine characteristics of different race sex Egroups in each school that are perceived as status giving, riot in the total system, but in the student's own informal Iaeer group. Students were presented a set of alternatives ‘to the following question: ”In the group you go around with, tvhich of the things below are important to be pOpular with the group?" The distributions of responses to this question for Northern schools are presented in Table 7.7. "Ability to get along with all types of people” was nmntioned as important to popularity in the peer group more than twice as frequently as any other choice by every race sex.group in every school. In all three schools, Negroes tend to place higher Estatus value on dress and the possession of money. Negroes in all schools place a higher value on being Ilnformed about the popular heroes of teen—age mass culture. lIn both race groups, girls give this response more frequently ‘than boys. The North White High Negroes are in general more apt to value instrumental attributes that are rewarded by the 254 .EopH ooHoco oHQHquE m ma mwcu mocam o.ooa Lo>o on Hmpou has mowwucoopmm m m OOO O OOH OH: OH: 30: OOm eONH Nm ONHH mm tooezz Hoooe O.OOH e.mm O.mm N.mN O.em H.HO m.ON N.NH H.Om H.NO O.ON h.he oHoooo go otoao HHo :HHz mcon How 0» szHHol I: m.OH H.HH m.mN m.w O.o m.NN O.NN e.H e.mH H.HN 0.0H Hoeoe oeo: n- m.: u: H.O O.m m.e O.mH m.NH N.m O.H O.mH m.HH Neoneh to NcHethO O.Hm O.HN .. H.OH n.0H H.ON m.m m.NH O.eH O.mN O.O H.mH htooh oH>oe o:r mgmw:ww Lwfizooq do UHHoz ozb :H co wcHom w.pm:2 zocx It 7.1 H.HH o.mm m.m m.w ~.wm H.5m 3.mH n.mH m.mm o.NH Lao m m>HLa m.Nm m.mm H.HH m.mm m.Hm H.UH Q.NH m.mH H.NH m.mH m.mH m.HH noowLm oooo m.NH m.eN H.HH O.mH o.NN m.OH O.HH m.OH O.mm H.mm :.eH O.NH metuecoOh i.toe :mHe pro; 01 m.uH 2.x: :.®m 0.2H :.Hm m.mH m.oH H.mH m.Hm m.mH o.>H zopwbzmom HnHoS Homo J>xr II l.nH II :.mm m.mH :. H H.Nm 0.9m r.mw m.ww m.(m m.om Lennono shown a mzHou II H.mH H.HH m.mm m.n m.HH n.mH m.cm M.: N.m m.:H ©.mH pconp Howoion o50m mcH>a: NHLHQ hHLHo axon mzom NHLHo mHLHo wxon whoa NHLHO mHLHo whom who; oHHcg OLmtr oHHrz OLHofi mOHut Obmmz muHC? OLMoh mowcn Ohmmx ouflzz OLmoz mHgopHLu Ohmmz cupoz ooxHE cuLo: obHcs Cohoz 'K m.mHoo:on Cpocupoz ”xoo Lmfisnom mchb 0o ucmuhooEH m< NHLQHHLQ oopooHom m:H>Ho npcoozum no momxH:ioLod||>.m mgbab ocm oomm mo .anoLo Loom LHocB : AH :formal system—-being higher than whites on talent, and sslightly lower on good grades. In North Mixed High, all groups place more emphasis can talent and grades. The Negro boys place even more eemphasis on dress, driving a car, and having money relative 130 the white boys than in North White High. Negro and vvhite girls, on the other hand, both place less emphasis on tzhese attributes than in North White High. North Mixed rJegroes, having a better—developed inter-personal system tzhan North White Negroes, place much greater emphasis on ggetting along with people, and less emphasis on emulating Iniddle class morality, as in North White High School. There is very little difference between the Negroes .1n North Mixed and North Negro High Schools. At North Negro lHigh, talent and grades are given slightly more emphasis. 'Ialent and grades, however, increase for every group, from INorth White to North Mixed to North Negro, with the one ex— <3eption of the white boys in North Negro High. In summary, there is considerable variation of responses toetween race sex groups within each school, but very little ‘Jariation for race sex groups between schools. The small (differences found between schools are more readily explained toy class differences than by racial composition. For a given receesex group, the racial composition of their school is not highly related to the frequency to which they respond to various criteria for popularity in the peer group. This is :in contradistinction to responses for leadership activities :for the whole school. Though Negroes and whites participate tzo some extent in the same formal school activities, they Eire far less apt to belong to the same informal peer groups. fiacial composition of a school is unimportant to popularity j.n the peer group because, in all three schools, peer groups Eire racially segregated, i.e., they are racially homogeneous. [X high level of racial cleavage in friendship patterns was (observed in seating arrangements, in the lunchrooms, and in iihe halls of the schools. In addition, sociometric data was cobtained from each student, to measure the amount of cross- :race friendship choices of students in each school. These (data will be examined in the following section. The Racial Composition of Informal Peer Groups It is a well—established empirical finding that a racial <3r ethnic minority will usually show higher self-preference 1:han a racial or ethnic majority. Lundberg and Dickson have Eshown that Negro high school students show greater self— Ebreference than whites, and that their self—preference is Egreatest for friendship choices, is intermediate for work, 81nd is least for leadership.“ ~ George A. Lundberg and Lenore Dickson, "Interethnic lielation in a High School Population," American Journal of Ermiology, 58 (1952), pp. l—lO; George A. Lundberg and Lenore Dickson, "Selective Association Among Ethnic Groups in a High School Population," American Sociological Review, 17 In this study, sociometric data were collected only :for friendship choices. All students were asked to name ‘Cheir three best friends. From this data, the self— gpreference levels of each race sex group in each school was cietermined, using Criswell's double-ratio index of self- preference.5 Number of same—race choices % number of cross-race choices Number of students in same a number of students in other race race frhe self—preference scores are presented in Table 7.8. ESince there were so few whites in North Negro High, and since ‘they made so few within—sample choices, the indices for that school are virtually meaningless, and are not presented. TABLE 7. 8——Criswe11's Index of Race Self— Preference, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Negro White Negro White School Boys Boys Girls Girls .NOrth Mixed 74.9 17.7 94.1 21.9 INorth White 58.0 4.7 104.2 60.4 ¥ (1952), pp. 23—35. A recent study by St. John confirms this Iresult: See Nancy Hoyt St. John, "De Facto Segregation aid ZInterracial Association in High School,” Sociology of §§ducation, 37 (1964), pp. 334—338. 5Joan H. Criswell, "Racial Cleavage in Negro—White C3roups," Sociometry, l (1937), pp. 81—89. Joan H. Criswell "A Sociometric Study of Race Cleavage in the Classroom,” Archives of Psychology, No. 235 (1939), p. 19. As expected, Negroes show higher self-preference than vvhites. Within each racial group, girls show higher racial sself—preferenCe than boys. It was stated earlier that, in a minority situation, vvhere there is an already established social system of vvhite students, the incoming Negro group will enter first :1nto those activities which call for a minimum of social (zontact with whites. Here we see that the Negro minority zat North White High does show a high level of self—preference Iin their choices of friends. In this situation, their parti- czipation in the school, in activities and so forth, is largely lirdted to those activities which require a minimum of cross— :race interaction. This high level of self—preference persists in the situation where the Negro population isigreater, at lNorth Mixed High, with the emergence of two separate social systems. In addition, from analysis of this school's socio— Inetric choices, we see a decline in the proportion of cross— :race choices made by white students. This is further evidence ‘that there are two separate social systems at North Mixed Iiigh, one Negro and one white. The Negro minority at North White High and the white rninority at North Negro High both showed a marked tendency ‘to choose as their three best friends persons not in the School. The per cent of choices made within the school shows the increasing alienation of whites framthe school as the prOportion of Negroes increases. At North White High, the 9 whites are about twice as apt to choose within the school as are the Negroes. At North Mixed High, there is no marked difference in in—school choices among Negroes and whites. At North Negro High, the Negroes become most committed to the school, and the whites highly alienated. This enables us to make the following proposition: The Level of commit— Inent of students to their high school varies directly with the proportion of students in the school who are of their own race. The test of this,of course,requires better data. Racial composition is seen to be a strong determinant of cross-race interaction. Since the Negroes at North White Iiigh are so few, by chance alone, i.e., in the absence of social forces, it can be expected that they will choose whites much more often than themselves. Table 7.9 shows that l7.6 per cent of the Negro girls' choices and 27.7 per cent of the Negro boys' choices were given to whites, whereas less than one per cent of the whites' choices went to Negroes. Clearly, the proportion of cross-race choices is heavily influenced by the racial composition of the school, as when as "control” for racial composition by the use of Criswell's self- preference index, we see that Negroes have higher selfO preference scores than whites. At North Mixed High School, the per cent of cross-race choices is low for both Negroes and Whites. This is addi- tional evidence for the conceptualization that there are two social systems in this school. Finally, at North Negro 0 AC H.O HmmH N.Oe OOmm hHhHO ooHez 0.0 HHO O.mm eOON whom oOHez O.HH em O.ON OmH hHhHO Ohmoz H.HN OH. 0.0H mHH whom ohmoz oOHez eohoz :.m .OH: O.Hm HOOH mHhHO oeHez H.e mam O.sm OOOH msom ooHez H.H HNe e.Om OOOH mHhHO ohmoz :.H OOO O.Nm OmO hHom ohmoz ootz eohoz 0.00 N N.OH HH mHhHO ooHez O OOH H N.O OH hHom mpHez I- HOO N.Om OOMN hHhHO.ohwoz e.O mOH O.Hm OHOH hsom ohwoz opwoz nuhoz oommIOOOHo OOOHono Hoonom mom: xom comm mooflono Hoonom HoozomncH mo ICH mooaoco moOHozo mo Hoocom 12H no pcoo pom HoQESZ Hmpoe mo Homo pom HonEsz Hmpoe .mHoocom-CLocupoz "xow cum comm an .oomm nonuo ou co>Hw moOHono HoosomlsH mo owmpcoomom pew .moOHono HoogomlsH HNHOB .Hoonom canHx moms mooflozo mo owmpcoogom .moofioso oproEoHoom Hapoeulm.m mqm an Umpmsmfiag mucoUSHm Ho homoscootomiiHH.H OHONB ‘K, frigher in the E2192 group. Also, within race groups, boys unere more estranged from their schoolwork than girls. Perhaps the most striking feature of the above data is; the high proportion of all students, in all race sex giroups, that are personally alienated from their high S<3hools. High proportions are found in students from all S<3rts of socio—economic backgrounds, in families of differ- EEITt structures, in schools with varied racial compositions €1nd.from different regions of the United States. A highly Ebrobable conclusion is that alienation is a result of the ageneral structure of the American High School as a social zinstitution. The data suggest alienation may be endemic to 1:he American High School, and is £93 confined to "dropouts," "delinquents,” or to ethnic or racial minorities. From a valuational standpoint, this high level of Eilienation does not speak well for the quality of secondary Eiducation in the United States. Of course, the judgment Cioes ppp_in turn lead to a conclusion that American secondary e“(flucation is inferior relative to that of other societies alid of other cultures. Cross-cultural data would be necessary 'tco test such an hypothesis. Conclusion In this chapter we have attempted to deal with the VEllr'iable of race in a study of adolescents. More particularly 8V5? have been concerned with the problem of racial composition 271 as a factor in the kinds of social systems which develop among Negro and white high school students. An initial proposition was that with changes in the proportion of Negroes entering a school, significant alterations would occur in the kinds of relationships that developed be— tween and among both Negro and white students. The data presented here would appear to support this conceptualiza- tion. Obviously there are other factors within a school that could produce different kinds of results. Certainly the location of the school would be important. The history of" the school system and the community in matters of race could be a salient factor. The role played by school personnel would be yet another variable that might in- fluence the kinds of relationships that exist between students. In the preceeding chapters, the focus has been on the interrelations of socialization and race. The topic Of this chapter has been the interrelations of race and the high school. Hence, it is a link between the theory or Socialization and the institutional context of the high school. Through the hypotheses about the differential socialization of race groups applied to socialization in the high school, the initial purpose of this research will be met, i.e., the three areas of socialization, race and the American high school will be at least partially in- tesrated. 272‘ “rt of the Some evidence has been presented in suppclt ‘Vixew that students perceive their schools in terms of truecir own race (see, e.g., Chapter VI) and the racial ccnngmosition of the student body and faculty. The con— ‘seuqtzences of these differential perceptions for social— izeatxion in the high school will be the topic of the next cheaprter. Then, in Chapters IX and X, race and racial com— possixtion will be related to the attainment and aspirations L. of’ si:udents with respect to educational and occupationa goals. CHAPTER VIII ROLE SOCIALIZATION IN THE HIGH SCHOOL: TEACHERS AS SOCIALIZERS In the first paragraph of this text it was stated that the American high school is an institution specifically designed to prepare adolescents for later performance of adult roles. As a socializing agent, the high school is specifically constructed to prepare students for educational and occupational role performance. In this chapter, socialization in the school by teachers will be discussed. This will be an elaboration of the theory of socialization by parents, siblings, and peers presented in earlier chapters. Teachers will also be emphasized in Chapter X. It is a generally accepted datum that Negro high school students receive less support for striving for educational (and occupational) goals than their white classmates. As was pointed out in Chapter VII, it is characteristic of American communities to provide less financial and other kinds of support for Negro high schools than for white high schools. In integrated schools, it is characteristic for faculty members, counsellors, and administrators to give less encouragement to Negro students to go on to college. 273 27H This is particularly evident in schools with predominantly white faculties. These barriers present formidable problems to the Negro student, which are intensified by the fact that faculty integration nearly always lags behind student integration. In North White High School, there were only a handful of Negro teachers; at North Mixed High School, there were 20 Negro teachers and counsellors; at North Negro High School, there were 22 Negro teachers and counsellors. In Chapter I, it was pointed out that there are systematic differences in the perceptions of Negro and white teachers by Negro and white students. Negro students find Negro teachers to be more adequate role socializers than white teachers. Negro students are apt to perceive that white teachers have ability to help them, i.e., to provide instrumental means, but do not provide expressive support. Data on this will be presented in Chapter X. A study by Gottliebl has been cited to this effect: He found that white teachers perceive Negro students not to be goal oriented, and view them as "talkative," "lazy," and "rebellious." Negro teachers, on the other hand, perceived that the same Negro students were "happy," -~ lDavid Gottlieb, "Teaching and Students: The Views of Negro and White Teachers," Sociology of Education, 37 (1964), pp. 345-353. This formulation is also consistent with the systems theory developed in this text. Since Negro boys are the most "retarded" group, we can expect that they would have difficulty establishing role relations with cross-race teachers. \)r i7 "energetic," and "fun—loving." Both perceptions were hypo- thesized to be correct. In interacting with white teachers, Negro students are not goal oriented, as they perceive that those teachers lack desire to help them attain their goals. But in interacting with teachers of their own race, where they perceive both desire and support to help them, the Negro students are more goal oriented, and industrious. In segregated schools, where Negro students perceive. a lack of educational opportunities (e.g., at North Negro High School, and at South Negro High School), the result is an inadequate socialization of these students. In the Northern city from which the sample schools were selected, e.g., Negro seniors were found to be achieving at the SOpho- more level, for the city-wide average achievement level. In addition, they are more handicapped financially. The perceptual situation for Negro students, in ‘which ". . . there is an acute disjunction between the cul- tural norms and goals and the socially structured capabili— ties of members of the group to act in accord with them,” is termed anomie by Merton.2 Sprey uses a framework of anomie to explain race and sex differences in educational and occupational plans and aspirations. His results are ¥ 2Robert K. Merton, "Continuities in the Theory of Social Structure and Anomie," in Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and c§ocial Structure (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957), p.162. consistent with the theoretical framework developed in this work.3 This will be discussed in the next chapter. It was shown in Chapter III that the role socializa- tion of the Negro boy is beset with great difficulty. He lacks a central socializing referent, the father, to a great extent. Consequently, he comes to the school system with the most retarded level of social growth of any race f ’ ’) in sex group. In Chapter II, it was p:,*ulated th ociologioal retardation——according to the General Systems theory of growth in interpersonal systems——brings with it an inability to form integrated role relations with incumbents of unlike roles. In particular, the Negro boy has difficulty estab- lishing cross-age, cross-sex, and cross—race roles, as age, sex, and race are the three most important criteria of role differentiation. The school system is structured so that the Negro boy, who is most in need of socializing referents, is provided with referents that he is legs: capable of interacting with and consequently learning to prepare for future roles of his own. That is, the Negro boy is con— fronted, in the grade school and to a lesser extent, in the high school, with teachers that are cross—age, cross—sex, and cross-race, i.e., white female teachers. Hence, the Negro boy finds that society has provided for him a role 3Jetsy Sprey, "Sex Differences in Occupational Choice Patterns Among Negro Adolescents,” Social Problems, 10 (1962), pp. ll—23. Mu socializer with which he can intcract only wit; great dif- ficulty. He already comes from an environment that is, as we have seen, too "female.” 4— a L338 :ners (‘3 Even in the cases where there are white ma: for the Negro boy, considerable barriers to role socializa- tion can be found. First of all, there are a set of norms diffused throughout American educational institutions that teachers should provide no peer interaction role models for students. On the one hand, this refers to the widespread norm-that teachers should not be peers in interacting with the student. On the other hand, this refers to the practice of teachers not interacting as peers to each other in the presence of students. Shared masculine activity, e.g., drinking and smoking, and more important exchanges, are for- bidden in front of students. This same-sex peer interaction is segregated from the students both sociologically and ecologically, and may often be carried on in the teachers' lounge or the mysterious ”boiler room.H The result of sealing Off informal peer interaction between teachers deprives shi— dents, especially male students, of witnessing peer inter- action between adult professional men, that could be of ‘potential great benefit to male students, especially in light Qf‘the low quality orientation and visibility of the occupa- tional roles of American husband—fathers, Cross-sex teacher- teacher interactions are even more taboo in the American high school than same—sex teacher interactions. The result of Clq LY (T O 0 (11 pl. U) (T these normative ta r I (1‘ ("f (D Q) -c.ers do not function as .1 high school students]4 H) l7ze s O (3 p1. SD pjeer interaction s "S O *3 } Hence, the role of teacher must be confined to the cother major dimension of socialization, intentional instruc- 1:ion. Even in this dimension, the Negro boy student has the least adequate role models. Until high school, his teachers as menti ned, will be white female or Negro female. In high school, and often in late grade school, male teachers are introduced. The proportion of Negro teachers in a school generally lags behind the proportion of Negro students, how- ever, so that white students have a higher proportion of same—race teachers than Negro students. Also, the most pre— cocious Negro students are the most willing to go to high quality schools, which in most American cities means white high schools. Hence, the Negro male students with the greatest potential enter environments where they will obtain the fewest of the role socializers that could help them the most, i.e., the fewest Negro male teachers. Some conse- quences of this were discussed in Chapter I. Hanson's study of the District of Columbia, e.g., wa cited regardin hi U) U) 0‘? ‘There is one notable exception. The coach is perhaps the only faculty member that interacts with male students on a peer basis. This factor undoubtedly is one cause of the great attraction of athletics to Negro adolescents, who go out for sports in the high school, in college, and as a pro— fession, in numbers disproportionate to the numbers of Negroes in high schools and in the population at large. We saw in the last chapter that athletics are one of the first activities that Negro boys come to dominate in the process Of school integration. There are of course other motiva— tions for Negro participation, e.g., it is a means of verti— Cal social mobility. finding that when Negro Students go from a segregated to an integrated school, their performance relative to that of white students often deteriorates, though it generally im— 5 The incoming Negro students, as we proves absolutely. shall see in Chapter X, do not perceive that white teachers will willingly provide means for them to attain, and do not provide expressive support of their goals. Deprived of meaningful referents, and having difficulty in establishing role relations with white faculty members, the Negro student becomes alienated from his high school, and sees a lessened relationship between his classroom performance and his goals. The lack of referents for Negro boys is also in evidence in the professional roles that Negro youth attempt to enter. Among white boys, typical professional roles that are ideal- ized are medicine, law, and engineering (or physical science). Among Negro boys, however, roles that are typically sought are social work, teaching, entertainment, and professional athletics. Many Negro students were unable to even define their "ideal" occupation. Of course, there is an economic factor at work. But there are economic factors and institu— tional barriers to social work, teaching, and even entertain- ment (thought they are lower) just as with the higher status 5Carl F. Hanson, "The Scholastic Performance of Negro and White Pupils in the Integrated Public Schools in the JDistrict of Columbia," Harvard Educational Review, 30 (1960), :pp. 216—236. occupations white boys seek. The point to be made here is that there is also a non—structural explanation of the differ- ence in occupational plans and aspirations. First of all, social work, teaching, and entertainment are occupations that have relatively high expressive compon— ents , and are participated in by females. Since the Negro boy does not have an adequate set of male socializers, and is placed in positions where females are his main socializers, the roles he can model and imagine himself in, and see being carried out, are roles that are occupied by women. As a result of this, these are the kinds of roles that he prepares to invest in, and is capable of succeeding in. A second sociological factor is that social work and teaching are occupations that do not demand peer interaction on the part of the role incumbent. The practice of law and engineering, and to some extent, medicine, require a great deal of peer interaction. Though social policy is not the immediate purpose of this research, there are policy implications in the above Sta~‘Cements and the theoretical structure from which they have been generated. It is manifestly clear that the educa— tic>1’lal, occupational, and general social career mobility of the American Negro, especially the boy, would be greatly facilitated by providing him with an adequate set of social- izers. In particular, with adult male Negro socializers. Male teachers should be provided at a younger age, for both l\.. (1": Hi Negro and white boys. When schools integrate, the faculties too should be integrated so that Negro boys will not be stripped of the few role socializers they have. Also, the normative structure of peer interactions between teachers and students, and between teachers and teachers, have unfortunate latent disfunctions for the socialization of male students of both races. These norms should be re- examined, in terms of the ultimate purpose of the American high school, the role socialization of youth to attain adult educational, occupational, and social roles in the community and the society. Data on the perceptions of teachers by students in the sample high schools was obtained for various questions on the survey instrument. First of all, the students who stated they did not intend to go to college were asked: If you do not intend to go to college, what are the important reasons why? One pre—coded response offered to this question was, "My teachers haven't encouraged me." From the discussion in this chapter, it can be expected that the racial composition of the school influences the attitudes of students to their teachers. Negro boys and girls should be expected to per— ceive the most encouragement to go to college at North Negro High, where the prOportion of Negro teachers is greatest, and least at North White High, where the prOportion of Negro teachers is least. Similarly, white boys and girls should find the most encouragement at North White High, whore thww» l\' are white teachers and the least encouragement at North Negro High, where the proportion of white teachers is least. In general, students of a given race should per— ceive the most encouragement from same—race teachers. Data are presented in Table 8.1. TABLE 8.l——Percentages of Students Reponding That "My Teachers Haven't Encouraged Me" is a Reason for Not Intending to Go to College , by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Negro Boys Negro Girls White Egys White Girls School % (N) % (N) % (N) % (N) North . Negro 0.9 (463) l.l (555) ll.l ( 9) 0 0 ( 5) North Mixed 3.5 (145) 1.8 (215) 8.2 (339) l.8 (326) North . White 8.3 ( 12) 22.6 ( 31) 4.1 (60“) 1.8 (902) All Schools 1.6 (618) 2.1 (801) 5.7 (952) 1.8 (1233) Positive results were in general obtained in the above table. The predicted rank ordering was followed perfectly for Negro boys, Negro girls, and white boys. None of the five white girls at North Negro gave lack of teacher encourage— ment as a reason for not going to colle e. A difference of (IQ one response would have changed this per cent, and the rank orderings for Negro boys and white boys as well. Further data on the perceptions of teachers by students was obtained from the question on which high school students would pick, if they had their choice. ”Good teachers” was 11“ used as a code for the open—ended responses to that question. The data for students that responded they prefer their present high school are presented in Table 8.2. TABLE 8.2——Percentages of Students Reponding that ”Good Teachers" are a Reason for Choosing Their Present High School as a First Preference, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Negro Boys Negro Girls White Boys White Girls School % (N) % (N) % (N) % (N) North Negro 18.3 (196) 23.2 (255) 0.0 ( 2) 0.0 ( 3) North Mixed 1u.u (1u6) 21.6 (194) 16.4 (280) 25.5 (259) North White 20.7 ( 29) 10.5 ( 38) 25.1 (770) 31.2 (910) All Schools 17.0 (371) 21.2 (527) 22 z (1052) 29.9 (1172) These data follow a pattern similar to that found for responses to lack of teacher encouragement for not going to college. Here, the propensity to respond that ”Good teachers” are a reason for choosing the present high school is directly proportional to the proportion of same—race teachers in the school. The exception to this generalization is the Negro boys at North White High School. Within race groups, girls evaluate their teachers more highly than boys. Within sex groups, whites evaluate their teachers more highly than Negroes. More detailed information on the perception and evalu— ation of teachers by the students in the sample high schools 28M was obtained in responses to the following question: "Which of the items below fit most of the teachers here at school? Data on this item are presented in Table 8.3. White male teachers were in general the most admired and respected group. This could be expected, as white male teachers are the best educated, have the most teaching experience, have the highest status, and are relatively numerous in the sample high schools. There were between-school variations in how frequently Negro and white teachers were mentioned by each race sex group of students. Negro boys choose Negro teachers less as the number of Negro teachers in the school decreases. Similarly, as the number of white teachers decreases, responses given to them decreases, though the change is weak. Negro girls choose female teachers more than Negro boys. In all three schools, Negro girls have more admiral ion and respect for their teachers than do Negro boys. White boys choose Negro teachers infrequently. Their tendency to choose white male teachers is pronounced: The three highest percentages in Table 8.3 are represented by their choices given to white male teachers in the three schools. White girls also choose Negro teachers infrequently. Girls in both race groups choose teachers more than boys of the same race. OH m no as mmquom oofln3 m m \ OH o mosmz ooHEB magfio Asmsmo a imamao m. lasso m is v s ”misses otmtz asses a w. m o mmamz osmoz m m w m moatfiom mpfigz w w m m wmamz opHQB masflw Amonav : Amm v m nmzqv m Awomv m mmamEom opwoz ogwoz m o m m mmflmz onwoz m m a o mohmEom moazz ea «a ma mm mega: mouse msom flammav a Amkoav m. Amozv w A: v o mmHMEom oumoz mpfin3 a H s o mtaez osmez m m m m wmnmEom moflgz ea . m , OH x on megs: tone: msem Ammwv m mom v o Ammm\ m Aowuv m mm4mEmm onwmz oumoz : m a : mmamz osmmz mfiooeem Hoe tseez ease: 66x42 estoz etwez astoz .maoogom coogpgoz “xom ocm oomm mo nmadoom oopooamom ocm oosaeo< omoz moose no moo mm moogomoe opficz ohm omwoz wcfimoozo mpcoozpw mo wowmpcooummnlm.w mqmqe 266 In Chapter X, special emphasis will be given to t:eachers in the socialization of students to the attai.— ;nient of educational and occupational goals. Before turning tzo the interactions between students and various referents svtith respect to these goals, we will first discuss in some cieatail the educational and occupational plans and aspira— This will be the topic 1::ions of Negro and white students. :31? the next chapter. CHAPTER IX THE EDUCATIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL PLANS AND ASPIRATIONS OF NEGRO AND WHITE YOUTH Academic Performance in the High School In previous chapters, we have focused on the socializae tion process in terms of the learning of modal roles——age, sex, and race. More specific roles are learned by much the same processes, by interaction with the same set of refer— ence groups. The rest of this text will consist of an examination of how educational and occupational goals are attained by the adolescent. Educational and occupational aspirations and expectations will be examined in a context of interaction Within the family, the peer group, and the school. The attainment of high occupational status generally comes about through education. The highest occupational statuses accrue to those who gain the technical and social skills necessary for the performance of complex and socially useful jobs. The attainment of these skills requires in- creasing amounts of education. Consequently, the high school students who will achieve the most are those who are enrolled in College Preparatory programs, as opposed to Vocational, Commercial, and General curricula. ’U "S O *3 Q) E? ([1 Q3 TS DJ {1) ( D '3' p. (D (4 ( D .3 (D .3 (1‘ U) 0 H3 sample, we will return to the role theory developed earlier in the text. This will enable predictions to be made on the basis of racial, sexual, and region 1 differences. From the role theory develops to this po. that of Chapter III, it has been postulated that girls are socialized more dequately than boys, and that Caucasians are $1) socialized more adequately than Negroes, and that Caucasian .1 boys perform.better relative to Caucasion girls than Negro Negro girls. Tnese prgpggieiggs boys ’U (D *3 w 0 ’5 13 F3 (D }.J $13 (T to. <3 ’0 (‘1 L) (I) ft I have received some support for the le rning of modal pet: (I) of sex, race, nd age role behavior and adjustment. Thes racial and sexual differences are here hypothesized to be extensile to socialization to more specific occupational and educational roles. An important study by Sprey adds consider— able evidence to the theoretical conclusions drawn in this) 1 text. In his study of two integrated high schools with Negro minorities, Sprey found that Negro boys, as a category, showed significantly lower levels of curriculum enrollment than whites in corresponding socie—economic categories, but also differed in their aspirations from the latter. Negro girls, on the other hand, didgrct differ from whites in any of the above aspects- 1' ' r! HQ .. .x D - 2 1 A“ : Jetse Sprey, sex leierences in Occupational choice Patterns Among Negro Adolescents,” Social Problems, 10 (196“), pp. 11—23. 21bid., p. 12. (\ 0‘2 \L) In the discussion of the data, which is entirely cronsistent with the above remarks, Sprey found the concept ()1? anomie to be a useful explanatory tool. He wrote: The total Negro minority is exposed to a condition of anomie; but the Negro male faces a more unbalanced set of role expectations than his female counterpart. In a society in which the husband is still supposed to be the main economic support the Negro male faces a difficult problem in fulfilling his obligations as a husband and a father. The relative inadequacy of the Negro male parent as ea zoole socializer was examined in some detail in Chapter 12121:, in the section entitled ”Race and the Structure of 536?}: Roles in the American Family." The limitations of the FJEEEEIKDlee parent as a role socializer are even more chara— (1) mi‘tlo VJulm) \ tions. In the L CtEEristic of the Southern than other re " - . . the Negro male has traditionally been prevented from acting as the protector of his family, and has been forced 13‘) leave the more militant types of resistance against the mil“.mority situation of his group to the Negro woman." In Chapter I, research evidence on the relative per— fk31?nwnce and aSpirations of Negro and white high school \ 3Ibid., p. 19. A . , E3 Ibid. A reference is made to E. Franklin Frazier, Ergfiggk Bourgeoisie (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957), - 221. Also see Ernest W. Burgess and Harvey J. Locke, The From Institution to Companionship (New York: =~§Eaily= fiigyerican Book Company, 1995), p. 161, Hortense Powdermaker, 5%ng r Freedom: A Cultural Study in the Deep South (New York: CD\,e Viking Press, 1953), p. 147; Abram Kardiner and Lionel £1 §sey, Tne Mark of Oppression: Explorations in the Person- Ergggty of the American Negro (Cleveland: The World Publishing (Egrnpany, 1951); Charles S. Johnson, Shadow of the Plantation Idicago: University of Chicago Press, 1934), p. 335. R 1 \C) C) students was reviewed. Before turning directly to data on the academic curricula, grades, and plans and aspirations, we will briefly re-emphasize this earlier presentation. There is impressive evidence that Negro students perform at a lower level than white students in the American high school. This is evidenced, e.g., by grade point average and by curriculum enrollment. Ferrell, e.g., found that white students score significantly higher in 5 several areas of academic achievement. Osborn supports this finding, and in addition determined that the relative performance of whites increases over increasing age. At the same time, many studies have indicated that there are no significant differences in the aspirational levels of Negro and white students. Some studies have in fact found that Negro students have higher aspirations than white students.7 5Guy V. Ferrel, "A Comparative Study of Sex Differences in School Achievement of White and Negro Children," Journal of Educational Research, 43 (19A9), pp. 116—121. Also see Paul Mussen, "Differences Between the TAT Responses of Negro and White Boys,” Journal of Consulting Psychology, 17 (1953), pp. 373-376. 6 R. T. Osborn, "Racial Differences in Mental Growth and School Achievement: A Longitudinal Study,” Psychological Reports, 7 (1960), pp. 233—239. 7Anotonovsky and Lerner found no racial differences in a desire to "get ahead." A. Anotonovosky and M. Lerner, Negro and White Youth in Elmira (New York: State Commission Against Discrimination, 1957). The following study found Negro youth to have higher aspirational levels than whites: G. F. Boyd, ”The Levels of Aspiration of White and Negro .291 Negro youth are more apt to be enrolled in Vocational, C}eexoeral, or other non—college preparatory curricula. St. Jrcoldn, e.g., in a study of two predominantly white high ssczljools, found Negroes to be far less apt to be enrolled 111 a college program, and far more apt to be in a General p rogram. Data on the curricula of Negro and white boys and gj.I~ls in the sample schools are presented in Table 9.1. The data in this table reveal that the Negro students ar%3 less apt to be enrolled in a College curriculum than vu11.te students. This result was pronounced for the South, tuft. weak and not significant for the North. Within each race group, boys are more apt to have a colhlege preparatory curriculum than girls. The percentages for- girls relative to boys is much higher in the Negro SPCHAp, as expected, as girls are socialized more adequately reléative to boys in the Negro race group.9 The data in Table 9.1 for students in a General pro- graIn are also consistent with St. John.10 In both regions, Negl‘oes are more apt to be enrolled in a General curriculum. In tihe South, girls are more apt to have a General program ChilAdren in a Non-Segregated Elementary School," Journal of SOCiual Psychology, 36 (1952), pp. 191-196. This result was alSC> found in studies cited in Chapter I by Morse (ff 20), (freelo (ff l9), and Holloway and Berreman (ff 18). 8Nancy Hoyt St. John, "De Facto Segretation and Inter— raciéal Association in High School," Sociology of Education, 37 (11964), p. 332. Negro students were also found to score lowelr on Otis IQ and on grade point average. 10 98prey, op. cit. St. John, OE. cit. 292 .opppw pmosmHz who OH < ohms; «Hum nmuo .mu .:u< ”oHOZx HOOOHO OOH HH.mv Om As.mv O As.mv H: H0.00 em OHOHO esHez HOO O OOH H0.00 OH H0.00 m Hm.mv Os AO.OO O: chHO ocmez HHOHHV OOH HO.HO Om HH.OO O Hm.mv O A0.00 Os OOOO OOHez Hmm V HOH AO.OV Om AO.HV O HO.HO O HO.OV A: WHO etOmz epHez ectoz Hmms v OOH HO.HO O H0.00 OH As.mv Om H0.00 OH OHHHO epHez HON: V OOH HO.HO OH AO.OO HH AO.OO m: HO.OV Om mHtHO ocwez Asmm v OOH H0.0V mm Hm.mv Om Hm.mv OH H0.00 mm OOOO OHHez HOOO O OOH H0.00 Om HH.OO Om A0.0V OO He.mv OO msom etmmz emtz ectoz HO O OOH H0.00 Om .. .. H0.0V OH “0.00 gm OHHHO eeHez AOOO V OOH Am.mv Om HO.OO H As.mv Os Hm.mv Om OHHHO osmez HO O OOH As.mv Om HO.OO HH AO.OV HH H0.00 Om mOom msHez HOOO v OOH H0.00 Os He.mv m Hm.mv Hm H0.0V Om OOOO osmmz oowoz cpsoz HOO: v OOH Hm.mv mm Hm.mv s HH.OO O HO.OO O: chHO epHez HMO: O OOH Hm.mv Om HH.OO s HO.HV m Hm.mv Om mOom esHez eeHez essom HHOH O OOH H0.00 OO HH.OO OH HO.OO OH HO.OO Om chHO osmez HOO O OO A0.0V Om Hm.mv mm Am.mv O As.mv OH mOom oswmz opwoz Spoon H2O O H.HOO O H.cOO O A.LOO O A.sOV O gem meme Hmuoe Hmhocoo HOCOHpmoo> HmfiohoEEoo oonHoo Hoonom .mfloocom Hfid ”xmm new momm >Q.HE:H30H&LSQ comm pow ammwwpo>< madam wcm amazofipuso HOOSOm cme O30Hom> :H memUdpm no mowmpcoohmmuuH.m mqm5117riers to college admission to the Negro group. Where t;r163 barriers are greatest, in the South, the relationship 153 not only reduced, it is reversed. TIXEBLE 9.2--Average Academic Grades for College Preparatory arici Non-College Preparatory Curricula, by Race and Sex: All Schools. Region Negro Negro White White CLzziriculum Boys Girls Boys Girls NOI?t}1 C3<311ege 2.52 2.5a 2.52 3.04 PJcan-College 2.16 2.05 2.24 2.3M IQIimber (1126) (1347) (1714) (1689) SOthfli College 2.33 2.26 2.119 2.62 IQch-College 2.U2 2.30 2.11 2.15 Number ( 95) ( 107) ( 463) ( “87) The data in Tables 9.1 and 9.2 show that, within raCEES, girls have higher grades than boys. The exception is ESouth Negro.High School. Within sexes, white students haves higher grades than Negro students at North Mixed and Ivortdn White High Schools. The data for North Negro High, wherme there is information for 16 of 17 high school students 1J1 tlie sample, the results are mixed and non—significant. Coflmharisons of races within sex groups are, of course, not posslible in the two racially segregated Southern schools. We have seen that the curricula of race sex groups of S1:udents in various situations are predictible from the l'\) \0 U1 role theory developed in this text. The low performance of Negro boys, e.g., can be in part explained by the inadequacy of their fathers to provide role socialization for instru— mental activity. Certainly college plans require a highly instrumental orientation. In fact, the college curriculum is weighted with subjects that are high on instrumental and cognitive factors, and low on expressive and emotional factors. Boys that like science and mathematics courses are the most instrumentally oriented, and will be the most apt to go to college. Girls, on the other hand, will enter college to prepare for more expressive roles: English, home economics, foreign languages, music, and art are subjects girls characteristically choose as their "favorite.” From our theory of role socialization, we can expect that Negro boys will be less apt to choose instrumental subjects, such as science and mathematics, as their favorites, when compared to white boys. Also, Negro boys should be more apt to choose expressive subject, such as English, music, and art, than white boys. Similarly, it is hypothesized that Negro girls will be more apt to choose instrumental subjects than white girls, and-less apt to choose expressive subjects. The data are inadequate in that subjects are not in— herently instrumental or expressive, e.g., music could be instrumental to a career for a Negro boy. Instrumentality and expressiveness refer to orientations to objects, not to the objects. 296 Data on the favorite subjects of students are presented in Table 9.3. The hypothesis that Negro boys will choose less instrumental subjects than white boys is not strongly supported. In two of the three schools, the percentages are higher for Negro_boys, but the differences are not large. Stronger results are found in support of the hypo- thesis that Negro boys will choose expressive subjects more often than white boys. This is found to be the case in all three schools, and two of the differences are sig— nificant. Negro girls show a weak tendency to choose instru- mental subjects more frequently than white girls. The hypothesis is upheld at North Mixed and North White High Schools. The negative result at Norther Negro High is not significant. The results on Negro and white girls choosing expressively oriented subjects are also weak. In general, Negro girls choose English, music, and art more, but choose home economics less than white girls. A limited amount of support for the general role reversal hypothesis is provided by the above data. The performance and achievement motivation of students are influenced by role expectations in the social systems of the high schools, and of the role expectations of society at 297 AmamHv Aam v Amomav Amm v Ammzv Ammev Ammmv Amaze cmsemz mm :m NH am om mm mH om pp< no OHmzz 3H NH 0 HH m OH m m mowmswcmq cmHoLom mm on pm me Hm mm mm mm coHumosem Hmonzcm mm mm It In em mm In In moHEocoom 6502 o: a: oH mm mm em oH mm zmHHmem om mm mm mm om mm mm Hm mocmHom HdHooW mH mm mm NH NH mH em mm moHoCanAmm mH om Hm mm mm mm om mm mocoHcm mHmHo meHu whom whom mHhHo mHhHo whom whom mpan onwoz mpch onwmz manz onwmz ouHsz onmoz Hoonom anm opan numoz Hoonom cme cotz apnoz A» V Ammmv Am v Homev Aoeev Homev Amomv Amomv cassez m: H: mm H: mm mH NH mm un< no Oszz 3H NH mm NH em a m m mmwmsmemq cmfimcom 3H am mm Hm mm mm mm mm coupmozem Hwofimscm mm mH II II mm II mH In moHEocoom @803 m: we mm mm mm Hm mm em smfiawem m: mm mm mm NH Hm Hm em mosmHom HmHoom mm Hm mm Hm Hm om mm om mOHumEmnumz mm mm om mm mm mm mm om mocmHom mHnHw mHhHu whom whom meHw whom mHLHo whom opan opwoz ouch opwmz oanz ouch onwoz onmmz muoowosm pmxHq pmmm Hoosom cme opwmz capo: Hoonom :me Hoocom zmHm means nusom onwmz cpsom .mHoonom HH< "xmm 0cm comm up =.cmxHq ummmz pHch mm muomnnsm mSOHnm> on wchcoamm mummUSpm mo mowmpcmopmmunm.m mqm< AomHV om AemHV om AmOHV om AmoHV mm m u eoow Amm V op AmH V mm Aka V mm Am V as a u pemHHmoxm 12V a 12V a le a 12V a mmemte oustemoe mHLHw oanz whom ouH£3 mHLHo onmmz whom onmoz .Hooeom ewfim emxuz aptoz “xom cam comm ammomho unamemoa mp .cOHpmpccho osm5m>mueo< ewflm spa: mpcmespm co mammpcmocmmuum.m mamae 302 expect that, even though girls have a higher achievement orientation than boys, the relationship between achieve— ment orientation and grades should be smaller for girls than for boys. That is, girls should have a lower pro- pensity to relate grades to being a "Brilliant student" than boys, for they are concomitantly expected to obtain good grades and not desire to appear to be brilliant. Here, high achievement orientation will be defined as before. Grades will be dichotomized, with an "A" or V ”n" "B" average defined as "High,' and a c or ”D" average defined as ”Low.” Data, for North Mixed High School, are presented in Table 9.6. The hypothesis is supported by the data in Table 9.6. The associations between achievement orientation and grade, as predicted, are higher for boys than for girls. Since girls are more instrumental relative to boys in the Negro group than in the white group, we can further expect that the difference between boys and girls should be lower, if not reversed, within the Negro race group. That is, we can expect the Negro girls to be more instru- mental, and less expressive, than white girls. Consequently, they should have less need to reduce the ”dilemma” of resolving the female—expressive role with Performance. Data on this are prsented in Table 9.7. Controlling for race changes the association achieve- ment orientation and grades in the predicted direction. do. u @ .mm. H gas a em.” a .me. u are a me. n geee\e .mo. u s cm." gmeexe.**wa. n s was man man Hence mom mew emm Hence mam do man lea emm ewe ens zed com em sea emam see me was swam macaw wear: whom mean: mm. H e .me. are s so. u 3 .mm .gma s 3H. u gmeexs .*oa. n a mo. u gags\e .mo. u e was ems amm fleece Dom sew sea adsoa mom Asa mma eoa mam NNH mod eon mma as me ewe: use so a: swam mHLHo ocmmz COHompcoHco whom ouwoz COHpmpcmHLo Hmpoe sou cmHm pcoEm>mHLo¢ HmooB 304 szm pcmso>oH£o< mopmcw mowmto .3 .Hooeom swam saga: eeaoz ”gem eds mamm as mw .mowmno OHEoUmo< pcm COHpmpcmHho ucoEo>oH£o< cmmzpmm mQOHowHUOmmHIIe.m mqmmH£o< ucmsm>oH£o< mowmpw mmpmhw mALHU whom .Hooeem swam eegaz eeaoz ”gem as .mopwpw OHEmpmo¢ 6cm EOHpmpcoHLQ pCoEm>cho< :mo3pom mCOHpmHQOmmmq awe szoHV o.oe Ammov m.mo Amway m.me Ammmv m.es meHoo msam Asqm v m.:: Ame v s.om Ammmv m.m: Aqm V m.ms wmafioo mafia: appoz 2 I- I- u- I- Aommv w.ms Amm v p.35 mflm>mq Hae ”u u- I- u- .. Amgmv :.mg Ass v m.©e pmaaoo msam .. I- u- I- ANOHV ©.me Am v 0.0m wmafloo mpfigz npsom sz R sz R sz a sz R Hm>mq m.wmnpmm manfic mpfinz mamfio onwmz whom mpfinz whom opwmz coawmm .mHoonom HH¢ "muommpmo HMCOfipquooo m_pm£umm pawns cage amnwfim mcmam HmQOHpmasooo spa: mucmnspm co mmwmpc@owmmuuma.m mqmee 3&3 The students' occupational plans can also be compared to their occupational aSpirations. Occupational aspirations were determined by reSponses to the following question: If you were completely free to go into any kind of work you wanted to, what occupation would you choose? Give the Job, not the place of work? Responses to this question, as with the data presented in Table 9.12, showed little between-school variation in the Northern schools. Consequently, the data for the Northern schools in Table 9.13 are also collapsed by school. 'The data in Table 9.13 can be viewed as an index of anticipated frustration in striving for occupational aspirations. The groups that are the most inadequately socialized can be expected to perceive that they will have the most difficulty realizing their goals. Hence, our theoretical structure leads to the prediction that white girls will have the lowest per cents, and Negro boys the highest. Both of these results are obtained. Further, since girls are socialized more successfully than boys, and whites more successfully than Negroes, we can expect that, within race group, girls will have lower per cents than boys, This result is also obtained, with the exception of Northern Blue Collar Negroes. It is also anticipated that, within sex groups, Negroes will have higher per cents than whites. This is found to be the case, with the excep— tions of White Collar girls in the North, and Blue Collar boys in the South. Aome m.mm AmmaV m.om Amst R.mm AmHmV H.mm mfim>mq HH< ARmmV m.mm AmmHV m.mm Aman R.©m AmmHV m.mm wmaaoo msHm AmmmV H.wm AmomV m.ma AQOHV 0.0: Amm V :.m: pmaaoo mufinz cppoz I: In I: n AomHV 0.0H Aom V ~.m: mam>mq HH< 4 II In nu I Amm V m.mH Rom V 0.:H Lwaaoo mSHm mu :1 I- u- : Aam V m.m Aw: V m.mR wmfiaoo twang szom AzV R AzV R AzV R AzV R mcmam HmQOHpmozooo manfio mafia: mahao opwmz whom oufinz whom opwmz coawmm .maoocom HH< "mmmao HMCOHpMQSOOO omccmam 0cm axmm acomm an .mcmHm HmQOHpMQ3000 hfimce gasp pozwfim mCoapMpHQm4 Hmc0fipmozooo spa: mucoozpm mo mowmpcooummllma.m mqm<9 315 Of the students whose ideal occupations are different than their planned occupations, about 75 per cent of each race sex group gave an "ideal” occupation codeable in the "Professional" category. This statement, of course, ex- cluded students whose plans are to become professionals. The occupations of the students' fathers had some influence on both occupational plans and aSpirations. Father's occupation was found to be moderately predictive of both high plans and aSpirations. Contingency coeffici— ents (with 36 d.f.) for these relationships are presented in Table 9.12. Negro boys are the group most dependent on their father's occupational level for their own occupational plans and aSpirations. Within each race group, boys have higher coefficients than girls. Within each sex group, Negroes have higher coefficients than whites. Many studies of adolescent behavior have dealt with the interrelations of class and educational and occupational 16 plans and aSpirations. Class has not been a focal point 16Among important studies in this area: Bernard C. Rosen, ”The Achievement Syndrome: A Psychocultural Dimen- sion of Social Stratification," American Sociological Review, 21 (1956), pp. 203—211; E. Grand Youmans, "Social Factors in the Work Attitudes and Interests of Twelfth Grade Michigan Boys,“ Journal of Educational Sociology, 28 (1954), pp. 35-48;-William H. Sewell, A. o. Haller, and M. A. Straus, "Social-Status and Educational and Occupational Aspirations,” American Sociological Review, 22 (1957), pp. 67—73; David Gottlieb, "Social Class, Achievement, and the College—Going Experience,” School Review, 70 (1962), pp. 273—286; August Hollingshead, Elmstown's Youth (New York: 316 AazmHV amma. AmmmHV *oa. ANRHRV Rom. AazmHV exam. Azqu ma. AmmnV ma. Aman *mm. coaqu:ooo HmmUH wow coaqu:ooo n_wococm AmHmV *om. coame:ooo coccefia cam coameSOUO m.pmnpmm AzV o cameo moans AzV o whom cows: AzV o mapfio onwmz -AzV o moHQMRpm> whom opwmz . mHOOSOw Cfimflphoz uxmm Una comm mo «COHpmazooo HmooH com «COHpMQ3000 omccmam .COfime3000 m.ponpmm cmmZumm mucoH0fimmmoo mocmwcfiucoollza.m mqmoo< one no oeoz I- m.mH m.o m.R o.R m.R m.mm m.mm meoaooaaomom Heaoom I- o.mm N.m R.m m.ma o.oH o.m R.m swam ooo one naooo .. in :.mm :.mm m.m m.: H.om o.om comm .nmeao .nsoao m.eH m.mH m.R H.R :.o o.ma m.ma R.mH ocooamxoom Rawaea m.za m.ma o.mH m.oa m.o: :.mm H.@ o.ea mean an awe so goes m.:a m.Rm m.oa :.mm m.wH m.ma w.mm :.Rm soficoowonoo no good w.m: o.om m.mm m.om m.mH m.RH w.mm o.wm cowoeoaom no good m.:H m.ma m.Hm m.mm m.ma H.Hm m.ea R.Ra soaaaoe no xoeq mapfim ,mmom mamas whom mamas whom mapaw whom cane: opens oamoz owmoz cone: cones nonwoz .oamoz mmaompmoo Hoocom swam owwcz coaoz Hoocom swam ounce Boson Hoocom swam opwmz Epsom (I! .mHoonom HH< "wow use womm an “mafia wcammmapmm who: m on mmaompmno mSOHLm> mew>fioopmm mucoodum mo mmmMQCmopomlumH.m mqm on>Hooamm mpcmosum mo newspcooaomlusa.m mqm¢9 ”xom ocm comm he .pmopmmm 327 1.91 for Negroes and 2.48 for whites; the ratios in the North are 2.23 for Negroes and 2.67 for whites. David Gottlieb has suggested (personal communication) that a response of "Brains" to this question can be inter— preted to mean "manipulating the system" by Negro youth. Clearly, this is akin to Mertonian "innovation." Hence, from Sprey's research cited in this chapter, we can expect the girl/boy sex ratios to be greater in the Negro groups. 'This result is obtained only in the South: The girl/boy sex reatios in the South are .94 for Negroes and .66 for whites; the sex ratios in the North are about the same, .66 for Negroes and .71 for whites. Boys place more emphasis on "Knowing people" in both races and in both regions. A dependence on "Good luck" to get ahead is indica- tive of a low level of cerebral control over the socio- economic environment. The groups that are socialized the most successfully should perceive that goals are not obtained fortuitously, but by purposive behavior. Hence, we can predict that Negro boys, the least socialized group, will depend most on luck. White girls, the most precocious group, should depend least on luck. Within race groups, girls should depend less on luck than boys. Within race groups, whites should depend less on luck than Negroes. All of these predictions are upheld in the South. In_the North, there is one negative result: Within the boy group, 328 whites depend more on luck, though the difference of .2 per cent is far from significant. Few students view "Coming from the right family" as important to getting ahead. In the South, Negroes are more apt to give this response than are whites. In the North, Negroes are slightly less apt to give this response. Region has emerged from this discussion as a salient variable in the study of socialization, race, and education. It has in general been found that the performances and aspirations of whites are greater than those of Negroes in both regions. The gap is greater in the South than in the North. Sex role reversal within the Negro group is also undoubtedly most pronounced in the Southern regio . Summary The purpose of this chapter has been to apply the hypotheses on the socialization of race sex groups under di ferent racial and social structural conditions to the attainment of educational and occupational goals and aSpirations. Secondary eVidence has been presented which is highly consistent With the hypotheses, e.g., the study by Sprey. The primary data is dispersed through the discussion and the secondary evidence. In the following paragraphs, the findings presented in this chapter will be summarized. Education is most necessary for boys in American society, as males dominate the occupational roles of society. Consequently, boys, who must make educational repare ation for the performance of these adult roles, have a greater need to attend college, and are more apt to make plans to do so than are girls. As expected, however, a higher proportion of girls relative to boys have college plans in the Negro group. In both regions, however, it is found that boys have higher grades only among Negroes, for both College and Non College students. This finding, though not statistically significant, is contrary to hypothesis. The relationship between college plans and aspira— tions is indicative of perceived success in the pursuit of goals: Data are presented which show that the correlations between plans and aspirations are lowest for boys, for Negroes, and for Southern students. Similarly for occupational plans and aspirations: The groups hypothesised to be socialized least adequately perceive they will en“ counter the greatest difficulty in attaining their goals, and feel that they will have the least inter—generational occupational mobility. The data for occupational goals, knowever, do not in all cases support the hypothesis, and .findings tend to be statistically weak. Evidence is presented in support of the hypothesised anaemic responses of Negro youth to their minority situation, witfli respect to goal attainment. As expected, from the tinaory developed here, and from previous research by Sprey 330 and Merton, Negro boys make less adaptive responses to their social environment than do Negro girls: Negro boys are apt to "retreat," but Negro girls are more apt to attain "ritualistically" or to "innovate" by manipulating the social system with their "personality" and "brains." Negro boys are found to be most apt to have pp_occupa- tional plans, and to feel that they have less ability re— lative to same-race girls than do white boys. Boys in the Negro race are less oriented to training and to ed- ucation relative to girls, than are boys in the white group: Further, they have less clearly developed "Aims in life." The relative instrumentality of girls in the Negro group as compared to the white group is further supported by the perception that they lack adequate "opportunities" to get ahead. The bulk of the data in this chapter, though race and sex differences are not pronounced, lend support to the View that girls are instrumental re— lative to boys in the Negro group as compared to the white group. This sex role reversal has been attributed in part to inadequate socialization in the nuclear family. The data presented in this chapter give the overall impres— sion that Negro youth do preceive their families (and their society) to present fewer opportunities, more obstacles, and less control over their futures, with re- Spect to goals, than do white youth. support to the hypotheses based on the role theory de- 1’ ‘Y' 0 “sloped in Chapter -il and elsewhere in this research, could generate the prediCticns about the differential performance of Negro and white youth. It would have to be demonstrated, however, that such a theory could be used to produce differential predictions about sex groups with— \ ’ are (I in race groups, where Stratification difference minimal. It has been demonstrated here, Ln innumerable contexts, that the roles of a race and sex are inter— dependent, and can be treated as a unit. This would create problems for a theor" of racial behavior that did not irclude sex behavior A purely structural approach - ,_ Q ~ - , ‘. cou_d, hovever, pro"ide iypotneeee and .necret_cai orcp_siticns that could be integrated lith the theory CHAPTER X ROLE SOCIALIZATION, INTERACTIVE REFERENCE GROUPS, AND EDUCATIONAL AND OCCUPATIONAL GOALS Expressive and Instrumental Role Socialization: a Universal Phenomenon The theory of role socialization developed in this text is highly convergent with a model of role socialization presented in TenHouten,l and elaborated in a report by Gottlieb, Reeves, and TenHouten.2 The first model was constructed to explicate the following statement of orientation: Adolescents behave much the same anywhere, in any sociocultural context, in that they will become oriented to (involved with) referents whom they perceive as having the desire and ability to help them attain skills, goals, and roles (ends), and that they will not become oriented to referents that they perceive as having neither the desire nor ability to help them.3 lWarren D. TenHouten, "Methodological Innovations and Models on the Structure of Reference Group Behavior" (unpub- lished M.A. thesis, Michigan State University, 1963). 2David Gottlieb, Jon Reeves, and Warren TenHouten, The Emergence of Youth Societies: A Cross-Cultural Approach ‘(East Lansing, Michigan: International Programs, 1963)? 3This conceptualization was first formulated by David Gottlieb and Louis Guttman, in an informal mimeographed paper. This conceptualization is at least theoretically applicable not only to adolescents, but to all people.. 332 333 Five facets were found to adequately explicate a "Facet Paradigm" for the study of adolescent behavior."l "Facets" are simply sets ofelements expressed as Cartesian products. The first facet consists of populations p: adolescents. In this presentation, the basic populations that have been sampled from are Negro boys, Negro girls, white boys, and white girls. The second facet is the adolescents' behavior: The adolescent perceives a set p: referents and then interacts with those referents. The interaction is based on certain properties pf referents, their desire, and their power means or ability to provide opportunities for the adolescent to attain gpglg. These goals are the fifth facet. (All five facets are underlined above.) In this text, the set of socializing referents that have been discussed are the mother, the father, older brothers, older sisters, peers, and Negro and white teachers. The ends that have been discussed are social, educational, and occupa- tional. Here, we will focus on educational and occupational goals, though the model is of sufficient generality to deal lflith any group, any referent set, and any goal. The convergence of this explication with the theory Ixresented here is that two perceived behavioral properties of “On the vocabulary of facet theory, see, e.g., Louis Chittman, "Notes on Terminology for Facet Theory," in Proceed- ing cd‘the Fifteenth International Congress of Psychology '(Anuyterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1959), pp- 130- 132. 334 referents are expressive support and instrumental means. These broad classes of opportunities have been shown to be central to the socialization process. Desire in the above model, or intention to help, clearly can be equated with expressive support; ability, or power means, can be equated with instrumental help. Parsons has stated that the instrumental-expressive role allocation is universal. This has been substantively criticized by Zelditch, Broffenbrenner, and others, as we saw in Chapter III, in the discussion of socialization by parents. Research by Zelditch was cited to the effect that these two roles are not universally allocated so that the father is instrumental and the mother expressive between societies: The father was found to be the "instrumental leader" and the mother the "expressive leader" in only 44 out of the 54 societies.5 Broffenbrenner's research demon- strated that, within the United States, the allocation of these roles varies within socio—economic groups.6 A major argument in this text has been that the conjugal roles are reversed within the Negro group in American society. It 5Morris Zelditch, Jr., "Role Differentiation in the Nuclear Family: A Comparative Study," in Talcott Parsons and Robert F. Bales, in collaboration with James Olds, Morris Zelditch, Jr., and Philip E. Slater, Family, Social- 'ization and Interaction Process (Glencoe. Illinois: The Free Press, 1955), pp. 307-351. (See p.84 of this text.) 6Urie Broffenbrenner, "Family Structure and Personality DevelOpment: Report of Progress" (Cornell University: De- partment of Child DeveIOpment and Family Relationships, 1958), p. 18. (See p. 84—85 here.) has been shown that the Caucasian male parent is more instrumental and less expressive than the Negro male parent, and that the Caucasian female parent is less instrumental and more expressive than the Negro female parent. The "universality" of a variable, properly defined, depends not on its allocation, but on its presence. Parsons is aware of this, as in The Structure of Social Action, he defines a universal variable as a property like mass in bodies. Bodies vary in mass, but all bodies have mass of some quantity. He writes: an analytical element . . . is an abstraction because it refers to a general property while what we actually observe is only its particular "value" in the particular case. We can observe that a given body has a given mass, but we never observe ”mass” as such. lflass is, in the terminology of logic, a "universal. Similarly, male and female socializers vary in the quantity of expressive support they provide the socializee. But these two behavioral prOperties of referents are universally present in the socialization process. Evidence for this conclusion has been provided from a wide range of primitive, traditional, and modern societies, in Gottlieb, Reeves, and TenHouten.8 These few studies are but a small 7Talcott Parsons, The Structure of Social Action (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, l949), pp. 34-35. 8 Gottlieb, Reeves, and TenHouten, op. cit. Also see S. N. Eisenstadt, From Generation to Generation: Age Groups and Social Structure (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1956). fraction of the evidence presented in Chapter III, and throughout this text. They are mentioned here only to emphasize the generality of the models to be develOped in this chapter. Components of Bounded Rationality in Role Behavior The facet design presented above implicitly contains four assumptions: (1) The student (adolescent) wishes to attain educational and occupational goals; (2) Several referents are perceived in terms of these goals; (3) These referents may be perceived as differing in the extent to which they provide instrumental means and expressive sup- port in helping the student attain his goals; (4) The stu- dent will allocate interaction with referents on the basis of these perceived attributes (expressive support and instru- mental means). This involves decisional processes on the part of the student. In general, it is assumed that the student has knowl— edge about relevant aspects of referents in his social environment, that he evaluates in terms of attaining his goals. This knowledge may or may not be objectively valid, but it will be organized in a relatively well—ordered set of preferences. It is also argued that the adolescent has evaluative skills that will enable him to ”calculate" alter- xqative choices of referents with whom he can become involved with, i.e., interact with. To the extent that the student optimizes the distribu— tion of interaction with his referents, on the basis of his perceptions of them, he is behaving rationally. This rationality is defined without regard for the "objectiveness" of his perceptions. This special definition of rationality is what Simon has called the Principle of Bounded Rationality. He writes: The capacity of the human mind for formulating and solving complex problems is very small compared with the size of the problems whose solution is required for objectively rational behavior in the real world—-or even for a reasonable approximation to such objective rationality. This formulation defines role behavior in terms of decision premises obtained from the socially defined roles apprOpriate to the student's perceptual situation.lO Expressive and Instrumental Role Social— ization to Educational and Occupational GQaIS Instrumental help and expressive support are both hypothesized to be predictive of role involvement with reference groups in the interactive processes related to the attainment of adult roles. Instrumental means, as used here, is derived from Ekarsons' definition of power means. He writes: ”Power is tflie ability to help another actor (here, the student) carry 9Herbert Simon, Models of Man: Social and Rational (flflew York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., I957), p. 198. Imnphasized in text. lOIbid., pp. 200-201. 338 out roles or norms he supports."11 This element was opera— tionalized on the basis of dichotomized alternatives to the following items: Which of the following kinds of people have ABILITY to help you go to college? Which of the following kinds of peOple have ABILITY to help you get the kind of Job you want after you finish all of your schooling? The other element of this facet, expressive support, was operationalized on the basis of dichotomized alterna- tives to these items: Which of the following kinds of people DESIRE to help you get the kind of Job you want after you finish all of your schooling? Which of the following kinds of people DESIRE to help you go to college? Role involvement, i.e., interaction with the set of referents was measured by responses to these questions: How often do you actually go to each of these kinds of peOple for help about going to college? How often do you actually go to each of these kinds of people for help in getting the kind of Job you want after you finish all of your schooling? The same set of alternatives were offered to these two items: 5 = Very often 4 = Quite often 3 = Sometimes 2 = Seldom l = Never It is assumed that the responses are arranged along a rank ordered scale. llTalcott Parsons, The Social System (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1951), pc 121. Etzioni's usage of "power means” is equivalent. See Amatai Etzioni, A Comparative U) ‘AJ \0 The data from the two Southern schools will not be presented in this chapter. First of all, the analysis to be presented requires that all of several items be answered on the questionnaire. The Southern students had a higher rate of non-response to these items, which de— creased the sample size for these schools. Secondly, the sample sizes for these two schools were already consider- ably smaller than the sizes of the Northern schools (see Table 1.3, p. 29). With the data from the three Northern schools, it was possible to compare the perceived instrumentality versus expressiveness of male versus female referents of a given type. In particular, sex comparisons are possible for parents and for siblings. In Chapter III, we developed the idea that the normal family role structure, with the mother expressive and the father instrumental, is to some extent reversed for Negro families. Here, we will test this hypothesis for Negro and white boys and girls in their perceptions of their parents' expressive and instrumental roles with respect to the stu- dents' educational and occupational goals. Positive associa- tions represent the normal distribution of roles, with the father instrumental and the mother expressive. It is pre- dicted that the associations, for both boys and girls, and for both goals, will be largest for the white group. This result has already been obtained for conjugal role reversal Analysis of Complex Organizations (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1951), p. 4. 340 based on occupational roles (see, e.g., Table 5.7). Here, we will focus not on conjugal roles, but on parent—child roles. The data to be used in this test includes only referents that are perceived as possessing only instrumental means, or only expressive support. Cases where there is no information on one or both are excluded, as are cases where there are both means and support, and neither means nor support. Data for boys and their parents are presented in Table 10.1. Perhaps the most striking feature of this table is that the case of either parent providing instrumental means only is infrequent, i.e., few parents fall into the "Instrumental" column. All four coefficients are positive, and the sex roles are consequently not reversed in any of these cases. It is not absolute reversal (G <0) that is of theoretical interest. Our hypothesis is rather that the roles of Negro parents are reversed xi; 2 gig white parents, i.e., the phi coefficients will be smaller in the Negro group than in the white group. The results obtained in Table lO.l provide only limited support for this conclusion. There is virtually no differ— ence for educational goals, and neither distribution is significantly different from chance expectancy. For occupa- tional goals, however, the coefficient for whites is larger than that for Negroes. In addition, the sex roles are so. V a .on.oa n ma ma. u & .m.e .mn.m u x .00. u a mmm mm zoo Hmpoe mom mm aim Hauoe 3mm om :Hm seesaw HHH sh gm senses mam m com pogpoz mma 4H 53H nonpoz mamoo Ascoflpmazooo .me :34 u we so. u a .me a: u a so. ... e i mam om mam ampoe mmm mm mzm Hmpoe ,3 non mm mma Locomm :HH mm mm mmspmm mmm mm Now Lmnooz mwa ma Hma hozuoz mamou Hmcofipmospm ampoe .umcH .poxm pcosmm amuOB .pmcH .Loxm pcohmm maze oaom maze oaom whom spas: whom osmoz .mqoonom sponppoz “whom opfiz3 pcm osmoz pom .mpcosmm mo xmm paw .mpcmsmm do thHMQCoszhpmcH so mmoco>fimmoadxm pm>fioopom cmozpom mQOHpmfloommfimmmndxm cm>fioopom coosuom mCOfiumHoommHmmmsdxm mo mopmpm pzom CH mucommm wcH>Hoopom Ongopspm mo mowmpcoopmmnlm.oa mqmHmmmsdxm mo mopmum ssom CO mwcHHnHm wcH>Hoohom mnemUSpm mo mommpcoopmmnuO.oa mqm¢e that parents of a given sex rank higher than the correspondv ing situation for siblings. Parents are perceived as pro— viding more Opportunities than siblings. To some extent, same—sex siblings are perceived as providing more Opportunities than cross-sex siblings. Negro boys perceive that their older sisters provide 70% and 57% instrumental means, for educational and occupa- tional goals, respectively, whereas their older brothers provide 68% and 65%. Older brothers are seen as having slightly higher instrumental value. Older sisters are seen as providing expressive support totals of 82% and 79% of the time, as compared to 80% and 80% for older brothers, i.e. older sisters are slightly more expressive. Negro girls see more sex role differentiation than do Negro boys, indicating once more that Negro girls are precocious in their perception of roles relative to Negro boys. Negro girls percieve their older sister providing instrumental means in 74% and 64% of the cases. Brothers are seen as slightly more instrumental than sisters. Older sisters are seen as providing expressive support in 82% and 83% of the cases, as compared to a lower 68% and 80% for older brothers. Sisters are thus seen by Negro girls as slightly less instrumental, but as much more expressive. 8 White boys see their older sisters providing instru— Inental means totals of 65% and 44%, for educational and occupational goals, respectively, as compared to 70% and 3 66% for their brothers. Older brothers are clearly viewed as more instrumental, especially for occupational goals. Older sisters are seen as providing expressive support in 82% and 74% of the cases, as compared to 85% and 77% for older brothers, for educational and occupational goals. White boys thus view their sisters as less instrumental and more expres- sive than their brothers. Again, the distribution of responses matches females to an expressive role and males to an instru- mental role. White girls see their older sisters as providing totals of 60% and 63% for means, as compared to 63% and 55% for their brothers. Here, girls see their sisters as more instrumental in general, as the difference in occupational goal is pro- nounced. Older sisters are seen as providing support 67% and 83% of the cases for educational and occupational goals, reSpectively, as compared to 67% and 75% for older brothers. Hence, sisters are more expressive for occupational goals only. The studentg,school has little effect on interaction with parents and siblings, as these referents are not ip the school. In our examination of Negro and white teachers, how- ever, it is necessary to control for school. The racial composition of the student body and the faculty, as we have seen in many contexts, are important determinants of adoles— cent behavior. Data for interactions between students and their Negro and white teachers are presented in Tables 10=5--10.8, for 352 Negro boys, Negro girls, white boys, and Negro girls, respectively. Table 10.5 shows between—school variations for Negro boys in the opportunities perceived as emanating from their Negro and white teachers. Negro teachers at North Negro High, where Negro stu- dents are a large majority, are ranked-—for educational goals-~slightly ipppp on instrumental means than Negro teachers at the other two schools, and lower on support than at North White. For occupational goals, there is little between-school variation in either means or support. For North Negro and North Mixed High Schools, the distribu— tions for Negro and white teachers are much alike. The North White High Negro minority is, as was shown in Chapter VII, a selective group. They seek reward in the formal system of the school, while paying a cost in social rewards. This minority perceives not only a hostile peer social system. The predominantly white faculty was found, through observation and informal interviews, to be somewhat hostile to the minority of Negro students. They regarded the possibility of an increase in Negro students as somewhat of a threat. Hence, the Negro student, in seeking educational and occupa— tional goals from this school, pays a psychological cost in interacting with white faculty members. White teachers were perceived as providing the same level of means at all three schools, 83 or 84 per cent, for bk) U1 W TABLE 10.5--Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White Teachers in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educational and Occupational Goals, Negro Boys: Northern Schools. North Negro North Mixed North White V Referent State Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Both 75 80 75 82 93 80 Negro Means 8 5 ll 6 4 5 Teachers Support 8 8 8 6 0 10 Neither 9 7 7 6 4 5 Total per cent 100 100 101 100 99 100 Total number (272) (286) (159) (143) ( 27) ( 25 Both 75 80 75 80 76 74 White Means 9 5 8 7 8 4 Teachers Support 7 7 8 5 0 9 Neither 8 8 8 7 16 13 Total per cent 99 100 99 99 100 100 Total number (296) (286) (133) (140) ( 25) ( 23) 354 educational goals. As the proportion of white teachers increases, however, there is a decrease in the support provided: The percentages are 81 for North Negro and North Mixed, and 76 for North.White. For occupational goals, the percentages of students responding that their white teachers provide means decreases from North Negro, to North Mixed, to North White: The per— centages are 85, 83, and 78, respectively. For support, there is little variation. The percentages are 81 at North Negro, 82 at North Mixed, and 80 at North White. For educational goals, Negro boys perceived their Nggpp teachers provide means in 97% of the cases at North Negro High, as compared to 86% at North Mixed and 83% at North White High. For support of educational goals, the percentages are 93 at North White, and 83 at the other two schools. Hence, as the proportion of Negroes in a student body and faculty both decrease, Negro boys perceive their same—race teachers increase in both means and support for their educational goals. For occupational goals, Negro teachers did not vary much by school for either means or support, though the per— centages for support tended to be higher. In summary, the opportunities perceived from Negro and white teachers by Negro boys are much alike at North Negro and North Mixed High Schools. At North White High, however, Negro teachers increase in opportunities provided, 355 even though there are fewer of them, while white teachers decrease in the opportunities they provide. The hypothesis that white teachers in a white high school provide means but not support receives some support from the above data, with respect for educational goals. Data for Negro girls and their Negro and white teachers are presented in Table 10.6. At North Negro and North Mixed High Schools, the reSponses for Negro and white teachers by Negro girls are much alike, though Negro teachers are consistently rated higher on both means and support. As with the case of Negro boys, the effects of teachers' race are greatest at North White High School. At this school, white teachers are perceived as providing less instrumental means for both educational and occupational goals. There is no change for support for occupational goals. Data for white boys and their Negro and white teachers are presented in Table 10.7. For white boys, the racial composition of the faculty produces even more pronounced effects on perceptions of teachers than in either Negro sex group. The few white boys at North Negro high school perceive few opportunities from either white or Negro teachers. As we saw in Chapter VII, this group is dissatisfied with being in a virtually all-Negro school, and perceives few rewards in the school. In the other two schools, white boys continue 356 TABLE 10.6-—Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White Teachers in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educational and Occupational Goals, Negro Girls: Northern Schools. North Negro North Mixed North White Referent State Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Both 80 81 77 76 83 81 Negro Means 7 7 9 8 4 0 Teachers Support 6 4 6 7 0 5 Neither 7 7 8 8 l3 14 Total per cent 100 99 100 99 100 100 Total number (327) (365) (144) (150) ( 24) ( 27) Both 73 76 77 75 71 75 White Means 10 8 8 10 4 5 Teachers Support 8 5 4 7 4 5 Neither 9 '10 10 9 27 15 Total per cent 100 99 99 101 100 100 Total number (274) (318) (133) (148) ( 24) ( 20) TABLE lO.7—-Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White Teachers in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental Means, for Educational and Occupational Goals, White Boys: Northern Schools. North Negro North Mixed North White Referent State Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Both 25 67 50 37 44 33 Negro Means 25 0 9 4 10 6 Teachers Support 25 0 8 12 8 13 Neither 25 33 34 47 38 48 Total per cent 100 100 101 100 100 100 Total number ( 4) ( 3) (109) (130) (218) (270) Both 50 50 75 57 71 55 White Means 25 25 8 5 8 6 Teachers Support 25 0 7 14 9 15 Neither 0 25 10 23 13 24 Total per cent 100 100 100 99 101 100 Total number ( 4) ( 4) (205) (220) (476) (480) 357 to see few rewards from interacting with Negro teachers, with reSpect to both educational and occupational goals. White boys give much more positive reSponses to same- race teachers. For educational goals, they see means a total of 75% at North Negro, 83% at North Mixed, and 80% at North White. Support varies from 75% to 82% to 79%. For support and educational goals, the minimum occurs at North Negro, and the maximum at North Mixed High Schools. For occupational goals, white boys report means a total 75% at North Negro, 62% at North Mixed, and 61% at North White. Support for occupational goals is perceived in 50%, 71%, and 70%, of the cases at North Negro, North Mixed, and North White, respectively. Data for white girls are presented in Table 10.8. The few white girls at North Negro High all gave answers of "Both" means and support for their Negro and white teachers, for both educational and occupational goals. ‘ThdYresponded more favorably to their teachers than did the white boys. For educational goals, Negro teachers were seen as providing means by 74% of the white girls at North Mixed, and by 63% at North White High. For occupational goals, the percentages of white girls viewing their Negro teachers as providing means are 63 and 44, for North Mixed and North White, respectively. It can be generalized that the propor— tion of Negro teachers that are perceived as providing means, TABLE 10 Teachers Means, U) K)! CD .8——Percentages of Students Perceiving Negro and White in Four States of Expressive Support and Instrumental for Educational and Occupational Goals, White Girls: Northern Schools. North Negro North Mixed North White Referent State Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Educ. Occ. Both 100 100 62 57 55 40 Negro Means 0 0 12 6 8 4 Teachers Support 0 0 3 8 5 14 Neither 0 0 23 29 31 41 Total per cent 100 100 100 100 100 99 Total number ( 3) ( 2) ( 99) (112) (231) (261) Both 100 100 77 73 74 63 White Means 0 0 8 7 5 TeaCherS Support 0 0 8 8 12 Neither 0 0 8 l2 17 20 Total per cent 100 100 100 100 100 100 Total number ( 4) ( 2) (145) (184) (525) (591) LU U! \D and support as well, is inversely related to the proportion of Negro teachers in that school. For white teachers, means for educational goals are perceived in 85% and 81% for North Mixed and North White High Schools. The corresponding values for support are 85% and 82%. For occupational goals, the totals are 79% and 68% for means, and 82% and 75% for support, at North Mixed and North White, respectively. White teachers thus are most valuable to white girls where they are fewest. This has also been found to be the case for Negro boys and girls. The data in these four tables show that the race of faculty members has pronounced effects on the perceived availability of obtaining instrumental and expressive help in the attainment of educational and occupational goals. The analysis of data for teachers has been limited by not knowing the sex of the teachers in each race. For "friends at school," there is information on neither sex nor race. There were few significant between—school variations for responses about peers, so the data are not broken down by school. Data on Negro and white boys and girls and their peers are presented in Table 10.9. Peers are seen as providing less opportunities than parents, siblings, and teachers. Without exception, peers are more expressive than instrumental, as without exception they provide more support than means. Older sisters were HOOOO HOOOV HOOOO HOOOO HOOOO HHOOO HOONO HOHOO tones: Hmpoe HOH OOa OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH unoo you HapoB mm OO mO OO mO Om Om OO ponpfioz Om OH OH OH mm OH HO OH atonoam O O O O O O O O memo: no am am Ow mm mm OO mm mm Spom “W .000 .ospm .ooo .ospm .ooO .ospm .ooo .ozwm ouMum pcopomom mOLHO opfinz OHLHO omwoz whom opflnz whom oswoz .maoonom Chocupoz ”xom pcm oomm Oh Amamow Hmcowqu5000 pew Hmcofipmozpm mom .mcmoz HansoesupmcH pcm psouazm o>Hmmopaxm mo mopmpm ssom CH Hoocom um OOCOHLO OCH>OooLom mucopspm mo mowmpcoopomlnm.oa mqmde also more expressive without exception; older brothers were more expressive, with one exception for Negro girls' older brothers with respect to educational goals. Within each race group, boys perceive more means than girls, with the exception of occupational goals for whites. Within each race group, boys also perceive more support than girls. Again, occupational goals for white students are an exception. Opportunities and Interaction In the preceeding section, the extent to which the seven referents are perceived as providing instrumental means and expressive support was examined in some detail. In this section, we will turn to the interrelations of opportunities and interaction. The intensity of interaction with a referent is one aspect of the level of {pig involvement of the student and the referent. The goals of the student refers to a per- ceived future state of affairs involving pgw role relation— ships. Different goals will tend to be attained through different processes of socialization. Instrumental goals, such as educational and occupational, will be primarily obtained through intentional instruction. Social goals, on the other hand, are more informally learned. Given this relationship between the learning process and the goal, it seems reasonable to suppose that the relevance of a kind of referent will depend upon the goal sought. A teacher provides intentional instruction for attaining an educational or an occupational goal. An older sibling, or peer will be a role model for learning social skills.12 Since, in this chapter, we deal empirically with two goals that are instrumental, it is difficult to predict which of the two cases—-means only, or support only—-wi11 result in the highest frequency of interaction. Means should clearly be more predictive of interaction for both educational and occupational goals than for social goals, though data is not available to test this hypothesis. Four hypotheses relating opportunities (means and sup- port) to interaction with referents have been developed in an earlier report:13 Hypothesis 1: If a referent is perceived as having neither instrumental means nor expressive support in helping a student attain an educational or occupational goal, that student will interact with that referent at a low frequency level. l2A sociometric experiment by Gilchrist on the factors influencing choice of a partner for a two-person task adds some evidence to this conceptualization of the relation be— tween choice of interaction and the "goodness" of a referent's activities. For "intellectual" (instrumental) activities, a partner was most often chosen who had been initially success- ful; for ”social" tasks (expressive), a partner was most often chosen on the basis of previous interaction. J. D. Gilchrist, "The Formation of Social Groups Under Conditions of Success and Failure," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, 47 (1952), pp. 174-187, cited in Gottlieb, Reeves, and TenHouten, op. cit., p. 14. l31b1d., p. 2, TenHouten, op. cit., p. 23. 363 Hypothesis 2: If a referent is perceived as having expressive support, but not instrumental means in helping a student attain an educational or occupational goal, that student will interact with that referent at an intermediate frequency level. Hypothesis 3: If a referent is perceived as having instrumental means but no expressive support in helping a student attain an educational or occupational goal, that student will interact with that referent at an intermediate frequency level. Hyppthesis 4: If a referent is perceived as having both instrumental means and expressive support in helping a student attain an educational or occupational goal, that student will interact with that referent at a high frequency level. Since parents and siblings are not ip the high school, the student's school has virtually no effect for interactions between parents and the student, and between older siblings and the student. Consequently, data for these interactions will be collapsed by school, in Tables 10.10 through 10.14. We shall see that in fill of the 56 distribution of mean interaction over the four states in these tables, the case of "Neither" produces the least frequent interaction. In 55 of the 56 distributions, the case of ”Both" produces the most frequent interaction. 364 Beyond this, however, we have hypothesized only a partial ordering. It will be found that in the 52 cases where the means for interaction in the two cases are not equal, 35 have higher interaction for the "Support" only case. In general, "Support" will be found to be more pre- dictive of interaction than "Means." As mentioned, the integer 5 corresponds to the most frequent interaction, and 1 to the least frequent. The values refer not to interval data but to a rank ordering. Hence, it will not be claimed, e.g., that the difference between 2.2 and 2.3 is the same as the difference between 3.2 and 3.3. Data on interaction between Negro and white boys and girls and their mothers are presented in Table 10.10. Comparisons of Negro and white totals in this table show that for each corresponding sex and goal, Negroes interact with their mothers more frequently than whites: Negro boys and girls interact with their mothers for both educational and occupational goals more than do white boys and girls. This supports the idea that the mother is a more important socializer in the Negro family than in the white family. The four totals for the race sex groups reveal that, for each goal, girls interact more with their mothers than do boys. For each race sex group, the totals show more inter- action with respect to occupational goals than for educational goals. HONOHO 0.0 HOmmHO H.O HOOOO 0.0 HOOOHO 0.0 HOOoO AOO O O.m HOO O O.m HOO O O.m HON O O.O OOOOHOZ HOOOO m.O HOHNO O.m HHOHO 0.0. HOHHO O.O paooaam HOH O 0.0 HOO O O.H HOH O m.O HmO O 0.0 meats HOOOV 0,0 AOOOO 0.0 HOOOO H.O HOHOO 0.0 pom OHtHO OOan OHaHO oaOOz mm AOOOHO O.O HOOHHO O.O HOOOO 0.0 HOOOO O.O HOOoO HOO v m.m HOO O O.H HOO O O.m HON O O.m amszpz AOOOO O.m HOONV O.m HOOHO m.O HHOHO O.m oaoaaam HO O m.O HOm O m.O HHH O O.m HOH O 0.0 Ocmpz HOOOV 0.0 HOHOO m.O HOOOV 0.0 HOOOO 0.0 OOoO sz :moz sz 2mm: sz :moz sz cmoz HMQOHmezooO HOCOHOOQSUO Hmcoflme3000 HOCOHumozpm opmpm whom ouflcz whom ouwoz .maoonom snozupoz ”xom UGO oomm Oh nmcwoi HmpcossspmsH pcw pnoaasw o>Ommonaxm pm>floogom mo opmpm Op flmHHOoo OncoHpmq30oO paw Ozch O 3:: Ossc< ppsanz Omar :nOOuOmecH O0 OpsmswosOfl smoZIIOH.OH OOOOB U.) Ox 0‘. The predicted pattern, with the greatest interaction corresponding to the "Both" case and the least interaction to the "Neither" case, is found in all cases. There are two instances in which "Means" and "Both" have the pimp value, however, for the interactions of Negro and white boys with respect to educational goals. Data on interaction with fathers are presented in Table 10.11. The data for fathers are in many respects like that for mothers. Totals show that for each CCTYCSPUHdng T I sex and goal, hcgrces interact with their fathers more do whites absolutely, but at the same time, tlc interaction with fathers relative to mothers is lowest ummnfi Negrn hays Among Negroes, girls interact more with father for both goals. Among whites, however, boys interact more for both goals. For each race sex group, the totals show more inter- action for occupational goals than for ecucational goals. The predicted pattern, wit most frequent interaction for "Both" and least for "Neither" is followed in all eight cases. Comparisons of the total averages for interactions with mothers and fathers shows that, among boys, Negroes interact more with their mothers (.3 more for each goal) than their fathers. White boys, however, interact with each parent wit about the same frequency (.1 less for fathers educational goals; .1 more for occupational goals). Once more, we see evidence that Negro boys are oriented to their mothers more than are white boys. 367 HOOHHO 0.0 HOOOHO 0.0 HOOOO 0.0 HHHOO 0.0 HOOoO HOO O O.H HOO O O.H HOO O O.O HHO O O.H aoOOHaz HOOOO 0.0 HOOHO 0.0 HOO O 0.0 HOO O H.O annosm HHm O 0.0 HOO O OtH HO O 0.0 HOH O 0.0 nemmz HOOOO 0.0 HOOOO 0.0 HOOOO 0.0 HOONO 0.0 noom mHaHO mpHez - mHtHO oawmz HOOHHO 0.0 HOOHHO 0.0 HOOOO O.O HOHOO O.O Hmpos HOO O O.H HOO O O.H HOO O 0.0 HHO O O.H aoOOHoz HOHmO 0.0 HOOHO 0.0 HOO O 0.0 HOO O O.O Opossum HON O 0.0 HON O O.H HOH O 0.0 HOH O 0.0 meme: HOOOO 0.0 HOOOO H.O HOOOO 0.0 HmOOO 0.0 prom AZO Ewe: AzO :moz AzO cwoz AzO ewes OOCOHOOQ5000 HmCOHpmoSOm Hmcowpmazooo HOCOHumospm oumpm whom opflzz whom onwoz .mHoonom Cpozpnoz ”xom Ocm oomm Oh .mcmoz HmpcossnpmcH Ocm phomqsm o>Ommonaxm Oo>fioopom mo opmum Oh .mHOOO HOCOHuOQSooO ch HOCOOOOoswm uson< whospmm QOOZ cofipomnoOCH mo Oocesvogm :meSIIHH.OH OOOOB 368 Among girls, both Negroes and whites interact more with their fathers than their mothers, in all four cases. For occupational goals, the values for mothers are .3 higher than the values for fathers in both race groups. For edu— cational goals, however, Negro girls show more interaction with their mothers relative to fathers than white girls, a difference of .5 compared with one of .3. Data for older sisters are presented in Table 10.12. The data in this table contain the same relationship found for both mothers and fathers. For each corresponding sex and goal, totals for Negroes show more interaction with their older sisters than for whites. As with both parents, for each race sex group, the totals show more interaction for occupational goals than for educational goals. As with both parents, for each race group and goal, girls interact with their older sisters more than, or as much, as do boys. For each race sex group, the totals show more inter- action for occupational goals than for educational goals. This too was the case for both parents. The predicted pattern, with most frequent interaction for "Both" and least for "Neither" is followed in all eight cases. Data for older brothers are presented in Table 10.13. 369 HONOO H.O HOOOO 0.0 HmOmO H.O HOOOO 0.0 HOOoB HOO O 0.0 HOO O O.H HOO O 0.0 HOO O O.H OOOOHOz HOOHO 0.0 HOO O O.O HOO O 0.0 HOO O 0.0 anOOOm HOH O O.O HHO O O.H HO O O.O HOH O O.H memos HOOOO O.O HOOHO 0.0 HHOHO O.O HOONO 0.0 epom OHOHO OOan OHnHO oaOoz HOOOO O.O HOHOO 0.0 HOHOO .O.m HOONO O.O Hmpoe HOO O O.H HOO O O.H HOO O 0.0 HNO O O.H OOOOHmz HOOHO O.O HOO O O.O HOO O 0.0 HOO O O.H annasm HO O 0.0 HOH O O.H HO O 0.0 HOH O 0.0 mews: HOOHO 0.0 HOOHO O.O HOHHO 0.0 HOOHO O.O aaom H2O smog H2O :Ooz H2O :Omz H2O :Omz Hmcoapmasooo ascofipmospm HOCOHpmasooo HOCOHpmospm opmpm whom span: mmom OOOoz .mHoonom :sozpsoz ”xom Ocm oomm Oh .mcwoz HancossspmcH new pnoaasm o>Ommohaxm Oo>fioopom mo opmpm On .mHOOO awcowpmasooo Una HmCOHumoSOm psoOO mLoOmHO LOOHO Spas cowpomnoch Oo Oocosdmnr. cmoEIImH.OH OQOOE .370 HOOOO 0.0 HOHOO 0.0 HOOOO O.O HHOOO O.O Hmpos HOO O O.H HOO O O.H HOO O O.H ONO O O.H aoOpHmz HOO O 0.0 HOO O O.H HOO O O.O HOO O O.O anaoam HOH O H.O HOO O O.O HO O H.O HOO O H.O moat: HOOHO H.O HOOHO 0.0 HOOHO 0.0 HOOHO H.O Opom mHaHO OOHsz OHaHO oaOOz HNOOO 0.0 HOOOO 0.0 HOHmO H.O HOONO O.O HOOoe HOO O O.H HOO O O.H HOO O O.H HOO O O.H amrnHmz HOO O O.O HOO O O.O HOO O 0.0 HOO O H.O ananam HO O H.m HOH O O.H HO O 0.0 HOH O H.O Osmoz HmOmO 0.0 HOONO 0.0 HONHO 0.0 HOOHO 0.0 epom AzO cam: AzO can: AzO mo: AzO ado: OOOOO HOCOHumazooO HOCOHpmozpm HOCOHpmazooO HOCOHpmoSUM whom opficz mmom onwoz .maoocom Chonpmoz Oxom pew comm Oh nmemos HmucossnumcH new pnoaqzm o>Ommonaxm Oo>floohom mo opmpm On .mamoO HOCOHumasooO Ocm HOQOHpmoSOm OSOQO mnonuonm noOHO Qua; coHOomnoucH mo Oocoswosm swozllmH.OH mqmHmmoprm po>Ooonom go osmpm Op .mHOOO Hmcoflme3000 cam HOCOOumospm Ozon< mascomoe opfiz3.huflz cowpomnoOCH mo Oocosvonm. emoZIan.OH OOOOB U U”) attaining goals through the formal system of the school. Hence, they interact with teachers of both races regarding their educational goals as often as their occupational goals. In general, there is virtually no difference, by teachers race, in the frequency with which Negro boys will interact with teachers. The predicted ordering of interaction is followed for the total columns for all schools: Breakdowns by schools, though reducing the sample sizes, produce no ties and no inversions. For Negro teachers, Negro boys responded that means and support were equally predictive. Here, for white teachers, means are more predictive of interaction for both goals. This is true for every school. Negro boys are more responsive to instrumental help from white teachers than to expressive support. Data for Negro girls and their interactions with Negro and white teachers are presented in Tables 10.16 and 10.17. Negro girls interact with their Negro teachers about as often as do Negro boys: The overall average is the same for educational goals, but girls are .1 higher than boys for educational goals. For girls, there are more between—school variations than for boys. Their interactions are not much different at North Negro High, but girls interact less with their same-sex teachers at the other two schools. 376 HOOOO O. HOOOO 0.0 HHO O O. H HOO O O.H HOO O O. O HOO O 0.0 HOO O O. O HOO O O.H. HOOOO O. O HOOOO 0.0 mHooeoO camepaoz HHO Hmooe HOO O 0.0 HOO O 0.0 HOOoe HO O 0.0 HO O O.H OOOOHmz OH O 0.0 OH O 0.0 OtoOOom HO O III AO O III memo: AOO O O.O HOO O O.O anm Hooeom OOHO OOHez Opaoz HOOHO 0.0 HOOHO 0.0 HOOOO 0.0 HOOOO O. Hapoe OOH O 0.0 AHH O H.H AOm O O.H, HON O m. H Hothoz HHH O O.O HO O 0.0 HOH O O.O HOH O O. O Otooaom AmH O 0.0 OOH O O.H HON O 0.0 AHm O m. H memos AOHHO 0.0 OHHHO 0.0 AmOmO 0.0 AOOmO O. m cpom AzO :moz AzO :moz AzO :moz AzO ewe: HmcoHpmazooo HMCOHpmoswm HOCOHumazooo HOCOHpmozpm mumpm HooOoO OOHO omtz rotoz Hooeom OOHO oowmz Optoz .mHoonom Chonpgoz ”mHHHO onwoz .mcmoz HmucoszhpmcH UGO pnoqasm o>Hmmohaxm po>Hoonom mo opmpm Oh anwou HmcoHumazooo Ocm HmQOHumoswm psoa< mponowoe opmoz anz coHuowLoch mo Oocozvmsm smoZIIOH.OH mqmHmmoHme Uo>Hoonom mo opwpm Oh .mHmou HOCOHumn3000 new HmcoHpmospm psoDO mponomoe opH£3,csz QOHpomnoch mo Oocosvomm :woSInOH.OH mqmHmmmpaxm UO>HoopOm mo OOOOO Op .mHOOO HOCOHOOOOOOo UGO HOCOHpOosUm OOoOO Oatsomae oaOOz OOH; coHOoOaOocH Oo Ooeaoemam COOleHOH OOOOO U) CO [\J interaction filtwo instances, and there are two ties. White boys show a propensity to interact with their Negro teachers in a context of a specific type of goal--educational, as opposed to the more diffuse goal--occupational. Thus, white boys interact seldom with Negro teachers, and the few interactions that do occur are limited to specific goals. The predicted rank order is followed without exception, though both support and means tie neither for educational goals at North Negro High. In general, support has been more predictive of inter— action than means. But in this case, the two types of opportunities are virtually equal, with a .1 difference in favor of support for occupational goals at North White High. Data for white boys and their white teachers are presented in Table 10.19. White boys interact more frequently with their white teachers than with their Negro teachers. Their responses, however, indicate a level of interaction lower than that of any other combination of boy or girl Negro students and their Negro or white teachers. White boys interact at virtually the same frequency with Negro teachers that provide support and means. For white teachers, however, support is clearly the most predic— tive of interaction. In the five comparable cases at the three schools, means are more predictive in one case, support in one case, and there is one tie. The totals for all schools 333 Aaon H.m AmmOO m.m AowaO H.m AmsaO m.m Hmpoe AQNHO m.H Amm O m.H AmHHO m.H Aao O m.H pmcpfimz AmoaO m.H gem O w.a Awe O o.m AH: O w.a upoaasm Amm O o.H Amm O N.H Amm O m.H Aam O O.H mammz AwmmO m.m AmmnO m.m AwmmO e.~ AsmmO m.m apom mHoogom swam HH< Hmpoe Hoonom swam mafia; gppoz AommO m.m AmomO m.m A: O m.m A: O m.m Hmpoe Aam O m.H Aam O :.H AH O O.H “O O ,un: nmnpflmz AHm O m.H Ana O ©.H Ao O In- AH O o.m upogasm ANH O N.H Asa O m.H AH O O.H AH O o.m mammz AomHO ~.m AmmHO z.m Am O m.m Am O o.m zoom AzO 2mm: AzO cam: AzO cam: AzO Emmi HmCOHuwasooo Hmcowumosom HmCOHummsooo Hmcofiuwosvm opwum HOOSOm swam emxfiz nppoz Hoonom swam opwmz npuoz .maoonom cumnppoz vmzom oufins .mcmwz HopcoESApmcH cam whoadsm o>Hmmmpaxm Um>Hmopwm no woman an .wamoc HMCOHquSooo cam HMCOHpmozvm pzon¢ mpmgomme wows: Qua: cowuowhwucH no hoeoddmhm :dmzllma.oa mqmammmmoxm ©m>Hmopmm yo opmpm an flmamoo Hmcoauquooo pcm Hmcoaumozpm pson< mgonomoe opwoz spa: COHpomhmch no mocmsvohm cmoleom.oa mqmammopqu po>Hmome mo mumpm mp .mHmom choHpmazooo pom HMCOHpmospm psona msonomme manz gst QOHpomsmch to sosvzaosmflcMmZIIHm.oH mqmaa U. ) 00 CI 3 In every comparable case, sUpport is more predictive of interaction than is means. One particularly interesting datum has been uncovered by this rather extensive discussion of data on teachers as interactive reference groups. It was found that instru— mental means are most predictive of interaction with cross— race teachers, and that expressive support is most predic— tive of interaction with same—race teachers. To obtain a clearer picture of this, by a simple ratio of interaction for means, to interaction for support for each student and teacher group. Data are presented in Table 10.22. TABLE lO.22—-Ratios of Average Interaction for Means to Average Interaction for Support, With Cross-Race and Same— Hace Teachers, for Educational and Occupational Goals, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Educational Goals Occupational Goals H ce S a ex Same—Race Cross—Race Same—Race Cross—Race Teacher Teachers Teachers Teachers Negro Boys l.OO l.l2 l.OO l.lU Negro Girls .75 .95 .77 -7O YV‘lJThite Bays 09“ 1000 .81; 09:4 White Girls .7“ l.OO .74 .89 his pattern, with the ratio of means to support being higher for cross—race teachers, obtains in seven of the eight cases. A possible explanation was introduced on page 386, and will be elaborated in the next section of this chapter. The data for peers were broken down by neither race nor sex. As a result, between-school variations are 389 difficult to interpret. These data are presented in Table 10.23. This table shows weak race and sex differences in interaction with friends in school with regard to educa— tional and occupational goals. Girls are slightly more apt to interact than boys, and whites more than Negroes. These results are consistent with Chapter V, in which an increase in peer orientation was viewed as an index of socialization, and with Chapter III, in which socialization is posited to occur most rapidly and successfully for girls and whites as compared to boys and Negroes. For the cases that match goals and race sex groups, support is more predictive of interaction than means in six cases, and support for two. Interaction is in general higher for occupational goals than for educational goals. In the sixteen cases comparing goals by states for each race sex group, highest interaction occurs for occupational goals in fifteen cases. The predicted rank order, with highest interaction occurring in the "Both" case, and the least frequent occur- ring in the "Neither" case, is followed in seven of eight cases. The exception is occupational goals for Negro girls, where the "Means" case results in the most frequent inter- action. A summary of the average interactions with the seven referents, two goals, and four race sex groups is presented in Table 10.24. ..vv , u/ ..43. HQHOO m.m ANOmO m.m HOHmO HH.m AmomO H.m Hapoet HHNNO O.H HmONO H.H AmmHO m.H HHJHO m.H smngmz HOaHO O.m Amm O :.m “Hm O m.m AHm O m.m psoaasm AH: O H.H Am: O o.m AHH O m.m Amm O H.m meat: HOomO m.m AmHHO o.m Hmm O m.m Haw O H.m epom mOtHo mpan. mHsHo opmmz AommO m.m AHmmO m.m HsHmO m.m AmHmO o.m Hmsoe HmmmO O.H HmomO m.H HHQHO m.H HmmHO m.H cmcpHmz AmmHO m.m Amw O m.m Awm O H.m Ham O m.H shoaaam go: O o.m Amm O m.H HOW O m.m Hmm O m.H memes AOHHO m.m HmmmO m.m ”as O m.m AmoOO s.m epom AzO ado: AzO cmoz AzO cams .AzO 2mm: HmcoHOmazcoo HMCOHumosom Hmcoapmazooo HmcoHpmospm mumpm mxom opan whom ocmoz .mOoonom Chocoooz ”wow pcm comm >2 amcmoz Hapc¢83ppmcH Ucm uncaozm o>Hmwopoxm Um>wcogom Oo opmpm x9 flmmmow HmcoHssasooo pcm HmcoHOmosvm OsuO< O 24%.»... ... O: .7;,Oc: :OHz coHuompmch Oo acc;:rccm capsulmm.oO mqmae H] «ONO H3O m.m AmO m.m HHO H.m AsO H.m mecmHsm AOO H.m HmO m.m AmO H.m AOO :.m mcmgomma mpng ANO m.H ANO N.H AmO o.m AmO m.m mcozomoe onwmz AqO m.m HmO :.m H3O m.m AnO O.m mpmzpoum pmeHo AmO H.m AaO m.m AmO H.m HmO m.m mumpmHm smeHo, AmO m.m AmO o.m AmO s.m AmO m.m pmzpmm AHO O.m AHO H.m AHO O.H AHO H.m passes mHHHm mpHsz meHu otwmz AmO m.m AOO m.m HHO m.m HHO o.m mecmHtm AmO H.m AnO m.m AmO N.m AmO :.m mcosomoe opHsz AsO O.H AHO O.H AmO H.m AqO m.m mtmsomme osmmz HmO m.m AmO m.m HMO H.m HmO H.m msmgpocm pmsHo AzO m.m AqO m.m AsO m.m HmO O.m mpmpmHm pmsHo AHO m.m AmO m.m HNO :.m AmO o.m smasmm AmO m.m AHO o,m AHO N.m AHO m.m Lozpoz AxsmmO 5mm: Axcme cmmz AxcmmO 2mm: AxcmmO cmoz. HmcofimeSooo HQCOHOMQSUm Hmcofiamasooo HQCOHOmospm pcouommm whom opficz whom ogwoz .mHoosom Cho3paoz ”xmm Una comm mo anmow choHHnazooo can HmcoHquspm pson< mucmhommm Qm>mm mo comm Qua: cowpomgoOCH mo zocozvogm :mmzllzm.oH mqm.99 The data for all 56 theoretical and observed distri- butions of high interaction over the five social distances are presented in Table 10.26. “02 v Q HO. v Q mm. A Q HO. v Q mmH. u D umH. u Q Hmo. u D mzH. u D mmm mmm omm 0mm mmm mmm mmm mmm Hmuoe m z m m m o m m m m m m m z m m H 3 mm mH :m mH mH m mH m m Hospmm mm a: as mm ms mm mm H: m cam Hom mmm Ham Ham mmm HOH mom H U Q 00. H Q mm. A Q mm. A Q mac. n O mmo. u D moo. u a 0H0. u o OH: OH: mmm mmm mmm mmm mom mom Hmpoe m a a m H H m m m m H z m m m m H 3 pm mH mm mH m 5 HH m m nonpoz mm m: mm on mm em Hm mm m sum :0: Ham sHm mam mmm HHm omm H mHmow HmcoHmezpm .UmHm .mco .pmpm .mno .pmpm .mno .Umgm .mno m pcohmmom mHHHm mpch whom mpan prHo omwmz whom opwmz .mHoocom Chmcupoz umHmoo HmCOHPMQSooo cum HmCOHpmospm on pomammm anz .HmO mocmpmHo HmHoom comm um .mHnHo cam whom opan cam Ohwmz cam mucmpmmom cm>mm no comm Cmmzpmm 20Hpompmch cme mo mmHocozvmnm cmpoHpmnm cam p0>pmmnou1mm.0H mqm 005 p < .05 Total Observed M7 9 56 Expected 50.4 5.6 56 Total 97.4 14.6 112 2 _ X (l) - .91, n. s. The assumption of independence is a false assumption. The samples are drawn not from 56 groups, but from four groups, each of which provided 14 sets of information. The groups themselves were not randomly drawn. Further, for any sample group, the frequency of interaction with any given referent is not independent of interaction with any other referent. For any sample group and referent, the interaction with respect to one goal is not independent of interaction with respect to the other goal. Hence, the non-independence of the samples biases the X2 statistic in favor of the substantive hypothesis. There are non-statistical arguments, however, that bear positively on the validity of the hypothesis. First of all, though there is variability in the probabilities in Table 10.26, the magnitudes of these U10 probabilities are distributed throughout this table in a relatively random manner. Of the nine probabilities less than five per cent, three are associated with Negro boys, three with white boys, two with Negro girls, and two wit white girls. Five are for educational goals, and four for occupational goals. There is a concentration of small p's for fathers and educational goals (three of four less than .01), but the probabilities do not concentrate for any referent: There are three for father, two for mother, two for Negro teachers, and one each for white teachers and for peers. Secondly, there is an apparent differential between th fit of the theoretical and empirical distributions and (D the stability of the phenomenon. There is a systematic deficiency in the model: It fits in general, but system— atically underestimates the interaction at the closest social distance. In seven of the nine cases for which p(D) is less than .05, the frequency of interaction is H :3 . '1 w ; rr .L H' I”. 5 underestimated at this closest distance. For the rem. ! fiv- ull FJ. forty-seven cases, however, the incidence of underestimat is not significantly greater than the incidence of over— estimation. Twenty—five cases are underestimated, four perfectly predicted, and twenty over—predicted. It can be Concluded that when the model fails to predict adequately, it characteristically underpredicts interaction at the least distance (and overpredicts at the second distance). Ull Hence, although the model may not express the observed reality as well as some other model, it does indicate that there is a stable phenomena in the empirical world, that is at least crudely described by Hypotheses 5 and g. The model has been postulated to obtain for any group, any referent, and any goal. Though some qualitative non-statistical evidence has been presented in support of this in the two preceedinggparagraphs, further testing is needed. These tests should have more adequate data, as here we have only rank order data with too few scale points. Other kinds of goals should be considered. Also, large samples should be drawn independently from many groups. Interaction and Goal Attainment In the preceeding section a model was developed to predict high interaction between referents and socializees with respect to educational and occupational goals. High interaction was shown to be a function of perceived social distance, and perceived Opportunities (means and support). A reasonable next step is to demonstrate that high interaction is in turn positively related to goal aspira— tions and to goal attainment. Data gathered to establish this relationship produced generally favorable results for both educational and occupational goals, and for academic Derfbrmance in the high school. The strongest results were Obtained for educational goals that students aspire to and J? F.) I\) plan to attain. Here, only the data for interaction and educational aspirations and plans will be presented. School will be controlled for only referents that are in the school, i.e., for Negro teachers, white teachers, and peers. The data are based on responses to the following questions, for educational aspirations and plans, respectively: If you had your choice, what would you like to do after you leave high school? What do you think you really will do after you leave high school? The responses to this item were dichotomized as "College” or "Non College." Data for phi coefficients between students of each race sex group and their parents and siblings are presented in Table 10.28. Positive correlations are predicted for. all cases, as they represent a matching of high interaction and college plans or aspirations, and low interaction and non-college plans or aspirations. All 32 coefficients in this table are significantly different from zero at the .01 level. The corresponding coefficients for plans and aspira- tions reveal a stable pattern. In all 16 corresponding cases, the phi coefficient is higher for plans than for aspirations. The differences are small and relatively invariant. The difference ranges from .01 to .07, and has M13 HHH: v aesm. HHH: v *HON. HHH: V *emH. HHOOV HHQH. nmepopm smeHo AHOO V axzm. HHH: v exam. AmO: v axHH. HHOOV mmmH. meme thHo HOHOHV .HHH. HHHHHH Hemm. HOOH V HHNH. HOHOV gazm. weepmm HONHHV *xzz. HHOOHV **OO. AHHHV **zm. HOOOV *sOm. nonpoz mCOHHmaHam¢ HOH: V *HON. HHOH O a*Om. HHHO v *HHH. HHOmO gtOH. emaponm umeHo AOOz v exam. AHO: v aaHm. HO:: O mme. AOOOV msom. pmpmHm thHo HOONHV axmz. HOOOHV quz. AOHO v *mOm. HOHOV **Om. pmzpmm HHOHHV aamz. HOOOHV m*OO. HOOOHV gsOm. HOOOV *aOm. emcee: mcmHm sz H sz H sz H sz H peenmmmm meHO mpch whom mpH£3 meHO opwmz whom opwmz mcoHumuHQm< no mcmHm wwwHHoo .mHoozow ChmnHAoz uxom cam mowm On.wCOHpmmHQm< cam mCMHm mOmHHoo cam .mweHHnHm emeHo use mpempm6 OOH: :OHpemtepeH emHm toe mpemHOHHHmoo Hemu-Om.OH mHmae AIM a mean of .031 and an average deviation of .013. All statements in the following paragraphs are applicable to both plans and aspirations. Interaction with parents is more predictive of college-going aspirations and plans for whites than for Negroes, and higher for girls than for boys. The groups that are most successfully socialized are the ones that have the most adequate role socializers. Here, it can be observed that the groups that are theorized to have the best referents benefit most from interaction with these referents. Among the white group, boys and girls have the highest correlations with their same—sex parents. Among Negroes, however, both boys and girls benefit most from interaction with their mothers. This too is consistent with the theory develcped in this text, which postulates that the male parent is a better role socializer in the white group than in the Negro group. 0 Interaction with siblings, as with parents, is most predictive of attainment among white students. In the white group, both boys and girls have higher correlations with their same-sex siblings. ,Within the Negro group, as with parents, both boys and girls benefit most from the female referent, i.e., more from their older sisters than from their older brothers. Hence, for both parents and siblings, females are most predictive of success in the Negro group. “15 Data for interactions with Negro and white teachers and with friends at school are presented in Tables 10.29 and 10.30, respectively. As with parents and siblings, the phi coefficients for teachers and peers are slightly higher for plans than for aspirations. The differences are not as regular as for the family referents, however. The coefficients are higher for plans in seven of twelve comparisons for All Schools, there is one tie, and plans have lower phiip in four instances. The phiip for plans as opposed to aspirations vary from —.03 to .07, with a mean differences of .026 and an average deviation of .016. In general, white students have higher correlations between interaction and college plans and aspirations that are higher for same—race teachers, as Opposed to cross—race teachers. Negro students, who have more cross-race teachers, benefit equally from both. For both race groups, the cor- relations for same-race teachers relative to cross—race teachers is greatest where the proportion of same—race teachers is greatest. Peers are in general more predictive of college plans and aspirations for whites than for Negroes. For white boys, peers are most important at North Mixed, and least at North Negro. For white girls, peers are most predictive at North White, and least at North Negro. For Negro boys and girls, the importance of peers for college plans and aspirations 416 HOHOHV *HHH. HHOH V *HHH. HOHOV Ho. HOHOV Oo. memem AOOOHV xxmm. AOHOHV **Om. HOHHV *xHH. AHNHV *xom. mhmcomme mszz HOHO V **HH. AOmH V **OH. HOmOV **OH. AHHHV **Hm. mumsomme opwoz mHoocom HH< HOOO V xxOH. HOOH V 2*HH. HOO V :H. HON V Om. mummm HOOO V **om. HOHH V xxmm. HOO V OO. AmO V OO.: mnmcowme mszz HOO: V HO. AHm: V OO. H2O V OH. HHO V OO.: mpmcomme opwmz mHan :ppoz HOmm V .Oo. HOON V **Hm. HOHmV oo. HHHHV Oo. mamm6 HOmm V xxOm. AOOm V ame. HmOmV «*OH. HHsz **Om. mpmzomme mpan HOOH V xme. HOmm V axOH. HOOmV OO. HOsz anm. mmmcomme opwmz Omtz zppoz AH V 1:: HO V OO. HOOHV OO. HOOOV mO. mammm HO V OO. HO V OO. HOOOV *mOH. AOHHV *mm. mhmsomoe manz Hm V HO. HO V oo. HHOOV HHHH. HOOHV **mm. mtmOeMme opmmz 0pwmz rpuoz HzV H HzV H HzV H HzV H peepmgmm mHHHO mHan whom mHch mHHHO onwmz mmom OHOmz Hoonom .mHoocom sponppoz ”xmm cam momm HO .mcmHm mmeHoo Ocm .mmmmm Ocm mpmnomme HHH: :oHpompmch cme you mpcmHoHOmmoo Hzmuumm.OH mHOOB M17 HHHQHV axOH. HOHH V .HNH. O .mo. HHOOV Oo. meme» AOOOHV *sOm. HHOHHV ssmH. H *mOH. HmOHV **OH. mpmzomme mpan AHOO .gOO. aamH. H exOH. HOOHV *xz. mmmnomoe opwmz mHoocow HH« AOOO *mHH. V axo. OO. HOO V HO. mummm AHOO erm. V ssOH. -Om. HNO V OH.| mumnomme manz HHH: O6. V :6. HH. HHH V HH.- memeomme ouwmz ouHaz :ppoz HOzm OO. V ssHH. HO. HHomV HH. nhwmh Aqu **Om. V samm. OH. HHHNV *xOH. mnmnomme manz HOHH HH. V *gzm. oo. HHHNV *HHH. mpmeomee opmmz omtz nppoz Hm In- 00. mo. OQHV :0. meme» HO HO. OO. geom. HHOHV **OH. msmnomme mpan H: OO. OO. H.Hm. HHHHV ..HH. memeemme onwmz onwmz nupoz HzV O O O HzV O ucmnmmmm mHHHO mszz whom mpch mHhHO onwmz whom opmmz Hoonom .mHoocom Chonumoz "Now Ocm womm Hp «mCOHpmAHQm< mmeHoo UGO .mhmmm GEM kaQoMOB csz COHuomhmpCH Qme MOM muQmHonmmoo Hflmllom.OH mqm<8 A18 is inversely related to the number of same—race peers in their school. The data in these three tables demonstrate a func- tional relationship between interaction and goal attain- ment. The correlations are in general significant for parents, siblings, and teachers. The results are weaker for peers. These contingency tables are a far weaker variance model than the model used to predict interaction, in the preceeding section of this chapter. It is not sur- prising that this would be the case. For interaction, as measured here, refers only to the raw frequency of inter— action, and not to its content. It should be manifestly clear from the theory developed in this text, that the con— tent of interaction between students and their various referents is of the greatest importance in the outcomes of the socialization process. Clearly, it is not the raw fre— quency of interaction that produces attainment, but its content. If an increase in interaction produces no increase in opportunities, i.e., if aX/aI = 0, interaction will pro— duce no attainment: That is, if aX/al = 0, then aA/BI = 0. Secondly, if a referent provides opportunities, but these opportunities are not utilized, i.e., if aA/ax = 0, an increase in interaction will produce no increase in attainment: That is, if aA/BX = 0, then aA/aI = 0. Hence, the condition that aA/aI > 0 is true if and only if both BX/aI > 0 and aA/aX > 0. These remarks can “19 be formalized as a multiplicative model: 3A-i£ ii fi‘axal' (5) Verbally, we have: Hypothesis 7: The increase in attainment (or in aSpirations) resulting from an increase in inter- action with a referent depends on (1) Opportunities being provided by a referent, and (2) these Oppor- tunities being utilized. Data to test this final hypothesis are not presently available. The hypothesis is, however, both plausable and testable. It both emphasizes the incomplete nature of this research, and suggests further directions. An important stage has been attained, however. For it is now possible to predict interaction with some accuracy. To increase goal attainment, it is necessary to provide socializing referent that are not socially distant, and that provide means and support. Further, it is suggested that it is necessary that these opportunities be utilized by the socializee. It is through interaction that referents with these attributes socialize. The next task in this research is to theoretically elaborate and empirically examine the nature of the rela- tionships between interaction and attainment. That is, it is necessary to become involved with fundamental processes of learning and socialization: How are new roles learned through interaction? What attributes should the socializer present, and in what temporal order? What, in general, should be the content of interaction? A cross-sectional analysis based on questionnaire data, in conjunction with a theoretical structure, has provided some direction for solving these problems. But this methodology is not an appropriate instrument for the next stage of this research. Instead, a longitudinal analysis, with controlled manipulation Of the socialization process, is required. HOpefully, such research would make it possible to continue to build upon and elaborate the theoretical base developed here. This research has been proposed, and is currently being developed. CHAPTER XI SUMMARY The Socialization in Education of Negro Youth in the United States Since the American High School is an institution de- signed to prepare adolescents for later performnce of adult roles, it is a socializing agent. It is suggested that a comprehensive sociological investigation of the comparative behavior of Negro and white students might benefit from a theoretical perspective of socialization. The research is motivated by a concern with the interrelationships between race and education. Re— search in this area is underdeveloped, and permits few generalizations. It focuses on demographic processes of desegregation, i.e., on racial composition pp: pp, and on psychological testing and personality adjust— ment. This research is focused instead on the internal structure of the high school: Racial composition in the student body and in the faculty is examined in terms of its effects on the socialization of high school students. Some studies are examined that indicate Negro youth develop less successfully in their attainment of in— 0 telligence, personality, and social skills. School racial composition is found to be a salient factor in A21 A22 differential racial performance. It is found that the areas of socialization, race, and education provide an inadequate theoretical basis for the study of role socialization. In addition, these areas are not sufficiently interrelated. A research design is presented, with the purpose of establishing and testing a more adequate theory of the socialization of Negro and white youth. A paper- and—pencil questionnaire is used, in conjunction with observation, to generate data from five American high schools. Two schools are selected from the East South Central region--one all Negro, one all white. Three schools are selected from an East North Central met- ropolis—-one 99% Negro, one 47% Negro, and one 4% Negro. Role Socialization General System Theory is used as a take-off point for developing a theoretical structure by which the social- ization of the child can be regarded as a process of structural growth of the social personality. This framework is the basis for examining the reciprocal role relations between the child and the reference groups that participate in his socialization. A variety of systems are examined, from which general principles of growth are derived. The growth of social, cognitive, personality, and role systems are viewed in terms of the progressive differentiation and progressive mechanization of the components of the 423 system, i.e., the differentiation of elements out of an earlier undifferentiated elements. This theoretical approach follows the work of Spencer, Werner, Piaget, Murphy, Witkin, and others. Hence, the socialization process is conceptualized as the learning of more and more complex and integrated role relationships, as a pro- cess of sociological growth. From the discussion, it is postulated that: If a child's social environment is suboptimal in that it does not facilitate his attaining integrated adult role in society, his social development can be viewed as retarded. Role theory concepts are developed to provide a vocabulary for dealing with these growth processes. Four race sex roles (Negro boys, Negro girls, white boys, and white girls) constitute the basic unit of analysis in this study. Role Socialization.in the Nuclear Family: Parents as Socializers The socialization of Negro and white boys and girls to adult roles begins with a consideration of Parsons and Bales' Famiiy, Socialization and Interaction Process. Basic processes of role learning are examined, and related to the General System framework developed in Chapter II. This theory of socialization in the family is seen to bear similarities to the Freudian theory of psycho— sexual development, though the two lead to some different 42A predictions about the relative socialization of boys and girls, that vary from Negro to white family structures. A series of identifications is examined by which the child passes into the progressive differentiation of social objects (roles), first with respect to age and then to sex. Difficulties in establishing post—Oedipal roles in the Negro and white home are examined. The theoretical propositions, in conjunction with a state description of American society, lead to propositions about the relative rates of socialization of Negro boys, Negro girls, white boys, and white girls. Relations between race and the structure of sex roles are then related to the discussion. A number of social variables are found to effect the allocation of instrumental and expressive roles of parents: Class, education occupation, and others in— fluence parental and conjugal roles, and under some con— ditions reverse these roles. These role reversals are most pronounced in the Negro home, and vary in the direction that entails the greatest risks for socialization. Lott and Lott's Negro and White Youth is used as a source of secondary evidence that supports the theoretical structure. It is found, e.g., that from a psychometric standpoint, boys in the Negro group are more expressive and less instrumental than are boys in the white group, and that girls in the Negro goup are less expressive and more instrumental than are white girls. It is also found U25 that in the sub-dominant Negro group, there is a more pronounced hppg on the part of boys to be instrumental and of girls to be expressive. Thus, Negro YOUth display instrumental-expressive role reversal, and at the same time perceive it to be dysfunctional. In this chapter, parents are found to be important sources of socialization to adult roles, such as ed- ucational and occupational. Parents are concomitantly found to be limited as sources of peer interaction role models. Role Socialization in_The Nuclear Family: Siblings"§sfiSocializers Purposive socialization to adult roles and informal socialization to peer roles proceed by different processes. Siblings are complementary socializers to parents in that they are important peer interaction role models. Since the success of parents as socializers depends, in part, on their being optimally differentiated along the in- strumental—expressive continuium, the success of parents as role socializers requires that they are not peers to each other, which of course reduces their potential as a model of peer interaction. The Parsonian and Freudian considerations of social- ization by sibling rivalry theory postulates that siblings do not socialize each other. Research is presented which contradicts this view. The rivalry view leads to the prediction that, since siblings compete with each A26 other, siblings should be an obstacle to socialization, especially in the Negro group, where socio-economic re— sources are relatively scarce. The role socialization View leads to the opposite prediction, that since Negroes have more role conflict in their families than do whites, and since they lack an adequate set of socializing referents, they should learn more from their siblings than do whites. In particular, it is predicted that older same—sex siblings should be the most predictive of sociometric status in the peer group for Negro boys. Data from the three Northern high schools in the sample are examined, which support this hypothesis. Both brothers and sisters are found to have greater utility for the Negro boy than for the white boy. Other combinations of socialization by older brothers and sisters for each of the four race sex groups are examined. Finally, a number of hypotheses about friendship patterns and sex roles in cross-sex peer interaction are presented. Parents And Peers Secondary and primary data are presented which support the proposition that peers become an increas- ingly important source of role socialization relative to parents as children age. Adult control and peer control are viewed not as alternatives, but as joint outcomes of the socialization process. The result is role social- ization for control by adults that are concomitantly A27 peers. The rate at which peers gain in relative con- trol, however, is shown to have been exaggerated: Parents are found to remain powerful referents relative to peers in the high school. The theoretical statement is elaborated to include socialization by peers. Peers, like siblings, are found to socialize primarily to peer interaction, though parents have some value in peer role socialization. Socialization in the High School: Peers as Socializers From the General Systems orientation, it is post— ulated that the growth of group structures proceeds according to the same principles characteristic of personality growth. Sociometric research and theory by Moreno and others contributes some support to this conceptualization. It is found that, as children age, their group structures evolve from global organization, to differentiation, to integration. In terms of measures based on the systems definition of growth, the data presented indicate that the sociometric groups of Negroes and boys are "retarded” relative to the groups of whites and girls, respectively. Isolation, low sociometric status, racial and sexual cleavage, and an overall lack of reciprocation, are measures of group retardation utilized in the analysis. Further secondary evidence is used to elaborate and support the theory. In particular, an article by Dunphy A28 is found to converge with both the General System orientation, and the Parsonian and Freudian theories. The stages of development of adolescent groups are found to go from sexually undifferentiated cliques, to the crowd, with sex role differentiation, to the integration of groups in small and closely—knit structures. Role socialization in the group is also postulated to be based on expressive leaders and task leaders that socialize in manners analogous to that by the mother and father in the nuclear family. The Social Systems of Iegro and White Adolescents The social activities and interests of Negro and white students under different racial conditions are examined. It is found that as the proportion of Negro students in a school increases, there is a gradual giving up and taking on of certain roles and functions by both race groups in a school. Both groups maintain their own forms of racially segregated social patterns. Where there is an established social system of white students, the incoming Negro groups enters first into activities which require little cross-racial contact, and for which entrance has universalistic criteria. As the proportion of Negro students increases, two distinct social systems emerge, with clear racial differences in the statuses associated with the various activities. When A29 racial changeover is complete, Negro participation spreads out into all activities, and student behavior is similar to the behavior of white students in a white-dominated school. It is also found that alienation from a school is greatest where students of a given race area numerical minority. The absolute level of alientation is highest for Negro students, however, for they can be a majority in a school and still be a minority in the larger contexts of community and society. Socialization in the High School: Teachers as Socializers The American High School provides less Opportunity for educational and occupational goal attainment for Negro students than for white students. In particular, the Negro boy, lacking an adequate central socializing agent, has great difficulty in establishing integrated role relationships, that cross age, sex, and race bound- aries. Since faculty integration characteristically lags behind student body integration, the Negro must depend on white teachers for socialization. Hence, the group most in need of socializing reference groups is provided with socializers with which he is least capable of interacting. The most precocious Negro students are most apt to go to high quality schools, which in general means predominantly white schools. Thus, the Negro students A30 (especially Negro male students) with the greatest potential enter environments in which they have access to the fewest adequate role socializers. This influences the occupational aspirations of Negro youth. Since the Negro boy lacks referents that are instrumental role socializers, he aspires to professions with a high ex— pressive component, relative to the aspirations of white boys. Some aspects of teacher—teacher interaction are also examined. It is postulated that teachers are limited, as are parents, as peer interaction role models. The Educational and Occupational Plans and Aspirations of Negro and White Youth Race and sex differences in socialization hypothesised in earlier chapters are found to be extensile to socialization to educational and occupational goals. The partial order- ing (with white girls performing at the highest level, and Negro boys at the lowest) of race sex groups is sup— ported by empirical examination of academic plans and performance in the high school. Because of barriers to post high school education for Negro students, there is a lesser relationship between college aspirations and plans in the Negro goup, par- ticularly in the South. For occupational aspirations and plans, it is found that Negro youth perceive that they will be frustrated in attaining their educational goals, relative to white youth. «aw-m l A31 Merton's anomie pradign is introduced, to examine the adjustment of Negro boys and girls in their pursuit of goals. Results consistent with earlier research (e.g., Sprey) are found: In a variety of contexts, the data indicate that Negro boys are more anomie than are Negro girls and that Negro boys are "retreatist," whereas Negro girls are more apt to "innovate" or perform "ritual- istically." Role Socialization,iInteractive Reference Groups, and Educational and Occupational Goals In this chapter, expressive and instrumental socia1~ ization by all of the reference groups considered earlier is taken up, i.e., socialization by parents, older siblings, peers, and teachers. It is found that these referents vary in the extent to which they are per— ceived as providing instrumental means of expressive support for the attainment of educational and occupational goals. The distributions of these two classes Op Oppor- tunities for attainment in general vary as predicted. Race and racial composition are found to influence the perceptions of teachers and peers by students. These Opportunities are highly related to interaction with referents. Means and support and additive in their predictiveness of interaction: A partial ordering is regularly observed, with most frequent interaction directed to referents that provide both means and support, A32 and the least frequent interaction directed to referents that provide neither means nor support, and the least frequent interaction directed to referents that provide neither. A third independent variableis found to influence the relationship between opportunities and interaction. Interaction varies directly With Opportunities, but is inversely prOportional to the third variable, which is the social cost (social distance) perceived as resulting from interaction with the several referents. A math— ematical model is presented which interrelates the three variables, which is motivated by Stouffer's con« cept of intervening opportunities. It is hypothesised that the number of students interacting at a high re- quency with referents a given social distance away is directly proportional to the perceived Opportunities. It is hypothesised that the number of students interacing at a high frequency with referents a given social dis- tance away is directly prOportional to the perceived oppor— tunities provided by those referents, and inversely proportional to the intervening Opportunities for goal attainment. The integrated form of this relationship expresses total interaction as varying as the natural logarithm of Opportunities (cf. Fechner's Law). This hypothesis is tested 56 times, for A race sex groups, 7 referents, and 2 goals. A statistical model, in con— 433 junction with non-statistical arguments, supports the model. Finally, interaction is related to goal attainment. High interaction is shown empirically to be significantly correlated with high educational and occupational plans and aspirations. Data are presented for each of the reference goups included in the study, and further com— parisons between them, for each student race sex group, are presented. A final model is develOped, suggesting that the relationship between interaction and attainment depends both on the opportunity structure and the utilization of these Opportunities by the socializee. Further directions for this research are presented in terms of this final hypothesis. Some Evaluations The data bearing on major hypotheses is both secondary and primary, and is to some extent "scattered" throughout this research. In this final section, an attempt will be made to give an overall evaluation of the weight of the data bearing on a few hypotheses generated from the theo- retical development in Chapters II and III. In particular, the focus will be on the predicted socialization patterns of race sex groups. It has been hypothesised that: (1) Girls are socialized more rapidly than are boys; (2) Whites are socialized more rapidly than are Negoes; (3) Girls are socialized more rapidly relative to boys in the Negro A3A race group. The hypotheses of course represent only one aspect of this research, but are important to any validity attributed to the theoretical structure. First of all, these hypotheses resulted from con- siderations of sex role blurring, and even reversal, in the Negro home, along with more general consideration of the family and society. Data on parents as one Of three "Most admired and respected people" (3.5)l show that, among Negroes, both sexes have most admiration and respect for their mothers, whereas whites prefer their sameesex parent. This is evidence for the thesis that parental sex roles are reversed in the Negro family. More direct evidence for this, is terms of occupational roles, is presented (5.7). Secondary evidence from Broffenbrenner and others in Chapter III adds impressive evidence for this notion. The study by Kardiner and Ovesey, in particular, shows that conjugal roles are reversed in the Negro home. The ar« gument from page 89 to page l01 is of particular importance for this thesis. Both instrumentality and expressiveness in a parent contribute to role adjustment (Leik). These conjugal roles influence self—confidence and mastery. Inproper allocation of these roles has negative effects on adjustment. Research is presented which shows that reversal is the most deliterious allocation (Elder, Devereux, 1In this section, numbers in brackets will denote table numbers. J‘ LA- \J‘ and others). The fatherhs instrumentality is shown to be the most crucial role (Sears, Payne, and Mussen; Mowrer). If the father is instrumental, and conjugal roles are relatively egalitarian, socialization is successful (Hartley, Brim). But if the boy has no adult male to identify with, socialization will not be successful (Epstein and Liverant, Mussen, McGuire, Hartley). Brof- fenbrenner and Simon, in this connection, both postulate that there is an Optimal distribution of roles. In the NeH gro home, the mother is more instrumental and less exH pressive, and the father less instrumental and more exH pressive than for whites. This role reversal in the Negro home is non—optimal and varies in the direction that entials the greatest risks for socialization, especially of the boy, i.e., the father is not adequately instrumental. Davis, and Dardiner and Ovesey, and others, agree that this has a deliterious impact on socialization. Lott and Lott also report on this role reversal and its consequences. The data from Lott and Lott (3.1) support Hypothesis 3 above, for two of the three instrumental values, and for three expressive values. For their entire sample (3.2), means for all six cases are smaller among Negroes, demon- strating that are less differentiated in terms of in- strumentality-expressiveness than are whites. Still further data from Lott and Lott is utilized to show that Negro youth feel a greater need to have an appropriate sex 436 role than do white youth, based on G.P.I. and Achievement Affiliation Motivations: All significant results are in the predicted direction. Lott and Lott's data add evidence for the three hypotheses above. Primary evidence is also presented (3.7) which shows that Negro boys and girls have a lower level of identifi- cation with same sex relatives and other adults. Four hypotheses on this are all supported by the data. In Chapter VIII, it is shown that this lack of identification has consequences for later identification with teachers with respect to attaining educational goals. Negroes and boys are found to have difficulty establishing integrated roles with teachers, in comparison in whites and girls, respectively. Positive results were obtained feom re- sponses that lack of teacher encouragement is a reason for not going to college (8.1). The predicted ranking is also obtained for identifying "Good teachers" as a reason for preferring their present high school (8.2). Further evidence for the role reversal hypothesis is obtained in Chapter IX, where it is shown that Negro girls feel less need to resolve the "dilemma" of the fe« male role and performance (9.6). Correct predictions are also made on the articulation of college plans and aspi— rations (9.9). In this, and in other contexts, data sup— port the hypotheses about anomic responses of Negro youth to their role strains. Following Sprey and Merton, it \A) *4 l k...) CT is predicted that Negro boys w ave less defined occupational plans (9.15). Positive results on this, and on a variety of other measures, support the hypotheses. In the final chapter, the expressiveness and instru- mentality of parents with respect to educational and oc— cupational goals gives little support to the hypothesised race-sex differences. For boys, race differences are not statistically significant; for girls, the parental roles vary in the predicted direction. In spite of these weak results, the overall eVidence must be considered supportive of the hypothesised role differences. Only a portion of the eVidence for the hypotheses has been summarized here. An eVidential inference about the :al structure is difficult to make. Liz validity of the theoret It is improper to attempt to assign a probability to a theoretical structure. Certainly the theoretical notions develOped here have been shown to be "reasonable." In terms of verification, the reasonableness of a theory depends on its Effe'thEGESé in predicting events. Cer— tainly a lot of predictions have been made, and the number of positive instances outweigh the negative. At the same time, individual results were often weak, indicating that there may be considerable randomness, i.e., lack of in« formation, in the survey data. This is of course char— acteristic of social research utilizing data from actual social systems, and emphasises the importance of further A38 research in the processes of socialization that have been dealt with in this research. LIST OF REFERENCES Public Documents Department of Mental Hygiene, State of New York. 1956 Annual Report. Albany, New York: Department of Mental Hygiene, 1957. Department of Mental Hygiene, State of California. Statistical Report, Year Ending June 30, 1955. Sacremento, California: Department of Mental Hygiene, 1957. Books Adler, Alfred. What Life Should Mean to You. Boston: Little, 1931. Allport, Gordon W. The Nature of Prejudice. Cambridge, Mass.: Addison—Wesley Press, 1955. 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South Negro High School South White High School Grade Negro Boys Negro Girls White Boys White Girls 7 22.0 20.8 8 16.2 14.6 9 12.6 20.0 26.6 6.2 10 31.9 18.9 23.3 18.0 11 6.3 9.2 29.3 32.8 12 11.0 16.5 20.8 23.0 Total per cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total number 191 230 610 618 463 46:. TABLE A.2-—Percentages of Students in Each Grade in School, by Race and Sex: Northern Schools. Negro Negro White White School Grade Boys Girls Boys Girls North 10 35.1 37.0 33.3 50.0 -Negro 11 33.1 36.0 22.2 37.5 12 31.8 27.0 44.5 12.5 Total per cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total number 800 887 9 8 North 10 32.1 31.6 32.8 38.3 Mixed 11 41.6 41.1 38.4 31.2 12 26.3 27.3 28.8 30.5 Total per cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total number 414 436 531 446 North 10 56.6 53.4 39.0 38.6 White 11 24.5 34.5 35.6 34.3 12 18.9 12.1 25.4 27.1 Total per cent 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total number 53 58 1223 1286 A different classification was used for the Southern and Northern schools with respect to father's occupation. This was necessitated by the difficulty of coding the responses of Southern students into standard Census Bureau codes. The difficulty was pronounced at South Negro High School. For the South, the classifications used were adapted from Green:1 (1) Low Status: .garbage collector, common laborer, etc.; (2) Respectible Working Class: barber, mechanic, etc.; (3) Working Class Elite: plumber, carpenter, etc.; (4) Middle Class: teacher, mortician, pharmicist, etc.; (5) Elite: major professional groups, presidents of firms, etc. Farmers (both owners and farm workers) were given a separate code, but not included in the analysis. These categories are on occasion dichotomized in the text. The top two categories are in such cases regarded as "White Collar," and the other three are regarded as "Blue Collar." The percentages of Southern students having fathers in the various occupational classes are presented in Table A.3. TABLE A.3——Percentages of Students With Fathers in Various Occupational Classes: Southern Schools. Occupational Class South Negro .South'White Elite Class 0.0 11.7 Middle Class 5.0 23.4 Elite Working Class 13.9 32.7 Respectible Working Class 29.4 2.6 Low Status 51.7 9.6 Total per cent 100.0 100.0 Total number 259 1037 _v—— lErnest Green, "Educational Plans and Aspirations of a Selected Group of Negro and Caucasian Students in Segre— gated Schools" (unpublished M.A. Thesis, East Lansing, Pflichigan, Michigan State University, 1964), p. 18. 466 For the Northern schools, Father's Occupation and Mother's Occupation were coded from the Detailed Classifi- cation of the Bureau of the Census. Coders were instructed to make few assumptions about vague answers (as with the South). For cases where codes could fit equally well into two categories, N.O.R.C. Prestige Scores were used to dis- criminate. These categories are on occasion dichotomized as "White Collar" and "Blue Collar." The tOp three categories are regarded as "Whie Collar," and the lower four as "Blue Collar." Data are presented in Table A.4. TABLE A.4-—Percentages of Students With Fathers and Mothers in Various Occupational Classes: Northern Schools. North Negro North Mixed North White Parent/Occupation Negro White Negro White Negro White Father Professional, semi- professional, technical, and kindred 5.7 7 7 5 2 4.3 5 1 —- Proprietors, managers officials 11.5 12.0 6.7 6 0 6.6 10 0 Clerical, sales, and kindred 2.3 7.6 3.7 4 8 25.2 20.0 Craftsmen, foremen, and kindred 13.8 29.9 23.7 34.5 20.1 20.0 Operatives and kindred workers 24.1 20.2 37.1 35.2 26.3 40.0 Service workers, inc. private household 12.6 11.7 13.4 8.4 8.7 10.0 Laborers 29.9 10.9 10.2 6.8’ 8.0 -— Total per cent 99.9 100.0 100 0 100.0 100.0 100.0 Total number 87 2276 598 807 930 10 ‘ TABLE A.4——Continued North Negro North Mixed North White r .t/ coina“ e v ., , ,, . Pa en /0’ 1‘ Lida Negro White Negro White Negro White Mother Professional, semi- professional, technical, and kindred 3.9 8.3 15.9 1.8 6.2 33.3 Proprietors, managers, officials 7.8 5.6 3.2 4.2 28.8 -— Clerical, sales, and kindred 25.5 44.7 19.7 27.4 10.6 —— Craftsmen, foremen, and kindred 9.8 2 O l O 2.9 O 9 ~— Operatives and kindred workers 17.6 8-2 6.0 18.2 11.1 33.3 Service workers, inc. private household 29.4 23.9 51.7 41.4 36.0 33.3 Laborers 5.9 7.3 2.5 4.0 6.4 —— Total per cent 99.9 100 O 100 0 99.9 100 O 99.9 Total number 51 928 315 379 577 3 APPENDIX B 468 A STUDY OF THE AMERICAN HIGH SCHOOL conducted by Michigan State University ATTITUDE QUESTIONNAIRE FOR BOYS (FOR GIRLS) This questionnaire is part of a study being carried out in selected high schools in different regions of the United States. The purpose of this questionnaire is to learn about the interests and attitudes of high school students in various kinds of high school situations. We think you will find the questions easy to answer. Try to answer the ques- tions quickly without spending too much time on any single question. Answer every question in order. Feel free to answer exactly the way you feel, for no one in this school will ever see the answers. When finished, hand the questionnaire to the research worker who will take them directly to the University for tabulation. Remember: This is an attitude questionnaire, and not a test. There are no right or wrong answers. Most of the questions can be answered by circling a number or inserting a number on a line (like this: _2_). Specific instructions are given where needed. If you come to a problem, raise your hand and the research worker will come to your desk and answer your question. Questions about your race and the race of others who may help you in getting a job are included in the questionnaire because these are important things to consider if we are 7 to learn about the real problems of high School pupils. If, however, you do not wish to answer any of these questions, you may skip them. (You may start now) 469 470 1. What grade are you in? (Circle one number) 1 Sophomore 2 Junior 3 Senior 2. What program are you taking in school? (Circle one number) College preparatory Other. What? 1 Not yet decided 2 Vocational 3 Commercial 4 General 5 6 r w 3. What grade average do you have? (Circle one number) Have close to an A average Have close to a B average ‘Have close to a C average Have lower than a C average .1:me 4. What subjects do you like best in school? (Circle the ones you like best) 1 Science courses (physics, chemistry, biology, etc.) 2 Mathematics courses (geometry, algebra, etc.) 3 Social science (civics, history, etc.) 4 English (including speech and dramatics) 5 Shop or vocational courses 6 Physical education 7 Foreign languages 8 Music 9 Art 0 Other. What? 5. Would you say you are a part of a group which are leaders in your school? 1 Yes 2 No 6. If no: would you like to be a part of a leading group? 1 Yes 2 No 3 Don't care 47,1 7. In the group you go around with, which of the things below are important to be popular with the group? (Circle as many as apply) 1 00(1) Nouns-wk) Having some Special talent Being a sharp dresser Have easy moral standards Have high moral standards Good grades Drive a car Know what's going on in the world of popular singers and movie stars Drinking or smoking Have money Ability to get along with all types of people 8. If you could be remembered here at school for one of these three things, which would you want it to be? 1 2 Brilliant student Athletic star (Leader in Activities) 3 Most popular 9. Which of the following teams have you been on, or are you going to try out for, this year? (Circle the ones that apply) (Not asked for girls) mmtwmI—J 10. How Football Basketball Track Baseball Tennis Others. Which? many of the school athletic events do you attend? (Circle one) 1 Most of them 2 3 4 Some of them Few of them None 11. (What group, in your estimation, are the real leaders in your school? (Circle one) Name-come! The athletes The fraternity or sorority crowd The delinquents The good students The party goers Student'council Others. Specify 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. Do you date? Never Less than once a month About once a month Once every 2 or 3 weeks About once a week About twice a week About four times a week \‘lChUlJZ'UUNl-J Do you go steady with one girl (boy)? 1 Yes 2 No If you had a chance to go out with one of the following girls (boys), which one would you choose? 1 Brilliant student 2 Leader in activities (athletic star) 3 Most popular Which of the following extra-curricular activities do you regularly participate in? (Circle as many as apply; add to the list if necessary) Band or orchestra Chorus, vocal Dramatics School paper or annual Debates Student government (student council) Language clubs Hobby clubs Athletics Varsity club Others. What? , Xemmflmmzwmw With whom do you make your regular home during the school year? Both parents Mother only Father only Mother and step-father Father and step—mother Grandparents Foster parents Aunt or uncle or both Other. Who? \ooowmmirwml—J .1 UL 17. How much formal education does your father have? (If you live with a step-father or foster father, answer for him) 1 Less than 8 grades 2 8 grades 3 9-11 grades 4 High school graduate 5 Some college 6 College degree 7 Graduate or professional degree 8 Don't know 9 No father, step-father, or foster father 18. Is your father presently employed? (If you live with a step-father or foster father, answer for him) Yes No, laid off No, and not looking for work No, but is looking for work No, disabled No, retired No father, step-father, or foster father \lmmtwml-J 19. What does your father (or step-father or foster father? do for a living? Describe the job as specifically as you can. Please give the job rather than whagg he works. If not employed, answer for the last job he had. If he is dead, what was his job? 20. If your mother (or step—mother or foster mother) works, what does she do? Describe the job as specifically as you can. Please give the job rather than where she works. If she is dead, what was her job? 21. How many older and younger brothers and sisters do you have? (Write in. If none, put in a ”0".) Number of older brothers Number of older sisters Number of younger brothers Number of younger sisters 22. Did you move to this city after you were 12 years 3'1 or older? 1 Yes 2 No 23. If yes: a) When did you move? . (give year) 24. If you had your choice, what would you like t b) Where did you move from? do afte: —* you leave high school? \DmthNI-J Graduate from college Go to college for one to three years Go to a business or vocational school Get a full-time Job Get a part-time Job Go into the military service Other. What? 25. What do you think you really will do after you leave high school? Komx‘lChU'ltLAJNF-J Graduate from college Go to college for one to three years Go to a business or vocational school Get a full—time Job Get a part-time Job Go into the military service Take any Job I can get Not be able to find a regular Job Other. What? IF YOU INTEND TO GO TO COLLEGE, ANSWER QUESTIONS 26 AND 27. IF YOU DO NOT INTEND TO GO TO COLLEGE, GO ON TO QUESTION 28. 26. What college or colleges are you considering? 27. Looking forward to your years in college, how important do you think each of the following will be to you? Rank from 1 to 4: 1 being the most important, 2 second in importance, 3 less importance, 4 least important 0 H) SD ...: |-' The stimulation of new ideas Preparation for making a living Campus activities and social life New friends who share my interests 28. If you do not intend to go to college, what are the important reasons why? (Circle as many as apply) OKDmKJmU'Itwmi-A l--' I don't like school I couldn't afford it Most of my friends aren't going to college My grades aren't high enough My parents haven't encouraged me My teachers haven't encouraged me I plan to attend business or vocational school I plan to be married soon after graduation I plan on getting a full-time Job after graduation I plan on getting a part-time job after graduation THE NEXT FOUR QUESTIONS ARE ABOUT SOME KINDS OF PEOPLE YOU MIGHT BE PLANS? INVOLVED WITH IN REGARD TO YOUR POSSIBLE COLLEGE THE QUESTIONS ARE FOR EVERYONE, REGARDLESS OF WHETHER YOU INTEND TO GO TO COLLEGE. 29. Which of the following kinds of people have ABILITY to help you go to college? (If you have both a parent and a step-parent, answer for the one you live with during the school year. Circle one number beside every kind of person that applies to you; if a person doesn's apply, leave that row blank.) Has Has Little or Ability No Ability YES NO H FJI4 FJIA 5414 Mother (step-mother, foster mother) Father (step—father, foster father) Older sister(s) Older brother(s) Negro teachers or counselors White teachers or counselors NNNNIUIUN Friends at school 30. 31. 32. 476 Which of the following kinds of people DESIRE to help you go to college? (Circle the number that best fits each kind of person. If a peson doesn't apply to you, leave a blank.) Has Desire Has No Desire to Help to Help iii 9.0 1 2 Mother (step-mother, foster mother) 1 2 Father (step—father, foster father) 1 2 Older sister(s) 1 2 Older brother(s) 1 2 Negro teachers or counselors l 2 White teachers or counselors 1 2 Friends at school To what extent would it be PLEASANT OR UNPLEASANT to go to each of these kinds of people for help about going to college? (Write ip the number that best fits each kind of person; if a perSon doesn't apply to you, leave a blank.) Would be very pleasant-l Mother (step-mother, foster mother) Father (step-father, foster father) Somewhat pleasant-2 Neither pleasant nor unpleasant—3 ‘ Older sister(s) Somewhat unpleasant—4 Older brother(s) Very unpleasant-5 Negro teachers or counselors White teachers or counselors Friends at school HOW OFTEN Do you actually go to each of these kinds of Quite often-2 people for help about going to college? (Write ip ,the number that best fits each kind of person) Very often—1 Mother (step-mother, foster mother) Father (step-father, foster father) Older sister(s) Older brother(s) Negro teachers or counselors White teachers or counselors Friends at school Sometimes-3 Seldom-4 Never—5 lllllll 33- 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. What kind of work do you plan to go into when you finish all of your schooling. Be as specific about the job as you can. Please give the job rather than where you want to work. How much thought have you given to going into this kind of work? 1 A great deal 2 Some 3 Little How sure are you about going into this kind of work? 1 My mind is made up for certain 2 Not too sure, but I think my mind is made up 3 My mind is not made up How important to you would each of these job character— istics be? (Rank from 1 to 6: 1 being the most important, . . ., 6 being the least important) The security of steady work The opportunity for a rapid rise A chance to help others Friendly people to work with An opportunity to be creative and original A high income Which of the following do you feel will really get a person ahead the fastest today? (Circle only one) 1 Hard work Your race or religion Coming from the right family 2 Pleasant personality 3 Brains 4 Knowing the right people 5 Good luck 6 7 Which of the folloiwng things, if any, do you feel may keep you from having a more satisfying life than you are now having? (Circle as many as you desire) Lack of ability Lack of training and education Lack of opportunity: not getting the right breaks in life Lack of any clear and positive aim in life Family background U14: WNH The group, class, or race I am in My goals are too high The circumstances in the United States that now restrict the chances of peOple who are in my station in life 9 None of the above (ENG THE NEXT FOUR QUESTIONS ARE ABOUT SOME KINDS OF PEOPLE YOU MIGHT BE INVOLVED WITH IN REGARD TO YOUR PLANS FOR GETTING A JOB AFTER YOU FINISH ALL OF YOUR SCHOOLING. (FOR GIRLS: IF YOU DON'T INTEND TO WORK AT ALL AFTER YOU FINISH SCHOOL, SKIP TO QUESTION 43.) 39. Which of the following kinds of peOple have ABILITY to help you get the kind of Job you want after you finish all of your schooling? (If you have both a parent and a step-parent, answer for the one you live with during the school year. Circle one number beside every kind of person that applies to you; if a person doesn't apply, leave that row blank.) Has Has Little or Ability No Ability Iii .119 l 2 Mother (step-mother, foster mother) 1 2 Father (step-father, foster father) 1 2 Older sister(s) l 2 Older brother(s) 1 2 Negro teachers or counselors 1 2 White teachers or counselors 1 2 Friends at school 40. Which of the following kinds of people DESIRE to help you get the kind of job you want after you finish all your schooling? Has Has Little or Ability No Ability I69. E9 1 2 Mother (step-mother, foster mother) 1 2 Father (step-father, foster father) 1 2 Older sister(s) l 2 Older brother(s) l 2 Negro teachers or counselors l 2 White teachers or counselors 1 2 Friends at school 41. 42. 43. 44. 479 To what extent would it be PLEASANT or UNPLEASANT to go to each of these kinds of people for help in getting the kind of Job you want after you finish all of your schooling? (Write in the number that best fits each kind of person) Would be very pleasant-1 Mother (step-mother, foster _ mother) Somewhat pleasant-2 Father (step-father, foster father) Neither pleasant nor unpleasant-3 Older sister(s) Somewhat unpleasant—4 Older brother(s) Very unpleasant-5 Negro teachers or counselors White teachers or counselors Friends at school HOW OFTEN do you actually go to each of these kinds Of people for help in getting the kind of Job you want after you finish all of your schooling? (Write in the number that best fits each kind of person) Very often-l Mother (step-mother, foster mother) Quite often-2 Father (step-father, foster father) Sometimes—3 Older sister(s) Seldom-4 Older brother(s) Never-5 Negro teachers or counselors White teachers or counselors Friends at school Which of the following rules do your parents expect ou to follow? (Circle as many as apply) Time for being in at night Amount of dating Against going steady Time Spent watching TV Time spent on homework Against going out with certain girls (boys) Eating dinner with the family Smoking at home No rules for any of the above items \OCDNONU'IJZ'UUNl-J Do your parents know your friends? All of them Most of them Some of them None or almost none .1:me 480 45. How do your parents act towards your friends? 1 2 Very friendly Fairly friendly 3 Not friendly 46. What kinds of activities outside of school do you participate in? (Circle as many as apply; write in if you need to) ODN‘IONUTLTUUNH A neighborhood club Scouting Church youth groups Church athletic teams YMCA (YWCA) Part—time job. What? Others. Nono What? 47. Do you agree that . . . . (Circle l pp g for each item) 4617”." “21'? ."""“‘--“‘-:.1 4.. 1.53-.) L' ka'-..4A."‘-I -— -....- _— 1 2 Things have become so complicated in the world today that I really don't understand just what is going on I feel that I'm a person of worth, at least on an equal plan with others I often feel lonely I enjoy being with people I am not interested in the school activities that most students seem to like I am interested in my schoolwork There are a few who control things in this school, and the rest of us are out in the cold If you want to be part of a leading group around here, you sometimes have to go against your principles I don't enjoy my schoolwork, but I feel that I must do it in order to be able to get things I will want later 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53- Which of the items below fit most of the teachers here at school? (Circle as many as apply) Friendly Too strict Too easy with schoolwork Don't understand problems of teen—agers Not interested in helping teen-agers Willing to help out in activities Treat all pupils the same Are fair in their marking Try to make their class interesting Have a personal interest in their students OKOCIDNChUlthD-J Which one of these things wOuld you be the mOst unhappy? 1 'If my parents did not like what I did -2 If my favorite teacher did not like what I did 3 If my best friend did not like what I did What is your religious preference? l' Protestant (Which demonination? ) 2 Catholic 3 Jewish 4 Other (What? ) If you were completely free to go into any kind of work you wanted to, what occupation would you choose? Give the job, not the place of work. . 41 Of all the peOple you know well, which three do you admire and respect the most? Occupations What are their relation— Names (give jobs, ships to you? (friend, not places of relative, minister, work) teacher, etc.) 1. 2. 3. If you could attend any high school in your community, which one would you choose? 1 The one I am in now 2 A different one (Which one? ) 482 54. Please discuss your reason for your high school choice. You need not fill in the following unless you are willing to do so. TheSe questionnaires are to be collected by research workers frOm Michigan State University and will be seen only by them. All the information requested will help us to get a better understanding of the problems of American high school youth. 55. What is your full name? ,,,g - First Middle Last 56. Give the full names of your three best friends. 1. , - _ 1 First '7 Middle' 7 ' _ ' Last 20 4 First I” MiddIE Last 3- ‘. First Middle Last 57. What is your race? 1 Asiatic 3 American Indian (Circle) 2 J Negro 4~ Caucasian(White)