GOOD NEws FROM NEW ENGLAND: THE INFLUENCE OF THE NEw ENGLAND WAY or CHURCH POLITY oN OLD ENGLAND, 1635-1660 Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY BY RALPH F. YOUNG 1971‘ This is to certify that the thesis entitled GOG) NEVB FROM NEW ENGLAND: THE INFLUENG OF THE NEWENGLANDUAI OF CHURG POLITI GI DID ENGLAND. 1635-1660 presented by Ralph P, Young has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for 511.13, nge in m'tory Major professor ”-d I-_ _ _.“ - A—a—-‘——-—-——-—- -.—--——w.., __ _ . ——--_ ' ' The A in isolation c: on English inst dint evidence w? ‘POI-Etful influ decades of settle r39 introduction . Ind their gubse que ABSTRACT GOOD NEWS FROM NEW'ENGLAND: THE INFLUENCE OF THE NEW ENGLAND WAY OF CHURCH POLITY ON OLD ENGLAND, 1635-1660 By Ralph F, Young The American colonies have. for many years. been studied either in isolation or as the offspring of England, dependent in lost respects on English institutions, traditions, and ideas. However, there is abun- dant evidence which indicates that the infant colonies actually exerted a powerful influence on the mother country as early as the first three decades of settlement, especially in the realm of religious ideas. The introduction of these colonial ideas into England at this time, and their subsequent influence there is the subject of this disserta- tion. During the first decades of settlement in Massachusetts Bay Colony, a number of the Puritan ministers left New England and returned to their home land. In the process they brought with them the unique ideas concerning church polity which had been developed in the colony and which were known as the New England Way. These ideas also were introduced into the mother country by the pamphlet warfare which was emerging during the early years of the struggle against the King, Numer- ous tracts and pamphlets were presented arguing for or against either Presbyterianism or Independency of churches (Congregationalism), and the spreading of these throughout the kingdom, along with the influx of the New'England divines, produced a deep and enduring effect. One of the aspects of the New England way to which considerable .Itention bu be”- 911635. in New En andidrtos who con. “.3919. in his NOE Ihioh hath spread o “Riparian: in 01 ”35°" to the chur. m0 Iajor : Ralph F, Young attention has been devoted in this study is the ”test for saving faith,” By 1635, in New England, church membership was limited to only those candidates who could present evidence to the congregation that they had received saving faith from God and were thus qualified to enter into the church covenant. By 1640 this practice was beginning to be adopted in England, and it 18 clear from the available evidence that the impetus for this developsent came primarily from New England, John Child, for exanple, in his 19.! Englands m M Lip _a_t_ Lgndgn (Iondon, 1647), decland that "from New-England came Independencie of Churches hither, which hath spread over all parts here," as can be seen by the fact that many Puritans in pld‘England were becoming as selective in admitting members to the church as their brethren in New England. 'Ihe major research for this project fell into three distinct categories: firstly I examined the theological writings of New England ministers who returned during the civil wars to England (e.g., Thomas Weld, Samuel Eaton, Isaac Chauncy, Hugh Peter) and also those of the New England divines who did not return to the mother country, but whose sermons, letters, and pamphlets were read by their brethren in England (e,g., Thorns Hooker, John Cotton, and Richard Mather), Secondly, I studied the writings of the English ministers who were interested enough in the issue of church polity to read the works of their colonial brethren (e,g,, John Owen, Thomas Edwards, Robert Baillie, Richard Baxter, Thomas Goodwin, and John Goodwin), Finally, I explored the extant records of nonconformist. churches in Great Britain (primarily in London and East Anglia) in an effort to determine whether or not the New England Way was actually adopted there. The findings of this study suggest that this was indeed the case, '(rw 7 r f‘II up GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND: THE INFLUENE OF THE NEW ENGLAND WAX OF CHURCH POLITI ON OLD ENGLAND, 1635—1660 By Ralph F, Young A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHIIm0PHY Department of History 1.971 I should Emu-d University the staffs of the legister of Archie the not bulk of t) h, John Creasey, I 0% nimble and 1mm: md deciph 'mlodsnent is g: u” ““88"! funds meant of PM 5'51”” 1mrtltubla of! th. mmd. My other ACKN mm TS I should like to thank the staff of the Houghton Library at Harvard University where I did much of the preliminary research, and the staffs of the British.Nuseum, the Guildhall Library, the National Register of Archives, and the Dr. Williams's Library, all in London where the vast bulk of the research was completed. Special thanks is given to Mr. John Creasey, Deputy Librarian of the Dr. Williams's library for his often valuable and always kind assistance in the tedious latter of locating and deciphering seventeenth-century church records. Also acknowledgment is given to the WbodrowIWilson Fellowship Foundation for the necessary funds to make this project possible. The advice and sup couragonent of Professor Robert E, Will, Jr., as dissertation director, has been invaluable and without which this study would never have got off the ground, Hi y other people have, in their own small way, contributed to the preparation of this manuscript. I should like to thank Peter for his table and nerves: Bob and Cecil for their typewriters; Chris for a corner of his room, paraffin heater, and the occasional bowl of soup: Michael, Indy, Christa, Bob, and the Davids for their patient listening at ”Rose- lands” Gudrun for her reading, typing, Knoedelchen, and Cheese-andptolato toast: Benyon for his guitar; Don for his letters: Juergen for his quiet, scholariy'reading: Dan for his poems; Judi for her perspective; and Shindah who was such a sport throughout it all. ii IITRODUC'HON CHLP'ER I. CHAPER II. TABLI OF ”TENTS THENEWENGLANDWAI MWTAGIOUSAIROFDIDEIENIENCI . . . . . . . . CHAP‘BRIII. TESPTEADINGOFMPBNDENCI . . . . . . . . . . MRIV. THERETURNOFTHESAINTS ............. WV. mmmmuou OOOOIOIOIOOOOOOOO .ooscwsrw mm mm a, sermon B. armour c. AMEND]! D. mmmwmmmrgooooooooooo IMTHCHURCHCOVENANT............. COVENANT OF CHRIST CHURCH CATHEDRAL, DUBLIN . . . . ECLARATIGS OF EXPERIENG IN EEGIVIIG SAVING FAITH GIVEN AT CHRIST CHURCH CATHEDRAL, DUBLIN iii 22 W! 120 173 178 191 192 193 195 . ,u, EC IhmughI century practice interchangeably, 'Congrogational W the seventeenth-cg had in those case fusion a; a). part mm in order to ‘1“ “Alice have t is clan- that they u” Mater “hose 5‘ 1m in Old Style, 1 ocwring between J. HOUWTURE, ABBEVIATIONS, AND 0m MATTERS Throughout the ensuing pages I have followed the seventeenth- century practice of using the words ”Congregational” and "Independent” interchangeably. This is also the case with the terms "New England Way,” ”Congregational Way,” "Independent Way," and sillply "new way. " Some of the seventeenth-contra punctuation and abbreviations have been modem- ised in those cases where retaining the original fona might lead to con- fusion on the part of the reader, but for the most part have been left intact in order to reserve some of the original spirit of the language. Also italics have been generally omitted except in instances where it is clear that they were employed for emphasis and not as a mere whim of the printer whose supply of type was not unlimited. Dates have been left in Old Style, but the correct year has been added for those dates occurring between January and March. In shortening lengtlv seventeenth- century titles, the four used in the Wing Short Title Catalogue has been followed whenever possible . The following abbreviations have been used: BM....................Britishlhueum,I-ondcn CR, , , , . A. G. Matthews, ed.,$1mRevised, (Oxford, 193“). DNB.............. D1._c..t1_.en__rza fiwNaflmalm DWI-WW Dnfilliams'aldbrarLI-ondon GL GuildhallI-ibrary,London NM , , , , , , , , , , Edmund Calm, 'Jlie Nonconformists Memorial 0d. by Samel Par 13 vols.sLondon, 1802’, iv Englis! American history have neglected a English history, the seventeenth . he lather countI 1”1130118 ideas l the first three d Hamnd describing the in u” 5"“ England P INTRODUCTION English ideas have had a predominant influence on the course of American history, especially during the colonial period. let historians have neglected adequately'to examine the impact of American ideas on English history, even though there is reason to believe that as early as the seventeenth century ideas were travelling back across the ocean to the nether country, It is the purpose of this study to show that in religious ideas New England exerted a strong impact on England during the first three decades of settlement. Harvard professor Perry'Miller succeeded in discovering and describing the intellectual development of that curious character - the New'England Puritan, He traced the intellectual origins of Puri- tanism to the English religious and political thought of the early Refor- mation. One of’Miller's students, Yale's Edmund S, Morgan, carried on his work and.emphasized the uniqueness of the NewfiEngland Way} proving that it was English in concept but only'those who migrated to the New Wbrld had the opportunity to put the concept into practice, The idea of using the invisible church as the pattern for the visible - of attempting to limit church membership only to the visible saints - began in New England, This church, that was preached by Thomas Hooker and John Cotton, eventually caught on in England, and it is the contention of this dissertation that the primary fector behind this development was the influence Kev Bligh“ colonies ti polity um both the Ar: 2 influence owing fraa New England, During the civil were an influx of New England ministers and publications brought the good news from the colonies that, at last, here was a workable, successful model of church polity that could very easily be set up in England by those who apposed both the Anglican Establishment and the Presbyterian alternative, CHLPERI THENEWENGIANDWLI They shall ask the way to Zion, with faces turned toward it, saying, ”Ce-e, let us Join ourselves to the Lord in an everlasting covenant which will never be forgotten. " -- Jeremiah 503 5 The Cengregatiemal Puritans who settled Hassachuaetts Bay Celery were perferming an errand inte the wilderness. They believed that it was their destiny to cleanse the Church of England of its popish practices by setting up a pure church in Massachusetts which would serve as an ex- ample totbeirbrethreninlngland. Theymigratedtolmeriea 'inerderte werk out that o-plete reformation which was net yet accuplished in Eng- land and Europe, but which would quickly be aoeuplished if only the saints back there has a working m1 1:. ma. than." The practices and polity eftbis medelehurchdifferedfraatbose oftbe chufiehesineldtngland primarily in the conception of church membership, the power of the congre- gation, and the relationship ef churches sea with another. Whether er net thismedelinlewEnglandactually served as anexample ferthe Indepen- dents efeldEnglandis thequestien thatwillbeanswendinthis study. But before that question een be resolved we must first answerthe question, whetns up sumgnmwcm bhatwas thismedelwhichthe Paritandivines of low England set up in order to influence their brethren in old England? r_ 115m run”, ”Errand Into the Wilderness," in Errand Into _tb_e_ Mgrness (New Ierk, 1956), p. 11, ‘,,_,‘- . HhenGed covenant Ilth pylon certain d \ I J ‘5 car, this sevens." fill his obligati“ n. tens of this and give his salvz «an as a nedigtm “Mn-J Since 1 N can and that Mid believe, 5.. (in run ”inch 5 1' “Mo-nth“ mt... “111 in Alan; '1 M1,,“ th. “C than. ”Oder-u- ‘ u when God crested nan, according to Puritan theology, Be node a covenant with hin. If Adan would diligently uphold God's noral law and perforn certain deeds, then God would renrd hie with eternal life. Row- over, this covenant of works no short-lived, for Adan was unable to ful- fill his obligation, With Aha-aha: God entered into a covenant of grace, Theterns ofthisnewcovenantworo thatGodwouldbindhinselftonan andgive hinsalvationifhewouldhave faith—faith that Christweeld oueasanediatorbetseonaodandnan'andccpensateoedferthefailuro of Aden," Since the cuing of Christ, nn only had to believe that Christ hsdc-eandthatflens ”the 'suroty' forthenewcovonant.” lfnan wouldbelieve, Godweuldbindflinself, notonlytosavenan, butalsoto ginohinoneughgraoeteenablehintofulfillthetens ofthecovenant,z In seventeenth-century Hassachusetts the Puritans believed that this cove- nant was still in effect. flung with this fundanental concept of the covenant, the Puritans developedthesccdnlandchurchcevenants, thusreundingoffthebasis of their “federal” theology. no social covenant existed between God and a society: it as a covenant which ”concerned this world, not the next.” Sinoeyouoannetobeynsandqcnandnents, Godtoldthensnbers of society, atleastyeucanoutnrdlyobsorveqlsw; 'ifyeuasa people willpsrforsoutwardobediencetewye-ands,lwillgiveysuoutvnrd prosperity as a peep]... Q! the other hand, if you disobey no outwardly, I will destroy you as utterly as I destroyed Soda and Gnu-rah," nus itbeosne the dutyefeverynenher of sooiotynot enJyto tryto observe God's law, hutalsetobewetohfulefhisneighbortoinsuro thatthelaw 215m Miller, ”has Harrow of Puritan Divinity," in gun" p, 62. x, my} be obeyed. '. . - montheil'lth“ It I mhsuchusettl m. best in a church. 1': church, and that manother, Thu and fora a church , ‘ ' '. ‘l ‘I‘ ‘~ - ‘. H ’ . g ‘ o ‘ . .. . r '- ‘—)_J . ' , . . . .- .. ._ A- __ , . . ulvvs solemn 11 __ ., p maul-ant. h”, L ." ., 1 o ,. Y N 4 0 ‘3 or! Q a r "I. .r D l ‘ a ' Q n 1 1 Q t \ N J j \ ‘ . ‘ . ”fl". .. ‘ l ' ) $ A . . . I ff -" fiw ,> r A O t I O o g 7 A,-.\ .r‘ J " ) gr u 1 *‘ I g. m , - 2' d . . wwwwwwwww — r‘ p‘ 6.. .o, Q. ‘-‘ 5 would be obeyed, For if anyone broke the law and ronsined unadnonished, thenthewrath echdwouldbewroughtupcnthowhole co-unity: andPuri- tan Massachusetts would be in danger of destruction,3 Thebestwnytoinsuro obedience tothe lnws ofGodwas toorgan- iso a church, The Puritans believed that grace cans to nan through a church, andthatwithina churchnenberswouldbestbeablo towatch over one another, Thus it wns a necessity for godly persons to gather together and fern a church covenant. m. covenant bound the saints -- those who were within the covenant of grace - into holy conunicn with one another ”for the carrying on of Church power and order, and ordinances of Christs ends,"~' We cone together and nake a covenant, they said, to ”bind our- selves solomly in the presence of God hinsolfo, his holy Angelle and all his servants hare present that wee will by ht grace assisting us endevour constantly to walks togeather as a right ordered Congregation of Christ,” He will. believe that Jesus Christ is “our onely spirituall husband and Lord, 0: our onely high priest & Prophet and King." hrthornore, we shall try to uphold His ordinances, and praise to further to our utnost power, the best spirituall good of each other, and of all and every one that nay be-. one mrs of this Congregation, by nutuall Instruction roprehension, exhortation, consolation, and spirituall wutch- i'ullnes over one another for goods and to bee subject in and for the Lord to all the Adninistrations and Censuros of the Congregation, so farre as the sane sgsll has guided according tothe rules ofGodsnosthelyword. hams. Morgan, held—tang? mu cnsndDQestic mnwhmmth-m low _.s_1md low . 1937. pp. 9-10. “Perry Miller, in; Low England____ Hinds nu Seventeenth m (Boston, 1939), p, #36, his work is perhaps the best in-depth stub of the covenant theology of colonial low England. 5Charles Henry Pope, ed,, Record______s_ _o_f the First m_ at Dog-cheater i_n_ Low mpg-m (Boston, 1891). pp. _1-2 Beroaftor cited—*- as (9‘ It I" ‘ itself, “to and“ no church 011‘“ mum- (at 14 gathered togethen Into another, an: they solennly e111 connect they prc together in pubn his the M amend in )1 it hut seven Ch I“S“Ihnon‘.ts, in I“. nit-ts Shop. Ind asked how Inn; 1515 :1» 5/9 ,. 5? "1/5 2’ 325; g. '1 3/: :7- W” 6 It was the duty of all. believers, if the opportunity presented itself, "to endeavour to Joyn theuolves unto a particulir church.” If no church existed, then, as long as there was a sufficient nunber of Christians (at least three), one should be forced. These Christians then gathered together to "confess their sins and professe their faith, one unto another, and being satisfied of one anothers faith and repentance, they solennILv enter into a Covenant with God and one an other.” In this covenant they praised to abstain m- worldliness, obey Christ, one together in public worship, and look after one another.6 this theoretical pattern _ns generally followed whenever a church was gathered in Massachusetts Bay. The only deviation was that usually at least seven Christians were required in order to fcrn one. Canbridge, Hassahhusetts, in 1635, for ennplo, was organising a new church, There- fore, hues Shepard and two other non went before an assenbly of churches and asked how nany people were necessary to gather a church. Three, the assonbly said, were too few, but seven was a reasonable nunber. They then advised Shepard that those who wanted to Join the new church ought to ”lake Confession of their faith 5 declare what work of Grace the Lord had wrought in then.“ This was carried out, first by Mr. Shepard, and then by seven others, after which the church covenant was read and assented tobythenenbers. One ofthenenbers then asked the other churchetin the colon whether or not they approved of the new church at Canbridge, _— Dorchester Church Beams, The caplete text of the Dorchester church covenant is found in Appendix A. 5; muom_ of ChurchDis cigli_n_e_ Gathered flggwmggggs “£229.21”: El__c_i__ers: andHesson—__ rs of the Churches Assonb in the Synod_ at _Cth_ridge___ in Low—— England (Canhridge, Mass" 1349 , pp, 5, 6, Hereafter cited as M Platforn, Richard Rather, Church-Governnent 2g Church-Cove___n_a_n_t Discussed (Location, 1&3), pp. 38-39, 53, Tho-as Lechford, PlainDea __l_‘i_.nga Or, N__e__wes .13."; low-England (London, 1&2), p,2 ...... do mum “hr of fellowship for th' 9th” any for the 1. incompent o: Churc] onechurchintc groupcf its no amchurch, b Quiesfiver eq eurredin166? ‘ 7 whereupon John Cotton, speaking for the churches, extended the right hand of fellowship to then.7 This sane procedure was closely followed in 1638 for the gathering of the Dedhan Qaurch. That church, however, asked not only for the approval of other churches, but also for ”the countenance 8.- incouragnent of the najostn'ates."8 Churches were also for-ed when it becane convenient to split one church-into two. In 1632, for enanple, the Boston Church allowed a group of its'nenbers, who lived in Charlestown, to be disnissod to fern anewchurch, because itwas inconvenient forthentohave to cross the Charles River every sabbath to attend divine services. Another case oc- .. currodin1667whenthe8alenChurchdisnihsedsusofitsnenberswho livedontheothersideoftheBassRiver,inordertoallowthentoforn thePirstChurchofBeverly. moytoohsdfcunditdiffioultandtedious to cross a river every Lord's Day.9 The people who were calledout of this world and entered, first intothe covenantcfgraeewithGed,andthonintothechurchoevonant with their fellow saints, were consequently entrusted with, according to John Cotton, the ”Key of Liberty." Anong the powers of this key were the choosing of church officers, the approval or rejection of candidates for fi' fr 7312.11.» a mu Sharplos, ed,, a. 'rde f'the‘Church gr; t n canes: 2 Low..- gang 32-129 (m “L: 1905.3.‘5335313-«ém cited as CASE—15181 Church Records, 8pm cameo am, «1...- 2 m 2.2 Bro—m. huh—2.x nu __Duths. Lei M 2.9...- wmeh ends. Dim—__suls 20429.2. WW fr _thg Church Rec g the Town of Dedhan, Massachusetts 1 1 5 9mm D. Pierce, ed,,. in» Records of the First Church in Bes- tm 1630-1868," Publications 2; _t}_1e;_ Colonial Society 9; Massachusetts, m (1961), 15. Hereafter cited as Boston Qaurch Records. Essex Insti- tute, ”Beverly First Church W3. WW‘ ' ' " , an (1899), 178. Hereafter cited as Hourly eroh Records. ‘ -5! ‘borships t] convention ‘ consisted of o elders, and .1; the pastor, uh: teacher, who we functions of th assist the nini visit the sick, '“mtely wj m "tings, 030mg; of the hose 0; but '1” they Ive: 8 nsnbership, the disciplining of erring nenbers, and the calling of 5:110:10.” (hes a church was gathered the first significant function of the outgregation no to choose their officers. he officers of the Church consisted of elders and doachs. more were two kinds of elders: ruling elders, and ninisters. The ninisters in turn were divided into two types: the pastor, whose duty it was to exhcrt and deal with wisdon, and the teacher, who was to attend to doctrine and distribute knowledge. The functions of the ruling elders were nunerous, but the najor ones were to assist the ninisters in ecclesiastical nattors, watch over their brethren, visit the sick, nabs sure that those outside the church did not live “inordinately without a calling, or Idly in their calling," and noderate church neetings. The doacons' duties were to receive and distribute the“ offerings of the church.11 Those officers had to be elected by the people in a free election, but once they were chosen they had to be obeyed, because the people, in deciding upon their elders, ministers, and deacons, were nerely carrying outthewillochd. ItwasHiswilltocalltheofficers throughthe peoples' vote, and they were not to be renoved except for some grievous offense. Once elected, the officer was ordained. his also was done by the people, either directly, or if there were elders in the church, then through then as the representatives of the congregation. Ordination M (Imdon, 1&2). pp. “bf-T. brow—""5. 1-. cited atom—no True Con—s—_titution. John Cotton, & xono__ of thoKin Kinong onof Heaven (Land-76.'T6IIhT———T, pp. 37 7. ........... Ppo 7-1oo 1“,]; was no which use all! when 1111!! to be tht hid hands on k did n'dains him Hold no o1ecte< 1111650 the chm 1h ordination o fra other ohm-c1 M. than Hr, ”’9 Futon of th wmmfli Certain 1 P" “P10. scoot Ma Filter or . 9 itself was nothing nore than the installation of a nan into the office which was already his by right of election.” when the Dedhan Church was being founded, the people elected John Allin to be theirpaster. Afterhe accepted the call, the ruling elder laidhandsenhin, gaveaprayer,and"inthenaneofChrist&hisChurch did ordaine bin to the office of a pastour in the church." In 1632 Thmas field was elected and ordained as the pastor of the church it chbury, and in 1650 the church chose Sanuel Danferth to this office.” ohm occasions the ordination of a new ninister in a new church was perforned by ninisters fr. other churches in order to facilitate the recognition of the new church. Hhen Mr. Hale was ordained as pastor of the Beverly Church in 1667, the pastors of the churches at Salon, Ipowich, and Wenhan perforned the “MW-1h Certain theories, it scene, were not always follcwd in practice. For exanple, emetines there were not two ninisters in a church, but either Justapastororateacher. Eitherthe churchwastoosnalltoaffcrdthe luxury of nore than one ninister, or there was a scarcity of sufficiently- trained nen to fill the offices. Consequently the duties peculiar to each 1.2m Platforn, pp. 1042. Also see Richard Mather, Church- Goverment _an_d_ Church-Covenant Discussed, pp. 68-69. Ordination was not regarded as inpertant as was election. Eldction was the prerequisite for carrying out the duties of the office . John Cotton, for exanple , renounced his episcopal ordination by refusing to baptize his son Seaborn on the voyage to the New World, because at that tine he considered that he had not received a call frcn and been elected by a properly gathered-church. John Winthrop, _rhg Histo _o_f_ m gland. 1630.33 1&2 guinthrop's Journal], ed, by Janos Savage, ed,, 2 vols.r~Beston, 53 , Vol. I, p, 131. ”Dedhan Church accords. p. 19. _A_ m 2; 1:15 Record 9!. nissioners, containing _th_e_ 32321.11 Land 9; Church Records (Boston, 1881), pp. 170-197. Hereafter cited as Rm Church Records. 1“Beverly Church Records, p. 184. 10 office began to be emercised by both pastors and teachers. Even as late as 1772 the Canbridge Church had “never had a Teacher distinct fru Pastor. '15 no nethod of electing the ruling elders and deacons was sinilar to the procedure onployed for ninisters. The officer would be elected by a shew‘ef hands and then would be ordained by the other officers of the church.“ (he of the nest inth responsibilities of the gathered church in How England was to insure the righteousness of its nenbership. There were two churches, they clained - the visible church (which included every- one who appearod to be a Christian) and the invisible church (which included enlythosewheactuallywere redeened). Ofcourse onlchdknewwhobe- luged to the invisible church, and non could never hope to acquire this knowledge; but the Puritans of Massachusetts Bay began a conscientious effort to equate, as far as was hunanly possible, the invisible church with the visible. They went about this by applying to each potential non- bar a 'test for saving faith,” previously devised by the English ”covenant theologians“? but now first put into practice by these New Englnnd Puri- tans. his test would ennine potential nenbers in order to see if they possessed the prerequisites for church nenbership -"Repentanoe fron sin, a: faith in Jesus Christ.” Just as the Eunuch fron Ethiopia was questimod ._4__ a a . 1MMW p.111. WMMJ-w- .léllunerous enanples can be seen in Dedhan Church Records, .pp. 18- 19, 35, muster erch Records, p, 252, and Boston Church Records, p. 29. 17mins. mun-morn“. John Preston. Richard Sibbes. See Perry Miller, The; 39.! gmhnd Mind: 313 Seventeenth _C_e_r_1_tg_rz, and ”The Marrow of Puritan Divinity for a caplete discussion of the ideas and lives of those theologians. by Philip 1‘93‘ too our?” ‘ thoroughly 01* IThe 1 suevhst invoi and declare 1: God had worke< date was a tr and knew 'caa' the intent of asked it mid then u” Olde 11 by Philip regarding his faith in Christ, the New Englanders reasoned, so too everyale else who desired adnittnnce into the visible church had to be thoroughly exanined for evidences of faith and grace.18 The procedure used to detect the evidences of faith and grace was suewhat involved. First of all, the candidate had to go to the Elders and declare his desire to Join the church and, in doing so, relate how God had worked on his soul. If the elders were satisfied that the candi- date was a true believer, had been wounded in his heart for his transgressions, and knew ”cupetcntly the sums of Christian faith,'_' then they would declare the intent of the candidate during a church service. At that tins, it was asked if anyone had an offense against the applicant. If there was any. then the elders would review it in order to detenine if it could be ro- solved. If they were successful, then the candidate would again be pre- sented to the church, and if no one found further fault with bin, the elders would ask if anynenber would like to give testinonyin favor of receiving bin. Thenthe candidatewouldbeaskedtorelate 'tothccongregationthe work of grace on his soule."19 After this confession of conversion the next step was for the prospective nsnher to declare his profession of faith, either in a speech or by questions and answers.20 At the cmclusion of the confession and profession, the elders again asked if there was any objectim to the candidate. If there was none, then all those in favor 13m" "moo... pp. 16-17. 19Usually a wuan's confession was read to'the congregation by the pastor; however, in Salon she spoke for herself. ‘20:: tho person held to the tvvelve articles of religion as found in the Apostles' Creed, this would be regarded as an acceptable profession of faith. - .1 ‘ 12 of admitting bin were asked to signify their approval by raising their right hands. After a few members had been admitted in this fashion, they were gathered together and publicly repeated the covenant, which they praised to uphold. Then tho elders 'fprmiseth the Churches part of the covenant, to the new admitted nenbers, So they are received, or admitted."21 The available church records do not go into as great detail in relating adlissiens to nenbership, but they do support, to sue extent, this procedure as set forth by Richard Mather and the 9214552. Platforn, and the personal observations of Thomas Lechford. One thing is certain: it was ilperative for a candidate to present evidence of his salvation in order to be admitted. In Ruburymne Elisabeth Bowen was adlitted to full. cmnion after having ”personally at solemnly owned the Covenant."22 And inDedhanJohnHorse, after ”giving goodtestinonyuntothe churchcfthe gracious workings of the ordinances upon his hart to the obedience of faith was received” into nenbership in Harsh, 1640.23 In 16% the daughter of the pastor of the Boston Church was adnitted into nenbership there after relating to the congregation her conversion eXperienoe, profession of faith, and acceptance of the church covenant.“ Others had a nore gihchford, Plain w. 93;. Newes rm. m. .pp. 11—11. See also Richard Mather, Church-Government _a_nd_; Church-Covenant Discussed, pp. 23-21}. If, at any tine during these proceedings, amone spoke out against the candidate, the case would have to be reviewed privately by the elders. Sometimes it took many months to accept a new member. 22% cm __n-eords. p. 88. 2.3292 m Low. 1». 22. 2km M __Rscordso p. 51. "OO—v-.- ......... difficult tine to persuade tb' he as accepto 11:11.25 Durin seaber of the hi: and denanc‘ this issue wa: BosiJ when of th his weld no Mob; be cc nomad hi: “imam 13 difficult time in being admitted. At first, Thonas Morse was not able to persuade the church at Dedhan that he was among the elect, but finally he was accepted after the church received further evidence of his salva- tion.25 During Edward Allen's test for saving faith (also at Dedhan), a nonber of the church revealed some offense that Allen had formerly shown him and demanded reconciliation thereof. Allen was not admitted until this issue was satisfactorily resolved.26 Besides accepting or rejecting candidates for membership, the members of the church also had the duty of dismissing their brethren. his could not be done, however, if a member wanted merely to leave the church; he could be dismissed (and receive a letter of disnissal to recmend hi- to other churches) only if he were moving to another town and were planning on Joining another church there. The reason for this 25Dodhan Church Records, pp. 7, 23. 261mm,, p. 8. Ednund S. Morgan presented evidence, in Visible 31-92! .314. 5292.21 9!. s Puritan _Ido_a (New York. 1963). pp. 91-92 (here- after cited as Visible Saintss, of the fact that if a candidate's testi- nony was unsatisfactory in certain areas, then the congregation was obliged to make further inquiries about it. ”An exchange recorded by Michael .' Viggleswcrth is typical. A candidate was asked: 'Dc you never find a heart that can't prise Christ but had rather walk after the way of your own heartl' If he had answered that he always priced Christ above all else, he weuld have failed the test. His actual answer was perfectly phrased: 'Ios I have seen it many a time but I have considered that was thewaytoruinbothme andnine afterne. Ihave searched to see whether I loved God's canpany or no and I have found indeed my opposition against it. IetIhave foundin sane pcerneasure thatGodhathhelpedne totake delight in his will.’ This was faith in its proper inperfection, and one maybe surethatthe candidatewas admitted.” 'Ihuswehaveanexanpln of the sort of interchange that was often a part of the test for saving faith. Horgan's work has been the pioneer one to treat with and define the test, and its New England origins. The confessions of faith presented by fifty candi- dates for membership in the Canbiidge Church are recorded by Thane Shepard in a manuscript found in'the New England Historic Genealogical Society. Also see Ednund S. Morgan, ed... "nae Diary ofUHichael Wigglesworth,” Publications 9; _th_e_ M Society 2; Massachusetts, mv “gun-19%). 226-1 . was mt 'ovez Wolfe as e refrain from ‘5 nose members another were c when presentir have erred in «titted, nay Mend fo: those Guing] it was that ”every believer (if possibly be can) is always boundlto Jayne himselfe as a lie-her to some particular Congregation or other,” and must hon-tin tron departing n-oo his church ”without Just & weighty cause."27 These members who were lawfully dismissed and moved fron one church to another were use again cupelled to undergo the test for saving faith when presenting thenselves to the new church. Their original church nay have erred in admitting then, it was reasoned, or ”persons regularly admitted, nay [have] fall[en] into offence" by the tine they were being considered for nenbership in the new church. If it had to accept all those suing by letter fra other churches, then a church's liberty to adni.t only those whu it regarded as fit would be infringed upon.28 me procedure for disaissing a neaber was quite unifcn through- out the celony. Entries in the church records appear again and again to the effect that ”our brother names French was with the Consent of the Congregation Diaisseitathe Church of Ipswich,” or ”This day our brother hues Allenwaswithone Consent ofthe ChurchDismisoedtothe churchat Charle Towns upon theire and his desire."29 hembers disaissed from one church to another upon presenting their letters of dismissal acct-panied by a relation of their experience in receiving saving faith were generally admitted to nenbership in the sane way as they had been by their for-er church. In 1658 Mrs. Mather and her daughter were admitted to the church at Dorchester after being “dismissed from the Church at Boston 0. upon 12- 38- 921121425952. p. 19. . 28w Platfora, p. 18. Also see Richard Mather, Church- W 2!; meg-2M W. pp, 28-30. 29B-os'ton Church Becords, pp. 22, 25. 15 , shaking their relation of the work of faith.” In Boston in 1&5, Elisabeth Waytes, after giving her confession of faith and ”upon letters of Disaission from the Church at Newberry with the consent of our Church taken by their silence," was admitted to membership}o Added to their duty to admit, reject, and diniss fellow nenbers, those in the fellowship of the church also possessed the "libertie to par- take to Sacraaents, or seals of the Covenant or the Church,”31 and ”to Jayne with officers in tho due censure of offenders, and tho 11ko.'32 1 private offense was to be handled privately between the offender and the offended. If the for-er was not penitent, the case could eventually be brought before the church, where the guilty party was admonished and sus- pended “from the holy fellowship of the Lords supper, till his offence be reaoved by penitent confession. If he still continue obstinate they are to east him out by encouunioation.‘ A public offense, especially a heinous one, was to be i-ediately handled by public censure. When a case ended in encumication, the whole church met together and delivered the offender over to Satan.33 Since this was the most severe plmishnent the M221; 932.1211 __e__R-c rds. p. 21. £2th Churc_.__h R-__oord___s. p. #3. 31John Cotton, 3113 Keno g_f_ the; on 93: Heaven, p. 30. All members had the right to partake of the Lord s Supper as a sign that they were in covenant with God, and to have their children baptised. Richard unto NinTPosition's—S 5'5;__ Over to—th-e: IE divers Reverend and Lngmdjj'to;"_______do"o'1oro"""'tho1r"—' Jmmtom “Thoma-T" “TRIM. pp”, $16K: 32cottoo. rhoxo up, o_f_ tho gagg___ of Heaven, pp. 30. 38. 33% Elgtform, p. 21. Cotton, The True Constitution, 1131). 10-11. Lechford, Plain ___al_.i_ng1 Or, Lewes_ _f_r___on _N__ew En land, pp. 2-13e church could I or the elders The offender 1 Exam: offenses. In revealed that banished uncles Invyler both c of the Apostle one eats not. " his wares at e u” Pater, ”p Speeches. for tempt! of drox. 16 church could levy on a member, it could not be pronounced by the minister or the elders without the concurrence of the majority of the congregation. The offender had to be condemned by this "Jury of his Peeres."y'" Excmunication was carried out in the same way for many sundry offenses. In 1639 a woman from the Boston Church, after two witnesses had revealed that she had claimed that Arms Hutchinson was excommunicated and banished undeservedly, was ”Cast out of the Church as a slaunderer and revyler both of the Church and Common Weale . . . according to the Rule of the Apostle I. 559;. 5. 11. If any brother he a Revyler, with such a one sate not. ”35 Also in 1639 Robert Keayno was admonished ”for selling his wares at excessive Rates.” In 16lt2 Anne Hett was excomunicated by the pastor, ”with consent of the Church by their silence,” for blasphemous speeches, for idly walking in her calling, and "for sundry scandalous at- tempts of drowning one of her Children." And in 1657 Sister Hogg was ex- comunicated for not working in her calling ”and for her disturbing the Congregation by her disorderly singing. ”36 Even though treatises on the New England Way stipulated that two witnesses had to testify in a case of excomunication, this was not always the case in practice. For exanple, in 165“ when John Smith and his wife were communicated from the Dorchester Church ”for comitting fornication together before marriage” there was only one ”witness.” Their offense ”was found out by the birth of their child albeit they beings qua stioned for “Richard Mather, Church-Government _a_n_gl_ Church-Covengnt Discussed, pp. 52-53. Richard Mather, An Answer 9; _th_e_ ders, p. 72. Cotton, _T_h_e_ .2.“ 8 2!. its Siam 9.: __Heavon. p. 15. 35Booton Church Records, p. 25, BfiE-a PP- 250 37a 56. it before the it upon them Many reinstated up wife of Marti mlence to 1: she was cast vaa received for sud: scan ”Fee of 2 ye “PM hiasclf ‘1’“ I“Vigil-rig new to c hilself in ac his Open Dr‘cf “3 dismal-ge1 I! e .1318 offs] 17 it before the Church did Concealo their sins until]. god palpably charged it upon them by that means. '37 Many of the people who were thrown out of the church werelater reinstated upon the hunble penitential acknofledgent of their sin. The wife of Hartin Stebbins ”was so vyolent in her passion that she offered vyolence to her husband, which being divulged, was of such infamy, that shewas castoutoftheChurchbutsoone aftershehnnbledherselfei was received in againe."38 In 1639 one Janos Hattock was excommunicaud for such scandals as denying "Cmiugall fellowship unto his wife for the space of 2 years,“ in order to avoid having children and to take "Revenge upon himself for his abusing of her before manage,” and a nunber of other sins ranging fron adultery to drunkenness. Iet, two years later, he was restored to church nenbership after penitentially and publicly humbling hinself in acknowledgaent of his oiuo.39 In 16%. George Clifford ”upon his open professed Repentance to the Churches acceptance by its silence, was discharged of the Admonission" which had been placed upon him for a previous offense.” All churches in the Congregational system were created equal and autcnmous; therefore , there could be no authoritative synods which would make binding decisions over then. Officers of each church were only allowed to attend to the duties of their own particular congregations, yet.this did 37W __Chnreh __a-oord__s.. p. mu. 383m M rm. p. 85. _ 39m __M Ro;_____ooi~ds. pp. 26-27. 36. “owe! pa h7e not sun 31“ ‘ above. churche: vvre ”71118 n“ of (new churc} churches other by calling a c: vhich concemet synod. or anotl W201 (not h: ““11“ Church ‘3 that each 1 “7°? Ind fell “1“ 1t. It £11 u” Church. 18 not loan that cunnnion batwoan churchos was unlawful. As has boon soon abova. churchos had conunion with oach othor by allowing unbors who wara loving full ona town to anothor to ba dismissad to tho follownhip of aim church. Church nonboro also waro iroo to attond aorvioos in ' churchos othor than thoir own. ‘l‘hoy could also culuno with oach othor by calling a oansultatiwa synod which would nako docisions on nattors which canoornod ovary ono. a.g.. quostions of doctrino or polity. A synod, or anothor church. could also bo callod upon to givo advioo and caunsol (not binding docisions) in nattors of dissonsion within a par- ticulat church. for ohurchos had to look out for oach othar in tho solo up that oach loo-bar had to look out for his follows. I! a church was in orror andfoll into corruption. it was tho duty of othor ohurchas to ad- nanish it. If tho offonding church did not harkon to tho adnonition. than allthochurchosinthocolonywarotoboinfor-odandallhadtc. ina synod. admonish thoir arring sistor by withdrawing tho right hand of followship fru bar in ordor {to provant tho sproading. aithar of tho Gangroono of Horacio . or of tho bprosio of sin. ”“1 Sustinos synods which doalt with nattors that waro important to tho roligious dovalopont of tho ontiro colonymoro canod at tho roquost of tho civil authoritios. Porhapo tho most important synod hold in Hassachuootts Boy during tho first yoars of sottlonont (at Canbridgo in16b6and16hv8) nscallodatthoraquostofthoGonoralCcurtinor-dor ”Cotton. 2». _Ln . 2r. 9;: _Lm «- 9.: Lawn.- pp.- ham—.- 70-71. 91-92. Cotton. 113; Truo Constitution. pp. 12-13. m Platform. A . pp. 33-25. Richard Mathor. Church-Gmrnnont g; ChurchoCcvonant Disousoad. fp. 62-66.. . Than Lochford. in his critical viow of tho Now England Way Plain Ms Q_r_, Nowos fru log-England. p. 1h). also rolatod that ovary church in Now England was indopondont ”and no Church. or Offioars. hora powor our ono anothor but by way of advico or counsailo. voluntarily [iron or basought. " umHWM‘ however, even c too Presbyterie eetir 1n sever order of com-J 'the intent to the sanction of eluded first the; consent to such The no: this the (other mother) occur-re mm" in order tun 1t and me “hm to Hex-t1 \ “2x ttha t“ 91 9L“ E 01' ' PD. 76 thich set forth “sternum! 19 to clear up matters of church discipline and church government.“2 Synods however. even consultative ones. struck sensitive Congregationalists as too Presbyterian a concept. The calling of the Cambridge Synod created a stir in several of the churches. ”Boston and Salem took offense at the order of court." because it was thought that this synod was called with ”the intent to make ecclesiastical laws to bind the churches. and to have the sanction of the civil authority upon them . . . whereupon they con- cluded that they should betray the liberty of the churches . if they should consent to such a synod. "“3 The most comon contact that churches had with one another at this time (other than through members who were moving from one town to another) occurred in cases in which one church gave advice and counsel to another in order to help resolve differences of opinion within it or boa-n. tweon it and another church. In 1657 the Routbury Church sent some of its members to Hartford to help ”Mpose the differences between the church l”Nathaniel B. Shurtleff. ed. . Records 2; the vaerngr m C_o_q- I!!! 9_f_ _t_he_ Massachusetts fig in 39.! England (5 vols.; Boston. 1853-18511»). Vol. III. pp. 70-72. The outcome of this synod was the Cambridge Platfgm which set forth the marrow of the New England Way. Numerous churches sent representatives to this assembly and later approved the platform. even though they did not have to accept it. That the synod did not have binding authority can be seen in the fact that it was ten years before the Dedhan Church finally approved of and accepted the platform of church discipline that came out of Cambridge. Dedhan Church gcgrds. p. 35. ”According to WinthrOp. in his Journal. Vol. II. p. 329. most of those who opposed this synod had only recently arrived from England. In the mother country Independency was hardly organized at this time (1646) and Englishmen with Independent leanings were especially hostile towards Presbyterianism. They thus had an aversion to anything that seemed to lead in the direction of Presbyterian polity. Because New England practices were just beginning to take hold in England. these new settlers were not hilly aware that in the colonies the synod did not have any binding authority (as did the Presbyterian synod) and as such did not endanger the independency of churches. there I: the 61 the church at requested and at m times. Churc of new churche often extend 1 they had assi: “flirtation of Olden of 0th: Linn; 1508th? b! slung to - 20 there a the dissenting Brethren.” Representatives fraa Dorchostor assisted the church at Taunton in 1660. and the Boston Church (sauetimu being requested and scotimos on its own initiative) cant help to many churches at many times.“ Churches also had communion with each other during gatherings of new churches. As mentioned above. ministers of existing churches would often extend the right hand of fellowship to a newly-gathered church after they had assisted during the ordination ceremorq. After the election and ordination of the minister and ruling older of the church at Dedhan. ”the elders of other churches present. by Dr. Whiting pastour of the church at Linn: testified their love a approbation of the proceedings of the church by giving to the officers chosen the right hand of fellowship. with a thankful]. acknowledpent of the presence of the lord with the church therein. "*5 In conclusion. than. it can be seen that there were two important aspects which made the New England Way unique. First. membership in Can- gregational churches was limited only to visible saints. and the test for W Church Records. p. 198. Dor ches r Church Records. p. 3'}. Boston Church Records. pp. 27.18 .57. . and assim. “SDedham Church Records. pp. 19-20. Apart from the specific duties of the members of the churches of New England in admitting and disciplining members. choosing and ordaining officers. and cunning with other churches by sending representatives to them or to synods. the services of these churches did not follow any set form of liturgy. A liturgy was never amended by God and we must be careful. the Puritans would argue. not to put ourselves above God and do that which he does not «sound. Moreover. the liturgy could be regarded as idolatrous. and if we implement it. God will be Jealous because He strictly "commanded his peeple. that all monu- ments of Idolatrio and superstition should be abolished fraa among them! Daut. 5. 25. 26.” Richard Mather. An Answer _o_f the Elder_____s_. pp. 55-59.“ Cotton. The True Constitution. pp. 5- . 1| “mg filth, ‘ F I Secondly, all C for they were a the Puritan att unless he was c‘. there was no hie churches to fol] nixed one. Nc it R8 divided b to m cmmgat! t° the Officers ‘ absolute monarch 21 saving faith. which was a prerequisite for admission to a church. was the Puritan attempt to equate the visible church with the invisible one. Secondly. all churches were considered autonomous and equal to each other. for they were all based on a covenant. A sdnister could not be a minister unless he was chosen to that post by a particular congregations therefore. there was no hierarctw - no authoritative synod to make rules for the churches to follow. But the government of the Congregational church was a mixed one. No single group within the church hold all the power. for it was divided between the brethren and the officers. Only in relation to the congregation was the church government democratic. With respect to the officers it was an aristocracy. With respect to Christ it was an absolute monarchy.“6 “Cambridge Platform. p. 13. Richard Mather. Church-figment 99g Church-Covenant Discussed. pp. 53-60. 67. Durin land. under th developed a Co ConSingletional: “renter-tan r Church were re to help one an "’17 believe;- c0"Smallional CHAPTER II THE CONTAGIOUS AIR OF INDEPENDENCY During the period 16h0—166O many of the Puritan churches in.Eng- land. under the guidance of a small number of influentia1.ministors. developed a Congregational form of polity. Like the Neerngland Why. the Congregationalism that developed in.England differed markedly'from the Presbyterian form of church government. Members of the Congregational church were required to be watchful ”over each other's conversation” and to help one another in spiritual growth.1 Moreover. it was the duty of every believer to Join a church. and the requirements for admission to a Congregational church were significantly different from those of a Pres- byterian one. In the latter. a simple declaration of faith was the only requirement for membership. whereas in joining a Congregational church. prospective candidates had to present ”testimony as to the work of grace in their hearts.”2 Thus the major distinction between these two branches of Puritanism.can be observed - Congregationalists sought to pattern the visible church on the invisible by requiring members to be visible saints: whereas Presbyterians did not have such strict membership requirements. Relationships among churches and the practice of calling minis- ters were two other ways in which English Congregationalism diverged from Presbyterianism. Congregational ministers usually repudiated their 1Geoffrey r. Nuttall. Visible Saints: _T_l_'i_e_ Congr_egational m. 16b0—1660 (Oxford. 1957). p. 73. Hereafter cited as Visible Saints. zQuotod in ibid.. p. 112. 22 ordinationhyl mthevillof church exists eons qualified e cmplete orga they had to an » obliged to 'kee flfh one another In}: a room the Iljor sepoc Pl‘tctices lll'ea (km! the colc WW. 23 ordination by Anglicans or Presbyterians. and depended. for their authority. on the will of God and the will of the people. They reasoned that "the church exists before it has a pastor.” that the members are the only per- sons qualified to choose a minister. and when they do. the church becomes a caplete organic body.3 When churches had disputes amongst themselves they had to suhIit their problems to a body of churches for they were obliged to "keeppup discipline among themEselvesj' and ”love a correspond with one anothor."'" However. the decisionlarrived at by this "synod" was merely a racumendation. not an injunction. It is apparent. than. that the major aspects of English Congregationalism5 were the same as the practices already existing in the churches of New England. and that evi- dently the colonial example was exerting some influence in the mother country. In 16W]. after the New England Way had been in effect for several years in Massachusetts Bay. John Child (the brother of the remonstrant Robert Child) published a pamphlet in London which suggested that the New England example was having a strong effect on old England indeed. especially intha realm ofchurchpolity. Undortho impact of "mamyhundreds imam thousands” of returning colonists during the civil wars. England was in danger. Child fear-fully asserted. of being overly influenced by New England. aired? "fia- New-England came Independencie of Churches hither. which hath spread over all. parts here.” many Puritans in old England are now becoming 3Nuttall. Visible Saints. pp. 85. 86. “once-d 1n ins. pp. 98. 99. 5For a lengthier discussion of English Congregational polity. see below. Chapter V. ~ ...Ix‘ 21+ (like the New'England Independents) very selective in admitting members to the church.6 If England were not particularly carom, then it was possible that the intolerant Massachusetts form of government might take held there as well. John Child was not the only notable Presbyterian to stress the New England origins of English Congregationalism. Robert Baillie. in a work published in 16%5 condemning the errors of Indopendoncy. presented a brief synopsis of the rise of this ”heresy” and how it arrived in Eng- land. which. on the whole. agreed with Child's account. Indopendoncy of churches derived from the Separatists under John Robinson at Leydon. Baillie contended. "a part of them did carry it over to Plymouth in Nor-England; hero Master Cotton did take it up. and transmit it from thence to Master Thomas Goodwin. who did help to propagate it to sundry others in old-England first. and after. to more in Holland. till now by many hands it is some thick in divers parts of this ringers-no."7 It would appear..:.ho continued. that this way which gives "so much liberty and honour to the people” thrives especially well in “the free aire of a new World.“ Even John Cotton. when he was still in England. did not accept this tendency toward separatism. and he admonished his brethren in Salem. Hassachuosetts for their erroneous way. But when the persecution of Puritans became harsher in the 1630's. many fled to the New World. including John Cotton. 'i 6John Child. is! he; nus. Jonas cost 92 .3 London (London. 16w). pp. 12. 13. Hereafter cited as is)! Englands Jonas. ‘7Robert Baillie. _A_ Discussive Fran _tg Errours of the Time (widen, 161:5)...» 5n. Hereafter cited" ma—sMAWDissuasive. Efphr" cinTptsgitt]. Beresiogggm (Imedon. 1&5). p. 70. In his preface Pagitt also claimed _ that the Independents have been troubling churches in England with their new way and “pretend that they have a perfect modell of Church-government.” 'Here it '18 Wk of the World. "E Shortl parts, contrary rapidly became o his great wit a; refined it. became the ; thousands of to his trier dam of a1 Before Landm. he 1; n“ Sale of 1101’ himself mum; ygt “11 into so there. that d“)- ‘01‘0 so can” Hist} ‘17 littlg y to £0110" hi! 25 ”Here it waswhen that new way began first to be dangerous to the rest of the Werld."8 Shortly after his arrival, Cotton, ”a man of very excellent parts, contrary much to his former judgement” accepted this new way and rapidly beoaneas of the foremost eppenente and propagators of it. ”By his great wit and learning," Cotton refined it, without the impediment of any opposition, [and] became the great instrument of drawing to it, not onely the thousands of those who left England, but also by his Letters to his friends who abode in their Countrey, made it become lovely to many who never before had appeared in the least degree of affection toward it. Before his departure from England, by conference in London, he had brought off Master Davenport and Master Goodwin, 9 frm some of the English Ceremonies; but neither of these two, nor himself at that time, did minds the least degree of Sepa- ration: yet so soon as he did taste of the New-English air, he fell into so passionate an affection with the Religion he found there, that incontinent he began to perswade it, with a great deal more seal and successe then befeee he had opposed it: His convert Hester Goodwin, a most fine and dainty spirit, with very little ado, was brought by his letters from New England, to follow him unto this step also of his progresse, and that with so high an estilation of his New Light, that he was bold to boast of it in ternes a little beyond the lines of noderation. 10 John Cotton, however, disagreed with Baillie, to cone extent, in his account of the origin of the New England Way. He clained that Indepen- dency traced its roots back much further than Robinson or the Brownistsa 8Baillie, A Dissuasive, p. 55. 9.1.31.1: Davenport also nigrated to New England where he was instru- mental in founding the colony of New Haven. Thomas Goodwin remained in the nether country and became a leading Independent in London and was one of the Dissenting Brethren at the West-inster Assembly who, in dissenting fru the Presbyterian conclusions of that body of divines, advocated the Independent Way. “Baillie, .4. 91,5..1“, pp. 55-56. can “the way of In and received 11 years before M. separation for of God which ca the idea of a p we received and Dr, Ame visible Ssi whether an joction to Presbytery tices of on Mt fr“ thc m8”. of J‘ found 4 s‘llretists 26 ”the way of Indopendency hath been bred in the womb of the Newt-Testament, and received in the times of purest Primitive antiquity, many hundreths of years before M. Robinson was born.” Baillie was wrong to accuse them of separation for it was not the writings of the Separatists, but the word of God which caused them to abandon the Book of Common Prayer. Furthermore, the idea of a particular visible church we received by the light of the Word from Mr. Parker, Hr. Baynes, and Dr. Amos: . . . for the matter of the visible Church to be visible Baints; and for the Form of it, to be a mutuall Covenant, whether an cxplicite or implicite Profession of Faith, and sub- Jection to the Gospel of Christ in the society of the Church, or Presbytery thereof. And these be the chief Doctrines and prac- tices of our way, so far as it differeth from other Reformed Churches. And having received these, not from the Separatists, but from the Lord Jesus, by gracious Saints, and faithfull wit- nesses of Jesus; the consanguinity of our Tenents with any the like found amongst the Separatists, will not demonstrate the Separetists to be our Fathers. 11 Even though Independency was not the offspring of Robinson , Cotton continued, he was of some importance to the Independents in that ease of God's truth came to them through him. In other words, Robinson was an instrument through which God gave the Independents some light, and they need not ”be ashamed, to learn any truth of God from him, or them, or from any other Saints of God, of farre neaner gifts, then he orthey had received!” But it had to be emphasised, Cotton asserted, that he and other men who went to New England did not, when they embarked, hold views “John Cotton. mmthhLJL-W “ fimmm (Mfll, 1“?)9 PD. 9! 130 12m" pp. 134A- In his m to Cottcn.(_'1_h;e_ utmost» pro- tho crs o_f_ _t_ho_ Time, v__1p_g___i___ootod g_ the Exceptions of _H_1;, Cotton [Mom T635, .p. 13; hereafter cited as The Disswasiwo rpm _th_e. Errors 9_f_ _th_e_ Time, Vindicated), Baillie emphasised the fact that Cotton did not really deny that the Separatists influenced the New England Congregationalists. Cotton atly argued that ”the churches of New-England went not in the poynt' of separation so high as Mr. Robinson or his scholars in New-Plimmouth.” of church 13°11 means for 8° and thus the!" "He did not up: and fall into I so long and ha: tray to our :31 obvious that tk nintenance, ar. “hit to a con solves to “on o! nutty. w13 27 of church polity that were contrary to the New England Way. One of their reasons for going to Massachusetts Bay was to join with these churches, and thus they were in agreement with the colonists before they arrived: “He did not upon our owing hither, goo contrary to our former Judgment, and fall into a liking of this way. For then we would never have taken so long and hazardous a voyage to Joyn to Churches, whose way was con- trarytoeurjudpentsallthewhile ofourabodeinEngland." Itis obvious that those of us “who. chose rather to forfeit our Hinistery, and maintenance, and all our dear relations in our native Countrey, then to subit to a course contrary to our judgments, would never transport our selves to America, to run a contrary course to our Judgments in a land of liberty, '13 13Cotton, 1333 5;; £1: t_hg Cmggtional Churches Clearsd, pp. 20- 21, It is difficult to determine precisely when and where it was that Cotton first became enamored with the New England Way. Edmund S. Morgan sheds some light on this question in his Visible Saints, pp. 87, 96-97, Morgan quotes a letter which Cotton had written, while still in England, to Samuel Shelton, in which he omplained that the New Englanders were leaning too far toward Separation. Skelton and others went to the New World "of another judgment, and I am afraid your change hath s g fra New Plymouth men. "' Cotton had believed that the Salem Church which had had some comection with Plymouth) ”was too restrictive in its baptismal and communion practices.” his was in 1630, and according to Morgan ”it is impossible to say exactly when his views changed. In a senaon preached at Salem in 1636 he acknowledged that they had indeed changed . . , because of reasons he had found in his own study of Scripture. But the change probably occurs-dd not long after tho receipt of Skelton's letter [which answered Cotton's letter], for by tho time Cotton left England in 1633 he seems to have cute around to the view [which he previously opposed] that a church mustbe gathered by explicit covenant, and that a minister can offer the sacraments only to members of the congregation that have called him to office.” his was apparentuhu Cotton refused to baptiae his own son on the passage to America because there was no settled congregation on the boat and ”a minister hath no power to give the scale but in his own congregation, '. By this account, Cotton at his arrival in Massachusetts heldviews of the church and ministry that he had condemned in his letter to Shelton in 1630,“ Thus it is easy to see why there is some confusion here. Baillie believed Cotton was opposed to the New England Hay until he arrived in the New World and was thus influenced by Plymouth Separatists, n _rdiri. . .aoeiei. p. 132. 38mm. AW. pp. 115-116. “'In New England they perswade the Magistrate to kill all Idolaters and Hereticks, even whole Cities, men, women, and children. But here they deny the Magistrate all power to lay the least restraint upon the grossest Idolaters, Apostate, Blasphemers, Seducers, or the greatest enemies of Religion." Ibid” p. 129. Baillie's critical view as to the difference between New England and old England Independents was, doubtlessly, over- stated. For a further, more obJective, account of this issue see Perry Miller's essays, ”Errand into the Wilderness,” and ”The Marrow of Puritan Divinity.” Also see above pp. 81-82. 1!??3451.‘ . .fr \NL. Q 176 close fellowship. Thus it has been shown that the primary factor for the rise of the Congregational form of church polity in England was the inpulse com- 1118 from New England. This fact is of no small significance for it clearly points out the close relationship between the colonies and the mother country, and that a study of seventeenth-century English history should not be undertaken without a proper consideration of developments in the colonial settlements. Historians have for many years emphasised the English influence on her colonies - the settlers were above all Englishmen who brought with them English ideas and institutions. The forms of government and of law-making, the social structure, and even the style of colonial architecture was English in origin. The colonists refined and adapted their English trillions to the different environmental factors of the New World,5 and some of what they developed, especially in the realm-of ideas, returned to the homeland after having been recom- mended by several years of successful practice there. It has been the purpose of this study to underline this reverse movement - that influ- ence came from the New World to the old at a time when the colonists were preoccupied with building a home and erecting a workable organised society in a wilderness. National histories cannot be studied in a vacuum, and Just as England was exerting a decisive influence in the development of Massachusetts Bay Colony, so too did the "city upon a hill" engender an impact on the mother country. Thus the flow of ideas 51h architecture, for example, the English thatch roof could not withstand the harsh New England winter, and so the settlers, while still following the basic English design for their houses, employed shingles to cover them. 177 that has for a long time now been reciprocal between England and America began with the founding of New England, and was important long before the American Revolution and the developments of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 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London: 1&6.—- l‘." 189 Halley, Robert. Iancashire: lt_e Puritanism and Nonconformity. London: 1872. Harmer, Thomas. Nonconformity in Norfolk (1771:). Copy made by Joseph Davey. Dr. Williams's Library. lendon. Harmer MSS. Harmer, Thomas. Nonconformity in Suffolk (17714). With additions by Joseph Davey. Dr. Williams's Library, London. Harmer 163. my. Babette Hay. machin__r in 92.2 _i_n at __mr em 21 5.9.1: sen-1a Elston. Hartford, Connecticut: 19115. Miller, Perry. Errand Into _tAe Wilderness. New York: 1956. Miller, Perry. _T‘_h_e Neg England Mind: _Th_e_ Seventeenth Comm. Boston: 1939. Miller, Perry. m g MaAAachusetts. Cambridge, Massachusetts: 1933. Morgan, Edmund S. _T_t_ie Qatari Dilemma: _The Stogy 9_f_ John m. Boston: 1958. Morgan, Edmund S. gee Puritan My: Reuglon £9.91. Dome tic W 2 Seventeenth-99pm _N_e_e EM. New York: 1 . Morgan, Edmund S. flslble Saints: _T_1_ie A1519}: 9;; A m Idea. New York: 1 3. Nuttall, Geoffrey F. glslble Saints: _The W Key 1&0-1669. Oxford! 1957. Nuttall, Geoffrey F. "The TB. of Re uiae terianse.” Aeu_r9_al 9_f_ Ecclesiastical Igstogy, VI April, 1955 . Oberholser, Emil, Jr. Deli__nguent Salets: W Action _i_n_ the EArly W Churches 2!. Massachusetts. New York: 1956. Orme, William. Memplrs 9.! .929. Life, Writings, _t_llgl Religgus Connexions, 2!. 19.1111... Qua. 2.9.. London: 1820. Pye-Smith, Arthur. MempriAls _o_f: Fetter Lane Qaggegational Church, Tendon. lendon: 1900. Rix, Samuel Wilton. Nppceeformily, _th_e Develegeent _o_f, A principle. lendon: 1852. Sachse, William L. ”Harvard Men in England, 1&2-17111." Pub cations gage Colonial Society A; Mas ach etts, mv (1992-19—46), 119- 1 . Sachse, William L. ”The Migration of New Englanders to England, 1&0—1660.” American Historical Review, LIII (January, 1948), 251-278. 190 Seymour, St. John D. '_1_'h_e Puritans ln_ Ireland. Oxford: 1921. Shaw, William A. A gator; 2!. the sh Church During the Civil Wars gig. Unde: .t_h_e_ Commemgl‘ th 1 0-1660. 2 vols. London: 1900. Stearns, Raymond P. Congregationallsm ln_ 15.322. Dutch Netherlands. Chicago: 1940. Steams, Raymond P. ”Hugh Peter and His Biographers." Annual Proceedings 9.: 1232.2 Bostonian Spciegy, (1935). Stearns, Raymond P. lee Strenuous Puriyg: Hug}; Peter 1598-1660. Urbana, Illinois: 1954. Thornton, John Wingate. 11;; Historical Relation _o_g Ee_w_ England 39 _the Engllsh CommonweAlth. Boston: 187‘}. Turner, Lyon. Coleman Street Ward. Dr. William's Library, London. Lyon Turner TBS. Turner, Lyon. Relation of the City Authorities to the Religious Life of London. Dr. Williams's Library, Iendon. Lyon Turner use. Wall, Robert E. , Jr. “The Membership of the Massachusetts General Court.” Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1965. Williams, Dorothy Ann. ”London Puritanism: The Parish of St. Stephen Coleman Street.” _The Church M Review, CLX, No. 337 (October-December, 19W2. Yule , Georgesé fie Indemndents _iA _t_h_e_ Engllsh Cigll m. Cambridge: 19 . Ziff, Lerner. _Th_e_ Career 2! Jog Cotton: Puritanism a_n_(_1_ Ah; m M. Princeton, New Jersey: 1&2. I! l l I'll 1|] I’ll l n ‘a 0 u! o r mas APPENDIX A Dorchester Church Covenant: August 1636 Wee whose names are subscribed being called of God to joyne our- selves together in Church Coiunion, from our hearts acknowledging our owne unworthines of such a priviledge or of the least of Gods mercyes, a likewise acknowledging our disability to keeps covenEath with God or to pEerJfourme any spirituall duty which has calleth us unto, unlesse the lord Jesus do enable us thereunto by his spirit dwelling in us, Doe in the name of Ch[rie]t Jesus our Ierd and in trust and confidence of his free grace assisting us freely CovenEath 8: bind ourselves solemnely in the presence of God himselfe, his holy Angolls and all his servants here present that wee will by his grace assisting us endevour constantly to walke togeather as a right ordered Congregacofi of rith according to all the holy rules of a church-body rightly establis ed, so farre as was do already know it to be our dutyor shall further understand it out of Gods holy word: Promising first and above all to cleave unto him as our chiefs and onley good, and to our Lord Jesus ChEris]t as our onely spirit.- uall husband and lerd, so our onely high priest and Prephet and King. And for the furthering of us to keeps this blessed Conunion with God and with his sonne Jesus Ch[ris]t and to grow up more fully therein, wee do like- wise promise by his grace assisting us, to endevour the establishing amongst our selves of all his holy ordinances which hoe hath appointed for his churches here on earth, and to observe all and every of them in such sort as shall bee most agreeable to his will: opposing to the ut- most of our power, whatsoever is contrary thereunto, a bewayling from our hearts our me neglect thereof in former tyne, and our polluting our- selves therein with any sinfull inventions of men. And lastly wee do hereby CovenEath J: pEroJmise to further to our utmost power, the best spirituall good of each other, and of all and every one that may become membegs of this Congrega'éon, by mutuall In- struction reprehension, exhortacon, consolaaon, and spirituall watchful- nes over one another for good: and to be subject in and for the lerd to all the Administracons and Censures of the Congrega‘éofi, so farre as the same shall bee guided according to the rules of Gods most holy word. Of the'integrity of our hearts herein wee call God the searcher of all hearts to witness: beseeching him so to blesse us in this and all our Enterprises, as we shall sincerely endevour by the assistance of his grace to observe this holy CovenEath and all the braunches of it in- violably for ever: and where wee shall fayle there to wayte upon the Ierd Jesus for pardon and for acceptance and healing for his names sake. Richard Mather: Thomas Jones Nath: Duncan: John Pope George Minot: John Iingesley. Henry Withington Frat Dprchester Church Records, pp. 1-2. 191 APPENDIXB Yarmcuth Church Covenant: June 1&3 It is manifest out of Gods word, that God was pleased to walke in a way of Covenant with his people,'hee promising to be their God &' they promising to be his people. . . . Wee being in the feare‘of God, desirous to worship 8: fears him according to hes revealed Will, doe freely, Solemnely A Joyntly Covenant with the Lord in the presence of his Saints 8: Angelle 1. 2. 3. 5. First. That wee will for ever acknowledge A: avouch God to be our God in Jesus Christ. Secondly. That we will alwayes endeavour through the grace of God assisting us to walke in his wayes l: ordinances 8: according to his written word which is the only sufficient Rule of good life for every man. Thirdly. Neither will we suffer our selves to be polluted by any sinnefull wayes either publicque or private, but will ab- stain from the very appearance of evill, giving no offence to the Jew or to the Gentile, or to the Churches of Christ. Fourthly. hat we will in all love improve our Cc-union as Brethren, by watching over one another a as need shall be to counsell Admcnish, repreve, comfort, relieve, assist 8: heare with one another, humbly sutmiitting our selves to the Govern- ment of Christ in his Church. Lastly. We doe not promise these things in our owne by Christ his strength, neither doe we confine our selves to the worde of this Covenant but shall account it our duty at all times to im- brace any further light or truth that shall be revealed to us out of Gods word. From Yanouth Church Book, p. ll. 192 as“: . e ' e a C I. ‘ ‘vln a 1 r . . . I . I . , - o . U l 'v , a ... a . x ' I' r . e a , . . . r . Q . n u . v . u ’ . 0 C ‘ Q. APPENDIX C Covenant of Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin Wee whose Names are hereunder written do freely give up our hands and hearts to God the Father and his Son Christ Jesus, our onely Lord and Law-giver; and doe unanimously ingage in the fear of the Lord every one of us, to'our utmost powers, through the gracious assistance of Gods holy Spirit, ‘ fixatweewillwalktogetherinonebodywith one minde, inall sweetnesse of Spirit, and Saint-like love each to other, (as the Dis- ciples of Jesus Christ) and .11 to the Church. .129, 15. 12:. 13. 3a. m. 13. 8. Esau. 5. 2. I __mes. 3. 12. I £213. 1*. 21. éc. Jointly to contend and strive together in all good and lawful wayes, both by doing and by suffering for the purity of the Gospell, the Truth of Quiet, his Ordinances and Orders, the honour and liberty, and priviledges of the Church against all opposers, Jude 3. _G_a_l. 5. 1. 13. With all care and conscience to study and labour to keeps up theunityofthe spiritinthebondofpeace, bothinthe Churchin generall, and in particular, between one another, 2141. 2. 1, 2, 3. I me Is 100 LE 98, he 30 H 99.20 13s 11' “a A Carefully to avoid all causes and causers of Divisions (as each as in us lies) and to shun Seducers, false-Teachers of errors or Heresies, he 16a 17. 18s Ike 6a 39 1" 5e ._n—te 9e 30 7.8. 10a 2 31.92. 10. §_e_v_.2.1ll'.18. . _ Partaking and fellow-feeling to our power with one another, in every condition, bearing each other burdens, 99;. 6. 2. 33);. 13. 3. I ma 120 25a 2 _a_-Es 10 16. éce To forbear and bear with one another weaknesses, and infinities, in much pity, tendernesse, neelmesse and patience, not ripping up the weaknesse of any one to any other, without our Church; nor yet to any within, unless according to Christs rule and Gospel-order, endeavouring all we‘lay fertile-glory of the Gospel and the credit of his Church to hide and cover one anothers slippings and failings. Em. 1}. 32. k. 1h. 13. Ba. 15. 1. 9.21. 3. 12. 13. 1&2; 13. ‘9. 7. ace. And that we will (as the Lord our God shall enable us) to our utmost, cleave close one to another, and every one to the Lord, and cheer- fully undergoe the condition and Let the lord shall lay upon (this) his Church, whether in persecution or in prosperity, without axv; wilfull drawing back or falling away fron'the fellowship or Faith which wee posesse together, 31¢. 10. zu. 25. 26, so to the end, 2 gin. 1». 1o. 16. If any one Brother or Sister be afflicted, &o fellow-feelingly to be afflicted‘with that Brother‘or Sister, andin all Qiristian wayes we can, to counsell, comfort or assist, and to pray hard for such a Member, I 221:. 12. 26. 2 __3Tho . 3. 2. 5Q- 12. 15. £93.. 12. 15. Freely to contribute and communicate of things temporall and spirituall according to our abilities out of our aboundance both to _ particular members in want, and also into the Publique-Treasury or Church- Stock. I 21.9.1.1.- 30 17’ 180 I 2220 16s 1' 20 2 9.9:. 9e 5' 6’ 7e he 120 193 19:. 13a I &e 60 1?. éce Vigilantly to watch over each others conversation, so as to counsell, comfort or correct according to Christs rules in such cases; provoking one another to love and good workes, with brotherly bowels and affections, ITheg. 5.1}. 11+. He__b. 3. 12,13. 3413.10.24. Lab. 12. 13. 15. 17. 39.1.11. 15.14. firefully'walking together in all holinesse, godlinesse and humility of minds, (to our uttemost) every day and often, and orderly meeting together to the edify'ing of the body, for the glory of the Gospell, credit of'the Church, convincing of our adversaries, find the. that are withoutgflflz. 5. 16.20. it}. 3. 16,17. 2113.2.19.IIQQ_. 7.1. IPe_t.3.12. Be__b. 12.11}. Praying continually for the prosperity of this Church; for Gods presence in it, and proteotion of it, against all the gates of Hell, ELL Egg. Elem 6.18. 991.1; 1.2 P.sal 122. 6. ‘;§;. 62. 6, 7. is. And lastly, because differences have formerly arose about a Phstor, we doe freely declare to embrace and owns our brother - for our Pastor, according to the order of the Gospel; to sub-it with all ready obedience in the Lord to Christs Ordinances dispensed by'him, _pggg, u, 11. I‘Qg__.h. 1. II Cor. 5. 18. 19. Heb. 13. 7. 17. 2 Thee. 3. 1h. to pray for assistance_ from the Lord in the administration—_— to him comitted, M.- 6. 18,19'1991” it. 3. 2 Thes. 3. 1, 2. and to esteem ofhinastheLordrequires,I 921;. h. 1. ITheg. 5. 12,13. Inn. 5. 12. agd to adhere and cleave to hin.in the Lord, 2‘E1E;.h 6. 2 2T!. 1 1 is. All which we doe in the sincerity of our soules declare, promise, purpose and engage to , as our God shall enable us by his own gracious Spirit. Cited in John Rogers Ohel, pp. 459-b61. Ia'lull'llll l l‘ lllllll Ill- APPENDIX D Declarations of Experience in Receiving Saving Faith given at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin, c. 1650 lbs third of these Declarations illustrates the fact that even though a candidate had already given a declaration of his experience at another church, and was approved of and accepted as a member of that church (in this case William Bridge's church at Ianouth), he still was obliged to relate his experience at Dublin. This was also the practice of the churches of New England, for according to their treatises on pone (e.g.. gnu-nag m. p. 18s and mound new. M- W and mch-Eua—nmt 121M. pp. 28-30). the liberty of each congregation to approve of and admit its own nenbership, was a basic right and ought not to be Jeopardised. I. EXperience of Adrian Strong: For Iv life, I was two and twenty yeares a childe of wrath, and then by the word preached, and read out of good Books and the Bible, I was brought in to God: for an precisenesse and walking in the wayes of God, I have been imprisoned twice, Sometimes I have had many before these troubles, and then my heart was set too lush on it; but afterwards I was taken off of all, and then I began to leave swearing and drinking, &c. which I did too much incline to. And ever since as afflictions have growne greater on nee, grace hath growne greater in nee. I was travelling into England: but now I blesse God for this mercy ordained for his Saints, that I can have so sweet fellowship with them here in Dublin. II. Experience of Sarah Barn-well: It hath pleased God to exercise me with much afflictions, and his Love was all which drew me to himself and nothing else; but first I lay long under a legall sorrow and grief for sin, and I was then put upon works and duties hard for heaven but I saw I could not get it that way; and in this great Plague-tine in this City I was carried further, from the notion to the Power, and to spirituall holinesse, and higher ' into Christ, yet I used the means much, as praying, preaching, reading, 195 196 meditating, &c. and by the Word I was struck home, when Mr. Dunstable teached on the sad condition of some (even Professors) that were in Hell howling! Oh! this sad doctrine struck deep to the heart, and I lay long wounded in my spirit upon it. But it hath pleased God to work upon me in divers wayes; and by his spirit he hath set me free from this bondage, - which mercy I obtained first fem the consideration of Gods great Love in Christ, and hereby I was brought to this assurance which I have. III. Experience of John Spilman Captains: . i Being a member of the Church at Iarmouth in England, of which Mr. Bridges is Pastor, I have given there an account of aw faith and life, onely shall say thus much more, that once in a carnall condition as I was, I did slight the Ministers of Christ, especially your long Preachers, and could‘not abide that any should preach long, but at last I was catched by one, and hes was on gob. 8. 8. 10. the new Covenant made in Christ, which was applied to me very home, and touched me into the heart, and made me to inquire into In condition, hearing the danger of being out of that Covenant, as it was to bee out of Noah's Arke, and I asked no heart about it, whither I belonged to it or no! but (alas) I lay long in great affliction, and had no satisfaction, nor assurance, so that I knew‘not what to doe, being under many temptations, sometimes I would heare, and sometimes affected the Ordinances, and sometimes not, and so I continued a while, untill those promises comforted me much in 1.1953; 1 - 14. I will heal their back-slidings andz love them freely, for mine anger is turned away form him. And Heb. 8. For I will be merci- ful to their unrightousnesse, and their sinnes and2 iniquities will I remembernomore. Andthatinm.5.6.1ndue tine Christdyed for the ungodly. And verse 8. While we were yet sinners. And some other places besides; but yet I questioned whether he dyed for me or no, and that was answered, yes, for not for I was one of the number of sinners, and ungodly that needed Christ, but being in fears, I went to Mr. Bridges, told him how I was, and indeed be satisfied me very much for the time, but I fell into great trouble after all this, and had a sentence of death within me, and thought I was damned, and utterly lost for all this, still wanting faith, and looking upon Hy owne actings and graces, till the Lord laid these sayings of Paul to Corinth home close to my heart, Covet the best things, and I tell you yet a more excellent way, and I thought there was yet a better way, but I was a great while troubled, for I was well enough untill I had some sweet enjoyments of Jesus Christ, and then I discovered the most excellent way, which is Christ and nothing but wrist, and then I grew confident, and full of courage and assurance, and loved Christ in all and all that was Christs, and Christ more than all. From John Rogers, Ohel, pp. 41249). #15. #12. (u)-(5). glut-1|!“ 9 .73.»! 9. .‘(aiJ . . . ..4. vs