ABSTRACT THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND THE BAPTIST AND PRESBYTERIAN CLERGY OF VIRGINIA: A STUDY OF DISSENTER OPINION AND ACTION BY William Jennings Terman, Jr. With extant records limited, it is a difficult task to ascertain truth in relationship to any historical event. Furthermore, when the subject is in the realm of religion, the immeasurability of what little evidence is available in terms of concrete findings increases staggeringly. Despite these twin hindrances, this work was undertaken to determine, if possible, the extent of involvement by Virginia Baptist and Presbyterian clergymen in the American Revolution. Since historically ministers have been men of considerable influ- ence, the discovery of what their position and participation were and why they reacted as they did could lead to signifi— cant conclusions. The fact that the clergymen studied were evangelical dissenters from the Church of England, Virginia's established church, was vital in the determination of two things: (1) How did the differences with and the harassment by the Establishment eventually lead the two denominations to seek redress via an anti—British policy? (2) How influ— ential was their dogma in the decisions that were made by William Jennings Terman, Jr. these dissenters regarding the securing of civil and relig- ious liberty in the conflicts with the state church and the mother country? Baptists and Presbyterians in Virginia were acknowledged Patriots in the Revolutionary War, and the question that sheltered the entire study as queries turned into conclusions was why? Research included the perusal of the available printed sermons and other ministerial writings of the revolutionary generation. Nineteenth-century interpretations were exam- ined as well for the purpose of discovering uniformity of opinion or indications of change. Journals and personal letters were helpful, while Baptist and Presbyterian peti- tions to the Virginia Legislature supplied both the rationale for dissenter action and the appeals for guaranteed rights, which the two ecclesiastical bodies sought. War records, minutes of church meetings, and histories of counties and congregations often revealed clergy opinion and activity. For the first time, public service records in the Virginia State Library were used to ascertain those supplies and services that dissenter clergy contributed to the Old Domin- ion's war effort. The findings were arranged in a series of tables for easy reference and also provided valuable addi- tions to the narrative of the work. The evidence revealed that without question Virginia dissenters gave themselves to the American cause sincerely William Jennings Terman, Jr. and vigorously. They considered the position of Great Britain and the Established church untenable vis-a-vis the colonies. If religious freedom could not come, short of war and independence, then they would have an end to tolera- tion's limitations by joining the struggle for America's civil rights. Their doctrines approved the decision, for it was the Creator who had designed and ordained the rights for which they were striving. The American cause was His cause, and He would give them the victory. Their right to resist had God's blessing and their inferior moral conduct was the only hindrance to God's fulfillment of His will. Nineteenth-century Calvinistic literature traced these views back to Reformation thought, if not further. Scotch-Irish Presbyterians came into western Virginia in droves as the revolutionary spirit developed. Baptists, evolving worship practices that conformed to the needs of backcountry people, multiplied unbelievably. The Great Awakening stirred these dissenters to a fresh appreciation of a fundamentalist belief-system and a simple expression of evangelical Christianity. As harassments increased and the awareness of inequities became keener, the dissenter clergy became active in the resistance movement. They became propa— gandists, members of Committees of Correspondence and Safety, chaplains, recruiters, soldiers, and officers. They held William Jennings Terman, Jr. political office, they supplied food and other commodities, and they even participated in collecting the same. They were staunch Patriots, playing a supportive rather than an initiative role. And in the end, they realized their sought- after freedoms. THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND THE BAPTIST AND PRESBYTERIAN CLERGY OF VIRGINIA: A STUDY OF DISSENTER OPINION AND ACTION BY William Jennings Terman, Jr. A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History 1974 © Copyright by WILLIAM JENNINGS TERMAN, JR. 1974 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Without the assistance and encouragement of many people, this work would not have appeared in its present form. I am particularly grateful to the chairman of the doctoral commit- tee, Dr. Robert E. Wall, Jr., for his sound guidance and constant encouragement throughout the project. Dr. Robert E. Brown and Dr. Marjorie E. Gesner, members of the doctoral committee, provided inspiration and counsel on several occav sions. Since this study began as a master's thesis, the patient efforts of Dr. Alan Brown, of Western Michigan Univer« sity, to get his graduate advisee to produce something worth- while must be mentioned. The warm interest of these four scholars has been sincerely appreciated. Various staff members of several libraries and archives have supplied assistance vital to the completion of this project. I am especially grateful to the following: the Virginia Baptist Historical Society, the Presbyterian Histor- ical Society, Colonial Williamsburg, the Virginia State Library, the Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, the Michigan State Library, Michigan State University, the Uni- versity of Michigan, and Western Michigan University. Personal interviews with Dr. WOodford B. Hackley, secretary iii William Jennings Terman, Jr. of the Virginia Baptist Historical Society, and Dr. James H. Smylie, professor and church historian, Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, contributed valuable data and ideas which are much appreciated. The support I have received from Hillsdale College in more ways than can be mentioned here has given a genuine boost to my morale. As a faculty member at Hillsdale while this research was being done, I have received much encour- agement from administration, faculty, staff, and student body. The Board of Trustees and Deans E. H. Munn, Sr., and Dr. Paul Adams are to be thanked for financial assistance, along with the other members of the Summer Grant Committee. Dr. Adams and Dr. Louis Pitchford will be remembered for their help when conflicts between teaching and writing arose. Mr. Glenn Fitch, college librarian and Director of the Mossey Learning Resources Center, gave invaluable aid through securing research materials and providing broad library privileges. Much time was given to photocopying this project by Mrs. Carol Lambright, of Hillsdale, and Mrs. Shirley Goodwin, of East Lansing, spent many long hours typing the manuscript. Students were understanding when class schedules were disrupted, listened patiently when I posted them on the progress that was being made, and offered their encouragement and congratulations when another phase was completed . iv William Jennings Terman, Jr. My wife Alice provided a variety of services from researching with me in Philadelphia to prodding me toward completion when laziness or fatigue overtook me. My chi1~ dren, Linda Diane and Steven Mark, were patient and sympa- thetic even when their father's project interfered with certain family activities. My brother, Dr. C. Richard Terman, a zoologist at the College of William and Mary, and his wife Phyllis willingly opened their home to me in VfiJliamsburg when research necessitated frequent trips to that nostalgic city. Grateful acknowledgment is extended to all those who have been mentioned and to the host of others who gave assistance by providing a bit of information or a smile of assurance. They all played a role in this study. William J. Terman, Jr. TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER II. III. IV. VI. VII. VIII. LI ST OF TABLE S O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 INTRODUCTION 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O THE BACKGROUND: SEEDBED OF BAPTIST AND PRESBYTERIAN REACTION . . . . . . . . . The Baptists. . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Presbyterians . . . . . . . . . . . FACTORS WHICH INFLUENCED THE DISSENTER POSITION. O O O O O I O O O O O O O O O The Scotch-Irish Migration. . . . . . . The Great Awakening's Effect. . . . . . Difficulties with the Virginia Establish- ment 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O .. CALVINISTIC OPINION: ‘THE REVOLUTIONARY GENERATION O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O Samuel Davies . . . . . . . . . . . . . John Witherspoon. . . . . . . . . . . . A Miscellany of Revolutionary Spokesman BAPTISTS AND PRESBYTERIANS: THEIR REVOLU- T IONARY ROLE S ' EVALUATED o o o o o o o o BAPTIST REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY . . . . . . PRESBYTERIAN REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITY. . . . AT WAR'S END 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o o . CONC LUS I ON 0 o o o I o o o o 0 o o o o g . vi Page viii 38 38 50 55 66 71 82 97 122 153 207 292 314 TABLE OF CONTENTS--Continued Page APPENDICES THE IMPRISONMENT OF VIRGINIA BAPTIST CLERGY. . .322 O O O O I O O 330 A. B Q TABLES O O O O O O O O O O O C O CALVINISTIC OPINION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY. 368 BIBLIOGMPHY. O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 383 C. vii LIST OF TABLES Page 1. Baptist Clergy Ministering in the Virginia Area during the Revolutionary Period . . . . . . . . 331 2. Public Service Claims of.Virginia Baptist l“. Clergy. . O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O . 343 3. Presbyterian Clergy Ministering in the Virginia Area during the Revolutionary Period. . . . . . 352 4. Public Service Claims of Virginia Presbyterian Clergy. O O O C O I O O I I O I O O O O O O O O 364 viii INTRODUCTION Standard history books contain little or nothing of the documentary material which would relate religion to the factors contributing to the American Revolution. References to social, political, and economic causations abound, but only occasional statements concerning the influence of reli— gion are found, and among these the role of the Anglicans is usually emphasized. Roman Catholics, Lutherans, Quakers, and even New England Calvinists receive some attention,1 yet the involvement of the southern Calvinistic churches was significant enough to merit separate, intensive study. It was the object of this investigation to consider the involve- ment of the leaders of these churches, the Presbyterian and Baptist clergy, in the American Revolution as it took place in Virginia. Since the Reformation, Protestant clergymen have had the advantage of occupying a position from which they have been able to exert persuasive powers over their parishioners. 1Most often these sectarian bodies are mentioned if their dogmas were caught up in the volatile issues of the day. The best known of these were the possible selection of an American Anglican bishop, religious liberty for dissent- ers from the established. church, and the separation of church and state. u“" Traditionally, they have been looked upon as "called out ones" who enjoyed special gifts and favors bestowed upon them by God. Their educational and travel experiences have usually elevated them to a level of respect shared by few in the surrounding community. Preaching, teaching, writing, and counseling have been most typically used by the clergy to encourage superior moral performance. The desired action was to coincide with the fundamental belief-system prOposed by the Christian sect that was represented by the clergyman. The minister could purpose to influence his flock in ways that may or may not have overt religious implications. These could range from the correction of social ills or the support of a particular political view to the condemnation, ostracism, and even punishment of those who had broken with established society. In its extremity, such involvement could likewise endanger the minister's property and/or person. Active participation by the clergyman in these tangent causes could be consequences of his own vital con- cern, but they were also meant to be levers of influence. His parishioners were to recognize him as an example of the highest calling and the finest demands that the Christian faith could propose to its adherents. This display was more than a matter of privilege; it was an obligation on the part of the minister to proclaim by word and deed the full impli- cations of what was considered the gospel message. To do less was frequently judged to be a denial of the full import of the calling, a compromise with evil, and an injury to the cause of Christ. The Calvinistic ministers of Virginia took seriously the responsibilities that accrued to them by virtue of the impact their "call" had made upon them. Despite the level of educational achievement which each attained and the societal milieu from which each had come, the evidence points to a broad and fairly uniform acceptance of the incumbencies of the Christian ministry as they understood them. Their burdens were heavy and increased in scope as many preaching points were established and the duties of their office were assumed. Since they received their commissions from God, many reasoned that licensing by the civil govermnent was not only unnecessary but an affront to the God whom they had obeyed. Resistance to the laws of the state and failure to cooperate with the state—supported church resulted in harass.- ment, persecution, and imprisonment for these dissenting preachers. By the 17705, the Virginia Calvinists were actively work- ing within the law to promote reforms while many of them con« tinued to ignore those laws they believed to be unjust and even illegal. A barrage of carefullye-worded petitions coupled with dissenter support for sympathetic politicians kept the issues of religious liberty and separation of church and state before the Virginia government. At last, when the Virginia dissenting clergy had be- come convinced that religious liberty would not be forth- coming until civil liberty had been won, they threw their support to the growing secular resistance movement and then to the forces for independence from the mother country. For the most part, their judgment proved correct. Religious freedom came in 1786, followed by other less drastic relig- ious reforms. The goal of this study was to ascertain the extent and types of support given the revolutionary movement by the Presbyterian and Baptist clergymen. The problem was divided into two aspects for each sect. The first part was to dis- cover the dissenter position regarding the nature of the con— test with Great Britain. This was accomplished by an examin- ation of the printed sermons and other ministerial writings that are extant. Unfortunately, those written before or during the Revolutionary War are few:2 the inclusion of 2Many dissenter materials were never printed for vari- ous reasons. Living or itinerating in the Virginia back- country was not conducive to the preservation or propagation of these writings. Preaching a gospel of salvation from the penalties of sin was the most important conviction which the dissenters held. Funds for publications were in short sup- ply, and consequently, the time and money that were available were used for their primary task. See Philip Davidson, Propaganda and the American Revolution, 1763-1783 (Chapel Hill: Univer31ty of North Carolina Press, 19413, p. 207. At least one Presbyterian minister, James Waddell, shortly before his death, ordered all his manuscript sermons to be burned. See James W. Alexander, "The Rev. Jas. Waddel, post-Revolutionary War views was germane because, in most cases, they came from men who were eye-witnesses of the con- flict and its effect upon dissenter Christians. Some later opinions were included to either reinforce a given interpre- tation or to show how an aura of mythology had begun to emanate from the literature (see Appendix C). The second part of the problem was to discern how actively engaged were the dissenter clergymen in bellicose activity. The ten categories of patriot service, which apparently included all forms of activity, were petitioners, propagandists, members of Committees of Correspondence and Safety, recruiters, chaplains, officers, enlisted soldiers, suppliers of provisions, and elected political officials. Lists of clergymen were compiled from a variety of sources, primary and secondary, and any evidence of active involvement was recorded. Again, the scarcity of records complicated matters. However, it must be remembered that a lack of recorded evidence did not necessarily mean there was limited or even no participation. In thisca-se, the nature of the D.D.," Watchman of the South, VII (March 28, 1844), 126, 134, 138. Many source materials were destroyed by fire. Examples of these tragedies are the destruction of the eighteenth century Hanover County records in Richmond in 1865. The gap in Primary works covering early Virginia Baptist history can be explained by a fire which accidently destroyed them while they were in a Richmond bank vault awaiting preparation for publication. Personal interview with Woodford B. Hackley, Secretary, Virginia Baptist Historical Society, June 12, 1972. dissenter theology juxtaposed against the dissenter plight forces the conclusion that there was considerable and in— tense involvement. Without question, what evidence is available supports that hypothesis. In addition, thenq it is safe to assume, on the basis of the argument from silence, that Presbyterian and Baptist clergymen had a prominent role in.the internecine but necessary conflict. One cannot understand the Revolutionary period in Virginia without taking into account the religious factor. The Virginia of the period was cognizant of the fact that controversy existed over the interpretation of public and private religious:matters. The entanglement of religious problems with the longed—for political and economic freedoms came about as a consequence of the accelerating revolu— tionary activity. The Virginia Calvinists willingly gave themselves to the Patriot cause, at least partly because they possessed a fundamental faith which molded their conception of human worth, freedom, and justice. It also contributed a perseverance in the face of overwhelming odds, which would assist them when dark days appeared to prophesy defeat. In the vanguard of the contest were the Calvinistic clergy of ‘Virginia who preached, wrote, counseled, and fought for what 'they believed to be a cause ordained by the God they served. CHAPTER I THE BACKGROUND: SEEDBED OF BAPTIST AND PRESBYTERIAN REVOLUTIONARY REACTION The Baptists The Baptists first came to Virginia rather inauspicious- ly about 1714. Migrating from England, they unobtrusively settled in the southeastern part of the colony. There they carried on their religious practices without molestation until the middle of the eighteenth century. A second group from Maryland settled in Frederick County in 1743. These Baptists, like those before them, were Arminian in doctrinal persuasion and had little influence on the Baptists who fol- lowed them.1 These made up what came to be called Regular or General Baptists and affiliated with the Philadelphia Baptist Association. In 1766 they formed the Ketoctin Association,2 lMercer 0. Clark, "Baptist History in Virginia Before the Revolution" (unpublished term paper .for Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1933), p. 5; William Henry Foote, Sketches of Virginia: HistoLrical anLBiographical, lst ser- Tes (1850, rpt. Richmond: John Knox Press, 1966), p. 314; William W. Sweet, Religion on the American Frontier: The Bap- tists (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 1931), p. 7; B. F. Riley, A History of of the Baptists in the Southern States East of the Mississi 3T (Pthadelphia: American Baptist Pub- lication Soc1ety, 1898 , p. 19. 2Robert A. Baker, A Baptist Source Book, with Particular Reference to Southern Baptists (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1966), p. 16. the first Baptist Association in Virginia. These were re- spected churchmen with trained clergy and orderly services. New England was the source of the third migration. In 1754 a few Separate Baptists with a Congregational back- ground moved to what is now Berkeley County, West Virginia. Being Calvinistic in doctrine and inspired by the Great .Awakening, they naturally clashed with the Arminian Baptists and as a result moved to North Carolina. In 1760 they formed the Sandy Creek Association and sent itinerant minis- ters into Virginia in the area called Pittsylvania. Their evangelistic labors took them into Spotsylvania about 1767, and thereafter their growth was rapid between the Blue Ridge Mountains and the Bay Shore.3 In the meantime, the Regular Baptists had spread slowly into the northern neck of Virginia by 1770. Despite the ostracism which both groups suffered, Regular and Separate Baptists did not unite until 1785, but they did so under the banner of Calvinism.4 By 1770 Separate Baptists in the 3Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 314. 4William Fristoe, the Regular Baptist historian, con- fessed that his movement was " jealous of the separate Bap- tists, because, as yet, they never formed nor adopted any system of doctrine, or made any confession of their faith, more than verbally." This could not be understood by the Regulars. Fristoe added, "On the other hand, the separate Baptists supposed the adopting a confession of faith would cnfly'shackle them; that it would lead to formality and dead- ness, and divert them from the Bible." Christian charity won the day, however, when "upon close conversation and Old Dominion were concerned about their troubled surround- ings and desired a closer cooperation among themselves. The product of their efforts was the General Association of Virginia, organized in the late spring of 1771. In 1773 this association divided to form the Northern and Southern Districts, with the James River becoming the line of divi— . 5 Sion. Baptist evangelistic efforts were responsible for a rapid growth in churches and members in the decade preceding the Revolutionary War. Extant records allow for confusion; even the material compiled by Morgan Edwards--"the earliest source-book for Virginia Baptist history, straight from the Baptist fathers themselves"--contains errors.6 Estimates of frequently hearing each other preach, it was found that they agreed in sentiment, held forth the same important doctrines, and administered the gospel ordinances in the same manner, and of course children of the same family, . . ." They wished then for union. A Concise Historngf the Ketoctin Baptist Association (Staunton, Va.: Wm. G. Lyford, 1808), pp. 21-22. 5General histories of the Virginia Baptist movement which provL e many of the details that have had to be omitted in this brief summary are: David Benedict, A General History of the Baptist Denomination in America andfigther Parts of the World flew York: Lewis Colby and Co., 1848); R. B. Riley, Histor ; Garnett Ryland, The Baptists of Vigginia, 1699-1926 :Richmond: Virginia Board of Missions and Educa- tion, I955); Robert B. Semple, A History of the Rise and ProgressE>kins University. The Virginia Baptist Historical Society has a photostatic copy. 14Ibido ' pp. 32-330 15 The catch in the toleration of these evangelicals was exactly at that point--the thing which made them dissenters was their unacceptable manner of worship and their unortho- dox polity. They were nonconformists and courted molesta- tion by living under an umbrella of suspicion. They were agitators in their resistance to the inequities of the EstabliShment and their criticism of conditions within the Anglican Church and controls imposed upon themselves. Their preachers--ordained or not--preached whenever and wherever opportunities were found, and their witness was always aimed at the salvation of the "lost," which included the clergy and.laity of the Church of England.15 Perhaps because of this, no other Virginia denomination suffered the abuse which became the lot of the Baptists. They were regarded as lawbreakers worthy of punishment be- cause they ignored the worship services of the Anglican Church. They were accused of being a dangerous influence, and their preachers were often labeled false prophets. Charges of promoting laziness were also leveled against them as a result of their frequent meetings, which took people 5Aconvert who felt the call to preach could not par- ticipate in constituting a church, for that required ordina- tion. He could preach and often did so for years, but ordination was requisite before a preacher could be installed as a pastor. Interview with Woodford B. Hackley. 16 from their work.16 They were feared because the success of their movement might mean the destruction of the Establish— ment.17 The most.serious threat to the Baptists, however, came from the law-enforcement officials and others who supported the state church. In the eight years before the Revolution, approximately thirty-five Baptist ministers were imprisoned in Virginia jails, some more than once.18 Despite the ugly 16M. 0. Clark, "Baptist History in Virginia," pp. 17-18. 17William Fristoe discussed the basis for the fear *which.Establishment supporters expressed toward the Sepa- :rates: "They were charged with design--the vain supposition ‘was that if the baptists could succeed, and have a large .increase of converts to their party--when once they supposed 'themselves sufficiently strong, that they would fall on their .fellow'subjects, massacre the inhabitants and take possession (Jf the country. Groundless and stupid as this conjecture *was, it was spoken of from one to the other, until many of the old bigots would feel their tempers inflamed, and their blood run quick in their veins, and declare they would take up arms and destroy the new lights." Ketoctin Baptist Asso- ciation, pp. 65-66. 18 The following is a list of jails and the preachers ‘who were incarcerated in them during that period: Accomack-- Elijah Baker; Alexandria--Jeremiah Moore; Caroline--John Burrus, Lewis Craig, Bartholomew Chewning, James Goodrich, Edward Herndon, Nathaniel Holloway, John Waller, James ware, .John Young; Chesterfield--Joseph Anthony, Augustine Eastin, .John Tanner, David Tinsley, Jeremiah Walker, John Weather- .ford, William Webber; Culpeper—-Thomas Ammon, Adam Banks, .John Corbley, Elijah Craig, John Dulaney, James Ireland, liilliam.McC1anahan, Thomastaxfield, Anthony Moffett, John Thicket, Nathaniel Saunders; Essex-~Ivison Lewis, John Shackle ifiard, John Waller, Robert Ware; Fauquier--John Picket; King and Queen-“James Greenwood, Ivison Lewis, William Lovall (Loocall?), John Shackleford, John Waller, Robert Ware; Middlesex--James Greenwood, John Waller, Robert Ware, William 17 nature of this harassment, John Leland, Virginia Baptist clergyman, recalled in 1789 that there was little bloodshed. The Dragon roared with hedious [sic] peals, but was not red--the beast appeared formidable, but was not scarIEt colored. Virginia's soil has never been stained with vital blood for conscience sake. Heaven has restrained the wrath of man, and brought aspicious [sic] days at last. We now sit under our vines and fi§:trees, and there is none to make us afraid.19 Nevertheless, those years of persecution make a bitter chapter in the history of American human relations as re- 1igious convictions became a pivot around which animosity ebbed and flowed. Physical abuse was suffered by John Wal- 1er, David Thomas, John Picket, Lewis Lunsford, Jeremiah Moore, David Barrow, John Corbley, and James Ireland.20 Webber; Orange--John Corbley, Elijah Craig; Spotsylvania-- Cunnes Childs, Lewis Craig, John Waller. Banks, Chewning, Childs, Dulaney, Eastin, Goodrich, Herndon, Lovall, McClana- han, Moffett, and Tanner were probably lay preachers or exhorters and not ordained. McClanahan was ordained follow- ing the war. This list was obtained from.the following accounts: Charles F. James, Documentary History of the Struggle for Religious Liberty iLVirginia (Lynchburg, Va.: J. P. Bell Ck>., 1900), pp. 29-30, 210-15; Garnett Ryland, "James Ireland, May 20, 1931, Berryville, Clarke County, Virginia (Richmond: Virginia Baptist Historical Society, 1931), pp. llxfi12; Samuel Kercheval, A History of the_yalley ofJVirginia (4tfll ed.; Strasburg, Va.: Shenandoah, 1925)] pp. 65-66. See Appendix A for a brief discussion of these imprison- ments. 19JOhn Leland, The Virginia Chronicle: with Judicious and Critical Remarks Under XXIV Heads (Norfolk, Va., 17905: P- 23- The reference to vines and fig trees is a biblical picture 0f peace found in Micah 4:4. 0 . . Waller: Thomas E. Campbell, Colonial Caroline: A History of Caroline County, Virgina? (Richmond: Dietz 18 Many of those imprisoned and abused were well-known and influential. Thus public sympathy for them was aroused in some areas. Others felt the wrath of the mob as the baser elements gathered to break up Baptist services just for the sport of it. No religious interest served as a motive for their harassment, for the mob was little concerned with the issue of religious freedom. Virginia Baptists were the victims of much verbal abuse as well. Samuel Harriss was preaching when an antagonist stopped him briefly with the derisive accusation: "You have sucked much eloquence today from the rum cask; please give us a little, that we may declaim as well when our turn comes."21 Two ruffians stood drinking from a bottle when Robert Ware was-exhorting in Middlesex. Intoxicated, the men cursed the preacher and offered him the bottle. They then sat on the edge of the platform and played cards while they attempted to get his reproof, hoping to have an excuse to beat him.22 Press, 1954), pp. 224-25; Edwards, "Baptists in . . . Virginia," III, 21, 121. Thomas: C. F. James, Struggle for Religious Liberty, p. 211; Prince William: The Story of Its People and Its Places (Bethlehem Good Housekeeping Club, 1941): p. 39. Picket: C, F. James, Struggle for Religious Liberty, p. 212. LunSfofd: ibid. Moore: ibid. Barrow: ibid. Corbley: J. B. Taylor, Virginia Baptist Ministers, 1: 108. Ireland: C. F. James, Struggle for Religious Liberty, p. 214, 21 I I I 211 Quoted in C. F. James, Struggle for Religious Liberty, p. O zzlbid. 19 Some verbal attacks were more sophisticated and made use of the printed page to carry charges to a broad reading public. A particularly harsh and satirical censure was pub- lished in the Virginia Gazette by an anonymous writer, who apparently was John Randolph, Jr. , the Attorney-General of Virginia.23 He justified the incarcerations and prosecutions of Baptists, for they had "exchanged orderly, pure, and rational Worship, for Noise and Confusion." He challenged them to show proofs of their divine mission but stated they could not. They were the authors of confusion, he said, for their so-called new message has proven to be the preaching of "that Saviour" and the explanation of "those Scriptures with which the World have been acquainted for upwards of seventeen hundred years. "24 Despite the persecution, and with courage and purpose, these clergymen continued their evangelistic efforts and actually saw an increase in converts, as indicated by the statistics available which cover the years prior to the Revolutionary War. Some of the converts actually came from 23 . . DaVid J. Mays, Edmund Pendleton_, 1721-1803, A Biog- raphy (2 vols.; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1952): 1: 264-65. 24.. . . . . . An Address to the Anabaptists imprisoned in Caro.- lithe County, Aug. 8, 1771," Virginia Gazette (Purdie and [DJ-XOR): February 20, 1772. >4. ~- H‘- 20 the ranks of the persecutors.25 Harassment also triggered Baptist migration to areas where there was broader toleration of dissidents. North Carolina was one such area, and many Baptists moved there and flourished in the years that followed.26 But the persecuted evangelicals of Virginia were not without friends in the higher echelons of society and govern- ment. John Blair, Virginia's Deputy-Governor, wrote the king's attorney in Spotsylvania with regard to charges of disturbing the peace leveled against John Waller and Lewis Craig. Dated July 16, 1768, the letter described the two men as being willing to apply for licenses and to take the oaths. He pointed out that "their petition was a matter of right, and you ought not to molest these conscientious people, so long as they behave themselves in a manner be— coming pious Christians, and in obedience to the laws" until the court convenes. He described their use of the sacraments as being similar to the Church of England, except 5Gewehr's figures showed 1,335 Separate Baptists in Virginia in 1771, compared to 4,004 in 1774. Churches in— creased during the same period from fourteen to thirty, geat Awakening, p. 117. One commentator emphasized that "counties where the Baptists suffered the worst persecution became strongholds of their faith." Robert D. Meade, Patrick Henry, Patriot in the Making (Philadelphia: J. P. fipplncott. 14-957), p. 250. 26W- E. MacClenny, "A History of Western Branch Baptist Church: Nansemond County, Virginia, 1779—1938" (manuscript in the files of the Virginia Baptist Historical Society, Richmond), p. 9 21 for the mode of baptism and the application of traditional disciplines. He continued: They have reformed some sinners, and broughtgthem to be truly penitent; nay, if a man of theirs.is idle, and neglects to labor, and provide for his family as he ought, he incurs their censures, whichrhave had good effects. If this be their.behavior, it were to be wished we had some of it among us.27 Another sympathizer was James Madison who wrote to William Bradford in Pennsylvania, January 24, 1774, about the sufferings of the Baptists: "That diabOlical, hellv conceived principle of persecution rages among some, and to their eternal infamy be it said the clergy can furnish their tquota.of imps for such purposes." He mentioned the imprison- Iment of several "well-meaning" ministers and commended their “very orthodox" religious sentiments.28 Still another advocate of religious liberty who vocally smipported the Baptists in their struggles was Patrick Henry. (Jne early Baptist historian wrote of his regard for Henry's (efforts on behalf of the beleaguered dissenters: Patrick Henry: being always a friend of liberty, . . . only needed to be informed of their oppression; without hesitation he stepped forward to their relief. From that time, until the day of their complete 27 . _ _C0pies of this letter may be found in Edwards, "Bap- thSts 1n 2 . . Virginia," III, 24-26; J. B. Taylor, Virginia EEEEfilst'MlniStegg, I, 87-88; and Foote, Sketches of Virginia, +— 28 . . , _ . Cited in William T. Hutchison and William M. E. Rachal (eds.), The Papers of James Madison (3 V0134 chicagm UniverSIty of Chicago Press, 1962), I, 106-107. 22 emancipation from the shackles of tyranny, the Baptist found in Patrick Henry an unwavering friend. The fame of Henry as an untiring worker in the endeavor for religious liberty has been widespread. His biographer, Robert Meade, described how Henry paid jail fees which had accumulated over five months of incarceration to allow Bap- tist John Weatherford to be released from Chesterfield jail.30 Meade continued: Henry defended several Baptist ministers in Caroline County court where Edmund Pendleton, antagonist of the dissenters, was the presiding justice. Furthermore, Baptists imprisoned in Spotsylvania County were defended by the Virginia orator.32 Another writer may have confused the 29Semple, Rise . . . of the Bagtists, p. 24. 30Meade, Patrick Henry, p. 247. 31Ibid., p. 248. 32Ibid. Meade insisted, however, that "the eloquent speech attributed to Henry" in that court "is based on doubt- :ful traditions," pp. 248-49. However, Foote, Sketches_g£ \krrglnla, 1. 317-18, provided an emotional narrative of the cuiurtroom scene, including the electrifying lines by Henry, 'fiIf I am not deceived, according to the contents of the paper [the indictment] I now hold in my hand, these men are accused <3f preaching the gospel of the Son of God!-—Great God! . . . VHuit laws have they violated?" Foote added the order given lay the presiding magistrate, "Sheriff, discharge those men." Henry 'e great—grandson, Edward Fontaine, mentioned the inci— dent without quoting from the speech Henry allegedly made. Ehantaine concluded, "[Henry] did not approve [the Baptists'] (moctrines; but he broke their chains. He believed that the (nonSCiences, the tongues, the souls, and bodies of all man- kind ought to be free." Fontaine, "Patrick Henry: Correc- taxons of Biographical Mistakes and Popular Errors in Regard t£> His Character, Anecdotes and New Facts Illustrating His Religious and Political Opinions; and the style and power 0f HIE-S Eloquence" (1872) , photostatic copy in the Virginia state Library, Richmond, p. 15. 23 Spotsylvania incident with a trial he recounted that took place in Alexandria and involved Jeremiah Moore. Henry on that occasion was supposed to have snapped,"Great God gentle- men, a man in prison for preaching the gospel of Jesus Christ!" Colonel Broadwater, the Justice of the Peace, who was trying Moore, quickly responded by releasing the accused.33 Henry's warm,feelings for the plight of dissenters made a definite impression upon the Virginia politician and jhistorian, Edmund Randolph. In his History of Virginia, :Randolph related that Henry was partial toward the dissen- ters, extending a sympathetic ear to them in their struggle xmith.the state church. With candor Randolph observed, "If LHenryJ was not a constant hearer and admirer of that stu- pendous master of the human passions George Whitefield, he vwas a follower a devotee of some of his most powerful (iisciples at least."34 Probably Randolph's appraisal of Henry's relationship with the dissenters was too strong, but inuch.can be said about the genuine concern of the man for 33FUQene B. Jackson, "A Romantic Chapter of the Final Eatages in the Baptist Contention for Religious Liberty" (typescript in the Virginia Baptist Historical Society, Richmond), p. 6, 34 Edmund Randolph, History of Virginia, ed. Arthur H. Shaffer (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia) , 1970): PP. 179-80. 24 the oppressed--not because he was necessarily a convert to their religious creed--but because his convictions regarding basic human freedoms would not permit him to remain silent.35 The attempt to suppress the Baptist mode of worship and Baptist ideas of personal rights continued until war appeared imminent. Then, with the energies of the people directed toward resisting the British, persecution ceased, and Baptists were encouraged to join the fray. As one Bap- tist put it, "Soon the hitherto dominant party were glad to have the aid of dissenters in their struggle for liberty, civil and religious."36 The Presbyterians Although Presbyterians were in eastern Virginia at the beginning of the eighteenth century, their numbers were small, and they were unorganized. A few families with Presbyterian leanings were living in the counties of Rappa- hannock and York at that time, and one small congregation was located at Elizabeth River.3.7 Migrations of these 35 . And yet Henry's blindness regarding freedom for the slave points up an incongruity not unique to himself in eighteenth-century America. 36 . Benedict, General History, p. 655. 37 . Records of the Presb terian Church in the United fiateeof America (Philadelphia: The Presbyterian Board of Education, 1841), p. 18. 25 dissenters increased in the 1730s as groups of Scotch-Irish and Scots joined the German Lutherans, the German Reformed, and the Quakers in moving into the region between the Alle- ghenies and the Blue Ridge Mountains of Virginia. The migratory process took large numbers of these people as far south as western South Carolina. In Virginia, Governor Gooch approved the building of Presbyterian log meeting- houses and promised not to interfere with their worship prac- tices so long as they obeyed the laws and lived peaceably.38 Of course, the effect of Gooch's leniency was to draw more settlers to this haven. The lack of government interference encouraged the various sects to follow the dictates of their consciences and to develop societies with characteristics not found east of the mountains.39 How significant the governor's decision 38T. K. Cartmell, Shenandoah Valley Pioneers and Their Descendants: A History of Frederick County, Virginia _ (Berryville, Va.: Chesapeake Book Co., 1963) , pp. 166-67; Richard L. Morton, Colonial Virginia (2 vols.; Chapel Hill; University of North Carolina Press, 1960) , II, 584. 39Katharine L. Brown expressed the opinion that the growing multi-denominationalism in an area where consider- able freedom was permitted made possible the creation of strong "self-conscious religious groups." The "interplay of these Challenging new forces and the institutions they were challenging "--the established church and the government's controls on religion--"1ed to the development of ideas with a decidedly revolutionary flavor. . . ." "The Role of Presbyterian Dissent in Colonial and Revolutionary Virginia, 1740-1785" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Johns Hopkins UniverSity, 1969), pp. 86-87. 26 was will be seen when the commination of the Establishment would pose the greatest issue the Valley population had yet encountered. In 1743 William Robinson, an exponent of the Great Awakening, went to Hanover, and New Light Presbyterianism began there.40 The New Lights were products of the Great Awakening who rebelled against the practice of religion and the preaching of the day. They were dogmatic in their demands that each Christian must possess a personal relig- ious experience and that each must have the "inner light" as an essential ingredient for Christian living. As they saw it, how could the Christian know the will of God and sense His guidance in a pragmatic way unless the "light" of 40Ernest T. Thompson, Presbyteriansin the South: 1607-1861 (2 vols.; Richmond: John Knox Press, 1963), I, 53. Other volumes containing histories of Virginia Presby- terianism which trace the movement of the denomination through the period covered by this study are: W. P. Breed, Presbyterians and the Revolutign (Philadelphia: The Presby- terian Board of Publication, 1876); Charles A. Briggs, American Pgefsbyterianism: ItsfiOrigin ggd Early History TNew York: Charles Scrib—ner's Sons, 1885); Kath'arine Brown, "Presbyterian Dissent"; E. H. Gillete, History of the aresbyterian Church in the United States oTAmericajrev. ed.; Philadelphia: The Presbyterian Board of Publications, 1873); Robert E. Thompson, The American Church History Series. Vol. VI: A History 5f the Presbyterian Churches in the United States TNew York: The Christian Literature Co. , 1895). Probably the foremost study of Presbyterianism in early America is Leonard J. Trinterud, The Forming of an American Tradition: A Re—Examination oFgglonial Presb - Eérianis_m (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1949) . - .. .‘ n... H--. . . -..., >9.-‘ ..v . no. ‘0... ‘ ... o ~-.. ‘9. x ' Q ‘. <~ ‘o 27 the Holy Spirit's presence was within the possession of each believer? And of course, no minister should occupy a pulpit unless he had received this light.41 New Light contention that the state church was uncon- verted and in opposition to the work of God brought down upon them the wrath of the Establishment. They were charged with inciting treason and disturbing the peace. It is true that their enthusiasm did cause them to divide congregations and bring confusion to many-—even within their own denomina- tion.42 Governor Gooch complained to the Synod of Phila- delphia in 1745 for the New Light "railing against our 43 religious establishment," but the situation did not improve. As a result, in April 1747 Gooch and his Council issued a 4lSee Alice M. Baldwin, The New England Clergy and the American Revolution (Durham, N. C.: Duke University Press, 1' 9' 28) , pp. 52—44.— 42George W. Pilcher gave this evaluation of the New Light tactics: they "had no desire to disrupt or harm the church to which they had devoted their lives, but their un- willingness to confine their activities to their own pulpits could not help but cause trouble. Their readiness to preach wherever they felt a need for their message could only agi- tate and embitter their opponents. . . . The revivalist vnould preach his message, demanding a personal religious experience with complete disregard for the lingering ill feelings of the resident minister, who was often accused of the most damning sin--religious formalism." Samuel Davies: Apostle of Dissent in ColoniaLVirginia (Knoxville: Uni- vfersity of Tennessee Press, 1971), p. 24. 43R_e_cords of the Presbyterian Church, p. 180. a-..- . .- ‘ e A. v—.. ~," 28 proclamation prohibiting the preaching of New Light doctrine within the colony. Calling their doctrines "shocking," they ordered that all "Itinerant Preachers whether New Light men Morravians or Methodists" should be prohibited from "teach- ing Preaching or holding any meeting and assisting to that Purpose."44 In 1750 the governor gave evidence that the problem must have continued when he ordered a statement placed in the Virginia Gazette to the effect that no minister should preach in the colony until he had been qualified to do so according to the law.45 Actually, this was a relaxa- tion of Gooch's previous order for even New Lights would now be able to preach if they obtained a state permit. The growth of the valley settlements was rapid during these years, and the thrifty Scotch-Irish took advantage of the area's productivity. As more of them came into Virginia, usually by way of Pennsylvania, they brought their church with them. The Church of England could not cope with the expansion and thus failed to provide the various services of the church . New Light doctrines continued to spread. John Blair46 44Executive Journals of the Counci1”of‘Colonial Zirginia (6 vols.; Richmond, 1925-1965), V, 227-28. 451bid. 46Blair's later years were given to the College of New Jersey where he served as professor of theology and vice resident. See Archibald Alexander, Biographical Sketches of the Founder, and Principal Alumni of the Log College T’Princeton: J. T. Robinson, 1845), p. 198. -o I- . . '4 .0 ii . v .4 &. ~,‘ ‘0.- ~- . no... v' . 7..-._ ~. « " e ".14. ..'.‘ ' c '-o. o._ o.. ." ~. ~. - o" u _ o 29 and John Roan, unlicensed Presbyterian preachers, came into the area to minister for a time. While in the Valley, Roan was indicted by the government for inveighing against the clergy of the Establishment, but the charges were dropped after Roan left Virginia.47 Samuel Davies arrived in 1747, obtained a license to preach, and became pastor of the Hanover Presbyterians. By 1755 the Hanover Presbytery was 48 Davies' organized to care for the burgeoning population. flock was more than one man could shepherd, yet he put him- self to the task. Preparing a letter to the Bishop of London, he sent it to friends in England for them to relay to the bishop if they believed it to be wise. The epistle described the conditions of the dissenters whom he served as pastor. He wrote: 47See Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 133-40; Pilcher, Samuel Davies, pp. 30-32. 48The New Lights, or New Side Presbyterians, formed the Synod of New York in 1745, composed of three Presbyteries-- the New York, the New Brunswick, and the New Castle Presby- teries. Twenty-two ministers belonged to the new synod. The more conservative and traditional segment, the Old Side Presbyterians, with twenty—four clergy, made up the Synod of Philadelphia. In 1755 the New York Synod organized the Hanover Presbytery in Virginia. The gulf between the two synods was spanned in 1758 when they merged into the Synod of New York and Philadelphia. Then in 1789 the General Assembly was formed. See Records of the Presbyterian Church. Henry A. White's concise summary is found on p. 37 0 his work, Southern Presbyterian Leaders (New York: Neale Pub- lishing Co., 1911) . 30 There are seven meeting-houses licensed in five dif- ferent counties, . . . But the extremes of my congre- gation be eighty or ninety miles apart; and the dissenters under my care are scattered through six or seven different counties. . . . The counties here are large, generally forty or fifty miles in length, and about twenty or thirty miles in breadth; so that though they lived in one county, it might be impossi- ble for them all to convene at one place; and much more when they are dispersed through so many. LDavies' need was at last met with the licensing and instal- lation of John Todd as his ministerial assistant in 1752. The ministry of Samuel Davies was a calming influence CH1 the troubled waters of Virginia Presbyterianism. While kxeing a sincere evangelical, he was not fanatical in his expression of his faith. He believed in order and was an example of disciplined zeal. He desired each preacher to avoid being a "fiery, superficial" pulpit orator; instead he vwished.for "a popular preacher, of ready utterance, good delivery, solid judgment, free from enthusiastic freaks, and (If ardent zeal."50 He was that kind of preacher, and the (Irowds loved it. Even large numbers of Anglicans sought his sermons rather than the unenthusiastic and dead performances of their own clergy. While Edmund Randolph would have no association with digssenters, he was tolerant enough to express his admiration 49Cited in Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 183-84. 50Quoted in Pilcher, Samuel Davies, p. 54. 31 for the labors of their clergy. The Presbyterian ministers, he said, were "indefatigable." They did not depend upon, "the dead letter of written sermons" and "they understood the mechanism of haranguing." Their talents "had often been whetted in disputes on religious liberty so nearly allied to civil. "51 Virginia Presbyterianism was building on a foundation of dignity and integrity thanks to the leadership of Samuel Davies, when in 1759, he left the colony to take up the presidency of the College of New Jersey. The decline which followed Davies' removal was probably due to the lack of strong leadership among the Presbyterians of eastern Virginia more than any other factor. John Todd, as Davies' successor in Hanover, had his hands full and did well, for his congre- gation remained strong for over a score more years.52 Still Todd was no Davies, and with migrations to the fertile west increasing, Presbyterianism declined. The Separate Baptists were experiencing a great awakening in the 17603, and some Presbyterians joined their movement. It appears that others found their way into the Anglican Church, but certainly the number was not large.53' The picture was brighter in other 51Edmund Randolph, History of Virginia, p. 194. 52Katharine Brown, "Presbyterian Dissent," p. 187. 532939.; Gewehr, Great Awakenigg, pp. 101—102. .H. o. .- 32 parts of the colony; growth continued in the Great Valley and there was a heavy influx of converts in the Northern Neck.54 The primary need by 1770 was a host of ordained clergymen to serve congregations who continually requested supply pastors. The Hanover Presbytery tried to alleviate the growing restlessness by stepped up efforts to establish schools for the training of ministers and by assignments of most clergy to annual preaching tours.55 No adequate solu- tion was forthcoming, for the vacancies continued throughout the Revolutionary War. If anything, conditions worsened, due to the disruptive nature of a lengthy period of military action. Despite the more moderate nature of Presbyterianism in the years following the Davies' leadership, there were Virginians who did not like the sect and said so. Presby- terians were dissenters and thus threatened the order which conformity to the Establishment brought to Virginia. Presbyterians and Baptists were frequently confused with each other in the minds of the ill-informed, and so misunder- standings were rife when they were discussed. Most dissent- ers were thought to be excessively emotional and capable of seditious intrigues; naturally, contact with them was to be avoided. Charles Lee's contempt for religion in general, 54Katharine Brown, "Presbyterian Dissent," p. 188. 551bid., p. 231. ~ “WON'T P u.- V\ikh—J .___., ‘. "_/ o i. 3‘- -‘ ‘ - .. “‘—‘..\-~ . N ‘e - O .- . v._ . I v. n . . \ V. -‘. . .. 1 _. . . ‘ 'I . ‘I ....,: 68 criSis. Alice Baldwin listed four basic doctrines eSpoused by the Presbyterians that made political entanglement in— evitable: 1. Political concepts must stem from scriptural roots. 2. The people's fundamental.constitution is thus based on God—given laws guaranteeingrinalienable rights, which are therefore natural because they come from God. 3. Government iS‘a binding'compact made between the people and their rulers. 4. It is the right of the peopleoto hOId their rulers accountable and to defend their rights against all oppression.5 In: analysis of Presbyterian preaching during the Revolution- .ary'Wbr led Leonard Kramer to conclude that sermonizing stressed the "necessity of supporting political independence lay force of arms." He said that subject matter came out of ‘their views of the two-directional nature of the involvement cxf God and man. Presbyterian sermon tOpics dealt with four foundational areas: 1. God is concerned with the crisis, for it.is only natural for the Creator to be concerned about his creation. 2. As moral governor of the universe, GOd has Sided With the Americans in their struggle to throw off the shackles of Great Britain. f :3 BaldWin, "Sowers of Sedition: The Political Theories 0 one of the New Light Presbyterian Clergy of; Virginia SIKi North Carolina," William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser— ies, V (January, 1943), 76. I 69 3. Although God's justice inclines Him toward America, there is much dross in American society. America suffers to eliminate the impurities of collective and individual sin, that the purest gold might be produced. 4. God would set aside the natural laws, if it became necessary, to give victory to the just. Most often, these topics were used in exhortations to ‘ militia companies and in preaching at special events, such as fast or thanksgiving days. Occasionally, they were the bases of sermons delivered in Sunday services.7 It appears, however, that whenever politics was the subject, the clergy delivered their sermons "as priests rather than as politi- cians."8 Dissenting ministers were careful to follow specific guidelines in presenting their thinking about the war. Harry Kerr's circumspect work with Revolutionary War sermons led him to observe that the dissenting clergy were concerned with two major questions: (1) Were the colonists justified in their resistance to England? (2) If they were, what were 6Kramer, "Muskets in the Pulpit," Part I, 242-43. Kramer added that an example of God's intervention, accord- ing to the Presbyterians, was the storm which permitted Washington to capture the Hessians near Trenton. 7 . Kerr's important study of the characrer of Revolution- ary War sermons revealed that only 15% of the political sermons that are extant were preached on Sunday, "Character of . . . Sermons," p. 25. 8%., p. 320 70 the best ways to secure victory? Kerr said that as the Political situation matured in the years before independ- ence, justification of colonial actions varied from self— defense through right of resistance all the way to necessity of separation.9 He continued: Laymen argued justification principally in.terms of alleged violations of.constitutiona1.rights. The important thing about the ministers} handling of this topic is that they never ventured out of-the religious domain. The specific question which they phrased for debate was something like this:. "If our civil and religious rights are threatened, are-we justified in reSisting the threat?" Very little attention was paid to whether or not the colonists! rights were.in fact threatened. Discussion of that matter was left to laymen because it involved chiefly secular consider— ations. The organizational style or homiletical pattern used in ser- menizing was simple so that "communication would be less hampered by human failings." Dissenting ministers shunned figurative language, "unusual words, classical allusions and foreign expressions."11 Usually the biblical text was uged in two ways, the first explaining the propositions drawn from the passage and the second applying the proposi— tions to the parishioners' lives.l2 Kerr emphasized: N 9 . I‘bl‘d.’ p‘ 156. 10 , beld-I p. 157. 1 . “‘16-, p- 141. 2 . Mgr p. 144. '71 Virtually every assertion, whether it set forth a general doctrinal proposition or recommended a specific course of action, was accompanied by a statement of the minister's reasons for believing it to be true. Most of the evidence was drawn from reason, revelation, and history. In political sermons, the text often became "a springboard for comments the preacher wanted to make."14 It must be remembered, however, that the dissenting clergy--and the AnglicanS, too--"refrained from examining mundane affairs too closely" and "viewed political events consistently from a religious perspective."15 Samuel Davies No better example of this effective combination of religion and politics in the pulpit can be found than the Virginia Presbyterian, Samuel Davies. Although he predated the Revolutionary War by almost a generation, his sermons were Still in use more than one hundred years after his death. Likewise, "his oratory exerted a profound influence M— 1 3.3mm Pp. 139-40. Kerr used John Witherspoon's sermon, "The Dominion of Providence Over the Passions of Men, to illustrate this point. In contending that God 33:?“ the affairs 0f men, Witherspoon "omitted arguments Salgesreason and ancient history, but cited, in order, pas- the R from the 01d and New Testaments and. examples based on life eiormetlen, the defeat of the .Spanish. Armada, Cromwell's I n ‘ - - . . coloniSt:.i-The difficulties overcome by the first Puritan 14 . M” p. 148. 5 . flu p. 144. 72 on later preachers and perhaps had a significant effect on Southern secular oratory of the Revolutionary period."]’6 Davies' biographer, George W. Pilcher, summarized the great Preacher's first political sermon, delivered on a fast day in March 1755, during the colonial wars with the French and the Indians. Entitled "God the Sovereign of All Kingdoms," the sermon stressed God's interest in His children's times of crisis and called for repentance of those sins for which they were being punished through war. Davies laid responsi- bility for the outcome of the conflict on the people, for G(ad controls events "through secondary means. Those who wished to be helped must first be used."17 Davies blatantly ulged his listeners to assume a bellicose attitude: Let us use our influence to diffuse a military spirit around us. I have no scruple thus openly to declare, that such of you whose circumstances allow of it, may not only lawfully enlist and take up arms: but that your so doing is a Christian duty.1 The Political sermons of Davies disclosed his personal COnVJ-Ctions regarding religious and political principles. He believed that the iniquities-‘of society determined the m . t Pilcher, gmuel Davies, pp. 186-87. This biography 3'3 he mOSt rece of Sam _ nt and carefully researched study of the life of Da §el'DaV}eao See chap. Ix for an excellent description vies ablllty to blend the religious and the political. 7 . beld-r p. 164. Cited in ibid . 73 C31:1tcome of battles.1 He' called for prayer, heartieearching, Ellnd Bible study to bring about reformation and the blessing <>:E God. Davies was impatient with tyranny and.be1ieved tzlnat liberty was always the foe of arbitrary power. God chose to protect His children from such a‘ fate; through the use of arms. The martial spirit "is as necessary in its Place, for our subsistence in such a World as this... as any of the gentler Genius's among Mankind, and it‘ is derived from the same divine Original."20 As Christians, "we are ‘Dbliged to defend our Country; and that is a sneaking, sordid Soul indeed that can desert it" when a crisis comes. ESuch defense is "a righteous cause; . . . [when] we act fiantirely upon the defensive, repel unjust Violence, and avenge national Injuries; we are fighting for our People. and for the Cities of our God."21 When he spoke of "our . Samuel Davies, Virginia's Danger and Remedy: Two Discourses Occasioned lay the Severe Drought Tn Sundrx Parts EZE§_EEE_SQuntrY7 eand the Defeat of General Braddock Williams- burg, Va.; Wm. Hunter, 1756), p. 25. This list of sins is from DaVieS.' Religion and Patriotism: The Constituents of W pp. 18-19; vfie, drunkenness, swearing, avarlce: "dishonest craft (for unlawful gain) r" oppreSSion Of the poOr’ card-p Prodigality, luxury, vanity, mirth, sensuality, r: taken) laying, baCkgammon (played more than Communion was fight I reading of plays and romances, horse-races, cock- s and Viéi lect of conversing over trifles, prayerlessness, ignorant and Wors ous Children, slaves untaught in Christianity, neg- religion, infidelity, neglect of gOSpel ordinances, hlp neglected. Davies,'Religion and Patriotism, p. 8. 21 . “Lia-r pp. 10-12. '74 CcDuntry," he used the term in a rather mystical and even Sa.cred manner. He explained, "Our country is a word of the highest and most endearing import: it includes our friends and relatives, our liberty, our property, our religion: in sallort, it includes our earthly all."22 The obligation to dieefend one's homeland was not in conflict with sincere (lliristianity; in fact, both were compatible. But Davies went further. If the usurpation of the IEDeople's rights has occurred and resistance has been chosen 6&3 the only way to fight arbitrary power, what is the fate <:>f that one who "refuses to obey, and consults his own Ease iatnd Safety, more than his Duty to God and his Country"? (Ezod's wrath enters the picture, for such conduct is nothing :l-eSS than a "moral Evil." "The Wretch" is exposed "to the heavy Curse of God both in this and the eternal World."23 2 . 2Samuel Davies, "The Crisis: Or, the Uncertain Doom 0 3; K33nf9doms at Particular Times. Preached at Hanover, in V Jrglnla. October 23, 1756, Being the Day appointed by the SYnOd Of New York, to be Observed as a General Fast: on AGOOUnt of the Present War with France," in Sermon—s on 1111 ortant SUb'eCts (5th ed.; New York: T. Allen, 1792), III: 388. 33amue1 Davies, The Curse of Cowardice: A Sermon 2::ached ‘30 the Militia of Hanover County, Virginia, at a Mter, May 8, 1758. With a View to‘Raise a Company 6. Da tain Samuel Meredith (London: Woodbridge, 1759f, p. abiliivles accepted the theological concept of man"s account— Redee y to God for deeds done or undone in thlS.llfe: ture med man, although constantly .4 harassed by his evil na- ' must come to grips with his lower nature and rise 75 On September 21, 1760, Davies addressed the Senior CZLass of Princeton (then the College of New Jersey), to which he had come a few months before as president. His Subject was "Religion and the Public Spirit," and he described "the good, the useful, and public—spirited man," using David, the Hebrew King, as his example. He challenged those young men who were to enter upon careers of service to do as that ancient and worthy monarch had done: Serve your generation. Live not for yourselves, but for the Publick. Be the Servants of the Church; the Servants of your Country; the servants of all. . . . Let Your own Ease, your own Pleasure, your own private Interests, yield to the common Good. For this, spare no Pains; avoid no Labour; dread no Sufferings. For this do every Thing; suffer every Thing. For this, live and die. From this, let no selfish Passion mis- lead YOU; . . . ; let no Opposition deter you; no Private Interest bribe you . . . Bravely live and die, serving your Generation,--your own Generation.24 NOt only had Davies' life been an example of that WhiCh he taught, but the students who heard him that day or on other occasions left that institution to emulate their instructor; they became a vital part of the revolutionary generation. A abOVe it . . Failure to do so encountered the wrath of God. essed this vividly: When Mercy call'd, they would not turn; From .. NOW Mercy frowns, and they must burn. Rich A Survey Of Human Nature," Collected Poems, ed. . . les ard Beale Davis (Gainesville, Fla.: Scholars' FaCSimi- and Reprints, 1968), p. 46. 24 A Val d$amuel Davies, Religion and the Public Spirit. W688 to the Senior Class, Delivered in Mar 21, 1760, the Sunday Before Commence— \ (New York: Parker, 1761), p. 7. 76 The new regime of George III made Davies anxious about the future of the British Empire. He spoke of it being "a Strange untried Period" and declared "that we can be certain Of almost Nothing, but what is past." Almost as if he were a prophet, he continued: The most promising Posture of Affairs may put on ano- ther Form; and all the Honours and Acquisitions of a well conducted and successful War, may be ingloriously lost by the Intrigues of Negotiation, and a dishonour- able Peace. The best of Kings (with all due Deference to Majesty be it spoken) may have evil Counsellors: And evil Counsellors may have the most mischievous Influence, notwithstanding the Wisdom and Goodness of the Sovereign. Nevertheless, Davies reaffirmed, the new king will have the loving support of all men of Christian spirit. He who .‘Ifears GOD,‘ will not fail to 'honour the King. "'26 This biblical principle of respecting the ruler was to be fOIlOWed: but not blindly. Davies and the Presbyterian Clergy who came after him differentiated between the author- i ty Of the king and that of the other segments of his gOVernment. They could react openly against the acts of ParliaIHenbuas they did the Stamp Act—-but they maintained their allegiance to the throne until the threat of autocratic tyranny became too real for them to deny. One hundred years \ Janua Samuel Davies, A Sermon Delivered at Nassau-gall, W' 1761+On the Death of His Late Malesty King w (New York: William Bradford, 1761), p. 15. 26 _ 1&2” p. 17. See I peter 2:17. 77 after independence, Presbyterians were reading the church's Version of that final break: It was against the king that the impeachments of the. Declaration were addressed, and not against the Parliae ment. It was the long series of acts, so impress1vely recited in the preamble of that great instrument as implying every attribute that can define a tyrant, . which forced the longvhesitating and reluctant prov1n- cials at length to sever the last tie which bound them to the British government. The discourse underlined the sincerity of the Presbyterian czlergy's stand in continuing to pray for their sovereign for more than a year after fighting had broken out. They owned him as their legitimate prince, though they denied that the Parliament was their master. No doubt, also, the simple, domestic, and religious character of the king and the various stories told of his kindly frugal life had greatly endeared him to the colonists, . - . The last sound of prayer for George the Third lied out of217>resbyterian pulpits in the month of June: 76. . . Without doubt, had Davies lived through the Revolution- ary War, he would have been pleased with the conduct of most 0 f the Presbyterian clergy in the Virginia area. His concept t3~i°n 0f responsilale Christian citizenship seemed to coincide with theirs: Christian men, by virtue of their acceptance of the gospel. were warmly patriotic but also fiercely an- tagOniStic toward tyranny, especially when that deSPOtism \ 27 , , , tennlal Historical Discourses Delivered in the 2:: of Philadel hiar June, 1876: by Appointment of the Sui-:21 Assembl Of the Presbyterian Church in the United 0 W (Philadelphia, 1876T, pp. 99-100. Cen 78 threatened God-given rights.28 The son of Moses Hoge, a Presbyterian minister in Virginia during the war, wrote that it was his opinion that while these ministers knew their rights and asserted them, they also knew their duties and studied to fulfill them. Attempts indeed were made more than once, to repre- sent them as seditious people, as unfriendly to. their rulers and to the established order of things. But their conduct furnished a splendid and unanswer- able refutation of these calumnies. As was Davies in his spirit and conduct, so were they. They were patient and peaceful but in the Revolution "were generally prompt and zealous in maintaining the rights of their country." They "rendered not railing for railing" and "crimination did not provoke recrimination from them. We have heard nothing of either their verbal or their pub- J. ished controversies. "30 The mantle of Davies, the patriotic orator, apparent- 1—3 fell upon a young Virginia lawyer named Patrick Henry. II!“1 elocution and logic, Henry did emulate the Presbyterian c Jergyman under whose ministry he developed from a lad of N Baldwin's impression was that Presbyterians in the south quoted Locke and other philOSOpherS less than did the clergy of New England, relying moreso on scripture and Chris- tian theelogy. The scarcity of southern political sermons gadgeher judgment difficult, however. "Sowers of Sedition," 29 Unio John Blair Hoge, The Life of Moses Hoge (Richmond: n TheOlegical Seminary in Virginia, 1964), p. 31. 30 Ibid. 79 31 eleven to a young man of twenty-two or three. Henry had received much of his early classical and moral training from his Anglican clergyman uncle, after whom he was named.32 But there were events that predetermined that the youthful Henry would encounter Presbyterian teachings. His maternal grandfather, Isaac Winston, was an acquaintance of Samuel Morris, of the "Morris Reading House" fame, broke with the EStablished Church, and was indicted and fined for permit- ting the dissenter, John Roan, to preach in his home.33 I\Ienry's mother, although married to a devout Anglican, \ § 3J'George H. Bost compared the war sermons of Davies §a‘lr‘id the "Liberty or Death" speech of Henry and found inter- § §ting parallels. The likenesses included: (1) the progres- k Clon of the argument from a description of conditions through be taking up of arms as the sole alternative, with the -. Gvantages to be gained by doing so; (2) the heavy usage 0f QQratorical questions and exclamatory sentences" as a means :E SE "emphatic address"; (3) "the piling one on another of Eats or statements for their mass effect"; (4) the vivid- “ ess and "personal directness" of their styles of delivery. ‘ Samuel Davies: Colonial Revivalist and Champion of Relig- Ous Toleration" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University Qf Chicago, 1942), pp. 236-37. See also "Revolutionary atriots," Virginia Evangelical and Literary Magazine, I (February, 1818), 52; Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 305: eade, Patrick Henry, Patriot, p. 72. i ?2Edward Fontaine, "Patrick Henry: Corrections of Bio- ‘EEraphical Mistakes and Popular Errors in Regard to His Char- eEacter. Anecdotes and New Facts Illustrating His Religious ‘Eand Political Opinions; and the Style and Power of His Elo- ‘iauence. A Brief Account of His Last Illness and Death"‘ (1372): COPY in the Virginia State Library, p. 5. Fontaine' as the Great-grandson of Patrick Henry. The Rev. Patrick enry was rector of St. Paul's Parish, Hanover County. 33 Meade, Patrick Henry. PatriOt' 99' 66'67' also Mgad: Patrick Henry, Practical Revolutionary (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1969 , p. 126. 80 became a dissenter and a follower of Samuel Davies, as did two of Henry's sisters. Young Patrick often drove his mother to Presbyterian services in Hanover and thus heard the preaching of the great Davies. On the way home, his mother would. examine Henry on the text and content of the E‘aermon.34 Davies preached his patriotic sermons during the years when Henry was making major decisions about his life-~from age nineteen through his twenty-second year35--and in his later years, Henry continued to express admiration for Davies and appreciation for the influence of the Presbyteri- Qm divine upon his life. He spoke of Davies as the greatest Qrator he had ever heard and apparently thought of the Q lergyman as his example.36 It should come as no surprise that Henry's Anglican uncle was an aggressive opponent of Davies and his followers. his parish had been hit hard by the religious revival in the Old Dominion and was being devastated by Davies. He was ‘1 3 4 ' Meade, Patrick Henry, Patriot, p. 71; Foote, I, 305. 35 . Meade, Patrick Henry, Patriot, p. 71; "The APOStJ-e Qf Virginia Presbyteriarffsm," Young Virginian, III (Decem- ker, 1876), 93. - , 36Meade, Egtrick Henry, Patriot, p. 71; Pilcher, §_a_mFu<-3_1 Davies, p. 84. ther pointed out that despite the 811111- :larities between the orator-y of the two men, it shOUId be remembered that "the underlying (purpose of all of Davies' oratory was to bring sinners to» repentance." Po 35- 81 one of several petitioners i312r751 asking the Assembly to tighuHIthe controls of the Presbyterians,37 but Davies continued in Hanover until 1759. The Davies legacy went beyond principles of Christian <2itizenship which blessed a revolutionary generation; it Surpassed the impact made upon the young Anglican, Patrick Henry. Davies assisted in the training of numerous Pres- byterian clergymen who served their church from Maryland “i=0 North Carolina.38 At the College of New Jersey, he <525tablished the tradition of monthly orations by students, ‘hwhich were delivered before large audiences after they were ‘tzritically read by President Davies. Alice Baldwin alleged 1tzhat "this may have been the origin of the students' polit- iiical speeches which attained such importance under the next ‘t:wo presidents."39 Furthermore, Davies' oldest son William I:>ecame a colonel in the Revolutionary War and afterwards 53erved the American government in the adjustment of the fi- riancial accounts of the states.40 It is impossible to 37 Bost, "Samuel Davies," p. 69. 38 . Ibld.’ p. 1250 39 . BaldWin, "Sowers of Sedition," p. 61. 40 . . Richard Webster, A History of the Presbyterian Church in America, from Its Ori in until the Year 1760 with Bio- ra hical Sketches of Its Earl MinistersflPHiIaaéIpfila: Joseph M. Wilson, 1857 , p. 5 . I arr-”Ii L‘ 82 ascertain what influence the elder Davies had on his son, since the father died when the boy was only twelve. William did not embrace his father's religious tenets41--still memories of the preacher's stand on patriotism and citizen- Eslup must have made impressions which the younger man could not shake . John Witherspoon Another example of the masterful use of politics and ;‘=‘<fligion as a unit to shape opinion and foster action was 1t11he ministry of John Witherspoon, president of Princeton JEEZrom 1768 to 1794. His remarkable tenure was the culmina- 1t1 44 g a ' .J. F. Dickie, John Witherspoon, Patriot, 1722-1794 ‘:rd.er of Providence"-—must not be refused, if the individual lites assurance that "he carries the commission of the King of il which no man can be bound to any law but those cxf his own making; he cannot be obliged to pay any tax but by his own consent. It is a blow at the root of the English constitution, it saps the foundations of English Government.114 I do not, gentlemen, exhort you to rebellion: rebellion is opposition to lawful authority and our rightful sovereign. The king and not the parliament is our sovereign; the power we resist is not lawful but usurped. . . . We contend for our estates, for our liberties, for our lives, for our posterity, for the rights of our king and our country; they[:] to gratify the ambition and avarice of a few. They are destroying their country; we are endeavoring to save it from ruin. The speaker's knowledge of political philosophy was probably 'that.of an interested layman, but combined with his knowl- enige of theology and the respect which his clergyman's role lmad.earned him, his political exhortations--simple as they were--took on an aura of divine sanction. 113David Rice, An Outline of the History of the Church in tine State of Kentucky, duringpa Period of Forty Years: Con- taining the Memoirs of Rev.fi12avid Rice, and Sketches of the Oiigin and Present State of Particular Churches, and of the Lives and Labours of a Number of Men Who Were Eminent and Useful in Their Da , arr. Robert H. Bishop (Lexington: Thomas T. Skillman, 1824), p. 93. 114Ibid., p. 94. 115Ibid., p. 95. 258 Rice's sermons during the period showed the same patriotic commitment. In a discourse on Job 32:10,116 his conclusions were much more Profound: The grounds of the Americans' struggle and the reason of our opposition to the claims of the British Parliament are very just and important. It is nothing less than a fundamental subversion of the Civil Constitution of the Colonies and the substitution of arbitrary despotic power in the room of a free government that we oppose. Were it only some small encroachments, some lesser instances of maladministration that did not affect the very being of the constitution, resistance by force of arms would not be lawful; but where the very being of the constitution is struck at, resistance is justified by the laws of God and the dictates of common sense, and is agreeable to the fundamental principles of the Civil Constitution of Great Britain. In March 1777, he proclaimed to a company of soldiers: "We should resist oppression by every means in our power to the last extremity; cheerfully undergoing the various fatigues and dangers of military life. This is wise because oppres- 118 Rice adhered to these polit- sion is worse than death." ical principles throughout his life, being a teacher of an example of Christian civil libertarianism. Despite the fact that Rice never participated in the military phase of the Revolution, his activity on behalf of 116"Therefore I said, Hearken to me; I also will shew Inine opinion." 117Cited in E. T. Thompson, Presbyterians in the South: pp. 93-94. 118 Ibid., p. 94. 259 his country enabled his descendants to become eligible for membership in both the Daughters of the American Revolution and its counterpart, the Sons of the American Revolution.119 He became an elected member of the Bedford County Committee 120 and besides working for an equit- of Safety in May 1775, able settlement of the political problems within the British Empire, he gave himself to the contest for religious freedom as well.121 One of the most successful recruiters in revolutionary ‘Virginia was John Blair Smith, an instructor in, and then president of Hampden-Sydney College. In September 1777, he Ibrought a volunteer company of students from the college to Iflilliamsburg for six weeks of garrison duty. Smith was the captain of the unit on this occasion and again in 1778, when another volunteer company left Hampden-Sydney for similar 119Vernon P. Martin, "Father Rice, the Preacher Who IFollowed the Frontier," Fiison Ciub History Quarterly, XXXIX (Oct., 1955), 325. 120Virginia Gazette (Pinckney), June 8, 1775. 121See Martin, "Father Rice," p. 326; Foote, Sketches of ‘Virginia, I, 326-27; gigginia Magazine of History and lBiography, V1 (1898-1899), 176. In 1792, still adhering iii the principles he held during the Revolutionary War, he knecame a member of the convention called to form the first (nonstitution of Kentucky. See Rice, The Church in . . . igentucky. p. 95 . 260 service in the Petersburg area.122 With the invasion by the British in 1780, the college temporarily closed its doors as students dispersed to join the militia or to assist their families in looking after their homes. Smith, an intrepid activist, raised another company of volunteers from his students and the youth of his Cumberland and Briery con- gregations and performed a short tour of duty against the army of Benedict Arnold.123 After the battle of Cowpens, General Daniel Morgan sent out a call for volunteers, as the army of Cornwallis was in close pursuit of the American forces. Captain William Morton raised a company in Charlotte County, and when Smith heard of Morton's action, he pursued him to join his ranks. The 122Charles G. Sellers, Jr., "John Blair Smith," Journal of the Presbyterian Historicaig§ocietv, XXXIV (Dec., 1956), 207; Herbert C. Bradshaw, History of Prince Edward County, ‘Yg, (Richmond: Dietz Press, 1955), pp. 116-17; Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 400. Some confusion exists with 'EEgard to whether the Williamsburg enlistment lasted the full six weeks for the Hampden-Sydney unit or just a few days. See Bradshaw, Prince Edward CountY: PP. 147-48; (Charles Campbell, History of the Colony and Ancient Dominion 53f Virginia (Philadelphia: J. P. Lippincott, 1860), P. 678; IFoote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 401. Campbell added that ‘the student militia's uniform was a purple hunting shirt. 123William Hill, Autobiographical Sketches of Dr. William Hiddq Together with His Account of the Revival of Religion iIfi.Prince Edward County and Biographical Sketches of the ifife and Character of the Reverend Dr. Moses Hoge of Virginia 'fifiistorical Transcript No. 4; Richmond: Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1968) , p. 105. The unit probably saw :action at Guilford Court House. See J. T. McAllister, \kirginia Militia in the Revolutionary War (Hot Springs, VAT, 1913). p. 59. 261 company had gotten nearly a day's start on Smith, but he traveled as rapidly as his strength would allow and overtook the unit two days later. When Morton, a Presbyterian elder and friend of Smith, saw the exhausted clergyman with his blistered feet, he knew the new arrival would find it impos- sible to maintain the company's pace. With difficulty, he persuaded his friend to return home to comfort his parish- ioners and serve his country's cause with his Patriot 124 speeches and sermons. Foote added, "WOrn out by fatigue, rather than convinced by his friend, he returned to the College."125 Smith's military endeavors were only part of his revolutionary action, for he freely voiced his opinions on the political issues as well. He was a leader in the formulation of Presbyterian memorials to the Virginia Assem— bly and served the Hanover Presbytery as a spokesman in the struggle for religious liberty.126 Samuel Stanhope Smith, the brilliant brother of John Blair Smith, left the College of New Jersey as a partisan of ‘Witherspoon's ethical and political philosophy. In 1775 he became the first president of Hampden-Sydney College and 124Ibid. 125Foote, Sketches of Virginia; Ir 403- 126Ibid.. pp. 430ff. 262 imbued the students with the same logic and spirit with which he had left Princeton. Despite the presence of members of the Church of England on the school's Board of Trustees, Smith had to weather an attack upon his newly-born institution through the vehicle of the Virginia Gazette. Using "Luther" as a pseudonym, the writer ex- pressed his fear that dissenter doctrines would be taught to the youth of Anglican families who moved to the back country and sent their children to Hampden-Sydney. He advised that members of the Church of England withhold contributions until the school is put under the control of the Church of England. For to suppose that a Dissenter is a proper tutor to bring up members for the Church of England, is absurd. 27 Samuel Smith responded in a manner which apparently stifled such adverse thinking. He informed Luther and his sympa- thizers that the school would be directed by trustees, among 'whom.were several members of the Established Church, despite the fact that Presbyterians first conceived of the institu- tion. Under Presbyterian guidance, he said, the plan to include Anglicans had matured. He concluded his reply: On [Luther's] narrow principles we could form no very flattering hopes, who will not suffer a dis- senter, though ever so well qualified, to have any connexion sic] with the management of a place of education. 23 127Virginia Gazette (Dixon & Hunter), Nov. 18, 1775. 128Ibid., Dec. 9, 1775. 263 Smith and his small staff did include in their curriculum the theological doctrines and philosophical hypotheses that would ignite an active Patriotism and foment a sincere support of divinely-given human rights. These, of course, would include a man's right to maintain private religious beliefs and to express those convictions in modes of worship that were volitionally chosen. The effect upon youthful Anglicans was obvious. On November 16, 1776, Hampden-Sydney's trustees peti- tioned the Virginia Legislature for official recognition and presented their reasons for launching the college at that time. Among them were the following which pertained to the conflict with Great Britain: That in the course of human life, and during the ravages of a destructive war, it is very uncertain how many of those who now fill our civil and mili- tary departments, may survive the calamities of their country; and that it is a fact well known, and regretted in many countries, that few remain behind capable of supplying the places of those who shall be torn from the commonwealth by death or by war. That our resources for education from Britain are cut off. That the prospect of leaving an extensive republick young and unexperienced, before it hath acquired stability, to be guided by the councils and defended by the arms of un- skilled and unlettered men, is too unfavorable to be indulged by any lover of his country. That it may be too late to seek a remedy for the evil at the termination of the war an event that is uncertain, and may be remote.129 129Journal of the House of Delegates, pp. 58-59. The memorial stated that over one hundred student applications has been received and the expectation was that the number would double in the next few months. The initial enrollment at the school was one hundred ten. See Katharine Brown, "Presbyterian Dissent," p. 305. 264 The memorial was referred to the Committee on Propositions and Grievances and began its slow course toward the culmi- nation of legislative action, which was the granting of a charter in 1783. It was Samuel Smith who in 1777 had encouraged his students to serve with his brother in the militia.130 He did not participate in the military action himself but did serve with Richard Sankey, a neighboring Presbyterian clergy- man and Hampden-Sydney trustee, on the Prince Edward County Committee of Safety. When the county freeholders met, November 20, 1775, they agreed, "There is no great prospect of a reconciliation shortly between Great Britain and her American colonies, from anything that has as yet transpired." They proceeded to elect twenty-one of their number who were the "most discreet, fit, and able persons" to their commit- tee. The youthful Smith and the elderly Sankey must have been highly regarded by their fellow citizens.131 In 1779 Samuel Smith resigned the leadership of Hampden- Sydney to become Professor of Moral Philosophy at the College 130Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 401. The Board of Trustees of the college, on Dec. 11, 1777, directed that financial refunds should be given all students who "depart this life or enter the service." It should be mentioned that Hampden-Sydney had difficulty providing good food--or even food at all--during the war. Students complained about the food, as most students do even in peacetime. Morrison, Hanpfien-Sidney: Board Minutes, pp. 24-25. 131Virginia Gazette (Purdie), Dec. 29, 1775. See also lBradshaw, Prince Edward County, p. 110. 265 of New Jersey. His brother succeeded him as president of the former school and continued to stress the principles of the American Revolution during his tenure. When Virginia presented Hampden-Sydney its charter in the spring of 1783, the revolutionary stance of the institution was preserved for all posterity. The third article stated: And that in order to preserve, in the minds of the students, that sacred love and attachment which they should ever hear of the principles of the ever glorious Revolution, the greatest care and caution shall be used in electing such professors and mas- ters, to the end that no person shall be so elected unless the uniform tenor of his Conduct manifest to the world his sincere affection for the liberty and independence of the United States of America.1 2 The school, born with the new nation in the midst of strug- gle, was destined to survive despite the uncommon nature of its beginning. Witnesses to Samuel Smith's leadership spoke of his remarkable ability many years later, recalling "his patriotic speeches at the beginning of the Revolution, and . . . their marvellous effect upon the people."l33 132See Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 404-405. 1331n 1818 Philip Lindsley, later president of Princeton, ‘vrote to William B. Sprague of his visit to Hampden-Sydney in 1810. He remarked how elderly people remembered the "impassioned" oratory of young Smith, comparing him to (George Whitefield, Samuel Davies, and Patrick Henry. The reference to his patriotic speeches was included in Lind- sley's reminiscences. See citation in Maclean, College of New Jersey, II, 145. Smith delivered a tremendous oration at Trenton, N.J., upon the death of George Washington. Engclopedia of the Presbgyterian Church, pp. 838-39; Ifiicyclopedia of Virginia Biography, II, 175. See also a: biographical sketch in I. Woodbridge Riley, American gfliilosophy: The Early Schools (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1907): Pp. 497-508. 266 Little is known of Richard Sankey's participation in an active manner in the Revolutionary War. Beyond his membership on the Committee of Safety for Prince Edward County, the only other extant proof of his involvement is his name affixed to the Prince Edward memorial of September 1776 and various presbytery papers written in the interest of civil and religious liberty. Samuel Houston was a theological student when in 1781 the appeal was made for volunteers to assist Nathaniel Greene against the army of Cornwallis. He left the New Providence congregation in Rockbridge County to fight at Guilford Court House and kept a short diary of his expe- riences surrounding the action. As the battle commenced, the order was given for the brigades "to take trees as we pleased." The men did so, "but with difficulty, many crowd- ing to one, and some far behind others." Houston recorded that the battle lasted two hours and twenty-five minutes before the units retreated the only way they knew how: "We were obliged to run, and many were sore chased, and some out down." The lack of military preparedness and discipline was evidenced by the large numbers who, after the battle, "pro- posed returning home, which was talked of in general." Many agreed and promptly left without so much as a good-bye to their officers. Houston recorded miles marched daily, kinds of food consumed, escapades of the troops, and other 267 happenings which revealed the difficulty of adjustment to the newness of army life.134 Two aspects of his brief army career were not included in the journal but were discussed with his friends after the battle. Houston revealed that on the morning of the battle, he climbed into an old tree top and "committed himself to the wise and protecting providence of God." Furthermore, during the fray he had discharged his rifle fourteen times. Witnesses evidently supported the account, with the addi- tional information that he had been the first in his line to answer the command to fire and that when he did fire he was in advance of the line.135 That autumn Houston was received by the Hanover Presbytery as a candidate for the ministry and continued his preparation for ordination. As a minister, he became involved in the aborted attempt to establish a new state to be called Franklin. As a member of the Franklin Convention, he approached William Graham.with the request that he write a constitution for the proposed state. Houston, like so :many of his colleagues, accepted the concept of the Christian being a participating part of his society. 134The journal is printed in full in Foote, Sketches 0f Virginia, II , 142-45 . 135Ibid., pp. 146-47. See also "Viator," "The Battle of (3uilford, North Carolina," Watchman of the Sough,‘v, bJuly 14, 1842), 187. 268 Religious isolationism and asceticism were not acceptable to these evangelicals.136 Another staunch supporter of the American Revolution was John Todd, pastor of the Providence congregation in Louisa County. Starting his ministry as Samuel Davies' assistant, Todd became one of the charter trustees of Hampden-Sydney College and a signer of petitions for civil 137 In 1774 he was elected to the and religious liberty. Committee of Safety for Louisa and, in December 1775 along with Thomas Hall, was the recipient of a rather curious statement of commendation from the committee members. The committee unanimously thanked clergymen Hall and Todd for the unwearied application of their abilities in the service of their country, as well in check- ing the wild irregular sallies of those who would aim at too much, as in rousing those lethargic wretches, who would tamely submit to a deprivation of their rights and liberties, to a proper sense of their danger and duty.138 Noncommittal, "lethargic wretches"--not necessarily Loyalist in sympathies--were the targets of certain extremists in 136Foote, Sketches of Virginia, II, 148. l3.7See "Data Relating to John Todd: Extracts from the New Brunswick Presbytery Minutes," typescript in Williams- burg, Va.: Colonial Williamsburg; Bost, "Samuel Davies," pp. 128-29; Encyclopedia of the Presbyterian Church, p. 944; :yirginia Magazine of History andfiiograph , VI (1898-1899), 174; Foote, Sketches of Virginia, II, 47; Hanford A. Edson, "John Todd of Virginia and John Todd of Indiana: A Home Missionary Sketch," Presbyterian Review, VII (Jan., 1886), 15-18. 138 Cited in the Virginia Gazette (Purdie), Dec. 29, 1775. 269 Louisa County. The committee, agreeing that indecision was horrendous, nevertheless strove for order and stability in their society. Evidently, Hall and Todd had rejected extra- 1ega1 means of dealing with neutrals, and the committee was expressing its thanks for their provision of leadership in what was a crucial and could have been an embarrassing cir- cumstance. However, the committee did declare its revulsion for such indifference by its clever insertion of its own label for those who had become despicable members of society. Their sentiments toward the neutrals were the same as the extremists. Among Todd's other Patriot activities were service as 139 chaplain to the county militia and a commission by the Virginia Council in January 1778 as the commander of the newly-authorized Louisa regiment with the rank of colonel.140 From Charlotte County came Caleb Wallace, pastor of the 141 Cub Creek and Little Falling River churches. While at the 139See E. T. Thompson, Presbyterians in the South, p. 94; R. S. Thomas, The Loyalty ofithe Clergy a? the Church of England in Virginia to the Colony in 1776 and Their Conduct 'TRichmond: William Ellis Jones, 1967), P. 18. 140 Journals of the Council of . . . Virginia, II, 89. 141See Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, XIII (l905-1906Y7 45n. wallace's father Samuel was an example of an agitator before his young son. He was a defendant in court cases where the charges against him included slander against county court members, absenting himself from church services, and unfair treatment of an indentured servant. {The elder Wallace, regardless of his reputation, was aappointed a constable in Prince Edward County. See Katharine Brown, "Presbyterian Dissent," p. 237. 270 College of New Jersey, he and James Madison had distinguished themselves by being two of the principal founders of the American Whig Society, a literary orga- nization which at the time had a flair for expression 142 Wallace's relationships Patriotic as well as pedagogic. from the onset of the war marked him as a Patriot. He was a charter trustee of that school of Patriots, Hampden-Sydney College, and his two marriages brought him into close con- tact with two leading families devoted to the American cause. His first wife Sarah was the daughter of one of August County's representatives in the Virginia Legislature during the early part of the war, Samuel McDowell. Rosanna, his second wife, was the youngest daughter of Captain Israel Christian and the sister of Colonel William Christian, husband of Patrick Henry's sister Anne. -Both father and son were prominent Virginia soldiers and William served in the Continental Congress, on the Governor's Council, and in the Virginia Convention to consider the ratification of the Federal Constitution.143 Wallace's convictions regarding the conflict with the :mother country and his obligation to assist in establishing securely good government for America led him to a multiphased 142Whitsitt, Judge Caleb Wallace, P- 18; Maclean, College of New Jersey, I, 261. 143Whitsitt, Judge Caleb Wallace, pp. 31, 42: 593 F- B- :Kegley, Kegley's Virginia Frontier (Roanoke, Va.: Southwest ‘Iirginia Historical Society, 1938i, p. 518. 271 role during that period. He affixed his name to various memorials and letters which clearly stated his position. It is probable that he authored the document that Augusta County militiamen and freeholders sent to their representa- tives in the Virginia Legislature, which appeared publicly in the Virginia Gazette (Dixon & Hunter), October 18, 1776. The same may be said for the Hanover Presbytery petition of 144 In the late autumn of that year, October 24, 1776. Wallace served as a deputy for the Hanover Presbytery in Williamsburg to look after their interests before the Virginia Legislature. His name appeared on a Botetourt County memorial in January 1781. The subject of the peti- tion was a slave Jack, already convicted of two robberies and an attempted procurement of rats-bane poison to use on an area army officer. He was also charged with "enlisting several negroes to raise in arms and join Lord Cornwallis, the said Jack to be their Captain." He was to be executed, but a stay of execution handed down by Governor Nelson had postponed the event. Twenty-five inhabitants of Botetourt, ‘Wallace among them, had petitioned the legislature to order the court to proceed immediately with the carrying out of the sentence on the basis that Jack had been proven guilty, ‘flas notorious as a "dangerous and incorrigible Violator of ‘the Laws and Peace of the Country," and should be made an —— 144Whitsitt, Judge Caleb Wallace, pp. 41-43, 57-58. 272 145 "Example of Justice and not of Mercy." In 1782 Wallace was appointed to the Commission for the Adjudication of Western Accounts, a position freighted with much danger for the commission was to audit the accounts for the dis- bursement of public monies in the western area. They evidently took on the added responsibility of settling land 146 claims in Montgomery and Washington Counties. In 1783 he served in the Virginia Legislature from the District of Kentucky,147 and on August 14 of that year, he was made one of three judges of the first supreme court for Kentucky.148 During the early part of the war, Wallace disciplined himself from devoting too much time and energy to civil ¥ 145Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other Manu- §gripts, 1652-1784! Preserved at the Capitol in Richmond, arr. and ed. William P. Palmer (11 vols.; Richmond, 1875- 1893), I, 477-78. 146Whitsitt, Judge Caleb Wallace, pp. 97-98; Calendar of ya. State Papers, III, 289. In the latter account, a sher- lff and militia escort was requested for the commission. By May 1783, the papers they had accumulated were "a horse load." See Calendar of Va. State Papers, III, 436, 480, 482, 491. +47Whitsitt, Judge Caleb Wallace, p. 99. Wallace's decision to remove to Kentucky was based partly on disap- pOlntment with his congregation at Roan Oak in Botetourt, a pastorate he had assumed in 1779. They had failed to Supply him with an amount of grain which had been one of the conditions presented to them before he had come. He would lose, as a result, his life's earnings in one year am9n9 an ungrateful people, and the greatest part through their default." He was not eager to continue as a clergyman in Kentucky but.would do so "upon proper encouragement." Sée letter to Col. Fleming, Feb. 1780, cited in Kegley, Y£§91nia Frontier, p. 397. 148 . P Calendar of Va. State Papers, III, 523; H. A. White, .EEEQXterian Leaders, p. 208. 273 affairs, giving himself instead to matters relating to the Christian ministry. In a letter, he confided, however, that he did "countenance the recruiting business" and confessed: "I sometimes have a fight with the prejudices, I would rather say.the perverseness, of such as are inclining to Toryism among us. But we have reason to rejoice that we 149 have few such cattle with us." It was all but impossible for a Patriot clergyman to divorce himself entirely from political opinion and expression. Other Presbyterian ministers who promoted the Christian faith in the Virginia region served their country militarily at some point during the war. Moses Hoge's education was interrupted by the conflict, so he enlisted in a volunteer corps, completing at least one term of service. Nothing is 150 known of his exploits, however. In 1775 and 1776, John McMillan toured the frontier area of western Pennsylvania and Augusta County, Virginia, as an itinerant preacher.151 His sympathies were with his countrymen throughout the war, and he was a militiaman in Captain James Scott's Company of ¥ . 14éLetter written by Caleb Wallace, April 8, 1777, cited in Whitsitt, Judge Caleb Wallace, p. 40. 150 . . . . John Blair Hoge, The Life of Moses Hoge (Historical Transcript No. 2; Richmond: Union Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1964), p. 15. The author was the son of his subject. 151 , _ . John McMillan, "Journal: Oct. 26, 1774, to His Marriage, Aug. 6, 1776," MS. in Philadelphia: Presbyterian gisiggical Society. See Fithian, Journal: 1775-1776, . n. 274 the Third Battalion from Washington County, Pennsylvania, in 1782. Serving on the frontier, he was eligible for a donation of land reserved for veterans and actually did receive one hundred acres in Mercer County, Pennsylvania, 152 which he willed to his son William. Robert Marshall, who f after the war was renowned in Kentucky for his eloquence in the pulpit, began his military career at the age of seven- teen. Fighting in at least six major engagements, he utilized his free time wisely, studying mathematics and rejecting the debauchery in which his peers were partic- ipating. He served without injury, although at the battle of Monmouth, a bullet grazed his hair. In the American retreat which followed the battle of Brandywine, he managed the narrowest of escapes. Becoming separated from his company, he was exposed to the fire of a whole regiment of the enemy. As he ran along a high fence, on a hill side, aiming at a gap, at a little distance, through which to escape, afraid to climb the fence lest he should become too fair a mark, he heard the balls whistle, and tap upon the fence, just by his righg hand, in quick succession; but escaped unhurt. 3 152Daniel M. Bennett, Life and Work of Rev. John McMillan, 1D.D;1 Pioneer, Preacher, Educator, Patriot of Western Penn- 3 lvania (Bridgeville, Pa., l935), p. 264; Helen T. W. Coleman, Banners in the Wilderness: Early Years of Wash- .ington and Jefferson College (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University caf Pittsburgh Press, 1956), P. 6. 153Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 544-45; Gillette, Iiistory . . . Presbyterian Church, p. 188. 275 James Mitchel, who began the war as a tutor at Hampden- Sydney, served two months of military duty. He found army living undesirable and avoided another enlistment. Since it was said of him that he was a man of courage, it is almost certain that he wanted no part of what was in his judgment the low moral state of army camp life. Instead, he continued his preparation for the ministry and was licensed to preach at the same session of the presbytery which received the announcement that Cornwallis had surren- 154 Another postwar Presbyterian clergyman spent a dered. few months as a soldier in the early part of the war and rejected further service as a result of the rigors of camp life. Enlisting in the Bedford County militia at the age of seventeen, James Turner did not find general military life agreeable and left the army. However, his talents as a leader were recognized in his county, and he served sev- eral times as Bedford's representative in the Virginia JLegislature. After the war, he experienced Christian con- 'version and prepared himself for the Presbyterian ministry, 155 :Mhere he proved to be most effective. Extant records 154Foote, Sketches of Virginia, II, 134-35; Alfred J. bkorrison, College of Hampden-Sydney: Dictionary of Biogr :raphyJ 1776-1825 (Hampden-Sydney, Va., 1920), pp. 26-27. 155Foote, Sketches of Virginia, II, 191-201; Gillette, Ilistory . . . Presbyterian Church, p. 188; William Hill, Eggtobiographical Sketches, p. 114. 276 provide no information that would show these men to be other than typical American Patriots: they loved their country but for the most part disliked military service. They were not renowned as heroes but contributed what they had at hand to bring about a successful conclusion to the conflict with Britain. Hezekiah Balch was distinguished by his being the only clergyman-member of the Mecklenburg Convention of May 20, 1775, in North Carolina. Balch's itinerant ministry had been in Virginia in part, and upon his removal to North Carolina, he had joined with a body of Presbyterians from Mecklenburg County to issue a document which has been called the first declaration of independence in North America.156 Another North Carolinan who had Virginia background was Henry Patillo. He had pastored congregations in Cumberland and Amherst Counties until 1765, had removed to North Caro- lina, and was a member of the Provincial Congress of that colony in 1775.157 2 Samuel Eusebius McCorkle's itinerant ministry in Virginia ended in 1776, and he assumed the pastorate of the Thyatira congregation in North Carolina in August of 1777. 156Foote, Sketches of North Carolina, pp. 204-205; A. W. Miller, Presbyterian Origin of . . . Independence, p. 99. 157See "Biographical Sketches," MS. in Philadelphia: Presbyterian Historical Society; Encyclopedia of the Presbyterian Church, p. 609; Foote, Sketches ofVirginia, I, 405. 277 As a student at the College of New Jersey, he had apparently 158 and as a been involved in various patriotic escapades, clergyman in North Carolina, his Patriot fervor continued. He was an intimate friend of General William Lee Davidson, who was killed February 1, 1781, opposing Cornwallis. It was discovered that Davidson had worn the borrowed overcoat of McCorkle's on the bitterly-cold day of his death.159 McCorkle's war ministry emphasized the sacredness of the American mission and the interference which human vice posed to God's working out His will.160 The historical record of the life of Archibald Mc- Roberts is one of the most unusual of revolutionary Virginia Presbyterianism. He began the war as an Anglican clergyman in Chesterfield County. While there he was chairman of the Committee of Safety. He then moved in 1777 to St. Patrick's Parish in Prince Edward County. He was reputed to be a strong evangelical, having been a close friend of Devereux Jarrett, a leading light in the Virginia Great Awakening. Furthermore, in 1776 he was made a trustee of Hampden-Sydney 161 College. Intimately associated with Presbyterianism in 158Foote, Sketches of North Carolina, p. 354; Hurley and Eagan, Samuel E. McCorkle, pp. 66-67, 71. 159Walter L. Lingle, "Another Revolutionary Preacher," Christian Observer, CXIX (Dec. 16, 1931), 3-4. 160Encyclopedia of the Presbyterian Church, p. 487. 161Virginia Magazine of History_and Biography, XX (1912), 198, 432; XLI (1933), 239; Foote,WSketches of Virginia, I, 398. 278 Prince Edward, his increasing disillusionment with the Church of England ultimately led him to break with his church in 1779 and to unite with the Presbyterians by 1787. During the interregnum, he lost five slaves and all of his horses to Tarleton's forces as they moved 162 Also, after the Yorktown surrender, through Virginia. one of his churches, French's Chapel, was chosen as a place to billet French troops. Allegedly, approximately seventy French soldiers died of smallpox during that time and were 163 Information apparently buried in the chapel's cemetery. is not available on his Patriot activities after his removal to Prince Edward, but the assumption is well taken that he was an active rather than a passive influence. James Crawford's story is also unique and leads to some intriguing assumptions. His graduation from the Col- lege of New Jersey in the autumn of 1777 was interrupted by the close proximity of the British forces. President Witherspoon presented him with a certificate promising his degree as soon as circumstances improved. At that same time, he received a certificate of church membership with a statement attached attesting to his patriotic sentiments. The words were these: "And also, he appears well affected 162Calendar of Va. State Papers, II, 308. 163Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, XX (1912), 432. 279 to the cause of American liberty." One of the historians of Presbyterianism, Robert Davidson, observed as he related this information: When we bear in mind the probability, from the date, that this was furnished as part of the credentials necessary for his reception by the Presbytery as a candidate, it gives us an insight into the political preferences of the Presbyterian clergy. Warm patriots themselves, it doubtless constituted a strong recommendation for a candidate to entertain similar sentiments. If exact, the allegation contained in the historian's state- ment may provide a fairly solid foundation for the View that Presbyterian leaders would not countenance--indeed would reject--any Loyalist sentiments on the part of their clergy. In Virginia the only Loyalist Presbyterian clergyman was Alexander Miller, but he had been deposed from the active ministry by 1765 on charges of misconduct. A lawsuit fol- lowed which went against Miller, and eventually he was 165 expelled from the synod. The Miller case, however, cannot be cited to document and thus prove the aforementioned l64Robert Davidson, Presbyterian Church . . . KentEEEYI pp. 79-80. 165Ibid., pp. 29-30; Wayland, Virginia Valley Records, p. 303; Lyman Chalkley, Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia, Extracted from the Original Court Records of Augusta County; 1745-1800 (3 vols.; 1912; rpt. Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1965), I, 137, 139, 143, 163, 311, 346, 363, 380; Minutes of the Presbytery of Hanover, II (1769-1785), 4, Oct. 12, 1769; Records of the Presbyterian Church, pp. 394-96; Letters from John Brown to William Preston, Dec. 12, 1770, and Mar. 5, 1771, M88. in Draper Collection. Miller had come to the New World from Ulster, Ireland, where he had been expelled from the ministry because of misconduct. 280 allegation because of his early deposition. Neither can proof be found in the existing church records. It would appear from those records available and from an understand— ing of Presbyterian doctrines that no test case ever appeared because no individual holding Loyalist views would have ever become a clergyman in that denomination. Simi- larly, no Loyalist, having been ordained before the Stamp Act especially, would have continued long in that fellowship. Here again a supposition may have support because history has remained silent. Miller's difficulties increased in October 1775 when he appeared before the Augusta County Committee of Safety at Staunton to answer charges of providing opposition to the popular measures being taken to resist the tyranny of Great Britain. He was declared guilty, and his punishment was meant to humiliate him into a repentant spirit. They recommended that "the good people of this county and colony have no further dealings or intercourse with said Miller until he convinces his countrymen of having repented for "166 his past folly. Miller was back in custody in the 166Cited in Waddell, Annals of Augusta, p. 238. Miller was known to be a man of strong opinions and extremely independent when it came to group pressure. Miller's obstinacy in siding with Great Britain did not deter his son John from becoming an officer in the Virginia militia. See Kate M. Bolls and Bennett H. Powell, Cooks Creek Pres- byterians: A Heritage of Faith (Harrisonburg, Va.: Park View Press, 1965), p. 473 281 summer of 1776 and was found guilty by an Augusta County Court of "aiding and giving intelligence to the enemy." He was ordered confined to his own farm and was not to "argue nor reason with any person or persons whatsoever on any political subject relating to the dispute between Britain and America" until the end of the war or until officially discharged from the sentence.167 Miller refused to remain silent; by August 1777, he was charged with a most serious offense. In April he had written a letter to a newly-elected member of the Virginia Legislature, John Poage, suggesting that Poage publish the contents under the heading, "A letter to a gentleman on his being elected a Burgess." Apparently, he had written a similar letter to Colonel Abraham Smith. The Poage letter's content is staggering in the manner in which it reveals the naivete of the writer. He called for the securing of "Peace and Safety" by the rejection of the war and independence. America was "unfit to conflict with Britain" and indepen- dence was wrong for these reasons: (1) Britain was deprived of her legal property, her colonies; (2) independence is "imprudent and unprofitable" for it stops trade, increases taxes, and exposes the people to Britain's vengeance; (3) "we will be condemned for perfidy and ingratitude to our 167Chalkley, Scotch-Irish Settlement, I, 506-507- 282 founders and protectors, and suspected by friends and enemies" in the future; and (4) divine displeasure will be ours for violating our oaths of allegiance to Great Britain. In conclusion, Miller reminded Poage: You have now an equal right and privilege with any other member to reason and even repeal all or any- thing hitherto done by conventions or congresses. . . . To treat with Lord Howe for peace and safety is ye best plan you can fall upon to save ye lives and estates of your constituents.1 The jury found him guilty of being "in open defiance of the Act of Gen'l Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia, passed the 7th day of October, 1776," and he was assessed 169 a fine of £100 and two years imprisonment. Evidently, Miller appealed the verdict to the General Court at Richmond but the result of the appeal is unknown as the records have been destroyed.170 It is probable that the defendant remained in the Staunton jail throughout the remainder of the war despite his wife's requests for release or transfer of the prisoner to a location nearer her home.171 Virginia Presbyterians also provided supplies and other services to the armed forces during the war, as did the 168Ibid., pp. 505-506. 1691bid., pp. 194, 507. Miller had the temerity to suggest to Poage that he accept from Miller "my thoughts (on ye bill of rights and plan of government." 170Wayland, Virginia Valley Records, p. 303. 171H. M. Wilson, Tinkling Spring, p. 202. si co: ch re: 283 Baptists. However, the public service records (see Appendix B, p. 330) do not indicate that Presbyterian clergy exchanged goods and services to the degree the Baptists did. Far fewer of the former are mentioned in the lists of comparison to the latter. Whether this fact means that the Presbyterian ministers had less to give because they gave themselves to other types of Patriot activity or did not farm to the extent the Baptists did is not clear. Certainly their Patriotism was no less than that of their Baptist brethren, and the records show exten— sive cooperation in goods and services by local Presbyterian congregations. H. M. Wilson's study of the Tinkling Spring church172 included a sampling of what the public service records reveal in this regard: William Lewis supplied in the spring and summer of 1779, 1200 pounds of meal and flour. In 1780 John Campbell supplied forty-eight beeves for £18,446.l7s.6d.; Thomas and Benjamin Stuart, 121 pounds of bacon for £291.4s.; William Chris- tian, "one wagon in Service" for.£9,860; Hugh McClure, thirty yards of linen for £285; John Ramsey, 406 pounds of flour for £203 and half-day "Waggonage" for £15; Zechariah Johnston, four beeves for 2100. . . 3 Another example involved the Cook's Creek congregation: Archibald Hopkins, for 2 bags for the use of the militia going to "Tyger Valley," April 30, 1779, 18 shillings; and for 1060 lbs. of flour, at 155. cwt., for the use of the militia ordered on duty, 172The Tinkling Spring: Headwater of Freedom. l73Ihid., 202-203. 284 May, 1779. . . . George Baxter, for 24 yds. of "lining" [linen?] for use of the militia, ordered on duty to Richmond, at 2 shillings a yard, Jan- uary 16, 1781. . . . To John Hopkins, for 4 head of cattle, estimated at 1900 gross, at 16$.8d. per cwt., for use of the militia ordered on duty to Carolina, October 3, 1780. 74 In his History of the United States, from the Discovery of the American Continent, George Bancroft stated that the people of Augusta sent one hundred thirty-seven barrels of flour to relieve the plight of Bostonians during the 175 This should not be enforcement of the Coercive Acts. a surprise since it has been pointed out that Augusta was composed almost entirely of Presbyterians and their sympathizers. What is needed to disclose in fuller measure the support given by evangelical congregations in goods and services is a thorough perusal of the public service claims utilizing those lists of church members which are available. The results could lead to well-founded assumptions with regard to the influence of the clergy--by precept and (example--on their parishioners vis-a-vis the Revolution. ,Again, it should be remembered that whatever moderate financial gains were enjoyed by these Calvinists was no :indication of the intensity of their Patriotism. Sacrifices 174Bolls and Powell, Cooks Creek Presbyterians, p. 10. 175George Bancroft, History of the United Statesyifrom gage Discovery ofythe American Continent (10 vols.; Boston: Inittle, Brown & Co., 1846-1875), VII, 74. 285 were part of the daily wartime experience, and if those families shared what they had in short supply, they qual- ified as Patriots regardless of the remuneration which came to them. Inflation and fluctuating currency values reduced the excitement of a little additional money in the cookie jar just as they do today. Presbyterian transactions were most numerous during the Southern Campaign as well (see Table 5). Commodities brought in most frequently were beef, wheat--whole grain and flour--and corn. Pork, bacon, mutton, rye, and meal were listed as food items, and tallow, a seven-year-old 176 horse, and pastureage were mentioned. Inflation was indicated in John McKnight's receiving £5 per peck for his wheat in October 1780, and in August John Todd177 had gotten inflationary rates for his Indian corn, rye, and beef. Andrew McClure's beef was affected by the inflationary problems of the autumn of 1780 also, while Archibald McRoberts and John Blair Smith were paid at rates designated 176On May 8, 1776, the Council of Virginia issued a warrant to Nathaniel Norman to be given a William Graham for £2 for a gun provided Capt. R. C. Anderson's Company. See the Journals of the Council of . . . Virginia, II, 501. William Graham, of Liberty Hall Academy, and this donor may not be identical; the evidence remains insufficient. 177On May 30, 1782, Todd wrote to Col. Wm. Davies, the son of Samuel Davies, that two "waggon-loads" of four had been in his mill since the preceding autumn. Complaining that he could not get the commissioners to remove it, he stated his fear that it would spoil and asked Davies to use his influence to get action. See Calendar of Va. State Papers, III, 182. 286 Continental currency. Probably other values were determined at state money rates, as Smith‘s corn was. Two clergymen, John Brown]:78 and James Crawford, served several days each handling claims and/or supplies in Augusta County. And Crawford made at least one trip to Richmond transporting the public claims. Samuel Houston had the exasperating task of spending twenty-two days on an itin- erary, the purpose of which was to collect beef and cattle from the farmers along the route. Such an adventure would most assuredly have made provocative reading, but alas, no diary exists as an account of Houston's exploits. In Prince Edward County, John Blair Smith was paid for two days of unusual service. Apparently, with no assistance he removed gunpowder that either had been stored or deposited at the court house, using a cart drawn by a team of oxen. Presbyterian clergymen were not alone within their denomination in the variety of service rendered to aid the ,American cause. Lay leaders were also active in the war 'with Britain. As a reaction to the notorious Gunpowder (Conspiracy at Williamsburg, Patrick Henry led a small force of one hundred fifty men--Hanoverian Presbyterian laymen 1nostly--to within sixteen miles of the Virginia capitol. 178William Cabell, Sr., mentioned a John Brown in his ciiary who had "supplied the army with clothes, provisions, & Waggons." "Diary, 1751-1795," photostat in the Virginia State Library, entry for Feb. 3, 1781. 287 Their resistance was aimed at the despotism of Governor Dunmore.179 From fighting Indians along the frontier to the action of 1779-1781, the hardy western Virginia Pres- byterians supported the Revolution. Daniel Morgan, an elder in the church, prayed with his men as he led them against the British in New England and New York and in the southern states.180 At King's Mountain, the Patriot army was made up mostly of Presbyterian frontiersmen. Five of the colonels were elders, including one of the commanding officers, William Campbell. He has been called the hero of the battle because of a unique contribution he made to the rebel forces. An excellent marksman, he invented a gun which was reputed to be better than any in use at the time, and reports stated that he could even outdo the Indians in 181 accuracy, regardless of body position. The same lay involvement occurred at Cowpens and Guilford Court House, as has been seen.182 One of the most prominent laymen in the struggle for :independence was Zechariah Johnston, the first dissenter to 179Wi11iam Wirt Henry, Patrick Henry: Life, Correspond- ggnceLand Speeches (3 vols.; New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1891), I, 287. 180H. A. White, Presbyterian Leaders, pp. 145, 158ff. 181Ibid., pp. 150-53; C. Campbell, History . . . of Egirginia, p. 700; Sweet, Religion in the Development of Merican Culture, p. 11. 182See A. W. Miller, Presbyterian Origin of . . . Inde- pendence, p. 98. 288 chair a major committee in the Virginia Legislature, the Committee on Religion. With James Madison providing major support, Thomas Jefferson's "statute for religious freedom" was sponsored by this committee until its passage was secured. Johnston's firm voice for civil and religious liberty was again effective in Virginia's ratification of 183 Johnston was a product the Federal Constitution in 1788. of the Christian libertarianism embraced by eighteenth- century dissenters, as were his denominational comrades in Virginia. It is true that as the war progressed the rigors of campaigning reduced the ardor of many soldiers. The account of the threatened mutiny of Captain William McKee's south- 184 valley Scots is an example of this. There were reasons for the incident. Hunger from reduced rations, nearly- ‘worthless currency, increased taxation, discrimination in calling militia, and too long periods of military service in the face of needs at home were factors creating unrest. .Freedom and independence were still goals to be reached, but.a.man had to support his family! How could you maintain 183See H. M. Wilson, "Story of Synod Presbyterians," pp. 17-18; Tinkling Spring, pp. 222-35; "Augusta County's 1Re1ation to the Revolution," Augusta Historical Bulletin, II, 16, 17. 184Hart, Valley of Virginia, pp. 110-11. 289 a peak fighting condition when anxiety plagued you? Fortunately, a cancellation of the order reducing rations eased the situation. Most of the troops, however, subdued any feelings of disillusionment by being reminded of the major issues for which they fought. With the overt threat to Virginia, ardor and tenacity increased with rapidity. Even the Synod of New York and Philadelphia gave evidence to a nagging weariness with the continuing conflict and its affect upon civic and religious life. Their calls for days of fasting and prayer in 1778, 1779, and 1780 were indicative of a troubledknnzdevout people who believed their chief hope to be righteous and just God who nevertheless remains merciful, eager to forgive His people's sins and to restore them to the level where they receive His best. The directives spoke of the "chastenings" of God in afflict- ing "us with the sore calamity of a cruel and barbarous war" and called Presbyterians to "repentance and reformation." They were urged to beseech God to "graciously smile on our arms, & those of our illustrious ally, by land & sea; & grant a speedy 5 happy conclusion to the present‘war.185 185Records of the Presbyterian Church, pp. 481-483, 488. 'rhe 1788 session of the Synod of New York and Philadelphia (nonvened in Bedminister, Somerset County, N.J., rather than 1J1 Philadelphia, the usual place of meeting. The logical (Jause of such a change is included in the minutes of that session: Philadelphia "is now in the possession of the enemy," ibid., p. 480. 290 Presbyterians complied with these requests as well as those that came from the Continental Congress.186 At the same time, British maltreatment of Presbyterians, their property, and their houses of worship increased. Destruction visited more than fifty churches in the new country, and many others were ruined beyond refurbishing. Devotional materials were burned, and outside Virginia, attacks on the persons of clergymen occurred.187 The attitude of the Presbyterians toward this mal- treatment was summed up in the pastoral letter approved by the Synod of New York and Philadelphia in 1783 at the war's conclusion: We cannot help congratulating you on the general and almost universal attachment of the Presbyterian body to the cause of liberty and the rights of mankind. This has been visible in their conduct, and has been confessed by the complaints and resentment of the common enemy. Such a circumstance ought not only to afford us satisfaction on the review, as bringing credit to the body in general, but to increase our gratitude to God for the happy issue of the war. The letter, furthermore, reviewed the disastrous consequences, had.the Revolution been quelled. 186In April 1780, the Presbytery of Hanover received late vnard that the Congress had recommended a given day for fast- .ing and prayer across the country. Thursday, May 11, was set by the presbytery for the observance within its bounds. hminutes of the Presbytegy of Hanoveg, II, 109-10. 187Pears, "Presbyterian and American Freedom," pp. 82-83; Skyeet, Religion in the Development of American Culture, p. 9; Beard, "Presbyterianism in Virginia," pp. 480-81; H. A. WHLite, Presbyterian Leaders, p. 155. 291 Had it been unsuccessful, we must have drunk deeply of the cup of suffering. Our burnt and our wasted churches, and our plundered dwellings, in such places as fell under the power of our adversaries, are but an earnest of what we must have suffered had they finally prevailed. It called for thanksgiving "to Almighty God for all his mercies spiritual and temporal, and in a particular manner for establishing the Independence of the United States of America." In the letter's conclusions, the leaders of Presbyterianism voiced the gratitude of the entire denom- ination for the great gains that had accompanied the war in the arena of religious freedom. Neither in [the Revolution's] rise nor progress was it intermixed or directed by religious controversy. No denominations of Christians among us have any reason to fear oppression or restraint, or any power to oppress others. Civil liberty had been secured, and religious freedom guaranteed by statute was almost assured. Presbyterians could join with Baptists in the proclamation that "Almighty God . . . is the Supreme Disposer of all events, and to him Jbelongs the glory, the victory, and the majesty."189 188Quoted in "Presbyterians and the Revolution," Journal Of the Presbyterian Historical Society, V (1909-1910), 127-31. Usually the text of pastoral letters was included :pn the body of the synodical minutes. However, in this case it was not done. A footnote in the article cited wrongly States that the letter was printed in the minutes for 1783. (The letter referred to was the Pastoral Letter of 1775‘.) Likewise it erred in stating that the letter was printed in {John Witherspoon's Works, 1802 ed., III, 9-15. This, too, 18 tine 1775 letter. The 1783 letter may also be found in full in Watchman of the South, III (Feb. 20, 1840), 104. see.B§Cords of the Presbyterian Church, p. 500. 189 Quoted in "Presbyterians and the Revolution," p. 128. CHAPTER VII AT WAR'S END Peace brought thankful rejoicing tinctured with a cautious concern to the evangelical dissenters of Virginia. Americans had succeeded in making their point with the leaders of the British Empire, and Baptists had joined with Presbyterians to play a major role in bringing about a victory over the British in the Southern Campaign. How- ever, complaints in the area of religious freedom still remained in dissenter communities as a shadow over the full appreciation of independence fought for and now won. And the deterioration of public morals accompanied by a decline in religious observance and interest lengthened those shadows of anxiety. From Amelia County came a memorial from the Baptists in May 1783 expressing the cacophony of feeling which per- rmeated their congregations. Congratulations were sent the legislature on the coming of peace with independence, yet the petition read, "The general joy diffused throughout this (montinent on account of our Deliverance from British Tyranny, «mannot make us insensible of certain Grievances remaining 292 293 among us." Religious property taxes and restrictive marriage laws governing officiating clergymen were mentioned specifically as complaints. The document's rationale for immediate change rested upon the Baptist wartime record: We cannot conceive that our Conduct has been such in the late important Struggle, as to forfeit the Confidence of our Countrymen, or that the Church of England-men have rendered such peculiarly meritorious services to the State, as to make it necessary to continue the insidious Distinctions which still subsist. Changes in the statutes were at first requested and then demanded, not as a favor "which you have a Privilege either to grant or withhold at Pleasure, but as what we have a just claim to as Freemen of the Commonwealth." The delegates were reminded that failure to carry through with the recom- mended changes might dampen "the general Joy, enervate the Springs of Liberty, and alienate the affections of the dif- ferent denominations from each other." The real issue was the recognition of "the Natural Rights of all your Constit- uents," and the delegates were urged to consider this issue in the bright light of their roles as "Servants of the IPeople" and not their masters.1 Other postwar petitions were structured with the same car similar language as the Amelia memorial. Orange County 1Amelia County Baptist Memorial, May 12, 1783, Religious lPetitions Folder, Richmond: Virginia Baptist Historical Shociety. See Stoner, A Seed-Bed of the Republic, pp. 390-91. 1.0 F9“! ([2 294 Baptists wrote in September 1785 that the act incorporating the Episcopal Church was "every way as inconsistent with American Freedom, as the royal establishment was." They feared that from this base the introduction of a new "arbitrary and despotic government" was likely to take place.2 In the summer of 1786 several county associations of Baptists merged their petitioning efforts to job the thinking of their legislature with regard to the same in- corporation act: the declaration of rights "made by the good People of Virginia" established principles for which "we advanced our property, and exposed our lives in the field of battle with our fellow Citizens." They were "often Stimulated" with the proclamation "of equal Liberty of con- science and equal claim of prosperity." They were surprised, therefore, when in 1784 the legislature, despite the Bill of Rights, incorporated the Protestant Episcopal Church as a [body corporate and politic.3 2Orange County Baptist Memorial, Sept. 17, 1785, "Religious Petitions from the Counties of Virginia, 1774- 1792," Part II, MSS. in Richmond: Virginia State Library. Vflilliam Webber and John Waller signed the document as Inoderator and clerk respectively. 3Memorial of Several Baptist Associations in Virginia Assembled in Committee, Aug. 13, 1786, ibid. William lNebber's signature was attached as both moderator and clerk. Examples of similar postwar petitions were those sent by laaptists in the counties of Powhatan, Nov. 6, 1783, and King aand.Queen, May 26, 1784. Powhatan Baptists may have authored a: petition dated June 4, 1784, and several associations sponsored one on November 11 of the same year. "'1 U} 295 Virginia Presbyterians were vociferous about the same inequities. In May 1784, the Hanover Presbytery sent a memorial to-the House of Delegates chiding that body for forgetting so soon why dissenters had joined with their neighbors in "the late arduous struggle." A desire of perfect liberty, and political equality animated every class of citizens. An entire and everlasting freedom from every species of eccle- siastical domination, a full and permanent security of the inalienable rights of conscience, and private judgment, and an equal share of the protection and favor of government to all denominations and Chris- tians, were particular objects of our expectation, and irrefragable claim. However, they continued, their expectations had not yet been fully realized. Recounting the grievances listed by the Baptists, the Presbyterians prodded the legislature: Their continuance this long in a republic affords just ground for alarm and complaint to a people who feel themselves by the favor of God to be happily free. Such partiality to any system of religious opinion whatever, is inconsistent with the inten- tion and proper object of well-directed government, and obliges men of reflection to consider the leg- islature which indulges it, as a party in religious differences, instead of the common guardian and equal protector of every class of citizens in their religious as well as civil rights. They closed the memorial with a statement of anticipation and hope that measures would soon be adopted "to remove present inequality, . . . every real ground of contention, and . . . every jealous commotion on the score of religion." 4Cited in Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 333-34. :iamuel Stanhope Smith and James Waddell drafted the memorial. See also John R. Tucker, Influence of Presbyterian Polity on (:ivil and Religious Liberty in Virginia; An Address delivered 296 That gnawing discouragement which must have ameliorated the joy of victory was intensified by the moral and religious depression that accompanied the war years and remained to bedevil the dissenters when peace finally came. The fact that these evangelicals were apprehensive about spiritual conditions should come as no surprise to the student of church history, since aggressive Christianity has always been characterized by an evangelism that is burdened by the Spiritual and moral plight of individuals and societies and, at the same time, is acutely aware of the adequacy of the gospel to be the remedy for those needs. Anything less than this is nominal Christianity which is both uninspired and ineffectual. This so-called "godly concern" must be present within the church for its condition to be sound and its mission valid. Baptist and Presbyterian clergy then would be expected to function with this concern being a normal aspect of their ministerial deportment. The question of the amount and nature of the anxiety could only be answered lbefore theJCentennial Meetipgof theTSynod of Virginia. .. . (Dct. 24, 1888 (Richmond: Whittet & Shepperson, 1889), jpp. 32-34. Other Presbyterian postwar petitions used the revolutionary vernacular to express their concern over the {guaranteeing of religious liberty for Virginia dissenters. laxamples are a memorial from the Presbytery of Hanover, (Dct. 27, 1784, prepared by William Graham and John Blair Snuth.(Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I, 336-38; Tucker, Influ- ¢ence of PresbyterianPolity, pp. 34-36); and a petition from "the Presbyterian Church in Virginia," Aug. 13, 1785, drawn Exrincipally by William Graham ("Religious Petitions from the (haunties of Virginia," Part II; Foote, Sketches of Virginia, I , 342-44. 297 in relationship to the degree of spiritual decline and moral deterioration. The evidence points to a serious problem which developed through the war years and reached its zenith with the coming of peace. As early as August 1776, the war was affecting the state of religion in Virginia. The Baptist Association, meeting in Louisa, received letters from seventy-four churches "bringing mournful tidings of coldness and declension." Some of the letters accounted for the decline by blaming an undo concern with politics within the church.5 Undoubt- edly it was difficult to keep evangelical priorities in focus with peripheral vision being bombarded by all of the issues and demands that accompany the commencement of a revolution. Caleb Wallace saw this as the central problem in 1777, when he wrote: "The whole attention of the people is so given up to news and politics that I fear the one thing needful is neglected." He continued with the obser- vation that while he could not be entirely pessimistic, there was little reason for optimism: Vice in her most odious forms has not yet ventured to appear openly among us. I am doing my feeble endeavors as a Watchman on this part of Zion's walls; but we labor under many discouragements, because we can discern that the glory is departed from this part of the Israel of God. 5Semple, Rise . . . of the Baptists, p. 63. 6Letter, April 8, 1777, cited in Whitsitt, Judge Caleb Wallace, p. 41. 298 In the few months before the Southern Campaign,re1igion was not the only area in which a creeping lethargy had begun. The eighteenth-century historian, David Ramsey, mentioned the decrease in Virginia's military ardor just before the British invasion posed a real threat to the Old Dominion. He accused Virginians of having had an increasing interest in "resuming their usual habits of life" and continued: The gains of commerce, and the airy schemes suggested by speculations, and an unsettled value of money, cooperating with the temporary security which a great part of that state enjoyed, had rendered many of them inattentive to the general cause of America. Danger, brought to their doors, awakened them to a sense of their duty.7 The malaise that struck morals and religion had also affected morale. But while the British presence revived Virginia's esprit Q2 corps, it failed to have the same effect upon the other areas of man's spirit. Spiritual decline continued. 7David Ramsey, The History of the Revolution of South- Carolina, from a British Province to an Independent Sta;§_ (2 vols.; Trenton, N.J.: Isaac Collins, 1784), II, 216-l7. Fithian had detected this same lethargy on an earlier occa- sion. See Fithian, Journal:4yl]75-l776, p. 134, Nov., 1775. Timothy Dwight wrote an excellent analysis of the effect of economics on the country's moral life. The hoarding of wealth based on paper currency was followed by depreciation to a point where barter became the practice. An unstable currency bred unstable societal standards and an abundance of dishonesty. The resultant disillusionment combined with lack of faith in a weak government to produce much evil in the new country. See his Travelg; in New-England and New- York (4 vols.; New Haven, Conn.: S. Converse, 1822), IV, 368-71. No wonder Dwight declared that the Revolutionary War "unhinged the principles, the morality, and the reli- gion of this country more than could have been done by a peace of forty years." Quoted by E. T. Thompson, "The Synod and Moral Issues," p. 44. 299 The Presbyterians were called to prayer and fasting by their synod on the basis of the crucial spiritual situation which had developed through the years of warfare. The pastoral letter of 1779 enunciated the challenges which the country faced: "the great and increasing decay of vital piety, the degeneracy of manners, want of public spirit, and "8 prevalence of vice and immorality. The 1780 communication 9 Clearly the evangelical clergy repeated the list exactly. were appalled as they watched a wartime society enjoying its sin. Even non-dissenter Robert Honeyman, writing in 1781, was cognizant of the moral disintegration in Virginia. Shortly after the Yorktown surrender, he observed: "In general there is a great and universal depravity and corrup- tion of manners among all ranks of people. Morality is at a very low ebb and religion almost extinguished." He mentioned the increase in gambling specifically, declaring that it is carried to a higher pitch at this time in this state, than (I believe) it was before; notwith- standing there is a late law still in force against 8Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 483. The 1778 letter contained a shorter list of moral problems but expressed greater alarm over the rising amount of vice: "gross immoralities are increasing to an awful degree." Ibid., pp. 481-82. 9Ibid., p. 488. The wartime synodical sessions were generally small in attendance and short on available preach- ers and money. The atmosphere in the sittings apparently was disheartening enough to be depressing. It was indeed a time of great trial. See Records of the Presbyterian Church for these sessions; Gillette, History . . . Pres- byterian Church, pp. l97ff. 300 that pernicious practice. Even in Richmond under the eye of the Assembly they carry it on with impunity, and (what is worse) many of the membeig themselves resort to the gaming Table. As the war ended, conditions did not change imme- diately. The state of religion and the influence of the church on moral life were, as William Hill described it, "in a most deplorable condition. The Sabbath had been almost forgotten. . . . A cold & lukewarm indifference" accompanied "the ministrations of the gospel through all "11 He actually was writing about that region of country. Prince Edward County but the situation was fairly uniform throughout the state. Henry Toler's reaction to the moral life of Hanover County corroborated what others were saying: "Alas, I can but be distressed to see how little virtue there is in Hanover! Less than at any time since I knew 12 Since Hanover and Prince Edward were centers of it." evangelical dissenter strength and Baptist and Presbyterian clergy were known to have continuously warned their flocks against spiritual "leanness," the question of why this traumatic situation developed among evangelicals and what was done about it remains pivotal to any conclusions drawn from this study. loHoneyman, Diary, p. 352. The entry was dated Dec. 23. 11William Hill, Autobiographical Sketches, p. 106. 12Toler, Diary, p. 2. 301 Causal factors for the decline can be isolated so that they may be studied from the vantage point of hindsight. Letters to the Louisa Baptist Association and the analysis of Caleb Wallace have already pointed to the inroads made by political interest into the spiritual life of the con- gregations. John Leland undoubtedly agreed but added that from the autumn of 1780 to the year 1785 three factors contributed to the decline of religion among Baptists: "the siege of Lord Cornwallis, the refunding of paper money, and removals to Kentucky."13 In another place, Leland expanded on these: But as they gained this piece of freedom; so the cares of war, the spirit of trade, and moving to the western waters, seemed to bring on a general declension. The ways of Zion mourned. They obtained their hearts desire (freedom) but had leanness in their souls. He lamented, "Very little religion was seen in Virginia in those days."15 Still another factor may have been the clergymen them- selves. Busy with the war effort and denied the regular 13Leland, Writings, pp. 22-23. Leland was critical of the economic policies of the Confederation government: "The spirit of the people in the Revolution, achieved our Inde- pendence, with only a currency of rags, which died of a quick consumption, after the war closed; when the energy of the confederation was not sufficient to bring into action the natural resources and strength of the country." See Writings, p. 725. 14 Leland, Virginia Chronicle, pp. 30-31. 151bid., (1789 ed.), p. 6. 302 routines of a stabilized peacetime life-style, sufficient numbers of them were incapacitated enough to destroy the shepherd-flock relationship with their people. Some may have even lost the sense of mission which had accompanied their initial entry into the ministry. William Hill accused Presbyterian clergymen and leading laymen north of the James River of succombing to the influence of the times: Those ministers . . . were zealous whigs & politicians, than preachers of the gospel. They became conformed to the world; companions of the great & influential men of the day; & gave into, & advocated the frivolous maxims & amusements of the world such as dancing etc.16 The toll taken by clergymen who had changed their interests and emphases and by the shortage of ministers was enough to discourage and even disillusion congregations as well as fellow ministers. David Thomas entered this despondent note into the minutes of the Broad Run Baptist Church in April 1785: Several impediments being in the way, the Lord's Supper has not been celebrated among us, for several years past. Nor has a preached Gospel been attended with any apparent success.--The ways of our Zion have long languished. And as yet, but a few come to her solemn Feasts. It is winter! no wonder the birds are not heard to sing.17 Likewise the Presbytery of New Castle, which assisted Virginia with supply preachers, mourned "the declining 16William Hill, Autobiographical Sketches, p. 116. 17"The Broad Run Baptist Church Minute Book: 1762-1872," copy in Richmond: Virginia Baptist Historical Society, p. 33. 303 state of religion among us, and the numerous characters of apostacy which are marked upon the Congregations committed to our care."18 The heresy and apostasy which occurred at this time were, for the most part, the offspring of the French Enlightenment. Close relationships with the French allowed the literature of that ally to literally flood the new nation so that the names of Voltaire, Rousseau, D'Alembert, and Diderot were as common among the American educated as were the great Anglo-Saxon thinkers. Timothy Dwight explained the significance of this fact: the French philosophers were "men, holding that loose and undefined Atheism, which neither believes, nor disbelieves the exis- tence of a God, and is perfeCtly indifferent whether he 19 America's colleges, which graduated exists or not." America's preachers, received the full impact of the French thought. Princeton, Hampden-Sydney, schools begun by Pres- byterians and Baptists in Pennsylvania, the Carolinas, l8Presbytery of New-CastleL Delaware; An Addregs to Egg, Congregations under their Care: Setting forth the Declining_ State of Religion in their Bounds; and exciting them to the Duties necessary for a revival of decayed Piety amongst them, Aug. 11, 1784 (Wilmington, Dela., 1785), p. 3. 19Dwight, IV, 366. French infidelity did not hinder the Synod of New York and Philadelphia from congratulating the French in 1782 on the birth of a dauphin to the royal family. The synod, solidly Patriot and wishing to express its pleas- ure to America's ally at the happy event, appointed a com- mittee of John Witherspoon, Joseph Montgomery, and Elihu Spencer to prepare the formal address. Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 495. 304 20 William Kentucky, and Tennessee--all were affected. Graham's little school near Lexington, Virginia, was not overlooked by the philosophical and societal trends. Graham described profanity, infidelity, and vice as common on campus. Indifference to studies and disobedience to teachers troubled and discouraged him. It was said of him that he often doubted whether he was rendering any ser- vice to society, by educating profane and vicious young men, who would become more influential, and consequently more mischievous by having a liberal education.2 On several occasions he evidently considered leaving the teaching profession as a result of this despondency. Clergymen of the caliber of Graham, Wallace, and Leland were not personally immune to the sorrows and sufferings of revolutionary conditions. It was only human for the minis- terial profession to react with emotion to the batterings of the times. David Ramsey explained their plight: the depreciation of paper currency reduced their salaries to a shadow of what they were, which forced many to engage in other pursuits. Their churches, he continued, were dese- crated and many were not yet rebuilt. The result for the country was that 20See Beardsley, American Revivals, chap. IV. 21Virginia Evangelical and Literary Magazine, IV, 261. 305 the institutions of religion have been deranged, the public worship of the Deity suspended, and a great number of the inhabitants deprived of the ordinary means of obtaining that religious knowl- edge, which tames the fierceness, and softens the rudeness of human passion and manners.22 Ramsey had prefaced his views succinctly: "War never fails to injure the morals of the people engaged in it. The American war, in particular, had an unhappy influence of this kind." For him, "no class of citizens [had] con- tributed more to the revolution than the clergy, and none have hitherto suffered more in consequence of it."23 The migrations to the west, another factor of decline, had taken needed ministers away from the more heavily popu- lated portions of Virginia and had broken home and family ties. Elderly clergymen and younger, inexperienced itin- erants were left to fill the gaps left by the migrants. Congregations were torn to the point where new leadership emerged untested and often inept. Presbyterian strength surged to the south and west, and Baptists, relying on lay 24 It was a transi- ministers, moved in to fill the vacuum. tional period at best--a time for holding on, for regrouping, and for planning a counter-offensive. 22Ramsey, The History of the American Revolution, II, 324-25. 23Ibid. 24See Benjamin R. Lacy, Jr., Revivals in the Midst of the Years (1943; rpt. Hopewell, Va.: Presbyterian Evangelistic Fellowship, Inc., 1968), pp. 64-66; R. Davidson, Presbyterian Church . . . Kentucky, pp. 48-49; H. A. White, Presbyterian Leaders, p. 171; Katharine Brown, "Presbyterian Dissent," p. 206. 306 Spiritual recovery in the form of a religious revival eventually did come. Leland reported that during the war 25 but the "God showed himself gracious in some places," beginnings were small. The Synod of 1783 took steps to get the Scriptures into the hands of as many as possible. The many poor, "in danger of perishing for lack of knowl— edge," necessitated the raising of funds among the congre- gations "for the purchase of Bibles, to be distributed among 26 O O I I I MiSSionaries--itlnerant preachers-- such poor persons." were sent out to proclaim the gospel and to increase the contacts with pastorless congregations. The regular admin- istration of Communion was called for as "a blessing that cannot be too highly valued or purchased at too great a price." Pious young men were to be encouraged to prepare for the ministry, and much was made of providing adequate remuneration for pastoral services. This economic demand was made, the synod explained, because it is founded upon the plainest reason-- upon the word of God--upon general or common utility, and your own interest, and make no doubt that wherever there is tgge religion, it will be heard and complied with. Of course, days of fasting and prayer were urged upon the people as well. 25Leland, Virginia Chronicle, p. 31. 26Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 500. 27Quoted in "Presbyterians and the Revolution," pp. 130-31. 307 Under the guidance of John Blair Smith, Hampden-Sydney experienced an awakening by 1789 which began to affect Presbyterianism throughout the southern and western portions of the Presbytery of Hanover.28 There were clergymen of the presbytery from the northern part of Virginia who rejected the revival and remained away from presbytery meetings. They scoffed at the Spiritual awakening with the result that several of them were cited by the presbytery to answer for their conduct. These few remained unmoved, however, and continued with their congregations to relish their apathy.29 The revival was full-blown by the end of the century and became known as the Awakening of 1800.30 As the Revolution closed, the strong stand Baptists and Presbyterians had taken for guaranteed civil and religious freedoms had assumed another dimension. Many dissenter 28William Hill, Autobiographical Sketcheg, pp. 113-14. William Graham visited Smith's school and churches and par- ticipated in the revival. The two were natural rivals since each headed a Presbyterian educational institution. Hill commented: "Whenever they met in Presbyteries or Synods, [they] were wont to take different sides almost upon every subject that was introduced, & try their strength against each other." Hill reported that the revival ended any obvious jealousies and rivalry. Needless to say, Graham took the revival with him to his own school. Also see H.A. White, Presbyterian Leaders, pp. l75ff. 29William Hill, AutobiographicalSketches, p. 116. 30See Rice, "A Sermon on the Present Revival of Religion"; Beardsley, American Reviyals, chap. V; Heman Humphrey, Revival Sketches and Manual (New York: American Tract Society, 1859), pp. 100-101; Foote, Sketches of:yirginia, II, chap. XIII; H. A. White, Presbyterian Leaders, pp. l75ff. 308 clergymen had become deeply disturbed about the troublesome presence of slavery, finding it totally incompatible with their theological and philosophical convictions. While an intensive perusal of the issue is beyond the scope of this study, a brief statement about the dissenter position in Virginia is germane because it was a natural outgrowth of their belief-system. It is impossible to judge statisti- cally how uniform their opposition to the slave institution was. Lack of records is the chief obstruction to that endeavor. This study has simply compiled some of the views of and decisions made by individual clergymen and their churches at the war's end or shortly thereafter. It is by no means definitive; rather the results may be said to be indicative of what further research would reveal. Perhaps the most concise and accurate appraisal of the slave issue for dissenters was penned by David Rice. The statement seems to bring together the sentiments of all those Baptist and Presbyterian clergy who left for posterity some evidence of their position. Rice wrote: "When men are bought and sold, converted into beasts and sacrificed to Mammon, and that by advocates for equal liberty and the rights of humanity; then the pious patriot must feel the "31 greatest anxiety. Dissenters were to make note that 31Rice, "A Lecture on Divine Decrees," p. 52. 309 while they were Americans--not Africans--and white--not black--their struggle for equal rights as dissidents paralleled the pathetic plight of the slaves. The greatest hypocrisy was practiced by those who demanded for themselves that which they would deny others. John Leland's query pressed the evangelicals to face the same decision that Rice had advocated--that slavery was incomprehensible in a free society. Leland asked, "If we were slaves in Africa, how should we reprobate such reason- ing as would rob us of our liberty." With candor he observed, "It is a question, whether men had not better lose all their property, than deprive an individual of his birth- right blessing-~freedom."32 Leland's conviction was that any political system which was so inflexible that changes to implement justice were impossible must be destroyed--the sooner, the better. The writings of David Rice, John Leland, David Barrow, William Graham, and Moses Hoge on slavery can be reduced to four major premises which may possibly reveal the Christian libertarian stance of many Virginia dissenters at the close of the revolutionary period. These points are: 1. As God's creation, all men are equal with respect to liberty. Those who deny this right to others are guilty of the greatest injustice possible. 32Leland, Virginia Chronicle, p. 97n. 310 2. The slave is bound to obey laws to which he never consented, from which he receives no advantage, and by which he was meant to be punished as a person. 3. As a member of society, the slave, denied human rights, is properly in a perpetual state of war with his master, the tyrannous laws, and every free member of that society. On the part of the slave, the war is properly defensive. 4. The slave's cause is much greater than that which was the cause of war between the American colonies and Great Britain.33 These men lived as they preached; Rice34 and Leland35 possessed no slaves, and Leland in 1789 presented a resolu- tion to abolish slavery to the Baptist General Committee.36 Barrow emancipated his slaves, which was a severe economic blow to his family and, according to Semple, "limited his usefulness."37 33See Rice, Slavery Incongistent with Jgstige and Gggd Policy (Lexington, Ky.: 1792); Leland, Virginia Chronicle, pp. 94-98, "A Circular Letter of Valediction, On leaving Virginia, in 1791," appended to "The Yankee Spy"; Barrow, "Circular Letter," pp. 12-13; W. Graham, An Essay on Govern- ment, p. 7; M. Hoge, "The Sophist Unmasked," p. 331. The fourth point was specifically the view of Rice (see p. 13); however, one is tempted to believe that at least Leland and Barrow would have embraced the same conclusion. 34 p. 27. 35 Morrison, Hampden Sidney: Dictionary of Biography, Leland, "Circular Letter." 36See "Minutes of the Baptist General Committee at Their Yearly Meeting Held in the City of Richmond, May 7th, 1790," MS. in Richmond: Virginia Baptist Historical Society; Samuel C. Mitchell, "Address at Bicentennial of Orange County, V., Sept. 26, 1934," Religious Herald, CVII (Oct. 18, 1934). 37Semple, Rise . . . of the Baptists, (1894 rev. ed.), p. 466. 311 It is known that Jeremiah Moore and Lewis Lunsford favored freedom for slaves but accepted gradualism as the policy to be used. Lunsford desired the development of an equitable method of emancipation to benefit slave and master.38 Moore was hesitant to free his slaves because "the State had made no provision for freed slaves and he "39 knew not how to accomplish it. His will states: The Situation of the Laws at present, and the State of this unhappy Country generally leaves no oppor- tunity to say anything about that part of my family that are Slaves by Law. I must leave them there- fore to the mercy of my Children and hope they will do to and for them what is right.4 In addition to Moore and Lunsford, John Blair Smith was recognized as an anti-slave dissenter, but as one writer put it, he was not "an incendiary" regarding the issue.41 It is not unjust nor unfair to demand of these dis- senters that their sincerity and integrity regarding civil and religious freedom for themselves be broad enough to include the most miserable of all human beings, the slave. 38Toler, "Funeral Sermons on the Death of Elder Lewis Lunsford, 1795," MS. in Richmond: Virginia Baptist His- torical Society, p. 24n. 39 E. B. Jackson, "A Romantic Chapter, p. 8. 40Jeremiah Moore, Last Will and Testament, drawn up Aug. 1, 1814, and recorded at Fairfax. Typescript in Richmond: Virginia Baptist Historical Society. 41 p. 45. Morrison, Hampden Sidney: Dictionary of Biography, 312 How many passed this test and proved to be men of principles regardless of the economic and social implications is not known. It is gratifying to find that a firm commitment to abolition was made by some, and it is not pure speculation to believe that the "some" may indeed have been many. Virginia Baptists and Presbyterians, at war's end, were a thankful and hopeful people. At the same time, independence and victory could not screen out the irritating presence of several lingering problems. The Royal Establish- ment was dead, but an incorporated Episcopal Church had replaced the old enemy. And there were the state church harassments such as religious taxes and certain restrictions that the legislature could eliminate, if it would. The moral and religious decline was something far more personal, for it touched every congregation and entered the doors of every educational institution. There was an answer to the question of why God had given America the victory with her spirit in such a desperate state. A sovereign God's grace and mercy had softened His judgment and were striving to get America to accept another chance to become His chosen people. The gospel was meant to flourish in the new nation, but the peOple must repent of their sin and return to the God who had given them the victory. Slavery was another matter; such a complex issue could not be solved quickly. Yet the framework of logic in which the dissenters had presented 313 their case matched the slave situation almost identically. Individual initiative apparently was the technique to use to get eventually a larger and more vociferous following. At war's end, there was still much to be done. The record, however, would not permit Baptist or Presbyterian to hang his head in failure. Both denomina- tions had come so far since those days of rigid and often brutal law enforcement before the war. Independence had opened the door for God to perfect the work He had begun among them. Presbyterians could join with Baptists in a sober but grateful look at what had transpired since the beginning of the war: When we reflect that the other day, we emerged from slavery and darkness, from oppression and personal abuse--from prisons, pains, and fetters: to so glorious a state of civil and religious lib- erty--That the prejudices of thousands have sub- sided--the conversion of multitudes been promoted-- faithful ministers multiplied--new openings made for the spread of the precious Gospel--peace and union growing among ourselves--a more friendly spirit prevailing among real Christians of other denominations-- . . . --superstition and bigotry, with all the horrors attending, vanishing into their native darkness--we are ready to say, This is the Lord's doing; The Lord hath done great things for us, whereof we are glad. 42"Minutes of the Baptist General Committee Held at Nuckol's Meeting House in the County of Goochland, May 1791," MS. in Richmond: Virginia Baptist Historical Society. William Weber was moderator and Reuben Ford clerk. CHAPTER VIII CONCLUSION Can study of Virginia in the period of the Revolution be complete without the inclusion of the religious struggle? This work has attempted to answer the question by a detailed look at Virginia Baptists and Presbyterians during that time. Although research was hampered by a disappointing lack of records, the findings do indeed indicate that dissenter attitudes, opinions, and actions were significant in in- fluencing the outcomes of the twin struggles which were the Revolution in Virginia. Religious and political freedoms were sought by both denominations, with the former endeavor beginning earlier and providing the atmosphere out of which the second could mature. For almost one hundred years, the issue of church and state had been constantly before the colonists in one way or another. This is not surprising since religion was important to most Virginians and vital to many. The super- naturalism of their day was shaped by the more pious seven- teenth and eighteenth centuries, while our hindsight view is from the secular and materialistic twentieth century. 314 315 Public and private religious matters were controversial because they were personal, and in order to foster uni- formity of faith and practice, it was believed they must be controlled by the civil authority. The increasing revolutionary atmosphere and activity served as a vacuum into which religious grievances were drawn. There they became part of the embroilment with political and economic issues and were almost lost to the student of history whose thinking had been conditioned to take religion lightly or to reject it altogether as a motivating force. Virginia's dissenting evangelicals committed themselves to resistance to the mother country because their understand- ing of theology and philosophy told them that any government which denied them their God-ordained rights was guilty of tyranny and not worthy of their allegiance. From the doc- trinal milieu in which they were schooled was born that body of truth which made religious freedom and political freedom inseparable. They believed that the American cause was a divine one because, in the shadow of tyranny, Americans were covenanting together to resist Great Britain and to form a free government with stated powers and cognizant of God- given human rights. Dissenter clergymen preached a funda- mental faith regarding human worth as children of God, the necessity of political freedom that there be no interference with God's working out His will within the life of the 316 believer, and the justice of God's intervention in the affairs of men to the putting down of "the mighty from their seats," and the exaltation of "them of low degree."1 Man's part, they believed, was to accept the will of God, follow the guidance of Scripture, and reject the world- liness that sapped the Christian's faith and vigor. Their dogma served as a catalyst to bind them together to their common purpose despite severe testing and near defeat. This is not to say that other motives of a secular nature were inferior to the religious in the reactions of the dissenters. Economic betterment, protection of one's own, social pressure, self-aggrandizement, or a host of other factors as personal and diverse as each individual were influential in determining what one believed and/or did regarding the cause. Religion did animate the dis- senters, however. In fact, it was an indispensable part of their response to the issues of the 17605 and 703. Without it, the Baptist or Presbyterian front would not have been as uniform in their opposition to the mother country. Without it, their resistance might not have been as vigorous. Because of it, the Revolution became haloed with the divine approval. Their faith was an invigorating force, for it provided a logic for taking up arms, a con- viction for continuing the fight, and a reward for the 1Luke 1:52. 317 securing of victory. It was that special blending of dissenter religion with other motivations which permits us to set apart Baptists and Presbyterians for a distinct and unique study. The dissenters were not warmongers, however, .Presby- terians, we recall, had cautioned their constituency that the brave man "never fights until it is necessary, and . . . ceases to fight as soon as the necessity is over."2 And the petition of Virginia Baptists, drawn up in August 1775, had stated "that in some Cases it was lawful to go to War, and also . . . to make a Military resistance against Great Britain." They carefully explained that their deci- sion was based on Britain's "unjust Invasion, and tyrran- nical Oppression of, and repeated Hostilities against America."3 Both denominations had endeavored to remove religious and political inequities from within the law and without a revolution. Their involvement included petitions written as the result of popular support, sermons motivated by the need of certain basic rights guaranteed to the indi- vidual, face-to-face dialogues with the opposition, and debates carried on via the printed page. Some tested the existent laws; others ignored them and willingly accepted 2Records of the Presbyterian Church, p. 469. 3Journal of the Convention of Delegates, p. 16. 318 imprisonment. Armed resistance came when dissenters were convinced it was the only suitable response to tyranny. Actually, civil and religious liberty was inevitable. Non-Anglican segments of the population, among them the numerous Scotch-Irish, were growing rapidly. The Great Awakening had given numbers and vitality to an evangelical voice that acknowledged the will of God to be above the 4 The clash with the state Church was will of the state. unavoidable as the result of these developments. When that struggle included a collision with the System that sustained the Established Church, the fight for broad liberties was to the finish. When the British political yoke was broken, ecclesiastical ties were severed, too. Full religious freedom ultimately came despite the attempt to replace the royal church with an American-based Episc0palian structure. Those first state constitutions made evident the impor- tance of religious liberty by references to it either in the original drafts or in the amendments.5 Virginia was no 4Cedric Cowing was explicit in his appreciation of the evangelical role: "It seems clear that without the large evangelical component in the colonial population, there would have been no military victory over the redcoats, and beyond that no Independence, no Constitution, no legalized religious freedom, and no dramatic opportunity to be a beacon to the world. . . . The oral tradition of north and west England, the 'West Country,’ Ulster and Wales, seasoned by Calvinism, and reinforced by the American environment, was the essential ingredient in the Spirit of '76." Great Awakening, p. 224. 5See Carl Bridenbaugh, Mitre and Sceptre: 1689-1775 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1962), p. xiii. 319 exception. Although this freedom was not established until 1786, petitions, proposals, and reports kept the ramifi- cations of the issue before the Assembly from the early 17705 on. The dissenters possessed the organizational machinery to provide the avenue for an effective dissemination of information and appeals for action. The Presbyterian synod and presbyteries, along with the Baptist associations, became pertinent as clearing-houses of activity.6 Pastoral letters contained political as well as religious materials; itinerant preachers carried the latest news to congregations along the far-flung frontiers of the church; fast days kept the people's minds on the issues and current needs. Beside channeling the energies of the churches into effective action against the state church, these larger dissenter bodies practiced and thus were examples of representative government.7 The revolutionary role of the dissenter movement in Virginia cannot be lightly passed over. How important was religion as a cause for which one would resist the power of Great Britain? Clarence Vance affirmed it was "one of the greatest, if not the greatest, 6See Kramer, "Political Ethics of the American Presby- terian Clergy," p. 394. 7Ibid., pp. 204-207, 394. 320 8 As far as Virginia dissenters of its underlying causes." were concerned, Vance was correct because the whole issue rested upon the relationship between God and His master- creation Man. Vance continued: It would appear that the religious strife between the Church of England and the Dissenters furnished the mountain of combustible material for the great conflagration, while the disputes over stamp, tea, and other taxes and regulations acted merely as matches of ignitation. Again, the evidence points in this direction as far as dissenter convictions were concerned. And if the Virginia dissenting clergymen preached human rights, recruited troops, shouldered weapons, served in political offices, and provided supplies on the basis that their religious and philosophical beliefs would permit no lesser action, Bridenbaugh's persuasion must become our conviction: "It is indeed high time that we repossess the important his- torical truth that religion was a fundamental cause of the American Revolution."10 John Leland explained why he supported the American Revolution, and it seems probable that nearly all the 8Samuel Seabury, Letters of a Westchester Farmer, ed. by Clarence H. Vance (White Plains, N.Y.: Westchester County Historical Society, 1930), P. 1. 9Ibid. loBridenbaugh, Mitre and Sceptre, p. xiii. 321 Virginia dissenter community would subscribe to his commentary: The revolution of America has been an event which . . . has promised more for the cause of humanity, and the rights of man, than any revolution that can be named. . . . The American revolution, therefore, may be justly esteemed the returning dawn If long lost liberty, and the world's best hope. Baptists and Presbyterians, convinced of the rightness of their country's cause, joined with their non-dissenter neighbors to throw off the British yoke. The outcome is our own unique history. llLeland, "Oration, . . . , on the celebration of Independence," p. 259. APPENDICES APPENDIX A THE IMPRISONMENT OF VIRGINIA BAPTIST CLERGY 322 APPENDIX A THE IMPRISONMENT OF VIRGINIA BAPTIST CLERGY Baptist religious practice, carried on without approval by the colony, met with abuse in Virginia at the same time the revolutionary atmosphere was building there. Anglicans believed that the Baptists were dangerous to the welfare of the colony for the met so often and their mode of wor- ship was considered sacrilegious due to emotional excesses that were rumored to be so vital to the services of these dissenters. They were critical of the royal church and deemed Anglicans as a fertile mission field. The biographer of Edmund Pendleton observed that "the Baptists were singled out by the sheriffs of some counties as a public nuisance because their teachers persisted in holding night meetings outside regular meeting houses where prOper order could not be maintained." He also stated that curiosity brought onlookers who sometimes "engaged in vice and crime" and that slaves were drawn by the appeal of the evangelists which intensified the fear of the planters that they might lose control of the black population.1 1Robert L. Hilldrup, The Life and Times of Edmund Pendleton (Chapel Hill: University of North CaroIina Press), pp. 91-92. 323 324 Imprisonment became common then for a number of the denomination's preachers--ordained and unordained. For Baptists the call to preach did not necessarily mean a long preparation before the evangel began his ministry. And it did not necessarily mean ordination. Of course, this was another irritant to the establishment as it watched the Baptist excesses. Incarceration was usually preceded by the interruption of worship services and often accompanied by beatings. The following Baptists will serve as examples of preachers who defied colonial laws, believing that the call to preach the gospel of Jesus Christ was a commission above the devices of men. Imprisonment was a result which some of them expected. The warrant for Jeremiah Moore's arrest and incarceration in Alexandria referred to him as a "Stroller," a derisive term for a circuit rider or itinerant minister.2 To Moore's sentence was added this statement, born out of the most intense disgust: "You will lie in jail until you rot."3 Later when Moore founded the First Baptist Church of Alexandria, he placed in it a drawing of the Alexandria jail in memory of his imprison- ment there.4 2E. B. Jackson, "A Romantic Chapter," p. 6. 3Quoted in Ryland, Monument Address, p. 12. 4Helen Hill, George Mason, p. 44. 325 Caroline County ordered Bartholomew Chewning, James Goodrich, and Edward Herndon to jail, there to remain "till they give security, each in the sum of twenty pounds & two securities each in the sum of two pounds, for their good behaviour twelve months and a daye."5 John Young's imprisonment in Caroline lasted six months, and the sentence ordered him to give security to the amount of £50 "to keep the peace for a year and a day."6 James Ware's experience with the Caroline Court had a surprise ending. He was imprisoned for sixteen days on a charge of preaching in his house. Offering to provide bond for his good behavior, he did not state specifically that he would desist from preaching in his home. The court rejected his offer at first but later changed its mind.7 The Chesterfield jail was notorious for being used longer to hold Baptist preachers than any other in Virginia.8 The persecution in that county was so intense that from 1772 to 1774 all Baptist ministers entering were arrested and imprisoned.9 While Joseph Anthony, a 5County records quoted in Wingfield, Caroline County, pp. 316-170 6Ibid., p. 330; T. E. Campbell, Caroline County, p. 436. 7Wingfield, Caroline County, p. 324. 8C. F. James, Struggle for Religions, p. 213. 9See Vir inia Magazine of History and Biography, XI (1903-1904), 315; Ryland, Monument Address, pp. 11-12. 326 preacher possessing a powerful voice, was being held in Chesterfield, crowds gathered outside the jail to listen to his exhortations. It was "judged the best policy to dismiss him." However, getting rid of him was not that easy. His cell door was left unlocked, "that it might be reported he had fled from prison." Then the door was left ajar. This was followed by an appeal from his jailer, but Anthony refused: "They have taken us openly, uncondemned, and have cast us into prison; and now, do they cast us out privily? Nay; verily; but let them come themselves and fetch us out."10 It was by the Chesterfield court that Jeremiah Walker was put under a bond of £50 for good behavior.11 Lewis Craig was imprisoned in Spotsylvania for approxi- mately one month, and then, three or four years later, he had the misfortune of being incarcerated in the Caroline jail for three months.12 Craig's misfortune worked favor- ably for John Waller, who had been on the grand jury that tried Craig in Spotsylvania. He was so affected by Craig's loSee St. Paul's statement, Acts 16:37; J. B. Taylor, Virginia Baptist Ministers, I, 49. 11Robert K. Brock, Archibald Capy of Ampthill: Wheel- horse of the Revolution (Richmond: Garrett and Massie, T937) , p. 127. 12J. B. Taylor, Virginia Baptist Ministers, I, 85-91; Robert Davidson, Presb terian Church . . . Kentucky, pp. 86-87; WingfieId, Caroline County, p. 324. 327 conduct, he attended Baptist meetings and experienced conversion. Following that event, he began to preach, was arrested, and spent one hundred thirteen days in four different jails. In Caroline, Waller's bond was set at £40, which he refused to pay.13 While Waller was in the Middlesex jail, he wrote a letter, dated August 12, 1771, in which be disclosed that he and his colleagues--probably three: James Greenwood, Robert Ware, and William Webber--had been searched for arms and then charged with mutiny.l4 The charge seems far-fetched but may fit the nature of the alleged crime: "laboring to persuade many Persons in Communion of the Church of England to dissent from the same" and "raising factions in the minds of his majesty's Subjects."15 A similar charge was levelled against William McClanahan and Nathaniel Saunders. On August 21, 1773, they were served a warrant charging that they did "Teach and Preach Contrary to the Laws and usages of the Kingdom of Great Britain, raising Sedition and Stirring up Strife amongst 13J. B. Taylor, Virginia Baptist Ministers, I, 78—85; T. E. Campbell, Caroline County, p. 222. 1 4Quoted in Gewehr, Great Awakening, p. 130. 15Quoted in "Baptists in Middlesex, 1771," 209. 328 his Majestie's Liege People."16 The charge was extremely harsh, but it is not certain whether it was reduced or how long the men remained in jail. While being held in the Culpeper jail, James Ireland suffered greatly. His enemies attempted to kill him with an explosion of gunpowder. This failing, they tried to asphyxiate him with a fire of sulfur and Indian pepper. They finally succeeded in giving him poison, from which he never fully recovered. His constitution remained weakened throughout the remainder of his life. Ireland made the prison memorable by letters written during his confinement, which he dated from "My Palace in Culpeper."l7 Nathaniel Holloway, who was jailed in Caroline for a time, later became the first dissenting minister to qualify to perform marriages by the Caroline court.18 As this work has already stated, Elijah Baker was imprisoned twice in Accomack-~the first time in an attempt to deport him and the second for a period of fifty-six days. The charge was preaching without a license, perhaps 16 1773. 17C. F. James, Struggle for Religious Liberty, p. 214; Kercheval, Valley of Virginia, pp. 65-66. 18 Warrant, Court of Culpeper County, Va., Aug. 21, T. E. Campbell, Caroline County, p. 284. 329 the last dissenter to be arrested on such a warrant in Virginia.19 It was a harsh period, and the effect on the Baptists was to make them--almost to a man--supporters of American civil and religious liberty, if it would take that to bring them deliverance. 19J. B. Taylor, Virginia Baptist Ministers, I, 110- 15; Whitelaw, Virginia 3 Eastern Shore, I, 122-23; II, 1020. Baker's experiences took place in 1778. 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nomaoOHH mos Noon 6 .euaaoo onHopoum .noaanu muouoz maHHHom onu aH oSHu o you nonoooum Houaamo aHononU ammuoneHo aHoHauao mhhHl homHI mHmHlmth vmle MbhHI MNmHIANvoth Amnionth .m .9 samblmthv aophow nuuoz w o>oo non "oHHoEonHa HNmumeth nooz auonuuoz "naps uaouoaHuH amneHo oHnoaoona ooHHaasu "xooaaoa muouoooae poHHmmam "noHHononm UAHmeHV hoaoemlaonmaom "House AmonHv race uaouoaHuH oHaHmHH> w mHao>Hemaaom "nuos uamuoaHuH Ammlothv MHHanon¢ "xMMHHmm AmenmoeHv noono m.xoou w aHmuaao2 condom "panamaa Alemhth maHMHm GHouadO2 w o>OU nOHm ..m .Q “Awthbth maHon aHouaao2 w anmnoom uoHHMEonHa oHao> IHemaaom w OMHaHmHH> unhos uamuoaHuH HoSEom .oxooq moaon .maoq manna .moon nooon .MaoM unoaoa .auHoa .m ooomH .auHoa WMEOSH. s GOmMOmh EdHHHHz .aHSHH sounaa .aouaam A.©.uaoov m oHnde '357 moHHmmam poanaHam EmHuOHHumm ponomonm moHHmmam poanaHam A IonnHv aHoHanU MNmHlvth mHmHI AmthV ouosoHoa um oomHI theHv maHH Ioumo nuuoz ”m HHmHImVNH Hnthv moHaonmoHHa onu mo woos um Hoth ouomonv exosuaox "m mmlemth Amthu 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Hoauae A .n.uaoov m oHnoe 363 :.Ho3 whoaOHuaHo>om on» no maHonono one «now no muoHnHom: .mEoHHHH3 .m mmmmmmmm aoHHoumnmon anonuaom .opHn3 .n «muoumHaH2 mHuom muH mo monouonm Hoonmonon nuHB .oth Hooe on» HHuaa aHmHHo muH Bonn .oOHHoaa aH nouanu aoHHoMNnmoum on» no muouoHn a .Houmno3 .m «HhmH on mNhH some «.o> .muaaou oumamaa mo mHoaaa .HHonno3 .n «Aqu .HHHxx .xx .HHHx .H> .mHo>v.NmmWHm0Hm oao huoumHm mo oaHnomo2 oHaHmHH> «H .Ho> .nuaom onu aH maoHHoummoon .aommaone .m «oemthheH .huaaoo aoumaHnmo3 .ooaHuoonH .oHaHmua3 uno3anaom moanouuaa .uaoaaam .a «naoHaonaanoam one .HHH .Ho> "uHmHao aooHaoaa onu mo mHoaaa .A.pov osmoamm .3 «mhhH onomon oOHHoEa aH nuaanu aoHHoumnmon onu mo mnoumHaHz mo HHQm «oOHuoaa mo monoum nouHaD on» aH nouanu aoHuoummooum on» no mouooom «sensuaoo nuaoouanm on» aH mmHoHo aoHHouhnmoum aoOHHoEn onu mo mOHnum HooHuHHOm ode... 88889 :H «aonmaHuaam mo muouwnmoum onu mo enoumHn .aonnHo .3 «oaHHouoo auaoz no uoaouoam can .HH o H noHuom..uHaHmaH> no morouoam .ouoom .3 mmmmmumwmm .Mmmmmmmm .aoHnuHm .m «Immonmon oHaHmMH> mo oHnomoHoeoam «moHHnEommn anonuaom nao anonunoz on» maH InaHoaH «oOHHofia mo monoum pouHaD on» aH nouano aoHHoMNnmon onu gnu oHnomoHowoam «oHaHmuH> mo hoHHo> onu aH monouano on» no nouonm mmoaHEHHoum o nuH3 .Nmoauaon mo ououm on» aH nonanu aoHHoANnmonm on» no muoumHn .aomnH>oo .m «.o> .muaaoo MUHuononm mo mHoumHn a «muaonaoomoo HHone pao muooaOHa hoHHo> noonaoaonm .HHoHuuoU .e «:mthloveH .oHaHmHH> enoaOHuSHo>om nao HoHaOHoo aH uaoomHa aoHaouenmon mo oHom ones .aBOHm oaHaonqu «aOHuaHo>om onu nao maoHHoumnmoum .nooum .3 «:oHaHmHH> aH HmHaoHHouenmoum mo huoumHn eHuom nao aHmHuos .nuoom .Q «wuauaou nuaoouanm onu maHaan omoHHou aouooaHHm .Hooaoona .m "muaaoooo maH3oHHom onu aw canon aoHuoEHomaH maHma nouonEoo >HomHoH mo3 aOHuoHHmEoo mHne AOHmHIothv oaoum oumflmfid "oum5052 AmsneseHv 3soonoa aouoHHoe on ooaoumHmom mmmHIHth huaomlaoumaHnmo3 .HomHoaHHm EoHHHH3 .aomHH3 AthHv oHao> (Hanaaoa "a AmoeeH oumHV homHI noouu aomuouuom noHHmmam "oHHnmmEon Hoafiom .nmao3 A.©.uaoov m oHnoe 364 .33 .Aoooauaaooav > .naoom .unoaoauansoo «m .a .oonaaaaooa .xoom unsooo . .HH .0 .H .ouoamaa .xoom uuaou n .nmm .Aouuamaav HH .uxoom .uuoaoauuHasoo «m .H .ouuamaa .xoom uuaou «.m.a .H .oumamaa .noom ouooHMHunoU an .HH .oumama< .mumHooom a mouooHMHuHoU mo mumHAo o.mH.aw euooH>nom= .soo mm\eH\HH soHnuoo can moon Hoasom Aaoo .a .umc o.oH.mw maHuooHHoo mama mm o>ona= uaaoo mmxm oooHanroom o.aouusom A.nouoHamHum uoa mo3 ouou NHHop Ho GOHUMHOGSBOH HMUOQ Ofi UGOESOE nos nHau uoauoa3c .uom on uaaoHo oaHaaa maHanuno uasoo mm\oH\o neon m .moHHmmam ooH>uom UHHnam moaon a mo nouooHHoo uoHuunHa nuaoo mmon\m onusmaa .oaom3oao mm.msa n how cooH>oaa uaouuo3 AsHoHo manna nuaoo em\Hm\m o.o.mHm a .uuoo mmx ASouH manna .aoo mm\o \m mama 3H =.uaHoHo Ahon .m aH maHnou w maHaHono m.H.m naonov o.m.mmw you Honors Hosanna susaooe uasoo mm\mH\m .maH m .3oHHoe muuHa me\n aaon o.o.va .uaH co .aouusa .nooa a manna on\n onusosa o.asoum uncoom osHo> ooH>aom no moHHmmam mo omhe w muaaoo aoaemaoHU AmOONHV ouoo emHoHU aoHHouhnmoum oHaHmHH> mo mfiHoHU o0H>nom UHHnam .v oHnoe 365 =.>om= mo oHuHu o.nuHEm monaHoaH phonon one =.uaoHaao= anon .>om= ou uao onos mo3 ouoOHMHuHoo one .mm .m .nuo3om ooaHum .noom Mason 0 .m.a .NoHonHom .noom ovoOHMHunoo m .m.a .HHH «mlv .H .oumamaa .mumHooom a monoOHMHuuoO mo mumHno .3H .NH .33 .oam3om ooaHna .aoom nnsoo n AHouaoaHuaOOII.nH .m anon .m .an umoEHoV o.mH.mw .mnH mnm =.moon mmouo: uaaoo Nm\ nuo3nm ooaHHm m.nuHsm anon A.xa .a o.o.mmv o.o.mmw .nra m ..aa H .uooa3 .unoo om\om\oH aoHoauom o.uanaaoz A.aH .a .noHe o.oH.Hsaw .naH moo =.usoHo aossoo. nunHa Hm\om\m m .mnH omH .Haon oumHA Hm\H \m =m.m.mw Anoom ouooHMHuuoUv oaHo> aH nomHonmo 3oupaa Ino.o.ommm oan some moon H mUmHn om\m \OH oumamaa o.oHaHoo2 AHouaoaHuaouv nu.sn .m .omae o.vH.mw .oa moo .uoor3 unsoo mm\ AHouaoaHuaOOIu.nH .m .owm uuosHoV o.m.HHw .unH mmH.H .ooom uaooo «ox . ooH>nom aoomono Mom nommoumEH =.aoHa noaoaa oH AHouaoaHuaoov o.o.oow .umv: .oHo .mnm e .omuon H uuaoo Nw\ oHoanoHa m .mnH me .aooom uuaou Nm\ pHo3nm ooaHHm U.muuonomo2 A.o.uaoov a oHnoe 366 :.nao&>om mo oEHn onn no HOHmH.maHHo>on, aOHnoHnonoa onn no moao2 Homom aH no naaom mom "NoHoommH ooaom o3n no oHnomom: «noon noHn3 noaHono oao hHao onn mo3 onoOHMHnHoo onen .owm .Aonmamaav HH .mnoom .mHoaOHomHEEoo «.m.a .H .onmawaa .noom onooHMHnHoUH mH :.>om= mo oHan m.nvoe . .nuooou onn aH nonaHoaH .NV a.HN and .nmnm ~.mm._..H5..._n svHOOQ “H500 nomofi smmflfis sunoom QHMOflHHHHOU n o.m.ow HA.aH .a .om. o.~.vw Ammo .a .om.u~c v.mH.ow A.nH .a .omc m.oH.mw A.sa .a .nmc o.m.ow A.nH .a .omo n.p.nw A.nH .a o.o.Hmv o.o.ommw A.nH .a o.o.ch o.o.m~vw A.oa o.o.mHHe o.o.oom A.on .a o.o.nwo o.o.oon Aonoum uu.sa .a .ume o.H.~w AHonaoaHnaoo unhon .m .nm.mhv o.mH.ow uson .uaH omm .Hooa H AEonH ofioov, .naH on .Hooa ..uan OH .aooon ..an ”N .auou AEonH oaomv neon m =.mo>oom hunaaoo mH Mom omoonanmom: AsonH osome .mnH mNN .moon H AaonH oaoov .an mN .noon3 .mnH 0mm .mo>oon N .wnH 0mm .moon H .mnH va .moon H .on n .osa .an 0N .aHoo aoHnaH exmn .am an aonn oHoE anoo .an NON: neon N =.MHooEHn naaonm omaom nuaou onn Bonn Hon3om maH>osoH .aoxo o nuou: .Eoo .MHOU UHQOU .nHOU UHSOU .UHOU nHfiOU .HHOU nuaoo .nHoU .UHOO .nHOU .HHOU .UHOU .nHoU nHSOU HHSOU maxo \o Home\~H mm\NH\m mm\cm\~ mmxo~\o Ho\oH\oH ~o\oH\v meH \HH mm\oH\v Hm\oH Hm\om\m om\H~\o omme\m om\om\m om\v \m mm\ mm\ onmamaa omHDOH woaon H«HHovUo3 anon .oooe A.p.naoov .m aaon .anHam A.o.naoov a oHnoe 367 .moaouuao nonoHoonon onn nnHB ooaonuoooo aH moon onn noaHo>oH nuaoo nuaononom one H .MH .m .nnaononom .xoom nuaou «.m.a .nuaononom .noom onooHMHnnoUn A.nH .m .pNv Hm.H.vw AEonH oaomv nuaou Nm\vH\m noHoo A.aH .a .ome moH.H.oH .unH memo .ooom .naoo Hm\am\oH nuaonouom .oooHHo3 n A.n.naoov a oHnoe APPENDIX C CALVINISTIC OPINION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY 368 APPENDIX C CALVINISTIC OPINION IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY Nineteenth-century interpretations of Baptist and Presbyterian opinion and action in the American Revolution were in large measure repetitious of the earlier period's expositions. However, throughout the nineteenth century, nationalism generated a style of writing both pompous and profuse in describing the American experience and destiny. Furthermore, in the atmosphere of centennial celebration in the 1870s, the popular literary subject was the founding of the nation, and the revolutionary performance of the two denominations became a salient feature in many publica- tions, especially of a sectarian nature. Denominational pride tainted Ca1Vinistic scholarship, yet much remained that was viable to the study of the serious historian. One popular postulate in the nineteenth century related American revolutionary ideals to the Protestant Reformation, which, of course, meant that they originated in the Bible. Moses D. Hoge wrote that "the streams of liberty flowed" from "the WOrd of God, from which the true ideal of representative government is derived," and from 369 370 the Reformation. He credited the sixteenth-century reformers with (l) awakening the world to the sacred nature of the domain of conscience, (2) proclaiming the value of the citizen as well as the worth of the soul, (3) bringing human intelligence in contact with the Scriptures which have promoted the arts and sciences, and (4) emphasizing that rulers have duties, the ruled have rights, and just government rested on the consent of the people, who alone were the true source of power.1 Hoge pointed out: The man who has been accustomed to cringe at the feet of a spiritual master will readily cower under the frown of a temporal despot; and on the other hand, the man who will not brook sacerdotal tyranny in the Church will be the very man who will not submit to civil despotism in the State. The Reformation had been the spring which made such a resistance possible. In an address attacking the Roman Catholic Church for its historic suppression of human freedom, T. V. Moore eulogized the Reformation for its providing a springboard from which "the birth and growth of American liberty" could lMoses D. Hoge, Memorial Discourse on the Planting of Presbyterianism in_Rentucky One HundrediYears Agg Tiouisville, Ky.: Courier-Journal Job Printing Co., n.d.), pp. 6-7. In the same citation, Hoge listed a third source of influence: the decisions and implementations neces- sitated by adversity of a civil and religious nature. 2Ibid., p. 9. 371 take place. He presented three propositions to support the allegation: l. The Reformation was a simple revival of New Testament Christianity that "prepared the way, and secured the success" of the“American Revolution. 2. The Reformation emancipated the human mind "from the trammels of ancient authority" and "found its earliest and most complete embodiment" in the struggle for indepen- dence. 3. The Reformation molded the principles and thus the character of the Revolution's leaders, thus producing a successful effort which must be3ascribed to the workings of Almighty God. A similar expression of regard for Reformation principles was published three decades earlier than the Moore address. The unnamed author, who may have been on the editorial staff of the Evangelical and Literary Magazine which car- ried the article, ascribed to the Reformation "the mighty impulse" that raised the human mind and character to a "new elevation" preparing the way for the American birth of freedom. The eighteenth-century American was enlight- ened; public opinion did exist; self-government was already in evidence. A "wonderful ordering of events" 3T. V. Moore, The Reformation, the Source of American Liberty: ApAddress Delivered before the Union Sociepy of Hampden Sydney CoIlege, June 9, 1852 (Richmond: Charles H. Wynne, 1852), p. 10. 372 had brought the pe0p1e to the place where they would assert their liberty.4 Among Presbyterians, it was pOpular to trace causa- tions of the American milieu back to John Calvin's pre- cepts, while others took them back to the ancient Hebrews. W. P. Breed asserted that Calvinism's impact upon Presby- terianism brought about "the strong affinity between Presbyterian and republican forms of government." He agreed with those who believed Calvinism and Presbyterian- ism shared common ideas. They were convinced that God ruled according to a plan fixed and certain. Government, too, represented order and stability. The affairs of the universe, of society, and of individuals should be founded on settled principles. Republicanism--such as that imple- mented in Geneva--established order through a system of local and general assemblies, which were united in effort and dedicated to the purpose of "vigorous government." At the same time, the assemblies were infused with energy for action and impatience with external control. They voiced their remonstrance against misgovernment and tyranny. John Knox had breathed the spirit of Calvin, and Scottish Presbyterianism had inherited the republicanism of Geneva. 4"The Influence of the Reformation on the American Revolution," Evangelical and Literary Magazine, VII (1824), 572. 373 It was not difficult to reason deductively that "republicanism [was] the Presbyterianprinciple."5 And it was for the protection of this precept that Great Britain was confronted with dissenter renitence as the revolutionary spirit developed. The same reasoning guided E. W. Smith to the conclu- sion that two hundred years of Calvinism had brought a basic understanding of human rights under God and its political form, republicanism, from Geneva to America via Scotland. The task of founding the new nation, he said, was not as difficult as some have imagined. They had a model to work by . . . . Calvinism furnished the foundation principles . . . ; it supplied the best and largest part of the early material of our Republic; it served as the invaluable training school . . . ; it furnished he model for the im- mortal constitution . . . . 5Breed, Presbyterians and . . . Revolution, pp. 23-27. See Foote, Sketches ofNorthCarolina, pp. 82-83, 97. Foote declared that Locke owed his Calvinistic teachers for many ideas which he developed in his writings. p. 87. A similar explanation is found in A. W. Miller, Presby- terian Origin of Independence, pp. 81-83. 6E. W. Smith, Creed of Presbyterians, pp. 139-42. Smith included several pages of quotations by theologians, historians, and political philosophers to support his con— tention that Calvinism led to the American Revolution and government. See pp. 119-25. As recently as 1951, the Journal of the Presbyterian Historical Society contained an essay which claimediif anyone 1Tis to be accounted the father of American Democracy, so far as his influence can be traced historically, it would be John Calvin rather than Thomas Acquinas." See Pears, "Presbyterians and American Freedom," p. 93. 374 Some Presbyterian writers recognized the governmental forms of the ancient Israelites as the first existential outgrowths of the comprehension of their political creaturehood under God. Divinity had directed them in the structure of their church and their state to the republi- can principle--in fact, the presbyterian principle. The Presbyterian Church is older than the Reforma- tion, older than the apostles, older then the New Testament. The Presbyterianism of the Old Testa- ment Church did not originate with the Jewish dispensation, but ante-dated it, and had its rise in the earliest age, the patriarchal, the govern- ment of thg church in that day being by presbyters or elders. In 1844 the same tie between the Hebrew and the Presby- terian forms was discussed by T. V. Moore before the Synod of Philadelphia. But he was convinced that the American political principles were related to the Hebrew structure as well. All the essential principles which be at the basis of the Government of the United States--the principles of republicanism in contrast with democracy, on the one hand, and an aristocratic sovereignty, on the other--were found in the Jewish Church;--were fully developed in the Christian Church;—-are clearly and prominently 7A. W. Miller, Presbyterian Origin of_. . . Indepen- dence, p. 79. See also Samuel J. Wilson, "The Presby- terianism of Western Pennsylvania and Its Influence on the West," Addresses and Historical Sketches Delivered at the CentenniaI Anniversary of’the Presbyterian Churches of Upper and Lower Ten MiIe TWashington, Pa., 1879), p. 33. 375 presented in the system of doctrine and government adOpted by the Presbyterian Church. Moore stressed that politically and religiously the "religious men" of the age of American Independence had carried forward the ancient covenants.8 Of course, Presbyterians were numbered among those American Patriots. A. W. Miller was not convinced that Baptists should share much of the credit for the advancement of civil and religious liberty in the founding of the American colonies. Basing his argument on three points, he rejected the suggestion that Roger Williams and his Baptist asso- ciates were first to assert those principles in America: 1. Williams' views regarding the power of the magistrate were not unique to him. Others before him "who were every way superior to him" believed as well that the magistrate's power was limited to the physical actions and outward state of men. Williams was not ban- ished for espousing this principle. 2. Williams was "one of the most intolerant of men." His rejection of others who did not agree with him doctrinely and his attitude toward women were examples. 3. Williams was still a Congregationalist when the events took place that sent him scurrying out of Massachusetts. More than a year later, he joined the Baptists. 8T. V. Moore, "Relative Influence of Presbytery and Prelacy, on Civil and Ecclesiastical Liberty; a Sermon Preached before the Synod of Philadelphia, Oct. 16, 1844," Southern Presbyterian Review, I (March, 1848), 34-35. 376 Miller's concluding statement blends a trace of animosity with a dash of triumph: "If any glory belongs to this so- called 'martyr of liberty' because of his banishment, this glory of their pet hero Baptists cannot share!" Presbyterians, he declared, should not boast in the spirit of vain-glory because they were the bulwark of civil and religious liberty. The simple fact was that because of the composition of their movement, "the effect follows from the cause."9 C. F. James defended the Baptists by accusing the Presbyterians of not being able to differentiate between toleration and liberty as the Revolution came to an end. The fact that the Virginia Presbyterian clergy favored the inclusion of their own denomination in the Establishment and the enactment of a general assessment for religious 10 Baptists, said James, purposes proved the allegation. were "the first and only religious denomination that struck for independence" and "made a move for religious liberty 9A. W. Miller, Presbyterian Origin of . . . Indgpen- dence, pp. 102-104. 10C. F. James, Struggle for Religious Liberty, pp. 189- 97. See also Hawks, Ecclesiastical History, p. 152. ‘W. G. McLoughlin said that because ofithis compromise with the Episc0palians, "the Separate-Baptists in Virginia saw the Presbyterians as middle-class snobs . . . ." "The .American Revolution as a Religious Revival," New England Quarterly, XL (1967), 109. At least one Presbyterian work 'ngeed with James: McGill, Hopkins, and Wilson, American Presbyterianism, p. 129. 377 before independence was declared." They also were "the only denomination that maintained a consistent record" on behalf of religious liberty "and held out without wavering 11 There was more truth than error in the unto the end." analysis by James. These nineteenth-century spokesmen placed major empha- sis on only two of the main themes preached by their revolutionary ancestors. A. W. Miller alone touched on God's intervention in American affairs by declaring that the gospel had been given to Americans to disseminate in word and deed. He believed that the quality of Patriotism was dependent upon how widely diffused the Christian message was in any age. It was "the only guardian of man's rights and interests" in this world and the next.12 The results of the war against Britain revealed a substantial amount of gospel knowledge among Americans. Ignored also as a topic of special concern was the quality of piety--the moral level of the citizens as it affected political progress and public 11C. F. James, Struggle for Religipus Liberty, p. 197. R. B. C. Howell, in his defense of the Baptist denomination, emulated Presbyterians E. W. Smith, W. P. Breed, T. V. Moore, and A. W. Miller. What they had stated on behalf of their :movement, he repeated for Baptists. He declared that the spirit of liberty which Baptists had contributed to Vir- ginia's role in the Revolution coincided with the politi— cal convictions of Baptists "in every age and country." Early Baptists, p. 81. 12A. W. Miller, Presbyterian Origin of . . . Indepen- dence, p. 76. 378 life. The two themes of natural rights and right of resistance remained popular in the writings of the nine- teenth-century sectarians. Both dissenting denominations believed that human laws must conform to the expressed will of God. Any law short of that standard ought not to be tolerated. It was impossible for them to divorce their religion from their politics, for intrinsic within their faith was their com- prehension of man's rights under God. Foote observed that the Presbyterians "had advanced far in the knowledge of human rights" and were on "the high road to republicanism, without, perhaps, being aware of the lengths they had al— ready advanced." Again, the fact that religion and politics had become one in shaping dissenter thought and action must be kept in mind as Foote's further commentary is considered: They had acknowledged that the authority of human government was from the same divine hand that made the world, fashioning the fabric of human society to require the exercise of good and wholesome laws for the promotion of the greatest good;--and had also claimed the right of choosing those who should frame and execute these laws;--contending that rulers, as well as the meanest subjects, were bound by law. l3Foote, Sketches of North Carolina, pp. 122-23. 379 These were the principles upon which they would base their society in America. Why did Presbyterians love America above all other lands? This was the question answered by E. H. Gillette as he described what they found here. There were no cumbrous hierarchies, no prescriptive rights of nobility or primogeniture, no courts of Star Chamber and High Commission, no obtrusive and impertinent interferences, save in a few instances, with freedom of worship, or the enjoyment of civil and religious rights. Here were institutions which, if left undisturbed, came nearer than any others on the globe to realizing the ideal of a free and liberal government. Here the citizen might hope to enjoy for himself, and transmit-to his children, thf4 blessings of equal laws and constitutional freedom. Gillette declared that Presbyterian Opposition to the mother country was the result of an accumulation of grievances in reaction to Great Britain's threat to civil rights, conscience, and religious freedomlS--the very things that were America's blessings. A characteristic common to these later writers was the acceptance of resistance to British rule when restric- tions became oppressive and despotism was enjoying its day. A confrontation with British authority was not only unavoidable--it was entirely justified because it was in 14Gillette, History . . . Presbyterian Church, pp. 175- 76. 1522;9” P. 180. See T. V. Moore, "Relative Influ- ence of Presbytery and Prelacy," p. 9. 380 defense of what God had willed.l6 "In opposition to arbitrary power . . . . Presbyterians were true Whigs . . . . staunch, unbending republicans."17 They would not surrender their God-given treasure "to the arrogant claims and encroachments of the British ministry, or . . . to the terror even of invading armies."18 They feared the English had "designs to enslave them,"19 and they knew if they yielded their civil rights, "spiritual despotism was sure to follow."20 J. G. Craighead explained, They clearly perceived the province and duties of the civil magistrate, and so long as he used his office to promote the welfare of his people he was to be respected and obeyed; but when he assumed the prerogatives of a spiritual ruler, and sought to bring the Church into bondage to the State, and deprive it of the rights and jurisdiction with which it was entrusted by Christ, his claims were to be denied. 16Foote, Sketcbes of North Carolina, p. 123. T. V. Moore called these "immemorial rights“--God-given and Bible-centered. "Relative Influence of Presbytery and Prelacy," p. 45. 17 "Essays on the Government and Discipline of the Presbyterian Church in the United States," Evangelical ,gnd Literary Magazine, IX (1826), 26-27. 18Gillette, History . . . Presbyterian Church, p. 176. 19"The Influence of the Reformation," p. 572. 20Craighead, Scotch and Irish Seeds, p. 347. 21Ibid. 381 Foote's rationale for Presbyterian resistance was practically identical to Craighead's, but he added a brief commentary on how far such a revolution should go: "In extreme cases, revolution by force is the natural right of man; not a revolution to throw down authority, and give license to passion, but a revolution to first principles, and to the inalienable rights of man."22 Craighead alone was explicit in the introduction of another dimension to the accusation of British tyranny. Venturing into the area of economics, he stated that Presbyterians were aware of England's policy "to use her colonies for her own interests, irrespective of their rights or their consent." The trade of this country was already in English hands . . . . Oppressive laws which would destroy the manufactures and the agriculture of the new colony, . . . , might be enacted at any time; and the only way to prevent . . . the evils and the injustice . . . was firmly to resist the first encroachments of irreSponsible authority. But Craighead returned to the religious nature of the dissenter cause for resistance: the threat posed by the Established Church could mean "farewell to all liberty of conscience." That was too much for the Presbyterians-- and, as has been seen, the Baptists--to take passively.23 22Foote, Sketches of North Carolina, p. 137. 23Craighead, Scotch and Irish Seeds, pp. 316-17. 382 To pursue this phase of the study further would lead to redundancy. Laying aside their sectarian boasting,24 the efforts of these nineteenth-century scribes still con- tributed to the body of knowledge concerning Calvinists in the Revolutionary War. Whether the subjects were Virginia dissenters or inhabitants of some other colony, the pat- tern of argument and activity described by these writers was accurate. The founding principles of the Calvinistic groups, the nature of their theology and philosophy in combining liberty and law, and the goals which they were pledged to cherish--all combined to make a unified, Patri- otic response to British intrusions possible.25 24Perhaps the most flagrant example of denominational "horn-blowing" was penned by Samuel Wilson: "Without Presbyterian muscle, Presbyterian brain, Presbyterian valor and true Calvinistic endurance and perseverance, American Independence would not have been achieved." "Presbyterian- ism of Western Pennsylvania," p. 33. 25 Gillette, History . . . Presbyterian Church, p. 173. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY SOURCES Public Documents Albemarle County. Public Service Claims: Court Book I. Virginia State Library. Amelia County. Public Service Claims: Court Book. 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Presbytery of New-Castle, Delaware; An Address to the Congregations under their Care: Setting forth the Declining State of Religion in their Bounds; and exciting them to the Duties necessary for a revival of decayed Piety amongst them, Aug. 11,1784.Wi1ming- ton, Dela., 1785. Microcard, Michigan State University. Records of the Presbyterian Church in the United States of America. Philadelphia: Presbyterian Board of Educa- tion, 1841. Rice, David. An Outline of the History of the Church in the State of Kentucky, during_a Period of Forty Years: Containing the Memoirs of Rev. David Rice, and Sketches ofithe Origiq_and Present State of Particular Churches, and of the Lives and Labours of a Number of Men Who Were Eminent and Useful in Their Day, Arr. by Robert H. Bishop. Lexington, Ky.:' Thomas T. Skillman, 1824. Seabury, Samuel. Letters to a Westchester Farmer. Ed. by Clarence H. Vance. White Piéins, N. Y.: Westchester County Historical Society, 1930. Searle, Ambrose. 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Microcard, Michigan State University. Vol. II. . "Christian Magnanimity," Works. Vol. II. . "The Dominion of Providence over the Passions oi:Men," Works. Vol. II. . "Lectures on Moral PhilOSOphy," Works. Vol. III. . "Reflections on the Present State of Public Affairs, and on the Duty and Interest of America in this Important Crisis," Works. Vol. IV. 394 "Speech in Congress on the Conference Proposed by Lord Howe," Works. Vol. IV. . "Thoughts on American Liberty," Works. Vol. IV. Other Manuscripts "The Albemarle Baptist Church Minute Book: 1773-1779; 1792-1811." MS. in Richmond: Virginia Baptist Histori- cal Society. "The Antioch (Raccoon Swamp) Baptist Church Minute Book: 1772-1837." MS. in Richmond: Virginia Baptist Histori- cal Society. "Briery Presbyterian Church Session Book, 1760-1840, Prince Edward County." MS. in the Virginia State Library. "The Broad Run Baptist Church Minute Book: 1762-1872." MS. in Richmond: Virginia Baptist Historical Society. Brown, John. Letters. 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