"J

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CHANG-INS PAT BANS OF SOCIAL C1GA-T.ZAT ml IN

A AUAAL PACELEh.AP“‘ F D? UGUAY

by

Charles H; Proctor

A TKESIS

Submitted to t21e Sc'1ool for Advanced Graduate St-1dies of
Michigan State Universit3 of.Agriculture and

Applied Science in ;,artial f alfillAent of
the requirements for the degree of

W rx 'v'nn

quLvR OF TKILOSCTUY

Departxzent of Sociolow" and Anthropology

1356

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CHARLES PROCTOR ABSTRACT

The site of the study is a small town, population 900, and
the surrounding country with its 841 family farms, located about
fifty miles north of Montevideo, Uruguay. Intormation was collected
through the ”participantzobserver' and questionnaire techniques on
the patterns of social interaction accompanying economic exchange,
political and associational activities. Additional information on
the society was presented in order to better understand the setting
within which social change is taking place.

The research objective was the discovery and explanation of some
or the more commonly occuring ways in which the social organizations
of economic exchange, politics and associations were changing. The
changes in independent variables relevant to changes in the structure
of economic exchange relationships were found to be: favorable
prices for farm produce, increase in the number of truckers, increase
in information on market conditions and “new ideas" stating: ”farm
less, but do it better,” along with an increase in the man-land ratio.
Changes in the structure of economic exchange relationships were:

a shift from a ”star” contact-no-contact structure (a single middle-
man constitutes the only outlet for produce of a large number of
farmers) with a oneeway leadership pattern (middleman dominates the
farmer) to a decentralized contact-no-contact structure (many lesser
middlemen specialized in the marketing of certain types of farm pro-
duce) with a two-way leadership pattern.

This shift takes place largely in two ways: (1) as a result

of a relative prosperity farmers have asserted their independence

 

’0

EL

CHARLES PROCTOR

by breaking with the larger middlemen and (2) as a result of the
”new ideas” farmers have tended to concentrate on garden crOps, \
rather than field cr0ps, which are marketed almost directly by
the farmer himself.

The changes in independent variables relevant to changes in
the structure of political organizations were found to be: (1) con-
tinuation of a socialistic-type legislation which allows considerable
benefits to be distributed by the government while placing res-
ponsibility for the administration of these benefits in the hands
of lesser and local government officials and (2) the increasing
use of a ”pragmatic" ethic in politician-constituent relationships
replacing the sentimental-patriotic ethic. Under these conditions
a larger number of persons specialized in law or business find
themselves able to gain patronage for others and thus to become,
themselves, politically influential. On the local level political
”clubs" are organized less around a single leader and more around
a "team," and a strong tendency to smaller factions is evident.
Leadership still is in the hands of the political bosses.

Current changes in the social organization of associations are
less responsive to external forces and depend more upon conditions
within the town and rural area. The associations, political organiza-
tions, and economic structures are closely related. Many of the
same peeple ocCUpy prominent positions in all three. A pattern
of ”sponsorship” of promising leaders by already prominent men was

'found whereby a political boss may aid a younger man to start his

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CHARLES PROCTOR

business or become a leader in an association. The existing pattern
of oscillation of the elite fits with this pattern of sponsorship

and also with the pattern of conflicting factions or subgrOUps.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The Interamerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences in its
administration of the Southern Zone, Project 39 of the Program
of Technical Cooperation under the support of the Organization
of.American States placed the investigator in the field where he
was employed as rural sociologist for two years. Time and a
minimum.of interference were positive contributions of this agency.
. More than this, staff members such as Dr. Harry C. Ramsower and
Dr. Jose Marull, as well as the zone director Ing. Manuel Elgueta
made substantive additions to the content of the thesis as the
investigator tried out his interpretations of events against
their knowledge of the study area.

The greatest debt of all is owed the countless Uruguayan
professionals, administrators and, of course, the people in the
study area. Inge. Federico Rolfe and Alfredo Weiss, both of the
Ministerio de Ganaderia y Agricultura and of the Facultad de
Agronomia were especially helpful in communicating to the
investigator the results of their experiences and interpreta-
tions of agrarian policy. A great share of the data collection
in the study area was carried out by the fellowship students,
Gorky Villalba and Roberto Motta. In spite of cold and rainy
weather, competition for jeeps, a loosely defined task, and a
bothersome North American sociologo these two accomplished over
two hundred interviews in farm houses.

To the people of the study area, both in the towns of San

Ba utista and Castellanos and in the open country, we extend

£22232 gracias. References to particular individuals are largely
avoided in the presentation of the data, but no special attempt
to preserve anonimity was made. It is sincerely hoped that this
will offend no one. Recognizing the spirit of unselfish help-
fulness which don Miguel Villalba and don Pedro Maravotto of

San Bautista tended the study, I am sure they will forgive their
rather prominent appearance in the following pages.

A great number of other persons of the Institute's staff,
in government and in the field of social science were unwitting
but always valuable contributors to the study. Our close friends
in Uruguay have a share in the data used in the sections of the
Rio Platense culture area--Saludos.

Dr. Charles P. Loomis was largely responsible for finding a
way to implement my interest in Latin America and his workman-
like approach to social research has always been a worthy aim.
Dr. John Useam, as major professor, was especially helpful in
calling attention to what was important in the analysis without
damaging the feelings of a neonate reporter who tends to say too

much and to say it too many times.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER

I.

II.

INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY . . . . . .
Development of the Problem . . . .

Theory ...............
Hypotheses of the Theoretical Schema
General Principles of Explanations
Explanations of Paths . . . . . . .

Position of the Theoretical Schema o

f this Study

in Current Developments of the Field . . . . .

Position of the Study in Applied Soc
Methods...............
FieldworkintheTown. . . . . . .
Fieldwork in the Country . . . . .
Sampling Reliability of Results . .
Interviews with Middleman . . . . .
Scope of the Data Collected . . . .
Outline of Subsequent Chapters . . .
BACKGROUND AND CHARACTERISTICS OF THE
Introduction ...........
SanBautista .....‘.......
Spatial Location of the People Studi
The Land of San Bautista Section .
Origin of the Population . . . . .
The Rural Population . . . . . . .

TheTownPopulation........

ial Science .

STUDY AREA .

edoeeee

PAGE

masher-aw

10

16
17
18
20
21
23
23
24
24
26
30
32

33

CHAPTER

III.

Rural Settlement Pattern e e e e e e e e e

Recurrent Movement of the Rural Population

Trade and Service Area . . . . . . . . . .

Rural Neighborhoods . . . . . . . . . . . .

ViSitingeeeeeeeeeeeeeeeee

Farming and Family Life: Physical Setting

Farming and Family Life: Levels of Living

Farm.Family Daily Cycles oanctivity

Farm.Family Seasonal Round of Activities

Fm Fanijy Life HiStOry O O C C O O C O 0

Town and Country Differences in Viewpoints

The Horld Outside San Bautista .
Basic Cultural Patterns . . . .
Economics . . . . . . . . . . .
Politics ...........

Contacts Between San Bautista and
World Outside . . . . . . . . .
Changing Economic Conditions .
Changing Political Conditions .

Changing Cultural Conditions .

Overview of the Study Area . . . .

PARTICIPANTS AND PAIR-RELATIONSHIPS

IN

ECONOI‘IIC STRUCTD'ILES . g .g g Q o a o 0

Scope and Program of the Chapter

Characterization of FarmAFamily Units .

Orientation to "Low-Pressure" Enjoyments

PAGE
37
37
39
42
45
47
52
54

56

57
61
61
63

67

71
72
76

79

85
87

87

CHAPTER

Bluffing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Honesty versus Dishonesty . . . . . . . . . . .
Evaluation of Personal Traits . . . . . . . . .
Standards of Living . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Specific Farming Standards of FarmpFamily Units

Introduction to the List of Input-Output
Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Input-Output Relationships . . . . . . . . . .

Summary and Further Comments on the Farm-
Family Units . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Characterization of the Tradesman as a Unit . . .
methodological Note . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Sketches of Middleman--the "Strong" Type

How They Became Acopiadores? . . . . . . . . .

 

Characteristics of the Middleman Unit . . . . .
Growth and Decline of Middlemen . . . . . . . .
Input-Output Relationships of Strong Middlemen
Sketches of Lesser Middleman or Specialists . .
How They Became Lesser Middleman or Specialists
Style of Actions of Lesser Middleman . . . . .
Summary and Further Comments on the

Middleman and Specialists . . . . . . . . . .

Pair Relationships of Economic Exchange Between

FarmFamilyandMiddleman. . . . . . . . . . .

Introuuction.. .e a... e~-’“-e- e e e e e e e e e e e

PAGE
90
91
94
97

103

106

107

113
118
119
120
124
125

130
131
132

133

134

136

136

CHAPTER PAGE
Unlimited versus Limited Content of the
Relationship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 137
Fixed Client versus Transitory Client . . . . . . . 137
Farmers-Mentevideo Markets and Farmer-Trucker . . . 143
Other Pair Relationships . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
IV. AREA-HIDE ECONOMIC STRUCTURES AND CHANGE . . . . . . 149
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149
Present Structure of Exchange Relationships . . . . 150
Change in the Structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
Explanation of Path I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156
Conclusions to the Analysis of Path I and the Use
of the Concept, Adaptiveness‘ . . . . . . . . . . 165
Explanation of Path II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
V. POLITICAL.AND ASSOCIATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS . . . . . . 180
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 180
Politica1.Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
Description of a Typical Local Political
Organization or Faction . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
Other Local Political Factions . . . . . . . . . . 191
Outline of a Farm Family's Decision as to which
Faction to Support . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193
Importance of the Caudillo's Personal Qualities . . 195
Importance of Traditional and Patriotic
Sentiments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 196

Importance of the Caudillo's Political Influence . 198

\\

CHAPTER
Change in the Social Organization of Political
Activities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Associational Structures . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Description of Some Associational Activities ....
Social Structure in.Associationa1 Activities . .
VI. SUMMARYANDCONCLUSIONS..............
Overview of the Thesis . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Summary of Chapter III, Participants and Pair-
Relationships in Economic Structures, and
Chapter IV, Areaawide Economic Structures and
Structural Change . . . . ._. . . . . . . . . .
Summary of Chapter V, Political and Associational
Organizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Contributions to Substantive Sociology . . . . .

PAGE

201
210
210
218
226

226

228

233

238

Implications of the Study for Applied Social Science:

The Case of the Institute's Program . . . . . . .

FutureTrends..................
BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
List of Numbered References . . . . . . . . . . .
General References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
TAPPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Appendix A: Tabulations from the 1951 Uruguayan
Agricultural Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Appendix B: Typology of FarmAFamiLy Unit's Ways

of Reacting to New Technological Knowledge . .

252
255
255
259

261

262

270

CHAPTER PAGE
Appendix C: Discussion of Probability Models
Suggested for Use in the Representation of

Structural Changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 278

GIJOSSARY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 28 3

LIST CF TABLES

TABLE PAGE
I. Place of Parent's Residence Relative to Present
Residence of Farm.Family . . . . . . . . . . 31
II. Forty-two Farm.Families Classified by Length
of Residence on the Present Holding . . . . 32
III. Forty-one Farm Families Classified by lumber
of Persons Living on the Farm . . . . . . . 33
IV. Forty-one Farm.Families Classified by Time of

Trip to San Bautista From.Farm and by Mode

of Transport . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
V. Amount of Church Attendance Among Farm Family
Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41
VI. Frequency of Visits to Boliches Among Forty-
one Male Farm.Fami1y Heads . . . . . . . . . 43
VII. Number of Farm.Fami1ies Reporting Various
Numbers of Visit“ During the Past Geek with
Friends and Relatives . . . . . . . . . . . 46
VIII. Average Age at Harriage for the Years 1950-
1953, San Bautista Section (Both Town and
Country).................. 56
IX. Number of BaptiSms for Selected Years 1920-
1954, San Bautista Section (Both T wn and
Country)................oo 56

TABLE

\r
a\ .

XII.

XIII.

XVI.

XVII.

XVIII.

\r‘r-v-V

AhXJ—A .

Responses of Forty-one Farmers Telling How
They Would Spend 500 Pesos and 5,000 Pesos .
Type of Person to fihom the Forty-one Farmers
Sold Their Uheat, Corn and Garden Crops . .
Classification of Farms by Iresence or
Absence of Wheat and of Saleable Quantities
of Garden Produce . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Further Breakdown of Table XII by Labor Supply
and Size of Holding . . . . . . . . . . . a
Farm Families Classified by Age of Head of
Family and Size of Farm. . . . . . . . . . .
Further Description of Cases Tabulated in
Table I . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Reproduction of Table XV Hith Only the Normal
Family Units Being Classified . . . . . . c
Number of Farmers Utilizing Various Market
Outlets for Their Garden-Type Produce . . .
Breakdown.by Political Faction of the 2,833
Votes Cast in the Uruguayan National
Elections in the Section of San Bautista,
1954 . . . . . . . . . . . . .

November 28,

Participation in Selected Activities by Some

Member of the Farm-Fami v Units in the Forty-

one Farm Sample . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1.7 ‘ “77
“um

99

151

170

171

172

173

176

219

mlfljawdSWJfidJITA-ll.

TABLE

XXI.

XXII.

ICXIII.

V-‘PIV .

XXV.

IXXVI.

IXXVII.

XXVIII.

<XAIK.

Tenureu we

Participation

Role of 30518 harm

mer of the iainu

Family in the Associational Activities,

Forty-one Farm Sample . . .

Bautista andt

1951 .

Bautistam
1981 .

Bautista

(Including the Section of San Bautista), 1951

and in the Department of Canelones

1d the

Size of Farm.fioldin3

in the Section of San

11e Department of Canelones,

q1nrtnent of Canelones,

ment of Canelones, 1951 . .

Land in F i

1951 .

old Crops:

San bautista Section,

Tenure Status of Farms of the Section of San

Land in Garden Crops and Field Crops De cart-

Section of San East is ta and the Department

Utilization of the Land in the Section of San

Enumeration of Selected Itexns on iarms in the

of Canelones, 19513 . . . . . . . . . . . . .

312. 28 Of F511 All “Oltfill‘g

»)erated,

San Bautista District, 1954

Sample, San Bautista District, 1954

CL».

Sample of the Section of San Daut

tn

0)

by Size of Farm for the

41-Farm Sample,

4.
13L

Tenure Status of Farm Cperators, 41-Farm

and 1955

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c )
m

219

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[‘J
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269

 

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE

1.

5.

Chart of 98 Percent Confidence Intervals for
Forty-one Farm Sample Proportions . . . . . . .
Location of the Study Area . . . . . . . . . . . .
Landmarks in the Section of San Bautista, Uruguay
Age-Sex Pyramid for the Rural Population of the
Section of San Bautista, 1954 . . . . . . . . .

Age-Sex Pyramid for the Town of San Bautista, 1953

PAGE

19
27

28

34

35

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LJA.1 LA .iJ—s I

Development of the Problem. The present study attempts an
exploration of dianging patterns of economic, political, and
associational structures in a rural area of Uruguay. Uruguay, one
of the smaller Latin American republics, is located between Argentina
to the west and Brazil to the north, while frontixg on fine Rio de la
Plata to the south and the Atlantic Ocean to the east. he study
area is about fifty miles north of the Uruguayan capitol, Montevideo,
in a region of small, mixed-crop farms.1 The study area is bounded
by the political limits of the San Bautista Section.2 There are
some 4,500 persons distributed over approximately 77 square miles.
About three-fourths of'flie people reside in the open country.

In September of 1953, the investigator arrived in Uruguay to
work for two years as rural sociologist with file Interamerican Institute
of Agricultural Sciences.3 his primary task was to collect basic in-
fOrnation on the social patterns among the rural population, which
information was to be employed in the operation of an agricultural
extension program. This agricultural and rural homemdcing extension

1Figures 2 and 3 provide maps by which to locate the area.

2‘ .
See Figure 3.
3In Chapter VI under the subheading "Implications of the Study

f”Applied Social Science: The Case of the Institutes pro ran,"
13 found a description of this organization.

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URUGUAY

DEMONSTRATION AREA

 

CANELout-zs
DEMONSTRATION AREA

  
    
   
    

CHAMIZO-
F RAY MARCOS

  

SAN RAM6N,

SAN BAUTISTA

FIGURE 2. LLK'ATIH‘V ‘2)1' 'L‘LL-"L :.I.‘i}1‘:Y/'-.l(3_.-\

  
 
 
 
 
  
  
 
  

 

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In genoraL, however, the iarm tamilies appear to be located
with a strong tenaciousness to their neighborhood. This can be
inferred from the data of Table I. Here it is seen that even

across generations there is residential stability of the population.

TABLE I.

PLACE OF kflEENT'S RLQIDENCE RELATIVE
TO PRESENT RLSIDHNCE 0F FARE FAhILY

 

 

 

Place of Parent's Residence Frequency
'Within the same Basaje 33
In.a.neighboring paraje 5
Farther away 3

—

Although a11.of the family heads of Table I are males, the residence
Pattern is not more patri-local then matri-local. There is a
COllusion--both the huSDand and the wife very frequently come from
the Same rural neighborhood.5

In order to provide further assurance of this stability of
residence and to investigate it over the life history of the farm-

fa“Iii-lyunit, Table II was constructed.

5Hhen examining the recently recorded marriages in the office
Of 131’“? local judge of San Bautista a rough count showed that well
°Ver half of all marriages were between nearby families. This came
as Somewhat of a surprise to several informants who had noted the
m°re "spectacular" cases of courtships which.required the young man
t° Set out by bus or on horseback to make his weekly visit on a
u“may afternoon.

TABLE II

FORTY-Tn“ FARfi-FAQILIHS CLAQSIFlnD BY LENGTH OF
MSI!)I£‘ECE ON THE PRESENT HOLDING

 

 

Years of Residence Frequency
on the bane Farm

 

0 - 4 years 5
5 - 9 years 4
10 - 14 years 5
15 - 29 years 14
30 - more 14

 

 

Thus although the present rural population of the Section is a
relatively "recent“ arrival it has become quite settled and appears,
as shall be seen later, to be attached to localities. The origin of
the town population appears to be similar; in fact the surrounding
rura1.area probably constitutes the source of the town population,
POSSibly a more important source than reproduction within the town
itself.

Ihe Rural Population. The forty-one farm-family sample6 is the

 

basic group through whose characteristics it is proposed to view the
entire farm population of the District. Living on the forty-one
farms were found a total of 169 persons giving a persons-per-farm
ratio of about 4.12. The distribution of number of persons per farm

is given in Table III.

68ampling procedures and errors were discussed in Part II of
chapter I.

133a 3: 3.53 .
V . _

 

33

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*3

 

 

 

I’LXLS’IITS LITD'G C'I‘F TYI'; “1:111
Number of Persons
Living on Farm Freiuency

l 2
2 5
3 6
4 l4
5 5
6 6
7 2
8 l

 

 

Thus the four-person farm-family unit is "typical." In the
great majority of cases the farm-family is the nuclear family. In
only 6 cases relatives other than parents and children were living
on the farm.

In the age-sex pyramid of Figure 4 the small size of the sample
is responsible to some unknown extent for irregularities. One thing
appears rather clear--this is not the shape of a pyramid which one
might expect of a rural population in an "underdeveloped" country.
The pyramid of Figure 4 has a small base. The ratio of children of
less than five years to 1,000 women twenty to forty-four years of
age was 333, while for the white rural popula ion of the United
States in 1950 this ratio was 701.

The Town Population. Turning now to the town population certain

 

comparisons with the rural population are possible. Fortunately the

Taculted de Arquitectura of the University of Montevideo had taken, in

 

No. of No. of
Males Females
I

muu‘lQbONNOUme

 

I6 I4 I2 IO 8 6 4 2 O 2 4 6 8 l0 l2 I4 I6

No.0! Persons No. of Pa
TOTALS 92 77 "m"

FlGL‘RI 4. FLY-3;} X l‘“':’.‘l,".\-![D IYVR Riff RURXL PICK” LITI‘ ‘1‘.

01" TIFF. S'ECTEO“ UF 3X I'IJIYI‘IDTA, 1954

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

I
’I
I
." so 94 \
Na 0! ,’ ‘\ No of
r 7
Moles ,’ 5 79 \\ Females
. ,’ 7o 74 x
m < ,’ X 124‘
’ s: 69 ‘
I” “\
,’ so 64 s‘
I \
1’ 55 59 ‘s
I ‘\
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u. esnmreo‘ so 54 esrmnrso‘ \J

22 I 45 49 j 26
32 4o 44 I 34
an I 35 39 I 23
26 I 30 34 I 24
25 25 29 I at
so 20 24 I 29
30 l5 IS I 27
33 I no I4 I 24
25 I s 9 I 23
(30)” I<——— Esnm‘rso“ 0 5 esrmarso”——>I (33)"

 

It

i

l-

I I I I I I
35 30 25 20 I5 IO

TOTA LS

division W35 csrimntod.

F IUIJRIE 5.

Ami-SIX FYILIN‘ID 1' IR

The total number of childrvn 0 — 5 vF-ars is knmm,

 

I
0 5 lo

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l I I
IS 20 25

400 I 393

this

."C T-I'T‘v n‘I‘ 213' ii‘IETIi

but

I I
3035

.»\1though the total numbers of males and of {emu-ts, ages 3'.) and
more are known, the distribution by ages within
knovn.

range is. no t

the sex

3‘31 , 1235 3

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37

are 3.60 persons per house in Castellanos, this would add about 200
persons to the 793 of the town of San Bautista and to the estimated
3,470 in the rural area-~giving an overall estimate of 4,463 persons
within the boundaries of the Seccion Judicial de San Bautista.

Rural Settlement Pattern. In the open country portion of the

 

Section farm houses are dispersed, even to the extent of placing
the cluster of houses and outbuildings well within the holding.
This arrangement may have its explanation in the ease with which the
farmer can reach all of his fields, but it also reflects the lack of
importance of roads. In fact, the usual modes of elf-farm transport
such as horseback and horse-drawn cart (22253:) are largely independent
of elaborate roads. In general, the farm houses are separated, one
from another, by a walk of about 5 minutes.

In certain parajes (rural neighborhoods) farms are closer together,
notably in Puntas de Pando, where the subdivision of parent's holdings
among numerous sons and daughters has reduced the average farm size.
In other parajes they are further apart. In certain cases one may
find a cluster of five or six houses around a rural store which indi-
cates usually that here there are part-time farmers who are occupied in
some more specialized occupation (e.g., grain merchant, blacksmith, or
machinery specialist) .

Recurrent Movement of the Rural Population. Covering the countryside is
a network of roads, constructed (i.e., packed down) mainly by the traffic
they'bear, with an occasional attempt to construct a drainage ditch along-
side. It would seem that a theory of "least resistance to physical movement"

could adequately explain this road system. There is considerable flexi-

bility of routes due to weather conditions. If rain has not been
extensive one route (crossing Small arroyos or cafiadas) is preferred,
‘while if it has been wet another is better. And if a bridge becomes
dangerous it may be some time before another is built, so traffic
gust find another outlet. Shortcuts frequently follow routes within
holdings, across "private" pastures and down "private" lanes.9
Associated with the "informality" of the road system are the
modes of transport used by rural families. In Table I” the relative
frequencies of motorized versus "blood traction" can be appreciated
in conjunction with some data on time-distance from the farm to the
town center.
TAULE IV
FILTY-ONE FARM-FAKILIQS CLASSIFIED BY TIRE OF TRIP
0

TO ’AN PKUTISTA FROM PARK AV? BY

113-m: or TMNSPOILT

 

 

Most Common Mode of Transport

 

Minutes from Horseback, Bus, Train,
San Bautista Horsecart, Car or Totals
or on foot Truck

0-14 1 3 4
15-29 6 3 9
30-44 10 2 12
45-59 1 1
80-89 10 l 11
90-more 4 - 4

 

 

The Horsecart (charet) is the most common user of the rural

9 -'L . . . .

when such a route was indicated to us, our guide invariably
said that he didn't believe filat the man whose land we were to cross
would mind.

H .I.$1Iowlnla.-HJJI§ ”-. I, : 1..., J
. . . , 1.. In v I , “

 

roads. This vehicle has a box on two large wooden wheels without
top and is drawn by a single horse. The large high wheels span
chuckholes and provide a triumphant, if jolting, ride. Families
(entire), older men and women use the m while men, if alone,
ride horseback. If the farmhouse is along the main road (from
Montevideo through the town of San Bautista), then the farm family
frequently takes advantage of the busses which pass about each

hour in either direction.

‘3” Three types of movement within the Section can be distinguished.
‘ I. Rural People go to San Bautista, the town trade-and-service-center.
They go to sub-centers of the rural area where there may be a small
store and bar, M (Soccer) field, one-room school, etc. They
also visit each other.

Trade and Service Area. 1.'Jarly in the fieldwork an attempt was
made to delineate the trade-service area around San Bautista. Farmers
Who lived within a half-hour ride from San Bautista were asked about
1Ihetir trips into town and it was (found that usually the entire family made
the trip and that they went to the general stores of the town primarily
i'Or clothing and farm equipment. As families further away from the
Center were interviewed it appeared that the same type of trip was
made, but less frequently, until finally families went more fre-
Cluently to other trade and service centers.

Their judgements concerning frequency were never very precise.
"It depends," they would say. Those further away were able to compare
with other families closer to town and they themselves went very

infrequently; but in no case was a pattern of constant time between

trips found.

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Section. Competition with the town of Santa Rosa (to the southwest)
takes place along he main highway from Montevideo and is thus less

influenced by natural barriers. To the north the people feel them-

selves part of two such trade-service areas because of the presence

of the Castellanos population cluster in which there are also stores
although considerably smaller ones.

These activities during the visit tOLthe trade-service center
of making purchases, leaving a watch to be repaired, or paying the
taxes.are widespread and "reglarized" to the extent that knowing a
family's place of residence allows one to predict to which center
it will go. But such activities alone would probably not provide a
basis for feelings of hel:nging.ess to the San Bautista community.
There are, in addition to the economic ties, additional ones which
have their focus in the tom: of San Tautista and which provide oc-
casions for the simultaneous participation of people from various
Ifiu“ts of the Section. Church attendance, while sporadic, is all
but lumiversal as can be seen in Table V. The major holidays of the
Church.are the occasion of a large influx of farm families which take

TniLL V

noun 0: 31:51:33! I.TT:IN"ANCE
AMONG F.‘.121~I-F1=.IHLY salami:

 

 

 

Amount of

Attendance Preiuency
Do not attend 3
About once a week 4
Twice a month 5
Once a month 17

Less than once a month 12

 

 

part in processions. The social club (called Vida Nueva) of San

Bautista draws perhaps two-thirds of its total membership (about 500
thmdlies) from the rural population of the Section. Members(i.e.,
families) attend the dances and other entertainment which are held during
Carnaval (a week of street dances and entertainment early in

March) and at three or four other times during the year. Although
political activities are ecologically based more upon the local
neighborhoods, every four years the national elections and cam-
paigning are carried out on a Section-wide basis. These activities
provide for little or no interaction among the participants beyond
simultaneous attendance at rallies and voting. But they do permit
farm people to see each other, to meet each other through common
acquaintances and a sense of community belongingness does arise.
Moving one's residence from one such trade-center over to another is
probably more significant than just moving within the area.

Rural Neighborhoods. The terms, "sub-center" and "223313" (rural
neighborhood) can easily suggest a concreteness which would most cer-
tainly be "misplaced." Previously it was pointed out that the 235313
boundaries are fluid and vague. Adjacent farmers may disagree on
their affiliation to a ara'e, and frequently a person will state
that he lives between two pagajes. It was hoped, at first, that a trade
area associated with a single sub-center could be delineated and found
to agree with the current definition of 235313. But sub-centers

OOCur in a variety of forms.

The minimal but principle element of a sub-center is a com-
bination small store an: Ear (boliche). Here the younger children
are sent to purchase yerba (see footnote 5 of Chapter III), tobacco,
fideos (macaroni), or the farmer goes for kerosene, insecticide, or
a new pair of alparra.as (like tennis shoes). The boliche is the
scene of a gathering of farmers on any afternoon after 3:00 P.K.

and especially on Suniays. A tondance at the boliche by farmers

(women go infrequently) is given in Table VI.

Them; VI

FRIEUENCY OF VISITS TC ECLICTTS ihCXG F07 Y-OWE

'n O 71s ‘31.. (swv‘f f 1",.- ,\
'..n ' i‘ :LruWFAnlp 11.4.30

 

 

o o ‘\
Frequency of ViSits dumber
of Cases

 

Do not go to boliche 7
About twice a week 5
About once a week 13
About twice a month 4
About once a month ll
No response 1

 

By means of Figure 3 it is possible to appreciate the way in
Which.the rural neighborhood bounlaries fail to correspond to the
Sphere of influence of the boliches. The distribution of the eighteen
bCliches of the campdhaio is a sufficiently "even" one to be able to

10There are also two in Castellanos and seven in San Bautista

but these others are supported largely by the respective town popu-
'lations.

say that each probably draws on some fifty to one-hundred regular patrons,
if it is recognized that many farmers frequent more than one boliche.
This agrees with the observation that there are usually about

twenty patrons in smaller boliches and as many as sixty or eighty

in the larger boliches on Sunday afternoons. The boliche-areas at

times cut across and invariably subdivide the rural neighborhoods.

A possible rationale behind neighborhood boundaries would
include: (1) common concern for the same set of roads (2) common
concern for the same school and (3) common concern for the m
(soccer) team. In the three parajes where these concerns are ex-
pressed in joint activity (or in which joint activity creates the
cannon concerns) such that the sane collection of families within
roughly the same area find themselves together for all three of
these activities-~here, the neighborhood boundaries are of some
importance and identification with the neighborhood is "strong."

The most clearcut of these cases of identification is found in
the neighborhood Puntas (and Costa) de Pundo (see Figure 3). E1
Cuadro and El Colorado (other gages shown in Figure 3) also show
considerable "unity." Canelén is, at present, more amorphous
(9-8., people report living in several different neighborhoods--
Pinata; de Cane16n, Costa de Canelon, Costa de Cmelén Grande),

"“11% "Costa del Tala" is an even more confused designation. In

113-(hen interviewed in 1955 a storekeeper of this neighborhood
had "any ideas for the expansion of his services (to be included: a
lives‘tock market, a railroad stop and an enlargment in the dance
£100?) which may result in more common activities.

 

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betweez mother and married daughter is frequent when the two houses
are within walking distance. In case of sickness or of death there
is an influx of women from other families. The extent of visiting
by a (usually younger) woman and her children (to a neighbor's house
for sociable reasons is qu'te common.

When asked, "Did you receive or make am}r visits during the
past week?" the responses of the forty-one heads of household were
distributed as in Table VII.

TABLE VII

NUT-£33; OF FAILE-Z-FAZLILIES lLL-‘l’ClCI‘EJG VAL-.IQUS )IUIZ’SZILS CF VISITS
DUIEII‘IG THE PAST WEEK HITH Fifi-LESS AND lQLXTIVES

Visiting Pattern Frequency

 

l0

(Nth-[001010

Neither received nor made visits
Named one relative

Named two relatives

Named one friend and one relative
Named one friend

Named two friends

 

 

 

The data of Table VII lead to some ambiguity. From the wording
0f the question it is impossible to discrimate between the following
state of affairs: (a) every family makes one visit every two week
and (b) one-half of the families visit at least once a week while the
other half does not visit, or (c) some combination of these possi-
bilities. From other interviews it seems more probable that the
frem-16mm of visiting varies from family to family, and that those who

do VISit, do so once a week or more often.

 

0n weekends relatives whose houses are more widely separated
visit each other, while weekday visiting is largely between families
which are within walking distance—but even this distance may be
two or three kilometers. Favored times of day appear to be the late
afternoon (tardicito) or shortly before noon. At these times the
families usually drink mate-~a constant companion of the style of
leisurely visiting adhered to in this and other areas of the country.
The topics of conversation are "sociable" ones--the weather, health, and
past events in the lives of the oldsters.

It is not known to what extent collections of families which
visit one another but not outside their "circle" can be found, The
family-friendship contact-no-contact structure for the Section would
probably show more of a chain pattern rather than an ”isolated circle"
01‘ Clique pattern. Although sociometric questions (including visits
as criterion) were asked, a til-family sample is incapable of exhibiting
Whatever pattern may exist in a 84l-family population.

Farming and Famin Life: Physical Setting. 0n almost all farms,
the "house" is in reality a set of two or three ranches. The walls
0f the 532922. are constructed either of mud, mixed with straw, of
about 10 inches thick and reinforced with posts (of wood or concrete)
or, in some cases, topsoil is cut in blocks which are piled up to
build the walls. Sometimes flattened gasoline drums are tied to the
outSide walls to inhibit rain and wind damage. The roof is thatch
of a tough and tall reed (paja brava). Each building (£31213)

measures approximately 40 feet by 15 feet and may have two or three'

 

 

 

rooms. The floor receives a portion of coarse sand mixed into the
clay to prevent sticking when wet and is usually kept both clean

and slightly lamp. One m may be used for the kitchen and living
room while others are used for sleeping. The "living room" rancho
frequently has a porch along one side built by extending and support-
ing the roof on that side.

Furniture is f actory-made and of wood; several long benches, a
table and a few straight chairs are found in the living room. The
stove in the kitchen burns wood or occasionally kerosene, ard an
outside "beehive" oven is used to bake bread. Sewing machines and
radios are optional, but widespread equipment. The radio is powered
by storage batteries charged by a wind generator. Whitewash covers
the inside walls where hang family portraits and newspaper illustra-
tions. Interiors are dark (windows are few and shaded) but cool in
the summer and at least windproof in the winter.

Around and among most clusters of ranches grow a profusion of
trees--usually an 3121313 and fig trees are present along with the
mar e “commercial" eucalyptus and poplar. The patio or the square
area, into which face the (usually three) ranches is a garden. In many
cases here too is the open well, constructed of a cylinder of bricks
about 4 and 1/2 feet in diameter which is topped by a windlass and
bucket. In addition to the ranches are a (or several) m (barn)
and a. tool shed. These are frequently constructed of cane plastered
0V3? with mud. The tool shed may be open on as many as three sides.

In SiZe these "utility" buildings are slightly smaller than the ranches.

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onions, tomatoes, broomstraw or flax; and a pasture (about one
hectare) and a woedlot (one hectare). As can be conjectured, farm
management practices tend toward diversification on a small scale.
To see what extent it is justifiable to talk of a "typical" farm
the tables of Appendix A may be examined.
The following information comes from the 41-farm sample drawn
frenlthe rural pepulation.of farms in the Section of San Bautista.
0f the 41 Farms:
(a) 5 had planted no corn in 1954, 26 planted some corn
but sold less than half of that produced, while 10
sold more than half;
(b) 2) had wheat (all wheat is sold), 21 did not;
(0) 22 sold garden-type produce (tomatoes, onions, squash,
garlic, etc.,), 19 did not;
(d) 20 had crops such as potatoes, flax, or broomstraw, 21
did not;
(e) 1 had no cows, 11 had one cow, 11 had 2, 6 had 3, 4 had
4, 8 had more (5 sold some milk, the rest did not);
(f) 22 sold no pigs (although only 4 did not have pigs), 1?
sold lechones (suckling pigs) and 2 sold full-sized pigs;
(0) only 1 had no chickens, 26 sold eggs to EEEEEEEEEEE
(peddler) and 13 sold to stores (1 gave no response to
this question).
Does the consideration of a "typical" farm destroy much of the
Variability found among the farms of the Section? Looking at the

distribution of farm size in hectares of Table XXI of Appendix A

 

 

 

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only a slight tendency.12

In visiting the farms themselves one notices differences in the
external and internal appearance of houses, in the arrangement and
assortment of tools, out-buildings, trees and flowers, etc. From
these appearances one can construct13 an image of a "good farm and
a "poor" farm. Tenure status may have an influence over the material
sector of the style of life. This is supported by Roy A. Clifford's
report (51)14 on data from the Second Urban Section of Florida (the
Chamize-Fray Marcos Section) where owners have more radios, more cars,
and more trucks, tractors, and planters than the renters.

Farming and Family Life: Levels of Living. Unfortunately,
data were not collected in questionnaire fashion on level of
living items. It is suspected that considerable homogeneity
would be evinced with respect to the house-type furnishings
and garden surroundings as described above. Women's and children's
clothing is quite standardized (this, however, may be a result of a
foreign male's viewpoint). The men's clothing is more variable. A
:yeunger man or even an older one who may have some contact with live-
stock wears bembachas (loose-tailored pants gathered at the waist

21nd ankles) with a light-fitting jacket, long knife, and maybe a broad-

12Data from the Agricultural Census were also examined in the
"PNDpes" of finding an association between tenure status and Size of
fauna, None was found. These tabulations, done in Montevideo early
during the field work, remained there and are not available at this
writing.

13Aided by local informants.

- 14Numbers within brackets refer to references listed in the
Bibliograprw.

3.11%.1ilig
a. , A, .
....“ . .

 

brimmed hat. Such a man is said to "andar EEK g2 raucho" ("act like

a gaucho"). The "pure" dirt farmer dresses in conventional (European)
shirt and pants--much patched, but usually clean. A suitcoat is common
apparel, a much worn one, even for work. A wide leather belt, out of

which juts the fac6n (knife) is frequently superimposed on a broad,

usually black, sash around the waist. A cffiuelo (silk or cotton *

 

scarf) adds color to an otherwise brown, grey or black background of
the clothing. Alnarpatas (canvass-top shoes with soles of jute) are
worn in the summer and leather ones in the winter. Going to town
requires a suitcoat, leather shoes, grflmelo and a shave. Going to a
dance brizgs out considerable refinement and care in dressing among
the younger unmarried males.

flith respect to diet, fewer data are avilable. however, there
appears to be considerable homogeneity here. Puchero (a "catch-all"
dish with a broth base to which pieces of vegetable and meat are addei)
pirdn and/or polenta (a corn flOlr fried in oil with onion) are some
of the dishes for the noon and main meal.

7‘
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VJ”€ On fnursdays and oundays, fideos (macaroni) is customary. ‘or

,/
breakfast a large quantity of milk with coffee plus bread forms the
basis. Sandwiches break the a ternoon, and dinner seems to be some-
wtwt optional, but is a relatively heavy meal if eaten. hate is
'taken first thing in the morning sometimes also before lunch and
again in the late afternoon. The women prepare all of the food and
tflie mates as well. Eating is a leisurely and ostensibly pleasurable
aCtivityuattested to by the high caloric intake, the evidences of

‘* 1 O , a . o
husxy'phySique, and tne numerous complaints about the "liver."

Sanitary facilities are not elaborate. Bathing in the arroyos
is common in the summer; trip showers are used; but probably the most
common way of washing is with buckets of water. A small stand of
Egg (a non-sugar—yielding variety of sugar cane) is the usual provi-
sion for privacy during elimination. The insides of the ranchos are
swept frequently. In most of the tool sheds one finds an accumulation
of odds and ends but the grounds are comparatively well picked up.
These practices are, however, quite variable.

Farm Family Daily Cycles of Activity. The diurnal round of
activities on a summer's day starts at 5:00 A.l-I. or 5:30 with the
feeding of the livestock (man's work) interspersed with drinking a
few mates. By 6:30 or 7:00 the cows and pigs have been fed and the
men are in the fields. At 8:00 or 8:30 it's time for breakfast.

On a good day with a heavy work schedule the children will bring
breakfast to the fields. At 11:30 the men come in to the ranchos,
stake out the oxen, and drink mate. After lunch, they sleep an hour
of siesta and at 2:00 PM. are back in the fields. From here on the
pattern seems to break down. Sometimes they cease work around 4:30
for a sandwich (bread and cheese, say) at other times they work until
Sunset; then back to the ranchos, take care of the animals then sit
in the kitchen and converse over a few mates until dinner. They go
to bed almost directly after dinner.

The women's housework is, as far as could be determined, much
the same as in the farm regions of the United States. Women have the
1‘98ponsibility for the chickens, and if no younger (less than 15 years)

children are in the house they tend the livestock while the men are in

 

 

 

the fields) and do some work in the garden. The younger sons run
errands, tend the livestock, and play m. Older sons (about eleven
years) frequently work on other farms if the man-to-land ratio is
sufficiently high on their own farm, likewise older daughters may

find work sewing for local tailors er a neighbor.

Fann Famin Seasonal Round of Activities. In the fall and
winter a great deal of outside farm work is still possible. Ploughing
is dcne in May, June, and July; in March and April the corn harvest and
corn husking goes on. By August and September the fields are
frequently too wet and the weather too drizzly and cold to allow very
much activity. In these times the farm family rises later and retires
earlier-«does not take a siesta--and activities include any number
of odd jobs: fencing, cornhusking, machinery repairs, building (con-
struction and repairs), etc. Planting of wheat is done in July or
August and of corn in. October and November. In general, farming is
a continuous operation made possible by the almost sub-tropical
Climate, but inhibited by the irregularly Spaced rains.

Farm Family Life history. A courtship vfnich ends in a marriage
frequently consumes about three years. The couple are usually from
within the same or neighboring Eajes. The man visits the woman on
Sundays and/or Thursdays. They attend dances, school benefits, ffitbol
games, etc. The average ages at marriage are shown in Table VII. It
is apparent that marriage is postponed until a relatively advanced age.
This is customary, and is probably supported by the fact that the man

attempts to arrange to have his own farm and house before marriage.

 

1‘23} 313 ‘ ’III

117’ '2 .‘\f‘\_.,‘ ‘F‘.‘ 1m 7- ‘ "Y' ~‘-\ ’\ V“! ' Y'V‘\ '1" 1‘ '.( r-r) (\f-
‘le—JAM‘XUAD' nay (Li liaL-L.LJ.‘..J‘.'J .L‘JA L _iq .'. ......L») 900.1"153

cax‘ Tn‘ \ T'T!‘ rn 'V'fim “A 77 (no «.7
91L... .'UJLUfiLILJL‘AL .4--L).L LdLVL UL— T . I.” 1;“) CVDLyF LJ.)

 

 

_.4 sum—a.

averagefi Age at Harriase

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Year Number of
Marriages bales 1e31ales ..,5
\» Cu” 3 l
r C an _ ran fl MAYA , .9“
13.30 VU GO. (v.7 . fen)“ ‘
1551 52 31.1 25.4 x._-«~~:z-\ 3
1952 37 31. 3 25.3 ...... n”
1053 4.8 zugz 23.2 r'j
fiDue to the infreq1ent re-.r11age of widows 2nd
widowers, tie a1LL~n .ic rean 13 an acceptable

measure of central tendency.
Source: Accords of die Jud ge, San Laatista.

1-1,

harriage is almost invariably followed by the birch of two to four
children (data in Table III above on familg' size bear this out). Of the
forty-one farm f anilies in the sarple, three were childless couples and

one was a single male, all of the otbm J3 had children. Dir hs are con-

' t

'1 #5 ‘ .
WVQ fltrolled more now t' an f0 m1ly, although the use of contraceptives seems

to be limited. The decrease in the number of births can be seen in Table II.

TALE .13 D:
2.131231; CF 73:93:31.3 .01 3:31.333 72;) YL 137.3
1920 to 1954 53.1: 13.15.1333 3:333:53:
(130m $03.1 .'.2:'3 com-33:3)

 

Number of

Year Baptisms

 

1920 170
1930 140
1940 91
1050 75
1951 S7
1052 80
1953 67

1954 73
M

Source: Records of the Parish Briest:
San Bautista.

57

Establishment of a household and maintenance of younger children
requires intensive production and restricted consumption during the
first ten years of married life. After this period, upon the matura-
tion of the sons, there appears a tendency to expand the farming en-
terprise.15 This is done by moving to a larger farm.and/or renting
more land. This pattern may be associated with the fact that the younger
heads of household were less likely to be connected to the Insti-
tute's program of agricultural extension. Their activities appeared
to be greatly restricted because thqy13ere producing on a limited
size of farm fer a rather heavy burden of needs.

Following this period of expansion there is a tendency to de-
crease or contract the farm enterprise. The pattern of socially
enforced and sanctioned retirement operates rather strongly. When
Cultural values are taken up later, the emphasis upon leisure will
be explored, but it can be noted here that this value (enjoyment of
leisure time) operates strongly as the farmer ages and is reinforced
‘by'pressures upon the parent from the older sons. In many cases
‘the older couple moves into a small house in town; in other cases
‘they move into one of the ranches while the son and his family
occupy the other(s).

Town and Country Differences in Viewpoints. In his LEEEEE

the farmer's outside world is the calle (literally "street") which

15The supporting data are here of a static type. It is known
that families with parents in the forty's and older sons still on
the farm work on larger extensions of land. The inference is that
the c ange to a larger farm comes about as the sons mature.

 

passes his house. On the calle (which becomes a camino "road," as

he steps on it he may go to "lg‘ig Perez" (Perez' place), a boliche

say. and in the beliche he talks about the people of the town as

outsiders. For the farmer in the campafia the pueblo is the "outside."
when asked in what ways is life in the town better than life

in the country thezrespwnses of farmers wese as follows:

"In no wav" 12
. "Comfort" in general 6
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Cp} 1,.” the ueblo." 8 '
3 .r .
9’ Jr "If you have a job you can make a
F better living." 9
'\
Other 4
Don't know 2

When asked in what way is life in the rural area better than

life in the town the results were:

"In no way" 3
"Eat well, abundance" 13
"Liberty, less compromising" 14
"iranluility and sanity" 6

"More resources to work with" 5

 

« 131.... I41.

I...” a3:

Pb; ,

The responses to the first question (town better than country)
came with no little faltering, the informants were probably surprised
at the question. But they seemed to be waiting for the next question
(country over town). Usually more than one response was given (the
first-mentioned was coded as a single reSponse), ant almost invariably

the words tranquilidad ("tranq1ility") and libertad were voiced.

 

Liberty and fewer compromises (formal interpersonal obligations) are

 

for the farmers key points of dirference between country and town.
To farmers, life in the country is "free“ while life in the town is
too regimented and social relations are too formal.

And then, "The people in the pueblo are inclined to think they're
better." However, it's the people in the capitol city, Montevideo,
who are more liable to be found (by farmers) guilty of the grosser forms
of putting on airs. The people of the town do it with more subtlety.
But they (of the town) do act domineering, ordering others (farmers)
around, being dictatorial and "owners" of the town. hese un-
favorable characterizations are balanced, by the feeling that the
people of the town are like (us) farmers in a lot of ways, they are
more like farmers than are the people of Montevideo or even of San
Ramon (a medium-sized city to the North).

To the people of the town the "campesino nuestro" (our country-
man) is an individual, or at least a bewilderingly large number of
types.16 The farmer has to be handled just right or he rebels; but
he is not capricious, he can be understood. At times his behavior is

childish at other times noble. In general he is twisted inward

 

161n the main.the investigator's viewpoint is liable to be colored
by the chic person's way of seeing the farmers, since his pOSition was

that of a person of the mebl .

(retorcido) and must place his faith in others to guard his interest.
here are progressive farmers who are almost part of the town, while
there are, at the other end of the scale, "brutes" who live like ani-
mals, One has to be careful with whom he associates because of the
increased possibility of misunderstandings in contacts across the
status lines. These differences are somewhat associated with economic
prosperity but relatively few economic characteristics are important
in comparison to qualities of descent or good people.17
The greater part of the difference as conceived by the person

of the town between rural and snail town is that associated with
difference in physical situation. Going into the country is,for the
townsman, not recogniZed as going to a different cultural environment
so much as going to a different physical environment. It is the
farmer who is apparently more conscious of the difference in

cultural environment. Going to the town implies that a farmer will
act differently. Eben townsman and.farmer interact (outside of the
family-friendship context) the townsman usually exerts task leadership

and it is his style of acting which establishes or cues the common

17In our field work we iade an embarrassing miscalculation of this
type. As mentioned above the investigator's role was that of a person
Of‘the town. Now certain farm families feel free to associate with
People of the town while others, as a matter of co ‘se, do not. heter-
IHining this difference in viewpoint comes up from time to time in
{ieciding where an interview with a farm family is to be held--in the
Jéiving room or out in the yard. The decision between these locations
depends on many considerations (the weather is important) 'and among
‘.them. the status of the fann-family--"upper" status families will
1Insist on using the living room while "lower" status families will
leave it optional. In one case we decided from the appearance of
FKTVerty of the house to interview in the yard--the chargrin of the
People was eloquent testimonial to our error. This family was ente
Eflisgg (good people), but had lost the husband-father and were just
recuperating.

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crystallized nor a sanct_ified__one. There are few codified proscrip- hi“-

tions and fewer still prescriptions. The comon portion of the
culture is apparent in the consistency of historical and contemporary
events, but this consistency is sometimes masked by the simplicity
and limitations of the common Culture. The area of a man's activities
over which he considers himself, and is considered to be, soley re-
sponsible is a large one. He is defensive of his prerogatives, but
also somewhat hesitant in their exploitation. His ultimate goals are
less personal ones than family and friendship-relative ones. Quiet
talk with close friends and family constitutes for him the epitome
of value realization-~the physical accompaniment of this situation,
mate, is a forceful symbol.
To insure that these enjoyable situations materialize it is,' Hwy
‘L’ I‘“ a} I
however, necessary to earn moneyuwhich involves occupying a // <,«.:w"" .
position of some power within a non-family and non-friendship social 1‘
organization. This is a sacrifice. It is possible to approximate
the individual's goals within such organizational situations by
calling them personal or private.
To fit with his ultimate goal, a stable, but modest, income is
r equired. Income in excess would be well received but not in proper-
1iii-On to the cost involved in securing it. To sacrifice for a minimal
income and for security in this income is justified, but to continue
to Sacrifice-«this is not justified.
Although the goal of enjoyment with family and friends is high “\\
in the hierarchy of values, the familiar process of the transformation \
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thus its(industrial aetivity's)natural location is near the most
adequate port facilities. In addition, government policies have

also succeeded in skimming off an appreciable slice of the profits

on livestock production (through the use of differential exchange
rates), and this money has been used in part to build up a sizeable
public administration with headquarters in the capitol city. Finally
the tasks of distribution and above all of coordination of economic
activities are carried out through a system of "free enterprise" which
depends for its efficiency on the large numbers of independent

entrepreneurs each working for his own benefit. The focal point

of distribution activities continues to be Montevideo.

\ .9 Part of the reasons for the effectiveness of a "free enterprise"
fi‘r‘
v ‘

/'/

amechanism.of control lie in the cultural patterns described above.
And part of the reasons for the<3xistence of large numbers of small
businessmen lies there as well. It seems apparent that the distri-
bution system and the service industries are major consumers of
manpower. But insofar as increased efficiency requires increases in
the scale of the business organizations increased efficiency will be
strongly resisted. Concomitant with the cultural emphasis on indivi-
dualistic goals in extra-family and friendship interactions goes a
lack of loyalty to or lack of identification with the expansion of
the impersonal economic organizations.

In typical cases the goals of subalterns in economic organizations
consist in learning the business well enough and, above all, in esta-
blishing a sufficient number of the required contacts so as to be able
(the subaltern) to set up his own business in competition with his

employer. This is not to say that an employee will not exercise the.

 

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small membership. And thus pressure groups are limited in power by
the small number of votes which they represent.

With respect to corn production there is a greater degree of
flexibility in the demand. hhereas wheat is used almost exclusively
for flour, whose demand is inelastic, corn if available in large
quantities may be turned into other products (hogs, chicken feed,
gofio (a toasted cereal), etc.,) or if in short supply all can be
sold. The processing of corn is thus quite flexible and fluctuations
in price are not considered to be of such drastic import.

Politics. But who is able to translate these considerations into
governmaltal activity? The answer, even a partial one, to this question

20 a .
out on a very general level, in

carries beyond the available data.
line with the above descriptions, some analysis can be attempted.

Active in the making of agrarian poliqy are, of course, the
legislative and executive powers. Not much is known concerning the
legislature in this respect. Every lawmaker has been elected as a
member of a political party. Given that the man is a Blanco (White)
he should support the more conservative and larger landholders, while
given.that he is Colorado (Red) he should favor the smaller farmer,
the rural middle class. There are many subdivisions of each of these
major parties and such subdivisions frequently follow regional and,
thus, type-of-farming differences.

Each legislator is bombarded by various pressure groups from

which he acknowledges support. Looking at the completed legislation

 

‘ 20A source for interpretations of Uruguayan politics is (52)
eSPGCially Chapters X, XI and XII.

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satisfactory to all concerned. Having given way to demands from one
sector, the administrator is more disposed to attempt an adjustment.
The guiding criterion of his actions is the goal of providing all
farmers with a minimal livelihood and in particular of preventing
excessive profits to go to certain farmers as a result of capricious
internal markets, and of preventing excessive misery to farmers
hit by capricious weather conditions.21

It is true that policy is determined in coffee shops and through
non-official Contacts. Personalities play a large role. But it is
equally true that the avenues of influence are so numerous that a man
with a grievance will be granted a hearing somewhere. Because of the
fact that the agrarian policy is being changed from a restrictive to
a service policy and that now even small farmers arezreceiving atten-
tion, such grievances can be expected to increase.

The effects of a policy on levels of living and levels of pro-
duction are crucial features to be debated.22 Also great attention
is paid to the specification of details (in the wording of executive
decrees, for example). This attention may represent the handiwork
of inspired subordinates who frequently do such busy work. At any
rate newly initiated programs are frequently hampered by overly

specific and unworkable legislation. On the other hand considerable

 

21These observations and interpretation require some qualification.
They depend greatly upon the fact that the investigator was more closely
associated with certain government administrators who were sym a hetic
to the Institute's pregram. This selective factor could account for
a "biased" viewpoint.

22Such notions would correspond closely to the "progmatic"
vethic discussed by Kayne A. R. Lays, Ethics 313 Social Poligy (New
York: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1941) pp. BOG-l9.

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likely to give him a highly tecimical explanation or a I‘EQ‘TBST. for

more ti -o to sazyd t‘. e sLtuation, than to <give him action. pven the

. \_;

achinis tar tor in the local area is stz (111an orie: ted 0 his super-

' speak 01‘ the "rusticness" of his former-

?i sors in Montevideo, and 11:1;
clients as justification for the i1 0011131 lece disch: 5e 01" 14;,

pens ibiliti es.

Within t'1e Section 01‘ £571.11 "biztista tiere was a short period

" .'ring 1.1.101 the local ca 'd illo of the Colorado 1’;,a.rtr .ras highly

in ‘LLuential. Tomas Lerreta, a politician fr!» 3 110101103 become,

first, 111inistcr of 1111', ‘3 works r1111, later, presi-ierrt. Improved
roads and a new so ‘1001 .L. the town were results 01‘ the link between

the loca goliti al boss 211:1 don Torfis. I.1 covgarison "1‘ '1 other

Sections of the country 1591.1 lautista is probably still favorably

Situated vita respect to political power. For inst nee, t1 1e business

0f securing pensio;'1s is unusually hi gnly developed and successful.
m d23

"igher governmmt officials of use ministry are concerne

with farming conditions in the department of Canelones. If’lacerent

. . o . - I - o o 0’ _
Of the Institute's Demonstration Area in he San Kazan v1.01n1ty was de31bned

1Or the development of this region and. to serve the 0211 of greater

equalization of Levels of living. To find in this decision the

reflection of the voting strength ofa - adensely pogvflated 7.1.100. wonld

somewhat distort the fa ts. Nevertheless, the voting potential of

n C .
“ai‘elOnes is of importance z~rl1er1ever the de0151o_1 s erves to no 11’1'

the COIlparr_1tive aivnntage o: Canelo- es 1-ritf1 respect to other regions,

notably the lit oral .

\
9 -\ . '5 \O ' ',_‘ ,' -... -’~ . r’\ .1"
“311.153 is true at least oi 45.1050 Oiiicials 1:11.11 111mm t.1e 111xest1¢ator

wa ’ _
S 111 closest contact.

ChanginfLCaltm‘al Conditions. Insofar as belief systems are asso-

ciated with particular areas of activity, as almost in rariably they are,

changes in beliefs may best be considered in relation to the specific

area of activity. But at a certain level of analysis it becomes possible

to isolate the formulation of beliefs and View then independently of
It is at this level of analysis that the following dis-

. O ' I 24
cu531on 15 to be carried out.

their content.

Elements of belief systems which are considered to be independent

‘ ...—..-. ...—.... —-._-

of the areas of activity include ultimate or basic goals and general

..Jesfor the selection of _neans for the achievement of, these basic
gifts. Becoming even more general, it is possible to consider only
general rules for the establishment of both basic aims as well as for
the selection of means to attain these aims. It will be asked ifgthe
rules anpear to be changing, and “’11§-:,_E?.-{9E1P£5.3Q1.119,Qé9139931? to be

associated with particular changes.

A aarentl conditions favorinfi‘ a shift in beliefs wi thin the
- i 0

rural system are becoming more frequent and compelling than those

which reinforce the rural belief systems. And the shift in the rural

belief system is in the direction of greater compartmentaliza—

’..-~-

g 25 v . o o ‘
tion of values. ‘u'hen an lllleldual of tne small town or

2lj‘l‘he usual discussions of "national character" take place at this
level. Propositions concerning beliefs are empirically verified or dis-
pr(“fen by reference to a wide variety of areas of activity. Geoffrey
(forer in the Chapter, "I-Iational Character: Theory and l‘ractice" in
l'éf‘gaxet head and mmaa Ilétraux, 333 Study 9; Culture at 3 Distance

“01103.30; The University of Chicago l—‘ress, 1953} argues for adoption

of the notion of "congruence" as recognition of the fact that "the end
rasul’ts of various institutional activities...vill be seen to fall into
patterns," P. 53.

stne co e't " ‘ t“— t-l' t' " ° 1 d‘ "“"l ‘ t t" t
of "l l necp . comgar nen a iza ion 13 as: nerenslmi arLL,r o.” “a
Folk 0w degree of interdefrzendence loin/lobed byaobertnaedf 181C}; in 2‘23
F‘ Culture if. Yucatan (uhicago: me univerSity of mileage tress, 1941)
J. J. o 349_54.

 

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77

especially a government official, say, of Montevideo interacts with
a farmer, fine former (from the small town or Montevideo) more fre-
quently exercises task leadership and more frequently determines the
set of common cultural standards to be utilized in the interaction
situation.26
If individuals from the towns or hontevideo went into the rural
areas most frequently to learn farming, say, then the tack leadership
would be in the hands of the farmer. But no--contacts between persons
of urban and of rural backgrounds take place primarily in the service
of business of administrative aims--fields in which the person of
the urban background is xpected to be task leader, and fields in
which the greater compartmentalization of values is more appropriate.
Another major difference concerns the use of authorities in
backing up or supporting a decision. Looking at the rural belief
system th prevalence ofUa striving for "independence" among farmers
contains suggestions of their views on the appropriateness of auth-
orities. "Personal experience" is an important guide to decisions
in farming practices. To properly decide whefiuer to adopt hybrid
corn farmers wished to "try a few kilos." In the main.they were
willing to try the new practices but they were only confident of their
decision after personally doing so. On the other hand people in the
urban setting accept other criteria of authority. For example,

trained agronomists felt that the experiences of experiment stations

 

Salesmen, government officials and politicians, going into
the rural areas provide some of the opportunities for rural-urban
'contacts but the farmers' trips into Montevideo are probably the
more common of such occasions.

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they take their quiet pleasures seriously. horlr, too, is serious but
the contrast between work and relaxation is not great.

The farmers and townspeople are descendents of Spanish and

Italian immigrants, many of them, who settled first nearer to

Montevideo then later moved to the North. hey now constitute a

stable population except for the tendency of younger people to move
into Montevideo. Usually they marry late and have small families.

As their interest in farming wanes, they retire to make way for younger

sons and frequently move into the town where they live out their old
age on a pension f ron the national government.
The political boundaries of the Section of San Bautista correspond

closely to that hazy line which 3 eparstes farm families trading in

other towns from those coming into San Bautista. Roads in the area

lead to San Bautista except for the main blacktop higiway from
Montevideo which has the eozrtesy to skirt the center of the town on
its .way north. It is the rain highway which carries farm produce,

only storekeepers use the freight services of the railroad. But the

Passenger service of the railroad is generally preferred, perhaps,
because of the romance of the massive diesels.
But the farm family's trips outside of the Section are a rarity.

Their" Come into San Bautista evrt-ry month or more frequently end men

especially, travel to the boliches within their rural neighborhoods
while women make shorter trips to visit 'rith close relatives and

friends. Para 'e, minimally, is a place name for a sub-area 013‘ the
Section but in some cases it becomes equivalent to "neighborhood"

' ‘71.. u h o u o o . e - i 1 '
th connotations 01 interaction-within being more intenSive than without

81

tne sub-area. wherever the local one-room school, the futbol (soccer)

team and the road repair committee operate within a paraje, here one

finds a full blown rural neighborhood.
Life on the i‘aml is quite well standardized over most of the

rural population. The physical appointments and the round of routine
chores do not vary greatly from one farm to the next. Sage :armers
work less land (as little as 20 acres) others work more land (as much
as 60 acres) ‘u’hile some are owners and others are renters. But all

have two or three cows, 8. little corn, a few pigs and 75 to 100 caickens,

a small garden plot and a fig tree. Certain iarms "specializd’in

wheat others in flax sunflowers or broom straw others in warden
9 i 9 2 o

crops, vineyards or orcnzrds. They dress more or less alike, especially
when they put on their grey or black dresses or shirts and climb
Onto the two-wheeled horsecart to journey into town. Somber

COlors are best suited to their dignity--a dignity which is the

ftrrtherest cry from a claim to fame.

Although lii‘e on the farms is to an extent routinized, changes
11 “the world outside of the Section are felt within the Section.

I 3. . . vv 0
Ctner farming regions of Uruguay can proeuce more wheat and more

cheaply but this was discovered only very recently. After the first

1

mush with a national shortage of wheat and particularly after being
ll

f or C ed" to purchase wheat from Argentinaflhe Uruguayan government
0 P- ' o . ‘ fl 1 u o
90‘ 1c1<3d a bonus price for wnea . In great degree ‘tnlS made poss1ble

tn 0 . A . . . F . .
e Present solvency 01 tam 12111111188 1n the Section. Also it
pt‘OV-lcied an impulse for estancieros (ranchers) of the literal to try

their . . .
“and at wheat production on a large scale.

 

. -31.», animumadgé

 

Changes in the form of exercise of political power constitute

a continuation or an already well-established trend. If democracy

can be equated to the nu tiplicity of a-«...renues by mica tne average

or even "below average" citizen can mice his voice felt in govern-
ment adm'nistretion then Uruguay has the democracy par excellence.

Government achzxinistrators and legislators are bombarded from all

individuals and groups seeking to

sides by a great c n jegation of

trade their endorsement for favorable government action.

One thing every lobbist must renemeer: Do not appear to be too

prosperous. T :is is so because of the feet that an under ving policy

of the go 'errx.;e11t's actions is to equtzLize material C~enei‘i-ts, to Pro"

Vida f or everyone a minimal level of living. .'Zeing able to point out

cases of disproportionate benefit" is a I’O‘s‘fOl'LUl tool of pressure

groups,
If the social structural aspects of the mecaauisza i‘or the dis-

tribution and exercise of political power has been changing in the

131513 15 years, it has been changing in the direction of increasing

even more the number of groups union have some potentiality for
initiating goz'ermncnt action. The main mecnanism is placement of
Persons sympathetic to one's cause in positions of govermnent respon-
sibility. With the existing truce between the two major political
parties, the Reds (Colorados) and Whites (Blzmcos), both groups now
find it possible to utilize this technique.

Icleologjfiallq,r there has been an accozmolgting shift. Political

0 . . n J- . F .J. -
1(190108 103 at the present time permit a representative or a political

 

 

 

party or party faction to actively campaign or a prearam of conmittnent

to securing short-range and concrete benefits for constituents. The

sentimental and patriotic content of campaign propaoanda has declined

in importance, although not, perhaps, in volume of symbols produced. ”I

, J

The shift in political ideology is concomitant with certain \ é :LI”3ui*

shifts in the ideology or beliefs associated with getting-a-living)

patterns. In particular the "new ideas" in farming in the Section

call for the concentration upon enterprises which yield more return

from a smaller extension of land. At present the increased return

derives from an increase of labor applied, but inevitably the increase
in capital will replace labor as a crucial factor.
Underlying these shifts in content-specific beliefs is a deeper

process in which the rural belief systems are being broken down in

the face of urban patterns of evaluation. The COIN-a“ between these

belief systems occurs empirically in contacts between farmers and
townspeople and between people of Llontevideo. In these contacts the
n ' . ‘ I . ‘ :1 '
Oatszider" rather than the farmer exerCises tact: leadership. Tne

Situation is, in general, permeated by cozzmittment to a task (economic
exchange or exercise of political power) of which the outsider has
@“ea‘ter knowledge.

The changes in economic, political and associational structures

W1thin. the study area are responsive to these changes occuring outside

0f the area. The crucial roles in the transmission of these changes.

are the middleman roles of acopiador (grain merchant), alnacenero
(storekceper), caudillo (political boss) and organizational
specialist (who in Spanish may be called amigo 32 comisiones,
"friend of comaittees"). The remainder of the thesis attempts

to demonstrate how the effects of these changes are modified by

such midilenan roles.

an!!!
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two types of units are found a collection of mildleznen verging
on spoialists, and a set 05‘ specialists, and the ese are to
discussed briefly.

\ V‘
l‘ v"

I. Characterization oi him-Family Units

The following treatment will consist of a search for inleal- I."
type attitudes or value orientations and patterns of decision making. 1

Such characteristics or traits are of two types: those ccrmon to

 

almost all farm-fandly units and certain other ones specific to

certain sun-sets of units. The specific traits provile a basis

r...» -‘I ‘—

ior constructi1g a typology of fam1-f1u11ily units.

Orientation to "low-Pressure" Enjolments. A large share of
human .3e1avior in the area is obedient to a pattern of 1-lror {-relaxation
rhythm which rei‘lects'a distinctive style of viewing activityfl

. . ' o o _ [1 o , (s 0
The act1v1tv 1 Lid. 1 txis attitude- pervades 1‘1cludes much 01 economic
.1 J.

activity, and of other activity as well. The attitude is one of

3This concept is all but identical to t'. at of "inside vie-xx" '
used by Robert Redfiell 11"“1 he Little Co:11:1unity, Vie erpeints for the
Stud" of a Human 3521013: (C'1icago: univ'e1s1ty of 3715.311: 0 Tress,
1955 pp. 81-95.

4 .
In eiz "A Conception of Personality " from Clu de Klucl- 'mfim

t

and Henry A. Hurray (eds), Perso nalit" in Nature, Societ" a1__1_d Cultare,
(2nd Ed” New York, i'ilfred 1’1.ICnopf,195'-7),Kurray and i’luc 111101111
distinguish betvnree mo'. lal or iormal activity am '.ire ctional or i_n-
s+ru111enta1 activity WIS-T. W13 tu Les 0: vs lue Orientations—
Wfi‘e intervening 1&1 111L310) used to(3 explain onlyr the second
Cate: Ory oi activities. 110. ever, it will see1'f’t1a t :11any oi
t e eXanples w 11c1 are griven1~1elow to i lustrato t1is 011'0. 1tation
to low pressure 613.0 went are moor 1p 1roor1'11alv classed as ” 10a a1"
3°~1Vit3r. Nov -1Jn1tt111et1at the activities descr bod a1e "11110111 1"

"directio 11853" or "forizzsfll t‘1 e one acteristic being conceptualized
is the orientation toraia "irectionlc ss activity. The people organize
t ‘eir lives so as to p. Ovid :1 :‘oo: supply of 1110 ’.al activity. T.‘r-1us
we are dealing ulti1.a1 tely with a directional activity and. 1 ith an
attit“deo

 

 

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commercial transactions are constructed in anticipation of dis-

A

honesty with a great swecification of detail envisioning both the
acts punishable and the reactions of the law's representatives.3
Tt .--rr)'.e— ‘-..(~" tr th ‘. w . t f ‘ ~.- 1’ ‘- ' i .
“a Clint, cast .o no nodes 3 o tara la ilies, it was appa eat
teat they'are themselves honest aid inclined to distriowte their
trust in directions which seem to the mere "sophisticatel" townsmaa

unjustified. navy stories cirs late telling of the Hoaxes perpetra-

AL
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ted by sharp peidlers ca iarn families. "Contraband Irish fabrics"

have been sold which turn out to Le Uraguayan goods with inflated

prices. However, it is believed by the towasman that farm families

are now much less susceptible to these fraids -- they have become

"Sispicious."

Pronably many instances of "dishonesty" on the part of farmers

could be attributed to nisnnderstandings over the terms of a comrer-
cial contract. Other farm people would not call this dishonesty nor

in general woild persons of the small town. The government official

having loaned money to farmers in order that they conld obtain wheat
seed after a poor harvest and never receiving cash ropayment of this

loan may, however, call them dishoaest. It seems significant that

Inon—repayrert of loads or failure to pay bills is very iwfreqwently

termuai=lishonest if the person who owes is obviously unable to =ay.

Fknvever, where a person shows signs of prosperity be way be charged

 

8Laws in such a form constitute an informative indication of
‘5 c . ‘r _ ' - . «In
tae (aperation of goalety. Lush was learned and later confiraed:
confiherning the farmer-middleman relationsdip, from a study Of the

:thS Covering tne sale of wheat under fixed price.

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*I.
[I
t
I! ‘

o
..
..
..
‘l
'I

,'
' I
' t
.
.. '
l I‘ '
.
'
Ya. ) .-
" ‘
I ' ‘
, ‘ Y ’
' t. . ‘.
v ‘ .
.1 -“ . .
.w ‘ ' '
‘ .
‘ O
\ 7 .A
‘
I
. A ..
Q.
. u
c ‘ '
n . ,
. «
.
~f
.. . A
l. ‘.. I
I
.
l -| ‘

Q? 7‘
' ‘.“ ‘ s
~ I
‘
‘_|' l.'.¢
“ . .
.
‘
V'.
‘.
»
C. .
i .
I
“t'-~v '
n ‘, ‘

."

;I\

.5‘

Col

But in the a1ese1ce of the details oi pe1sona li Lies, an under-
lying continam of valwation breaks down. "liorizontal" differe ces
rather than "vertical" differences prevail anong farmers.

‘andards of Living. The Area has a money economy. To a great

 

degree there is available this yardsti ck, money, by w. ich to assess
the relative valie of objects. But to x-ni at extent do monetary con—
siderations pervade decisions to acqiire material objects? Does every
object have a price? The answer to this is coniplica ted and even worse
must be based on conjectires rather than more direct evidence.10

From farm r1anagenent surveysll it appears tnat the average anount
of money passing through a farm-family unit is about 2,009 to 3,00“
pesos per year. lut t‘e 1 nily does :10t see— all of this as cash.
Their relationship to tzxe rteolo sterek eeper is frequent j s'sh that
bills are paid, every three months or six months, through the sale

of farm produce -- only the balance is given as cash. The relatioa-

ship between the iarm iamily and a peddler (mercac iile) or the rural

 

 

10Although originally planned as a field for research, no study
of levels of living was carried out in the Area. MlCh of the infor-
mation available was commwu icated by hole economists worlcin; with
farm he sewives in the Demonstiation Area.

11A specialist of the ministry :30 was working on the Institute
staff, Nelson A aral, used boti tie 'ricultnral censas data aid
data from farm management qwestionaires to airive at an estimate
of about one-hundred pesos of disposable income per hectare in the
Area. It is known that on smaller sized (in terms of land exten-
sion) farms this ratio is greater than on larger sized farms.

storekeeper is of this type also, eggs being exchanged for merchan-

dise at the going price but without the exchange of mono? Dirl‘

the last ten years this sidesteopinc e; the actna use of ”on r h

S

S)

ex
1)
decreased. Now S'orekeepers keep larger supplies of cash oa hand

each day.

mt

Lie weighing of alternatives in which one object

9

.s a price and

fl

7
"utility" combination, is c mpared with another object, is rather in-
freqient. Rather, tie Spending practices of farm families are to a
great ex eat determined by a traditional or conventional tine—schedile
of acquisitioa. A farm fa ily first of all builds a house, collects
kitchen eqaipment, then inraitare is accumulatei, add 57 forth; at
certain stages in the life history of the fa~ily certain articles

must be acquired. The wear of other articles reqaires their re-
placevent. Tc a great ottent spending agpears to be-"awtomatic."

The material equipdent both for "living" and for "working" appears

to be uniform from farm-family to farm-family and is probably more
uniform than are farm incones.

Included in the questionnaire were two questions designed to
measure goal orientations in this area of standards of living:. "if
you were to win 500 pesos in the lottery next week how would you

"'1"

spend it?" while in the other question coO pesos” was replaced by

"5000 pesos." The responses were coded as in Table X.

, .c § r u u 4 \ ‘x ‘ _~
- l
g. .
I ‘ I I A -Azn. A... J I
.3'1v“~ . 7‘ ‘ . » r 7‘. 1H,. 1‘ > P‘ (\I , '~-.
. ‘ ’. . ~ I ' . ’
, , 4
-L.._. x . .,. a .x- - 1 A. . ,I A) -~ I 1 ..J 1. .
‘4‘- -. -—-w...—'-—v—--v-.v-- -_- ~——- -*- ———~"—.u ». — n -“h— M~*-¥— ~—- on -~ ~ --~ . ._u- .- fi-Ou—un-u _. -. ~. .__-_.... .._---
... -.—.— ....- v- - -— - - .~ - . - - - -y' - .. . ---. . - ._._ -. — --_ ......h -...fl... .. _.J-.. V - q- ...—-...-p— --——.-.‘---o

’1‘

n- N 1‘ o‘ 3 - O .... . ‘ -l-“ ~ " nu. ‘ ~' .. ' 'J- .v v -... ,3 . . .— ' ... (
1 1‘3 1 t3?! ff); '\L(:111 s .~.L‘~.1 L—l'~t . f). Cl. .1 ’k.SA'O 1 g.)‘. {,3 ‘. ‘011 '.. (,’,]‘11L I-"-\-‘:
31.2 t-tOtLll, first Ci‘ 9.1

' v
5/}
‘J
7“
‘.J

‘1

g
C
(:5
a
*‘J
L.
f
”a
H-
('1‘
L,
’.Jv
1‘
Q

.4~J

I \ ‘ ;-~l J ‘ .fir1\ /.,,~“\
\a::;)-;o;:\1) (WM and,

f ., ." ° v _ *-fl ‘ I)
... 11L). 3 (or L -0 10130 11

' 1
jg~v
l

r‘

 

-. F - _.- -- A- - w—O. II.- _-.-. -- ~u -1 -- — A. - ‘ --V — ~- \- - h v _ v.7 C 7* -—\ 77%-7 7- - —~-— -1 C.- . ' v : 9-- C. - A- - ‘. .v. *- “..
-‘- .. ‘.. -7... — g .- _ -- ..-- v. - _ -_j, ‘ ~~ ._ -....,._ ———. —- .- ... -- o - v- ~ ---r- - ".va-«a v—‘u _.Am-vo own. .. ..‘H— m ...—---.‘
'H‘ J l ’ P ‘- ' " '\ 1 . .
. "’~C“ ")("b(‘ 1' d- n "" ‘ (3" '\ "_‘C‘\,‘1 N’v “'_ . ‘\ ."“f~"‘ "1"3 “( '
- . 'p‘ n ‘.\‘t/" vr, 1 1 r1 ‘ L,'-\' L (... 0., AL\-,L 'l' ‘wlu’n’ ~'~-\)\'.) tv.‘ L ‘1')

fit: ,‘1v1v:~—. ‘ ‘ '-:.‘ - 4-'~;7‘,--A '.. a J-‘<(. .~"‘\<1fi." :l“ 't'.w,) 1‘ (‘+ -""‘ \ .<nf\—-I 1'? ‘- \vl}
o .1; L Arab”. 2 ..1.2 . 1r 1‘) L01 L'LJ ...‘p -1» :2 .1 .Cu. .~..-(...~ 4.1”», ..(, ._—

|

O
4‘ - ' n g, x . .v— A, ‘ "'2‘ u-‘ 1- ‘- "‘ Kr“? A 4“. , .—. ~ot .-.' r\ 1' :‘~-.‘ "--'~. 1‘1 f
Ll?“ KC ~.. .150, .‘2.“ ‘srll ' Tug; wi}. .LAL " =1. 1.5 ...}.C L 1'3. 2; J . .913.) l. 11 'g‘ 1‘, . '9 :-.
‘“" --: ‘ - -\ ~- ‘ . ~ ‘--.~ 1 ~-‘ r1 . ‘ . t . a . '\ : ‘ «“v' 1 ‘ K'
’30 ,L res-.sr).1:.;3s. .112-4111 $1-2; >930?» 1.) 10 “ t a . 'L. .L..1 .;

'1 - - - " . - 1.. .-' ... ,‘ - ~ ~-- I — w- _‘r f. r" ‘ ’1o‘J’col. - -‘
k-.. O‘UIt L‘- 4 .O.‘LC". 1 (1.5 L.;.'-: 1 ()5 ;.(" 1:)(js An-zi‘(,)i).L ’.L.» .L "A 1.‘:'u v '--1: L‘\.-‘!. .11?';’-C~

~ . ' L .I ' _' J-‘ J 1 ' ‘ " .1 J- ' . . _ t .3 . J-‘

- -|(‘—« f‘ ; I' v Q '1 ' A “ "" ‘1 r “ ‘ ‘ I “" a (1 ' f ‘33

LO‘1.1‘,..J La\)‘.~ ‘a 5I_4‘ ', .4 3 7.. L L,(,:l‘ ‘ 1.).L 08;. 1. 4..-... 4. I); 1] (in-_.l '1}. CIA L) ALCC I AL

.» 1 , , .. -..-. .. H .. '4.” ‘ _ .. ‘ a . '1 ,1 . ,, .. ("(3

\vvrtsv - -,- , ~‘1 “r.. ‘ . ‘ ,1 (\ \ p "\ (j _ 40v 1 ‘. .‘
4.2;:1‘ ‘ c (u . .0. ,0. A w «.1. .1, ..‘r, 1L .1.‘ 0. . -1 1.1.1 '1 .-.

x. -. k 4. +1: ' " 4" H“ (1.0 ' "rant"
(3 In}; ' . *7. :. (M. .2 Ov".{:1 1) 9‘4. ‘13-.1 a}.

100

It is when 5,0“0 pesos are to be disposed of that a strong
uniformity in responses appears. "Juy land" is seen to be h
decision of over hnlf of the farm families. O"er half of the
fa‘mers rent tneir land. Judging from their statements in other con-
texts, these consider that renting land is a serious handicap and

they could be expected to respond "buy land."12

Among the older
farmers it may be true that operating more land is a goal in and of
itself even when this implies renting the additional land and
precludes the purchase of land. But among younger farmers the goal
is to own land even thougw it is a small plot--then do a good job
on the smaller extension.

On the other haul the fact that buying land becomes a frequent
response only when the amount of money reaches "unrealistic" propor-

tions is consistent with the fact that relatively few farmers

 

12The cross-tabulation of the response "buy land" by tenure

status yielded the following:

Response to Question of Spending 5,000 Pesos

Tenure Status : Zuy Land Other : Sums
n n
' :

emer : 2 9 : 11
l
t :

Renter : 16 8 : 24
n t
: :

Sums I 18 17 I 35
t I

For this 4-fold tahle K2 = 5.200. Since if there is a positive
association shown here the above statements stand supported, while
if a lack of or a negative association is indicated there will need
to be a modification of the statewents, this test is designed as

a one-tail test. In this case p0 = .011 and it is concluded that
the above statements stand.

I 4“"" z ‘ 9" n. J.‘ - _ ‘I . "« - I 9 ‘001 J- '- -' ' ' . ‘ VI ‘ ( : A ‘- r‘ Q ~
3.1? L i j 1»? ‘--r(.‘4L‘ - x ~ - L, L 1‘ ’f I 9-1. £1 '.‘1, 4 .L. L ‘-.}. l l'-' Lk—El‘ ’..-,‘i I; -:" (‘fl ‘\ .l i I 031
or. ‘. ~ VI, a: 'I- 1 ‘I t "I ‘ ‘ " M — - «- J. ..:“ 1 V . ~V' v .
rclttnu3 to cm 1013. .. ea t.;¢3.uoes t..J: last: =. us;- ifl'i-;M31‘QS
.o11_;: 01 tr, t e ':1u3‘ts 'tn. 9 L;.u.lithivl e l 21;.
'i‘u-’ ," ' a, ' -. .. 1 '.I. _ ‘, ". “(‘.. 4.,. , -H. J.'.,. . ‘.J..: .-
”:110 eiSegSSia. lwdu 1 11y oe JClgivl to JuLC otne~ ,oitlons
‘ ‘- ~r ‘\ 1 '7. v “‘ ‘. . —‘- — - f: ‘ . r“ v 7" v . \J“ ‘4‘ ' 1 v . : "‘
0; t u: it: .015' Lzeximullt 01 1 nt.. 1331 i-n1 er ;h4xrs 1 u.m QLLHWI its
I1. ’3] .‘r‘ W w c." 'r'j" L110" ”'1" f r‘ fiv‘L" 4 e - 1 w'! c ‘1‘ nn 4‘ 1.. ~. "qq ~
_LWbA-V;Q. 1‘ .e-u (1;)...0‘ t... L .ng‘. s-QC . UL‘L LLL,L L .L .L s) .Lor erL ...AL kl)- ». J,
. ‘ fl. '7 ‘ o . r. o , ('\ ‘ . - ~ I “ I .A . '..“ J. - o ,1- _. V'—'
an ans:er was invariaolr i0: 100 13 in waist some c-uractsristxc or
a.“ _ F" ,' ... . ,. .3 . 7 '_ .‘ .. 7 ° ' .,. ".1 ..' . 3‘ , .. ..‘
t lxt liell1‘.13 ;cyrt-o:eu, -.14 u‘ .Lrtise URSlw‘ tieSiK11 or ' e.i-
.. .1. n '. - 2 , .' '- J.‘ " 'J.. 4. 1 ,3 .. . 4. "1-: .. . . - . ~
ue.ts in conzaztlon wit. tie institute s ietoxstrntiols, a iarher
r: '. :2. . .4. ‘ ‘ J. . . , - ' ’ , . ' ' .
would oe l“~ el; LO lISlSL ti t ”e coull tell i, a see' :18 .00; 0:13
'. . , ' ' ' .' .1 f ‘ '1 ~’ '. ‘ '. - w ...-‘4. 4-3 ..J- . .' I
or olxttWI it ii 010 o :13 i1-las; we .«oms unit t.st ilelu is
nQF‘ 3(\+ r 1‘ J' 4. ~71") ‘f'; + \ (\ ~11 t~¢t Q v ‘)r\r", "“‘-‘V' {\V‘l" ‘\ j“ "c‘ ;" ”.«1 'K“: .‘ .' {‘1
Kick )V‘J by,‘ l L0 1. \ "u; Vb J. b i \'r“.. w ._--I S 7 1;. J. -.l “L Q L--')A. ‘ ouL~.. . ‘1 .‘A- .\z hIA‘bAI
4'.\ V N" 4‘ . ‘ < . 4‘. . " I" _ ' -: .. '._ _Q‘ . "' 4‘ I . .V ,-. O .I'
..e: r' iltieu3| tne11* L‘IC\£3(I. teldgni, l:011‘ deLFXTZldF i_Lel;s.
. - ‘. 0‘ I .. 'l ‘— ‘ r' LT fl 4- 4" :-, r r 0" v ~.' ' -. 0
old one in; 0r said: I lion LJ.. notnln; giems l1 tllS corner
I "\ 1 “ q . -. l ‘.‘ "\ O l ’1 I ‘... V " O In .‘ '
(a SLZQLU’” on“) out i pied A t:e wlole liell -- it 100 3 old ll ran

30' ZYCG

should care for it is a “Ll precept al
one. That everyone s’orli own “one is n

' 1

"politicsl" in

q
f‘ W n :~'
~;. '.-» -L' l ,

L/

~§1-“
V"
-

ch

3-7‘ 1 I“. ‘ I, J- r «av v -,
O). ‘19. i:.u.L CYL‘L U! 0-10

' s
4- .‘
L

l .

(‘

'
_UU . q
va.r,:;10 .. strum

— , ~<v
tel ,~

:WOIth€)fl <3;"t'u3 gnrexr?ilni1r;

igu)“i’ .zc: CKXISzczyt‘ “l-ti'ge. ~oals :it 33's -1 d“; t'::. "13': 1” ii”:
tin: 531:: t" ‘t3£:'tosr11:is :1 przn:alg.1t trish (t1 tip: je;“t oi‘:xi*t' 01 he:
couples. In discussing t eir plans for gevinj to t“e town one co
said that the? efDectel tee cost of lxriic to he h? ‘er hut that t“
would have the aivamtiie 07 coxveniedt access to stores 311 service
They were willing to fr ise almost all otner annuets cl life in tie

re

.. . '..»- . ,1‘ .- J. :1- ‘ ' ,4‘ .: J-‘ ”3.4. . 1 ..
ccytitrj' .azt t r; t.;1 .1ot tl-.3 t v: issol. L:(7i ;_1 ‘3 n- 1.x3r .u3o _use

.'\ l‘ " ‘ 14" u Q ~ . 1* ' .. r G . — ~ "- ‘ ~ - ~> ~ a -q I QQ .- - a 1 - -... 3’
o1 noor roses. ll eleral, el-arl. iwr in lies ale ,*eecetwleu

» ' , J—' . . r 1 r r -.'. . -‘ .1." ,J- ,N '. ‘- L7. gr, ,1 .,
”set... L . if 1 Ct 1-1‘0 Iii-t 531’- .11“) 3,“, s..‘; j if)? L l, n.:'1'..--1.1523 .1 .10."

a ' u u 4‘?\:- . -: s" -‘.1 cat '\ 1 . - J“ ‘.. 4:1 . ‘ v r" L, a. . ‘
neitlj on} retort: :3. lure ..r;_-.i one 0- 7011‘ 5.01.», was 1.8

. .. r. 3. , . J.J., ,
no .-;e..‘.-1s a u: 'c3rsa.l is v.1.

»" ~ . a . n “4". q -r‘~. I -. V“ 0-- :.~,‘, . ‘ i ' . 1‘1 ' '
0i 11.9.1.1t0- KHLCG O f.- 1..'.CL‘ J. .LXC . S l'NJJ.‘ I‘VLS. L 73.1 ; .ln'.‘ 18 (.013 if}. Lil 'L'JO
.1. , '3 .. .1. . 1 ., .. ‘ J 1- - . . -
tea.¢3 Ol c><ux, Lflfd filxur 13, ....oc, .. Ctr-~10 (n. Ct‘ JJ“ utt,fi;f%19 “

‘.. r- , I ' .‘ 0 . ~f‘ ‘ '-» 1 ‘ .., .Q '\ 3 o '1‘. . 4.‘ .. . ..J. .
.nx.;, a 51x3;, a collxyytzoi oi s,fllt ..n Lb, etc. ..1is CQTJ.II)tL lS
- . . 1.. .. , “he“... ’. '.. ,1- . I, , . . ’. ‘ . , ’. . _'
CO: L. .011 to L1’--.O:—Jt ‘ 1.1-1 3. « L-A ‘.S L \t 45.).” £1 ‘Cu‘L . ‘ 1k.) .L. .1. ‘.- .-.; -‘-- 131-1»; 11.1.1-1: crlj-l

. l r ‘p" .I a: . , . ‘ A< ‘ - 'Q. .‘ .‘ J‘ ‘I ...-o. .r"\ ‘1 ./
not ’1”te e ct]. 't3e sane .ryrijzest TUBZlJOiAfT, kyle tie gxl.en‘ixeos

: Ln 9 . .— ~"r .- -“r - ' ‘ v - c c -.- -\ Q 0 ft!" r1 - a.“ f1 . - f‘, C
pictiie iron ;-r- to -arn Std s la‘fcl COKSLxdl. .Jose are do :wce

.. .3 . .4 ..- ' - . .a. -,. ' ,,'-.‘~ Pl , ‘ , ‘ -3 ..
COJSIJCKRILC .ari m3Cfiif1F' élmnfb cease uCiafl i.r hrs and become

9-. (‘..: w‘o. (1 ,‘ -;A1.h1¢fi

-..aV.L.L.'IC.L.V ¢-."‘(-1.C1(...l~)L\-’.
"‘.. ', - ’ ' 1". .. ..- 3 ..1 - .. ' 4.1..' r, . . U ‘ . ' .
1171!. 2.11: 'u'lt] lira": 380,510 (‘_:)O‘.1‘L 31:31 c.11..f).’3 :5) -_Lell‘ ..OJS’Llf‘,

clothing, food and health oscurei i:c {e3tull"--wo t irefirextly as

‘- o o. ‘n . a , . ,‘ n v 9- o ‘ ' ,0 .- .' 3 ,-,‘
m1 ooeiinj or ClOSlJ” ta lC. IAVfirtaoly wuen interV1eJng in lie

I
. 4. ., . 1., [3. . 1 . . 1-. ‘ _t . 3... ....- 1 ..
X. 1.11.“:1‘ JIOAL .3 fl er ‘.;'(‘.i"_.S if” '. m. .33 02’.) :«.‘..‘.._¢.‘ i 0-1 ‘..”.(3 C01:

~' .. — '0 ‘ z .' , , 7-. l.“-~¢‘ ~-- o v. - \n. F‘ -: .
tnei l unulfl be .CCidei WlCeuCL to st cu OUltLlC or ~o i=to the

.’ ' “ . .-:. V . _ . J. T'0 ‘-. _' v V " .... . 5'- . tr- J-r‘ .1
WOaZSC. ..1 1L LICZi‘U ‘10,, ..:L. ti: L13; 'OZ'— 1-; #1‘C_,l..‘.CtlclJ-' S -23' OliLJ.L..C

'4 Y. I\q J0 ‘0 l“ r (\J .. ‘ ! J- - ‘ \. vvl "I ~, — " ‘l ‘ 11‘ .- - as ed :J-
1.3.1.“ iJ'.‘.L 1104C JCud :se IL ".2 T.‘.“',110 ..r!.3 <u.‘.: ) .’l ‘... C013. Jig. I..:»_;‘C.,_ 5.30 .LL

"‘..--

v1 r‘ ”3 :x4-4-fi .’tnI'] " -." i'; \ «wxmn'lw vvd~ I'.x‘(‘1*r‘r‘ ’\ .‘t vv-‘C‘ \" l"""tf"‘
.33..) .Jeccbr Ox. .3LLLC. .-.... JL .'s‘w.1.‘1.l “510 ’11.)» 1.-.) l w...) I -.c -.-;

..‘wm

. o . . I. .. ‘. ‘.. .. . . 0
ul. 0- at 0:321. ' 51333.1 3! t e :‘1 “1".‘01‘jel‘3. .-. far or 410.: t ...t -ELS

. o .' l ~ u 4" , _ .V ’, O
14‘: "-: Q . fr, ‘.. «g 31 " c, < .,_ { \- .- ~ ‘g . ~ '1‘ 1(\ o ~ ’—r. up ‘ ~I-Q (\ -‘ ‘ ‘
1 o ”.i)r_g;te cool l1 m.h'-3ot s‘ an_ ovens 9-1 . A. .lot. Linn.

103

against the cold winds from the Panpa during the winter but these

were not the goals w'ich led him to build the horse. 3e 'ust built

(.1

a house for the family.

Aivertisitg plays almost no role in the business of the Area,
and a smaller role in selling to farm fafiilies. Exceptions are
found in the propab anda utilized to 3151 "1r1and" names of verba,
cigarettes, b veia es, etc. In some cases the storekeeper will
"sell" tVe farm wife on a slightly better quality article than was
conte1plated, but in general the farmer and his wife decide beforehand,
in a s ase described above, 0a their ptrcfiases. "gxcess" iic- ne so
far as cowld be deterrided is saved.13

In such instaaces as toese one can see operating wkat seem to
be goals in the form of more or less fixed steida15 s. The efficacy
of such fixed standards is reiitorced bv recognition of the terporal
span of the farm fami y's decision-macing processes. Decisions are
characteristically made in a short tiee perspective. The need for
$1003 maniiests itself toda" and then a Kt wee“ when the farm wife
is in town she takes the child to buy shoes. As the team of oxen
began to age the farmer looks for some yoanger replacements.

(‘

Specific -arni e atandards of Farm-Family Units. In the de-

scription of the basic view of the valid as an attitude to directioaless

 

13The presence of two ban} 3 in such a small town is rezzarkable
and in fact the reason is not eltirely ecouonic. One bank had ear-
marked some time ago the town of San Bautista as a site; bat as they
delayed, their competitor became established. However, mutual com-
mittments were so st1ong oc tween local people a1d the iirst bank
tiat it hurried to 0;)en its doors. One of tle baaks has had success
in collect ng toe savings among rural people in other sinilar areas.

134

activity and of the other trait, blniiing, and the norm, honesty, and
the value, "300% worker of the land" and the value "land," and the
value, "retire in the eveFle” and iiially the "alne "fixed material
st m1 rds oi li ring and of working" the intent has been to build up a
picture of the farm-family unit as a "30tentiality"--Jasic valnes and

f“-

norms have been introduced. 1

i

e evalm .tive orientations w ich gave
bee1 descrired sta; co;s tait as the farm fakily acts, they are, in a
sense, reSpons Lble for the predictable and repetitive actiois of the
farm fa. riily .

It is helpful to characterize a uiit in t'ese terns, bit Sich
a characterization is so.eti es a lIttle nneco: 0 a1 (i.e.,excessiV'l"
analytic) when the. ajor e pirics l interests can be enade syscific. In
particnle r, present interest revolves aroana certain a.ctI ally 0c curing
changes in :arhet structure, and these can be understood fairly well
through knowledge of a li itei nr*ber of the farn-fanilg's ident-
entput14 relationships. For instance, quowled<ge tiat die reaction
(output) of the farm family in the face of the depletion of the
soil (input) is intensification of production with a noticeable
preoccupation with soil COlSC‘Vati on, i q ite sufficient for present

purposes. It is not reinred to know exactly how this reaction is

 

14The present usage of the terz "input- output" approx mates that
in Talcott Parsons, Robert Bales and Edward A. bhils, Hor‘ciig Pagers
in the Theorx_ of Action (Glencoe Illinois: The Free ?ress, 1953)
p. 215, or to that current in the theory of ”little black boxes."
Especially importent in the develoPnent of the investigator's con-
ceptualization 1cs John D.Trin1ner, Res ouse of Physical *"stems,
(New York: J o‘1n .iley a11d sons Inc., 19 05 p}. 1-7, nheieuior01ng"
and "res>onse"e are used in a sense equivalent to tie present use of
.input and outpa

 

- I . § . I
‘ F p \ A l ‘ . ‘
.' ' t‘ . H ‘ ‘ ’ If. " ‘ I\ ‘ ( ."1 I" “ ,IW" 1 ‘ ' \- . ‘
x . y - . L V . A . . .4 ,; x -. .. . ’ .. -
a
K 1 a a A q a .. O '\ ¢ 0 n a ‘
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115

its "profile" wo.ld include:

a. he orientation to low pressure enjoyments.

0. Little blnifing--probably an avoidance of situations in
which pride womld be threatened.

c. Predominance of honesty.

d. "Vorking well the land" is a value which guides the unit's
farming activities but in assessing others a strong flavor
of toleration of individual idiosyncracies is present.

e. Given that the iarning pattern is well established adapta-
tion to land exteasion and labor sup lg conditions, any
slight increases in income would call forth soxe inpr venent
in level of consumption or "living."

f. New ideas for farming are referred to "public opinion" and
before they can be accepted will be submitted to a short
trial on the farm.

Probably three-quarters of the fart-family units in the Section
are within a few points of this characterization. There are, however,
some notably "progressive" farmers. In certain cases these depart
from the prevailing combination of entergrises—-tney may have a
truck garden, orchard, or vineyard enterprise which is of prime im-
portance. In other, the majority of, cases they do the same sorts
of farming operations as the tyoical farmer but with a greater sensi-
tivity to new metHods--tney have greater capital exyedditnres.

.

They attach a hiqn value to farming well, although their incomes per-

mit, in general, a higher level of living. Slight increases in

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117

In the proceeding discussion the farm family as a ubole has been
the unit of investigation. In many instances the farmer has been
examined separately-—in certain cases because his is the dominant
viewpoint while in others because he plays a representative role for
the farm family. insofar as primary emphasis has been placed on
production activities this is even more justifiable. but when both
the consumption as well as the production activities are to be con-
sidered, the role of the housewife deserves greater nphasis.

The close connection between consumption and production has been
emphasized and the general fact that decisions are made in the pre-
sence of a combined criteria sho¢ld be recognized. There is a branch
of farm production, however, more intimately tied to consunption than
the others--this is poultry production. Poultry prodnction is to
a great extent under the control of the farm wife and she uses the

proceeds to buy small dry goods items from the mercachifle (peddler).

 

The degree of "economizing" displayed by farm w'ves in this enter-
prize is probably highly variable. Nevertheless the economic
sagacity displayed by the fenalesmvas impressive. In some cases the
wife is able to pay for the entire food bill throvgh the poultry
production. The popularity of new tecnniqnes in poultry prediction

seems to be derivable in large part iron the "progressiveness" of

....p
-....—

the farm wives. Certain of the "limitations" under wnich farmers
operate (their "pride" in being a good worker of the land) are less

in evidence in the case of the farm wives.

113

TV '1‘: .‘v‘.."'}‘ ~ $-‘v ‘- r\‘*1-( f‘! (l\‘v‘\ ‘ ’ ‘-‘ ,‘f'
‘..L. Jihflluk 7' \ ' . -«JA’L.'.J_ -A| I‘ ,. L 1.1.] ‘..“; .’-_;—)-..AL.“ ‘LJ AL“ Ul'i-Ll

The middleman's tinctional environment is two-sided, as His
role title inplies. Cn one hand no is inflnenced by his farmer-

clients while he also accepts iiiluences fro‘ the Zentevideo markets.

Although something she 16 be known about b .. he: eacts to both ty'e

P

of influence, tie side oi t1e ia““er-clients will receive nore atten-
tiOllo
Distinct from the situation which was onenuntered in

of the far rm- -fa ily unit tfiere a1pears to be tore than one "aver:

’..I

type 01 LIA-18 an. There are at east two tyfues. Cne type is

exemplified in the acogiador who buys up prodace frtn the farmer for

 

‘l—L

sale in the Yontevideo uarcet (a y azns e1 Tontevideo while the

 

other includes tbe tr e:er (ca: io*<ro) w o pertorrs tze service of

 

transporting Brodice 101 the Earner. n ”gird quasi-ty e is the
machinery specialist who visits farwers wit ois cer131eller, a
brc on straw s ;ri13; er, a threshing machine, etc. blCl specialists can
best be inclneed in the second type. In fact a gerson of the second
ype is not a "genuine" middlega: ylebal a,-ini‘ic;, aitdc;;1 his
role almost invariably tragsConds
machinery specialist.

A 1ore oi)JCCtive Listinction between these two tywes or riddle-
men octld be rde on toe basis of tne volume of their businesses.
The first tyre, tie ace» adcr—almacenero {grain nerchantéstorekeeper)
has a large caw)i a1 invcs‘-clt a l: rge client e and large proiits
as coupa;red to tz’we second type. Lee a 1y, tiis disci1ctitn is re~

-'-- J. , 1. ,7 . 41°. .L in 4. .,.., ,n ll '. ‘r ,. )
ilm> t d in LJC terns aco‘iawoz itorte \ strong grain vb Cidit

 

\
i
1
a ,r —L . ... u . I , ‘ a
'F“ 'o,‘ (4‘ ‘1 \ . I. ‘1‘ 2“\ c \I ‘ 1 .1. c '\ 1‘: § , ‘ «\F . I“!\
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~.-.-...a——_— cm ...-‘...-.- -- ——o u —.—- ‘.uu“-

 

 

 

' 3.1- +1.,“ 14w“ .0 ”‘1‘ .«ruqz-zqa t“ mm». : 4-...” «1.
-‘. "ll—e, L..;..t; .L-'-..'._-1 V1... L‘AwJ. -u‘ Lad-1;]. .C .J‘--a"..1<¢ L;:'. (:i ..:.(4 ..;_(.." U. ..

 

- : '.111.°1: .. -‘ ,_ . E ,.'..J 1'13“.-. .1- * .

are 15.10 i...‘.C;C..'. .11 1 119.1011 £11180. Uzi-3.1015133 are 1 -.-1E 11-51.1351... . ..‘e? -e
_A -1,‘ ‘tu, , . .. , 1, ' ‘ f - V ..: ‘1. ...- 1, 11 4'. ,. .L.. _ .4 n . u‘ - q

0; L-1\,-. c.1jj‘1_;e if: "'1‘. 111 1) 1 _j .. 1'. 33_1-.1.L.1f ’ Hes e“c-1111ivelig.’ 1r -.‘ 140

n

- " 4| ‘\4 .1 w“..' 1 I'v- :v ‘ . \ ‘ - '4 :
ier ot:els twei: huge: o s 1355 is t-e StOlC. 11c

' V‘ I ' “ I / ’ . ... .1 - 1 I.‘ -‘ - .. ‘
:1s.1-11<~~ss can Led. 0.1. 1 1:; 1.10.1 t1; L31, -mC'I_;S’3L 1.1
‘. “‘- ..:4. -3 .. 1- H1” 2! ‘ .‘ .

L40 1 Ull€.!'..._ I“: SCC‘LLGJ .gll‘C .Ltrf, 1) 1)1‘..S....113331.U.1.

wetdonolOfical note. nvni uole in;or;;t:on cc cornfué tJUSC

_‘t

 

:1
‘u 1,. ,1 “- ‘ .... u o ‘ _ - I - - 1‘) t," ‘ . 1‘ 1‘ . c .' ‘4‘: .. . 4‘- '
it; to; e; as uflttS 1:,rgrvte snotty. 1ym_e ei t.e LJJCS; face? 3
O . n A ‘ ‘ Q
closest RCQTRAHCJRCCSA is were axon? tee iour ecoe~a;~r-dl~vce1errs

 

- (‘ V'.—.. . . 1 " V9 ‘ . ~‘ I u . .1. v 'a '-a , 9-. z " '.~'
of Q11 unqtist . .e 1nn eccnsz'1 to tal; once, tnjce or twice t1 es

 

 

13.! x 'v r. o. so‘ 1" v ‘ -4—1 'L g-L', \ . -. . “ ‘ -1 -..“
nit onLr occasionuli, 30:0 ceitncts est 'iis er .e cn-Lc‘crfs

 

...:.* . E ., . .4..,' H- t .. . ’1 1 v'-,.. ~ '
OI‘ UC‘.)‘!_-:T"..’?I."(B§ YEW-33.13.“ ".(‘PS ( .1313..1C.-.113!3'~1 CCULV‘L‘JAJUFCS . 5.11.1.3

“k...- -

 

 

 

 

- r ; :. .. a ..L" 7‘. ' ", -.,. 1 .' ..
lacnnne sxuuld we cunniSLZCd since 11cn 01 the inirrJHthn ionnt

‘ , . ,1- t ' ' -,..',~. ,1 .", .
t.mxze tr“u:.ers {n1 ea 11”)” intcn“{tews rn't1 PC?g”-i!‘rcfig £1 Dflfiszrftr

 

:0 . <.- J--' ‘ t 9‘ \ N' c. ‘ Q
niASei soche Since 110 tJo L 1es are co jetitels.

u ’3 1 'e flv v I, ’ V o -'\ Q " A ~‘ ".u ‘5 ".K ' ': ,v ' 4' ’ '-. ‘v
ccvtt.ct1n1j 1nlt.ue:xx1, 1-131e Ed, 2 1 JVL:CL sa1ertcn1'iwt, o1 L.U 1L.c .

n
1
a

("1‘ 4‘ ». \ I- I- 4' 1‘!‘ ~-‘. . . a P ‘. n u :- . ¢ 1“ 1
1ne e is a luCL ex 1 co glete wict1ic oi tuC occudcti01 L role 0

 

1:: ‘ g I‘ . o A
see stwter I ;Wr a sthtc.ent on tn: ”represertativeness"rn

""«. su':‘. 1‘ ‘3 fi-fi -. 1' ‘QIO. ~17“-:
11"»: MILL .- 113- .‘J - J iLCDA ‘5 LCMKL‘.

{‘3
O

I

any one or tfiese aiiilezen. fro; eacn one of tion was seetied so «1e-

‘

—- : I. J- ‘. ° 1' ‘-" .,. .4. + a . . ,:..'~ - '~ '
tnino a little.1t diiieieit--310L one a liie w:story, :rex adetner

a VLeWWOIqt on i rue rs 3s clieats, iron yet another in;-s reacc:iot to
certain econoxio engages, etc. Joaseq witly, elthoa§h eie Csiaot

resist characterizing middlemen as more or less

9 e w . ‘..-.1. 'G'?‘ V v M 'Q ' ‘ -
oi lilts, tuis tdgologg I i]-l be . eniditiozal acceg;ence.

 

(11" J. - s r' J_-_ fl)- 0 "‘-. ‘f N 4 __ . 0 _
u etcwes oi i-i W1 e1--t e ”stroIgf Lure. “a wOLijlSOR to the
~',‘ - 1‘ , .. 3v 0 < 1‘ ‘ "‘ . Q d . 1. ‘1- . F 74. .
farmer, uO distiactiveness 01 no aco,iedoi mas iufi10531ve. «lS

 

res tion to tie iiterview s; twation, tEe symbols of his posi ion
(the office, the payers, the employees), his consand oi 1e1e11nt
information, his views on iarviw: ani tHe Institite s ercrram--all
argm at for tHe diiferences 3e tIeen iarmers ens sc,eiederes. This

difference is 6‘1 tHe ‘ore notaJle siice t;.e nib tories of m“”" of
these men sho.: tie: to have been reared on 3 Lara themselves, and

many of tHem still maintain their Che: a.

Since the number of midtle en who were ixterviewed is small it
may be wise to describe each of them in a for words. In 331 ?autista

are 100: ted t e loll;ninc:

1. Pefia: TLo 30:13 Love, i:1 tile last five years, takee over

,. I .
the operation of tnis slzm een irom their father. One of their

 

distinctive eiterp rises has oeen the intro:1uction of tomoto cul-
tivation into the area. They are pnrchasiag agents of toratoes
for Swift Company of Iontevideo. 30th of these men are "progressive"

businessme=.1 w th 3 Stvle of acti e sales nemship.

121

2. Haurat: The owner-operator is a long-time al“a:enero

J- V,

who is a son cf‘on of tne original fagilies of the town. Cne

O

of his brothers was aggpiaicr until during the last few years
when he has given it up as "no business." This basinossnan
appears to Le quite passive and reserved; his clientele are
more on he order of "traditional."

3. Delgado: This is probably the a_nacen which combines
with it the major share of the buying of farm produce in the
Section. The tw brothers who operate the business are quite
different from each other. One is the active businessman with
extensive contacts in Lontevideo while the other is a jovial,
sociable fellow.

4. Terez: Ihis business was started about four years
ago by the former right-Hand man of Xanrat. The operator
T

appears to be very conscientious and unpretentious. he

store played sach a prominent role in the election campaign
that it has been difficult to separa.e this business from its

golitical overtones. Ihe clientele is probably yownger farmers

who sane their choice of almaceaero and political faction

 

simultaneously.

In other parts of the Denonst‘ation Area are found the
following:

5. In Castellanos, Fassanelo: The business is largeLy
that of almacen although Fassanelo does bay some corn and con-
siderable quantities of eggs and chickens in the marketing of
which he specializes. He started as a mercachifle (traveling

'0

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129

}.Jo

a ban autista and ‘ether things" apnear

lower prices are charged 1

to 1e "equal."

Growth ant Decline of Hiddl men. How ver, exyansion of their

 

businesses is checked 0; the pro:L.1ctiv ity of the area and
competition with ea h otler. Tertain of them ap;)ear to look
upon these araeets 1"es'31ele. They ":?."0 their c Lientele and a
fairly sec re source or incere. sofie of they are more than resigned,

(18’ are easing "Lenselves eut of txeir besinesses. On the other

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0"11a g1a401-e1w wto are turning to never

 

field“ an: who 1:"e recogni ted tha.: theyc M1 e“pe.n; only throng}

However, a pattern Visiflle in 1:13 lecfultf--3 "grewtfl anfi decl1ne"
pattern.

I ' ' 1 _‘ “I“ ' ,. a ‘ .: .1 r_ v .' ' .
In t1e first 11:33 01 nis a sidess e‘ivit;r t.1e acegiador

 

attempts to beild up his clientele; he is aqite active as well

n"st be. Xith a clientele seeire his orientation t e"‘ s'en

tapers 01f. Juan Lnsiaesses have a definite limi bxcause of

the *equirenenvs of person-to-person treatment of cl 1- nts. As
the aconiador awnroachss ol£er are txe tendencies to retirement
M ‘ ‘ V

1 . 2
manifest taemselves. O

 

9.

 

”(J ‘ 0 I ‘ _ A ' - .'. ..
T113 can ge inferred ;rom tge st‘tsnt ts 01 many 900‘1-“er OS
A v ‘ . q. .4 1 ‘ '1“- 1.‘ \ , .1 . .3 ' ‘ .. ,...
concerning“ her .gusd' tae; £110. 1 ea co-...11ai11 0131;:11111110 e. Ltile clays-

en-end traveling ei€1er o Kontetiieo 01 alounl the azea to visit

t
farmers. Kany of then 'i e the inpressien 01 a ways bei.g engaged in
some important affair ant u? t :se, many ingl; that they'are overtated

f I.

9'
I -‘.fl,. '.c-‘-.~.:qv. I . . A ' . r‘~ ‘4‘ -1 Q ‘ ‘1' "'\ 4-. -‘ -‘ .'c l’l
3' t;ose go 111 1es. 'L‘he 1aCt 1. “at i1eeaeatlo tuey retiic, ana
aat

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Ju'gin; .Ls ta t1e; 10 ire .1t1cat indlflS.

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J.

“Irv:;::;aples in can

 

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Infint-Ontpit iol.tiois11;s 01 st111_ niiulc;on. in the 310-
~.r . r N , \r ‘ t. J-—‘. ‘-~-: 4"r ~<p .a . ‘a/ u.« 4-; . ‘..“
Sent “1 cos io.n it will 0 ussimcd tnit tn; m1.llenin is o G-uhld'
L" O
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”1-4 313 _owls c, .Hsi.ess ex} dblCu unin i1ed. Let it so assincd
u 1

ant he is near his pwik of activity, i.e., Leiore the ”urge" to

re;ire becomzzs evident. The following, then,ore reactions to inputs
from his far -fa:1ily clients (: s 11erioule txe i;pncs are nnflerlined):
iotential Clients are increasii l" fervor: fie de1ond less

’ s r ' - c. r e r v v‘- o ' -\ ‘ r 0‘ O .3 s r-, J‘ . - ‘- r " .§ 4.-
3511 less o1 corn ant tacit. Tne d¢0u131¢1'8 re ct101 nus wee” LO

 

 

search for ctaer act1v1ties to ntilize his stern e an: thonsvorta'icn

Q l

m-

t. A a. . ,. ,‘ . ,~ ,1 ' "-“ «.5 "3 Q . 3 \f‘ . -. - - : r‘ .- rv ‘-
facilities, or in 30m) ciscs LHC t; no Oitntion inc ltiiei Hzae seen

li ai W150d. [Herons Formerly two of the alwaCnlerns of can “gntistn

 

' J

" - av (21" “ w :1. - o-xqfi -\ _ .
“71.1 t1 . 3, now the;r mile L' 311:),oitmtio1

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f V‘ 'A v "\ Q
Q-.. 0 C\:L\. 311 d ’ AIOIIG‘.\’1 ’

the accgiaior hrencnes o. ’3n10 other ac‘1V1t1v- no lfiteflSlLlGS his

 

po iltrv marketing activitias, his seen-buying acti

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th another job of

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marketing.

CliChtsiflgy thvir bills wni eliminate t‘eir in we te‘1 33: This

 

increase in t1e economic indepen once of the form families app ars to

be met by the acogiodor fostering tHe increase of social and politi-

 

cal deponlence. The acopiaiores appear to be accomplishing this.

 

Here it 's iifficult to trace through this process in the case of a
particular person. int it appears t.at t'1ose mi dlenen who empha-
size a range of "personal" services are replacing the; middlemen
whose enphasis was upon just the economic exchange. That is, tfiere

is a reaction to this input but it occurs at a levelzzbove that of

the single miidleman unit, it is a reaction char cteristic of tie

 

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market lecfienzs (suckling pigs), others buy broom straw, ant then
there are'those who buy flat and sugar beets, but these come from
outside the Area. Other specialists are truck drivers who 30 not
own tbeir tr 0?, farm labor rs who rind work it ing the corn cutting
season, or do occasional fencing, ploughing, etc. These make

a heteroeeneous collection which defies characterization in the same
terms whicfi have been apnlied to the farm-family units.

How they Became Lesser Niidleeen or lpecielists. Again there

 

is probably a selective process by wfiich farmers become lesser
nildlemen anl specialists. And tie same process as operates in the
case of "strong" nildlenen unioubtedly occurs here as well. But

there are two adiitional possibilities of somewhat frequent occurence.
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some work area than t’eir neighbors will acquire a reputation accor-
dingly. If the area happens to be nacfiinery the groundwork has been
lail for a more forralized specialization. Possibly an aptitude for
reading axd writin; may lead toward tte middleman specialization.

On tfie other hand certain firfiers may be unsuc essful at farming.

a.

These too, it appears, may be cenliiates ”or becoming mildlemen. A
farmer who cannot enrn inexme to support his family may look to

providing some delivery or some other serrice for extra cash. He
may bring some groceries and cold drinks to his home forlresale and

thus become a bolicherg.

 

The boundary line between the full-time fa~mer and one of these

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One rather strange specialization is that fonnd in the case of
officers of the Society for haral Yetternent. In the Area there is
but one of these Societies, that in 3?.stellanos. Fringing the area
there is one in San Jacinto and in danta Rosa the Rotary Club has
become interested in rural economic problems. The activities of
these oificers are lnuch n re properly discussed as part of the asso-
ciational life in Chapter V.

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Introduction. Ttfisdi301ission of pair-relationships considers
the tasks to which the above-mentioned units are committed. From

the standpoint of the Area-wide network of exchange relationships
these pair-relations! lips are tz;mselves building blocks or units,
but it will be desirable to defer treatment of the dynamics of these
interrelationships and of the problem of adaptability of the form of
social interaction. In the following, the problems of the task
behavior or aim-content directed activities will be emphasized. As
in previous presentations the differences among such pair-relation-
ships are sufficiently complicat¢d so that the construction of
typologies is reqiired.

The major features which provide the basis f)1 a typolo;; ' of
pair-relationships are: (l) the limited aim-content versus unlimited
aim-content and (2) the degree of permanency of the role tionship, to
be denoted the "fixed-client" versu s"transitor3-client" distinction.

In the t pical case the farmer sells to an cojisdoi that

a q s -c ‘. rs w r - a.

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ine data do not “eveal to whet crtent sellin~ a pertiCnlar
'ixd of produce constitutes *3? only or but one of nmny 0th =uses
mr intern" Vi'tin bxret the two. !;1 1m LLCL ' .lzr, there are (3:15:13 if:

v isn the firyer deals with a al:“ce 21e——eeo=irior of tie tevn.he

 

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“..... . .. . l . <’ 1 1' \. 1.- . . : w , .. -L
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143

given their orientation to a fired level of living the solution

becomes self-eviient--conf 1 1e in an acopiator.

 

TVA

arners-uentevideo 11r {ets and farmer-Trucker. To deal dth
nese tqo relationships simailtaneozsly seems natural in tnat t .ey
appear together concretely. They cazmot be separated since practi-
cally ngne of the farmer3 own truclm ani practically none of the
Montevideo grain or farm-produce merchants send trucks to the area.
There are two basic types of 7roduce mar! {ets in if ontevideo.23

The warehousemen or Co panics (barracas, wnich means warehouse) buy

corn, wheat, and forages largely from.the acopiaiorea of the country

 

but at times, now more frequently, directly from the farmers. These
barracas sell in their turn to the 11115 and other consumers of large
quantities of grain. Their operations are closely governed as far

as prices are concerned by the facts: (1) t: at t1ey are f irly numerous
(twen ty-five to t irty listings appear in the tele 7h01e :1i1ectory) and
appear to o'fer very similar services, and also (2)t :ere exis ts a
Samara Mercantile Cl a..l of T1a.de) n ich maintains an "open" 113%! et in
which prices are fixed. The barracas'function appears to be that of
storage, “hiv1 provides a buffer 1or the time discrepancies between
supply a1eznand. Host of these businesses are of relatively long
histories, many are family owned.

The other type of Montevideo market outlet is the produce or

 

23A possible third type is the feria or retial farmers' ma~ket.
hese markets are held almost every day of the week in difiering

0 vv . _ " ’3‘ ~.« 0 (a -
locations in NonteVideo. very few ialmcrs in the Jan nautista sec
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types are in the upper left and lower right corners of Table XII.
But these are concrete possibilities even in the case tlet the
intensi e-exten3ive variable is a clear-cut, one-dinensicjll
variable.

By iltreducing into Tall; III further characteristics, (1) size
of farm.ani {2) an indicator of availtble labor, an important but
somewhat obvious empirical generalization is uncovered. ‘rom Ta)le
XIII one concludes that on a smell fern, particularly if it is of
less than te 1 hectares, the combination no-wheat with garden pro-

1‘

duce prevails. Lor larger size of fir11 anything else mgv hapocn.

For more than an "average" (OYLC male o’er twenty years) supii ' of

labor, rardei prodzce is almost in'ariablg proiuced {or 3310.4

 

3m.

lie following re-conbination of the characteristics of Table
XIII sustaiis tkis statement:

Garden Proluce

and 2.70 Uh eat Other n
Nine hectares or less 7 1 34 = 4.37
Te1 hectm es or more 12 31 p0 = .327

The following re-conhination of the Iaracteris tics of Table
XII sustains t;iS statement:

No Garden

Garden Produce I‘;eiice
C ' 'e sol v r
2,1” 0“ I "‘0 0 e 16 .13 K2 = 354
“J years '
Kore than one male orcr ll 1 P = .060
Q
20 rears

If the cross-classi'ied C 2‘acter SLiCS are not ssociated then the
probability of a res;lt li! :e t.at discovered or one even "deeper"
in the critical region is 10.

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173

Some exolanation of the terminology found in the body of Table
XV is called for. "Normal family" m ans that the husband and/or
father of the nuclear family operates the farm. It was rather diffi-
cult to determine rhen the husband-father has retired to make way ior
the sons. 80 for present pirposes the interviewer's criterion was

used. He asked, "Rho is the head of the family?" Then later on in

the interview the so-called head may a? that he has retired from

farming but if one of the sons did not m.ke the responses to our
questions, the husband-father was still considered head of the family.
In these cases usually the husband-father still directs the farming
operation.

In those cases in which a younger head of family operated a
large xpanse of land the farm-family unit is not nealy formed (see
Table XV). In most cases a son has taken over upon the father's

death. Eliminating these cases leaves the picture clearer as in

Table XV . The operation of thirty hectares or more is assoc-

TJLLJLL. XVI

RAPLfiDUCTIUN OF TAELE KY, 1 TE ONLY THE
N0¢KAL FAMILY UNITD LHLNG CLASsIIILD

 

 

Size of Family in Hectares

9 - 14 15 - 29 30 - more

--~—--n-----r--u------------------------‘-------

Age of Head

20-34 1 3 -
35-44 3 1. _

45 - 59

T0

60 - over

(JV
4

L»----------

 

 

174

5
iated with an older age of the head of the fanily, and here older
age of fanily head is more closely tied to older age of the family-

(WV

farm unit. The "newly-formed" family-farm units in the sample are

‘ 1

somewhat smaller altqough more of then are no inn-sized than

 

smallest-sized.

The number of part-time farmers in the younger a"

Oe category and
the association betxeen small farm size and off-farm occupations also
appears in Table XV. The tendency to off-farm occupations also contri-
butes to the change-over from structure A to B although not along
Path II. Judging from the questionnaire reports and from more extended
contact with certain farm fami ies of this type, younger farm families
which are occupied exclusively on the farm engage in an intensive
exploitation: growing potatoes, onions, squash, etc., with no wheat
and very little corn. Even so the young farmer is expected to help
on dis facner's and father-in-law's farm.

The second sub-pa h can now be examined. As the sons nature,
a labor surplus develops which leads logically to the intensifi-
cation of the pattern of exploitation. This is qaite evident from
the data of footnote 4 above. However, the sons hav other alter-

ff",

natives. Lch may search for work on other farms or leave the Area

 

5 o a r y a .
Combining the classes of Table XII gives he following:

Size of Farm.
Age- in {ectares
of Head

 

O - 29 3O - more Suns

 

20 - 44 ll ‘ -
45 - l3 9

RH:

 

 

 

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y)

This is particularly true because many interviews in which this
ideology was discussed were conducted with those farmers who "colla-
borated" with the Institute, possibly not a representative group.
Nevertheless, the ideology has the supaort of national government
agricultural agencies, local authorities, leading citizens, and
materially successful farmers.

Having explained in part the tendencies toward intensification
and having some data on the market relationships of intensive farm-
ing units, the final step is to sustain that such a pattern of
exploitation supports a market structure of type B rather than A.

Table XVII shows this to be a little less than self-evident.

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Market relationship Number of
farmers

 

Had garden-type produce and sold to:
.QLCOjiador o o o o o o o o o o o
neoniador-almacenero . . . . .

Lontevideo market . . . . . . .

 

C0 rP-tCO

Had no garden-type produce to sell . lO

NoreSpODSCQQOooooooooo

l

 

However a closer check on the meaning of "acooiador" in he
, o --4———
context of garden-type produce reveals that the persons mentioned

as acopiaderes here are smaller operators--the truckers them-

...—.’-....—

 

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Introduction. Che nges in social_ organization of another sphere
of activity, the political, will now be examined in much the sane
way as in the proceeding chapter. At many points there is a similar-
ity in the arguments of the two chapters--excessifiely many it seems
because there is the dan er of overworhing an analor' between he
two, the political and the economic. Many of the same people are
key participants in both changes. To separate theeaconomic from.th
political bases of their changed actions is difficult. Nevertheless,

\

political activity is a distinguishable element of life in the

*3

Section of San nautista.

At times as the analysis focusses on small details, one can
lose sight of the broader national setting of such activity. It
should alway he renerfl;ered t1at Uruguay, as a nation, 0: CH)iCS
a foremost place among nations with its welfare-type legislation.
This claim to uniqueness ca 3e advancei as well, with respect to
the administration of such programs at the "grass roots" level.

The symbol, "democratic," would be ap ropriatel, .pplied to Uruguay
if this were a discourse in political philosaflry.

The following discussion is divided into two parts. first
there is an introduction to, actually a definition of, what con-
stitutes political activity in the Ar a. Some of this material
refers to social r :lations hips, but a great deal of it eats the
tasks which constitute politicking. This is 0110 red by a con-

tinuation of the argument on social 01-nre in terms of movement bet-

ween two structural arranrenents of social relationships. The

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Bautista there were some 590 persons i1 this age range. These 590
persons constitute about 74.43 percent of the total town population.
Thus, the number of total population in Castellanos (230) can be multi-
plied by .744 to yield an estimate of eligible voters in this popu-
lation cluster-~this is 149. Adding together the 2,528 and 590 and

149 gives 3,262 as an estimate of the total number of eligible voters
in the Section.

Consequently, about 87 percent of those eligible exercised their
right to vote. Considering that throughout the entir- Sunday of voting
all of the cars and trucks in the Section were constantly mar' g
trips to arfi.fro between canpifia an: pueblo this result is not
surprising. Election day is an adventure for many people, ~specially
the oldsters,2 who leave home very infrequently. Even more, people
take their politics seriously. They fulfill their obligation by
voting and they expect their c<ndillo to do likewise--to reciprocate.

Looking at Table IEVI the number 311 size of political factions

can be assessed.

 

2An elderly lady from the campffia, too feeble to walk,11as all
but carried to the polls. In accori with a widespread pattern, she
was assisted by volunteers of the party for Which she was expected
to vote. During election day each political club fields a tear of
"helpers" to go out into the canpafia and bring in tbeir voters, to
help people find the correct polling place and to do last minute
electioneering. it tines voters ar- claimed by both parties with
not infrequently ruffled feelings.

 

 

 

 

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136

possibility unrealized.
In addition to the principal caudillo there are about seven lead-

citi ens of the town who politically are closely identified with

[\1

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and work "within" this party's organization. They are: two brothers,

I

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owners of an alnac n; the owner of another alnacen; tne owner, a

 

 

brother of the principal caudillo, of the dry goods store; an employee
of the State Mortgage Bank who lives in San Bautista; the under-
secretary of the Junta Local (Town Council); and the local medical

doctor. These lesser caudillos are specialists in distinct phases

 

of the favor-dispensirv work of the local organization. They form a

S
quite effective "team", although they act in a somewhat less-than—
harmonious fashion.

How these men came to be active in political affairs seems to
need little explanation. There is only one storekeeper in the town
who is not highly active in politics. ‘Eis is the case which requires
xplanation. Lzsiness and politics not only can be mixed but it
appears that they must be nixed. Here there is undoubtedly a strong
set of expectancies among the clients of businessmen which tend to
involve the businessmen in extra-economic affairs. Even the business-
man who attempts to watch only his cash register soon becomes
conscious of the necessity of providing other services in order to
maintain and especially to attract clientele.

Besides the businessmen, the three other persons have occupa-
tional roles which represent both a product of and producers of politi-
cal activity. The employee of the Junta Local is undoubtedly a politi-

cal appointee. Even the nedi0al doctor is subsidized by the Ministry

of Health to treat charity cases and sach a subsidy requires some

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my“, [311 179', (tfl :wLitJHuil »LL*;:t u‘cs 32%: (xx: L” Ml ' lg LO ha’CtLVI
with a ”Lip “1353 of acuncigtional ?c**vi‘teb U‘ereas the cc: cu'c
strncum‘e c0 ._Lri, :1iLt11011_;21 rm? to a. certain orient, be s;t:>.mie‘.,‘_ in 175.1".—
m.
This IA“t aspect of the political structure makes the construction
of "vwotu‘" cs similx: ”co thus “ -llvcl Ln tne section on economic
structqres male ii fisult, but 011 ‘nluLL1”L3 so. As \Jas the ca"c

With the economic structure, some noiificetiox takes place in the setting
or functlonul envi cement whicu 30500 fiifi e ezmt {noblems to t .0 political

structure uh;

‘\‘( \‘J

st L14cure, ENNJCVCP,

10'

o,‘ ‘

1101‘ 0 FILE“. .L...

The use of a typology of t

,v ' s , , ’.,. . J- .
cm 13 tion du¢DLUd
6-.L1L4L lit-W

,J-
I‘Cf) c

to these RfiflifiCRtiQns. In the

tion or ”working out' involves overcuning a
raints.
” rns of 0011 ti C.al orfuana tion wi1l 91d

 

 

in the 50 Jjawi11"iiscxcsion. fin one hand, a structure 0:11 it is
Jeitnwd 1" a szngle princlwal cenli. o as leader of a collect _Lon of
aj‘i_i;tes to his faction. ”His strwcture A then is a star pattern and
tile t:u3F-13x;.01%31i4) “*teu.1 1L;11 tn) dcf‘ine 12:8 CLlU‘uLL,. (P1 tlfll otluir
haul one can define a stracture, call it 2, 1r ic h cc 0 sts of a team of

. _.x ‘ 1 '
SGCUAL\L\‘¥1~:’7Y C’,".\A.l.‘L

 

with aidit ion: 1 pair—r

 

1103 Operating

- J-
Gch '..

ial integration

0

1111; er 8 01710

C V 0
1011831191}

caniillos and certain aftiliates of tac ir it“ ction. There ma: we, in
structure 3, one principal caufiillo or lesuler 01 the team.

fixing attention

“(:00 ml .117:

in;

 

c.'~Hdi1

 

JIIt ‘.'-ll 1 DUI" J 0.1111550

 

new upnn the {air-relationships betw‘en, in

and the fdld family in the other

and,

 

o
\"!$

.1
G.L.t

r‘ ‘.’

0“ 31d the 1.:n {Hutflx chanjcs in cert.

flied sociaJ.zuuxmzqe-

shown to result in can

~-« -'-~
.‘.‘v‘LlLDQ
1 . ~Jr- Lyx . " H‘ o \ 1»s\"{‘ A \ ~ ‘ ‘.. " “‘4‘: . I r " ‘
.tfit); oi. L Le l:1\-UA“3;lt;V.LL Kc”: 11../l(35 . 1 U<¢c11 1"e.1t.1cn11 - LTI t.s, x1 0-
7. ~~ ':. - 1H ‘. v V,‘ \ Q .\-‘-. - .‘.: 1 Q 9 G P -' .“_'~ I‘ ‘
\LudS ciscassion. .ouvxcz, e ICatfiiCmCflt ne1e mould oe Cuu'tHLth.
';1‘{| "1 I‘ " '1. Y“Y\ 1: \’ :"’\ ‘ (r‘ ‘. N' "‘ fit-xv '.’ "I t ‘."fild ." ’ -‘ tn
L;i‘¢ A.O.J ...Z‘ 01” 31 C ----- 11!. 0J(,2L‘;‘1 L-xl k; leSJ_)Il L11 Allb 1."- l\)\./ ()L ‘ VA’I‘JL LLD
.° 1 .- .2 4 , .. " J. . ‘. 'L '
-Ll tie socijLLile LSLct1CW1(‘nL1 tins_111x‘ LlC c. ”_uxl
-. ”J‘.’ - A- . ' ’ K a. ~4—l' '
~ 1115» witn tue mos. in

to farmers ()Lferccl
city. iltnough Urn may has £01 years bee
soc1clistic- t"7e le isletiou, toe benefits of this legislation have

ers in the capit,l Euler

1,1 1 1.11 11‘ , the more "1011.) 1\ pm )1-

7.11 lilC‘t', £13131:

been shore 1:1 ‘.‘fclv' by no ‘ 1
S of t?“ e voting potential of,
Mileo such "oenei ‘itws as

awarenes
price fiXinm NCIOVCl-0pl’.‘.(311’tr‘.l'
rs, and

iated s l] «termint re ions aloind “01

rl

is.

."
‘31 v.1.

hospital 5 ices, oll _
p10 rims to uififl in chcitu - protecto

credit foe
‘ecrces. Now farmers can 'ot more i:
those 00fl13fi ts.
Another change is the increased onrti cioation oi toe ”uinoritv”
or second. flirt} (the 31.731005) oVW'cht l affaixs. since the trace
negotictow with them by Jose Botlle, toe “lancos have rrsduully been
influence felt in the day-to-doy aiminiccratron of
JLancos none sombers of ov ruin:
"£11.18

&)l‘ to mike tEUir
f 1:110:30.

;;ox.n3r1tncn1t 11t ‘t3n3
‘nd lesser oiiicials, exeu txou ;h a uinoiit"
1Li0u0d just ace 8 co )Loe to open mlny u\b“UCJ

pres

.'.?
L116)

U
viv'\

b 0:1,,1‘rl S
1;;e and the one
1 '- ' ’ ' - 'x'n ‘ 4-~"' 11' "7‘
Uol1t Pal lJJIUCHCQ from toe Clil'-A to t1e 011111 otli sgvhlsth.
newer

one; me
of L 1
It comes about in the following way.

< ' j the ' ‘Wtits to Sorters, the

or ”1?in3 importcxt do: sions

A , v

along
r) . .

”rent dixil 01 fig '\101

lefiisl;rt

n - J-.. - I , 1 ‘>r‘\ ‘ ‘ '7‘ « 7‘ : t""‘ " ,‘ > ‘ 4 7' ‘l ‘\ o \ r ‘ . .__ ' .I I, - '-. ‘r 1 ' ..'. : " R
1.71 L.lC _ II'LJAS {J}. 1L0 I Cl «‘.‘/.7 -.L.1.‘...‘.7 Ll k1. I01 1‘) g 7- (3721.910313 .11 C 7 23.48 {.91. t... 1 1.7.8.1. 1“ C7...“
.1 ‘vr ‘r\,~1r :7 J"~ r) fi,"-'\; ~ ; ('7 .‘“-,1 :vr ) \1r\‘\3 4 V9 1“ . t yvv- ‘*1 v-.‘('-,1§ “VT .“ y ".“‘.‘1‘
4-034 1 I.-.'..;_'- .--Ll Liv, I..._'._' ._e;I--.. I) '..L I . II. 7. f, 1C :ul L4. 0 I'JJC'...’ II;1~.’..., I.‘ III 110.? tax.

.‘~ ‘\1 \:~"1."‘(‘ “ 4‘ '.') '.‘: “I” ‘:}\'1't/):. *3 T1 V‘ 1'\* 1“ 17“; I‘* "‘1".\..t; ' 3 ".‘ "(‘i-L' “'"\ ")
iJ‘v:1C-L ... Lo Ill 0 L0 7.37;. ..-LS cl i 17.7. eel . 1.51 OJ. (1»). ,0 mi 1.119. C7. 1.. LC _.-‘. L _LLL - I1.'~..;1(. r.

1

to bear upon these nininistrators, one almost has to 77ve been respon-
o q_ _ '. r o ‘.' _ ‘ ,— _ 4. ‘ ‘ ‘ o g_ 14
51310 for ddVlUé secnr7d Ine man s goo.

In addition to tee 9.t70ve, there is assocLatei a C7an e in political

ethic. The principal C7udillo who expressed his amazement in the face

 

of whet hec 1lleii tne personal and petty aims of younjer Lolit iCi Jens
reflects this change. rrevioes y it was probably quite enough that

c7u£illo proclaim the iiealistic and sentinientel catc swords of his party.

 

fie was 77ee lin to the imgortant considerations us ed bv citizens in

s l

 

This [henOIm 770m is related to the d_isc;1 ssion in Chipter Ii, Fart II,
coneern:in7g t7e 07erati07 of bIISine ss and17ublic bureaucracies. There it
Inis obser v ed t77nt loner adminis 'rntors C71IL.ILL/ demiol . a.te and culti-
vate their iniencnne 3.

l4 . . ~-
A note on tie 7vest137tor's "frame of att 3ntion" viz a v12 tnis

771701) Lem would be 17. elpi‘ul. .In e:1;17lo:'ee oi‘ the 1779I1EL7LeT~sI7ii in
honteviieo acted as re710sent¢11vc Oi tee government employee' 8 aSSOCin‘
tion in meiotintions with the hovernment over a "“uIilic Lm7ie"ee' s 305
This man 7as a source of mwch of tee above Inior.7Iion. ulso o.Ie oi‘ the
field woiizers xperienced consideraele difiicnlty in fin77n~ emplov-
ment alter concletine his work in sociolOfy with the Institute. 'nus,
t7e writer lecane involveci in the volitical overtones oi job hunting.

In eleit7on, pers :7n 1 co:7tects wiI 7 ot‘;7er, isu77 lly \077'07 men with
interests in the social sciences providei t37e 177ressLIn t:::7t the job
77nrket w7s tifnt and that politi‘7l inilueace was invnrinuly needed.
Given this Iitn7IIon it seems 7ost lo ic:71 to sulpose that one of the
most effective sowxrc s oi i7: JIOHCC upon 9. 71:577istrntor or a rovern-
ment employee would oe Ine political caidillo w27o gave the man his job.

 

H
(31

9

Althoujn "ass oc;i is undoubtedly a 'nlid Iay of sweakint, tne

9146C '."l
Jases for this association are not under investigation here

selecting their faction. But now, more materialistic considerations
have become important. People have become sensitized to their neigh-
bor's conquests of the public bureaucracy. They see that there are
Concrete benefits to be de‘ived from the correct political affiliation.
By now it should have become quite evident that with respect to

c ncret b nefits, structure B is tore adaptive the structure A for

,-
\

farm-family units. Under structure 3 there exist desifnated sp;cialists

respcnsible for securiié for farm families a wile range of tncs menefits.
In addition it should be den nstrated that for these specialists them-
selves there accrue benefits unier structure E. Looking at tie occupa-

ti nal position of tbose specialists su flees to su' est the nature

‘3
UK)

of th-ir ”ains.

In the busiiess of storekeeper ani/or grain merchant a person

is rather strictly regulated. The new law establishing a fixed price

(i
A

for wheat also speci-ies the nargin of profit to be as red by the grain

merchant. I? h '

ne is accustomed

O

13 to be able to realize gains sack as
J

to it is necess¢rj tnet he Have ee“tain urotection a~ainst insacction.
’ L ‘..) L

Since the prices of many com otities (e.g., flour and afrechillo or

 

9

ground wheat bus; for pig and chicken feed) are subsidized, but subsi-
dized only for certain uses (a3ain spelled out in great legal detail),
here is a positive advantage to two seller if he is relatively insured
against government inspection. Hith tkc possibilities of securing ferti-
lizers, special seeds and other agricultural "capital” being tied to
government administered liograms of improvement of farming, it becomes
helpful to have contacts with the appropriate goverxnent agencies. With

the operations of the State Mortgage Bank constituting a limiting factor

D

nfl an; sellinf er O“i"l , t3

PI
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tne uOCLor, L1 eauvan_ipes Ol inell tie into a Huxltlcml 1 “tin- axe

u - ,‘i/ . : \ ' ‘.‘“! ~-~-‘~-4 f~'l' vr‘ ‘» : ‘ .. V. -:- -. .‘.! V“ r~ ‘ .
ev-en M010 direct. tie on LUJCC Ohm. wis Ice in certain mCuStrC to J13

role of _j..-:;rtj,' worker mile the tester 13 em}: to receive (502:: >e"-s'ti');1

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, SO :fill‘aiatls iltqil‘ £‘4.)/\:t‘.1‘:‘.{L‘k:e on “LT“: 100.1 1.0” ‘.L

could be explained as a result Oi national proselgtiZing. But the Yl er

\

oi local licLiois denunw too much upon local leniersuip to allow this

ex;:la mti 03.1 Luca 'y-iei.j;’.;t. i‘21e more aed 2431: Le e:““Lu.1 tion lies :m a

‘ t ‘\‘ .-~ "- < . . 3" J" "\ '. '~ .- >“v‘ I“ . '-1
i;d Law; .Mlte SLuflhLHlJ o. “I lfKJL l SLL L1 tion.

J-

Liven ce tain tasks to peiforn, given cert in structure 1 arr m'33—

‘ - '.. I . ’ . ’-' ~ ‘- 4 . “ ’.‘l r“ ,_ _’.">.~ :-r_~ _» _ ‘0' J_._ /~\ J-"
ments union are more aiaytive, aid ,iven certain enaracteiisti‘s Oi tie

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3r: SJOJID ILL “I e 1.0 le «31 1 t 13 1 01433 ill t..e 2acic3 a tdaitlx~3 {3L1 1c

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alu.airqe.p3rrt, t,ta.e tallx»C (,ei t-_.. s-.;e Zilillius eh} L,.e 11:,LJ01 c; pun.s

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-‘..:1 CC?) Lvlill CL-Si—Bb’ L 1:) “VDOELLC T41L.-.'.,..1.1l L113 1 (31135 KL). $71. 1.1L.A_;'- -.. CL—L‘x

 

. ’ _ ‘ _1 t ' .' ‘ h‘ ‘ 1‘.’ ‘.' “ r- . ~ ‘4’. ! - . . d ‘1-" a ....
SCCQJfldry cmuubtlcs in ”lorme‘ iACLlOUS appear to we CVBfLOI.eu. t1

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(n13 :xint, IiCULmeS Ch} t.u3ii ;. .e .u,e CL-LC£HLUVU tt2tte tut L.u) ot-ui , {-11Ll

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untixe awili Les afisenr to be Lanai. as 131s Iona.-tu aboxe tact; mas

. ;',_‘ 3 . ‘r'v 7“, - _ ’ ‘ : .‘.“ h ..l ‘ .’ I v :.‘-..._ .. ‘ ' r) .1:.I,. vrlw:' (“ “\
JnTafluulY a line Ol largers and townsoeuple waitiu; to SUK LHJ ,ii‘c.;ul

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lYnuf‘tines, $31322 sidewagws;gbinoe to £1121 2n22

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- I ‘ ' aw 1 ‘ .‘. \- \ ' ‘1 J ’ F‘ \ |‘ 1
£;- cor and Can iniei ..e ulSHILdUlln such t1 “txwut conie canoe. n3;

' 1 .... 1, ., .....',' -. ,.. ......I.‘,‘ ,. .1... '.'..,. :1. k. 4. ,.‘ .
also it is §n0.n Jo” CSBUJiliL to . -.”-L-Lo'a EL aiix lL l3 0 -l\0

 

the former .he inlxeo‘icn thit tne lzrner's

:QK‘O‘A
4.32.1'u ...

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cutie.» tiose .Ci Juioh a 'neln icn olOulu rcasouwolJ oe oeonxod

V '1 r‘ 7‘Lr7 . r n c :-" ". 1- 5‘ \,‘ 1 A -'.'- ‘a-‘ e. )\'
IJN‘ILECD oc.2L131 “c1132ntence wita tme a £45 02 the imlm axilies .r

\
/

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toja iduLlLQS involveg. Lie CCCJuhlJthH 0L biCJ -JodiCi e is LLUC

-_‘ ,-,, ...H. .. .. , . , . n Ann-.'.!
2e. . coo cold- .03» a c‘ielllo can 1-nol+ only “ LLmiLUJ nin.er

 

 

O2 C‘Lioncs. fie us Lugl; gas 321 o«30‘v-.t10r2 role. .LLtJ tmo IffiLhUlln“

""r '\ 1 " \ ‘.- ‘ r' ,-\r‘n o ‘ ‘ . 2 - 04" ‘Q- ~v..,.-—. ...‘1 “.'. . - .‘-... .‘A'v‘
Lime al.1u CALI 2'»). 11:3 in..- c". 2.1.0214. t0 milifI O.\..L2.22-‘LC.L:J’ 1.1-11." OI" one :uulull 1'22}

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s*cenmer3 " 33311' bLlincc“ 13 tee se3s3 oi h:3n¢ egle to e 3Lr a

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4" w ‘ . x ‘ Ju‘ -‘3 .. I 0‘- - .~~ r“ 4‘ v 1 £- ‘ . I . ’ '4‘ ‘ , . . -. 4'“ '1 1
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Q! I - ' C I\ 0 ‘ ' V" ' l _ H
more eLtensed d330u3830n of exeuLens 01 maLthLnLn33 utertlal latejrs-

tion will be pre seltcd 3.n the following seetien en (ztner associLt"“1ul
z;L tivities
ownmarizinfi thcn3, it aypears that the arrangements under structure

_‘

B are natural outgrowths 03 the changes occur3ng in

nature of

natiozel lefiislatien, and alninistr Ltive organizautou. It WOQlJ re:ere
a more cgtrde‘ analysis of these Lettre of t3L nation"1 cceqe in
orlLr to preiict their future tealeneies, nevertheless it appears tth

8.11 (ROY) PFC CH.

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cemponen.s of the ecu-3 in that 01 the W31

 

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involve the im1 lus

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r production of
place in
cert: in

rat.

Pensions strrted the treeL. 33 his successes became known two etaer

fee Lens Inade exte3si lVC demands for pensions which ayyxreatly have bee;
accefdzl to. gt pre s:nt there are about iive hinzlre l c1&-eje pensions in
the district, IfxmrztrstWr is mzzite tsual. Ihe co nqu1~uces which are
xxnzlxflzp; ngurunxl sxeuld be s?:1ila1 leg rL‘ess 03 the nature of the
service effere Ll; however, celCLlatioa oi rele.tLve do rtvatien i frotssly
easi.x wnere t 0 item beta: dist i'mlted kuL"erentL‘ll ) as Gene‘ete

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15903, flan‘uuLOJOHOHQ ano alLoaomous, ich t erAs hill UQCome 1u1e

7
:11C11111numl «s Ll1efzue 1.1t-v.l.17.ed. 1 or now, a nomLLL-al 1131,1111Lior1, a.

listing, can be ac opted. The first type includes those associations

1

appended to other, 111rent, orfznizs tions and functioning with the rarest

orgaiization as an import; nt portion of the association's setting. ouch
.. ‘0 r A. _. ‘0 c 1 o - _‘e 153 .‘ . '.‘ . .’. 1 fl .‘. ' ",4 ‘ -\ rs

assoc1ations are too relifiious 3001eties, tne SCAOOlUOarLb dJu ass0e11~

tions of alumni, the neighbors' committees for road repair, e11 finally

t1o extons:on or"1izdt101n. The second type includes the home-grown
sanLLLions which are oriented primar:il;I to recreation. Those are the

social clubs and the athletic clubs. An interstitial organization is one

farmers' betterzuelt societ v ()OCJC'UJ .10 Lowe :1to) w1ic h is l: rfoly anten-

omous although affiliated with one of the nuLLonI11c izzrmers' organizations.

7"-—‘fi If J1.) - » ‘.‘,” Q. s' .1 . r-. . .... [-‘r- '. 1“.~J' «¢'%.‘ .“
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‘» '. P ' .+ w. '-:.ufm~ . . L v.3. . '.n +3 1 ' “J‘s
too time 0L tAe sLuoy iioisuia; lOJCACS were oCiag a; ‘Ellcu to Lie owilwing

to house the local Club Social, ”Vida Yoeva" (“sew Life” Social Club).

--.‘. - a: , .- . .. r. .1'.-:. . 1,. r- m," ,. r' , v ‘.‘.
1be billdLnd lnelaJCS on a1e1to1ium, sauce iloor ufid Cddttnd (Lax).

'ine b1=ildin1 of a local (as it is called) constituted a sijnal ac i3ve-

k)

meat and for the last four years has been the chief tast of the coeisifin

 

\ n . . . A . , ,. _
try) 01 the club. $511.3 0}: sex 021 Members,

 

l7 . .

 

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-!I_ 1,. .‘. 'i“ . ', , ‘~, ,-. 1 x" “ , ...,a , .- - ' ‘.‘ ... . .- —- 'I- . ‘ 3 'J..,
“eroert A. ineleo J monies o bro 23 at Norm (u ion 0: LGLVSISlLu
f I" ‘ '2 .“'.-W cu... _. I ’ ‘7 ‘v'
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1 VJlCa§OV :ICSS, lphé/ wiungCA

I - 81.11: 01 Conchts (c.1111 2111 e'L..1i '13.
FStCm 331) with trh ion the ianC' st got or ioani it c1o1v11cut to CH1F'LCo

fl
*

Q

1LUO” 1 t1e list of religious societies is 1m t‘" tn eI are,
ac 0‘tii11" to Lhe locsl Indre, inactiVe--iunctionin1l ' mi' on ceremonial

V ‘

1
V
occasions. Thus they1r1_ll :10t be referred to below.

 

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1110 310110 ()1 (.1 .1,” ‘10.] 3b c21u.1c.ct1,-r1s1 C. ‘ .Lll-1t_10‘ " RIC Link-.0 MI

I ‘ ' "‘\ . ~ 1 - 4! --—\-4-‘ . r‘ . ‘W'. ' f-' 4 '~ ~. Q 7 r‘ ‘ v ‘
'y ck yes." nn ent1le $19 of 0111cers 1s ,1opOSeJ 01 txexe fin; ne

more thin one slate. Yates are cast for tne entire slate. cat 00170113

only one slate of (£1icers is proposOd ani votinfi is perfunctO'y. Jnt

from time to time crises occur and another slate is nronosed. 'Inis
11‘“)-.1e11 111 ;$a:1 L - Tit L3 3. 1r1 3374 T.

The club started its 1 efal life in 1%) after many veers 01 L11nr-
mal and s termy existence. In lfi47 a proposal was made for reorganiza-
tion. char es anl counter-cdarfies were unleashed, and in the can a new
slate of oxficers was cWosen. In 1950 plans were made for bgilding a

locsl, t: en 1:"0 veters later a loan from tne State Lnrtjage 321k Jermittcd

 

construction to begin. 43 construction was starts; “elecr tip firew
until, at :Mr‘s eat, there are about fire hx.jrei members.

For most fern families their menpersw1p Lucnnts to a season's
ticket to the mere 1“}.LO1ADIC deaces on the soc1al calendar. chjzjer-

. (‘ -.- - " ' -r~ 4'" . A .- r- - 4 a 1, v .‘.-qu2 1 «h ‘.. . V
11' 's pert 01 tne 011111110n 01 a Cenf01taal3 s11n1tcc 1nmllg,

o .1 . V v: 1-. ,r A O " '_ I a 4' .‘ ‘ ‘7 ‘ “K .'..“ “ ‘ 1‘ J-’ .r «a». 5‘ I
-s»eCLaLly one n1tn m11r1mgenble lauéatels. Ler menuels 01 11¢ Cm 111

 

I

their's as an sct10n oi flelicntizn to the public weal 1n the face of
nos unzewx enable op‘esition. If the” accept credit for £10“? ac11o1s

it is Ixfsrnn10 from tleir 8‘a1d>oint tn ft 3t be forced upsn idem.

r-—‘

‘.' ' - Q- s ' '.r t . ‘ " \ " ’ < o"“ r‘." . ’ 1‘ .’_v "V ’3 ‘ ’ “ "I ’.. ' ' .— .‘.
Lacy are glewd1led unun Lo ass1ne 011100, du1 1103 “re pzewu1le1 Agun
,‘ _ ‘v' 1“ .'-. .'.,1.‘~ q -1.1\ .‘f a o A4 Q’ 9“. \1-vv 9 .’ ‘l .‘

to accent the tncnns o1 LJC NJUUCISle. 1nexe aIe ¢eu113 megt1n 3 1n
_..J_,

. O - ' . I -“ - r'. . y \ .A « 1. ‘~ ' ' ‘ '1"-"'\“ H 1‘.
1:1101 to ruffle nuullc 1:.1350 01.11x1110ns o1 sm11 rlt . -u1t an.e 111.
’ 1 1.

closer frienlsyin circles union groviie a nore up-te-date ver1f1cnt1fin

r\

01 their worthioess.

A firuct Sher of tie action of the 32:33123 is mwxnin {ml 031; if
some l‘flfi'f"‘S'i‘lfl.lill‘1:‘j of the Erie mis 1ip circles of these leaders :-s asttmirurl.
.At the time oi the rear tnizetion in 1W 7 H ele -"isted a r te-driukia;
circle of use leedine citiuens of the town who were accustomed to con re~
vote in a l‘l10r' shop. The tailor hisself acteu as a VeLLcle ol good
fcllO"s lo, although he took no port in the mo1e serious delib ‘3tions

the group. from this group arose the idea of rec "anizatio on. And
upon the success of tdeir 3 dildo es, Culo grouo continued to provige

policy,

Cr“, Ln 1

5-\x'.u‘--A—

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local.

onsibility for implementiflfi

passew into other Janis--inco the lands of' finfivciul” specialists.

circle broke up for 0th r re sons as Well This circle underlay o c
siderahle Lolitical x.tivit" a1 a divisi n Ji-Ain the lenucr of t“
Lists ll is relited to its breakdown. gs tjis circle lost its unit:

A \ '
I

01 in; ornzzzl

treasurer of the club was a man to when all of this group constzitlj
‘WLr"12l, L211 gtt tfize “tiruz 0"' Tu: sttulv, ziecjgsicnl-zrikiiig 1313 (“um ri c1 Otrt
within nii‘-reletiouski)s with this man.

At ale wrecext time the lncal hos been congleted and this trensurer'e

functions

(“Itertnixwmnrt (movie:
"0“” circle 0 decis
lLTESCF3. ;<3r ‘3135 5Jt ii"
sense that difficulti

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21.;VO C.;-:L!-11.LQ

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licy m :in: did not. Zolding the posi ion 01

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ecLlJy, t MEI), EULJldlS Ah.l:f; tie ,,;1t133 £511 231
1" "1 " |(" ’ '2 "I “2" \ "'.‘ -‘ aqqan 4" s .y . ..a. ‘ ‘1‘
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to arise.

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col 22 e1 31.310113 . 1.162»? a e 'JL‘CbC-JLCL of tie 72231 son ‘~.~-1os-e work is 1 c o
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carry most we1*ht. Je"c 1t1<Lesa, not all meJeers lldu Locmuelxes own-
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gyerview ofiuthe Thesis. The objective of the preceeding develop-
ment has been to analyze or explain certain changes in the structure
of economic exchange relationships and changes in the social organiza-
tion of political activities. Specifically. attention was focussed upon
the changes in two aspects of social organization: (1) the nature of
the Contact-no-contact structure and (2) the distribution of leadership.

There appears to be some empirical relationship between these two
aspects. The "star" pattern of the contact—no-contact structure is
associated with a "one-way" pattern of leadership, while the "non-
centralized" contact-no-contact structure goes with the "two-way"
leadership pattern.

In order to explain this association and also to explain current
trends in these aspects of Social organization at the Section-wide
level of integration the analysis focussed on changes in pair-
relationships. Certain of these chanpes, which are called "Paths,"
tend to bring the structure toward the star with one-way pattern while
others move it in the non-centralized with two-way pattern. On
balance, the latter changes are more numerous at present and this
Condition appears to have a fairly long history.

The explanations of these changes occuring in pair-relationships
conform to a familiar theoretical model. Something happens outside

the pair-relationship. This something happening may be seen as a

 

 

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modification in the conditions of action of the relationship or, saying
it in another way, as a modification in the functional environment of
the system. On the other hand something may happen inside the pair-
relationship. This may be seen as a modification in the cultural
standards which are "used" or drawn upon to organize the relationship.

'=ts viewed as a change in the independent

The "something happening'
variables which are defined in terms either of the functional environ-
ment or of cultural standards.

It is hypothesized that certain changes in the independent variables
lead to certain changes in the nature of the pair-relationships. Two
kinds of effects or changes in the pair-relationships were of central
interest: (1) breakdowns of existing relationships and the formation
of others, and (2) changes in the distribution of leadership tasks in
the pair-relationship.

In order to show that certain pair-relationships may be expected
to break down, or to form, or to shift leadership tasks under the
influence of certain changes in the independent variables, the pair-
relationship should be viewed as a social system. Being a social
system implies that the relationships will tend to change in the direc-
tion of attaining adaptiveness.

The individuals of the pair-relationship become committed to the
accomplishment of certain tasks through acceptance of the common culture.
In some cases a change in the independent variables brings about a
change in the tasks to which the pair-relationship is committed. Under
certain social arransements the pair-relationship may perform tasks

more efficiently than under other social arrangements. Thus it is

'.' No” mum.

l.|.. In: I .1

11.3%.. &

 

 

 

225

that certain changes in the independent variables bring forth changes
in the social arranbement of the pair-relationship. The need for a
Specification of the association between types of changes in the inde-
pendent variables and types of changes in the social arrangements
found in pair-relationships is dealt With in Chapters III, IV, and V.

Summary of Chapter III, Participants and Pair-Relationships in

 

 

Economic Structures, and Chapter IV, Area-udde Economic Structures and

 

l _
Structural Change. In Part I of Chapter III the problem was essen-

 

tially that of delineating the nature of the farm families. Certain of
the more basic cultural standards drawn upon by these units in their
social interaction were described. The standards were conceived to be
responsible for the relationships between outside happenings and the
reactions of the farm families. The cultural standards define the
"transfer function" of the farm-family unit.

Identifying titles of these cultural standards important to the
analysis are:

(l) Orientation to low-pressure enjoyment,

(2) bluffing and honesty,

(3) Evaluation of personal traits,

(4) Orientation to fixed standards of living,

(5) Orientation to fixed standards of working the farm,

(6) Specific norms of the farm-family units viewed as input-

output relationships:

Inasmuch as a brief summary of Chapter II was included it will
not be necessary to recaoitulate the discussion of "Background."

 

.I. h
:i’lfil . ‘_nil

1.; .—

 

a. Characteristic reactions to changes in land holding,

b. Characteristic reactions to changes in labor supply,

c. Characteristic reactions to changes in capital utilized,

d. Characteristic reactions to changes in technological
knowledge.

Some idea of the Specific standards which appear to be valid guides
of action was gained in spite of scanty data. The variations from
farm-family to farm-family with respect to the differential standards
embraced were indicated. A similar investigation of cultural standards
was carried out in Part II of Chapter III for the middleman units. The
basic process of becoming a middleman was also outlined.2 And a pattern,
"the natural life history of a middleman," was discovered. Finally,
"strong" middlemen were compared to farmers along the other cultural
standards. The role of "lesser" middleman was treated in a way similar
to the above.

In Part III of Chapter III a description of typical pair-relation-
ships was provided. The culturally defined committments of the units
to these relationships were given. That is, certain tasks of the pair—
relationship were outlined. Maintaining the farm-family's standard of
living was a most important one of these. Possibilities for the
profit of the middleman were to be realized only after this committ-
ment had been satisfied.

In Chapter IV the reactions of pair-relationships in the face of

certain changes in the outside conditions or in the functional

 

2 . . . . . _

The middleman role is more of an "achieved" role while that of
farmer is to a greater extent "ascribed." Becoming a middleman is more
of an "adventure;" becoming a farmer more "routine."

environment of the pair-relationship were explored. There are certain
rather widespread types of changes. In some portions of the structure
of economic exchange relationships, breakdowns of pair-relationships
are taking place, while at other points, pair-relationships are forming.
The same observation applies to the redistribution of leadership tasks.

As farmers become more prOSperous they become more independent.
This overly simplified statement summarizes one type of change or, as
it was termed in Chapter IV, one Path (Path I). Increased prices for
wheat and other produce have increased income to the Section. Greater
income has allowed the farmers to avoid indebtedness to middlemen and
has thus released them from one of the restraints built into this rela-

tionship. Being thus "released," the relationship tended to follow
certain cultural standards which Support a breakdown of the tie between
farm families and the larger scale middleman.

The breakdown of the strong middleman-farmer pair-relationships
was frequently not only a "negative" reaction, but also involved move-
ment toward another type of pair-relationship, that of the lesser
middleman-farmer. Conditions which favor the increase of lesser middle-
men were found to be similar to those which led to the breakdown of
the other pair-relationships. And, of course, such breakdowns and
formations are themselves mutually reinforcing.

Changes in conditions other than those occuring in the extra-
Section markets for farm produce were also considered as independent
variables. The combination of land pressure with a set of new ideas
in farming placing emphasis upon diversification on a small scale where

there is a high "ratio" of labor to land, appear to lead to much the

 

231

same type of changes in the pair-relationships. The series of events
which reflect the effect of these changes in the independent variables
was outlined in the discussion of Path II.

At several points in the analysis rather great weight has been
placed on the assumption that both the farmer and the middleman calcu-
late and compare the payoffs or benefits to them of the different possible

social arrangements. In particular, farmers try to avoid discrepancies

 

in returns to the parties even in the face of having to pay a monetary

"price" for a more equal distribution of gain. It was also posited

that farmers, as well as middlemen, calculate the monetary returns

associated with various arrangements and that they are inclined to

select that arrangement from which they will receive a higher price

for their farm produce.

r3 I// The value placed on monetary gain is probably becoming of more

N“ J

YMVrather than of less importance relative to other types of gains or

L,‘
losses. This is also the reSult of a change in an independent variable.
As the content of political and governmental discussions includes
farm income and as farmers become more frequently exposed to these discus-
sions in the newSpapers and, most importantly, on the radio their atten-
tion will be directed to monetary gain. Ihere is evidence of this
shift in the amount of attention farmers give prices. As a result of
these calculations, middlemen have tended to retreat from the marketing
of field crops. Farmers also, have been placing more emphasis on
garden—type produce. Since marketing of such produce is done primarily
through lesser middlemen the net result is similar to the result of

eianges in market conditions.

 

'..]...Ill-Ill'll.I .'.! '.'.1I l

1511‘ ‘

 

 

l‘\.
b.)
[‘.J

The division of leaderswip tasks also appears to be changing. \Yherc-
as previously the miJcleman wrs in sole possession of much of the infor-
mation which wzs to be used in making decisions in the pair-relationship
and, th<refore, directed activities, more recently farmers themselves
have been exposed to market news and find themselves in a position to
make decisions on when to sell their produce, what crops to plant, and
even where to sell. Being able to escape from debt they are no longer
required to accept the terms of a single middleman. They may find
another one who is in tne process of building up a clientele.

/’ Much government legislation is Specifically designed to protect
the farmer from the middleman by legally fixing the terms of exchange.
Although this legislation may have been designed to reduce the leader-
ship of the middleman by placing the government in authority over the
pair-relationship, its intent appears to be only partially realized.

By and large, middlemen tend to become more familiar with such legisla-
tion than farmers and are in a position to give "authoritative" inter-
pretations. They become leaders in legal interpreting.

Having found so many "reasons" why the pair-relationships between
larger middlemen and farmers should give way to pair relations between
lesser middlemen and farmers or to relations between farmers and extra-
Section markets, it may come as a surprise that empirically the change-
over is not immediate and widespread. In part it is true that many of
the restraints which the changes in the independent variables have
tended to remove are still in existence. For example, some younger
farmers must still go into debt and usually to a larger middleman, and

SOme older farmers persist within a pair-relationship beCause this

 

relationship has become institutionalized.

Given that changes in the independent variables have "loosened" the
existing pattern of exchange relationships,there is still a possibility
that the resulting pattern may look much the same as the original one.
Granted that farmers as well as middlemen make monetary calculations
important, there are reasons (e.g., the efficiencies of scale) to
expect that larger middlemen will increase their clientele. But as
was pointed out, the reSulting pair-relationship between larger middle-
man and farmer is more of the limited-content than the unlimited-
content type. Larger middlemen have increased the scope of their
businesses and thus increased their clienteles, but they engage a
smaller portion of the farmer's interests.

In the face of the present proliferation of lesser middlemen it
seems logical to suppose that the economic limitations of the Section
will make themselves known in the business failure of some of these
lesser middlemen. In fact, this appears to be taking place.

Summar of Chapter V, Political and.Associational Oreanizations.
1 p

 

The changes taking place in the political organizations are similar to
those in the economic exchange structure. The star pattern appears to
be giving way to a more de-centralized pattern while the leadership
tasks are becoming Subdivided and distributed among a larger group of
persons.

The subdivision of leadership tasks is not, however, exactly
equivalent to a change from a one-way leadership pattern to a two-way
pattern. \Vhile there is an empirical relationship between more sub-

division of tasks and more scattering of leaderships among the parties

 

 

(.’.)‘t

to the pair-relationships of the economic structure, in the political
Sphere the first is more apparent than the latter. There are probably

more secondary caudillos with Specializations now than formerly, but

 

perhaps the leadership of the caudillo is as "strong" as it was before.

 

At least the data available on political affairs do not show strong
evidence of change from a one-way to a two-way pattern although the

degree of influence of certain "prominent" farmers (lesser caudillos)

 

is at present, considerable.
As in the economic case, changes in political organization were
explained by examining the effects of certain changes occuring at the

national political scene, in the farmer-caudillo pair-relationship. To

 

a certain extent the changes in political Structure appear to be empiri-
cally related to the changes in economic structure and to an extent
they rest on other bases.

The reduction of the economic influence of the larger grain
merchants and storekeepers is reflected in their diminished political
influence. During the last elections the preeminence of the former
political leaders in San Bautista was challenged by another new poli-
tical organization. The results showed the previous leaders to be in
control of the major share of the voters but still a goodly share of
their former monopoly Was lost. The leaders of the new faction were,
although not exactly "lesser" middlemen, middlemen whose businesses
were on a smaller scale. There is a pattern of oscillation of the
"elite," illustrated by this case.

Several changes in independent variables were suggested as

"producer" causes of the shifts in the social arrangements of the pair-

 

 

 

 

 

l}.

13.11.!

 

relationships. Among these was the increase in the welfare- or social-
type legislation whose important features are: (l) detailed require-
ments, of a legal and bureaucratic nature, which must be met before
citizens may receive benefits of the legislation and (2) placement of
responsibility for making crucial decisions in the hands of government
officials of a lower administrative rank or in the hands of those in the
local areas. These tendencies result in an increase in the usefulness
of certain specialized (e.g., legal) knowledge to citizens and also

an increase in the power of local political caudillos who can influence
the nominations of persons to lesser administrative positions.

Another change appears to be taking place in the "ethic" governing
the caudillo—farm family relationship. In a geOgraphical sense the
influence on ethic is proceeding from the capitol city of Montevideo
outward into the interior of the country. The result is seen in an
increased emphasis, by both gapdillo and constituency, on the "bread-
and—butter" benefits derived from affiliation to a political faction
rather than in an increased emphasis on sentimental and traditional
benefits of this affiliation.

A final "outside" change has been the working agreement arrived
at between the two major parties (dlanco and Colorado) wnereby the
appointments to government positions are made in accord with a three-
to-two or two-to-one ratio. The party which receives a majority of the
votes can appoint about two-thirds or three-fifths of the government
employees, but the other party (invariably the Blancos) can appoint the
remaining portion. Although the power of the Blanco party to appoint

Officials has increased in recent years, Uruguay has had a system of

proportional representation for a much longer time. Under this system
parties or factions with a minority of votes have still been able to
send a goodly number of their men into the legislature and to derive
some political patronage from this.

Turning from independent variables to the pair-relationships, it
was asked to what extent are there common aims or tasks to which both

caudillo and farmer are committed. Rather than the discovery (by

 

caudillo and farmer) of a common goal, an agreement on each one's
legitimate individual aim within the relationship was apparent. The
caudillo is generally expected to be oriented to increases in his
constituency, while the farm family is oriented to the concrete benefits
or favors to be derived either from the eaudillo's intervention in the
governmental or economic spheres or from his distribution of praise.

The duality of the aims of farm families is related to the partial
replacement of a sentimental or patriotic ethic of politics by a
"pragmatic" ethic.

In the face of changes in the independent variables, the caudillo
who had 1 gal skills, or other specialized skills which would enable
him to assist the farm families secore advantages from the government's
social programs, would tend to increase his affiliates at the expense
of the caudillo whose "prominent" position as diSpenser of praise was

his major claim to affiliates. Likewise, those caudillos who were

 

able to exercise a degree of influence upon government administrators
also tended to increase their adherents.
The increase of caudillos or, as some informants would Say,

_._.

Eapdillitos has been quite noticeable. The newer style political

 

leader tends to concentrate his appeal upon granting a series of extra-
political services, usually in the course of his normal business
operation. After he has accumulated a collection of clients, he decides
upon joining an existing political faction or working with a more recent
arrival among local political organizations. In any case he enters

into some political organization with other secondary Eagdillos.

The existence of a group of secondary caudillos, the "team,"

 

represents an element not found in the structure of economic relation-
ships. The political organization differs from the economic structure
in one other related aSpect. There exist in the structure of political
relationships recognizable barriers between members of different
factions. In general these two structural features of the political
organization are closely related to the associational structures, and
in this way they are tied into the system of social stratification.

In addition to the impulse given by changes in the independent

variables toward fostering the proliferation of secondary caudillos,

 

associational activities and the System for distributing social recog-
nition may also contribute in this same direction. This was the theme
of Part II of Chapter V. A major purpose of this discussion was to
underline the tendencies tOWard a relatively rapid oscillation of the
associational and political leaders. Realignment of affiliation and
rises and falls in social prominence are the rule.

Under these conditions it is difficult to attain a single picture
of the political structure or of the associational structure. There

is no star )attern. However, it does appear that the task leadership

I
A

is one-way while the rank-and-file have recourse to criticas. It could

233

be expected that as knowledge of the tasks filters down to the rank-
and—file the one—way leadership pattern will give way.

Contributions to Substantive Sociology. There are several points

 

at which the previous analysis contributes to current substantive
sociological theory. Something, perhaps. can be claimed for having
studied a rather little known population. But until other studies of
similar places are available many judgments as to the scope of the
results must be suSpended.

San Bautista is a very unique place, but so is any other place in
the world. It might reasonably be expected that in the mixed-farming
districts of Uruguay most of the rural and small towns are similar
to San Bautista. This mixed-farming "cultural region" may include
parts of Argentina as well. Such areas of mixed-farming are between
the population centers and the livestock regions of Argentina. But
the rural Section of San Bautista may be more similar to a rural town-
ship in the Northeastern and North Central United States than to other
Latin American rural cultures.

Beyond discovering that survey techniques can be adapted to the
Uruguayan rural population-~but with reservations-~no significant
methodolOgical advance is represented in the study. \Vhat was accom-
plished can be found in the methodological discussion. Part II of
Chapter I.

An attempt was made to study change in social organization from
data collected during a limited time period and to study change in
society-wide social structures without benefit of surveys which would

provide a static but more or less complete View of those structures.

 

11]! Ill"?

239

It is difficult to judge the extent to which propositions developed
upon such data and tested by such data can be considered to be valid.
As a personal conviction the investigator found that many incidents
observed in the field were given meaning later on, as this type of
analysis was developed.

A few examples of this type of validation may serve to define the
techniqae. Judging largely from experiences in Castellanos where fac-
tional strife was open and strong, it was evident that the pattern of
participation in the Institute's extension program depended upon
factional affiliation and was largely independent of considerations
of the different payoffs deriving from different patterns of partici-
pation in the extension program. Can this be made into a more general
proposition? Answering this question involved looking at the follow-
ing data. In the town of San bautista the factional strife was less
public, since much of it was carried on among members of a single

political faction. These secondary caudillos had a committment to

 

demonstrate solidarity for public eyes. However, the existence of

sub-factions was reported, although a search through the field notes
was required to identify the persons involved. Having identified the
sub-factions a review of differential patterns of association to the
Institute's program revealed that differences were markedly associated
with sub-faction membership. The "critics" and the "cynics" were of
one sub-faction while those anxious about the fate of the program were
of another sub-faction.

Before the field work with middlemen had commenced, hypotheses

Concerning the shifting role of these persons were suggested by

reports on the activities of certain of them. Middlemen were searching
for other outlets for employment of their capital. 'hus it was decided
.

to introduce our interviews with a discussion of hybrid corn seed. The
middlemen were eager to talk along this line and the opening was in
this sense successful as a methodological device. It also confirmed
previous notions of the shifting role-definition of middlemen.

lfith respect to many of the statements concerning the role of
Caudillo, verification was found through an examination of experiences
of Institute personnel. Extension workers in voicing their problems
gave evidence of the fact that a farm-family's expectencies of exten—

sionist's actions represented a generalization from the role of

caudillo. When extensionists acted at times like caudillos are expected

 

(by rural people) to act but at other times like extension people are
expected (by their supervisors) to act they had trouble.

The fact that late marriages were the rule brought up the possi—
bility that other related conditions in the Section may be like those
in rural Ireland. In particular, how was retirement handled? Finding
evidence of enforced retirement at a relatively early age was the result.
And this result lends support to the posited existence of an orientation
to low-pressure enjoyments and fits with the great importrnce of gettinb
pensions as part of political activities.

These examples could be multiplied many-fold. Some would be
rather trivial, others more fundamental. The advantages of the technique
appear to be in the construction of a fairly consistent and powerful
(in the sense of explanatory power) set of general statements. The

’disadvantages, of course, lie in the partial violation of eXperimental

lllllllll‘llllJI‘IIlul‘lllll

 

canons. Sufficient possibility may not have been given for the disproof
of such propositions if all available data had been consumed in the
various stages of hypothesis construction.

The technique of investigating change in a social organization
or structure at a higher level of integration, by looking at part-
processes OCCuring at a lower level of integration is c0mmon to almost
all scientific fields. Determination of the more commonly oceuring
part-processes (or Paths) is a first step. A second step consists of
determining the relative frequencies or probabilities of these part-
processes. The fact that certain Paths are utilized more frequently
than others is considered to be reSponsihle for the shifts in structure
observed at the hioher level of integration. A ”stability" of struc-
ture or eduilibrium state is reached when part-processes of one kind
are balanced by part-processes of other kinds.

The present study aims to accomplish the first step, identifi-
cation of the most commonly oceuring ,art—processes. Methodologieally,
this: is the "easier" task since such Paths are at the center of
attention of the participant-informants. The second step, the deter-
mination of the relative frequencies of these part-processes is a much
more exacting job which was but started in this study. A further
examination of the more quantitative relationships between changes in
the independent variables and the relative frequencies of the part-

processes could become the objective of further study.

3 . . . ,. .
In Appendix C some suégestions concerning probaOility models to
be used in further studies are provided.

A great deal was made of the fact that because the middlemen
were better informed on market conditions, therefore they had task
leadership. Insofar as politicians have more information of govern-
mental operations and of legal procedures, therefore they had task
leadership. Although a specific statement was not made to this
effect, there is an analogous situation with respect to associa-
tional activities. These leaders are appreciably more informed of
the associational activities in other neighboring communities.

The problem of the pessafie of this information from outside
the Section into the Section passes the scope of the study. Never-
theless it must be considered in an adequate examination of leader-

ship. iVithout a doubt infarmation enters the Section by way of a
limited number of channels. Only a limited number of persons are
in personal contact with others outside the area; only a limited
number read new5papers, and only a limited (but much less limited)
number listen to the radio. In addition, only a limited number of
those receiving this information "absorb" it.

For the kinds of tasks performed in the social relationships
studied, having information is a key to task leadership. Thus
limiting the number of persons receiving information contributes
both to the star pattern and the one-way leadership pattern. Perhaps
for this reason the two structural {SPCCtS were related. As the
number of persons receiving information increases the star pattern
breaks down and two-Way leadership arises.

However, there are other reasons for the relationship between

a multiplication of c ntral roles and the movement from a one-wa

to a two-way leadership pattern. Practically all of the changes in
the independent variables wnich helped produce a reaction among pair-
relationships had this dual effect.

Implications of the Study for Applied Social Science: The Case

of the Institute's Program. The question may now be raised as to

 

whether the information produced in the course of the study may be

of use to action programs operating in the San bautista Section.

The question must, of course, be made more Specific by a rather de-
tailed specification of the aims, committments, and avail.ble means

of the action agenCy. In the following discussion an attempt will

be made to point to the decisions of the action agency, the Institute,
to which the information of this study might contribute..

Even in this brief consideration, it will be necessary to sepa-
rate the various phases of activity of the Institute. The central
office of the Institute's program for the five southern nations
Argentina, orazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay, is located in
Montevideo. One phase of the Institute's activities is the inter-
national education one. Staff members of the Institute organize
both international and national courses in the field of agricultural
extension and associated specialties. The geographic focus of this
phase of activity is the Montevideo office.

A second phase of the Institute's activity is the demonstration
in agricultural extension. This phase has proceeded under the some-
times distant, collaboration between the Institute and national
agencies. he Uruguayan Ministry of Agriculture is the principal

one in this regard. The aim has been to increase farm levels of

living by educating the farming population in scientific aariculture
and home economics. From the standpoint of the Institute, the pro-
gram is particularly designed to serve as a model for the improve-
ment of agricultural extension work first within Uruguay and then in
the other countries of the Southern Zone.

The geographic focus of this second phase has been the Institute's
office in San Raven from which point the activities of a staff of
trainees in extension are coordinated. 'he trainees operate through—
out the Demonstration Area (see Figure l of Chapter II). here are

usually two or three men and two or three women of about 25 years
of age in Uruguay on fellowships from various countries of the
Southern Zone. These were known as the becados (fellowship students).
There is, in addition, an administrator-trainer who is part of the
Institute staff. All other members of the Institute's staff attend
the weekly or bi-monthly meetings in San Ramon. Representatives of
the national agencies make periodic (semi—annual or more frequent)
visits to the Area, but their intervention occurs primarily in
Montevideo in meetings with the Institute's staff where the Operations
of the Area are discussed.

As the study was begun, in January of 1954, the extension
program had been in operation for somewhat more than two years. It
was established on the model of the extension services in the United
States. Demonstrations of corn, wheat, and artificial pastures were
carried out early in its history; farmers' committees were organized;
youth clubs were organized (or rather reconstituted since most of

them had existed previously under the Movimiento de Clubes Juveniles);

‘mmqujfllglr

 

 

 

to
4;;
U:

and home economics club work was begun. During the time that the
data for the study were being compiled, the extension workers were
finding it difficult to meet current committments while their work
was continually expanding.

There are few, if any, decisions being made for which the
provision of information could be called a crucial component. To see
this more vividly would require going beyond the scope of the present
remarks, but it 'as evinced in the golf which existed between the

becados and that portion of the Institute's staff which was not

 

directl res onsible for a becado's traininu. Information was
Y o

 

available on demographic and agricultural conditions of the area,
soils information was collected, and economic and socioloEical
studies were carried out, but the flow of this information into
the extension program was, althoueh noticeable, not in accord with
the views of the information producers. They felt that it should
have been utilized more often and in more important ways.

Under certain early policy pronouncements the rural sociolo-
gist was assigned a major portion of the task of assessing human
resources. The term human resources implies that there is conceived
to be some production process relative to which, aspects of the
human population are discovered to be potential contributors.
Certain aSpects of the human population could be expected to inhibit,
others to accelerate the production process. It was suSpected that
certain inhibiting (or accelerating) aSpects could be modified so

as to become less inhibiting (or nnre accelerating).

The definition of the "production process" was left somewhat
implicit. It was an educating process with certain side conditions.
The content of the educating process must consist of efficient and
effective means whereby farm families might raise their levels of
living. There is a gap in the means-end chain between this general
formulation and the more concrete goals of program administrators
at the Demonstration Area level of operations. Iheir goals are

t "dynaulic .0!

best conceived as a set of images representing a "healthy,'
and "organic" pattern of work with farm families.

Both the administrator-trainer and the becados as well as the
project director from Montevideo were able to agree that certain
reactions on the part of farm families were desirable and that
others were undesirable. The major goal was to associate with and
work with farm families in such a way that expressions of satisfac-
tion from the farm families were elicited and criticis were minimized.

Following this goal led in numerous cases to the adoption of
"stop-gap" solutions to problems. when a deep schism was discovered
in a community, the extension program was split along the lines of
the schism. One set of hecados worked with one facrion and concen-
trated upon home economics extension, while another set of becados
worked with another faction and concentrated upon agricultural
extension. This worked for awhile. It worked until pure-bred
chickens were distributed among the one faction. Then the other
faction asked for similar treatment. Unfortunately the supply of
chickens was exhausted. In haste an attempt was made to provide

more chickens, but more than a normal numoer of feathers in“; ruffled.

247

Another example of the result of cemmittment to this goal of
realizing images was the following. Early in the extension work
it was discovered that organizational skills were limited to the
few persons who participated as leaders in the associational activities
of the pueblo. The creation of farmers' committees naturally involved
the inclusion of these associational leaders, for these were the
persons who, with minimum previous instruction, could realize the
goal of a "dynamic" and "cooperating" group. As a result, most of
the original farmers' committees were composed of persons committed
largely to the goal of social recognition. [he pervasiveness of
the goal of social recognition was increased by the difficulties
in communicating to these groups the aims of an extension pregram.
The more or less "objective" goal of these original extension organi-
zations was only imperfectly understood, but the search for social
recognition was a concrete guide to action.

The program's goal of providing new technolOgical information
to the farmers, and to the housewives and children as well, was
also operative. Along these lines certain farming and homemaking
practices were promoted. In this case there existed certain images
of a "well-run" farm and home. This did not emerge as an integrated
image but was composed of certain "indices," which were the practices
being promoted (e.g., enclosures for chickens, green manure, hybrid
corn, etc.).

“aides to

D

Recognizing that these "images" are the concrete
the program's action, then it can be asked more realistically in

what ways information Such as that produced in this study might be

used. [he "decision maker" in the following discussion is assumed
to be the extension organization operating in the Demonstration Area.
The organization is composed of almost all of the actions of the

becedos and the adainistrator-trainer plus the acts of the Institute

 

staff and.th‘ru1tionel agenciifisxnnnl treating tfiN‘1nflnJICms of the
Area.
There appear to be two ways in which information may enter
into this decision-u-Iakinbr process. On one hand there arise problem
cases in which farm families' reactions do not conform to the image.
In certain of these cases information on social organization Will
aid the decision maker in understanding the expressions of dissatis-
faction and withdrawals, on the part of farm families, from the
extension program. Under normal Operating conditions such problems
arise not too frequently and are seen to reQ2ire only marginal
adjustment. These adjustments uSually involve the more concerted
use of already available techniques such as more visits to farm
families, more meetinfis to revitalize the committee and more demon-
strations of hybrid corn. In order that such information as the
study produced be used, the extension workers would have to visualize
different courses of action and Such alternative courses of action
were not eonsilered.

ihe other way in which infgrnation enters irto decision makin;
ianlvcs the cuan5es t hing place in the images enployed Ly the
people of the extension ijéffifl. [n a general oinse these images
constitute SCCondzrry goals. hut in the day- to—day (nitration of the

extension pregram these images enter int) tie action seguences as

,o

ends, This does not necessarily imply that the images are fixed and
rigid, only relatively 80.

Looking at some more specific examples of these images may assist
in discovering whether these images may be expected to be modified
in face of some of the information produced. One of the images is
that of: Working with the most progressive of an atomized collection
of farm families, teaching these farm families the recommended
practices, and having such practices "filter" through the rest of
the farm population. Information, other than that collected as a
part of the present study, has tended to modify this image. For
example, it is reCOgnized that a most progressive farmer may be
somewhat of a social isolate and if this is so then working with him
may not be desirable.

hut information from the study itself may also serve to modify
the image. As almost the first step in field work among the rural
population, an investigation-of trade-service are; boundaries and
paraje boundaries was attempted. A picture was obtained of the
short-range recurrent movement of farm families. This investigation

surgested the importance of the boliche (Country store and bar) as

 

a center of social interaction and incidentally of the bolichero as

’--—_-

 

a leader in such social activities. The cases in which the bolicheros

 

were grain merchants as well underscored their importance.

This information could be used to break down the image of an
atomized collection of farm families and Suggested that the "filtering"
of recommended farm practices proceeds along somewhat predictable

channels. In particular, if a progressive farmer tries a new practice

 

h 1V

his experiences may he discussed in the boliche and evaluated as
part of a group process. In this group process the bolichero would

be SomCWhat of an "o>inion leader.” lo recognize that a bolicnero
t ___:

or acopiador (grain merchant) or almacrmero (poetic) storekeeper) or

 

camionero (trucker) nay be a crucial figure in the spread of recom—
mended farming practices involves a. modification of the original
image of extension work under which the extension pewple had been
Operating.

As the activities of the extension prosram increasingly involved
the organization and maintenance of covmittces and clubs, another
image arose to orient the extension people in this Sphere. That
was: Working with the most enthusiastic appearing persons as
members of the organizations, under the aSSumption that people
differed in their enthusiasm for such organizational activity. Infor-
mation from the study suggests a more involved explanation of differ-
ential enthusiasm.

A tie with the extension probram's organization has meaning to
the farmer or, particularily, the townsman not only with respect
to his increased chances of raising his level of living, but more
importantly with respect to his other associational and factional
Committments. A recognition of these factors in determining enthu—
siasm or lack of it in the membership of the committees and clubs
has probably increased, and the imr e has undergone reviSion. It
was realized that persons wi th an orienta tion to social recognition
may produce an active-looking organization in a short time but in

the long run this is not fully consistent with the goals of the

((lrlllnll I i

extension program. Recently, for instance, the geographical focus

of extension organizations has been moved from the town into the
country (from the pueblo to the pa aje) where there are fewer organi-
zational Specialists but more concrete problems.

Another image which may be subject to modification is a negative
one. The middleman has been viewed as graSping and shrewedly calcu-
lating--certainly not a person to be included in the extension program.
Likewise political cgwdillos with their relationship to bitter fac-
tional strife are shunned as dangerous associates by the extension
workers. This negative image is Supported, in part, by the recogni—
tion of only a limited number of types of participants in the

extension program. It is true that such middlemen and caudillos

 

will not participate in he same way as a farm family and it would
be disrupting if they were expected to do so. On the other hand,
certain tasks, sub-tasks of the extension program, may be more
efficiently carried out through using the Special skills and reSources
of middlemen and political bosses.

It may be that modifications in images, Such as these, did
not take place. Maybe the investigator's personal biases allowed
him to see modifiCations when in reality there were none. This
may have been due to a h'ased r“porting of the oriSinal image or a
biased reportinb of the changed image. But two months of intensive
daily contact with extension activities during the end of his Stay
in Uruguay allowed him to attain a vivid if not accurate picture
of the extension agent's aSSumptions, expectations or images.

During this period not one clear-cut example of the utility of

 

N
U!
[0

sociological knowledge of the Section was uncovered. Nevertheless,
the utility of broadening the frame of attention before attacking
problems, the utility of the refusal to explain everything by the

. . 4 .
"kinds" of persons involved, the usefulness of the collection of
data and of the asking of questions were frequently illustrated.

Future Trends. It would be an interesting exercise to push the

 

analysis to yield some idea of future changes in the structures
studied. As a first approximation one could assume that in the
future no other changes in independent variables would become impor-
tant. Under this assumption then, one can look into the future of
the economic structure.

Basically the farmers are quite "practical" in their economic
relationships. The segmentation of the market structure was in
part the result of prosperity and of the more basic orientation to‘
independence. If the counsel of soil scientists is correct it
appears likely that the land will become exhausted and the present
prOSperity cannot last. Even now farmers, thinking of the chemical
fertilizers they should be using, would scoff at this use of the
word "prosperity." But more impdrtant, the reaction against the

larger middlemen is being combatted by these middlemen through

adjustments in their activities. The almaceneros of San Bautista

 

have accumulated experience in the marketing of tomatoes. As the

present inefficiencies in the truckers' service for garden produce

 

4 I l I o ‘ I 0 Q

One might be able to imagine the difficulty experienced by tne
people in the San Ramon office in viewing leadership as an action-
reaction-etc. sequence rather than as an attribute of certain persons.

 

 

 

 

 

become more apparent one can expect some greater degree of coordina~
tion among them and the farmers. Traditionally such coordination
has been achieved by the centralization of control in one man's (the
large grain merchant's) hands. This will. at present, most certainly
be resisted. One could therefore expect that the truckers themselves
would become organized.
One drawback to this tendency is the fact that, at present,
the lesser middlemen do not show signs of being willing to experi-
ment with new social forms. They have avoided. to a great extent,
the Institute's organizations. At present, those who are gaining
experience in group decision makinb are the socially prominent
elite. Experiences with these persons have shown that their profi-
ciencies in task leadership do not, in general. extend to agricultural
problems. Their Specialities are more in associational activities.
In the field of political activities future developments are
dependent upon the kinds of legislation produced. One possible

future trend may be the inclusion of elements of the caudillo role

 

in the role of local administrator of government programs. This
blending of elements has already taken place in the roles of govern-
ment officials in the town of San Bautista. The officials of the
Junta Local, he judge, and the police chief mix rather freely tne
discharge of their routine reSponsibilities with the diSpensing of
services on the basis of their "personal" convictions of need.

0 0 0 c ’ - V -
Experimentation With tne role of agronomo regional (regional

 

agronomist) is leading in this direction. Most government officials

are somewhat resentful of the influence of "home-grown" caudillos in

 

the services of their agencies. This sentiment is widCSpread anon"
administrators of the State Bank (Banco de la Rephblica). The

extent to which the caudillo-like actions of these administrators

will be tied to the more political goal of gaining votes by increasing
affiliates to certain factions is problematic. The established

caudillos have already demonstrated their Opposition to this tendency

 

by finding favoratism based on political affiliation.

In the field of associational activities one can see only a
continuation of the associations' sflxnagr histories. Most of associa-
tional activities are motivated by a search for social recognition,

9 value peculiar to a limited number of socially prominent persons.
One possibility is that the associational activities with the
peraje as geographic base may increase. Associational activities
with a supporting task leadership capable of balancing the leader-
ship in dispensing interpersonal rewards seem to have greater
chance of occuring in the paraje-centered organizations. It is

hypothesized that such associations are more likely to lead to

greater and more equal payoffs to participants than the present

type.

[I11

(.‘./I?
§\(.r/t,-

a.

2.

3.

9.

10.

ll.

12.

13.

14.

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aylor, Carl C. Rural Argentina. Baton ROUEC: Lousiana

_._-L, o ‘--—4 .

State LiniverSity Press, 1945.

hhetten, Nathan L. Rural Mexico. Chicago: The University of
Chicago Press, 1946.

 

Leonard, Olen B. Bolivia: L: nd, P£COp1€ and Institutions.
Washington, D. C.: 11 e Secrecrow Press, 1952.

 

 

43.

44.

45.

46.

47.

4b.

49.

50.

51.

52.

[\J
U I
O!)

Smith, T. Lynn and Alexander Marchant (ed.). Brazil:
Portrait of Half a Continent. New York: fhe Dryden

-..-..—

Press, 1951.

 

Loomis, Charles P., et a1. Turrialha: Social Systems and the

Introduction of Change. Clencoe, Illinois: The Free

Press, 1953.

 

 

Powell, Reed M. "A Comparative Sociological Analysis of San
Juan Sur, a Peasant Community, and Atirro, an Hacienda
Community Located in Costa Rica, Central America."
Unpublisned Ph. D. thesis, Michigan State University, 1951.

Norris, Thomas L. "Decision Making in Relation to Property
on a Cos a Rican Coffee Estate.” Unpublished Ph. D.
thesis, Michigan State University, 1952.-

Painter, Norman W. ”The Delineation, Demographic Comparison
and Population Stability of Selected Types of Locality
Groupings in the Central District of Turrialba Canton,
Costa Rica, 1951." Unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Michigan
State University, 1955.

Alers-Montalvo, Manuel. "Cultural Changes in a Costa Rican
Village." Unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Michigan State
University, 1953.

Blair, Thomas. "Patterns of Information Exposure Among Workers
in a Rural Town Community in Southern Brazil." Unpublished
Ph. D. thesis, Michigan State University, 1956.

Ackoff, Russell L. The Design of Social Research. Chicago:

-..q *-

The University of Chicago FELSS, 1953. pp. 14-47.

 

 

Barnett, H. G. Anthropology in Administration. Evanston,
Illinois: Row, Ieterson and Company, 1956.

 

 

Clifford, Roy A. El Area Demonstrativa de San Ramon. (Pre-
~ared as a miECoérapned report of the-Ssuthern Zone of
the Technical Cooperation Program, Project 39 of the
Organization of American States, under the administration
of the IntereAmerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences),
Montevideo, 1952.

 

Fitzgibbon, Russell M. Portrait of a Democracy. New Brunswick,

___-‘__-

New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1954.

 

 

13“? ._ .

o
.4
‘.¢. h. V

1i...||’||’|l’ I

(ii-"1’1

m IFJ

“Elgiglifi T4” H” In.

w.
Mr

53.

54.

55.

56.

57.

59.

60.

61.

62.

GEE? E RA L RE F Ii '33 N C13 3

harnworth, Constance h. The Agriculture of Uruguay. Foreign
Agriculture Bulletin‘fio; 3, Office OI—Ioreign Agricul-
tural Relations, U. S. Department of Agriculture,
lflasnington, D. C., August, 1952.

 

Feller, William. An Introduction to Probability Theory and
Its Applications. Vol. 1, New York: John Wiley and
Sons, Inc., 1953.

 

 

 

 

Uroffman, Brving, "EmbarraSSment and Social Organization,"
33;:Anurican Journal of Sociologx, 62:264-76, November,
1956.

 

"H. D." Curso de Historia Patria. Libro Segundo. 14th ed.,
Montevideo, Uruguay: Barreiro y Ramos, S. A., 1950.

 

 

Herskovits, Melville J. Economic AnthrOpology: A Study hi
Comparative Economics. ‘wa York: Alfred A. Knopf,1951-

(Originally published in 1940 as The Economic Life of
Primitive Peoples)

 

 

 

 

Kluckhohn, Clyde and Henry A. Murray (eds., with the colla-
horarion of David M. Schneider). PersonalitX.ig_Naturep
Societz and Cultugs. 2nd. ed., New York: Alfred A.
Km, 1954. ,

 

Kroeher, A. L., SE 31. (ed.). finthropology Today: An
Encyclopedic Inventory. Chicago: The Universit; of
Chicabo Press. 1953. The chapter by Claude Levi—Strauss.
"Social Structure," pp. 524-553.

 

 

Lazarsfeld, Paul F. (ed.). Mathematical Thinking in the
Social Sciences. Clencoe Illinois: The Free Press,
1954.

 

 

Loomis Charles P. and John C. Mackinncy, "Systemic Diffenences
Between Latin flmerican Communities of Family Parmszuid

. . - . _ - 3
Large kstates," American Journal of Soc1ology, 61:40‘4 1'

 

March, 1956.

Need, Margaret and Rhoda Metraux. The Study of Culture at
Distance. Chicago: The University of Chicago Presf5:

 

 

63.

65.

66.

67.

Stone, Uregory P. and\Tilliam H. Form. "Instabilities in
Status: lhe Problem of hierarchy in the Community Study
of Status Arrangements," finerican SociOIOgical Review,

51:149-162. April, 1953. _ '

 

Tax, Sol, et al. (edS.). An I‘lpprfeisal of Anthropologfiy Today.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1953.
pp. 106-24.

 

 

Thelen, Herbert A. Dynamics of Groups at Work. Chicago: 'Yhe
University of Chicago Press, 1954.

 

Trimmer, John D. &esponse of Physical Systems. New Yerk:
John Wiley and bons. Inc., 1950.

 

 

lfhyte,1Villiam F. Street Corner chiety: The Social Structure

 

 

of an Italian Slum. 2nd.ed“,LLUngo: The University
of Chicago Press, 1955.

APPENDICES

 

"7. _ -~ -
J

I. i’fi” ’ 7

1111;111:0113 1;; 111m 1951 In: IGUAYA N 131.1.LI'1 o’luIL CENSUS

3123 CF

41'

TABLE IX

‘Allll' IICLD“IG IN {1’3 SECTIC- N OF SAN B-‘UTISTA

1‘) Tu." DLI‘ALITIILJIIT or 0:13.710?» . 1951

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of San Bautista Canelones
hectares in

holding Number Percent NUmber Percent
1 " 4 42 5.7 1,880 12.3
5 - 9 91 12.4 3,604 23.5
10 - 19 247 33.7 5,076 33.1
20 - 49 304 41.5 3,634 24.0
50 or more 49 6.7 1,078 7.9
Totals 733 100.0 15,322 99.9

Source: The data on San Bautista are from the

Uiuguayan A'ricultura 1 Census, 1951, as
compiled and ro;)orted by Roy Cliff01d in
El A1ea Demonstrative de San Ramon,
Aontev1d co, Uruguay, 1952. Those on
r, o

Canelones aie from Ainisterio dc uanadcria
y Agric11t11a, Direccion de Agronomia,
Secci6n Economia 5 Estadistica Agraria,
Censo Geneial Agropocuario 1951,

" ‘ ‘ *9._ .'_- -.- ‘.’ _‘ C-
Zuontev1ueo: imprcnta Neolonal, l9o2).

 

 

62

TABLE XXII

TLNURE STATUS OF FARMS OF THE SECTION OF SAN BAUTISTT
AND T113 DER-‘11" ZENT OF C.‘1N3LOI133, 1:351

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

San Bautista Canelones

Tenure

Status Number of Percent Number of Percent

Farms Farms,
Renter 412 56.2 5,189 33.9
Other* 143 20.2 3,445 22.5
Totals 733 100.0 15,322 100.0
_L “A:

 

 

 

 

% "Other" includes the combination of owner and
renter plus farming on shares (medianero) and
the remaining combinations.

Source: Same as Table XXI above.

'TILIZATIGN OF THE LAND IN THE SECTION OF SAN BAUTISTA
[LI-fl) IN THE DEP iTI-TEJ‘IT 0F CAI‘IELONES

(INCLUDIN

TABLE

r‘ m‘.TT‘
U LILLJ

XXIII

SECTILN OF

513 31511514), 1951

 

 

 

 

264

 

 

 

San Bautista Canelones
Pattern 0f U39 Number of Percent Number of

Hectares Hectares Percent

Natural Grassland 5,139 29.8 142,049 40.6

Stubble Land 125 .7 10,095 2.9
Natural Forests 90 .5 4,094 1.1
(Sub total) (5,354) (31.0) (156,238) (44.6)
Planted Pastures 860 5.0 31,351 9.0
Artificial Forests 300 1.7 13,437 3.8
Garden Crops 481 2.8 16,471 4.7
Field Crops 10,215. 59.3 113,123 32.4
Fruits and Vineyards 36 .2 19,179 5.5
(Sub total) (11,892) (69.0) (193,561) (55.4)
Totals 17,246“ 100.0 349,799 100.0
___—A”

 

 

 

M

*In Clifford's report this total was reported as 17,046. ‘It
is not possible to determine whether the error entered in
the addition or in copying the numbers in the column above

the total.

 

 

Source: Same as Table YKI above.

TABLE XXIV

111.23) 12: 51.1.3211 3110133 1.15) FILL.) 3110p“;
9.13;..12113-31 or 3.: 131.9155, 1951

 

 

 

 

 

 

Crop Namber of Percent Percent of
Hectares of total Sub-total
Corn 76,926 59.4 (68)
Wheat 12,919 19.0 (11)
Sunflower 12,872 9.9 (11)
Flax 3,333 3.0 ( 3)
Barley 1,079 .8 ( 1)
Sugar Beets 1,275 .9 ( 1)
Other Field Crops 4,164 3.2 ( 4)
Sub total - Field Crops 113,123 (99)
Potatoes 4,324 3.3 (27)
Sweet Potatoes 4,604 3.6 (28)
Squash 1,600 1.2 (10)
Beans 1,450 1.1 ( 9)
Greens 952 .7 ( 3)
Tomatoes 850 .7 ( 5)
Carrots 582 .5 ( 4)
Unions 401 .4 ( 3)
Peas 383 .2 ( 2)
Garlic 265 .2 ( 2)
Pepper 24.1 02 ( 1)
Cabbage 208 .2 ( 1)
Others 626 .5 ( 4).

 

Sub total -
Garden Crops 16,471 99.9 (102)

 

Total 129,594

 

Source: Censo General Agropecuario 1951.

 

I 0
(D
(D

There are data for the Section of San Bautista given in
Clifford's report similar to those of Table XX '. These are:

ma“ *3 ,
1.1.) 1.9 KIN

LAND IN FIELD 31023; SAN BAUTISTA SECTION,1951

 

 

 

Number of Hamber of
Crop Hectares Hectares Iercent
(uncorrected) (corrected)
Corn 2,535 5,535 54.3
Wheat 2,533 2,533 34.3
Sunflower 59 59 .6
Cther (4,390) 1,899 13.

 

Total 10,215 10,215 100.1

 

The numser of hectares (uncorrected) in corn appears to
be in error. "Other Crops” occupy an impossibly large (an-
corrected) extension. It would seem that a "2" was reported
rather than a "5" as was intended; hat is, hectares in corn
should rea' 5,535 rather than 2,525. The other numbers in

the column were given 11 two places on different pages in

the report thus increasing confidence in their correctness.

 

rn QT‘TT‘ ‘71”?
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ULL:..~J JUL‘AJQ,

Canelones

.L-‘ 111.0.) QJV1.~U- h

1951

237

*f“ (\51

ul‘

 

Number of Humber of

Number of

 

-p. it‘d-at... xmxmmm‘w

Iters Items per Items LS oer
rarm Farm
Brick houses 137 .23 6,216 ..l t
hanCIOS 1,245 1.79 22,942 1.44 E
Cther 3 .92 1,784 .12

 

 

tal Residen-
ial Buildings 1,439 1.95

30,042

 

Radios 198 .27
Truck 14 .019
TITO. tors 17 .023
Flows 1,3 4 1.79

 

IEumber of farnm 733
J

Source: Same as Table XXI above.

 

4,633
1,140
1,105
26,826

15,322

.30

.074

.072
1.75

H

[O

In order to provide further data on farm haracteristics in
Chapter II (p. 50) it was neces sax y to silift from the do ta of the
Census of 1951 to those from the forty-one farm sa:31e. To demon-
strate that the saipled farms are mt an "unusual" lot, the follow-
ing two tables are provided. Comparing these with Tables XXI and
“"II one sees that the distributions of farm sizes and tenure

status are quite similar as between the sarq sled farms an ad their

parent population of three years previous.

Th ‘..] LJJYJLD In; ’II

SIZE 01' 1314111 IICT 2:31:13 HEALTH), 41-17341 ID fl 11:11.13
.-. )- ,,

SILJI Baku 1:3th MIST-LJ:U , 1-054

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Number of
hectares in Farms Percent
holding
O - 4 3 7
5 - 9 5 12
10 ‘- 14- o o o o o 6 o o o o o o 15
15 - 19 7 l7
2 "' 24 o o o o o 7 o o o o o o 17
25 - 2O 1 2
3 — 34 . . . . . 2 . . . . . . 5
35 - 44 5 12
45 or more 5 12
Totals 41 99

W

 

" l‘LBLE‘ x3. I III
THREE STATUS CF F ‘s {.'.- ‘ CA .. T‘J‘ZJLTO.LS, 41-33 ARI: Sin-Li 7'
5A5 Bxbeb TE; DIE LICT, 1954 and 1955

Tenure Number of

 

 

a ‘ Percent
status rgrms

Owner 11 27
Renter 24 58
Other* 6 15
Totals 41 100

fiIncludes: part renter-part owner, working
on shares (medianero) and inheritance
settlement not legalized (sucessién).

TABLE XXIX

TEWLIL} STI‘LTUS BY SIZu FAQLII FOR THE Ill-FAILI-I SAl-il’LE
OF TIE SEC IONO O S“; BAUTISTA,1953

Number of Farms

 

Number of
hectares in Renters . Owners or
holding Part Owners

 

O - 4

5 - 9
1.0 14
15 19
20 24
25 29
30 34
35 44
45 more

le—‘HU‘QOJNI
HODI-‘I NHCOCOOJ

 

N
h
'..;
.4

Totals
w

 

 

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m“f\v' "/ “*fi jr‘ ”11‘1
1 A—‘Vl‘. IL‘ ‘LUU‘LULXL 1:. ‘..1 I. mat—WU“

Here it seezs a: HIODFIate to exvlore some rather uthOSthO but
far from definitive observations made on t1.e "thougxt processes" of
farmers. In a series of twenty—five interviews 'ith farmers in the
Chamizanray Harcos Section (In the Department of Florida -- See Figure
1, Chapter II) farming techniques, particularly the farming practices
used in corn cultivation were discussed. The express purpose of the
investigation was to asl: the fa ner whether he had heard and whatl
had heard about hybrid corn so as to be able to assess the effective-
ness of the Institute' 5 corn demonst ations in this region. However,
since the fa mei had usaally not heard about this corn in any detail
the interviewer, who was an agroncmy student, informed his of its
properties and asked for the farmer's reaction.l

It was found that most of these discussions could be as ed to

O
classify the farmer's“ through processes into one or another of the
fell wins cate Series.

A. The farmer was orientated to empirical data, his beliefs

were fley ible enough to accept the rather different proper-
I

ties of t1is hybrid corn (he had usual y had scz1e experience

 

1Since the writer was present at very few of these interview. 3 (W
of the twentv-five) mid since the field notes taken represent the Jork
of beginners, Ynest of the analgs es carr" the possible biases of retro-
spect and probably reflect a de ire to arrive at son "neat" schema.

2 . . .

Although the unit under investigation is the farm-family unit 1t
appears easier to sgeak as if the unit were the farmer. Rather than
try to keep in mind the influence of t:1e mature son in the household
and other SlCh conditions it is preferaole to allow this exception.

L11

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F.

oWgstians or 13 fckod what h: .hoH'n aHIut crta-n practices
woulu sa‘ Th.o cvoqyone Qr-uTV hora docs so-amd—so. The
fact tlat at least ”ivc 07 those cascs “‘Iocd to 1L onc-
hundrcd in+orvis"s av” succhL finat t.;s .s not an unusual
sifi‘;atjxxi.
Io", haviné lookcc a chose types (A, V, 3, D, .30 4) it is
easier to (c. crxino what ii is ihgt has Hos: called "riou at

4‘? '~~,~.-l-(~
‘.l .1. ' \

7")-\1 HC‘ (‘ ‘L‘fifi Or\‘rj-w. (N' 034- 4. h . ‘
.. H1 5.)- ‘. L3 - '7: ' ' 1 lord Cs ‘ -' 'V'O tLCCIl‘i.ID.-'

is uwon
world” Ci africulivrz,

TLesc four brocad-

IL.)

overlaprlnr.

V " ' 1‘ .. .L - '. ' ‘-. ‘ -. .. .'..L W .
oc-lc-s p0 Halon JO mad a.cac- .0”.

gr J-n‘
\1

C4» [J
.._..p q In 1nImI Inna .-:.-. .-. (swank I
‘_snL ‘ ‘11 L) L~CCL1J dull (‘.. \,""(’_ .'.J. L9--r k) z-J—k'Z/A-._ 8 ‘.'-SJ. 9 b-“ ’A .kJ-u .'.;I ”L!
"Y
Pal". .19

H In ,. H .- ,,
aVC-L «:1 ‘3 “cl-CL

able to aosorb

 

...——

- ‘ o v _0 w a
a c011 o“ ncd 1ngornapron. .e.“+ to con-

good

. ‘ . 1 - ~w--: -‘- - .. s ' A \ .u I-‘P "~ ". - ' ('A
Vlncc Aim 0] cup.r.cai ar;u1cnts are sot more a” the @313 int .ramo-
work a“ his i(nn- *9 v»& I ha - r’w Ina mv a s .--. ... h"
- .. L'.L a ..-c...) ,I\ ..‘.L_-lel I...) CCLn _._1; \IA-V rL',|J ....n. q.- I {21-3n LI- (Ln U.)

a a . o

: I", ' I ,' ' ‘ o o I‘ ~ ~'-
-.s 3@‘ QSjncra uxc c: non-scacgtl ic cri Jol.a

f1)
02‘

w ‘ 1 . o — ~ I 1 "

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L
'\ ) {"1 '1 f“ ’- .'- "" 7} 4 I 'i ‘ 1'; r‘ 1 ’ 0‘.’
(_I‘b ALJ p . LO ..~1 .1.\ 1. 11...»; --c C," Q
7“ ‘. _f" ~. . > ,1 _: 1 > ’.‘ . H “‘ J- ' L‘ i .. ‘ ‘ _ ~' 1. ‘ ‘ I ‘
.- r~ )i (‘ _. v ‘ "\ r“ (_u r‘: w ‘ A -
or 1_.hers e1 one tgres o CLO b "ulgch' 1s escriocc oy orner

tEa: e:1piricel evidence. Erooaa'y not much use is made or "t nth".
7ecfiniéres are Cir “ed because nhev gr? ”correc+
t ese farmers alouf filth all of fine farmers want food yields does

cytolofr. It is it: "correct" techniores Ugict

froduce good yields moi the technioues which eeriric cclly show a

. 0 - . J—‘a, *' 0 _\
correlst on 91JA .1_n

It czr re seen thef fie Goveloemenf of "scinrt1_ic farminr"
.. 1 . 1 .«. 4 1 w a - 1 . ‘~ 7 .-. 1
has seem and grooaolf'w1l1 oe slow. (no reusol r051tec Ugh tee

a . .V“ "1 J‘\‘ ‘1‘ fix 0 n“ I 'n. *0 1 ' 7“ :‘r '.‘ rJ'j/H.
pr1n01;le 01 U.e snort rungc “LL lixed sUanoaros. Lone ouier

o “.1. l .’_ _u u -—1-0 .1. r. J. 1.“ , J. a ‘, 0
cencralizucions seei 1o oreer. sirsU 01 all use ClSolnCulOH

bet Ieen cons Uzqetion acfiivities and those of rrocucuion was foisted

‘ 'T J.'.

- J"“ 4 ‘x -. 4- f. ~- 1~ . .. vv. 1 .
upon LAC err-f<11l" unlus 1r n cut31oe. in Uie fr; ious cis-

cussion, tL- injut-ou+ out rel: Ltionships are ashects of a “”OLICthH

6

process, but obviously the s.ne input IHCT find a reaction as part
of a con3‘uftion process. Jonfi.’uf the dis,ussion to production

 

"I T .. ‘ . '.. ‘ . .. 1' r.-. 1 .:
Jhen loosing over flue liele not 8 seein,
-: ~° " . --‘ AJ- ‘.‘r v 11,-1 w-~ FL J“\r~-L ‘\ ‘ n .
. (Jr—CS C-.. rOJ- rCllCCS -..)"; COlfi h ..." .'. o8 L3 bid LK 1A0. .OA' 0.19. 3-1 t. '.C:r Hc'lC (.‘L‘
. "- 'f ‘ ‘ ‘;“-' .1 " '. I‘.‘ ‘. V’. r‘ r\ ‘ fi‘ r V'-" ' \ ~ ’fi
011:3 L.“ 1’3 1“ 3110 whef 1111.0 L2 50 COIW .LliCe 3. 8.3.11 1‘5 c My... 2; 30.49 no:
Y‘ K“

' -. J. ‘... ' . .\ . ' '1», 1 - 4-1- ,- -'_ 4. 1 , m‘ .~ - .
fawn:uo_ cecguisue are LJU gocue; "HUD a cattle. -Ae Nicoleman
l a

Jil- ‘nrm at e 45'
-'.L-V .4

we‘lc cofij.ain, ”"ou can't tell theme thins.” Liddlcncn would
caution outsicers to go slowly, “ Ur" to un(erstaud these farmers,
etc. Teese instances se.m so rein1o1ce susoi.ci0111nsi t.e tyfies
C ago D mhv be videssread, are also ”but they Ha” have sibuafiona

‘. -L »-.~- 4‘ 4'"! ~r l‘ ‘ fl 7“ 1- vv J- —.. f,.'._ . ‘ 1 v - ~ -L - r ‘1 ‘
rcper leases; U.U, .re rroxsol_ Ur11_eree e~ clusuoe tareats to
-. '.. , _"1 _g- “.. n. ‘ nq
1arners' se .-;Suqu as -oox 1c rners.

processes has ' gent * si m1? imfi the analysis but does not do iistice
to the "inside" or farm-family's View. Probably one of the reasons
that farmers ha"e an a'e;sion to a large capital expenditure is that
if such mwney :ere av thole it v0411 ”have” to be u;ed, at leas
in large part, en consumption. An incre se in income can mean an
aW'ance alon the consumption 5L3 well as the frodnction sphere of raterial
possessions. It must be rcnembered that the fam~z - wily is at the
sane tine a "firm" ani a budgetary unit. The reaction to the above
innuts nay very well be strongly conditioned by the state of the
bu 3,,eta1‘; unit.

It was a frequent etperience thtt altaough farmers of types
A and ? appeared to 3; convinced by the argwment that fertilizers
would more than pay their way, they ca ld not bring themselves to
consider such an eigen‘itare on their particular :hacra. nt iirst
they sai they did not have tie cash outlay, but it couldLmaexplaincd
to thenlthat the Banco de la Lepfiblica (the national‘bank) offered
credit at reasonaale ter:.s. Nevertheless, they demurrel. Hang
farmers stated, "And if t1e year is had, what then?" Tlis was
countered with the argument of the res'dnal effect of the ter-
tilizer, and surprisinglye enough tn y nnierstood this. Still, they
resisted. Xore than once the contra t betreen the ajlononist' s
(Hotta) a1d the farmer's points of View was exident e'en txoa 31 the
farmer would agree upon the facts of f1? case.

It may be Hypothesized, aqfl to a certain extent t.is may oe
logical, ttnt tne farmer's utility curve drops sharply as his

inc one "Osz slightly below its present level. That is, any mone-

A.4

' .. ..' .3 ,0- . J‘-
t"1“f 1038 110.13. ‘38 an c71t1‘°:.1c ”.'..31‘11" one, 11111131 ,, _LV; (30‘1“;

L.

 

an, n : ‘.- -_- 4- a -' ‘ -'_ . ' ' .3 ,. fa
ITS 75.5., ;,_-,;‘);,.‘I‘ Cf‘ule .C O, :“C 0C; so 1.5-3.1 of) cVOlfl- IE‘..~-J-.".‘ CLE;I’1COS.

..L 1.: ‘. .., _.L .L‘~'. n '. p '-' .
etezihzica sxfirmasc unis 333 two icflJ(I.in :

1. All ”new‘ techniques are iLFSt tried out on a small scale.

r1. --x . ,1 ° . ~1— -' . . ,~--,, ,._. Of" -- . ,4
:ar ers enyressee izteresc in t'ji._ oat live or ten LllOS

n ,. ; -3 _- L '1 -.- : n .... ' .; , .L
o; seen, a llble ei5inieetait, a "tin can" plan or, etc.
‘ '3 0 v 0 ~_ A
2. R ter once trying a new tecnnieue tney Lre mently revert

assu‘q
,.

‘5)—

N:

A- 1,. . .1. -. .' a. a
verbs oac as Nell in o;h?r C see

0.
-.
"Vt—‘17;

 

 

5
x . ." I ' n \r‘ “\ ~n —'-‘I-:,>;- '.. n " ‘ J' j
3. Aeoniacores tier.ln HClCLQHtS) retoit ciao larners nolo onem
‘ V‘ O '\ I "u ‘ 'L V v. -- ‘ o
res) nsible _i a nee eec or fert 112 r In 's on ozolv “ .

V -. x a -v J' N -- - r V 3 -: 5‘ v n~v f) ‘1 4
and so l4: ; ciao bAC‘ should 30b e renal e to , J to; it.

 

"‘ I D . - . .2 1 - .1. ‘ '
erro as 1firt :m Jie larger-scariscor rel :3-ons .13.
A f) ‘ _ 't 7 1 .1 1 o ‘1 n u ,
j . 4’ . v A -. w A ,_ ‘ , v‘ ‘ ~A . , r‘ ‘~ '-< .
h. cne iaraer aas it he to so an ext dent (will; in one

arnrovin: nresence 0; other farmers) of a *‘nilosormr of
as much more rrefe~abla o0
co only a litt_e bit and to (0 that well tian to ac?e a
chines on making a killing only to Sine a crew failure
or a severe price drop. in fact divers ilice.tion and

-L- n

1.»: r. L. , ‘ r‘n v'~~ - ~~‘ A r *
”nec_in " is cae esta «co iarninC Laosern and scans to

\ J— n a ..

-‘. . i ,\\ ‘h‘. r~' ., .‘. .1. .
ae ,ie so avoi an e ci a aeavy loss, no natcer he»

imor abaole the loss.

‘ 4"1‘ 4" 1' ‘ /\ 7“" I . t s - v- ‘L‘rsh r‘r‘ >\: r - Q‘L .
on one ocne‘ hand Ana can so imvrevuoc by one larger's SpOlCfll

accertance of serious losses. Again the contrast to two en tm a reno-

J.

J
C‘)

l
‘—

A

' . 7 . - . _ _. ... ' _ V V -. A v’. - .-. 7. 1
‘- I 'r‘ ( "x l .~ . ‘fl' .'\ V 1“ .v. . v,r~ . r .‘trx-fi . -‘.
.i : l L.-\J 1;]..- GT“.-- .1 '.. J. 19\ ‘7 ..A: Q Ca. -. ~ “'41—‘wieo

.. uv _.

""3 (‘4- 1” fi h" -~ ’3 3 “(1‘5 f‘" .“'. ”a C I” "- 3 “r 'w “n iffic- 1 vxnnr: w".
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g:"_' .. _r,-.u ‘4. ,- . -.. 1 *5" < .L'__‘
or ion tniai lo is u-e 8 31(3.” to ever, unis
a. _ _ ~ ~‘- r. --- ‘1 -\ ~_ L ~- .‘. L 1‘1 1‘ ..:“: ...
T? - 511‘ ..‘L‘ CO L.__ .. 3;; .18.“: {Jot-3-1 ” wills... .L. 3 ” ’.'

 

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no vain so u 1‘03 c t-e wOESlle form 0; a q‘anariiicg LueOl
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stzd" a Fox on incl re: a? *e In or3:r. Taxi: '.0 Earn-Icwily
.. e 7 , \ ‘ ,._. ,M ‘. ‘- 1:..- __ x- - J 7.x. 3 ' -—‘
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13
a t .' .L -. j: 7, . ' .L : . ; ‘,‘ .-. ° ’
iron a clienc oi Intoleman i so a cltent oi .aealenan J in some I
hdfi ’L'. I "t +0 ‘0 rfiT r] 1* rz‘fl qwr I‘jfi 7’2 I“ 1 ‘ II
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in gen~ral a s voulc, to la: 2r Lian tne p;- icr J - l, c, ...,
ii *3
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‘l- . 7% ° J \ -fi J- i , - r 'r. - q I — ., ‘ ‘ a d” \\‘-.. w 7 ~ - rs .
x-Iotild :33 34‘ :i‘ tiles; t, : I“Ff“) 7 “J”.. 7 oi. try lzlr 1 Losiilgr c JIB/ in ’ o0
(.‘~ 1 m . n- - ‘ -'. " ' ", 1 “ 4— ‘ ‘.. .'..} v
otca no els are trernee in lilian seller, nn LneIwUuCULOJ b0
' -
\’.’ ‘r '. '. 4- v? m‘. ,'\ - r r. ‘ .'- r~ ..~ -,-~,-1 'V" -- . ' xv v if r~ - l' 'I ‘1,
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"7"“7'” arm —. rm m ,7 .. .- 2‘ . 7 “- > ~
:i123 ano sans, l,/u l. 2) ii; a; a so in iaUl a7arsE eld (ac.),
T. 'L 1‘. ‘- \ “‘ I -" m‘ ': ‘u ‘ . A 't A '1‘ .‘ "\ : . ( . -: ‘-. 7 ' . .
;.ac_e.a. cal inji- _Q: U”. ooeiej ecieuces ( le:wcoe,lllin01s.
"‘ - ‘ | - r A ‘.‘ ...C'7 ‘Pt*_' .CCCC ‘ '
Lie :ree 2ress, i phi rr lx-oo of '. 7. n“ae son in a snnoter
'1 1 ‘ ‘ -' .'.- ‘ ' ., ‘ " -_ _: - "..' , ' - . .. .' .
ent: tted Mroraoaii ' otels for anal “in Line JACL“CS in

ntti Ures.

‘..?
I

ziny other mi elemen. However, if the particulir middleman were in

1 1“ _ A .' .‘. r— Io_v_'_‘ ... 1 v. \ s
tAe tuioes of lulllllb . la nag' 10t ue true. On tne n+1er *3ni

Ha
Ha

lie nildlerlei x.er3 buildin 7 up his vii entele t e1 it may be th3t
the Pij s with i f j (i = l, 2, ..., k) would be quite large.
A 3*WJLiiyiug (though not altOQetHer reisvnable) assumption
wetld he that tge 2E1 = p (a coxstant) for a- i = l, 2, ..., k

1- p ru-

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and fliet p'j for allzif,j were equal (to
v _ 1
.L\

 

Call Po the matrix of these probabilities. 2y int erriewing mildle-
men in the presence 0; a list of fern farxilies iA the zone it may

310 to make esti Lates of ?0' Also it would Be Possible to

 

r:e:e estiletes o; the 910:)3bilities of the Li at tiC ini ial 3 age.

I“

Test is, the relitive freldCHClQS 01 c;ients per each middleman
could be used as est

If one were also willing to assume that the chenges of state

in one year were iwzl pen ent of these in the nett and that .0

remained constant from year to vear then it we 1d eyossible to
dete‘rtine the prob" 3 lities that the {atria Emily is £011.11} in any

1

"1 ‘ ‘ '.' -v- -\f‘ ‘9‘ vv 3‘ -a ‘ r1 f‘ L’: -« r
particular ste t3 3 tie cal 01 n 10310. level less 0; .Ae 3 one-

bilit ies of .me n a tAe initial state, if n is large enough, the

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o
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at the end ef the three-year nerlod we would exnect L1at about

I- D . .L' ._ D ‘ ' ' . . j 1 4).! j , .1-‘
one-hall or Lee fara ianilites Joulg ee Wmufl eac: o_ on,

I‘uen.

Kaintainin; the same assumptions, over a lonrer period of time
one would (educe that tie s:‘ares of tne two n dd -eren slmoul reach

"I N

the relatively stable prorortiens: h/b ior midc le :1an 2 and l/S for

L: 'ddlenan 1. Put before this eqziliorium con(b tion could be Fm
anrroacned it is quite likely that middleman 1 would have completed 1

his retir ment. In this case pll would become zero anl Il2 one.

However, all of tid s is onlv a "plaus iole" hypothesis and would

 

necessitate some fur'her t sting arainst the "null hvnothesis" e

of independence and P c onsta1t from year to year.3

1n implicit assumption behind the above statements has been
that all farm families are alike. That this is wot too plausible
has been shorn in t e study.. However, ihe-e should be nrovided
some test of this hypothesis against the hypothesis that they are
alike. Admitedly, it is difficult to distinguish these alternative
models in practice. It may be that the tendencies to chance are

drastically di?ferent for dififerent farm families, nevertheless

the count of changes nay agree quite well with a model constructed

 

2

The mtio of clients of middleman l to clients of aiddlern.an 2
at the endr of the iirst year would be about 3:1 at the end or the
second year about 3:2. Illustrating the comp utations Iaade to find
the ratios at the third year is.

.‘_,J I ..f;—

(.90 .lO)P3 =(. 9O .10) .937900 .ho2bd
1 .115025 .6813?
O .30h53750)

\j‘l

T.II. Anderson (ibid, p. L9) Hives an ex nple of such a test.

on the assumption that hey are alike. Recourse can be had to showing

hat differences in tendency to change are related to other character-

istics of the farm family (age of head, type of farming enterprise, etc.).

In general it is qnite easy to hypothesize a highly specific
m del that would require very extensive research in order to test it
against very similar but slightly less specific alternative models.
hithout a large effort to collect data, the incidence of accepting
null hypotheses would be high. And (in accord with the investigator's
personal belief, of course) this incidence would be "unjustifiably"

1 ’ 1
Illgl‘l.

.wm1

- ‘..- 5“. '“l‘:‘.. -..‘.‘

 

 

'..‘LO 3 SALH

GLOSSARY OF SOME SPANISH WORDS
USED IN THE THESIS

Acopiador: one who buys produce from farmers for resale in
markets outside the Section.
Acopiador fuerte: acopiador who operates on a large scale.
Acgpiador no:patentados acopiador without a legal permit.

 

 

I
Almacena general store
Almacenero: owner of an almacén. Eh

 

Alparagatas: canvass-tepped shoes with jute soles.

 

Antropfilogo: anthropologist.

Azado: beef roasted on an open fire; the occasion on which a
number of people gather to eat an azado.

 

.fiuxm‘

Barraca: warehouse, a purchaser of farm produce from a middleman.

Eggggg: fellowship student

Boliche: small drink diSpatching store which also sells articles
of daily necessity.

Bolichero: owner of a boliche.

Camionero: trucker.

Campafiaa Open country.

Campesino: countryman.

§§§_a__d_a_s r creek.

9353: ”raw” rum; sugar cane.

Caudilloa political leader or political boss.

Caudillitos political leader of lesser importance than a caudillo.

 

Centesimo: one hundredth of a peso.
Comisi6n: committee or commission.
Compromise: promise or obligation.
Consejero: councilman.

Critica: negative criticism.

 

 

‘ illtldlul.\1’

952253: small or medium sized farm Specializing in field creps.

923535: horse cart.

E35338 Open air farmer's market.

Elggggz macaroni.

Efigggl: soccer, the national sport of Uruguay.

gglpég: barn.

ggfig: ground corn which has been toasted.

Junta Local: Town Council

nghégs suckling pig.

Libretax little book carried by the client in which purchases are
recorded by the storekeeper. It is used to settle the
clienfla account.

Ligtg: slate of candidates for offices.

ngglz headquarters or meeting building for an organization.

Mercachifle: itinerant peddler.,

£33313: rural place name, correSponds to rural neighborhood.

Parientea relative or kin.

Pesos unit of Uruguayan currency which was valued at three to
the dollar during field work.

Pueblo: smaller town.

Ranchox residential building (usually in the rural area) of mud
walls and thatched roof.

Seccion: Section, smallest political subdivision of the nation.
Seccion Policial: area of jurisdiction of a police post.
Seccidn Judicial: rarea of jurisdiction of a justice of the

peace.

Siesta: nap or rest after the noon meal.

Tahona: mill for grinding corn.

Tambo: small or medium sized dairy farm.

Tardecita: late afternoon or early evening.

Tranquilidad: peacefulness.

Truco: card game.

Yerbaa mate, the tea itself.

 

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