ABSTRACT THE EfiBADO OF EGBALAND by Oliver H. Osborne The large literature relating to the Yoruba Speaking peoples of Nigeria demonstrates an interest in both general and very Specialized social and cultural processes peculiar to all the Yoruba peoples as well as a continuing fascination with the Yoruba as an indigenous urban people. There has been little concern with the study of how the millions of people who live in the many Yoruba villages manage to come together and organize their communities. Very little of this literature discusses the figbado Yoruba . The subject of this thesis is the Egbado peOple of the village of lbara Orile. Pertinent aspects of the social organization and culture of the lbara 0mida township of Abeokuta are also considered. During the tribal wars of the last century the people of lbara de- serted their old town and kingdom. For eighty-eight years they lived in isolated farm hamlets or have participated in building a new community at lbara Omida, their settlement in the Egba town of Abeokuta. Yet, they never forgot their past 9'0”“ Through the years they have‘labored to improve their position among their Egba neighbors and rulers. in 1952 they crowned their first king since the time of their disastrous loss of their kingdom. This success, combined with an improvement in the price paid for their cocoa, permitted the lbara People to leave their small dis- he d f 'listic ‘farm hamlets and gather together to build new homes . rse , amt ’ at lbara Orile, the site of their old walled town. -i- It has not been easy for them to develop a new community. They lack the necessary organization skills and habits of c00perati'on. Their social, political, and religious institutions have few elements which are conducive to the development of extra-familial patterns of cooperation. Dispersed in the bush hamlets for more than three generations they have come tc> rely upon kinship ties which emphasize the authority of family elders. 'The people who inherited family Chieftaincy positions were pri- marily responsible for the maintenance of the integrity of their kin group, its land, and its property. There was no king to symbolize and protect community interests. in the first section of this thesis problems of research tactics, the history of the Yoruba peoples, and the history of the Egba and Egbado Yoruba are discussed. This section also contains an examination of the. historical, ecological, and demographic characteristic of the people of lbara Orile. The second section considers the ways in which the people of lbara Orile, collectively and individually, organize their world. included are discussions of religious beliefs and behaviors, kinship structure, political organization, and household organization. The last section is devoted to discussions of how the people of lbara Orile live their lives; how they grow up, how they participate in their social and cultural systems, how they grow old, and how they die. This section includes considerations of child-rearing and socialization beliefs and practices, usual modes of dividing labor, methods of pro- duction and distribution, characteristic marriage and reproduction practices, Ill In... .- (\- C 1‘ 9' .I \f‘ It- associational habits, middle age, and old age. The last chapter of the third section constitutes a discussion of individualism, interpersonal behavior, and community integration. The findings of earlier sections are used to present a culture, social struc- ture, and personality approach to the study of the peOples most frequently expressed problem; their belief that lack of cooperation and interpersonal hostility have inhibited the development of lbara Orile. THE EGBADO OF EGBALAND By, . Oliver H) Osborne A THESiS Submitted to rllCHlGAN STATE UNIVERSITY in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Anthropology l968 a. a v . QC A U .Gu - b k u a e O a . .c D ‘\ C a‘ V . 1‘. ‘5 cc - o . A i. . o a a . ‘t . 1; O o 1 a - r u c v a .nu . . o. e i '5 we. a ... n a u up. u s . .. . ’ ~c . S 0 .c e I» n \4 i I u .u. .\ .6. c 1 N I Q. . . 3. . . 7c. ‘_. , u . ‘ u a g .3 .o. a. . ' .0v 5. n. ‘ L. U c .. u. I I. L. .r._ 9 . ..o .td .nv ac - h e . . .C v . . . n t». . ~ .. .. an. e . . .. . Q .J ..i . v . . D o. . a l I PREFACE The data for this dissertation were obtained during an eighteen rmonth field investigation, commencing April, 1965, and terminating ‘September, l966. The field study was carried out among a group of Egbado Yoruba people living in the Egba Division of Western Nigeria. The intellectual antecedents to the research were many. ‘The investigator comes from a background of training and experience in psychiatric-mental health nursing. His first two degrees were in the field of nursing. In l962 he began matriculating for a Ph D. in the then joint Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Michigan State University. At that time most course offerings were in Sociology and Social Psychology, the areas in which the investigator took the major portion of his early graduate work at Michigan State University in time, however, he came to identify some common research interests with Professor C.C. Hughes, Professor of Anthropology and Director of the African Studies Center. Such common concerns lie in that portion of the behavioral sciences which have been variously described as culture and personality, psychologyical anthropology, and social psychiatry. With the creation of a separate Department of Anthropology at Michigan State University the investigator was able to pursue more vigorously his growing interest hianthropOIOgy and to prepare for the time when he would enter upon fieldinvestigationS. . u 0. I‘. t - 0.: u l u ‘a- ‘ b n [‘4 .0 5 a .. c .C O s r .9. .0 n n h. ' h C ' U _ U ad. .W» O \ i C U ' .ps 0 \ i F I \ "u .c t ' O ' 0‘4 9'- . b r n .. - JG 1 .P... ‘4' r b u . . I . .D. a , I a u . . up“ .i. ... . - . . i . - V DVD. I I. II. .- U h h t I 1 hi. I #0 n . u.“ .4 O o O r .4. .n' h I a a I O Q A v . ' AP. saw e. .7- (a 9 nc ‘- a D O I - v in. n I .v. I . .0. O a. n. a. ..r 9 . a. v . O . . 9‘. o S “ n n- I n .u. . a I. D .1 .u. u .u. 2. I. . b y D r . .0» u t . a. . 0 VA. . . s I O \ oflu o . . .w. u eh. . u :- . . I o .u. .. This baCkS—lr‘ound led to the development of a research proposal entitled "The Yoruba Village as a Therapeutic Community". The study was to be carried out under the au5pices of Dr. T.A. Lambo, Professor of Psychiatry , University of lbadan, who treats mentally ill patients in traditional village settings. The objectives of the proposed study related to the determination and Specification of sociocultural factors which contribute to and detract from traditional communities as thera- peutic milieux. It was felt that the results of such an investigation would help to illuminate and clarify problems relating to the treatment and cure of psychiatric patients in western communities. Although the initial phases of this study were carried out satisfactorily several difficulties emerged which led to the abandonment of the original study. That development, however, provided an opportunity to pursue prob- lems of a more basically anthropological nature. During the period of preparation for the initial field investigation and as a result. of experience gained during the abortive therapeutic community project, it became increasingly clear that there was a need for more basic Yoruba village ethnographies. AlthOUgh the literature relating to the Yoruba is quite extensive, study of it reveals that the contributors have been concerned with either very general social and cultural processes peculiar to all or most of the Yoruba speaking peoples, or with very Specialized problems. Among the major works in the area Johnson (l92l), Ajisafe (1921+), Ajayi and Smith (1964‘), Biobaku (193m and many others have been primarily concerned with history; Asuni (I964), Barber (1966), Collis (I966), Leighton et. al. (I965), Lambo (I960) have devoted their studies to the consideration of health problems; among the many contributors \ J .v‘u " ..~ ’.,5. an L. a. .uo to the understanding of religious practices of the Yoruba are Idowu (i965), Dennett (I910), and Lucas (I948). Bascom (I965), Mabogunje (I962), Ojo 0966) , Lloyd (I960), Morton-Williams (I960), and Wescott (I962) have described many of the more general cultural and social characteristics of the Yoruba people. Examples of literature which is becoming increasingly specialized include lzzet (I955, I96l) and Okediji (i966)- dealing with social problems, and Beier (I959) who has discussed the place of dogs in Yoruba life. But there is little equivalent concern with the study of how the millions of people who live in the many villages (as contrasted to larger towns.) throughout Yorubaland manage to come together, organize themselves, and live together as communities. The short period of the first study demonstrated that, with certain exceptions in the Leighton (I965) volume, the vast literature dealt at too high a level of abstrac- tion to permit the investigator much understanding of how the people living in villages behave in relation to their environment, their insti- tutions, and in their daily transactions with their families and friends. Ojo (I966) and Okediji (I966) contributions muSt be excepted from this criticism. These contributions were published during the time the inves- tigator was in the field. This lacuna in the literature was taken to be of sufficient impor- tance to justify an ethnographic study of a Yoruba village In reSponse to both the very general and very Specific nature of previous published works, it was determined that this study would deal only with considera- tions of the social, cultural, and interpersonal transactions occurring among the people of one village. r v. ; "' "‘22 ’ i‘0e xv "321. .. ' .l ‘-:én D. D has, 9' . e h e' *z‘estee: ., ~ . .3 ti. Ohe Ii 3 ~ .=I' . On “., .‘ .‘e 2 re _ . H c.0‘p. .5 |::a.eh s . -.‘ \. \ .-f‘£ .e(r‘ P J ‘ "2;.‘., I .. I q' A .- “- . “i=5 .e. -c . - 0 s. O ‘ '.'." :l :CQS\I.‘ as “ c I‘ go.‘ :; '0‘ a "F' -‘."‘ ‘ e . ’ h b .' ‘1‘. i "0 pr -~ ..: ...!:595 _N_ f H“ ' ' a-.'. ‘ U n 0 ~ - a 2!. 9e é.- 2 I :1.” ‘ . e,- -a . .. .é a ‘ Q a xiii-- ‘. it"“ie'i' :-s .. . I I J ”1““! .3‘e - no ik. ’I- ‘V ‘. .. ' I . 9"! at e O.. ;. ' a- the .3. .‘ ‘4... . n .' . .. . . i "‘3 :_ . _ '€:II.; . .‘. o ‘n . ‘~- v a a e A, i :.|: ‘5‘ o .I .f . ' o ‘ ‘. v- . ..‘ I! v u... ‘ ..‘= ‘.. .... £5. a u 3" ‘. . ‘: a. a ‘ § .‘. - .i‘ .. . A .'.. z .‘ pa .' ...‘ 1 . "" \ .‘ c ' . u. ‘ u". The exclusive concern of this Study will be the description of the life ways of the figbado peopleof the village of lbara Orile ("bg£§” inelon, "gills" homestead), Today, many of the people of the old kingdom of'lbara live in the village of lbara Orile or lbara Omida (“231" water, flgg" gone) township of the large town of Abeokuta According to plan, the major portion of the field work was carried out in the village of lbara Orile which is located some ten miles, by road, from Abeokuta Less intensive work, consisting of key informant interviews and planned observations, was done in lbara Omida Since the people of ibara Orile are also the people of lbara Omida, I decided that, for my purposes of a village study as contrasted with a town study, the people of lbara Orile were sufficiently competent to discuss the salient social and cultural processes occurring in lbara Omida, Therefore, many of the comments herein relating to lbara Omida are the results of information obtained in lbara Orile and later confirmed through the use of inter- views and observations in lbara Omida Although the data in this thesis are drawn only f‘rom Ibara, it is clear that these people should not be considered unique among the Yoruba. infornants from the far reaches of Egbaland and Egbadoland have assured me that most of the cultural and social patterns practiced b/ the peOpIe of lbara are familiar to their home areas. The literature also indicates that most of these patterns are not unfamiliar to most of the cuter Yoruba peoples, although the soecific patterning and cultural styles do varw_ Thus, (wwiy minor differences in the traditional gods various Yoruba Subgroups may choose to worship, or differences in emphasis they mayvnsh to Fnyt upon various aspects of their manv ceremonies, customs, vi. "“ .9 A. ' A‘p ‘. _ ":2.” SH! 6‘ a b 5. u- h "1‘9 ‘ '5' se:: 2" :' '0‘. :0 3-3“ :‘ the ':';:a a'- -- ~ :‘a'acze' st :5 . ‘ (5"on - .A'. o 4-9. I: " . 2.0 g. .. \- o . a... 0' '.':O . a- ‘u 0 ..c 00., .. .. .‘ is . e=.‘ .. U Iv v. 0 oi ‘ u ". ‘a . ' v . "A Q |::. I‘- “ if 3' 4 .-¢ U . .-. t l '!-"c ' .. . ~‘! 3‘ "2‘ A - r \ - .. a ’2'... .- .‘. :9 ’5‘. .Js :e’pn its" . ‘ o... e 3.!as ~. .. 0.5:: In‘ ‘ o'c‘ 07"; ‘ n. ’t v ’ a E a ., c 'ii‘ ". a- . a ~é'a fl- 0 :9 rituals, or social and cultural processes conStitute the extent of the differences existing among these peopl“. In the first section of this study, problems of research tactics and the history of the Yoruba peoples, the Egba Yoruba, and the Egbado Yoruba will be discussed. This first portion will also contain an examination and discussion of the main outlines of the historical, ecological, and demographic characteristics or lbara Orile- The second portion of.this thesis consists of an examination of the religious, social structural, and political characteristics of the people of lbara. The third section deals with descriptions and discussions of how the people of lbara solve the problems of reproduction, child rearing, socialization, production and distribution of foods and goods, and how they interact with each other to solve the mundane, yet important, prob- lems of daily living. The last chapter of the third section constitutes a conslderation of the more enduring interests of the investigator; i.e. the problems of interpersonal-behav;or and community integration. It is, however, to be considered only a tentative formulation of some of the'per- sistent problem areas which characterize Egbado interpersonal life. For purposes of brevity the.term “9:11;” wull be frequently sub- stituted for lbara Orile and the term ”Omida” will be frequently subst- tuted for lbara Omida. -WIth the exception of unavoidable references to the Olubara of lbara and other titled elders only pseudonyms are used in this report. vii. unmixe'e'ts r: ‘e‘ tarts :‘e “at-.- ; new :‘ 1‘15 c'sse': '. 'r I "" 22i'3::€ a '1'} :1” r 5" 133mg. u 5.. 1-: er; ""|;:a. ’ P . ._.' ""5915. ":‘cSS' V 1 I 4’: h... .‘:::' 'eO-S ‘ be": r‘ ‘ 0 s .3“ .“ Q t'l O 2' c»... . t D. U 3 1‘. i‘ ‘a.' O U in . :ZPO. ‘ . 'v““ . ‘u u I?" v i‘ . e. ., .‘ e :60. - 5' a. 5-... v. ‘- IO. ”‘55-‘18 : ~ 0- .D v F . . C». . 1,, ""‘.’ e- ;. '- ‘i S. - O 0 .~. 0 C'- - " d ‘0‘. e :9 n . ‘t O O .0 .~ 2 .' i. ”Q. ‘ u 'h a. 9‘ e a D ._ g. ‘s . .‘Q . O . Q .- " 9 SM. s '. . e '.. .‘u '- ‘. d .0 ‘ . ~ .- "O. a. . . ',o‘| ‘ . Q 0.3. ‘ . it Q. . Q ’ S, 1 .- £- '0 Acknowledgements It would be impossible to adequately eXpress the deep appreciation which I feel towards the.many.people-who.contributed to the deveIOpment and completion of this dissertation. To single out each and every one of these people would be every difficult task. I do, however, wish to express particular gratitude to my major advisor, Professor C..C. Hughes, Professor of Anthropology and Director of the African Studies Center, Michigan State University, who gave so much of his time, counsel, and.conslderation during my.years as a graduate student, during the months in which I was engaged in fieldwork in Nigeria, and during the time I spent on campus analyzing and reworking my field notes into an acceptable dissertation. Professor Hughes provided both the Opportunity and stimulus for this thesis. Nor can I fully express my appreciation to Professor Ralph Nicholas and Professor Marc Swartz of the Department of Anthropology, Michigan State University. Their continuing interest, constructive criticisms, and un- faillng support contributed much to the construction and completion of this thesis. They were particularyly.instrumental to the development of my under- standing and awareness of the plurality of meanings concomitant to changing Egbado Yoruba social structure. I go no further without affirming my deepest gratitude to my wife, thry Osborne, who became a working anthropologist, a liaison and a logistics cfiiicer in the field; a secretary-clerk at home; and, throughout, a mother uaour four children who, with her, endured the many crises and deprivations attendant upon being so closely associated with a graduate student. viii 1 F fl f |;a.‘ the-‘5 a'! a Sb ». . rfi'. ‘.‘. e . ‘ :iv... at", v, I! S by 'v e: a . 3'5 me": 8553 M I .. 'aezt'e'. 52 :w t'm‘ :: .- :3" a ‘ 'v- o... gena, as H: " t: :;e:e a“: my scac'e' :; 5? :s:.ss 3's ' .-- “a“ .":"953." “I “an '9- duo “‘ .53 23! rr ' . Re: a 0A. I T'n., ' .,. ‘ ‘ scar. a $9,). Iiiw '... A. _ 3» . C .2. ‘fi '3 ‘ :"J n "r S’~ : 9 CS. ea: :‘e 1! I... : ‘14.. '~ ‘ e P 5.5. . - _ ~ I". ~ 6' 0‘ ‘3‘. . P. 3'12” ~ I . -~:§;-.., : d ‘ . . z'ezz ; 1-. , ‘-~.,e , "S Hp- . ’ 2's: .. h. '. fit"... u ‘-. :o.s 30:. “‘ y“ :1. . 3,, ‘ ':.$ . o! “ . Ease :‘ '. ~..“~:. '5 h. r. 4 o... Ie“e: ‘ ' .a seS- a. 1... :¢- ‘:-... I 3 g: . .é,e 32‘- Many thanks are also due to Professor T. A. Lambo, Department of Psywflwiatry, University College Hospital, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. As Iwis research associate I was welcomed into many localities which wouid Inave otherwise been closed to me. Dr. Asuni, Director of Aro Hospital, Abeokuta, Nigeria, was also most helpful in providing me with oppdrtunlties to locate and enter several particularly interesting research situations. Our many discussions illuminated avenues of investigation which, without his interest, I might have neglected. In a strange tropical environment the body is subject to a variety of unfamiliar and distressing ailments. I must, therefore, mention the lnwfluable medical assistance wuth Dr. Lambo, Dr. Asuni, and their assistants provided my family and myself during our period of acclimatlzation. A Special note of appreciation to Dr. Francis Okediji of the University of Ibadan and Mrs. Florence Okediji of the University of lfe who were kind enough to include me, a stranger, as a member of thlr family during my first days in Nigeria. To Oba Alalyeluwa, S. A. Adeshlna, Lalubu II, the Olubara of lbara, his chiefs, and the peOpIe of lbara I express my appreciation for the magnitude of their hOSpitality and their many kindnesses. Without financial support there can be no research. I utter the obvious so that full credit can be given to the organizations Wthh pro- vided the funds for my graduate studies.and fieldwork. I gratefully acknow- ledge the grants provided by the Public Health Service (AFA-NU-20,82A) and the National Defense Education Act (LFA-789). I also WlSh to acknowledge a grant from the National League for Nursing which provided the opportunity for me to begin graduate study in sociology and anthropology. Finally, ' O O - wisuz'ess '5' g i..... we ti, ‘or 3 guns 9' 5'"! use-v “ at CDFI'E‘twa'. ‘ get .: 2:1. EXa'tes 0‘ 0‘5 5 Sat-m 545.311,; 725 ’ ‘ 0-”“23 .. ‘ if .‘3 \ E'i :'1loe' 2: 33a ..; . _ ' 9 b... \ I I. I .5 ‘ a! ‘ e '. . “.5. tn» \ .5 .a \ I‘. "Q t eh Ste: 'A- we . -;‘V. d .'n). v~e r. :e"..- a: . . - ~ ‘ ' u e an“ .‘ fi \ 0'. 'E‘ I wish to expressmy gratitude to the African Studies Center, Michigan: State lh1lversdty5 for a generous grant which permitted me to undertake field study. Orthog raphy The conventional Nigerian Spelling for Yoruba words has been used th roughout. Examples of this usage are: e as in wet o as.ln sow s as in shout n placed after a vowel indicates nasalization. Yoruba ls a tone language. it consists of low tones (\i), high tones (4’), midrtones (no mark), rising tones (.f), and falling tones (\.). In the following examples the major high, low, and mid-tones are used to illustrate.the importance of tones in the communication of meanings: igba time, period igba two hundred igba calabash cut into halves igbam the locust tree or acacia, native tomato lgba» a system of pawning igbat twisted rcpe for climbing Unfortunately, technical difficuities prohibit the use of tone marks in this report. The proper tone marks.for words used in these pages can be found by reference to Abraham (l958) and Church Missionary Society (l921). .v 5' '1' " so. .. .n. ‘. cs. . a ‘c “b a. & n s 0- . .4- “‘1 a. . .i. t. c . nu . a 0'5 ‘. n ‘c o y‘- .. . u on a. .- a no. a. a I no. . h o ' | - . c. I. b c. ‘w a . or 0 I i. .n. L. on. .o . . . u v u a . o.- . ~ t h . a. . p r I v. s 1 ‘ . a - Q a. r: .n. o u . p .3 . . . b~ . . . . «I: . h .2 p a» . . . .. .. .. s .s. u.. «o. D - p . n h .0 n u . v . ‘1 5. . . . o i. is u . .u. .0. I I u I I‘ a e s .3. s . . s.- CONTENTS PREFACE IJST OF TABLES IJST OF CHARTS LIST OF FIGURES MAPS PART ONE I. THE BASIC CONDITIONS A Time of Turmoil The Researchers . Selecting A Research Site . The Problem of Entree . The Problem of Identity . The Question of Color . The People . . . . . . . . . Methodology: A Final Note . . II. THE EGBADOS 0F EGBALAND . Early Yoruba Migrations . Egba Migrations . . . . . Early Egbado Migrations The Old lbara Kingdom . The Destruction of The Old Kingdom . . The Egba and Egbado . III. ABEOKUTA TODAY . . . . . Population Char aCteristics . . . i Political Organization . Housing . . . . The Peoples View of Abeokuta . IV. IBARA ORILE - The Physical Parameters . . . ... The Varying Routine of Village Life . The Weekly Routine . . . ... . _ A Sense of Unity . The Hamlets . . . . . . . The Return To The Orile . . ... . . Rebuilding The Orile . The Growth of The Orile and. The Price of Cocoa . . ..... ... . . . The Demographic Characteristics xiv XV xvi xvii D’w -- .. II l7 23 25 25 3O 33 38 43 AA 52 54 56 59 6| 64 6h. 72 7A 79 82 8A 89 93 99 "JI I""‘fi 09 . a _ k T'T'I‘V o I i. IE.’S:ii,. _‘ .‘2 Si :5 .23.! e. is'a- a“: up in"S " St a“ ti 6.: "i D'it‘ets . :' Se 'crsh p . ... (P! ' e,_ a '9’ z ’ UUTa’y ' 0 e o I. . .. \ .. .' - SS ... 5.: . D ..‘ . - if a‘ ,e ‘ . '- . . R C b e:;c . 'n. - . . C u : : "g '50.: on ' . . I e .a 'f 5’ .i o a A .. I ‘s.’ n . v.-. .5y ‘I ~\ I‘ .- ' ‘ .‘ ...I V .5 ... k-“‘. . s O P u‘ I‘.“ I. ‘ _ ... -“ . i .: :3 § .0 ‘ - . ‘6 H a . -‘ ‘ '. ’0‘ ‘ . . E - \ CA- 1 I“ -- ‘ z ‘- " : - . . u 3“ ‘ ‘5 ..o‘ . . n P in . ~ I -.e ‘-. - .-. ‘ .‘ -- PART TWO HOW THEY ORDER THEIR WORLD INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . ll6 V. RELJGION .. . .. . . . . ... ll8. The Skies Above and The Ground Below . . . .. ll8 Islam and The Muslims . . . . . . . . . . 122 Christianity and The Christians . . . . . . . 127 The Prophets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. I30 Orisa Worship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IBA Witches and Wizards . . . . . . 153 The Social Organization of Witches and Wizards. .l59 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16A VI . SOCIAL STRUCTURE . . . . . . . . . .. l7l Nomenclature of Kinship Groups . . . . . . .. .I7A The Lineage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ,l78 Land Holding Patterns . . . . . . . . . I96 Inheritance of Land and Other Property . . .. . 206 Clan . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 2I5 VII . IiOUSEHOLD ORGANIZATION . . . . . . . . . . . .. 22l VIII. I’OLITICAL ORGANIZATION . . . . . . . . . . . .. 2A0 The Governmental Infrastructure . . . . . . . . ZAO The Olubara of lbara . . . . . . . . . . . ... 2A3 The Chiefs ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 250 Village Level Politics . . . . . . . . . . .. .‘25h The Elders. and The Youth ... . ... . . . . .. . . 257, .The Question of Leadership . . . . . . . . .. 260 PART THREE HOW THEY LIVE THEIR LIVES INTRODUCTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 269 IX. IN THE BEGINNING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 272' Childbirth . . . ... . . . . ... . . . . . .. 272. The First Years.. ... . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Growing Up. . .. .... . . . .... 280 ] The Fathers and Their Children . . . . ... ... .295 The Movement.0f.ChiIdren . . . . ..... ... .. .298 Schooling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30l xii - . i . C i 4. .o O a a n a o o o l - o . r .1. e O N .. u r ‘. b - y . u o: o R} a Ir. . _ a u v f . . 4‘. 0 . i o . . A. ... i . .... . {C ox . I, . n 1 u . a i i i .. . p a o . A a I . o . AV. 3 U . u o . . a . e g 4 u u o . .- e v i . S . S o i c P» 4 a S .6 a u . we . S . .C . a. s o 0.. x 9. r c a . an a u v o f a . up ‘. o . . o . S » a O. . p ‘3 K a . \\ . a O. .. A . I . . o r\- av TV as 1 re .3 i s t» e r. a. . p. i .4. M) «HI: ma n“ c. a. an. S Av ah. U C. a? o. .. C \‘u . v. s a a . N an . n . K .a u a 0rd per 0‘” r6 . u 5. p... 2. i. 9 s i p .u a 3.. av v pp. 1 o o n .o e a c . . . v .3 ... d g o e s u e r V e ~ I e p\u .Av .' p\¢ I i n O . a u U n c l I a v u .n- :5 u .5» .c b . . r .3 . i .s a o p y r u n .F. 1! T I ‘s r . 3n n”. 0 PO vb v . PD '0, T DDi I b o b T. u. .\u .9 an. a . v 5- b n (is o . V . ... U ' 9 . -\v (v as. 9 on . I .- X. XI . XIII. XIV. THE MEN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Seasons . Farmers . . . ..... . Farming . .. . . . The Crops . ....... Farm Economics . Farming and The Growth Cycle . . . . . . The Hunters . Fishing .. . . . -Craftsmen and Tradesmen . Tailors and Washermen . Livestock . . . . . . -The Organization of Labor . . .Housebuilding~and Houses . . . . . . Sickness and Health . MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE . . . . ... . . ... . Marriage . . Motivations and Obligations . Traditional Marriage . . ... . . . Sexual Relations . . . Summary . . THE WOMEN OF.THE HOUSE . . . . . . . .5. The Daily Routine ... . . . . . . . Food.Processing...... ... ... ..... Traders.. ......... ... ......... . . The Trading Encounter.... . ... ..... -The Market and The Men . THE ASSOCIATIONAL LIFE ... . . ... . . ... General Purpose Societies . ... . ... Religious Societies-... . . . . ... . . Co-Wives Societies................ . . Savings Societies . . . . . . . Egbe Ise Ilu.... . Conclusion . . PERSONALITY, COMMUNITY AND COOPERATION.. The Interpersonal Dimension . . . . . . The Structure of The Interpersonal Encounter. Structural Schisms ..- . . . . ... . ... Systems That Bind . v ' 306 306 308 3II 315 320 323 326. 328 328 329 330 33I , 335 3A3 354+ 354 359 365 383 381i 387 387 391 39A 397 ADI #07 All hi8 A19 hi9 422 42h A27 437 41.6 Lisa 1.57 nv . n n .l I. " I-r I l H. in "I'.‘ ..‘ ‘ " '.' I. a. I _L I_Il \J3 ' . - ' .. "“ D. a U h . .‘.\ b: "' VFQb-u in. ' ;;;|.§ . . . V... . 5". _ I. I . ... ' ' ‘ i I . ""‘3 '~ 2:": E t“. . ' ' ‘a I... r c I. . III ' ... . ~ —“ - APPENDIX THE YORUBA LANGUAGE . FACIAL MARKINGS . EVENT LIST FOR CALCULATING AGES . THE OLUBARA'S COURT . . CENSUS FORM (Sample) SOCIO-CULTURAL DATA FORM . 482+ A86 i237 A89 A93 495 l0. ll. TABLES Development of lbara Orile According To The Year Of Construction And Quarter Of Village . Producer Prices And Cocoa.Purchases By Regional. Marketing Boards (l9h7/A8 - l96h/65) Census Studies . The Pattern Of Movement Of Wives Of The House . Expressed Religious Affiliations According To Town Quarter . . . . . . Source Of Bale's Property . Source Of Bale's Property According To Quarter . Wifeless Bales According To Age Groups Number Of Wives Per Bale (And Female Bales) Question l3 - How Do You Think.The PeOpIe Of The Orile Can Obtain The Amenities They Desire? . Question I“ - What Traditional Ways Must The PeOpIe Of The Orile Give.Up In Order To Obtain The Amenities TheyDesire'I....................... Question 9 - Who Are The Important People In The Orile? . . . . . . 92 95 108 l2l 226 227 235 355 433 u3i A36 CHARTS Characteristics of Buildings of lbara Orile Name and Order of POpulaiity of Orisa Worshipped In lbara Orile . . ... . . . . . . . . .. People Living In Houses Of Orile According To Relationship To Bale . Sex Composition of lbara Orile Anglican School According To Class List Of Christian Societies EXIsting In lbara Orile According To Name of Society, Number of Members, And Amount Of Contribution To lbara Anglican Church xvi 7O l2l 230 303 AIO n a n \ L: O ._ .fiu n .p. r u b o . c o. r t v I: n .‘J . 5 - ax. i r - l . as. i r N «DUO C‘UT FIGURES Scheme Of Kinship Categories . Lineage Organization . Scheme of Kinship Terminology Beauty Scarifications Toys . Variations In Seasonal Rainfall - l96h . Diagram Of Intercropping and Use of Land On Three Farm Sites - July, I966 . Six Room House . xvii I79 I80 I88 287 287 307 313 342 h 6'3. 9 ‘9 .. a. pa 0‘ ‘ a ' v: a I ‘ o . .0”- p Ii ... u I ’rvaa .y. 't \IO\U'I.L~ MAPS Africa and Nigeria . Regions of The Federal Republic of Nigeria- Major Ethnic Divisions . . . Metropolitan Oyo and Yorubaland.Western Nigeria Administrative Districts . Egba Division . Abeokuta . The Four Quarters Of lbara Orile . lbara Orile . . . XVIII FrontISpiece 29 lil 55 66 67 ., . Q. A .O . u. a h i a I. ‘O . . n n h A. v A v n n“ ‘b D b n r b ‘5 u 0 yr . . ulv .a .4. a ‘a r O. ‘0 . u n v ‘e o o a: r. o o b 0 [‘0 "d O a . . . o I: a... I I!‘ ... .\\4 Q I .. ... .ut : ...C ,1 n t. ... ... A. . O ... 1. y s- . . ..- . I up .0. . I. .u. CHAPTER I THE BASIC CONDITIONS 3130221133211 The period of my field research was a time of great social discord and political upheaval for Nigeria. The usual problems of entrance into the selected research site and the establishment of an acceptable identity were compounded by the continuing political turmoil As the people of the Western Region of Nigeria prepared for their October. I966, elections the stresses and strains of earlier political unrest were increasingly mania fested in acts of violence Subsequently, a profound disappointment in the results of the elec~ tions led to the hooliganism and civil disorders which terminated in the military coup of January l5, I966. The ensuing peace was shortblived and the second bloody revolt of auly 29, I966 was the prelude to a period of distrust and massacres which portend ill for the future of a potentially great nation. By June, I965 I began to visit and establish friendly relationships with some of the important people living in the villaue of lbara Orile: the people among whom the field research for this dissertation was carried out. At this time their political hostilities and loyalties_were just beginning to heat up. Before the October. l965 elections the people of lbara Orile had found that their varying political allegiances tad dis~ turbed their usual familistic relationships A small, btt powerful, .lu .. . 'I‘l‘ \/,|\\...l/ ....t u \I‘. J I. o r I .. _. , s 1 , 1 1 . . . H .. ._ .. 1 1 ._ -Ci. - i 1 1 I :3 all. n L ||\ bx ” 1 I‘ 1’ O... i 4‘ .u 1 u A _ n 4.. 21H. 1 . 3...? a 1 t 4n/ p . I . i Q - I’D! ll \lIOIII .\ n s k. 1 k 1 Rs» t ~ ‘ \ . y \K a \ _ \\ . 4 II I a . Q I ' . ‘ 'I l‘ v 1 V i - . a f ,s.un.\l.-' a «s I k a / . \ I o\\ \ a u\ ‘ v f . I . . \ 9o - \¢ I U s o. . ... M . t . h! l v s ‘7”. , {I I v N I) r“ i I . c .0 ~ .» I s . . .. . v}. 1., ts. ., n‘ .c . I . Itl. .aly. ll!- 5 u v .D- .|. I; 4» I a ‘ . DJ \ \‘t \ . p . . (\ a rl‘u \ .. .Pv ul‘ \ \ l \ ‘ r .\IIl:\ ' x .V . . t t i x. ‘ § / 1 r \ . .. .. 1 t .. w 'I . I ‘u f ‘0 Q Q I \ . I\. 3 4 .‘ u )1. t\ \ ..l 1““4 a). \ hr- . D M R) s . r 1 o... u i h ~ I .s\ t ‘ \\\u\ . . \ x. L. \ c . \ t _ A x .u \\.I “III \\ \. .. \ . I \11 s i x) \ ...\ . ..i s .it I".\‘l.‘ U. 7 ‘ ’ll-‘ ‘ .\ L\ L N s. 1 1 .. N .\ .~ \..l/ I .. e / I \ I. . . 1 . 1 1 . flit . \\ q L (s... -3- portion of the people of one of the quarters of the orile had allied with the ruling Nigerian National Democratic Party (N.N.9.P.l while most of the people supported the Opposition Action Group Party (A.G°,l.l Rumor5\~ere rife and many peOple believed that the government would punish them for joining the A.G. They feared that they would lose hoped for town improvements; be thrown in jailt or worse. their taxes would be increased. The peOple had become wary of government officials and official edicts. A tradition linking census taking with taxation had made them wary of anybody who asked questions about them and their households. The ramifications of the national and regional political strife had increasingly serious concomitants at the local level” which were felt in the most innocent of interpersonal relations. One day. in response to a question about American family relationships” i used the word idemocratic” My interrogator became so frightened that i thought he would flee. l was told that the word ”democratic” was associated with the political party he Opposed, i.e. the ruling N.N.?.P. The man had feared that i was” in 'ealityy a government agent. Ihg‘flgsearchers Prior to my entry into the research situation i had an Opportunity to participate in a two month concentrated Yoruba language course. This waslkfllowed by some three months of informal Yoruba language study These short courses proved insufficient to permit more than a basic understanding of the structure of the language. elementary skills in SFmakHKJthe language, and some idea of the use of an interpreter. r W. It” ‘1'5' . ’0‘ - . ‘0 r .. .0 is a. a a c u . . . a .5 p ‘5 r l g - U .. ..... .. n I I O U . .... ." ‘ . .|¢ . O . a 1‘. h .- Q . ' 7 . O .- . O ‘- .\s .h P"- O .- ‘I I I a. . I 4. . t ... A O . t s -g- in a few months of actual field work my command of Yoruba had developed to the extent that l was able to do some direct interviewing and,for varying lengths of time, was able to work without an interpreter. in the later months of field study l was able to carry more of the burden of the interviews. Throughout most of the period of the study my interpreters and I lived in the village- During the riots of late December, I965 and the military COup of danuary l966 l remained in my home in Abeokuta. In the latter half of January, l was able to return to the village and continue my work until July, 1966. the time of the second military coup. Mary Osborne and her interpreter Spent much of their time interviewing the women of the village and collecting census information As the political situation deteriorated and the political hooligans became more destructive their trips to the orile became less frequent. Thev directed their energies toward the collating and indexing of the data. During the period from February to June, l966, they were once again able to return to the orile. After the completion of the April census of the orile and a socio-cultnral data survey the frequency of their excursions to the orile diminished. They became increasingly involved in the further analysis an.i organization of the data fiflecting A Research Site The town of Abeokuta is surrounded by many small communities. For thetnvpose of this study these communities will be categorized as hamlets, vi 1 lages, an’.‘ suburbs. .5. hamlets The small communities usually, but not always, compose" primarily of members of a localized kinship grOuping will be refer'ed to as hamlets The kinship grouping may be segments of one or two exogamous patrilineages. Most of these hamlets are located in the bush, access is usually by foot« path. The inhabitants of these hamlets think of themselves as living on a farm They refer to their compound in Abeokuta as ”home“. ihese hamlets are typified by little economic, religious, and political diversity. They are, essentially, farm settlements consisting oF between fire to fifteen houses. The only occupation in which the inhabitants engage is farming and food processing. The Cornell Aro g'oup Q1963? has described some of these hamlets iji l 1393.2. ln the area surrounding Abeokuta there are some settlements which have greater social, religious, and political complexity than is usually found in the hamlets. The inhabitants of these settlements usually include segments of seperal different exogamous patrilineages Similar to the organization of the hamlets, each of these patrilineages has its own compound in its Own section of Abeokuta Some of the people of the hamlets also have homes in these villages, A few of the peoole in these villages practice a partwtime trade which they combine w'th their more usual farming activities Unlike the hamlets there is usually a small market, and probably a church and mosque The'e might even be a school. The people of this type of settlement think of the place as a village or a touun Their terminology depends upon how closely they are tied into the SCmial_ religious. economic, and :olitical activities that occur in *. . .s . v n o . w I h D P U Q t .0 s ._ : n .F e a . . . a a. . . r . k F f\v . . I . ‘u n e o e b A a . PL “5 Ox A . ah C u a‘ a A ‘a ..- e p .. ... O ‘3 t n D n I u: ‘v nil I I. i ‘5 I \ ‘ . II a) .\u | .b» o u a I U n‘: it: 4 . ... .uu ... n n q . . C Q IOU I T " ... u.‘I lf‘. .5. 3D. I u a . . g u . - . u p s ' E .u. . . ‘ s u I. . D A U n.- l-- I I U . C c ICU a.» Q. a O . . I a. n ‘V v. o.- .- \l. ‘- .0. 9‘» L. a. . uh. ox I - n «h. .s. ‘~ ~ .oc their compounds in Abeokuta. ‘The extent to which these processes are occurring in their Abeokuta compound is the decisive factor. it sometimes happens that these larger settlements have their own political organization consisting of an 293 (king) ahd his Ogboni and Olorogun chietunncv organizations. in these instances the people tend to refer to their settlement as a town in any event, they will have their own compound in their own quarter of Abeokuta and there will be no question in their minds that Abeokuta.is a town. For the purposes of this study, this second type of settlement will be called a village. The term ”town’I will be reseried for Abeokuta, which is a traditional Yoruba city composed of several townships. Further discussion of the town of Abeokuta will be reserved for future sections of this report eSubu'bs m in the vicinity of Abeokuta there is a third type of settlement. Although this type of settlement occurs less frequently than the hamlet and village settlement types there is every indication thatr as more people leave the land for wage work and the pressure for indiyidual owner: ship of land increases, this type will become a more pOpular settlement pattern. This third type of settlement is characterize: by locally based nuclear families and segments oF exogamous lineages which may or may not inaye compounds in Abeohvta. r;t which will not necessarily tale their compounds in the same township of Abeokuta. This type contrasts with the lnanflets and villages whose Abeokutan compounds are usually in the same tcnynship of Abeokuta. The people of these new types of settlements may be of the same Yoruba sub-groups which inhabit. Abeokuta.... but they may also consist of se'a'tt, teaz‘re's a". E ""esese‘."e'e*:s 'e‘: " b ‘k'l" ' ‘-0E S .‘e 'es . F‘ . P's: . ( be Stu-'25:- 0" 3.: (“'5 . 93' "u - iflc' :n . -- l 'v.,n o 0 5 ~ I. ‘ u \ :~ 2 '.i‘ .‘ I -. i * A.‘IA uq, . ‘;.30 I .. 'h. o n.. . .‘\ . | . ‘ I . Lo . .- ‘ e c ‘v: “ ‘ .‘ Q" '\ . 5.. . S n L :‘J- -.' . ' ‘-‘ ., o ' . . .5. - “-_‘ -. .. 2.7- ‘0 g. ' o". ‘ . I o = e ;-. ' \s .‘_‘ 0 Ln ‘ -O ' - t a . 'u 5 . . -.’ .I‘. '. a; . ._ Q . ‘ C I h. . t . -:‘_‘ . .‘ . 2';' . . t 'O‘ i- .‘b' ..._ '2 ’L ‘ “I ‘ .. d -7- such other Yorubas as ibadans, Oyosy ljebust and Onsos. There are also civil servants, teachers, and EurOpeans in these settlements” The peOple of these settlements tend to buy and sell their land more freely and have less immediate and restricting social, political? and religious ties to the traditional Abeokutan institutions than peOples of the villages and hamlets. These types of settlements will be called ~suhurbs? for their existence is the result of their proximity to Abeokutag a place where the suburbanites might find new and challenging ODDOTtUUitleSl Because of the fact that these suburbanites are more transient and have more rapidly changing social relationships, this type of settlement was not considered suitable For study. lbara rile tunes—z...“ ‘. 1‘“ The most suitable research site seemed to he a settlement wh ch most closely approtinated the village or homestead iOrilel tyne° Atter Spending a period of t.me visiting varbus Jillages in the Abeokuta area and engaging in some studies in the suburban settlement of Aror it appeared that lbara Orile, a village of some lSS houses and 97! neoole. offered the test Opportunity tor ethnographic research. Geographically, lbara Orile was ideaily situated for stufy This village is b sected by a payed secondary roan sone twenty n nttes driving time from the center of Abeokuta torries an? taxicabs tranel this road carrying people from ibara Orile to lbara Omida, their “home“ t0wnship in Abqfiuna. The presence of this 3031 means that the interactions of the FEOPHBCfi’Iha'a Orile with their family and family elders in lbara Omida are more generalized and intense than would be expected if they Fad to . .0. n t . . ‘1 n F 1 4 t .r. fl. _ . . A s . u . — . h \ _ t h t o .. I u o u “A . . . L‘ 5. . 9 .Ps . _ v «.4 .. o P . t L. . u p b (\. h n . s Q h tbs . u 0 p I . h ~ . ~ . c .A- o . .‘ . — ... ‘3 u C. c.. .L a . . .. . _ U h 9. .n. . a. r\. v . u H. . . c t . fr. u C. 9h. - q . .u. . Q o . ~ . Q t a 4 . . d . u l. a .C 3 ... L. .. . . u . ... . A . c , s .4. . u .n, u .u c I \ . u . ...N .i - v . p can . . _ ~44 . u. . . . o I u . .lo . .nv ..s s y. D .I - b \ I s Q . .1 . D . . . . q o... ahv I ....q »A¢ - t . s a . t . . . . .... , . n . , - . . .. . . 2 ~. ..¢ . ..b. . . . . . y t t. . . . ... .. to. . s . . .. . r t . . 0‘ p8. - - .. . .4 . . . as u w b e. . .. . t -8- rwely upon messengers and messages to the same extent as the residents of more isolated villages and hamlets They can and do tra el to their compounds in Abeokuta for family meetings, ceremonies, jobs? and relaxation The fact that the people of the orile do not ha,e a village political structure means that they have to travel to Abeokuta to meet with their king and chiefs. This type of political organization is more like the majority of villages in the area than those small settlements which have their Own kings and chiefs. of additional importance to theffiwectxr‘cfl’;hara “rile was the fact thatr as yet: no government bureaus piped water; electricitvt or other improrements had come to the village. Yet the village is sltficiently close to Abeokuta that these amenities are real factors in the economic and political calculations of the villagersr Factors which require copperation to make their attainment possitle ihe peOple s expressed desire to obtain these amenities P'Oyided an opportunity to study their own efforts to develoo their t0wn. Goodenough ('963g22=23l has discussed, in some detail, the positive values of a people’s involvement In the development PTOJGCiS thev desires ”oweie*; the ad'arian traditions of the pepple 0F lbara Orile have not yet been changed ty the intursions of the "pdern processes of urbanization, bureaucratization and industrialization ihere are few strangers in the tawn and there are no industries. Unlike the Egba towns which Sprang up after the tribal wars of the nirieteenth century, lbara Orile is an ancient Egtado town with a long ifistory. The fact that there is little literature descrihing the Egbado Vorta made the choice of lbara Orile additiona‘ly suitable Such a study WOUNlconttihnte to the growing volume of descriptions of the Yoruba peoples 5‘4 sub I . s e I ‘- 9. \44 r O t a u. e .\. .0 20 r u R r\; O - .-. ti. 3 t C . ~ . - ... . .u. I O.- Q a v 0 t . b O . . ‘. a . u .0. . l e. ’ . C . . o a\. II. ‘ V I I . . . ... il- :l‘ ...t . ..a at. Q as we F. ‘n .- . . , n . q a ~1 u. k G In- 4 I V n3:- '9 : .' I ” 'iI'ii‘t ; ... a -. "éi . _ ‘7’ .' "4's: ‘6 _. aol“ "‘ .__ c . 5“”... ..| \Q S .‘e ‘ .;( ._‘ x. . 3- ... 4 Q \‘ ‘-‘ ‘5 - . .‘ “ i \_‘ .1. . ‘ A . ~ . ‘é- . o R .‘ . Q I . . A' _ --: n._ -.é~2 - - 3". v C u' . o cs . \ '. . I... - ‘ . I ‘ _ .. ‘ I I o l _.‘ . . . 9 2,. .‘ ‘. v Q: 0" '. ‘, ,- . Er, - ‘n ‘ \ ; g- . a -- ' so , . ‘ . , o ' Cs .~‘v “ . .- ... | .. . C Q. I .‘. 4 u. " a. n .‘- . - . Q ‘ I . . .. - -1]- received was directly attributable to the precautious and measured pace of my entrance into the orile, Perhaps my appearance and aCtivities added sufficient novelty to their lives and prestige to their orile to keep them positively involved with met SufFice to say that they were f iendly and cooperative Only one individual actively resisted my researcht Despite his l~ostilitv he did grant me interviews. The e was another villagert Ajibode Akinlabit who had doubts about me which i was never able to dispel. This nan lived across the road From me and whenever he returned irom his {arm he woull sit in his winnnw and watch met Every once in a while he would vertalize his contusion about my purposes. Plaintively he would ask: “Osborne. why are you studying us so much? What will you do with our information when you get home?” All of my reassmances and explanations were to no avail, He remained bewildered. Nevertheless& he coooerated with me th'oughout my stay in the orile: alts. 32911.1.‘2391. .L‘ieruit'. As the primary investigator most of the problems of identity tell on me. On various occasions 3 was identified as an N.N.?.P. soy or as a tax collector. At first. suspiciops regard'ng my political a‘iil-ations caused "any people to deny that they belonged to any of the social_ economic and religious societies which i suspected existed in the village. As the time Ofthe elections approached? the lbara Orile leader of the A.G. began to caH int easinqu ireouent meetings of his foll0wers. The many people who Enthered for these meetings came to understand their mutual commitment and tOrHscuss their political aifiliations nore Openly. They teqan to lose ~4- .1 ...]2- theh'reticeynce: in my presence and they spoke more freely to me arout their social and EMDli tical affiliations The iact~that no one suiiered punit:ve repercussicnns tresulting from their disclosures to me or From my presence an their poli tical meetings convinced many who had lingering doubts that i was not as soy, Their kingis continuing support and the presence oi n"y wife also ccnntrituted to my stature as a researcher. an identity somewhat less frightening than that of a gOvernment Spy Perhaps the event which most dramatically established my iientiry as an understandable and trustworthy Fellow was the visit 0‘ my tOur children to the orile On this occasion l ceremoniously introduced the children to all the elders of each of the four quarters of the village. An elde' Oi the lfatedo quarter of the village verbalized the results oF his neeting with the children this way: 1"Now i know who you are and this ‘meeting the children}, with your moving into the orilet is a good sign that you are one of us.” My early emphasis upon clarifying my obiectives and idertiiying myself to the elders proved rewarding. An elder of the Enloi n quarter cautioned the peOple of his area not to treat me as they had treated the 1963 census takers. He cautioned them to tell the truth an? reminned then that: During the first census we Poruhas were sending people into the bush and we lied about how many people were in the house so that many peOple were not counted The census showed that the Yoruba had Fewer people than they really did Meanwhile the Gambari pejorative term For Hausaj were doing exactly the Opposite They would count everybody they cOuld find» even their dead They wOuld not let their wives be seen so that they could say what ihey pleased You must not he so sly that you become Silly. r ‘1 flown-gr ‘3‘ :i nub» y ‘2' .. I. 'b t , 5' 9. : 9-61 rat I has awe .. ...n' 9. 0 tn! '0‘. a. ~A -:.:l b b no» ~VU .crtv ..I‘fi. faze a'd st:::e:‘ .' 3 sun. -. c ‘.:c Vi .“ .l 553:“ hBS a fr?e' '5 a log. '{n- I :.y" a': :ta: mi 1 z .3... . “o a .. :5 a Sy‘Cu or a: .e' :. after :*e H" ”s h‘ 0. :5" u . -.....e .: aze. "rte f’ , d ‘ c'(3 IO." 2’5 ElECI'C’S 33' JT'C.’€" 5w iCC't'. \ 1': up 0.5 .‘ ier; O A . ‘ '4 I.” Hf 'e ‘:r- -.4 ' I CC‘ " 0-,. U l...- .“ .-.. ~ a: :v . . "' h LRDC 6'5 3 a ..é.“ I!" v... . \ 6L a fr e.4 {I ‘.=-'. "15': “f ' u ‘6 ne'- he: at" - f“ a ." M3 3'1.‘ ... .~. ‘ I ' o a’: . h“ hm. . .‘u l '3': '3 “,5 - 5 s ‘ "a ' I 1".‘3 .: 5, ’§_‘ ‘ ,. ‘ ‘.|:&-.‘ . ‘r. 1" t l‘ nag... I \ l': 3': I“ - 5 a:e.'.e ‘ 3:. x5: .“ .: . v Q. - It Ea. ... ‘ .. ‘ 3 II ’A l'r ~ . In u-é ‘. Q'xe - fl . t V 51c .r, ' ‘ n.1,: N. . a 't‘ .n ., I s e «a'.‘. __ h N‘O'. . V a ' h I I‘ - ' ¢. “.3”: I J ”5 . '3. r'.‘ " I. . " . te.‘ .' Q's ‘.3" . . ~ ';‘&4 .. ;I ~.‘ ... . ”....- I. -13- BY October, l965 my identity as a researcher had become so firmly established that I was able to overcome the most serious threat to my identity that I had encountered during my months in the village. A week before the elections an armoured column of Nigerian Army scout cars motored into the village and stOpped in the market place. The young officer in charge of the column was a friend of mine. He saw my parked car and thought he would stxu: and chat with me before continuing towards llaro, where he was to act as a symbol of government authority during the period immediately before and after the elections. This officer left his column to search for me about the village. He found me and invited me to return with him to the market where, standing beside his array of weaponry, he engaged me in a prolonged conversation. In the background I could hear the market women commenting, ”Eh! eh?! Osborne has brought the army against us.” After the column had departed I told an elder that a friend of mine had visited me and asked him to quell the fears of the market women. He sagely reSponded: “Should a friend pass without my greeting him?" and went off to speak to the market women. I never heard of the matter again. The women of the village, less involved in politics, seemed to interpret nw presence as the materialization of their fantasies of I'progress". Their definition of the meaning of progress was very elementary and was directly related to the market place. When I or my assistants went to their homes or passed them in the market place they would ask us for money: "if you me:to bring us progress you must give us money.“ I had, early, established the rule that we would give no monetary rewards to anyone in the orile. I was sure that the doling out of money ‘sre :T ctr mfcrra'u ca": .1... o.- . .‘C ,rgithave re'Se'cJ . l: -as ais a O b ...... ., l ' .:.::f '90:,c5 “‘09 G hafe it" 1:. 0‘; a ,. A‘ ":‘.'- *- --' ~U5VI lllu: 8" . :;;e'.:.:‘c: pe"lt ‘e {C e' -c 'éi‘:r: period of : Fe ! the ve ry re a "('ey a“: :re 1.; 3.2;: ]'{“"‘\ ’3...’ ' u :' lJv‘|-:’ r-A 1: 5.9:" 3"e ~ .0.- » S III . 65 '~ I u. u 'v" '~ . k by S'eft S 6994 ’u ."10' ‘ ‘O '-:;. uuv . “ I l t '57 aka. -i.°'5 F1 -. 3 ll 3'36 or "In" x v s... .' k.-: u i. re. '6' ,_ . Q “.6. '1 ‘3'!" l‘-,.' . . ...; o . c . ~ “- ‘ Y " ~ 3'1:- .‘b. ‘ .. .. 'u. we ‘ v . \ 9 V Jple P; .h V C 5:".- .". '5'e" -. 'e as" . h'v‘ A . " :e f-' ‘5? ‘o o.’ ‘ a. .1 . \‘e :Jr :8 ‘. "3' s. ‘ ‘ . J'rfiifc " 0 U... C”? \‘3‘ . ‘: . . ‘ .. 3r \ s ;‘ I i"‘ . .‘dr. .' ‘ IT~‘ ._‘I.. :'-n ..p; _ u"’.(. '- “‘JS (, o J3 u, . an .. 1“; § ’. -14- would create jealousies and hostilities between those who received money and those who did not. In addition, we might have encountered difficulties if some of our informants came to believe that the payments for the services which they might have rendered, or assumed they rendered, was inadequate. There was also the very real possibility that the distribution of monetary rewards would have led some peOple to be more c00perative with us than the amount of information they had warranted. Finally, of course, my. budget did not permit me to engage in such a practice.3 In a short period of time most people realized that we were not going to distribute money and came to accept us simply as pe0ple who walked around, visiting, looking, and asking questions. Some women used their earlier experiences with us to structure a jesting relationship. They would continue to greet us and ask for money in a laughing non-eXpectant manner. Undeniably, they always remained h0peful of having better luck in the future. Only one or two women continued to feel that we should give them money. They were usually friendly and helpful, but on occasion, their underlying hostility would break through their surface pleasantness. Although the peOple of the orile did not receive money from us their \Nllage did receive prestige from our presence and from our activities. Theyvunfld mention the curiosity which pe0ple from neighboring villages and hamlets expressed about our presence. The Question gt Color Sincermrreturn to America I have often wondered at the fact that the most frequent questions social scientists have asked have had to do with how my wife and l, as American Negroes, were accepted by the African .«. '- -15- peoo‘es we met. ihere is, also, a snail lite'atu'e which suggest: ttat the American Negro finds himself somehow displaced and unwantei w“€“ he goes to Africa, This literature is tvpified by the writings of D~ssell w. Howe (l96l:3hw35) who speaks of the American Negro as a “Et'anger in At'ica' in this article Howe Speaks of an American Negro agtiCU‘IU'n' etie’i ““0 did a good technical job but was desoised and the butt 0‘ the local gant', because be bad a freezer, an air conditioner and was ca'e‘ul atout the foods be and his family ate. He adds that this wnuld not ra'e teen s source of scorn For a white scientist. This article is generally oriented tOWa'ds a view 0' rte A~ei?Can Negro as a danger to American Fo'eign poliCy if it is te‘ie e4 that tetau e of his color. Attican officials will more teaiily accent tre Ane'ican we ro in fore gs serlice posts than whites. H0we goes on to say that the A"e’-Can Negro is considered a European in disguise. He is riack hui does not naee a tribe. no: does he sneak the language lsaacs §l95932191233l Says that the Ane' can Negro who noes to Ai'éca will fini only Superficial friendliness and acceotance. He tenor!» '“a! rte African looks down upon the Awe'acan Negro as a people who no “0! i q.. for their Fveeiow ;saacs also sneaks 0f the Cullw'al (has? wnich exists between the Ame-ican Negro and the African. ire wignetres he p-ese rs as suoport {0'. his argument ingiuie the Story of an Ame'ican Neg o g? i. married to an African who coulj not adjust to the idea of renters 0‘ her husband s Fanily coming to live with them As American Negroes my wife and i cannot say ttat we exoe'ientnd any of the rejection which is the focus of this literatu'e .Nor ii“ we ‘in“ that Our presence caused much confusion for the peoole Patte', we we'e -16- hospitablv g'eeted by most of the people with whom we wO’Lel Ttey were always pleasantly surprised when they realized that we have A ericans invariably this awareness would Stimulate a second, and different welcome, similar to the welcoming of a long lost relative They wOuld then talk to us about hearing of their fathers1 children who hat teen stolen t'roit them during the t'ihal wars of the nineteenth century and sent "omrseas'l to B'azil and (uba They would call usfamily and ask to consider remaining among them" Yet they fullv recognized that we were not 0* then' Cult“ 9. «a, were not annOVed because we lived a little dit‘etentlv lion the may they did, They always naintained their good humo' when we explainei :hat we c0uld not eat their food, which was always literally laced with hot senue' or d:ink their unhoiled water, 3n tact. thev cane to accept Ou” tilte ant sometimes strand behavior quite early and quite easilv in the ea ly days of life in the village sone 0‘ 'he neOple nil seen to think of us as Europeans. But soon we were thought 0' r~0'e as f-ie~fis and regular oaricioants in_ or obsetle's of. the acti/ities and atlairs of the «illage. Ye'v ea'ly my wite was inJitet to join one 0‘ the large women s social societies in the village ‘see (taster X; ';. Since : was not a native jha'a man : was not eligible to hecone a t"entaei 0! the ttadi tional nghoni soc ety Tnstead i was iniited to io n the Retot e‘ Oohoni societv of Abeokuta We t0unj that we we'e easily acceptef in the professional ant business communities of Abeokuta and we have nany friend in these connuni'ieg in lbadan. Of all the people we met and worked with only two ind? ifuals gave us pause in their behaqior t0wa ds us in i‘otL instances we were -17- forced to conclude that their reactions in our presence were not due to a feeling of anathema concerning our race. hut rather to their higher regard for the white rtran.- Most of the resiients of the orile had only recently no ed ttorn their small isolated bush hamlets. By comparison with the elters and the Chiefs of lbara Omida, many of these people knew very little ah0ut nary aspects of their history and cultural background Few of them COuld speak with any knowledge about the history of the old lbara kingdom; their political struc- ture. their social structure. or their religion At first 1 though’their failure to respond to my questions was a Fo'm or resistance. As , came to know more about the people and their history: and we deveIOpen a mutually trusting relationship l came to anoreciate more tully the Since'ity of their protestat-ons of lack of kn0wledge atout these trings Their r'elative ignorance regari2ng the trasit.onal custons of their people cannot he explained only in terms of their long isolation in the small hamlets“ There is also the cont lhctln: factor of thei' thq l“istory of exposure to the influences of islam an? in istianity. Tre acceptance and practice of these religions has caused many ot the :eoule to io'qet or Ignore the customs of their fathers Although the; araCtice somn o? the rituals of the old r'eligionsv. too often the meanings underlying these customs have eittwar been lost. deyaluei,on remolded to fit newer nhilo~ sophie5twfich geeme to prOVide better solutions to contemn0'a'v protlems Questkrw C”: reliability and validity are problens oi concern to the el“"¥¥apher flnrOLflghOUt the period of his field investigations Each I I I b J O O . L 0 .“v. . t s . 'u . . \q. n p . u . u . a w u - ... . n D I u C I la “a . . 0 .. 4. .p. .\. try to I u. - u - i o o e .l 1 t4. - 23 .r. 3 . u. a ., - . , r . . u v . . . v - - u o t .A‘ r. .8. o - p v. 5. r l n . . . .<._ .\. . a . - a .ho , u . . . .u- . 3r. .—. u up. I .0. u . a . er. A . . - Q . O I I l I . . r .F. t I D .. .h- ... . . . . L. Q. . . . . t n . II A l .. I — A .4. L» . . . , . . . ... . . ... . u . . . l. . ., x. . . . . . . A I . . . to. i a u - ~ In v s v l D) I in .. .... .. . .a. _]8._ emerging datum appears to require new stratagems of .erification. ihe investigator must determine if the information he gathers from his informants is a true representation of the beliefs of most of the people or merely the results of the informants’ own understandings, the results of a lifetime of soliloquv- My usual solution to this problem was to get as many people as possible to comment, independently: on any aspect of the Culture which came to my attention My intention was to determine the range of resoonses available in the orile to the particular questions i wished to investigate. Another, equally tr0ublesome but not unfamiliar, problem was the fact that the most knowledgeable peOple in the orile were also the nJOple who tended to be most unavailable These peOple were always preoccupied with the demands of their relatives, their personal affairs or their civic activities. Their sense of reSponsibilityn their intelligence. their experience. and their knowledge made them valued participants in family discussions and community forums in both the orile and “vita, Tney would frequently Spend many days in their compounds in Abeokuta, and their many activities w0uld often take them to some more distant t0wn, Simon Adeola was among my most valuable informants During the course of this report i shall frequently speak of him. He had a tine appreciation of my activities and objectives. Cespite his many personal activ.ties, civic involvements,and family obligations Simon was always happy to meet withrma He would often seek me Out or send a messenger to me in order to givermaaddithonal information or to clear up points which he felt he had rmn.adequately expylicated during some earlier meeting He was the most intel- ligentimul litetéate man in the orile. NOw a man of some se entv~five yearscfiiage he tuad spent his eatlv Yeats in 18905 where “8 Oiialned an ...]9- education, SOphistication,and a sense of priorities which made him a formidable person in any dispute, He was? in fact. litigious. He was known for his successful exploits in the various courts of figbalandt His extensive knowledge of his genea- logy had been the deciding factor in his winning an important land case. resulting in his acquisition of one of the most desirable prOperties in lbara Omidal He was also considered MD have been quite instrumental in the h . - ' Alake's court during a protracted fight to 'estore the obaship to the peOple of lbara” in fighting these cases Simon had become one of the foremost historians in the lbara Kingdom. L4e had experienced the rewards of his expertise in cultural matters and had deselOped a penchant for accuracy and precisiOn in his speech” At times he tendei to be intolerant towards those lessgpfted than he, When i fi'st a'rived in the orile he advised me: These people ate really bush peOple and do not kn0w much. You will see. They are tooignorant to make significant comments atout the history of the-r people. From the beginning i reCOgnized Simonls potential value and hoped to unrect for any tendenCy to rely too heavily on him by formulating the nde of checking everying he said to me with several of the other millagersl Atfirst this prOJed more difficult than 5 had anticipated 3 was surprised tolearn that some of the village elders had gained their knowledge of the social and cultural facts i wished to study through inst'uctions they had Hmeived from Simon Adeola. This was first brought to my attention during acnnversation with Samuel Omotayo, a man who was nearly as old as Simona lhad asked this man if he could tell me something about one of the cult smfieties He answered: III. . - n O . _ - .. n . . . .s. at. .\. N. O h (\o o . a . e n ...r. - DKII A. c v u u . v r .r. . v .3 . ,6 e ‘. Z a . I A 5 s I n» . . o . . ‘v I . P e I - .\v r ‘s ‘. A a AP. . a t. . .F. . . A n a R I . v n in D s .5 p .. a» O s r . - ~ ... so P At ‘4 .44 a n I a V... a» a u a?» A u a .. a - .s. I o t a any 5. .9- v‘. D s u a. 0 ~ - v .\. I n .0 .\4 ..\v I .\. - nu. ‘. p h ..a- .4. o o u ‘4- . . . . a - nu. n u . u. o \Is I I a v I . y. I l b ..4 O r I QF. .0» D u I v V cc 0 . p . p _ t. ..\v 0 n a 1- A . g v . C v I I s I u n 6 g . e o a u i ..— . . .uv - o»: n u . u the v \ I 9 a u l I - ... any rt . .a. . . O O I o s .0. t n I Q r I t A ~ div .l‘ . . n ” . ‘40 .4” (a . s .v. .I n e adv _’ n - an . nv c ~4- a a u . O I . . ... fi I D .... . I u . a _ 1 . . w o p . p v in. 6. ..- ah. I . A. I O F» 0 .fi. «\ ch» . . I F o O o. l- : a . ‘§ . n n . o . . .c .u. . u I . ,.. . . . s . . .- .‘ I I c I o ‘1. . o . I ... -20... I cannot say. About six months ago bjbg_ifatber) Adeoia asked some of us this same question and no one knew the answer and he told us. So far we did not know until he asked and then told us you must ask him. This answer illustrates another common problem of interViewing which I frequently experienced. A youth might know the answer to a question but would refuse to re5pond to the question because he feit it was the type of thing an elder should say. Samuel himself is an elder and a very successtui man. In this instance he regarded himself as JUHlO! to Simon and considered Simon his teacher. Therefore, like a youth, he referred me back to his master, Simon Adeola.S A corollary of this ruie is that status eldEr: can teach chronological elders. I believe that some of the hes.tancy which l experienced in interviewing pepple who wished to cooperate with me but referred me to some more elderly person due to their Overestinating my age, a result of their inflated estimates of my social status. The sub- ject of the principle of seniority in lbara SOCial relationships will be more thoroughly eXplained on pages 187-l93. Dauda Aina was another person who was qu.te helptul. He knew much about the people of the orile and like Simon Adeola unde stood quite a bit about my objectives. Although his age would ordinarily have made h:m a youth (he was only about 50-55 years of age), he had b€v€fal social and personal characteristics which made many people think of him as an elder. He had lived in the orile longer than most of the other people and was a nmn of great power and daring. Although he helped me in the solucion of many problems, unfuztunateiy, as with Simon Adeola, I had fewer interviews with him than I would have liked. As the local leader of the Action Group he was heavily committed 14 -2]- to politics and piitical behavior. His erratic and agq'essi e political behavior re5ulted in his involvement in a great variety of conilicts. Conversely, it was fortunate that a man of Gauea s character lijei in the orile. Thr0ugh observations of his machinations and foll0w up of the reSponses he stimulated in other peOple : was able to learn much at0ur the social and cultural organization of the village. His behavior some- times canny, sometimes aggressive, sometimes thoughtful. sometimes mysterious sometimes ludicrous, somerires gallant. but always extitinq. pointerl up many otherwise hidden interstices in the fabric of the CullU'gu “and EL taught me much ah0ut how one “Operates” in jhara Orile society There were many other very helpful informants They includei the Olubara, the acting headman, the headman. and most of the elders. Many oi the women were also quite helpful and free in relating the?' r:8w9 of life in the orile. in my early encounters with many heads of heuseholis tales) ! found that some of the older women of the house would inverie-e and insinuate themselves into our discussions in a most hostile nannex They would usually interrupt us or loudly mutter that I shoUld not he asking Questions about the peOple in the h0use The meanihq of theit behaviO' was often apparent and when they we'e enc0uraged to part cinaie more "eel. in these discussions ! experienced less of this beha/ior. ite e were r s- cxcasions when these women prOVed much more knOWIedgeable ani w‘lllnq than the £313, of the house.7 But as the lbara peOple say: i’We are all differently talented.“ There WG'EUEny people like Ajibode Akinlabi (see page l0) who although a “youth“ of axnn fortynfive years of age was less kn0wledqeahle, less energe17c_ lessihvolved, and, perhaps. less gifted than nost of the oir'e Ihen i caie ... p I -22- to know. He preferred to sit in the shadeaof his house or in his parlor looking out of his windows as much as possible. Despite his suspicions of my activities he was always willing to talk to me unfortunately. he knew very little about the history of the orile and the social and Cultural traditions of the people of the lbara kingdom. My contacts with the children of the orile were limited. The children Spent most of their days in school or on the tfarm when they returned home they would engage in a variety of errands and tasks. As Part of their daily round of activities they would, invariably a ’se ea'l/ in the morning and retire early at night. What little contact ! had with the children was always pleasant. They usually shouted greetings at me as i made my rounds of the village When= ever possible a few of them would drOp by my rooms to stare lh'quh the window at me. When i tried to talk with them they would laugh and run away- To them i remained a curiosity and s0urce of amusement The question of what to do about the general lack of knowledge of their institutions which many of the pe0ple of the orile demonstratei remained a source of difficulty. For a while i was tempteri to shift my research site to lbara Omida, where the full richness of Egbado r adil*ons and civilization is most viable But the initial commmitment ro a yrl'age study militated against this change i was able to do some work in lbara Omida. Unfor unately. tte second military coup of July 29, l966, prevented me from making a more intensive investigation of lbara Omida and seriously interfered with severalcnher ”wrapwup” activities 3 had preyiouslv planned . ‘ h . i Or. i s i .4. . . p 3.. . i , . . p ‘l O ' u . u. 0 . .P- .u . 1 3:. .s. .. . u I w. . . ‘ . L. T . u. . .Au ..l . r\. .. . , . gt .i o , . . or. a ..C the s. a. . s e .h L. {\J v A“. I ’- I. e | t I v FF. . a I b n. A: n h 0 ~ § . . . . Q A a l a n. 5 r t s r, . i . , . .nd 5. . n . . . c . a a . p o . G. .1- ~ . u. R v V . h. I h , .. . ... “n a on. a ;F .x. a. ‘. c . . L. an. . .u. .1. g . u a . .t - ‘_. .64 I I. A v Q d I D e O ‘ ah. I v a . t . t v I 1 I t .0- .Iu «. u . . . A .... . . ..u L. l c o s I alt ..n p .\ x-1 r V i «‘v r - I r I .d. .. «.0 y u a n l v I i I All C c - . II a u n U. r.- a A. i u. v . n ..II i4 II. n .1 o .nv. rw ... . . . . -23- Methodology and Reporting: A Final Note ‘--—-- , -— - MJ — 0W .- Throughout the period of research, verbatim English and Yoruba notes were taken of all conversations, meetings and interviews in which my assistants and l became involved. in several instances tape recordings and formal meetings were transcribed in their entirety an} Supplemented with notes on nonwverbal behavior. The construction of this report neces4 sarily involved the synthesizing and organizing of these notes into some comprehensible and useful form The object of this report is to convey something of the characteristics, meaning,and style of life of the v llage's of lbara Orile. There is the very apprOpriate saying that: ”Much was los' in the translation”. This must necessarily be the fate of this and similar efforts to describe a peOple who speak a foreign language. have developed ”unusual” institutions, and hold I"strange” beliefs. The analysis and ordering of the collected data presents an additonal distillat on of what may have been at one time in the initial interaction between the researcher and the neOple and environment of lbara Orile. “the truth“o in extracting the material for this report it often seemei that the verbatim notes spoke for themselves and for the peOple who pro«ided the content of the notes much better than any further interpretations : could possibly make. Therefore, for purposes of better communication and analyi sis, l shall use quotes whenever they seem particularly descrint «e oi actual events and beliefs. .- . r .\. _ r .0 .. c a n . t . . » - ..~ g?» a v R ..\. \4a a . . 5% 9?. c . . ' ’ .... C u ‘4‘ o o . ,- 0 tr. - .t pus a O D ... . u I n n . . (. u o b O Q I 0 cu. a a. t. . . . :- u r u . .At 0 I y o‘ ... l\, ‘u -2A- Notes in future sections of this paper N.N.D.P. will be Substituted for Nigerian National Democratic Party and A.G. will be substituted for Action Group. The Yoruba word for I’headmani- is 2512 or baba +'il§_ literally ‘1‘. ”father of the ground”. This must be contraSted Wlth.§iL§ or baba + 113 which means “father of the house” or “head of the household”. Because of the similarity of these terms hpatg” will be used for ”householder“l vdnle the Yoruba word for headman will not be used. During my last days in the orile l asked the Olubara and the peOple to meet with me for the purpose of presenting the town [not indivim duals) with some gifts as tokens of my appreciation for their c00pe~ ration. Alake or Oni + Ake means ”Owner of Ake” and is the title of the paramount chief of Egbaland. The use of the term “youth” is relative. A man may be fifty or sixty years old and be considered one of the youths of thq village. At the same time a younger man might be considered anlelder” The designations “youth” and ”elder” will relate to a nian‘s activities, his position in the family structure, and the relative age of the person referring to him. The subject of this terminology will be discussed in future sections of this report. The term VEfile” means ”head of household”. Refer to note 2 above. My experiences with these women anj my interpretations of their behavior differs from the report and analysis of Norton Williams (l960:37) who feels that their hostile behavior is related to their loss of fecundity and the knowledge of approaching ”in‘iviiual extinction”. According to Mortonnwilliams. the moroseness and hostiw lity of these old women results in their being stereotyped as witches. My experience was that these women were usually very pleasant. kind and helpful. The subject of witches will be discussed in future sections of this paper. saw {\- r\. . v\. ’0 ‘ » .F. O F o. n v c . K. L- L. . . . u . ~ ... .. u . ¢ .h. v .. _ . L. is a nu‘ . . p 4’. up. .ad \ D n . b A - ~‘c . . Q . D n u . t , u _ . u. . . ... c . i . . iC- ‘ u , A .. ... CHAPTER ll THE gcsAoos or gGBALAND Early {gruba Migrations About one thousand years ago the country now known as Yorubaland was inhabited by small groupings of hunters and gatherers.I Not much is known about these peOple although Yoruba historians believe that these peoples lived in isolated hamlets located in some of the places where Yoruba towns exist today. The lack of tales of war and conflict occurring during these early times has led to speculation that small bands of Yoruba migrants eventually absorbed, through intermarriage, the indigenous pepple. Legends and speculation have led to the belief that the Yoruha peOple migrated from someplace to the northeast of their present countryt Lucas (l9h8) is one of the strongest exponents of the idea of eastern origins for the Yoruba peOplesi Dennett (l9l0:l0~ll) and NiJen (1958:5r6l also report the legends of eastern origins and treks from l’Mecca'l. Following Johnson (192]:2l), Biohaku {1957:l) contends that the origins of the Yoruba are obscure. Biobaku cautiously follows Herman dodges, an earlier author, in linking the Yoruba with “kindred people of the Sudan” Johnson (l910z3wl0) agrees with the hypothesis that the Yoruba migrated from the east and cites the findings of the explorer, Capta-n Clappertons whoxflsited the Sultan of Sokoto a hundred years before the johnson book was published- ln his Lugard Lecturesa presented in 1955“ Biobaku disCussed the -25- i'LS e;e*1s a": 1*e2' 5215525963 C(l' it C’ ."l3' 6' "SIO'I‘S "C l 9.9., all agree 0.. C.e .. ie" a'ese*: a' i‘wes ac": to “ca 5 2"; a':*ec' AP a 8' s o u l"‘ O ' I ...9'. ke..a.=le '8'; ‘ ‘ V by . ‘I I... "3 1931'6:*e' “*a* ' \ .IIq. .- 33. .‘ V" ' V-su"e: :etnt .- H 0 »'_: .355 elx‘ws Vie _ .l“oo . hcvb.e: ‘a an Ia.Q< ‘- . , i --e e: .- O \ e .Cta‘ 30‘ t: i '5 . u ": ~C e:e*:< .t' " n. .e‘re: I, ... s e IFS. .Ié 1-5:“ . . ." \C 2&4 ‘ lri“. . it I V D . e— h . 3"." C‘.. '.I I :25. '.F. ‘ "e' '3' v. Q n. u v :. "t: . ... . 'n' . u ' 'eté‘o ': n ' . v:‘t '. L“ p. U U ':. I é’i‘. i Q. I 52.9.. '55:» h 'A ‘ t, . Q t"— "'.-. b e ‘ u , . In. 3 ’ u, v D -26- various legends and theories regarding the origins of the Yoruba. He stresses the pOpularity of the ideas of ”Mecca” and ”nearuiast” origins. 0f earlier historians he concludes: They all agree on one thing: namely that the Yoruba migrated into their present areas, they were not the aborigines. All theories point to near-Eastern origin. (l955:9) Utilizing archeological evidence, and both written and oral histories Biobaku tentatively concludes that the origins of the pe0ple are probably ”Upper Egypt rather than the Yemen” and that the probable dates of the migrations “occurred between 600 and IOOO A.D.” The Yoruba did not emigrate from their original homes in one mass exodus. The migrations occurred in waves and as wOuld be expected major waves gradually dwindled into ripples and thereby widened the total area that was penetrated. (l955221) According to legends told to Johnson (l92l:6 8), Lamurudu was the ruler of this distant land. His son, Oduduwa, a leader of the idol worshippers of the kingdom eventually came into conflict with the followers of Mohammed. in the ensuing battle Lamurudu was killed and Oduduwa escaped. Oduduwa managed to lead his family to lie ife, where he died. Oduduwa’s oldest son, Okanbi, also died at lle lfe. Six of the remaining seven children left lie lfe to establish their own kingdoms. The two oldest children, Alaketu and Olowu, were girls. They founded Ketu and Owu. The third child became the founder and king of Benin. Orangun, the fourth child, became king of lla. Onisabe, the fifth child, became king of Sabe. And Olupopo, the sixth child, became king of the POpos. Oranyan, the seventh child, inherited his father s lands. Thus he succeeded to the throne of He lfe, becoming the first Alafin and. the parmmnmt king in Yorubaland (Johnson l92l:9 and Niven l958;ll}. The ‘t'iéieo‘ A-e is a' :‘reead'est A'ai"s i92'0'3“ia' :e-sc' - Q u.p... on. Oke' b . . a‘ "" ' 5V1 . ‘ . . V213 , {'1 ; 3:9 §r_ ‘31 a v45ted se'.a-:_ I“ " A -‘~~J'it“e sat'e: -. . 5.. 1'“. .55 the of. hen ele' . U.‘ ‘0“. 0n . o. . ‘t . ‘ . ‘ . ‘~ ‘ ,- N . .-‘§ § - ‘Q. 'EO:.e ‘e .' 0 § I. i l .":.0- .05 it: h ‘ e l‘. -“o‘. o. .. - v '5'- . f. \ ~' 3- O i ..a-~ . ‘3 . < - O 3i . I C s‘ 9‘ e ... b "' ;. .li. ‘- i ‘ 95‘ .- S t - . O Q 2.“! ' vin‘ _ \ i“ I 0. ~ ‘.- Q .h‘ -’ ' ~ . ' Q i‘ a O‘. - ‘- . . . t:. |. ‘ 1-; . ' - t. .o-_ ‘. . .‘i’s. _ 5- . -27- first Alake of Ake is alleged to have been born of the same mother as one of the earliest Alafins (Johnson l92l:9-l0). After Oranyan consolidated his position at lle ife re gathered his peOple together, built an army, and set out to conquer and punish the pe0ple of "Mecca”, the place from which his father had been expelled. He left Adimu, a trusted servant, at lle ife. Adimu‘s duty was to worship deities and to guard the sacred objects of the Yoruba. Accord ng to Johnson (l92lzll) Adimu was the son of a woman condemned to be sacrificed to the god, Obatala. Her execution was delayed until after the birth of Adimu. Niven (I958:l0) believes that Adimu was the chief of the aboriginal peOple living at lle lfe before the arrival of Oduduwa and his followers. He points to the fact, although lle lfe is known as the home of the Yorubas, it is the descendants of Adimu who rave occupied the revered position of Oni of lfe. Oranyan's attempts to return to ”Mecca“, the land of his father, were fraught with difficulties. He had managed to travel as far as the land of the Nupes before he fell into a diSpute with his brothers. His brothers finally deserted him and,with their men,returned to their homes. The Nupes refused to permit Oranyan to continue his northern journey through their country Changing his direction, Oranyan soon found himself in the land of Bussa, which the Yoruba call lbariba. The king of this land persuaded Oranyan to lead his soldiers to a place where they could occupy themselves building their own city rather than pursuing the difficult attempt to return to the homeland of their fathers. ReSpecting this wise man 5 advice, Oranyan followed a snake for seven days. On the site where the snake disappeared Oranyan built the city of Oyo; the place now known as ‘ 0 A .:.‘.: arson. l§21;.;.. 3.: .as fleetire: :3 ; f3." it'eaS'T-‘Y Dime" 3‘ ”- 39?? to Cut .115: ;AZ\“QI"I pCi-° . . l.’ . ’ . I. ' ¢ ‘-v 0‘! Jo .. S . II o I. ‘ I l . t, l 'Ft 3 . I ' v .‘e V{;r.‘:‘is ‘a- ”fit: ' 3:. :"e 'Crvta '6' « " I '(.A ' ..e'y c: ....e I. é '.lé' ‘. ':.. ‘- Vu‘. ' e. h ‘ . 5! o O' 4 Oh . e. .5e 'A'- I I I .‘5 hp . E x) ye. ‘2, ‘ ’- D. . 'u I‘ O l T u (tn dvde’ .r I‘ ' ' ‘ "‘ '.e . ‘ r a ‘.‘a 9,. In ' ‘b v F- I . ‘ a a _ . . V '9'. ‘r H 0 'v .:‘p .. v a ' ’ .‘z. . “ I ‘.I»:- . , . v ":l.:q. . ""Jl‘77 J, I I ... . . .‘ O V. 0". b fl ." .’§ \ .‘;o -" a . ‘ "‘ .e - ‘ ~ “fir .0 I .‘ St-‘Q . A s e - . hgt‘ ‘ b . ‘ - . § - . b O Y rape U ‘ . It ”I . u.;: I I ‘é‘ § . “9-": . v. ’ . g. ‘i '0 . ‘ - Qu.‘ P : v- - .‘ O . . e L .r‘— s . ... ‘ ‘. . 0 6’4, ,. . ‘ - v ‘ .“. . . .‘D ‘e. . 9 ." a- .. ~ f f '5 ' a 3- 1 .~ . ‘1 a; . ‘ - v - . .‘ i - . . . ' , . . . A . . . ‘ k ‘ ‘I .- ... . . “.o‘ . ‘ .: . ‘ .,‘ . E. - ‘ v v 2 ., s ‘5 ‘ ‘ -23- Old Oyo (Johnson l92|zl0-12). Oyo was destined to become the greatest of the Yoruba kingdoms. It became increasingly powerful and, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, began to develop as an empire which would eventually become ”the most powerful political state in the Yoruba country”. (Ajayi and Smith l956:l-5) To this day the Oba of Oyo, the Alafin, is the paramount king of all the Yorubas and is believed to be the direct descendant of the founders of the Yoruba nation. The history of the Alafins is filled with cruelty, deceit, tyranny, and war. In l80h, when his dissident generals forced Alafin Aole to take poison he uttered the prophetic words. My curse on you for disloyalty and disobedience, so let your children disobey you. If you send them on an errand, let them never return to bring you to the seas and beyond the seas, slaves will rule over you and you, their masters, will become slaves. (Johnson l92lzl92) Niven (1958:32-33) with Johnson notes that this curse did come true. Johnson found.that, ”tranquility did notreturn to Yorubaland until the youngest who heard him were dead.” Until this time the chieftaincy and general reSpect of the Alafin of Oyo was the only force which held the Yoruba empire together. This position of the Alafin had become progressively weakened and the death of Aole signalled the end of the Alafin's power to maintain peace and order between the towns and villages of Yorubaland. From lBOQ to 1893 Yorubaland was plagued by major civil wars, slave raiding, famine, and Fulani cbhquests. The inability of the Yoruba to cooperate against a common enemy meant the loss<fl llorin to the Fulani. Ajayi (l964) has shown that the decline of the great Oyo empire created a power vacuum which resulted in the civil ,\ ‘ -~ MAP3 \ ’W (’ Mgr2393L1‘Ml ovo 5.5375: f" 'r E as VOPJ85 P93 'i’ -R K“ ‘ ‘8' :lhii 'l 1. : Ila“ ‘ - , I r K‘ ‘\ I ' v. V "‘ ..‘i E) /\ :| O 0 C ‘wn‘ r "‘ l Q’? - ‘ T437 “..-—d, , 1.19.“: ’ - x. - ‘ p ’ i \ xiii.“ 2‘ Av” I giggfl i ‘, C \ ‘ ‘ \ 6%}- I E L P 3 v " RET'} (v I A ‘ A“ M'k‘m ‘ ’\. i i I . , ”,1; ., 5;-‘4‘, "I. \ \~l {E68 w [ rig-5,13 ( \Kln ‘ ' / ‘ _3-, ,x’ { IIEBU POPO ‘RA'lst‘W 'E‘: I. I" ::’_ ..- -- -- P'TL - \\\‘- \n WET LITPN 0Y0 AND YORLB/lL/lND IDDLE 1811-: CENTURY from Crowder (l966:l09) ....Boundaries of Provinces and Subject Kingdoms ----Approximate boundary of Metropolitan Oyo or /“\\#M Yoruba Pr0per / ./ '/ / r’/ n \ / LYCI I’K‘ \ f \\ , ,- I“, I , {ix/3’?“ l‘" v) ’ ‘ C x r ’/"“ . ' 1'; Jill 1‘ 2 _ 4 x ' i “INN” ) , Li? ,’ \ J bflyoler, / ' 1 I: / — I. / . J "'r‘ ‘1 :- 44. 3 ‘ I t 6 ' i i L fr” . 0 re a. r'A’iL‘t, (1“ 3K, 6 < E0 " 'l C: ‘ .r - < co /§‘SI.‘-EB'J ’ r .2 l I - - L ‘9 9’,L-.., ' I’\ I ' ./ LU \ ’__.._ {_ a,“ ‘.-fi.", ' K ‘ ""1 ' )O“i§\ \i’ '23-; t- \ - " " COL ' A t; A ." .4’5'” "" “(go‘s P“ x ./ \k /; HESTEPN llIGfii§¢P§lEIIJ§NISTRATIlE from Barber (1966:h) . . a u A c O .9 4 u 1.. a) . c p p . . . e a .flu S S s e a s r o A . a H- ! y a . n ' k I“ n ”H a n F a A v n a. I a. \ n...v e f O s .H I. (J- u .n— .flu S . u .G n u ”y. 8.. ”c o s <. e .h A 5 dc - .n 0 h a .- H .u. .9. u a . l . .‘c o s v n o r .flv a. o: . an. .... p c . A ..n. o a . . r . . p ... . . . v” . n . . . . .- A1. .2 r.- ... -50- and tribal wars of the nineteenth century. His thesis contrasts with those histories which indicate that the introduction of the European slave trade stimulated these wars. It was during this time that the Ijebu introduced guns into the art of war. Great bands of displaced persons roamed the countryside; they deserted weakening and defeated chiefs in order to join powerful and success- ful chiefs. Towns and villages were destroyed or erected as the battles raged back and forth across the land. Refugees from these broken towns flocked from one place to another seeking shelter and safety. it was in l829 that the town of lbadan was first settled by the Oyo, lfe, ljebu and Egba refugees who gathered together at that place. Egba Migrations Johnson says, "all the principal families of the ngas trace their origins from Oyo, hence the common saying 'ngas who have not their roots in Oyo are slaves‘ i.e. belong to the conquered aboriginal population." {l921zl7} In another place he says, "It may be noted that every child born to a reigning Alake ranks among the junior members of the Royal Family; for that reason there has never been a distinct royal family among the ngas." (l92lzl9} Ajisafe (1924;10-11), an nga man, emphasizes the historical evidence which indicates that the Alake was either a child of the Alaketu or accompanied the Alaketu to Ketu during the period of the early migrations from Ife. In either event, his purpose is clear. In contrast to Johnson, he wishes to establish the fact that the Alake was of the original princely families of the Yorubas and that he migrated into the Egba forest from Ketu. 2:: Les {1' the E""& ,- . ..s.;:ess'ie news, ' :. 2.155"? “flux, 6‘ ‘ I. . ' it“ “:33- the:r Pia I! . u x . I‘ 0.. ,. toaf‘eria A. '0 ‘O n “‘ an 4 ‘ U I B.e*:_a'l‘ 5-5.5. the 5'." .- v e“ I. l N- .... :5 it o e ' ‘ n ' F6 8a .n g 6 . " “'0‘ ..- 2‘s. ' “a~ v I... t ' '3, :“Q Q“:- .-.‘ ‘5'.“ ’ . u‘ ' é-e: - .. . - fhas A! N . a”- . “‘5‘ V a. I.“ v .: - ‘ 6‘ a s .C , s ea I .-. .A .. V o ‘ e “67$ 0‘ i.“ . “ ..G‘ '4 |O is "as .h 5 CS! E's. . ‘5' :g" b C,‘ a: V TiEé-E .. . O ' .he 9 l- we - ‘2. ' :,‘Iu D ‘ ‘ " ! tn -- *5. :‘z‘ - . .Q_ a“: “ < h v - -‘ .5 a. A y_ . e ‘.I . Q .1“ - an- on.- - as ." a .‘t 3 5_- . \ ' h‘ -. :-3 .d ‘ _ p . 5‘s - "‘ ¢. .-.;. .__ .‘ . Q a s E . - '- I a -3]- Biobaku (l957z3), also an fgba man, is in agreement with Ajisafe. He believes that the §gba first came to the Egba forest of Yorubaland in three successive waves. These migrations occurred between the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. One wave settled in a group to form the province of fgba Agura; their 993 was called the bbagura. A second wave of emigrants crossed the One river to settle in the area called ggba Oke One; the Oshile was their 22§° A third, and possibly a fourth, group went farther south and eventually became known as the Egba Alake, after the title of their 223, the Alake. These three groups formed a loose federation with the Alake, the only member of this group believed to be a descendant of Oduduwa, as theirparamount 223. The truth probably was that the Alake by his descent from 'Oduduwa, the legendary founder of lle lfe possessed a prestige that raised him above the rivalry of municipal kings. Moreover, he was probably at the head of olater and more virile migration whose claim to leadership was conceded.” (Biobaku l9S7zh) During the wars of the early l800's most of the Egba towns were destroyed. It was these Egba who,'in l929, came to lbadan as refugees; There they fell out of favorwith their lbadan allies. At first they retreated to their Oke Ona settlement but were soon pushed farther south. They eventually sought the safety of Olumo rock where they were soon joined by Qba Olowu and his peOple, refugees from the former kingdom of Owu. Together, they built the town of Abeokuta (under the rock). Johnson (1921:226) claims that the Oyo did not drive the figba from Oke Ona. In fact, he implies that they left lbadan of their own accord and that some remained, particularly their women, in lbadan. Ajisafe ('92“:60-62) claims that the Oyo attacked the Egba and they fought all day. In this battle the Oyo chief, Oluloye, and the lfe chief, Maye were :e‘eate: ard the §;:as ' i"sa‘e (79214257) 1;? ct'ei are: bar 121‘: :w of lbara a-: q 1‘ :51. Lipcru is 3. t1:;:* Cult. A‘te' -: t . 35 C. as 1003166 , ---- A ; 'u-a a“: '“3'37'9 to ‘.‘sa :3: ‘ 555 tax,” as L‘ - :- .E:"Sed .501 3,0 ' .l'.‘ -.~ " Ohe In ‘ ~5'a a a b». i. u .“ .“: ::=Q.~e :' .0. ‘ s .I‘ ~'-: 'n on. .EOe: t» . C a 55‘ C e’ 4'3““su .e.‘. “ s..- .u..' h ‘ ' Dev: e. JC“ S. .E‘- . ._ ,‘fl.’ .-. e ta ..- \- ‘ e I t'g, 3‘ . "Q 5“.“ ' 3‘ A a. " . l e ”a.. . . ‘- r:;‘c ~ ‘ "~ ‘s. . e ' a . ‘4 -. 3.: = . 3"! ‘- ..-ete. 131., ‘ " ‘o ‘. ~ {'8 3!. ... \ ». - . '3‘ ‘ - 5;. ‘ :2- ‘ "._!.- .-‘=. “P(o ..‘ t... - .- -32- defeated and the ggbas retreated to Olumo rock. Ajisafe (l92hi57) believes that the first settler at Abeokuta was an Ogboni chief named Liperu, from ltoko, who, after itoko was destroyed, fled to the town of lbara and lived unden-the protection of Lafa, the Olubara of lbara. Liperu is alleged to.have taught the lbara chiefs the lore of the Ogboni cult. After a time, Liperu returned to his farm which, according to Ajisafe, was located near Olumo rock, the place where the refugees from lbadan and Oke Ona were soon to come. According to Ajisafe (l92h:6A-65), the place of Liperu's itoko farm was also known as Adagba‘s farm because Adagba, a brave man who lived there, had repulsed some Oyo raiders. Ajisafe also mentions the help the Egba at Abeokuta received from the Egbados of lbara during the period of.the famine of the early l830's and the Owiwi battle of 1832. He adds that the supplies offered by the lbara people were very poor. Biodaku (l957:l6) was more equivocal, saying that the ”settlement was named 'Oko Adagba', the Egbado host..;(of the ltoko men)...although the §gba countered by claiming Adagba as an Egba hero.,...'I AJisafe, Johnson, and Biobaku say little about the origins of the ggbado peOple. Johnson-(1921:226r228) does mention the loyalty of the §gbado people to the king of Oyo and Speaks of their peaceful pursuits, their later submission to the Egba, and their harassment by the Dahomeans. For the most part, Johnson is more concerned with the histories of the figbado peOple living in the pOpulation centers of Ilaro and Ijana. These towns are located in the western-most provinces of figbaland. Johnson seems to have been confused abouttthe territories and towns actually in- habited by-the‘ggbadO‘people.- At one point he suggests that Jigga was the eastern-most border of figbadoland (192]:226-227). At another point he VI - I I 'I-AA :- :- iffy? betnee" “‘9! I" Za'ree's ha. '3 Y». .."e. :r e 3. '.ENO, 'Sha it: {*9 was lgara. l‘a‘ 1E".."y, IS: 0‘ .es:":es 5.:h E;:a:c to». ,1 :- 'sa‘e «ever an: “'23.! (732'2 1233‘; 0 s -33- describes such ggbado towns as Imasai, lboro, and lsaga as Egba towns (l921: 251). Adisafe never made this mistake. Mabogunje (l921:258-269) states that the Ogun river forms an important tribal division between the §gba and Egbado. The ggbado are located in the northern section of the area. They all, like the Egba, lived in a number of small towns such as lbara, lmala, Aibo, and Kesan. During the nineteenth century, most of these towns were destroyed by the ggba and vDahomeans. The inhabitants of towns nearest Abeokuta; namelv lbara, llewo, lshaga, removed into that town for safety and threw in their lot with the-ggba. Those farther away simply accepted Egba overlordship....'I (Mabogunje l96l:267~268) Mabogunje goes on to say that the Egbado region closest to Abeokuta was apprOpriated by the ggba in the same manner that they apprOpriated other lands which surrounded Abeokuta. in more distant places, such as §angote, the-Egba rights were more severely circumscribed. My investigations indicated that the ggbado owned the lands and the towns along the Abeokuta-llaro road. The pe0ple of lbara Orile claimed to have no ggba among them. Early Egbado Migrations According to one historically minded lbara Orile elderffi About l360 A.D. there were three powerful men from ife. They were Ogunfuminire, Osukpanikpeti, and Torungbuwua. They told their parents that they were going to find a place to settle. Before leaving lfe their parents consUlted lfa and lfa said that they should sacrifice. The ingredients of the sacrifice were placed in a black plate. 0n the second consultation of lfa they found that the one who carried the plate should place the plate on the surface of the rivers he meets along his path. if the plate sinks he should settle there, the others should travel further. lfa also told them that at the first pond they come to they should stop and fish by draining the pond. Theyshould look in the fields 3'1“: ne‘on see: "coca-921M: fisF 1m trey 'a'ec :* .i:e'a +33 I ne‘er c‘ :“e thee DOnC". has Gyms-“~21 ":e We piate C': "t :c‘c its-5e u"0 a ["C'be “a: “C: y “'5: large; :5 ., :‘ace :5 ajso V0,. ‘5 the] tra'e'ec :h es-e: : t ...:he che of A‘e,- Ia s‘o' d‘,n". ‘ ' - :3 f a... u 3 S I: t the rl'e' .1 1'31“ the“ -. 3'1”: a an. ' I I L O \ s. '4“ 9e . J“ "E " " “'re . ‘(lo . ' . 'a‘ed T s V o'-'-‘ p e l‘ I - . "a '-C‘i and P~ daze ‘A . ‘ '1'" 'esi C pg 9' Se‘.'| ~ ‘o . ' e .0- . .a S s ‘I A H" .n . _ v ~hQ-r "I ‘ ‘vsa" . U . . F "E' h - e: ..e'e e : . 3':- a ' '1 i u r ' e .He y. I.‘ .2 ‘ t 8 :*9’5 . -.‘3: “Q" N V I! .‘ ‘ o 55-. "Q( 3‘ “I r. ..‘e 0.. iv'e' . v. ‘ ‘IV Tee e s a _ 'e’a ‘h . 6-; e :2 .| i 't . ' G’te: - H _ W ‘5 a" ' S .. a 2g" ' e :e - " Q‘ a . - : ' ”I a ' .- , ' u . . : “ o as a:.“~ 'l - .4 O s E-. ’22 ' t .e'e '. e. I: 2' ., -3q- and find melon seed which they should break and dress and use in cooking the fish. The Yoruba word for melon is_bara. That is why they named that place where they ate the fis ilbarakpa' (lbara +.§E§.' melon kills, see map 3) for some of the followers of the three powerful men died after eating the cooked melon. It was Ogunfuminire that lfa chose to carry the plate of sacria fice. The plate did not sink at the first rivers he came to. He told those who did not die from the cooked melon to follow him for he had not found the place where the plate sank. The first Ibarakpa is near Oyo. The path from that place to this place is also known as lbarakpa. As they traveled they did not have water. The three leaders asked their followers to dig a well. The followers began to dig in the hole of Afermojo which is an animal like a pig having big nails for digging but lacking teeth. As a result of the digging of this pit the river Ofin began to flow. The travelers then moved forward a bit. iMo Sun Se‘ means 5move forward a bit'. It is the name of a village on the road to Aiyetoro. This village is under the jurisdiction of lbara. As they continued their travels they met a river which they called Odo Ogunfuminire. This is the present Ogun river by which Abeokuta is situated. Torungbuwua died after the Ogun river was crossed. Osukpanikpeti and Ogunfuminire continued their travels until Osukpanikpeti found a brook at the place now known as Otta (Where they sell). He is the founder of that town. it is on the road to Lagos. .Obeying their lfa diviners Ogunfuminire continued till he found another river. He placed his plate on it and the plate sank. He ~settled there. It is the place called lddo, near Lagos. His children are the children of the soil of Lagos island. Those followers who were still sick from bara poisoning decided to stOp their trek and settle a short distance from the wefi'bank of the Ogun river. They st0pped at the place called ibbplpgun where they met a peOple who might be called the sons of“the soil of lbara. The name of lbara comes from the history of_bara poisoning. A later lfa divination indicated that the bara should never be planted within the walls of the town. (Even today this interdiction is upheld.) After a while the people felt that they needed a head. They sent one man called Aklnjogun to the Alafin of Oyo to receive the crown. Akinjogun wasaccompanied by his younger brother, Lalubu, who carried the presents they were to give to the Oloyo (Alafin). When they were two or three miles from Oyo Akinjogun offered to help "F 9! o 3 a'eDé'ed liter 1*: a': “e 95.: La1.:- t "139-" replied 1' | a. ‘=> ' 'eix'cec. " :’e ,0 . h)- “c: the perv) I'e' the arctheys ,e. e... I, l - , e: w ::-- 'e. e.e' Vea's ‘KI- . . 556:: 9'6": "a-e b 59 56" {5:3, I”( qu- . ».,' 99 A U,eh.eu 0; 3 a a. . O ‘ ”C .3 p_: '- ... ::é' a- :‘9‘ III. -- I . -35- Lalubu with his burden. It was Akinjogun who arrived in the presence of the Alafin carrying the load. Akinjogun delivered the message of the people of lbara and presented the gifts to the Alafin. After giving the two travelers a feast the Alafin had a crown prepared. When the crown was finsihed he had Lalubu approach him and he gave Lalubu the crown telling Akinjogun, 'This is your king'. Akinjogun replied that he was the older brother to Lalubu. The Alafin responded, 'llewo £1 tire' (i e. literally, What are you? Are you not the person to carry gifts into the palace?). When the brothers returned home and were asked why Lalubu had been crowned Akinjogun responded, 'It was llewo that was given to me'. In later years Akinjogun resettled at a site a few miles from lbara. This settlement came to be known as llewo- There is an elaboration to this story to the effect that Akinjogun so vigorously objected to the crowning of his younger brother that the Alafin decided to put him to a test. He presented the brothers with a fish and asked Akinjogun to divide the fish between himself and his brother. Akinjogun separated the head from the body and gave his brother the head, taking the body for himself. To the Alafin this was further proof that Lalubu was the real king for the Alafin considered the head to be the most favored part.” It is generally believed that Lalubu was the first Olubara of lbara. There is a myth that associates the goddess Yemoja with the birth of Lalubu. According to the story: Olukoye married Lalubu's mother. Ey the time she was about forty years old they had not had a child. One day they consulted lfa and through this divination they learned that they should worship ‘Yemoja. They followed their priest's instructions and, within a course of months, Lalubu {Honor of the deep stream) was born. The parents took good care of the child but Yemoja was forgotten. Three months later the mother took some clothes, a calabash, and the child to the Ogun river to get.water_and wash the clothes. The child was settled on the bank of the river while the mother washed her clothes. When the mother finished she looked up and found the child was missing. . Oh Oe' l ‘ee't'.s la. . '- A aEE' Ire“ s e ”"*"'b.: f:_ . 5 5 r3?“ taié’e a a”? "$4 5- 11- ’ r eif’f) :f‘ ”6:0 ,_. ' ~- .: .. _ A 0. '.90 the, eate'e" - 'AAI. .. .. :CI. 5") 69-63:. . i .6“ . e p?:-pe v.9... . ‘L‘:T“5’ t‘e 96's 2"‘9’ 'es‘e"e- .. ‘ ...“ ~ ~- D t ‘.I... A 1-. .._ . \v fi' “—- . .:— ..e p.é'e ... " a .. I D 4'- . ..ce .‘-. ‘ C v- . . ‘e a “ He’s ~~ - ‘ e is”, .~ ‘ ‘ ”c.98 ‘ . .'_ .-'. . . I v. ‘;r‘ ~~ c - .. ‘- . ‘F_ k .. we . . D ~e;'_ . . ‘ ' ” --e .. .. C -_ ‘ . _. Tie a ‘ . K‘ a .- c "o :e_ H. "a- ‘1‘- fl ‘- O-u- . Q .- ..: ’ . .~. ,~ p. “at -. , .‘ . ..‘ . _‘ ,. . O ‘ 7- x... ‘C I A. ‘ u . t ‘ . C '3 a . '9‘ It s ‘ -- -v ' ‘. '.-. - -36- Three months later another woman traveled to the river to get water. When she glanced up she saw a child sitting under a tree on the opposite bank of the river. She tried to go to the child but four cmocodiles came out of the water. The woman became alarmed and ran batk to the village to report these events to her people. All of them rushed to the river- side. Some of them attempted to cross to the opposite bank. When they entered the water the four crocodiles again rose up to block all attempts to rescue the child. Then the people went to the lfa priest who, through divination, found that the parents had received something from a god but had then neglected that god. The parents of the child were told to sacrifice sheep, fowl, pigeons, and corn to the neglected god. They were also directed to provide plenty of drumming and dancing. When this was done the crocodiles left that section of the river and one man was able to cross and get the child. in one of the child's hands they found one gun and two stones, In the other hand there were sixteen small cowries and one iron arrow, Through the years the senior members of Lalubu's family have received these objects for safgkeeping and sacrifice during the occasion of the Gelede festivals. The history of lbara indicates that the place was once known as Igbo Ogun (the place where god Ogun is worshipped). Their tales of origin indicate that they met anirdigenous people already occupying the land. The elders think of the settlement of the town as having occurred in migratory waves. To them the name Igbo Ogun is nearly forgotten. They call their town lbara. They think of lbara as consisting of four large wards which can be linked to the early and later migrations. The people of the wards Oke Afin and ldofin are thought to have come from the lie lfe area These were the people of the earliest migrations. A distinctive Isolo ward developed during and after the Dahomean wars. The people of this ward are reputed to have come from the Oke Odan area near Dahomey. The people from lfatedo are considered very recent migrants to the town. Their origins are linked with the old @gbado kingdom ljana, in the area of llaro. 'The site of the first lfatedo hamlets, in the lbara area, are .955 1‘3“. a nil: west 75¢ pegple Of 1” 31.. t was tho-.9". :' ;'~s did not prove“ em “.9 and toning C ;’:.:s :i'ouh New :‘2 «32' lscio ard l‘a' '§'r:s we wo'shicn 51:52:31! and Dart' C ‘ a p I‘ez- -‘ .cm -ty atces 4- 3“ IS the 9933.2 e': .no ‘ l ‘ - n- .._'e “era \ -C \\s I I ‘A. . wytfit, E'vl'h' ..’u I .et; ‘ at 31:1 ‘~ it “CY": ”O S ' Siv :‘u I x I. h 4 ”We“ .35 L231: ‘3 4 5"" l v o. ' Ia:- a He lea'. I I st’eflg ee.s ' - we. 4 ' ’V CC. -37- less than a mile west of the old lbara walls. The people of the old lbara kingdom were industrious and the town grew. It was thought to be a good place to live. The fact of different origins did not prevent the people of the early migrations from inter- marrying and forming close kinship ties. This habit of absorbing new groups through intermarriage has contributed to the easy acceptance of the lam” Isolo and ifatedo migrations. Additionally, as Egbados, all migrants were worshippers of the goddess Yemoja and their uncritical acceptance and participation in the worship of Ajiboyede and Eyinni, the ~deified community ancestors, added to the strength of their common identi- fication as the people of lbara. Ancient Culture ngggg_ Ajiboyede, Eyinni, and Maru are among the most important of the heroes of the people of lbara. The peOple believe that they were instrumental in the development and successful growth of the old lbara kingdom. Some people say that Ajiboyede was one of the early Olubaras of lbara.6 He is re- puted to have been a very wise man who loved his peOple deeply. Through lfa divination he learned that in the future, if his people were not care- ful, strangers would come and subjugate them. He was told that he could avoid such a thing by sacrificing his only son, Maru. According to the legend, Maru was sacrificed in the market place of lbara. It is for this reason that, in matters concerning the welfare of the town, the people still sacrifice to the Spirits of Ajiboyede and his son Maru. One of the stories the people tell concerns Eyinni, a Woman, who came to lbara with the original migrants. It was she who cared for and sacri- fdced to the idols which the migrants carried with them. Prominent among t'ese 't‘s we Vent}. r:' is :eztrfpzive 0‘ *e‘ 'g'i".s met a: i“— ‘Q 5"» ' I HP- at 1'. beta-1 her regu- i‘esisze' oi 1'9 first I u",- r ‘5“. c A; to the S: 3.3. at“: :0 llle : 1931': ' ‘0' the '.Cn' " :1’:.‘Ie, . '."c':e ‘ ..o a . .3, 0'1, 1 ‘ ‘Sl-C' k‘k‘a '5"‘ s‘Eét'tO|Ce ‘F' . ‘.I. ‘i'! ‘QK "v- 23-. ~. I ~te’n ~t' b. . s ... | -i 5.. .39 is ‘u . ‘ a c: ‘1. C- H ','. : .lII ‘ \ =C' .- '9 -&‘e’n- C ,e . 51 ‘ T . 0‘, Oh. :.i ’: v s Q '2 n . ._ "'t' ‘2 .‘o 5.54 w. as . s' 13‘..- . ‘ l ... ~~.(e P"- v z . h § '9 "f a a.’ . . a» 0- ‘ E3 ._ e " ‘ .331: x at. .3: H .E .. Q —.. -38- these idols were Yemoja, Sango, and Ogun. Eyinni had the title Abo Oro, which is dexriptive of her duties as priestess for her people. When the migrants arrived at Igbo Ogun she continued her duties as priestess. Soon it became her responsibility to crown the new Olubaras for she was the sister of the first Olubara and his brother, Akinjogun. According to the stories the people tell, trouble came to the land and Eyinni went to live between two strong kings. The place where she settled is now the town of lgboro. Her third brother is said to have founded the town of Ilugun. Eyinni remains important to the people of lbara because all of the sacrifices she made for her people were without error. As Simon Adeola put it, "All she did was perfect, so that now before a sacrifice for the cooperation of the town we call her name three times." Ih£_glg.lbg£g Kingdom In time lbara became a large town and the center of a small kingdom. Some of the elders believe that in the early lBOO's it had a population as large as that of Abeokuta today. They say that there was a very large market and the government was highly organized. The site of the old town is in a valley. A river runs along the bottom of the valley and the remains of the old town walls. on the hills surrounding the old town site, are offered as evidence of theépast greatness of the town. The bush prohibits full inspection of the remains of these old walls. However, sections of the walls can be observed from such vantage points as the foot paths which bisect the walls at different places, from these points the only evidence of the old walls is a single rowlof laterite. 5.5”. :"€€ {W- “35' ex' :Tseapw W0 '~" ‘.".'e' elfc' “:2 lies "1 ' tithes: {‘31 less ' as"; as ‘o.r feet 5: "Km... 0 . ' ..., c,e .56 c:r:."t' :3 1.330,... ‘ e“°'s he ‘ 0- ‘: . ' E 10.35 ’n .. - \v \V'h} H .E: ‘ to.“ “a.‘ .- 5 .. a... . ".‘l -39- usually three feet wide and six to twenty-four inches high. These remains soon disappear into the dense foliage, leaving the observer to ponder what further evidence lies hidden in the underbrusn jUSt a few feet away. Some people insist that less than twenty years ago portions of the walls were as high as four feet. Because of the thick undergrowth it is impossible to estimate the circumference of the walls. Fortunately, a tarred road runs through the town. Along this road the distance from the east wall to the west wall measured approximately three-fourths of a mile. The farms that have been cultivated within the walls have contributed to the destruction of the walls and the houses that once claimed the land- scape. HContractors have used the soil of the old town walls and the walls of fallen houses to construct new houses. Roadworkers have used the soil of the old town walls to repair the roads. Yet enough fragments of the walls remain in the bush to lend credence to the stories of a once great empire. Legend is that at an earlier time the houses and people of lbara were so numerous that there were no farms within the walls. Deep in the bush, off some of the less frequented paths, the remains of some of the walls of the old houses can be seen. But this mute evidence of the old kingdom is, too often, completely obscured by overgrowth to permit a proper evaluation of its meaning. Contravening evidence to the story of no farms being within the walls is the river that runs through the town. During the rainy season this river overflows, turning the lowest portions of the valley into a nmrshland. During the dry season, because of the high water table, the area contains so much mositure that it is used for farming. lf these -bo- same conditions existed one hundred years ago it is probable that a large part of the land within the walls was quite uninhabitable and must have been used for dry season farming. According to the Egbados of lbara, the eastern banks of the Ogun river, where Abeokuta now stands, was lbara farmland. it was in a section of Abeokuta, now called lbara Omida, that many of the rites of worship to Yemoja were performed. It was to Lafa, one of the last Olubaras to reign before the destruction of the old kingdom.to whom Shodeke, the great leader of the Egba people, came asking for land for the Egba refu- gees from lbadan and Oke Ona. They point to the continuing attendance of of figba people from the ltoko township of Abeokuta at their Yemoja festivals as proof of the Egbado claim that they were the original owners of the land. They say that before the Egba refugees came to Abeokuta the people of ltoko used to help them celebrate their YemOJa festival (see pages i87-l92). They also direct attention to the fact that most of the fresh fish sold in Abeokutacames through their market at lbara Omida as proof of their claim to the use of the Ogun river through the inter- cession of their goddess, Yemoja. The people of lbara have many other stories which they cite as examples of their power and the kindly treatment they gave the Egba immigrants, during the early 1830's.T They speak of the times when the Egbas became so involved in their wars that they had no time for their farms. When famine threatened they were given food from the farms of lbara. There was also the time when the Egba women proved barren. To help correct this condition the Egbados of lbara sacrificed one of their own women, pregnant with her first child, in the markets of A ‘2‘ -1”- 7.; .Ij l 1‘ O I -... --II\‘_ ’ I P < '. g ’ ’ J .'|' I .- ' .‘r' ' I f I . '1 I ‘- r J ¢ AW: r» I" I ~ ‘ O l I 1 I I | ’.— I . I .fi \ t l . l I ‘.l' ...- -‘ ‘—.--‘ \ l \ l C , - \ ,- ’ i \ r - ‘ .1. ~‘..\r- ’ -(r l ' , l p I. .l‘ D 2| I U I I \ '. \ O h KQ ‘ I , i s. C ‘ 0 e,- \ --...- , .\ \ \ . \ -‘_ ; from Akin Mabogunje (l96lz258) -42- Abeokuta.8 There is another story which has to do with the aid which the people of lbara gave the Egba during the Owiwi wars. The ljebu, fearing that the growing Abeokuta populace might threaten their command of the routes to the sea, attacked the Abeokutans at the Owiwi river. The Egba, under Shodeke, lost many men and were afraid of an ensuing defeat. Shodeke came to the people of lbara for help. The people of lbara carried small- pox to the ljebu camp. So many of the Ijebu died or became sick that they had to return to their homeland.9 Shodeke was so impressed by the power of the people of lbara that he cautioned the Egba never to fight with the people of lbara and he changed the name of the Ara river to Olomore (River of my benefactor) as a token of his appreciation for the help he had received from the §gbado. The story of the Dahomean destruction of lsaga town, hiretafiathxito the help the lsaga gave the Egba when the Dahomeans attacked Abeokuta is also part of the lore of the region. These are but a few of the stories which the people of the orile offer when they wish to discuss what they consider to be their true relation- ship with the Egba and the greatness of their former kingdom (Odunjo, n-d. 1957). ‘0 it is hard to The evidence is often inadequate and confusing. get a coherent picture of what lbara was like in those oid days. how large was the kingdom? How powerful was the Olubara? For the present these are questions which must remain unanswered. There isle? knowledge that the Alafin who crowned Lalubu said that future kings of lbara should be crowned by their oldest sister, Eyinni. One gets the impression that the early kings of lbara were not of sufficient stature to warrant their { I 1 I _ . » r . . .~ . . . (v r b ,0 . .5.- “- .- x. 0 .dl- cw .. p 0 e - . ..C ...y - r . o0. e a b A v .0. n .-J . 4 u o a _ .d. i 0 u s u I (\. O s .0 h 0 t . .6 . . u a O. .C s . n w a. »r. A. a u ..A. .... .2 V II .9 . v ‘4. r (. | (\a P h V a D U a A , a. C. . . at F. n c c a a a a o t A. - . .- 4 u 3(- u r - .6 .na 0 v p\. u G; A a . ~ . r p . . . . h. . F. a G. . p c u a a . - F. . . (a a: a . a o a is -h\ .n o u .u. a o . .u- - h .m- A s . . v .4. v w v o . u e s .5 . . 5-. (a o . e .u. c . e v v e . en. uii :- . . c . n - ... . a .91 Q ea. rib . a. a. by (a . r v n 2. .e .n . ._ o. .1 A v a C» .c u v v e A _ ..- n. u n h n c i . a . . . s . ar. .5. o . one 9 a u . y . . . .. c s a a. . . . .s a u as. I. :- e s u e o\. . e . . . .y. . . n o v ... 9 a nu s . ... ... a - ... . v - ... e r u n .4- 1 n . . a 4 r ... t n . ... u . v n .x. n I u . . . . lav .-. u .‘. ... ‘a. ... . . e. . u . .. ..- u . o. — . .. ..... .. . . . .... . . ... . .. . ... - . . -45- continued consideration by the Alafin.]] However, there is no question that the Olubaraship represents a true obaship. The Destruction Qfi the Old Kingdom The lbara peOple say that their great town and kingdom were destroyed during the Dahomean wars of the lBOOis. At that time the inhabitants deserted lbara for the protection of the walls of Abeokuta. Some say that it was because of lack of cooperation in the town that the people of lbara did not stay behind the walls of their own town and fight their enemies. Others say that the people of lbara were simple farmers with no skill in the arts of war. There are also those who claim that the people of lbara did resist and that there was a whole day of fierce fighting before the Dahomeans set fire to the town and the defenders were forced to flee. Yet many of the elders of lbara could not remember hearing anything of such a fire.‘2 in 1862 the Dahomeans destroyed lsaga, crucified several Christians, and decapitated and disemboweled men, women, and children. According to Ajisafe (l92hzlll) they were eSpecially savage towards pregnant women whom they disemboweled and decapitated in large numbers. Some lbara historians believe that upon hearing news of the slaughter at lsaga many of the people of lbara became frightened and rushed to join the defenders of Abeokuta. Others ran into the bush to create, eventually, the little farm hamhfls which still exist throughout the Egba provinces. in 1864 the Dahomeans destroyed lbara, llewo, and some smaller lbara tmwm (Ajisafe l92h: lQO-lEA). Olubara Adubiwaju, successor to Lafa and Labhan and the remaining people of the orile deserted the broken town. e T. .6 p s . b l ‘- 0. F 0»- av e . c C. u a at . u e u h hi 4. 6.. . v O s . .V. e S . .r. 0 t n a h a . O h n 9 u . I‘- p‘. 3. .v #4:. n A n n v A I . .V. .Fu .5. I D A ‘.I O n and q r I I I I DID“, .n- 6-. 5» . O I" I .-.hc" . '-o- ‘ a -v.. ‘Ifi- by -44- There was at the time a belief that the Olubara must not see the Ogun river. While his peOple fled to Abeokuta, Adubiwaju tried to go north on the west side of the Ogun. He was met and killed by some marauding figba and Ijaiye men. This occurred on the banks of the Oyan river. It is one of the places Lalubu II had to visit in 1952 before he was properly installed as Olubara. According to Johnson, in 1895 Governor Gilbert Thomas Carter and Captain Bower, "accompanied by a 29323 (italicized in the originaD— . h F n . . . p r . I ‘ H Os a b A a r p niv ac . .i . ’\- e h Ill ' \ u 9» p s e o . e n as h h ._ i r n K. o . I i «51- .F5 ‘25 Alli D u 7" g s . ¢ . i I u I D I .I- I I I . . n v ti II. I I clv . .‘1 u u ..a. .. . u t I I. I | .h .n. Q» n a i .M. \ h l x E O 0‘ 5‘ .U . n . - . c .i. a.» $ . II ... i. a :1 a .. u \ nun . . , ..u. h a “ «in ,. v . s u 5. n I: p — . I . . l ...]. n . .5. ... pm~ ‘ h n u . .\. o .\. . s .. . i 3. u. . w o . . i . v y .M. .u. L~ . l u .s. .u. n ah. . . s . ‘ u u I a \. s .. An~ . L. .. -68- past the point where the dirt road intersects the tarred rcad towards the bottom of the valley, From the angle formed by the interseCtion of these roads the incline towards the valley bottom is much more gentle. The general direction of this incline continues running from the northeast corner to the southwest corner of the village. Across the dirt road from Oke Afin, surrounding the market and court- house, is the ward known as ldofin. The major portion of the community to the left of the paved road is called isolo. The Fourth maJor ward, lfatedc>, stretches along both sides 0‘ the paved road at the western end of the town. lee southerly slope of the land meets the lju river which runs along the bot tom of the valley about 300 feet From the last house in lfatedos On the imorthern side of the road the banks of this river are quite well formed. 'The banks are less developed on the southerly side 0? the road This is the lowest part of the valley“ During halt the year this section l5 Very swampy. 'To the north of the town, running for a distance along the dirt road, is the llarun river, One hal‘ mile farther north is the Ara river, All Of this water contributes to the year 'round luxuriant quality of the trees and foliage in the valley The forest completely surrounds the village. During the rainy season the f'Orest intrudes into the village to such an extent that it is otten difficult to see portions of the village which are really quite close to eaCh Other lt is only during the late dry season when the sun has desslCated some of the foliage that the relationship of various sections r . 0 the Village can be appreciated I l . i .. . n u . t — v s. o a . xi" .6 a.» .. b. at i ,c . i _ . . ... . . .C . 7 . p.» .C . . .G p _ A . _ c a p 0 flu . . o . r.» . . .h ii e v t . E. N. h v a fl n l. . i .0 e i .i v P. i i . . Al. .1 i .. ‘0 ~ .i h o k . i . \. l w .r. v p . a - G~ " .. 5. . e . . i v ~C . u e e . v .9» r Ah . p .C 3.. .u. A d E a» I o i s . ~ . \ .rs . i p is .5 ... . . . s. I . .nu . A s p w .r» r I. I n O . ;\- - v t a. I I Riv .\- Am. i v I. is A . ' . . . .sa ‘.I v .u .- . “u. ..s. .. . u -69- 0f the 155 homes in the orile (see Chart l), l30 have metal roofs Mfile the remaining twenty-four are thatched. All of these houses are nmde of mud. Twenty-one of these houses have a layer of prOtective and decorative cement covering all four outside walls. Only four of these houses are fully painted. The Buyers Cooperative building, courthouse, school, church,and mosque are the only public buildings in the oriie_ The restaurant, situated next to the Buyers COOperative building,and the two cassava mills are the three private commercial buildings in the orile (altMMJghione of the mills has been closed for nearly two years), The Subject <3f house construction is discussed on pages 335-343> The: oldest house now standing in the orile was built in ldofin nearly lOO year“s ago. Today this house looks as old as its reputed age_ Tears ofrain inave eroded several portions of the wall permitting the rusty 0:: tin roof: to sag towards the gaping holes that remain, At these points the hwteriors of the unused rooms (which the householder n0w considers too dar‘lgerous to occupy) are exposed to the view of all who pass. House- lmld and farm implements and protective medicines of another generation can be seen hanging from the walls. Through these holes the old three and a half feet high doors which lead to the newer sections at the o'd house can be seen, They stand as mute evidence of the time when doors Were bUilt low so that the interior of the house could be easi'y de‘ended The erosion around both the older and newer seCtions of the house has re_ . . . sulted in the house Mending on a platform of earth some three feet highr -70- CHART I some tsARACtERiSTics OF B liaiN s (CNSinCTED IN :sARA dRitt Number of homes with metal roofs ............................... l3l Number of homes with thatched roofs.“ ........................ 2b Totals. ..., .... .............. l5? Number ()f fully cemented houses,.t ............. ,.u..= ........ :l Number (sf houses without shutters or doors.-...,. ............ A Number (bf houses without outside walls painted ............. t..i N Number (of house partially painted .................. . ............ | Public. Buildings A. Permanent market stalls (3) 8. Courthouse C. $chool Di Mosque E. Church Private Commercial Buildings A. Flour mills (El E. Restaurant C. Semi-permanent market stalls {l2} Le -7]- There is no plan to the arrangement of the buildings, Each house appears to have been put exactly where the builders desired to place it with little reference to any larger plan or pattern, ?nly the builders of those houses facing the paved road seem to have ignored the rule of individuality for several of these houses have been built in a straight line. This is particularly apparent in the lfatedo section" ‘ ‘The only landscaped area in the orile is the ovound on which the Anglican church and the school are built” Here laterite rock and Africart violets have been used to line the paths. lhe slightly inclined Pathwayr to the paved road has been terraced with logs to pr«vent soil erosiort. The grass of the lawns of both the school and the churchyard are mai ntained by the school children who periodically hack at it with their sshort-handled long-bladed grass cutters“ "HMO of the villagers have tried to grow some flowers on the land Surr0tunding their houses. They say that they have seen Europeans grew gardens and that ”it helps to beautify the place". The lemon grass which these two individuals use to decorate their gardens proteCts their drains from Erosion and is also used for medicinal purposes, Graves are located here and there between the houses, in the middle 0f major pathways, or sometimes a few yards off in the bush beside a broken wall, Many of these graves are protected and decorated with large m0lded laterite slabs and laterite filigree, all c0vered with a thin veneer of cement, Other graves are merely outlined with beer bottles stuck,neck dOwn,into the ground~ The market consists ti three gOVernment built sheds with metal roots a ' i , , , m , , . nd Cement floors. They start at the JunCthH ol the dirt and paved road? 4.. . D . . L. I P 4 ' I ll .‘ F ..i .k. . a l e )0 r it. 0 Avg 3‘. Ii 9 ' .c r so l V a. .6 ' .C u y F. p l . Aflfi Al~ I I .‘I a . an: r .K- I .b. .h. D r 3 .5» r i l U l - alb .fi' 0 «i l I ‘.I 4 v i « ‘1 n‘;' ‘ iv- I.- .\n .3. .- I V r ‘ v s.- .i. . . _ . . . . i i HI. - a. . ~ U a . ... L. A v a u c . .—.\ ... s: Av. ‘ ‘ so .. -72.. and run parallel to the latter. Behind and beside these permanent sheds are a number of individually owned thatched roof sheds which shade floors of cleared and smoothed laterite; Most of these thatched roof sheds are the personal property of people living in the orile. Others belong to traders living in the surrounding hamlets. Some are strong and are expected to last a long time. Others are of flimsier conStruction and seem to be serving a transitory seasonal purpose. :fig Varydnq Routine gfi Village Life True Daily Routine Thie tempo of life in the orile varies from day to day” lhere is always a portion of the population visiting lbara Omida. host days the men anti b0ys are tending their farms. Many of the younger children are in schocn fbr a major part oF the day. The women may be attending a dlStant narket, working in the bush or on the farms, negotiating for the PU'Chase of some farmers' products. During the middle hours 0‘ the daY the lack of people moving about the village makes the place appear deserted. There are, however, always a few women about the tOwn lhey spend the morning in their homes. cleaning the house or cooking lhey also galhEF in small groups. at the cassava mill, behind the EUyers Coopera- llve building, or they may be washing clothes at the point where the ll” river runs under the tarred road. lt is late in the morning when the older men return trom their work i ,u . . . . n the fields. From t'me to time these men may be seen entering the gv \- b x. i I v I. - ~F~ D .nv L. a ‘ h p _ c s .u. . a ... . .. ~ . _ .... . . . n o ... . . . .3 .‘ O I. I Q . c . . i .b» \c . w . . a .n; ... I. c. n i s . rt. 1. I -73- village, greeting neighbors, stOpping at the mosque to pray. then disap- pearing into their houses. The younger farmers whose farms are near the orile come home about noon for lunch and relaxation. They remain in their homes or visit friends until mid-afternoon when they return to their farms. During the dry season when there is little Farm work to be done those people who have returned to the village remain inside their houses until early evening.seeking protection from the sun. Only a Few men return to their farms for a few hours of evening work. Some households leave “the orile for days at a‘ime, escaping to Abeokuta where they parti- cipate irithe active social and political life oi that town. Wlwen the season is more comfortable the orile begins to come to life about the hour the farmers begin to return from their ‘arms. it is abOJt this t ime that the children are home from school and the women are in (“Elf cooksheds preparing food and perlorming a variety 0“ household chores. But Orlnwst days for the major part of the day. the town is deserted. ‘The men return from their farms between 62CO and 8;b0 p.m. ”hey SPend the few remaining hours of the day visiting the mosque or church SOCializing with their neghbors and taking care cl their personal business. ThesG activities last only for a few short hours, l"or with the coming of da"khess most people have retreated to their shuttered and locked houses The'Y are usually asleep by 9:00 and lO:OO p.m- if there is a full moon the people sit around. chatting in front of their houses. until lngO and 1'230 P.m. -~ . ... “fis-4a.”... -7Q- Ihg Weekly Routine There are three different ways in which the people 0? the orile usually divide their week. A generally accepted division is according to the market cycle which brings the market to the orile every five days. Another is that of the Muslims of the orile who think of Friday as the beginning of the week and their day of rest. Fina';y, the Christians consider Sunday to be the beginning of the week and their day of rest. The important general consideration is the fact that the religious days always occur on Fridays and Sundays while the market day can occur any day of the week. Market day is a busy active time For everybody in the orile. It is the market day which periodically callsto the indivi- dual's attention the faCt that the orile is a social unit which is larger than his own home and Family; a social unit which occasionally demands his involvement and participation. Fridays are important for the large number 0‘ Muslims in the village. Thel' attentions will be divided between the farm a the mosque. 0n this day many Muslims will be found on their farms either because their commit- ment to their Farms is greater than that to the mosque or because they {98‘ that they can do their praying just as properly in their ‘ie'd. Another group of men willy from time to time throughout the day~ congre- gate at the mosque. it is their presence in the tOwn_ seated near the mosque or in the market place or wandering about visiting with friends Wh'chlnakes the town appear a bit less desoiate on Fridays. The CharaCteristics of the religious artiliations of the people are dlSCUS‘ed 0" Pages i18-i22, 5 ~ . Pt. . 3 L. . n o .1 .H~ ax u» a u ..u. v . EV. . .3 5. g u a. . L. .i n W D s v a. V I . I u I ii. i . Le .. 0 I . ...U t.» ~ O M . .J .n. . . L. . b a ‘ ~‘h ' -75- If the market day falls on a Friday the number.of the people frequenting the mosque increases, but the tempo of the market is not affeCted by their religious Observances. Quite aside from Fridays the market alwavs has a salutary effect on attendance at the mosque. The market keeps the farmers in town and makes it easier for them to go to the mosque. Sunday is more like market days because most cf the people of the orile, be they Christians. Muslims or traditionalists, think that there is some- thing special about Sundays.l The special character cf Sundays does not rest on its religious significance. The number of Christians in the orile is small and many of them do not attend the church as frequently as the elders of the church would wish. Like the Muslims. more Lhristians go to church when market days fall on Sundays than would at end on a non- market Sunday. But whether Sunday be a market day or a non-market day. it is the day that the people of the orile get dressed up and travel to their lineage compounds in lbara Omida where their lineage meetings will be held. Some Wlll travel to Abeokuta for the sole purpose of attending some one or 59V€ral of the many "freedom,2 naming, marriage or funeral rere- monies which take place on Sundays. it is probable that an additional impetus for holding these festivi- ties on Sundays results from the fact that many of the most important members of the lineage are those people who have education and hold EuroDean-type jobs. This means that they will be available to attend liheage neetings and social functions only on weekends. lr a market ShOUld occur on Sunday there is an increase in the generally festive a i ura 0* 'the market: More people. better dressed,seem to appear on illlllllllliilllllilll II | . , < r. .I. 9 t ' . 5 n ,— . I u . . .. at .. . ... a. . .. .-. ... . a: p pr. . l Ab . . r . D h u r S » .... . .. ..\J v s y a .1 .vs . . . . o . an. 7. p .C a). h . . . r N G. i .-. .— 3. D I l a. Ai- u Os .6. «i. . L. a a . . . .6 .J ... .N. .i n i. q n .C . p O» at. e v . . . | .li a. ..J A \ p. . 2. u .. . 5. . v r r L. .6. a i. u . 4 U Q . n p u .c I. r file I . L. ‘ n u . . . .- a u I u I .- . ~ .i ... t. s - ' .nu - b a .P- a \ obs o ..h . v s . ... . .u. u ‘ . v It . . . . . y. . . Q. . ... . ..t . Q . u - a v - I III . d v VI ... .u. ... v .5 ... . . , ... . ... s . . . HI a . ...v u. . . . . . . . .\. .3. .. .5.» . VJ . . , . r, . i .F5 -76- market days which occur on Sundays than would appear if the day were solely a market day or only a Sunday. The general observation was that the religious Observancesor the Muslims and ChriStians have no detrimental effect on the market when market days occur on Fridays or Sundays. When market days occur on Fridays and Sundays-there is increased attendance of services at the mosque and church respectively. IDS Market Cycle For the people of the orile each day has a meaning and pace of its own. Each day's activities are largely a response to the demands of the market cycle in which the people participate. According to their method of calculation the five day market cycle begins in lbara Orile. lhe lbara Orile market day is also the last and most important day of the Cycle. People throughout the area will attend the market. The orile is quiet during the second day of the cycle Tn this day the market is held in lbara Omida Because of the unique kin. socia ,and POlltical relationships the people of lbara Orile have with the people of Omida some of the orile people always attend the Omida market. it is also a 900d time for transacting commercial and family business. Yet many women remain in the orile binng and preparing lood products fer sale in the lta Osin market and the large iafenwa markets. ihese markets are held on the third day of the lbara Orile market Cycle 3 Because so many women will attend these markets the orile is usually quiet 0n the third day of the Cycle. The f0urth day of the market cycle is the lberekodo market day. Cnly ll‘i“ 9.. p n C. ' I I ' - ¢ \ I... .6 ‘ ~ . Q Q -. \u . k F. . nib . t p a . . . a... . a. \. ~l~ .au . a. _ . .\. v I. «a ;\ Q g . s... is ...~ 3! a . .I‘ e - i z. .\ ‘3 efi have {a 6 ..lb It" -77- A a few women have an interest in this market. MOSI of the women remain in the orile in order to prepare for the lbara Orile market which will occur the next day which is the fifth and last day of the old cycle and the first day of the next market Cycle. The lbara Market The lbara market is not a big thriving market like the lafenwa ltoku. 0mida,or lberekodo markets of Abeokuta. it is a small market catering to the familiar needs of a small stable clientele and respcnsive to the changing seasons and the vagaries of the larger town markets, During the harvest season the orile market can be very noisy and active. People living in Abeokuta and surrounding villages come to join the people of the orile to exchange goods and services. At this time there are usually one or two people selling dried meats, dried fish, melon seeds, cassava. cassava flour. sugar, tea, mats. beans, live snails, canned sardines, locally made soaps. European-type soap, traditional medicines, European medicines, hens, stationery, peppers, sewing needles- thread and a variety of other geods. When there has been a long period of good market days the news seems to spread so that for a time the market will attract people who sell goods which are ordinarily sold in the larger markets of Abeokuta These people Sell clay pots, European dishes. metal pots. spoons knives. European Second hand clothing and a variety of other items more often round in the big urban markets than in the small village markets. l"rom under their thetched sheds some of the women of the orile sell cooked rice. meat soups. f'Shsoups, pounded yam, bean cakes, fried plantain,and other pnpular feod items“ 3E III] a i . :1 a i A. .4.» a i e .\dv .F» F. . it p .\. . l u ' | .‘J 4‘ r‘ e 9» in e .l n e u A Alb o . r\. 5 AP» A». R u e O F ‘i A. iv . h ”1 .iv . . a .\fl .it ..a o t . hi I 3 p I i It . AV r. u.“ ...u I A I I n I Isa P» .FV .I i p > .i u .... O o t .n. u e ‘ ~ .P\ i .x. o . n). C. p a. o . a nU . p O .C a a» r o t . I . AU e n s v . v. C. e s ,\. 9 t a a - < v Ft. a a as o. h :- .no ..i. I s .u. . i a an» a y . u . PV \¢ s .4. .li a.- b \ U . n 5' . Riv .\ an. . t ... . .. i ... a v I . ... I. - t—v an .a. s -73- Some of the transient sellers use the metal covered sheds for prOIec- tion from the sun. Each market day the meat vendor seats himself under one of these sheds. The bamboo wine seller also occupies her usual place under the sheds and one of the town tailors brings his machine from his home in Oke Afin to join her. Another tailor works under the thatched shed which he has establsihed on the fringes of the market. There are usually two barbers at work during market day. One cuts hair under a tree. the other rents one of the rooms of the Buyers Cooperative building. Throughout the market day women bring the farm produce from the l'arms and storage rooms in their homes to a central depOt area located under a large shade tree which is situated between the court house and the market Sometime during the late afternoon and early evening lorries come to carry these goods to lagos. Market day is a particularly busy day for the women at the remaining cassava mill. This is the day that the cassava buyers from Abeokuta come to the village. At the Buyers Cooperative building the produce buyers are busy weighing and paying for the cash crops raised by the pe:p'e of the village and neighboring hamlets. Depending on the seascn cf the year People bring kola nuts, cocoa or palm kernels to the bUyers. This Dur- Chasing is cnlv done on market days. the only days the building is open. on that day the main buyer from Abeokuta comes to the village. All of the selling and binng is not done in the market area. The actlvity of the market day permeates the entire village for the market day is the time for visiting. initiating and terminating private business H arrangements and Playing". lt.is also the most likely time {or 9r”“95 r . , , 0 men to meet under the shed of an elder or in the court house to discuss 0 Q “9 v r .‘u I\. to p» ..\_ t . P4 ., I . ... r 5 IL uc o .n a Fun 0 . ens . l. n f» is t u r h w - ,s. n . u . .. u . I Ix ‘.v' r .P. e 9» h c 0 \ ‘6 NH. 95 P r . l iv» .l: n . t s 5» \. I n o . \. ..- a u I «v. u "1 h ‘ | ‘ ah. t .\. .t Au \ p . ~qd o . a . ‘.- r\- up» ' “\V‘ t A v .t r . I O x . . ... 1' I v . .C ;\- «a. .- ~. .-~ -79.. village social, economic, and political problems. The tempo of the market changes with the seasons. During the midst of the dry season there is very little activity. Little produce comes in from the farms and fewer strangers come from Abeokuta to sell their pots. pans, cigarettes, and used clothes. There are no big lorries nwving farm produce to Lagos. Fewer women come to the market place to sit under the sheds selling their products. Nevertheless, the tailors still come to the market; there are always clothes to repair” The barbers still come to set up their stands; there is always hair to cut. The buyers still come tc the Cooperative Buyers building; there are always women wath . palm kernels to sell. The women continue their work at the mill for cassava dses hct know the seasons. Everything goes on just as it does during the harvest of the rainy season. The only difference is that there are fewer pe0p e INVO‘ved. fewer things are sold and fewer people venture into the sun fewer tlmes Although Oke Akin, ldofin, ltatedo,and lsolo constitute the lour main warns of the village some of the householders try to maintain their sepa- rate identities and origins alive by calling the seCtions o‘ the vl"a@e Where they have built their homes after the names of the hamlets *rom which they originally came" For exampley those from the hamlets of KOtn Aro, 0l-Owokere. Oluknoku,and Molegede will sometimes use these old names when refGrring to their present house sites. The ‘Oya ties to these old names ereconnected to the fact that these names identify both the old hamlets o . I I c . a -. :»,_ ‘ V ' e is . . .. In G a 'hl ‘u .. t E = . : . . s-" . v. v c. ,N ‘ H ..VQ . -.‘_.~-‘ . ._ a. . C e-v- v ~§ .‘h.' -' \ h v — ~" u. - ;‘_ 4 e n 3.. '*v_"'-« "4 :l- . ‘sx . DC"- “I .- ‘ g - 2... v p .I ,_~ B a. - a. ‘ll . o I . C. . ‘ U‘ a ‘ I v . .‘ “ ‘Jt D r 5 ';,. . ‘ns 4 '- .. ._ 0'. h “. ‘ nv ' O D ' :- C., ‘:‘>. -. h .- A. u. .u_ i ‘ ‘ ‘- . ~ 0 v. t - IA. >u~ ....‘ .\ .- 7‘. - . . ‘. ;§ . . . . s . -\ .. ~- \ ‘ D . .- - . 1‘ 021.919: the :'E 095' n6. -80- and symbolize the historical, social and cultural traditions of the lineages which occupied the old bush hamlets. Nevertheless, most of the people of the orile do discuss the organi- zation of the town in terms of the four main wards, most of the time. There are other ways in which the peOpIe separate out. mentally, the sec- tions of their community. They sometimes speak of living in lsale Bale (beside the balE), lsale Balogun (beside the Balogun), or lsale Vosulasi (beside the mosque).5 The orile is the source of local political leadership lor the people who live in the hamlets of the area, The acting head man lives in the orile.6 For the people of the hamlets the orile's acting head man is the sage and final arbiter of disputes which cannot be settiaiby the elders of their bush hamletS. The courthouse is also located in the orile, increasingly, in recent years” important meetings which affect the lives of the people in the ham- lets and in the orile have been held in the court house rather than in the homes of the elders and the acting head man. This change has resulted ‘rom the growth oF population and the greater involvement 0‘ the people in the ”l l afiairs oF the town. It is the courthouse which is used when the . ubara and Other important people come to speak to the people of the orile. 't is here that they come to hear the community developer. the ag"lcullu'al agentg‘ the nutritionists,or the leaders of the Lagos based Egbado '"m'ovementlhfion. Many of the people who live in the hamlets also belong to one or m0re Of the many social, political,and economic societies which frequently meet “1 the orile. These societies will be discussed in greater detail pi. .c a .C A. Vi to .- eh Fl 9. e .s. f» e e f r u I II- I hls mile he .U- “PA 0- ..l .0 y . \ AV O n“. .... e n. O p! p NJ ...v .. ‘-u 4‘ u . ... . ... o t I v n u C. O I .v- a o I I l l ii p t. .C . ' )I P . v a , . fl. 3. a. . . i r . . 4 .n. va- .\ A ‘c . L d v n A v . k: x 5 e «nu Fla ‘6 .I I . . ‘5 0 5. .h. r.» .. o i . n h I s . a v a v .\ ... C. . fie v». . I n l‘I n . k . .V I I n u LID nil 5.. .0. I v D. u I; -81- in future sections of this thesis. in recent years the people of lbara and the civil servants in the offices of the district council have estimated that there are lb3 hamlets under the hegemony of the Olubara. However, many of the hamlets’ inhabi- tants have begun to move either to lbara Orile or to lbara 3mida. As the pace of this move has increased. many of these hamlets have been complete~y abandoned. The count of the actual remaining hamlets becomes confused because to the people these old places still have utility and meaning. The farmer who has lived in one of these hamlets all of his lite may stil' use the remains of his old home as an overnight camp and place of rest when he tends his nearby farms. Such a place. abandoned but still utilized, is old Clukonku, Olukonku used to be a big village situated beside the main llaro-Abeokuta road, a mile west of lbara Orile. Today it consists of three houses in the ldofin section of lbara Orile. Only a score of broken ragged walls are in evidence in the remaining open areas of the old site. Many more broken walls lie hidden in the dense bush. Nearly every day the women of C‘ukonku who now live in lbara Orile walk to this place to peel, soak.pres: and dry their Cassava. They use some of the broken walls as sheds for the storage of their food stuffs. They sit there for hours cracking palm kernels or doing some other woman's task. To them the place is very familiar and sti“l very mUCh alive. Of course, these moves from the hamlets offer opportunities for the weakening of the solidarity of kinship groups which formerly occupied theSe settlements. The members of these kinship groups feel lireer to go {i ' o n 'a '1: .I ’ 0 'f' ' 0 l H1 directions they find personaliy satisfying- those who wish to . < u» to _. _, . . .- . vs ,.. w u . . . r . s I i 1 p . .I. n c u i _ ._ . . s . l . .n . t as w. i 2: .n« t. , s o ... g b 4 . “a o; L. . i. t .C .. r . . . s i , a . . s u . . l a. p i. a . A . c av a. _ _ . I .. . . . s L. .4- as. ..A ,. . ._, . . . . s . ... . . or p o _. . . . . . s . . . 1 . . ... . . . .., . . 2. .. N... i . .V . ,i « — , 7,7, s- ...—. . ,we..s..___sm-, -82- continue iarming the land of their fathers most Mlle“ m»te : "1 although they may prefer to move to some other hamlet in which the t1 claim kinship ties. Some think of moving to lbara Cmiia where tie. w become traders, apprentices, draftsmen or students. A 'ew ietiiu v with a distant relative in some of the lbarakpa tnwos whirh ra e .- in Abeokuta. Beyond Abeokuta there is always lagos or lbadan” latl~ ha~ a : »i~ attraction than lbadan for the people of lbara and lwv lie"Nr” of Abeokuta. During the last century the years of t'iha' 's- y the people of Egbaland from migrating north 0r mairisirtnz '6 at with their Families in lbadan. They were able to more mi-e ' ee‘, 2 “ south. 'They thrived and became very successful in busire~- an? , ' in the exciting port city of Lagos, the lederal capita' and rte *:'n‘ i commercial. industria‘, cultural and fashion center rt tte <.t" But Abeikuta remains the most popular and practical plate :~ d r live in Absokuta, Shelter and t’ood can be sound in the rah", w-“t ‘ x and it things do not go well the distance back to the 'arm i~ rzt 3 2' ‘35 great. ‘1‘ ‘ ‘ - re hamlets run-... ,.-.i - am- ...-... —g i 'There has not been a !*tkstep mytement e? pecp e ‘7‘" tlr I*' the Orile. $ome of the hamlets, otl in the hash, seen vwlw a a a..t 0‘ their own, Although the e.sdence points to a migrati-n i, titre r ham'ets it sometimes happens that a lineage i: r rpri e1 ‘ l " PEFMnnnel and has such great social cohesion and prpuiarity tra: a‘i . , . , b e 1C) keep its men and women and to recruit new memte': "' .u .fl5 0.: n... .A ' '.I A . . )u' v . And C. ~ \. ‘Fu L. l O p u c: K! ...w , ti. .1- .b. QC ‘5 .b. -83- marriage. to its hamlet. At the same time, the men of the lineage who have left the hamlet to seek better opportunities in Abeokuta are more liable to return home to the farmers' life if their efforts should fail Some hamlets may even flourish and grow under these circumstances becoming so popular that lineage members from less successFul hamlets come to join them. Madi is an example of one of these growing hamlets. it is situated in a deep valley two and a half miles along the dirt road tKrom the orile, and about three quarters of a mile into the bush. There are about fifteen houses in this hamlet. Many of these houses hate been improved with cement and metal roofing. At a recent funeral celebration nearly 300 people came to the hamlet. Some of these people came trom such distant places as lbadan and Lagos. 'There are many lesser hamlets scattered throughout the countryside. like the orile and Madi these hamlets are usually rsituated on the slopes oi the more forested valleys, The inhabitants of these hamlets think of the orile as the place where they can sell their farm produce and secure commodities and services or where they can seek the head man's advice. 0n market days people from these hamlets come to the orile to shop. to have their clothes mended or to have their hair cut, The acmen lrom these hamlets come to the orile to sell their palm kernels, have their hair braided or have their cassava milled. There are people in the Orile who will wash and iron their clothing and the services of black- smiths and carpenters are available. The church and mosque also prouide religious services for the peOple of the hamletS. (‘ A . «it . . .c r ,s. i 6 ~ 9 a a u . i Q . a . .C l 1 a\ w .0 0 . 0 k we F D . i. .u~ r .\ a q . r x r 4’ u 0 u i i e be .0 a. is n . .\. H a n u . ii 9» o u \o .bh - :- . I. - ... .- . ni .. w -84- The Return tg_the Orile The Yorubas are often described as an urban people. Bascom (l95jz258) has considered Yoruba urbanization: A traditional Yoruba pattern and not the outgrowth of European acculturation. It cannot be explained in terms of the develop- ment of colonial administrative centers. ports. mines or industry. The real basis of the Yoruba economy is, and was. farming. Yet the farmers are city dwellers and the city is not really a ’non- farm area' as we view it. A belt of peripheral l"arms which are visited regularly surrounds the city, extending as much as fifteen miles or more outside it. Families whose farms are more distant may have farm huts where they spend several days at a time during the height of the farming activity, but they maintain a residence in the city and regard it as their real home. Some Yoruba of course. live on farms or in very small villages. The evidence indicates that the people of the kingdom of :bara were reluctant to return to their homestead. Only recently have the Pbara people begun to repopulate their orile. Their behavior can be contra~ted with the repopulation of llaro which began immediately after the tribal wars of the last century. Today llaro is a large town. the capital of the figbado Division of Abeokuta Province. ln l952. llaro had a population of l2.bOO people. By contrast lbara Orile has only 871 res-dents even today- Some of the people of the orile feel that the chiefs living in lbara WMda exercised restraints against those who wished to resettle the orile. lflmtafa Adeode is an elder who lives in ldofin. In recent years he has bemtone of the most consistent workers for the development of the orile, Hespeaks about his coming to the orile in this way: I first came here between I939 and lghO when the second world war started. When i rebuilt the house l put on tre metal roof. My father was here before i came here. I came from Emege fhamletl, When my father was young he was staying here, but during the 6 re Oar de on L I in- .‘ ed .‘ul '6 i '0‘. '83. WE 3 0 b c . ‘3 a _ u . .... A u .—m . . H . a Dc a... C k s F. . o A i. . i .s u . i. . i . i .. . i . . l 9 . i '3 F. .u. r i p .. t «V 4 . . . 9.. cc u u u a u. . . o . .. .n A . L. ‘C o 5 . fl) . l . a. . . Dh . ‘ . . . . . A». r: x 1k .\ 0 e In .. ! .H‘ s . . I s y . .l r o . . .\. «rd u )h uh» D. o .F‘ d 0 «J a... v .u v n .u s FiV Cs . i. pso .nv . r ... K. a C n n . I . .\. n u . .Fs p» i a ”N ~ .n.» .n.» . i ... .p. u . .... ‘Mw ..\. .v#.. in Lu». «J. .. . . . .... .... 3. .-n ... El.» . . n i . L... .....s .... . .... . . .. . .. .. -85- Dahomean wars everybody ran away and after the wars he came here to build this place. But the people rose up against him saying that so far they had all settled at Abeokuta so why should he rebuild the homestead. They feared that many people would follow him, “my finedlfinn. Then he left this place and went to fimege to live. It was when he saw the people coming back to this place that he decided to come back here too. Some of the youth also blame their parents for the laggardly redevel0p~ ment of the orile. '”0ur fathers did not care to live in the town. They did not care for development." The most consistent response to queries related to individual reasons for leaving the small hamlets to establish residence in the orile seems to have to do with the idea that living among large groups of people presents more life opportunities and satisfactions than living in small bush hamlets. There are several ways of expressing this theme. Lamidi Adesoe now lives in the lfatedo section. “e expresses his reasons for leaving Sangotola's hamlet this way: Sangotola's hamlet is along Aiyetoro road. There were ten houses there. There is nobody there now. They all moved to this place because they did not want to live in the bush again, in the old days of our fathers they did not care to see everything in the town. They dic )t care for the amenities like electricity and redifussion. Jimo Akinsomo is a tall. straight. handsome,and intelligent man. Heis between forty-five and fifty years old. When the o-d hamlet began to break up he decided to "...live in the orile rather than in a small hamlet in the bush.H As a result of his move to the orile he must now W6Nnal ties to their lineage journey often to their Abeokuta compound. Tfuase who are more circumscribed in their family connections spend more time in the orile. .For purposes of census study the question really becomes a judgment as to whether the person spends more time in the orile or in Omida. Pragmatically, this meant7 lvlhere does the person sleep most of the time? ‘There are some'people who move between the orile and Omida so frequently that it is difficult to determine where these people sleep most of the time during the course of the year. Simon Adeola provides an example of this ‘Problem. Simon is one of the oldest men in his lineage. He has managed U3 build a home in Omida as well as in lbara Orile. His Omida home is a two story concrete block house with electricity and running water. Yet he maintains clothes, furniture.and wives in both his houses. He also managed to send his son to school in England. Simon's education, financial Success and talent are obvious to most people and he is the recognized leadem of his lineage. He holds this position despite the fact that there are other men of his family who are older than he; this raises interesting cerStions about the cultural rules for the position of lineage leader which .‘r .' :EC TSCJSEI '13" Shoe e'ecte ’E’lfll‘. 0‘ "I :ua'33s h!) ‘3 ":a ‘ "J'le. CL: w”F \;\ ‘F D ' "' :9 0H ‘9 v:‘."” "I . r - 95 V‘ r eec'e a i 35 ' — . .ape C e‘l .. 55,3"; r__. g ‘ a A- vd : ‘ ' ‘57:" [r u I .. w J. "Q ~_ . _ . _ . .. 0" v. {,1 . ‘- _h. ”I; c. v a, l ‘ l ';‘ ‘- ..l ‘3 o... - . e r 3. .l .L ' «e: ..I ‘r a“; K . -e,§'d' s . Tia ‘l‘ .~~ ‘F pa x no ‘.. ' I V ‘I. I .- a- . u L» P .. \. $C:u _ . . e . .‘ -., . C. ‘ " t y . s 'I .- . ‘._ .. i a... . N ‘.O‘:r‘ , .‘ ‘l. .. ‘g. .9: a! i‘ ‘- ‘ he - r 5‘ l n 1 . v '- ' ‘M' s I. ‘~ '3 . . . t, \‘ _ - 5‘, '._~D. - s- . .~ . ‘- Y'a‘ . l‘ ~ c .F. -l02- are discussed more fully under the section entitled ”Principles of Seniority"; Simon elected to live in the orile for a variety of reasons, but many of his family obligations and much of his property remained in Omida. The combination of his desire for a rural life and the obligations which he has towards his family in Cmida means that he spends as much time in Omida as in the orile. When interviewed in Omida he woud say that his homeidas in the orile, but when he was interviewed in Omida he would say that his home was in the orile~ He pays his taxes in Omida. but he is on the lbara Orile voting roles. There are a few lineage elders who, too old to run back and forth to Cnflda, spend all their time in the orile. in these cases family members leave the Omida compounds and come to the orile to meet and consult with their "father“ or HvisitH with him for extended periods of time. The problems of determining who actually lives In the orile is com- FX3unded by the movement of the females of the family These women, tharwfied to other lineages and towns, will for a V8Fl€£y of reasons FEtnnn to their father's or brother's homes. These visits may last from Orne week to several years. if a woman is elderly she may spend many years 0" even the rest of her life in the homes of her male relatives. Even in therlatter case she may feel that she is a visitor rather than a resident if>r she may fully expect to return to her husband's house'ornago hve with hef‘son. When asked she may, with equal validity, give either of these reSidences as her real home, A younger woman might be visiting the home of her relative f’or social reasons or to escape an intolerable marital situation. Her visit may last untll there is a satisfactory arbitration between herseH and her husband ~ h$.58, or until sin '2' residence she rats“,- noted, st ‘39,; ller answe 3‘ :*e estrargere: "ilheege living DTP With the P' 1:15! i0nl'l (Vixur "er- of the fa. in“ i0' tn. at .t'e afe SO’Q your. :": to 'l. .A 95' g a {Our .‘v, - )OJC'Irn in tn. tel. 'e'ei‘tur ”‘9 to ". of. ,, . Re; "dupe. \:~. 5:- ear-31".“ 3 ‘1‘."' i' 6‘ ‘ DHGUM - »5 "Si-. at , U 9.. . . e CIE‘ f". I ‘5: ' . Si‘ .4 o' .li‘ 4'1 2., Ca 5,; . \e’. ”pibn ‘ xv . d‘ Ci -103- house, or until she has found another husband. in response to queries about her residence she may say that she lives in her husband's house, or as pre- viously noted, she may say that she lives with her patrilineally related family. Her answer will depend on her feelings or estimate of the extent of the estrangement between her husband and herself, Unmarried females of the lineage living in Omida may, from time to time, be sent to the orile to help with the processing of food which will be used to feed the people of the town compound or children living "abroad" in Lagos. Men of the family also come to the orile for short or prolonged visits. Sonmrcome for thiourpose of helping on the farm during the rainy season and thewe are some young men who come to the orile looking for new opportunities after losing a town job or finishing school. It seems that these men use thefir sojourn in the village as a period of reflection and ego mobilization befbme venturing to try town life again. It often happens tiat men return to the orile for treatment of some- disease or injury which they contracted in town. Like the women, these MEWI will claim the orile as their home although they anticipate leaving the: orile to return to the town within the next few days or weeks. Parents move their children back and forth between the orile, Omida anci Lagos. These parents are always alert for the possibility of their chi ldren learning a trade or profession. To them farm life is anathema to ‘their aspirations for their children. It does happen that these excUr'sions to the metropolitan areas fail to produce the desired oppor- tunlties and the child returns to the orile for a period of time until anOther situation can be arranged. Despite the fact that many months may have elapsed since the child has left the household. the parents may 5.1311 claim will he'otional lief :er-Ewated. In I ’re family house chic-i is the h0u5 If the respc :: Elie t*e nares .isit ttei' orile :::.pe':s of the r I: i‘Clude the dee 5‘3‘69‘ ct the y-C I il’aliy arr iracse of a drug ATS” i‘an a ”Oh-1' :'e~o.se H, exp: “5' Ms to m; T'e than a "05:5 :‘QIQS ”Siting ih 5‘! l -l0li- still claim the child as a part of it. Their response may be stimulated by emotional ties or knowledge that the child's situation will soon be terminated. In terms of their familiar living patterns they are correct. The family house in the orile is their child's home as I the house in Omida is the house of all kin. (See Chapters VI and Vii) if the respondent is the elder of the extended lineage he may begin to give the names of all its members; he may include those people who merely visit their orile home but never really live there. in accounting for the occupants of the house he will have a greater tendency than other informants to include the dead with the living . but he may forget young children and neglect the young wives of the house (see pages h65-h67). ,I finally arrived at the arbitrary rule of concluding that for the purpose of a demographic survey,.persons living in a house for a period l<3nger than a month prior to the survey would be considered residents of ‘therhouse. My experiences in the orile led me to believe that if a vwoman comes to visit her family she will usually anticipate a stay of not "rare than a month. I also noticed that if a woman who first told me that Sl1e was visiting the orile remained in it for a period longer than a month Siwe usually began to take on heavier burdens of housework and became more llfivolved in food'producing. The holiday nature of her visit was trans: formed into more of ' a work orientation. in the morning she would ‘Leave the house earlier than when she had first come to the orile. Her aCtiivities would be more consistent with those of the regular inhabitants than with those of guests. .Visitors may also be found to participate in f00d production but they are generally more casual about this type of work. ’h. \ ~" \ '- ~ "3 CI...“ ':-. fi' .“ 6‘ 0, . \4 ‘8 r! . kc fl _ ‘ a” ‘.‘L" r k; I ..(r v. d"' E ..H - ‘_’ '1" 'r "w Pr, f. in _. . -'| v i‘ h, Ft _ o -< F' ' -\ r y . ‘- ,t .; 'i o... a- P ~ 7 '3 w 4‘) ._. '\ ‘u :‘1 ' i ”f. . or! 4., -' J L». '\ '4 i'. .I- ‘A .' v 4 9 ft.» .‘ S ’h .;._ ,- u -" _t . r r 6 s \ -105- Young men who have come to visit their parents usually appear to be more obviously at play, but their visits are often of much shorter duration. However, those whose visits were prolonged spoke of their difficulties in finding jobs in Abeokuta This was probably due to their having insuf~ ficient contacts with ”important persons” to find new employment. in any event, these young men “do not stay long in the orile” before they are off to Abeokuta or some larger town seeking new opportunities. The census of each house was always terminated with a survey of its construction and with questions about the sleeping arrangements of the occupants These final observations and questions revealed the number of children, wives and strangers living in the house whom the.EiL2 had not rnentioned previously. Locked doors which were found in several of the houses during these final visual surveys revealed the number of wives, brothers,and other relatives who had left the orile bLl were still ccnmidered to be residents of the house. .123 Question gj Ag; A more difficult problem was the question of age calCulation. Most <3? them could not even approximate their ages and it was not unusual to hEBar them say that they were two or three years old. Those persons who did seem to have some idea of their age often FDFesented unique problems. Some of these people had obtained approxima- tions of their ages from their interactions with census takers during the l952 and l963 censuses or from relatives who might have calculated their age for them. Such calculations might have been made as early as fifteen Years before. My assistants and i had to be aware of the possibility that O s . " § - bu‘ ' ' e ‘.A . . .V J 16 “her we of these 95 :19: in {“2 035: in ou' at: - StQ'lCél 81'6": es: rate of his. estasl-stcd wt“ "e 'atter c'ev'ce Wagers' ow *e 'ersccual canr w. MES i ‘ZE’CC in 0.." "5 35‘":S l"‘~ d; .‘t use of 1 .tl‘st i wf ‘ I Ju 3 vi ‘. J. 0f r J" r- 3" = ::‘e i 0' f“ t. ..\‘ d. ~ P. u=5 - He '6 ‘5 h. .. 1| ta" 3"( . 43,” ”as .“Pf :0 ~ ( 5 El. :[ s ._ 332‘: . {Q ‘ais : .-r i f" . -106- some of these people would give us the ages that had been calculated for them in the past. In our attempt to determine ages, we utilized such devices as an historical events calendar (See Appendix C). We also used a person's own estimate of his age in relation to some elders whose ages we had already established with some degree of confidence. These two devices were helpful. The latter device was particularly useful, for it leaned heavily on the villagers' own means of determining their relative ages and therefore on their social commitments and usages towards each other. The drawback of this method was that it was time consuming and required our building up confidence in our age listings of many people before we could use them as fixed points in determining the ages of people. The use of the historical events calendar was our most useful tool. However, this had to be used with caution for there was always the problem <>f retrOSpective falsification. Some of the people, in their eagerness ‘to help us, would attempt to convince us that they were alive during the [Deriod of certain historical events. They would speak of helping their fanher on the farm, of having been married and having children at that distant time, or of going on some important trip. In those instances, when <>ur suspicions were aroused, we would continue to ask those informants iabout still earlier historical events. At times we had to conclude that the person was probably speaking of something he had heard about so often that he felt it had happened during his lifetime. The possibility of re- tI’OSpectivefalsification was particularly possible in the orile where many of the people had spent most-of their lives in the bush and really kNEw nothing about most of the events which were listed on the event sheet. lame of t” ,, 1K! (VV l 3" ..w i l U u * ‘Iv. . ’ Ii ¥a 9 F. if. '90 ... i. 'v’“ \. ‘. ’h -107- Because of these problems we took the census of the orile on two separate occasions. The first census was started in September 1965 and was completed by November 1965. The second census was taken in April 1966 and was completed the same month. The period between November 1965 and April 1966 was a time of tension and terror. Hooligans of the various political parties committed murder, arson and robbery in the towns and villages of the Western Region. Periodically, many of the people fled to Omida where they hOped to obtain more protection than in the orile. At the time of the April 1966 census some of these peOple had not yet returned to the orile. The dry season had just ended and harvest had not yet begun. Some who would ordinarily be in the orile at harvest time had not returned. £222,222 A comparison of the two censuses shows a decrease of 31 persons laetween August 1965 and April 1966 (902 to 871). (See Table 3.) During the period between the censuses 112 people left the orile~ 9O peOple UKoved in, and there were 9 deaths, a population loss of 31. This figure C(Drresponds with the actual difference between the totals reported in the tvvo censuses, thus verifying our census~taking procedures. Very few children are actually born in the orile. Some women go to tine maternity clinic at lkereku District Council, the site of the local adfifinistrative offices; others to the hospitals in Abeokuta; and there are a number of women who go to their husbandsl compounds in Abeokuta. Since most babies are not born in the orile and womensi movements are not restricted, there is no way of gathering statistical data on ..l. Ike [2 lbw Ira [by If. ....t. (..l. ..‘ Ir. ., .t......... Ta‘ .... fatazJSstvL a. . D .3 2 l: 1.. w ’1 . L :1 {a Irv :1 .LJ :2 ./s ..i i. . ...; _ L Arv o . DWLE A v fill A, v A v Al. Al..- F .- R. u at:- 9 l uni A v ulv A o g y . i F n c d ._ u a o o u \ . n.‘ Aid .0 -4.IJ ‘1 all ~14 . c «uw u OLJ ...... ‘14 I ..1 InJ ‘ .1. .v. p v 1.. e u u s u u . ~ . n . u 3. ct» .» u c g ~ ~ . u . . . . s . . link I .. ... n n . i p- ..b .14 I .‘d..- ~ 1 .Iu .u. o i. n; n t «-4 u n.. .n . .v. ..a Age Group l\ge G roup 0-1 1'5 6-10 1 1-20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 61-70 71-80 81-90 91-100 100+ Total 100. 12. 15. 12. 13. 12. ~wwu1 100. bVO‘bO‘O‘OkO-L‘NO‘WKO muNmmoo—wnoorJrU-I— -108- TABLE 3 CENSUS STUDIES IBARA ORILE Preliminary Census 0 456 Second Census Female % 100. Female 12. 10. 12. 20. 15. WNW \JKOOOC‘O‘HWOO‘O-D’ 100. mw—‘OVKOWKD—‘NNN Total No. % 21 2.3 125 13.8 108 12.0 119 13.2 160 17.7 130 14.4 90 9.9 51 5.6 48 5.3 29 3.2 13 1.4 6 .6 2 .2 902 100.0 Total No. % 37 4.2 111 12.7 100 11.5 119 13.7 146 16.8 124 14.2 90 10.3 50 5.7 46 5.2 31 3.5 9 1.0 6 .7 2 .3 871 100.0 551.5111] ti'trs. a ‘cr tte jacked p'e‘ $551. ACIJally Pg" "'91" the 0r;]e. 4 1 i H .E«C.ij go 10 he, “I. " 3"‘36 Vet’s" " ll Ca" be as ::'- w - '~ er ta"|fin a q i'ii'i‘TE'a'ce o‘ "f‘ w.' :Ir'-< so. 0*. ' 8 - 8'? "fi < -'_ H “'Le ‘1 v'. SA Y ‘0 355 v '2’?" {N‘r .. e_ C,» \ e838 1" ‘ ::‘ f h P ..Q as ~a_ . . a . i ‘0 910. L , I491 .:"~§ ‘ E.EA ‘ at .3, 'L. ; ' 6 ~ “s .1“. J a ‘— -"'L.l ‘109" sex, still births and infant mortality. This poses a problem in accounting for the decided predominance of males over females in the Owl year cate- gory. Actually nothing can be said about the number of pregnancies occur~ ring in the orile, for it appeared that as soon as a woman began to enlarge she would go to her husband's house in Omida. While in the orile we saw only three pregnant women and heard of only two births there. If it can be assumed that an equal number of boys and girls are born. then barring a hidden selective factor in female mortality, the preponderance of boy infants over girls is probably because the mothers who raise their boys in the orile have greater expectations of their living in the village and becoming farmers than the mothers of girl infants expecting them to remain there. The aspirations which mothers have for their daughters usually revolved around trading activities; these can be better learned in the town than in the small village. Many of these girl children aare a 150 sent tothe homes of their parents” relatives where they are'sociallzed and where they are expected to assist with the household chores. Upon completion of the second census we were surprised to note the large increase in the number of newborns in the orile. There were, in fact, twice as many in this category in the second census than in the first. 1 do not believe that we missed these babies during our first census. Even at that time we habitually checked every room, the outside kitchens,and the area surrounding each rouse as part of our regular efforts to find and identify all occupants. There is much that is not known about such matters. There might be a cyclical pattern of births and deaths occurring on a nonthly basis of which we are not yet aware. Possibly t” ’3'Ft5orist an: "ass neop’e dis :I"Cren to tb‘e 'e’li :o-Detefl,‘ a. <- - e'eGIEG :y {>- ‘u. . : is Fa.“ ' “:C'r '.I"rn 'b I“ ’5‘ a L e (C. n.‘v-’ . br- ‘ Sent '0 ”'9 the:r 5 e In:,Pa( - ‘- z'v' i IE',| ‘~ 0" 0( : ’L '23 J =~'L:|’ IP‘ in h Sb -llO- Possibly this may be partly explained by the weekly visits of a nutritionist and her staff which began in the interim between censuses. These people distributed powdered milk? gave health lectures and demon- strations, treated infections and encouraged many women to take their children to the local clinic and hOSpitals in Abeokuta. This woman was very competent and her program was highly Successful. Despite the fact that most births appear to occur outside the orile a substantial number of mothers and their children do return there. This is revealed by the large number of children in the age categories l-S and 6-l0. When these categories are combined there are 2ll children in the ‘alO category. From the 21l children in this combined category, the number in the 20w2] category drops to 110. inis reflects the number of children sent to Abeokuta and other distant towns for such purposes as apprenticeships, better schooling,or residence with relatives who might require their services. The increase in the number of females in the age category 2iw30 is a reflection of the number of wives marrying into the orile. This number drops abruptly in the next ten year period and this decline continues into the hiaSO years group. This is indicative of the number of women who have decided to live in their husbands3 houses in Omida or who, for one reason or another, have terminated their relationships with their husbands. it can be seen that these fluctuations in the number of females living in the orile occurred in both the censuses. f\ “V l, PU AIV C FIL- A w I: 5...: Am} C O C r) Ifiv Vii: Pill.» -d a 1 .\¢ .- . . a . «d- 4 c i a: . h ‘u s f\ p ' . .\ . ..- . e . u . h 0 . R .... '\. «$3 | I i h 9. . u r. c e x x— o I A I r. v . h I. w l.‘ C‘ I I v s 1. .h‘ a -lll- TABLE h THE PATTERN 0F MOVEMENT 0F WlVES OF THE HOUSE Age ldofin lfatedo Isolo Oke Afin Category No. % No. % No. % No. % ll-20 2 3.2 21-30 I7" no.5 14 58.3 30 55.6 i7 27.9 3l-h0 13 30.9 S 20.8 l4 25.9 2] 3h.h hl-SO 6 lh.2 3 l2.h 7 l3.0 9 lh.8 51-60 2 h.8 l h.l 2 3.7 5 8.2 6l-70 2 h.8 l h.l l l.7 S 8.2 7l-80 2 h.8 l l.6 81-90 9l-100 l 1.6 Total #2 l00.0 2h l00.0 54 100.0 6] l00.0 Study of Table 4 shows that it is indeed the wires in a household who are the greatestcause of the fluctuations in the female population. Despite the indication that the men of the Oke Afin quarter marry earlier and keep their wives over a longer period of time the marital careers of their wives are similar to those in other quarters. it is evident that after the first decade of marriage there is a dramatic loss of wives which continues to the extent that by the time a man reaches the age of 5‘ there is better than eight percent chance that re will not have a wife living with him in the orile. These figures illustrate the womensa mobility and the fact that reproduction is the primary reason for wives associating with their husbands. Despite the fluctuation in the number of females between the ages 3f ll'SC‘, [56 0:. tic percentage 5 asaway of life :‘iey will often "ic‘ied in 50% cheier, CC’SIB’TI, it 55: 3:72 of these n. it replaced by 6“miles in L :vhy . a. \C 665:5. 6 .‘u \ u, ‘. "cte: Or \“ u__. 3 PC u the t ;. -. ".J I as n- : ~e’ ¥ 0 ... § R ‘rt.’ ,‘ '1- ir- '.I '8 Eh ‘ w 9 k“; 'S "i n: V ‘ i p. 17"." ';;’ — S. l":I s '5 -ll2- of ll-SO, the number of males.in this category does not vary more than two percentage points. See Table 3. These men are committed to farming. as a way of life. That is not to say that they like farming. In fact, they will often claim to dislike farming and express a desire to become involved in some other activity. 0f farming they say: ”It is what I know”. However, although the number of farmers in these age groups remains constant, itshould not be assumed that they are all the same farmers. Some of these men die, others move to Abeokuta to try their luck. They' are replaced by men who have not been successful at their trades or other activities in Abeokuta. This type of turnover is small, but does occur. Some of the men who come back have and moderate success in their crafts or trading activities. They return to the orile to bury their fathers and find that.they must remain in the orile to take care of the surviving children and wives. This, too, is their ”luck”. Referring again to Table 3, the number of men in the 50-60 group is one half the number of men in the h0-50 age group. This decrease is largely due to death and disease. Those farmers in this group who have become too debilitated to continue their farm work.turn to Omida where they will stay most of the time. They return to the orile and their farms to reap the harvest of cocoa, palm kernels, coconuts, kola,and oranges (see pages 323-326). :This pattern seems to be the one followed by an increasing number of men as they grow older. The fact is, it is Opprobrious for a man to die on the farm. If a man has had any success at all in life he will usually look forwarmi to enjoying the society of town life in his later years. The number of women in the 61-70 category shows an increase over the '.':er of wonen ir “net of wonen m: :c: lite with their '9’: 599 9'0UP the 2551*‘5 a"! not/ye»: [C’sfde'aiion 1 ..-:er 0‘ “ales 6,: x) -v. 931%er 3...; u u. a. J Z'aie Chggen .0 r tether w: {es he: 5: ~ I} -113- number of women in the Sl-60 age group. This rise probably reflects the number of women who have given up trading and have come back to the orile to live with their children in their children‘s father’s house. ln the next age group the number of women drOps to a low of sixteen, reflecting deaths and movement back to Omida and their own father's house. Consideration should be given to the harmony which exists between the number of males and females in the categories between Sl to l00. Study of our records indicates that these figures represent a number of women who have chosen to remain with their husbands. if these women, like so many other wives had decided to leave the orile, the number in these cate- . . ll gories would have been consnderably decreased. l l“a.e on] ssez'al -ea.;.. ."‘ 1 . r?" . .' ' her I" If, . ‘ . ' al 9 I . ,_ era. 0' '31:: ‘ I‘ -_a ’k - 9i -: Q I! l! ll" . l n . _ e e he- , ..' .6 I“... 1 . ‘4’. ‘ l f 2.9 ‘:’pl . 5A ' w J ’BKI . “L a. V '.:-~. ‘ 5'3“» - . fl _ C' e E .3'. -. n, . i': Efn'v“. - 554 E’ ." . .v. as e~.L ‘5 ..u i“ \ U ‘- 1) P A ‘ l .I- . ' '2' . ' " é‘,:' u_'a "ir-, V hf)" .4 5.. S I‘L’ 1 ' i R I V Y. .. Eu, ,3: ‘p b J- ‘.I r '3 (FE - ‘\ a z '2 r Jr in‘ , . In :1 E‘ f h“ a fie" ‘ I'. h "r -J.~. .. .‘b L -llli- NOTES I have only heard three or four Muslims say that Sundays had no Special meaning for them. One of these peOple was the immam. The term ”playing” means sitting and talking or holding meetings of the various social societies of the town. The “freedom ceremony“ is an elaborate celebration given by parents on the occasion of the completion of their child's apprenticeship. 3 The Lafenwa market becomes really active after l0:00 a.m. and continues until about one half hour before sunset. The small ita Osin market starts earlier but by noon many of the women selling in this market have packed their loads and trekked over two miles to the Lafenwa market where they will again Spread out their wares for sale. Further investigation might prove that this interest Stems from the familial relationships these women have with the lberekodo township of Abeokuta. They claim that Iberekodo is an lbarakpa village. Balogun is a Chieftaincy title in the Olorogun society- The headman now lives in lbara Omida. Alth0ugh he has retired from the orile he has not relinquished his responsibilities and he will keep his title until he dies. 7G.J. Afolabi Ojo (l966:208~209) makes some interesting comments about the significance of irregularities of landscape in Yorubaland. Even minor elevations onld be called Hoke” (hill) as contrasted with neighboring depressions which are termed Ugig” (lowland). These terms are used as either a prefix or suffix to the given name of the place as in the name Oke Afin. ”Even within each village and town there is a common Yoruba practice of projecting the ups and downs of the land, no. matter how slight, into the names of the quarters (Ojo l966:209). The problem of dating historical events will be discussed on pages l05-109. See also Appendix C. 9At the time of the study of the repOpulation of the orile lhh hOuses were occupied. in “The at! .ial 1Tte quest;o» E the “Obility 0-.- iE‘JE"C‘y to 3"a”<;& Jim-STEM per'nits stems to eia‘ta- r: 'A ‘n‘vlale o'oiice: _]]5_ The actual costs of building a house will be discussed on page 3h0 IThe question of wives' origins is difficult to resolve. Consider- ing the mobility of the peOple, the recent growth of the orile, the tendency to arrange genealogies for convenience' sake (a practice which ultimately permits some people to marry not very distant relatives), attempts to evaluate the extent of intravillage and intraquarter marriage would have provided a very unrewarding exercise. a F. i. A v f.» w o . F F. a. u . O :V c‘ H . . K: I o n ‘u 'l .d 4 _ , a . r a. \ .... s . . - I n A. I. t . i Q a‘ a n ch ‘5 . . u .i n h . Ab. ..v i n n . . C. s . .14 o ‘ .Id . . . n I .v -' I v 1.. . . . u A: . ~ .\ L.» fih -ll6- PART TWO HOW THEY CRSER THEIR WORLD Groups of peOple require some common beliefs ahout human nature and the world around them. if everyone in a soc e'v went around with different ideas about these things there would be little basis for the communication and c00peration necessary to the crea*ion and development of'a community. There must be some commonality of belief and opinion labout the world, how it is organized, and the way peOple should and do behave before meaningful human associations can be established. There is, then, the question of the structure of interpersonal action. This is the question of idiosyncratic behavior which inhibits the possi~ bi lity of anticipated and patterned social reSponses. thereby leading to S- 2.1. “~49 . 0r tf‘ . Jwfi ‘3 § . '6 'nf \JK-I‘VL.“ . d\54 -ll9' thousands. ldowu (1963:67-68) discusses this confusion and notes that the number 0f.2Llii has been estimated to be between 200 and l,700. The people concern themselves with only a few of the hundreds of Eliié they could , potentially, worship. For this analysis, these deified ancestors can be considered in three general categories: (i) National Orisa, (2) Town Orisa, (5) Family Orisa. Such prize as Egun, Yemoja, Obatala, $ango, and Oro are among the national Qilii currently worshipped by the peOple of the orile° These Eilii are known throughout Yorubaland and are considered among the major cultural 23113 of the Yoruba peOples. Some of these deities gain greater importance in some parts of the land and tend to be of lesser importance in other sections of Yorubaland. Thus, not all of the peOple of ggbaland consider Yemoja as important as do their neighbors, the figbado. At another level may be found the town and village 9:112. Ajiboyede, the ancestor hero of the people of lbara, is not recognized as an 2511a by people who are not of the lbara kingdom. Finally there are the lineage'griia, the deified ancestors of an extended lineage, who, at one time, exhibited great traits of character which their descendents still honor by sacrifices to the departed elders. The popularity of the town 25113 and the lineage 9:113 may endure for generations or an 9:113 may be neglected if worship of him proves of no value to the health and welfare of lineage and community. Lineage 25112 seem to be particularly subject to fluctuations of p0pularity. A lineage or town 2£j§§_that might be falling into disrepute and neglect Can be rejuvenated if a Babalawoltells his clients that their ill-fortune 's the result of These m ‘ a'e suipo'ted 3y ‘ .DO. .. .tities Of The ::._..:er5 with S~ '3‘}. if1 like 31's.? in email“ §.::"a, 0'0. a": $3.5 grsucs a”: 53.1: Cult is H . :.;‘:.:t the t’w \~~SilC"S W” :n; .. "5 . Of FO‘IF‘. a» VI 33‘ :r, fl. - ~ ul “‘9 P - p‘. f";- ~ ,f the t' :A 'u' ~\ rlSlI‘ . al‘S ~ e 8’3 crl I .'r-~' ‘ ~U SIL‘Lr I E‘- \er ,‘. .O-F ltl~ u a“ 5 Fr ... h . . SO ‘ u 5‘ -l20- is the result of their failure to worship one of these neglected 9:123. Those 2£j§§_which form the great traditions of Yoruba culture are supported by cults which have been created for their continuing worship and propitiation. The Gelede festival is the result of the organized activities of the priests and priestesses of the Yemoja cult. The concern of hunters with success in their activities insures the lasting propitiation of Ogun. In like manner there are large numbers of peOple who come to- gether in organized fashion to participate in the worship of Egun, §ango, spponna, Oro, and other traditional 9511a. The organization of these various groups and their expressions of worship differ. While the Egungun cult is highly formalized and requires organization and coordination throughout the town of Abeokuta, peOple concerned with the worship of Yemoja are primarily involved with the organizational problems within the quarter of lbara Omida. However, the worship of most Qiiii does not require such elaborate ritual. Questions were asked for the purpose of learning something about the pattern of religious affiliation in the orile. The tally sheets (Table 5) Show 562 of the peOple claimed to be adherents of lslam and denied any worship of the traditional QEiiér One hundred twenty-five people claimed to be Christians. Only 42 people said that they worshipped the traditional gods alone and only 6 of these mentioned more than one traditional god. One hundred sixteen people claimed to mix traditional religious practices With either Islam or Christianity. Although the majority of the peOple claimed exclusive adherence to either Islam or Christianity our eXperience led us to understand that a strong commitment to these religions did not obviate the x N iehgions l “N “N icsie" and l'acitiona] [Aristian ard "aditioral ”C'e Than One Pantiona] Tr " ' 'raclilonl Alone I. «3 leg i-ioqe l w N I‘ 1 L- ~ - 04 ‘* I ”gun ‘.I" I 4"n .c 30 ir ‘0 ‘ihn l .- v «‘4 t." a l a :I -l2l- TABLE 5 EXPRESSED RELIGIOUS AFFILIATIONS ACCORDING TO TOWN QUARTER L I i T Religions lfatedo ; ldofin , Isolo Oke Afin Total No. % ,No. % i No. 2 No. % .No. % L v; Moslem and . , Traditional I3. 7.6 Il 6.0 g 7 3.1 65 23.9 96 11.3 Christian = , and I .5 7 3.7 i h 1.8 8 2.9 20 2.h Traditional . More Than i One | Traditional 2 I 2 3 l 6 l I .h 6 .7 ' I Traditiomfl 3 Alone l2 7.0 i ll 6.0 ‘ 7 3.1 3 l2 h.h AZ u.9 Moslem : i a 3 Alone I30 76.5 2 lhs 78.h l 159 71.0 3128 h7.l €562 66.0 Christian . i : Alone I2 7.0 y 8 h.3 #6 20.5 i 59 21.7 il25 Ih.7 Totals l‘70 100.0 3 I85 l00.0 28h 100.0 @272 100 o ##851 100.0 CHART 2 NAMES AND ORDER OF POPULARITY OF ORISA WORSHIPPED IN ORILE I- Egun 35 9- lfa 9 2- Yemoja 28 IO- Ara Igbo 7 3- Obatala 20 Il- Yoruba 6 h- Ogun I9 12- Oya 5 5- Ibeji l5 l3- Erinle 2 6- §ango lh lh- Osoisi l 7- Oro I2 l5- Osanyin l 8- Osun I0 l6- Snponna I DCSSlbility of 0 iWSQDCODIe do 5333‘9 ll'.JSl in or m a year duri he evemrleln; n; m DOIer‘tlal or 385595 the 9802 a-ce510r5 Ni ii 9i i also we'll :‘E Or:er Of DCC‘ "9 the Ori ‘ fesa': 0 "55iiional YOK,» 5.35510“ Or the ‘r~ H 1.56tllflCe to islz, *. . \‘ k d The H \ IC \\ Flve hmdre El» . i 49 their t, ...nes and is one .:., .by COODErat. he f'tst l~ (l._ 'u P ‘0'} S V lx~y y fl. 0 We Pa‘ed; -l22- possibility of occasional reliance upon the traditional 25113, Most of these people do turn to the traditional 9:133! although some who profess strong Muslim or Christian beliefs may only prOpitiate their ancestors once a year during the annual Egungun or Yemoja festival. The fact that the overwhelming majority habitually use lfa divination implies that they are potential 2£j§a_worshippers. The saying, ”9£i§a_fight with me” ex- presses the general belief that people who neglect the worship of their ancestors will get into many difficulties. I also wanted to discover the variety of 9£j§§_worshipped as well as the order of pOpuIarity of these 9£i§a_(Chart 2). .In reSponse to our queries regarding the grlsa_they worshipped, we received only the names of the traditional Yoruba national 2:12_, No one offered us the names of their ancestors or the 2£i§a_of the town, although they frequently call upon and sacrifice to their ancestors and town 2£j23_as part of their prayers. Islam And The Muslims Five hundred and sixty-two peOple claimed to be Muslims and to have given up their traditional Gods. The Muslims' mosque is made of cement and stones and is one of the largest enclosed structures in the orile. It was built by cooperative labor twelve years ago. The first Immam, Gbadamosi, came from Oke Afin, and started teaching Islam some sixty years ago. Before he moved to lbara Omida he appointed a relative named Lawani, also from Oke Afin, to succeed him as Muslim teacher [Alpha]. The next Immam was Mustapha, a man from Oke Afin, and, again, a relative to Gbadamosi. Fagbure, the present Immam was a student and relative of Mustapha. Since Gbadamosi moved to Abeokuta all Immams have lived in Abeokuta. Tsere Has bat Cr'da concerr {vibe forne' lead them in ‘ms of their flzmvted to a Ga"1yu O 3' 35¢ ori la n The Chi!“ the Decal Stadancs: the rest, With was decide tr; 59'8 and 1‘6 lease "”ans. iteskuta MC Flore _ Ga’lYU‘s -123- There has been some minor conflict between the Muslims of the orile and Omida concerning the prOper residence.of the Immam. Some of the Muslims in the former have wanted Fagbure to come to lbara Orile every Friday to lead them in their prayers. The people of lbara Omida have resisted the loss of their Immam and so Jimo Adesola, the Alpha [Muslim teacher] was appointed to act for him. Ganiyu 0moloku, an elder of Isolo, and one of the most devout Muslims in the orile tells the story of the succession of Immams: The chief Immam must stay in Omida so as to attend meeting of the peOple. Gbadamosi appointed Jimo to be acting Immam here. Gbadamosi died ten years ago. Though being.dead he appointed the rest. He wore the first ade [Muslim turban-like crown] which was used to appoint the other men. After one man dies we decide to appoint another man. It was Gbadamosi who brought Islam here and to llewo and lsaga. -That is why he and his family are the leaders.- That is why we say that he appointed the other Immams. The people in Ake Oko, ljeun, and other towns in Abeokuta had their Chief Immam and they were wondering why we had none. That is why we appointed our teacher Gbadamosi. Ganiyu's discussion of the succession of Immams illustrates how a foreign title and the functions subsumed under that title can be in- herited by the lineage of the man who first brought the title and the function to the orile. His Speech also demonstrates the idea that dead lineage elders do, in fact, have relevance to the activities of their living descendants. It will always be Gbadamosi who appoints successive Immams and Alphas of his lineage for the township of lbara Omida and the village of lbara Orile. The present Alpha, Jimo Adesola, lives in the finest house in the cwile. His home is in lsolo and he is the owner of the rice and soup Shop located beside the paved road across the street from the three per- manent market sheds. He is also the owner of one of the two rooming '2585 built i 1.’ tie ori le. It took I- i‘ tl’e Ml i- E'Z‘I‘Er agblt S 'VRES 3 «6&- 35' 35 P'ESWe: .5 5V aSS;St final "we. Ts‘ by :. i.! V ‘ v(~e]! h 3tl-‘x ; A, { U a, . ‘p' ~: Ile“ a :u‘ .‘ ., u . :D x " ’- .\" 'd ‘-I v’. u‘ ‘. CL ~ d “fr - Ca 1 ~ f. V,- x 'r I u:. . -) .I ~ I . . .5 Lb.“ *3”. Na! ‘- vq ' 424- houses built in l966. Few will deny that he is one of the richest men in the orile. It took Alpha thirty years to attain his knowledge of the koran. As the Muslim teacher he has one young student who lives with him and another adult student who lives in the orile and visits his house several evenings a week. The young student is Adesola's brother’s son and it can be presumedthat this young boy will eventually succeed to the position of Alpha as Adesola may eventually succeed to the position of lmmam. As the religious leader of the Muslims, Alpha Adesola presides over all Islamic ceremonies held in the orile or in the hamlets under the orile. If, however, the ceremony is of great importance, such as the funeral rituals for a highly reSpected elder, Fagbure, the immam, will come from Omida to assist the Alpha. Adesola must also lead the daily prayersin the mosque. These prayers usually occur at 6:00 A.M.,2:00 P.M., 4:00 P.M., 7:00 P.M., 8:00 P.M., and 9:00 P.M. According to the Alpha: Usually these prayers take 5 to 15 minutes but on Fridays we start at l:00 P.M. or l:50 PnM. and our prayers may last till 5:00 PcM. or after #:00 P.M. If we finish before 4:00 P.M., they must come back again at #:00 P.M. This is a lot of praying and not even the most enthusiastic Muslim is able to maintain this schedule. Rarely have I seen more than ten or fifteen men in the mosque at any one time. Most of the men who regularly attend the mosque are elders who, in their later years, approach their farm work at a more leisurely pace° They are able to devote more time to the mosque. Many Muslims who do not attend the mosque kneel on their ram Skins, obtained from rams killed during the Ramadham festival. These id’selso seri <«Elly braced "" "95h“ ren , .‘u Q. '“= at the ~its “9'6 a’e r 35 :‘ere are ""1? :3'C.p Ci k I ' “5'3 be“. h ... ‘ Te {S’e'lé .. [He kc.afl 3:9“: ' "336! Eve I. in“ \ ‘wa ‘ .‘is‘ 531.];" I -,.- s s . e ‘3‘ I. LJ 6 8".“ \\ T \ ‘cf‘ .c'n“ 5p. -l25- skins also serve a decorative function for, when not in use,they are lusually draped from a hook embedded in a parlor wall, The wives of the Muslim men also claim to be Muslim but they are less frequently involved in mosque attendance, Islamic ceremonials, and prayers. They are reputed to go to the mosque on Friday afternoons. In fact, we never saw an orile woman at the mosque. There are nearly six and one-half times as many Muslims in the orile as there are Christians. Many elements of the Islamic religion are highly compatible with the traditional beliefs and practices of the people° For example, the funeral rituals which are traditional aSpects of Yoruba culture are freely and frequently utilized as parts of Muslim burial customs. Such customs as the in-laws dancing the coffin around the village (see pages h70-h7l), occur in Muslim as well as traditional funerals, but are not considered acceptable contributions to Christian funerals. The one Christian funeral witnessed in the village consisted of a group of kin and friends walking solemnly behind the coffin to the burial yard behind the church. The mysteries of lslam are firmly rooted in the beliefs they hold about the koran. The kOran is considered a very powerful book. ‘The‘ people‘beflieve that if you read too.much, you will SOOHng madl AS the people say, ”You must know how far you can read and at which passage you must sacrifice a goat before you can read farther.“ They feel that the bible. is simple to read and holds 3 no hazards, ”Even a small boy can walk into a store and buy a bible and read it. But only the Alpha and Immam can read the koran." This is a belief which i enccuntered among a large number of the -IZ6- inhabitants of some of the most remote villages in the far reaches of Egbaland and figbadoland. A young educated Muslim who had attended Christian primary and secondary schools expressed this belief very emphatically: When I was in Baptist Day Primary School the teacher told us that in the olden days the bible is kept as we keep our eyes because if a person drops it or beats it the person will suffer disease. He will not die, but will suffer headaches. He said that if we go to the bookshop and gather the bible it will be wrapped with a special paper so that we will not use our dirty hands to hold it. If we hold it with dirty hands we would have headache. But now the bible is for everybbdy. Even a boy of five years. That is why it is counted useless. So far as everybody uses it, it is counted useless. Before a a boy can hold the koran he must be over ten to fifteen years because we have different kinds of it. We have pamphlets which go to six esu [chaptersl. Before a child can finish that he must be over ten. So by that he will be given a big one with sixty esu. There must be sacrifices before certain of those esu can be read. Complementary to this belief in the power of the koran is the belief in Islamic protective medicine which is often subStituted for the more traditional Yoruba medicine or used as a supplement to the traditional Yoruba protective medicine. These medicines originated in Northern Nigeria, among the Hausa. The fact that the Hausa brought both Islam and protective medicine to the Yoruba causes the peOple of the orile to associate Hausa protective medicine vfith Islam. Enhancing the attraction of Islam is the variety and quality 0ftmis protective medicine. From simple Arabic letters scrawled 0n a piece of parchment or leather this medicine can be elaborated into large ornamental affairs made of small bits of mirror pasted together to form a mosaic effect, causing small beams of light to I,‘.9é'0.“d the w rae'ewtsg. T a‘iphcete thi T'e orgaafza "5'”eege and ti Te'5‘Ci'pha n 31- Tie StruCi is? :5 ”0 SLp€r( [HOSE lrpori .fi Lu: I Ste-it), which ‘USVEW 0‘ :He .:"l5 bene. .'3 our waitre- s s '9‘ v Cl'e to be} ~ 'f/ L'dT \ ‘ "'e .02. of ,“ec “ e :0 5a, teltnodc. .6 S», .C‘-re .13: U . '4: led "- -127- jump around the walls, ceilings, and floors of the parlors in which they are hung. There is nothing in the Christian tradition which can duplicate this. The organizational structure of Islam is quite compatible with the lineage and community organization of lbara. The titles of the Immam and Alpha remain in the lineage of the founders of Islam in lbara. The structure of Islam in lbara remains within the kingdom. There is no superordinate heirarchy. A most important aSpect of Islam's wide acceptance is the compatibility of the polygynous marriage customs of both Islam and the traditional marriage habits of the people. This contrasts with Christianity which prohibits polygynous marriages. Yet, the Christians of the orile do establish polygynous households. They explain this behavior as if they considered it a defect Of character. "It is our nature. We cannot have just one wife." The Muslims Cb not have to balance their beliefs and behaviors in this way. Christianity flag The Christians Most of the Christians of lbara Orile reside in Oke Afin. They wenaunable to say when St. Luke's Anglican Church of lbara Orile waslnfilt although we did get some calculations which would suggest thatthe'structure was erected about thirty-eight years ago. Unlike thestone walled mosque, the church is a mud walled cement veneered stnmture. It is a large, but old structure. The Christians are dehflmfined that they will replace this structure with a stone walled ChUNfiL "We do not want to repair it. We want it to be like the mosque". '.J L- For this reas sto'e rich : rat he cost fin is to co tocofiec: Ni. «3" Cu rC TSE‘CqOC a . l k ...e .his 33'»- ‘0 ' f0r . as". devise?” Lei-Viz», -128- For this reason they have begun to collect large amounts of laterite stone which they pile up in the church court yard. They have estimated that the cost of the church will be between $600 and $1000. Their plan is to collect and spend $50 and $60 at a time. They have decided to collect what little money they can raise among themselves. They will also codlect the stones which will be used for the walls of the building. Once this has been done they will ask their families living in the surrounding hamlets, Omida, Lagos, and other parts of Yoruba- land,‘for help. The question of leadership among the Christian group is of some interest in understanding the differences between the religious organ- ization of the Muslims and that of the Christians of the orile. The Anglican church provides a preacher who has reSponsibility for the congregation at lbara, llewo, ‘l,aga, and several other towns. The only time this preacher was seen in the orile was during the funeral ceremony for the only Christian buried in the orile during our period of investigation. On this occasion he stimulated much controversy and recrimination by reprimanding the Christians for not having a preperly cleaned church with the proper cloths and rugs laid out. Theseopoor peOple, untutored in the finer ceremonials of the church, were bewildered and angry at his scoldings. ReSpecting his authority, they could only rail among themselves and demand, "Why does he not teach us rather than scold us? " Samson Adedoyin is the lay reader for the church. He is assisted by several elders and the teachers who are employed in the Anglican SChool. These people help Samson in the arrangement and carrying 3.: of cwrch ce 'esco'sibil'ties ariodically, he 'fi ":6 l'lStruCt Semen said “he orile; 501070" 01) 57¢“ toce :i-e- VE’y taie [90.1.5 '9 Ca’no: C 3'6 aCtlve ‘oiocy give Le 13)" Fee s.‘ ...; a’C 6.48» ..g -ee:[“_:s l'ose earl iiwes if CEPS :flJ I- . - V ‘0 fit. ' ["e L, -129- out of church ceremonies. Those who can read Yoruba also share preaching reSponsibilities. Samson is both a farmer and town carpenter, but, periodically, he travels to the Anglican Church Council in Ilaro to receive instructions at the lay readers' meetings. Samson said the following about the organization of the Christians hithe orile: Solomon pmotayo is the leader of the Christians. He was not in church today because he is old and sick. We can not take money, [i.e. they are not rich enough to hire a preacher.] We cannot take youth to be above old men. If someone comes who is older we cannot choose Solomon Qmotayo again. There is no one who is more active than the others. We give suggestions between ourselves. Nobody gives suggestions to us. The lay reader and his deacons try to hold church services every morning and evening. They are usually more successful at holding their morning meetings. I attended one meeting: I rose early because of the loud praying of one of my neighbors. It was 5:00 A.M.; dark and foggy. I got out of bed and circled the ldofin area, taking anc'early morning walk. By 5:20 A.M. I had managed to let my curiosity about some lanterns I saw moving in the distance lead me right into the church. Sitting in the back of the church I noted that there were seven men and five boys in the church one of the men is the teacher living in the ldofin area. He is officiating at the service. A man gets up and goes outside and rings the bell. The ceremony begins and lasts about twenty minutes. The young teacher reads several passages and leads the small group in prayer. Throughout the ceremony one other man enters the building. No women attended this early morning meeting. On Sundays the church services begin at l0:00 A.M. These services anannre elaborate than the weekly prayer services. More teachers atidmore elders lead more prayer and there are, sometimes, as many as forty to fifty peOple attending Sunday services. The children are Placed in the front pews so that their parents can control their be- havhar. The men sit in the right hand pews, behind their sons. .." _‘l30- The women sit in the left hand pews, behind their daughters. There are occasions when the Christians take their ceremonies out of the church. One night the Christians hired a drummer and went from house to house asking delinquent Christians to attend church and give money. Many people, Muslims as well as traditionalists, joined the Christians in their nocturnal parade. On another occasion the Christians marched from their church to a spot along the main road where they prayed and then gave thein children sticks which were used to destroy an image of Judas Iscariot. Being an active Christian means continuous involvement in organized activities. The Christian societies must maintain records of all their meetings and all dues collections. These records and dues are sub- mltted to the Anglican Church Council in Ilaro where they are published in the Ilaro Church Council record. All members of the church get capies of the record and, in this way, can check to see that their church donations have reached the prOper authorities. But, Christian membership also means a certain amount of sub- jugation to the Anglican Church hierarchy. It means greater conflict vfith the traditional customs than is experienced by Muslims. There amino Christian protective medicines. Thus, the Christian who needs these devices must rely upon the traditional practices. Those few Christians who strongly correlate traditionalisnl with savagery elect to buy Islamic protective medicine rather than traditional Yoruba Protective medicine. Big Prophets Several prOphets of the Cherubim and Seraphimzsect have attempted :: ce.eiop co*g'egat ‘e"ec Trese p'op" ‘."o.;‘ visiows U". 5'2'75 Stpm'ti"g e in “rich the." “9 W P'Op“ete “55325 of the place .35 :On' fOr Ofie C l " ”n‘, 5.. '. c -. 'E- . . . .0 . z .. ‘L . ‘ e’. mm b .1 '3’3‘ !.l \ . ‘I‘vi ‘ ‘ o ‘ a. tad ‘ W ‘0 '5. -13]- to develop congregatidns in the orile. So far these attempts have failed. These prophets generally claim that they come to their calling through visions. Unlike the Alpha, the Immam, the Christian Lay reader and his supporting elders, the prophets are always strangers in the village in which they attempt to proselytize. The two prophets I met in lbara Orile had no ties to any of the lineages of the place. The most impressive of these men was only in the town for one day. He was dressed in a dark red robe, pink sash, and white pants. The red robe was of good quality,though it showed evidence of fading. Around his neck was a blue chain from which a large cross was suspended. This prophet was very willing to discuss his calling with me. He claimed that he came to his pro- fession through a series of visions which told him what he should do. At the time of these first visions he was already a disciple of another prephet. As a result of his dedication he now finds himself an out- caste. He complains that his family always asks him what his profit has been after his years of bell ringing. This does not bother him, for he prays for them and when he prays he sees visions of the things he should do. He believes he can heal illness through the use of a wand which helays upon the sick body. He likens this wand to the staff of Moses: It is with the wand that Moses parted the waters. This wand [his own wand] contains the spirit of God. After preparing it, it is taken to the mountain and prayers are being said into it and the spirit descends into it and God prays into it. I left it on that hill for several days. It is through visitations [visions] that we know of the hill. I left it there until I was told to remove it. Th:S p'O:* ~eciained that W a thatch cc *6 90%.; ’:e p- 2: fall. He ai 9550-” deM h 3 up“... y w t: fa: HCf : SCipie 518$ :F 5 @5‘15at O; C u’y-‘A ‘ '~e. A ~ V i F a ' a .:,_ ' “‘6 .L85 fie an: ‘ e . l c" u.» or t . C q I -:f‘ ‘5 . e 'r‘o- 9 “Le ifi‘rv / aim, * . I » HEP-‘ . s - H 6 OT A. £j&.a a ’rO fie \:~e.c ,,fl.‘ “uh"... § ) “> '31., " E" . U 'P \J ".2; ' V \_ V‘ 15.. e s L . -- ' x J ‘95 -I32- This prophet had not visited the orile in more than eighteen months. He claimed that before he left the orile he had devel0ped a congregation and a thatch covered meeting place in the lfatedo quarter of the orile. He showed me this meeting place which had been neglected and was beginning to fall. He also said that he had left his disciple to attend his congre- gation during his absence. Although the disciple lived in the orile, the prophet had not seen him and worried because, “I do not know what my disciple has in mind.” Shortly after my talk with the prophet, Isaac Adebayo, his disciple, a resident of Oke Afin, revealed his plans. He threatened to crack the prOphet‘s skull with a stick (332g).3 Isaac Adebayo, who was one of the three washermen in the village, accused the prOphet of saying that the people of lbara Orile were being punished for following the Action Group rather than the N.N.D.P. At this time Isaac was striving for a position as lieutenant to Dauda Aina. the area leader of the A.G. He lived only a few doors from Dauda. His loud accusation signalled the end of any hOpes the prophet might have had for rewestablishing his position of authority with his disciples and reorganizing a I‘flock’l in the orile. The peOple of Oke Afin advised him to leave town. Adebayo never did practice as a pr0phet in lbara Orile. Like so many Other prOphets he did not care to proselytize among his own peOple. He preferred to mount his bicycle and travel to different villages along the lbara Orile - Aiyetoro road. His circuit would usually take him away from home for several days. Area" is rat'e' D.’ an: each ’.C" :‘. ' 3' ra‘fi' l :, 3'37 ": u S:-‘-S C; ‘h‘ \r "L .. 1 - vii-He ‘;~« " =~E l" S ... d» .. h“e> ._ ' f I H D" o e : . . ‘v- .= ( 05‘.- '-=a:* . q ‘},;. . L. ’ .C‘ h s ”3,, ..B . .’e H" .L- '- ' ~ .~ 6": ‘ I zi., . . ’2 -133- Although the prophet and his disciple do not preach in the orile, there is another prOphet who has a small following in the Oke Afin quarter of the orile. This prOphet comes from Abeokuta to preach in the house of Akanbi pmotayo, a Muslim. Each day the prOphet leaves his home in Abeokuta to Spend the night in the orile. Each ewyfing, between 7:00 and 8:00 P.M., and each morning, at 5:30 A.M. the occupants of Akanbi 0motayo‘s house and Elijah Faderin 5 house would meet to participate in the singing, dancing, and praying that characterize a Cherabim and Seraphim church service. The sounds of their efforts would resound throughout the immediate area. Many of the peOple of the orile considered all of them to be slightly mad to behave in such a way. After the early morning services the prOphet would return to Abeokuta. During his overnight stay in the orile he would sleep in Elijah 5 house. Elijah is one of the most devout Christians in the orile. Each morning and each night, after attending services with the prOphet, Elijah would go off to participate in the church services. Elijah does not believe that there is any conflict between his going to church and attending the Cherubim and Seraphim meeting. He sees a distinct difference between the efforts of the prophet and the church services. He says, ”The church is for religion while Cherubim and Seraphim is for society.” Akanbi does not attend the mosque as often as Elijah attends ch rch. Akanbi is younger than Elijah and has yet to deveIOp the religious intensity and commitment which characterize so many of the elders of the village. These Cherubim and Seraahim services which are held in his house disturb him and, although he plays the drums at these services, -..-_q 'l i. i: "‘r k' ‘l' ‘. Q n . ‘ -..* . it. "u a: “6"“ I #5:“. e ”‘6' t..‘ . ~.' 0 . u EDA.“ 5 . D ‘ \- ._' ,. . ' ... -‘ a..- v \f.’ \- -l , .1 .. . d .. E n 1.. i. .h ': 5“ ’6 ... 6 . .. . I... '.‘:§ .; v i, .. g \. . CF . .E r. ‘4 Kg“ ‘4 ‘ f. ._ 4 ’ u \' .‘ 2 ‘- v. I ‘ Es . 5 § .- 4 F. s | .- 5‘. ~0- h 0 -13“- he literally shudders at suggestions that he is a member of the group. He says: Although I play for them and let them use my house, I am n0t of them and I do not pray with them. I am a Muslim. I only do it for my younger brother. It is because he wishes it. Thus, it can be seen that the small group of Cherubim and Seraphim worshippers are made up of Christians and Moslems who think of themselves primarily as members of the church and the mosque rather than members of the Cherubim and Seraphim sect. _0 -* ‘12 3.9512 The worship of Orisa is based upon the understand-n9 of the tradia tioral culture which the peOple carry in their heads. Unlike the many organized activities and biblical quotations which the Chrisrians always have at hand, or the ceremonials, rituals, and customs which the Muslims practice, there was very little that the peOple could tell me about the traditional oriEa which they worshipped. _9;;ig,W0755ip is so much a part of the entire fabric of their lives that what was to be learned came best through observation and participation. lne pouring of bamboo wine on the ground; tne quick movement of the hand as a bit of thg is touched to the forehead, a mound of dirt smeared with palm oil, or a broken pot covering pieces of_gglgg These were the signals which provided clues to worthwhile lines of inquiry. To discuss the cosmology and general nature of roruba religious belief is not the purpose of this chapter. Rather. in keeping with our theme, this discussion will be restricted to those things which the peOple 0" were Ori '6 Es-” --’ ‘iC‘wEIE'. W"€" .; .1 ,. '-a V [HUACJH -' J 'fl'O’ “in 'nn 5 I'll fl vhf. _ . \-Q .. WV “ 50‘ .. .u'a '.‘n, . v P; 'J VEV'“ 6. 12*“. 3,. Of lte V a c ‘Le. ‘fi‘E’fc E, -: ‘c. . w \ 1‘ r. 675': "ii‘r if V N I EC ’3 A; ' "1" L ....“ ' 4:5 -135- of lbara Orile say and do in terms of their religious beliefs and practices. ‘gggg. -wThirty-five peOple mentioned Egun as the God they worshipped. However, when they talk about Egun it is usually in the context of the yearly Egungun festival which is held in lbara Omida. To become involved in worshipping Egun is to worship the Spirits of the dead departed ances~ tors, and, in a very real sense, the worship of all ELLEE is Egun worship. Once a year the Egungun masquerade occurs in Sbara Omida, as it does in all the towns of Abeokuta. This is the time when members of the extended lineage gather in the family compound from all the corners of Yorubaland to worship their ancestors and offer sacrifices to their departed fathers. The appearance of the Egungun masquerader symbolizes the collective spirits of the ancestors of the lineage. Afraid to neglect their ancestors, Muslims and Christians will also attend the Egungun festival. The more devout among them will protest that they merely contribute money and stand and watch, and do not involve themselves in the sacrifices and the prayers; at least that is treir claim. Yemoja -~ Every three years, according to the Yoruba calendar, the peOple of lbara gather to celebrate the Gelede festival which is given in honor of Yemoja. The story of the historical relationship between the peOple of lbara and the goddess Yemoja has alreadv been told (pages 35-36). The Gelede Efe singer lives in lbara Omida. he was able to tell the story 5 of the deification of Yemoja and the beginnings of the Gelede: Yemoja was human and she married Ogun. Yemoja was female. All those idols we worship [refers to the masks carried du'irg sone pi OgJ“ 6 once ta Vecc:a h0tse b “one 01 O:.~ . I NS ! lg nC'Kh.« V n- ~ e! he -6"! 'r ", r E e {C ’n N- -. e w"¢ I 5..” ' l x. : S P i 1.6:, I51 hhl'h E a .5 S‘R' e y. Ia ,' N Cw . s: 51"., v ,R ‘v r.‘ 5 u- . ‘! ..’-t '4 '9 n: J ‘k . C . . .'-_ u‘ 0- ’ o . ... . ‘1 \P . .4 -136- during the Gelede festival] were human. As you know, some peOple worship human beings and when Yemoja and Ogun died they worshipped'them. This'Omida [waterwgone] once had water. The water came from a small pot. When Yemoja fought with Ogun [Yemoja’s husband] she left his house with this pot of water. This lbara Omida was the home of Yemoja and Ogun. Ogun beg ed the peOple to go and bring her back from Arikola reputed to be a small village on one of the paths to lbara]. .When the peOple tried to grab her she went into the ground and water came out of the ground. It is now a big river which flows into the Ogun river. As I told you before, when those peOple died they are worshipped for rememberance. When Yemoja was alive they were singing songs. it is because she had so many children that they worship her all over [refers here to hercworship all over figbadoland]. Tney used to call Yemoja 0mijori. The name they used to give the wife of a king. So far Yemoja carried water along she was the owner of that Omida market where the Gelede is performed. 0batala.--The fact that twenty people mentioned Obatala was surprising for I had not known that so many peOple were actively involved in the worship of this Eiliéu In ldofin, there is a dimunitive house which is a shrine to Obatala. The peOple also keep their §ango shrine in this Obatala house. They claim that anY.2Li£2 can be put there. The people could not tell me much about Obatala except for the fact that he was a great god who should not be forgotten. ldowuis comments about the antiquity of this god and his position in the Yoruba pantheon serves as a guide to understanding the problem the people of the orile have in discussing this god in any significant way. According to idowu: rzs new It is sc of [“8” ...He i vari0usl g'eat'; O’l'iLaO-nl recei.e he is Ce 5Y"301 c 1" the {a\ F. E °'~ e of ll 5 Cult [O 023‘ . P \ ‘I .-. 1‘6 Crt'l e . f‘al ks - l h I! h I {H ’k ' Le f ‘C'Sh DOV. fa 'J‘u U i ‘ a“S‘ ‘6‘ 3 ~. 21.. a'”.a‘& ~~ as l 3:: Eri- ' ' ! n . _ E . _". ‘ L e { .r -I37- Orisa-nla is the supreme divinity of Yorubaland. As his name implies, he is the great or arch divinity. It is sometimes said that he is the father of all ori§a in Yorubaland and that it was he who gave each of them the name orisa thus naming them after himself ....He is also called Obatala, the name which has been variously interpreted as Oba-ti-o-nla 'the king who is great'; or Oba-ti-ala 'king in white clothing'. Orisa-nla is very ancient. He was the very first to receive a definite characterisation, and that is why he is described by some of our elders as the image or symbol of Olodumare on earth [l963:7l]. The significance and importance of Obatala is apparent. As the “father of all the origa” it is understandable that other orisa may Shana Obatala’s house. The inability of the peOple to elaborate about him is not surprising, for they have a similar difficulty in discussing Olorun. As in the case of Olorun, the ”Owner or Lord of Heaven” (idowu 1963:37), the nature of Obatala, his position as father of all origa, makes it difficult to attribute any Special powers or particular interests to him. ‘QggQ.--Ogun is the god of hunters, iron, and war. Some of the farmers of the orile also feel that Ogun, as god of iron, and therefore, god of metal, is interested in farming activities by virtue of the metal tools which the farmer uses. The blacksmiths of the town are involved in the worship of Ogun because they must handle and shape metals. Although the blacksmiths do worship Ogun, their beliefs and rituals are not as elaborate as those of the hunters.6 Simon Adeola is a hunter and the only person in the orile to own a European gun. it is a double barreled shot gun. In the following section he discusses the method which he used to worship Ogun: _,____———.-__ l sati 5*a'3n correc S”;S&” :alled is ano teen we tale ti a~d “he 5:8"j l Tfen l D“'ase ’.“e 0;. 936:. 310w. a”: fan SO’e :5 “eat -, \‘9 he: 5.,.,_c ~. . D u‘ (a $ - w «_i .- ~ Of .7 ~E£ '- " 'I 95, ‘ ~ K 53 in . Eh Egg :‘1 "‘a i3' 5‘ s e a s s_ \ e l" v‘ ~‘..~‘_‘: - I‘ . -_ 1" 'L' ... b I‘"“. b ... .. P ‘ r \ v 'C- & Ith_ -138- | satisfied my Ogun well. When I reached the Ogun sharing place I called all my ancient peOple connected with Ogun. I called Abogun, Lalu, Shusanyin, Mojoro,Ajibewe, Fagbemi, and Elegbede. I called Ija who is second to Ogun, I called Osoisi who is another brother to Ogun. I prayed that they will keep watch of me and my family, that we should not have trouble throughout this year. I sliced kola and when I put it down with the left hand I had to stand up. I put it outside so that everybody can see. Then I open the kola and put one for his face [the phrase aface' means either in front of or on top of the Ogun shrinq and added palm wine. Then I kill the goat. I do this by cutting off his head with one blow. Then when I finish these there is much playing and dancing. When the goat is cooked and finished some is put in front of the Ogun. It was the tail, bean; voice. larynx , tongue, chest,and lungs that I put in the face of Ogun. After that all my wives have kola. After each kola is taken I call their names and ask them to give Ogun some of that kola. She must Split it. If any woman is guilty of an offence orhascommitted adultery during the past year it will not Open. They all Opened. My first tree [Ogun shrine} waslin Onikeikan [his old family hamlet] . I had to make enquiries [lfa divination] before planting this one here. The hunters' Ogun shrines were always quite elaborate and often showed signs of recent sacrifice. These shrines are usually stumps of the Ekika, Atotoro, or Akoko trees which have been put in river mud (possibly symbolic of Ogunis relationship with Yemoja) before replanting. The exact tree which the hunter uses is determined by lfa divination. Such things as the head of a snake, snails, bones of elephants and buffalos, honey, and a variety of herbs and leaves are put into a hole in the ground in 7 Which the Ogun tree is to be planted. Often, some iron object is either imbedded in the tree stump, rested beside the tree, or placed in the hole 0 . I 8 o o in which the tree is to be planted. There IS another ”great hunter” in the orile who, following another tradition of Ogun worship9 includes a dog -139- In his sacrifices and impales the dog’s head on a piece of metal imbedded in the tree. Surrounding the worship of Ogun are many beliefs which contribute to the hunter‘s feelings of security and his understandings of his world. Paramount is the confidence he puts in his Ogun to discern and punish liars. As Adeola reported, persons suSpected of crimes will be asked to protest their innocence in front of the Ogun shrine. If the person then lies it is believed that he will be soon bitten by a snake or wound himself in an accident. lbgils--lbeji is the deity of twins. The worship of the deity of twins is often mixed up with the ritual designed for the preservation or prolonw gation of the twins' lives. Though fifteen people spoke of their worship of lbeji, there was no evidence that there is an Eiiié named lbeji.9 Rather, the peOple participate in elaborate rituals to insure the survival of living twins and the pr0pitiation of a dead twin so that the remainim; child will not suffer. The Ibeji shrine is usually found in the hallway of the house. These shrines usually consist of depressions in the walls or floors in which the sacrifices are placed. These shrines are often treated in the most casual manner, and it is not unusual to find old women or young children using it for a seat. The usual sacrifice involved in the worship of Ibeji is sugar cane, black beans, oils, bananas, and kng. The findings of the Babalawo are, however, most crucial to decisions regarding the particular behavior to perform and items to be sacrificed. Once a year, usually at 061318 of :eat', a ~cn the a Cl'lclu 50’s pe: 'es'ese", :n .5:e*-:'e~t up’ 4-55: m h '6 n . 5 wed c 1‘ h.» ‘5 WCJH, & Sa'e :, n a” . Bull] l i’t‘n .1- .. q n . S \FL 5 l - :25. 1 .ED » . o r,.' “0.. 5 Hr” ’v C C“ “ ~~=| ‘s l #55 ‘.s ‘. r ‘ “ ¥ -Il+0- the time of the twins' birth or at the anniversary of one or both the twins’ death, a more elaborate sacrifice is offered to the Ibeji shrine. At this time a chicken will be sacrificed. Some peOple will keep the familiar ibeji doll in their homes to represent the twins. The purchase of these dolls does not seem to be dependent upon whether the twins have survived or died. If one twin has died, it seems more likely that a doll will be kept in order that the surviving twin will have the departed twinis company. This habit has reference to the problem of shadow (ELLLL) and Ara Igbo which will be discussed shortly (see pages l43'l49l- Joseph Adetoro keeps three 132i; statues on a wooden bed which is located in his parlor room. He prefers to sleep on the concrete floor. IiThe bed gives me pains in the body.” One of the iggii_statues represents Kehinde, the child of Joseph who died as a baby. A second statue represents another Kehinde, Josephis own twin brother who died very youqy (This would mean that Joseph also has the name Taiwo, for in Yorubaland twins are invariably named Taiwo and Kehinde. The subject of names and naming will be discussed on pages 27S-276l The third statue represents another Kehinde, Joseph's wife’s junior sister, who also died as a baby. In addition to these iggji_there is a shrine in the hallway. Joseph explains the presence of these statues: I made the clothes for the dolls. My wife takes care of her twin; that is why it is here. She brought it from her home because her mother who was looking after her [the statue] died and there is nobody there again [the old hamlet was abandoned]. It was felt that my wife would take care of Kehinde. size-«i [Or the most p; aosear to fig; here his shri: [65 llteral [Y ' 0'0.--AI ~ warshpped’ th e”: the behav. he 931$ who a mile Oi the 53., o fie Lh“95 it see lltile dlf :e: v? .42, WSW I 'l' I! '1 Inn ., I bunsnlfig '7' 0*0 n. \ ‘V‘ia' 'I 9 a\-Oh.o n l U nin- §23g23--Fourteen people mentioned Sango as the god they worshipped. For the most part the people do not mention Sango very much, nor does he appear to figure importantly in their lives° Only a few people remembered where his shrine was located and, in fact, the shrine is so old that it has literally ”sunken into the ground.‘I gigsr-Although only twelve people mentioned Oro as the 9£i§§_they worshipped, there is much greater.elaboration of the beliefs about Oro and the behavior related to the worship of Oro than there is of some of the gods who appeared higher on the list which appears in Chart II. The people of the orile say that those who worship Oro are actually doing the same things for the same purposes as the people who worship Egungun. They see little difference between the two. Both Egungun and Oro represent the departed ancestors. Actually, Oro does not masquerade as does Egungun. Oro, however, uses the bull roarer and helps to keep the peace of the town by punishing malefactors (see page I63). Other Orisa.--In decreasing numbers the people mentioned lfa, god of divination; Oya, wife of Sango and goddess of the Niger River (Abraham l958z53); Erinle, associated with elephants and song (Church Missionary Society l9l3z7l) and a poor hunter who drowned (Abraham 1958:l6h); Qsoosi (or Qsoisi) a hunter; Osanyin, god of healing; and Soponna, god of Smallpox. As in most other instances the people were not able to elaborate their understanding of who these gods were. The only explanation \He Ar nu§ . «v I _ a, l .. - ': :ta-n Kn e h u C\e ‘.- % ~ A ‘J'flr‘ .( §- ‘ :63 < ;:‘r' ' "\ ‘1‘: c. t,- . ”JV.- v.‘ u 5‘: ..f‘ -.:V . H d .5, - la . P» 'J'i‘o - f‘ ' ! ‘C 4 e h . E r- -142- that a young lfa priest could give for his name Oyadara (Oya was good) was that his mother, being barren for five years, asked a woman for help and was told to worship the goddess Oya. She followed this advice and soon Oyadara was born. Oyadara did not know that Oya was the wife of Sango and the goddess of the Niger river. Oyadara is a young man and, like many of the other peOple of the orile, has just left his bush hamlet. As he continues to frequent Omida and learns more about lfa divination and the great traditions of the Yoruba he will be able to say more about the gods in the Yoruba pantheon. There are some orisa, seldom mentioned, who are important to the understanding of the way the peOple of the orile order their world. These gods are of sufficient importance to require separate discussion. .gzg.~~Although no one said that they worshipped Esu (Elegbera), there was sufficient evidence of Esu shrines and sacrifices to Esu about the town to suggest that the god Esu is a very important consideration in the lives of the peOple. Mounds of dirt, covered with palm oil, and sacrifices in broken pots at the crossroads at the nearest entrances to the town were the usual shrines to Esu. For many the worship of Esu is clouded with fright and SuSpicion, for Esu is regarded as malevolent and devilish. Abraham (I958: l88) describes him as the ”supreme god of evil” who requires constant propitiation. ...There is a strong belief in his power and readiness to confer benefits on his worshippers.” The peOple of the orile who do not worship Esu tend to be suspicious of those who do. Jim H‘— _E -1143- Their feelings of fear and mistrust were very evident during the following conversation with three of the Christians: 0.0.: How about Esu? Is he important? Christians: Laughter Nobody worships Esu. 0.0.: But you are wrong. I have seen his shrine in several places in the village and at the crossroads to the village. Christians: It is impossible. You just saw a rock. 0.0.: Not so. I have been told that there are many peOple here who worship him. Christians: Just a rock. Esu is bad and will cause trouble. If you want your enemy to suffer you call on your Esu. He is the Opposite of good. Peter OmOdele: I am a Christian. I know about those shrines but the next generation of Christians will not. Michael Odeku, an Old medicine man, living in the ifatedo quarter, keeps an Esu shrine in his front yard. He also has one in his back yard. He says: It is the devil. Esu is my guardian. if the devil wants to enter my house he will meet my Esu. Uhis second use Of the word 'devil' refers to his enemies and not to Esu, his protectorJ Those Others Befers to his fellow villagerd are ordinary peOple. They fear Esu. The native doctors have medicines. They can talk about it. Only the doctor has it in front Of his house. Michael’s Esus are made of large upturned clay pots with holes in them, which form windows, through which can be seen a bronze image Of Michael, pieces of laterite rock, native lanterns, and a few pence. Ara-Igbg.~-The concept of Aramigbo (resident of the bush) seems to pervade the entire cosmology of the peOple of lbara Orile, and appears 4 s I . er of .0 held lei ;~e‘r so: I 'Ffl. P. 4 1.4 e¥.e‘-‘ S'aft‘M . (e, o . 99 AU 9. . . ‘n- n miti- to hold leads to the understanding of how the people of the orile arrange their social interactions. It has significance for their ideas of their destiny, their souls, their bodies, their social relationships, and the order of importance of all other orisa. In some ways Aramlgbo is connected with the peOpIes' ideas about their ikeii(second) or oiiii (shadow).l' And, in fact, whether or not this discussion of the meaning and significance of Arawigbo should be entirely relegated to this section of this dissertation remains problematic, given the diffuse nature of this concept. These beliefs, however, are presented in this section because the people actively worship Aramlgbo, they have sacred trees and groves and make sacrifices dedicated to Arawlgbo. Investigations into the meaning of Aramlgbo repeatedly forced reconsideration of understandings which had been made at earlier points in time. As I continued, the ideas subsumed under the term Araelgbo seemed to lend that term the stature of an all-inclusive explanatory concept. Because of the complexity and the multiplicity of concepts that became involved in our explorations of the mean ng of Ara~lgbo, this discussion will be heavily documented with excerpts from conversations. A clue to this concept‘s importance was the very fact that more people seemed to know more about Arawlgbo and its associated concepts than about the other Gods worshipped in the orile. i first came upon this concept by accident. Sikiru Odunola, a young man of Oke Afin, was walking along the dirt road which bisects Oke Afin and ldofin. It was early morning and, after a few greetings, I asked him why he had not gone to his farm. Sikiru said that the wife of the acting I \ 55H" 4 'v' ‘31! C n v '.y ( -145- headman had divined for him: She told me not to go to the farm so that l shOuld not meet my ikeii (second). No. I do not mean twins. According to the sayings of our elders ikeii is the 'placenta.l When a person is born his second in heaven comes to earth in the dead of night or in the broad day light when the sun is hot, more eSpecially when the road is isolated. I should not meet my ikeii or it will kill me. I will fall sick and die. This was all that Sikiru could tell me about his ikeii. He finished by saying that he was a youth and I must ask the elders if i wanted more information. The following discussion occurred after a meeting of the Cherubim and Seraphim group. The prOphet and I were engaged in a discussion of the subject of 1:531 and oiiii. At first the prOphet did not seem to understand the meaning of the term olili, but when he noticed his shadow he said: Here is my ikeii pointing to his shadow . Anything we do on earth he will witness in heaven. He is the witness on earth and the prosecutor. He will say what was done on earth. If it is denied he can say shut up. When he has said so the one on earth will not be able to speak again [to deny it] because his ikeii has seen all. That is why the elders say that if we stand he will stand with us, if we bend he will bend, and if we sit he will sit. Although the shadow is on earth, when a person dies it will turn into a human being. May God not let us meet with an accident. It is just like they hang a person or mistakenly shoot him. The Spirit in the form of a human [anjonu] will report it and take it to the police and take the police to the place. Then the 1kgii_will disappear. God is n0t our ikeii in heaven. 1He is the maker and creator. Just like a woman who delivered twins. The mother is not the jjgi; of the twins. God is our creator and he who creates something cannot be ikeii. As my desnre to understand the concept of ikeii increased i took my questions to the acting head man, whose wife, an lfa priest like her husband, started this line of investigation by telling Sikiru rot to go p n. » A: . M An: nus- to his farm.12 According to this elder: Everybody has an ikeii. AS we are here now we have one but it is not here now. It is our Spirit. The day a man sees his jkeii he will die. The thii will appear to him in human form. When we are coming from heaven we make an agreement that he should stay there and we should come to earth. it will be agreed when the one coming to earth should come back. If the person on earth does not appear at the agreed time the ikeii will come looking for him. Although not born of human he will be in the form of a human. The Spirit will search for his earthly counterpart. The Spirit may come down in Abeokuta and the party he may be looking for will be in lbadan. The party may have a bad dream and when he consults lfa he may be told that he should not go out. That is why they say: “The sacrifice will not permit him to travel.3 If the person is stubborn he will not follow the order of lfa and will come to Abeokuta. If he comes he will meet his ikeii and if he does not die altogether on that day he will surely die the next day. When he dies the ligii_will come down and live on earth and the one who died will he the ikeii. The abikgfi When a woman‘s children keep dying it is thought that it is one child who keeps coming and going are not sure that they want to stay on earth. They do not behave well and the ikgiii~ants to stay in heaven. Salami Ajani, a literate man, and sometime letterwriter explained the ikeii in terms of politics: Oiiii is the word for shadow and the shadow is our second partner. What Akintola [the late premier of the Western Region who was alleged to have used his power to steal the Octoben l965 elections] has been saying is that if you do not vote for the N.N.D.P. your shadow will vote for the N.N.D.P. The shadow creates us and we know the shadow because we do not know God. Akintola knows that they are going to cheat in the election that is why he says that our shadows will vote for his party even if we do not vote. -11”- it was not long after this conversation that I came across a small ceremony which turned out to be part of a wedding ritual. i learned that the women were dancing and the food was being served as a sacrifice to Aravlgbo so that the one who was to be married might have children. When I asked what caused them to celebrate and sacrifice to Aramigbo ! was told that ”It was Odu Egte. They sacrifice for Eghe so that she will l3 conceive...” Karimu Deleghe, a Muslim ard a successful elder of lsolo carved a grove out of the bush behind his home for the purpose of worshipping Aram Igbo. A large tree stands at the center of the grove. He sacrifices .. bean cakes and other vegetables to Ara-lgbO. He says: “My daughter was crying when she was horn. i went to the diviner and he said i snOJld give her Arawigbo.“ Karinu continued his explanation of Ara~lgroz You know the greeting when someone is eating and asks you to join him. They say {_Ja Jeun‘ [Come eat with ”-H” 1 me]. When they say that to you yOer enikeJi [used interchangeably with ifigiij will he oiEVThg with that person s Ligii in the bush and that person's ififiij will be inviting yours to come and eat. if that person‘s ikeii does not invite you to eat. your iffdi will be m: - .34....3-3 J fighting with that person’s ifgji. if that person is _.1 bad the Aranlgbo will not wish to play with his jkegi and h'5.iE§Ji Will be Urhappy. His ileéi will leave the bush and come looking for the owner. if that person should see his ikeii the nerson will die an‘ ‘.45"“'&. his Ligji will accuse him of heirg tad in front of Olorun. Karimb s explanation was compatible with the beliefs of many other informants. There is a very common Yoruba cultural trait wh ch requires that people return to Ire scene of a previous day’s festivit es or favors to thank their h05ts. If they are unable to greet the:r heneiactor or host the next day they will greet them With their tharks upon their next qua- meeting. The expression of appreciation will be given deSpite the lapse or extended periods of time since the original favor was granted. A young man of the orile defined Arawlgbo as Eghe or partner (see pages h07-408l He seemed to be speaking very symbolically when he said: When we sacrifice to Aramlgto or Egte we used to be calling the children to come ahd haue sacrifice. We took those children to represent the partners in the bush. The Aramigbo is for Taking the children but not so conmon among adults [Apparently sacrificing so that children will be born. This ceremon a! will include having children participate in the sacrifice so that the ifgil in the bush will see that there are already children in the compound and newEOfn children will have playmates]. Adults used to sacrifice to the beggars and the beggars to praise the fellow. The praise comes from the partner of the beggar and not the beggar. If a person dashes {gives} anybody money the person will be praised right ffom the partner of the man that the thcng is given to [aniv as indicated ahove. the ikeii of the beggar and that of the donor will not fight]. - If anybody died? the partner is useless. if the partner does not die and remains in the hush, ther something happens to the stars in the sky. [Reiers here to comets” which indicate the death of peOple and the return of their souls to hea en .l My landlady, the widow of an lfa priest: believed trat: Everybodv has an ikeii. Egen wo; have an ikei-. . . - "mus-ls. .- - \ - . .— am lhat one helps yep to get yotr children. vow and your children are playing in heaven and when yea come down that one plays in the bush and anytime you need sonething that one helps you. The relatiorships between Arawlgbo, iteiia o'jisfl and Olorun become more clear. The Aramlgbo are the collective ikeii who are seconds to the human being. The oiili, the humanis sha10w is either the ikeii or a -149- representative of it. It keeps the ikeli aware of the human‘s behavior. At death the ikeii accompanies the human. his counterpart, to Olorun and reports on the behavior of his second. if the report is favorable the human may return to earth and his family; hence the names Babatunde (father returns),lyatunde (mother returns). The social implications of these beliefs are also clear. A final example of the effect these beliefs have upon social behavior illustrates the importance of these concepts. One day, while visiting Peter Qmodelels farm, i nored that Peter was filling a large basket with corn and i asked him if he were going to sell the corn. He said that the corn was for his neighbors. When he further said that the neighbors for whom he collected his corn were farmers who had their own i wondered why he did not sell the large basket of corn. Responding to my confusion Peter sa d: They asked me. They want me to come and play with them. fgignu spirit asked me to give it to them that is? Peter had a dream that a spirit asked him to sha'e wifh his friends That Arawlgbo means our second person. He is lirirg in the bush because that one cannot come out. We only see the shadow toiiiil which will represent the ggike'} in the town. And the reason why we call at Arawigbo is because that ore cannot cone out of the bush again because he has aCCustomed himself to that place. lhe reason we worship that one is tecatse9 as I heard it, the person in the bush is the one who is sufiering instead of us in the town. So that anything that attacks us has to attack that ore in the bush. That is why we go and worship Araelgbo erery year. lfa.-~Throughout this diSCLs3ion of Yoruba religious be! eis mention has been made of lfa9 the god of diveration. Many references have already' been made to the fact that individual decisions to worship specific gods -150- at Specific times are predicated upon the results of lfa divination. In fact, all life decisions can be referred to the beads, shells.and nuts of the diyiner. idowu (1963:77) Puts it this way: ”it seems absolutely impossible for a Yoruba whose soul is still fettered to his traditional beliefs to attempt anything at all without consulting the oracle by lfa.”' Some of the peOple of the orile told me that their decision to move to the orile was the result of lfa divination. Decisions to 90wwor, as in the case of Sikiru Odunolawwnot to go on trips; activities to increase fertility; the protecrion of individuals, families. or the town; the selection of a trade or apprenticeship for sons and daughters; the choice of names for newborn children; and decisions about future life activities can be, andgfor many people? are,made through recourse to lfa divination. lfa was human, like Eyi'W‘i, the orisa who, during lifeg made all sacrifices of the early lbara peOple perfect (see pages 37-38 ). An elder of ldofin told the story of lfa: Now this oracle is a Spirit who simply comes to tell us how we are going to do in the world. He did not deceive anybody in the world. In his lifetime he would simply say bring two or three cowries and re will look everything up for you and will tell you then to bring two more cowries. to: bring fixe cowries and you are finished. That is why our fathers used to say that if you want to do sacrifices iPut two with threeE Ifi eji gun eta] ...Orunmila is the name of God. It really means 05s; gg‘eniti y;2 la Only hea en knows who will be saved This connection between lfa and Orunmila is similar to the findings of ldowu who states that: ”The Yoruba believes that the pr est, receives the qtestions and petitions of devout supplicants and vouchsaies the revelations which the priests declares.” (1963:77) -lSl- he Head.~°The peOple of the orile sacrifice and pray to gods in the 5 5k» to their orisa in the ground, and to Arawigbo who walk the earth. Theyalso consider the head an important object of worship. They beliewa that the head is the source of knowledge as well as ”luck.“ There are actually two heads. One “head” is in the stomach and the other is in the skull. If a person is annoyed, it is the head in the stomach that “Spoils” the head in the skull. If a man wants to go somewhere and somebody attempts to attack him but he passes the spot without being harmed, he believes that his head saved him (Orb Zi.VO 2;). if he finds money he says, ”My head is the one who gives me favor.” (Ori 2i,fui g; iseun Ebi kore]) lsiaki Ogunbiyi is the son of the headman. He is a man of some seventy years of age, a Muslim, and a phil050pher. ne discussed Or? this way: You cannot tell your ikeii what you want. Only your luck can tell him. if anybody gets bad things or good things it is their luck who gives them the thing. Orly Eleda [lsiaka constantly interchanged 2;; with gleda. Eleda means ECreatora or gSgpreme Besngfl can decide our luck. Yemoja, Esu, !keji, Ogun, $ango, and all the others are supporters of gleda. When Cod made us he made first the head,ard good and bad are in the head. So far as a person has a head he has gieja. No matter what we worship Eleda is the first because we have a head to worship. if a person goes to a divirer it is only his head which causes him to go there. So I can say that Sango, Ogun, and the Others are the same, because they are liaing with ori and Eleda isiakais discussion is the best example of the several conversations regarding the meaning of cri [head or luck} which i had with the peOple ofthe orile. lsiaka's interesting, although occasionaily confusing, -152- explanation of Eli and its relation to gleda (Creator, Supreme Being: See Church Missionary Society l9l3z79, and Abraham 19632172) suggests that the individual's life career is based upon his ”luck’i located within his own head, and intimately related to the Creator. Considering something which borders on a general tendency to interchange 9§i_with gleda, it would almost appear as if the individual carries, not only his own luck, but also the Supreme Being. it is not surprising that the peOple of lbara often sacrifice to their own “head“. Granted that there are points here in serious conflict with the previous discussion of Ara» Igbo, these conflicts will be disturbing if the reader thinks that the factors which comprise cosmologies must be logical, neat, well correlated, and perfectly integrated. Before concluding this discussion of religious beliefs, some statea ments may be made about the physiology of the head. Joseph Adewale spends most of his days under the shade of his kitchen shed in isolo. He is getting old and has been wracked with osteoarthritis for many years. He is now too weak to go to the farm. One day while he was giving me a lesson on Yoruba beliefs about physiology he made a distinction between the head, ”luck,” and the brain. For him the brain is in the head and the head is, essentially, the skull. But ”luck” is not the bra 2. inside the head are two things: the brain and ”luck“. Thus, Joseph helped me to understand that intelligence does enter the peOpless calculations of the factors which control their life experiences. -lS3- Witches and_Wizards This discussion of the central beliefs must include some comment on the part that witches (gig) and sorcerers (gag) play in the peOple's lives. The content in this area is rich and is formulated in such a way that the peOple are stimulated to indulge in long and arduous tasks,and Spend a considerable amount of money to ensure themselves protection against the machinations of witches and wizards. There have been some distinctions made between the terns ’Mitch”, ”wizard”, and ”sorcerer”. Bohannon says: It has been the tradition for some years for anthrOpologists to draw a distinction between witch» craft and sorcery among...the various techniques of bewitchment. The basis is a simple one: Does anything actually take place or not? In the case of witchcraft, any act that takes place is only a psychic act. it is obvious, then, that witchcraft is a system of thought for interpreting misfortune by assigning (by tradition) psychic acts of human beings as the cause of misfortune. Sorcery, on the other hand, is performed. it is a system of magic for bringing about the destruction of another person. Leaving the causal effectiveness to one side, we can say that sorcery is an act, carried out with attendant ritual. This distinction between witchcraft and sorcery is different from one sometimes made in traditional thinking, which says that witches are women and sorcerers are men (sometimes the latter are called wizards). [1963:3471 Wizards usually use some ”foreign“ substances, such as a stone or a piece of charcoal, on their victims (l963z352). Sorcerers are believed to I'obtain a sample of hair, fingernails, or body dirtw-any item that has been in close association with his victim.” Sorcerers are reputed to use these things when they recite Spells,awm*e and damage images of their victims.(Bohannon l963z35l) -15“- For the purposes of this discussion the usual distinctions between wizards and sorcerers are not useful. The people Speak of witches and wizards. They do not Speak of sorcerers. And, in fact, they do not often make great distinctions between their terms for witches and wizards. Although most frequently they Speak of women as witches and men as wizards. They tend to use the terms aig_(witches) and 9§2_(wizards) interchangeably when they Speak in English and Yoruba. The Church Missionary Society (l9l3:2l5) and Abraham (I958: 38, h9l) have docu- mented this usage. Nobody sacrifices to witches, nor do they pray to witches, nor does the Babalawo recommend the witch or wizard as an object of worship. The lfa priest may divine that a person's afflictions are caused by the machinations of a witch or a wizard, but he will not mention the suspected malefactor's name for fear of being sued. Nevertheless, this fear and the belief in witches are profoundly felt by all: Muslims, and Christians, male and female, educated and illiterate. The first person to Speak to me of witches in the village and the effects that the witches had upon its social structure was one of the young school teachers who lives and teaches there. One Saturday morning I found that he had not left for the weekend and asked him why he remained in the orile. He Started talking about staying in his room to read and enjoy his radio. Then he said: Teacher: I Shall avoid the peOple of the town because these peOple are not good. You see so many broken walls. This is because they do not work together. That ,ld woman over there is a witch. She bewitched her neighbor woman by putting something in her soup [refers to my landlady]. 0.0.: .i 0 E [AU b I - .fi .3 Q.- ‘n‘ ‘ \ ini . . :1 A iv- A :- p :5 0.0.: Teacher: 0.0.: Teacher: -l55- She finally had to go to Lagos for an Operation. It was removed. The witch did it because She did not find favor in her eyes and she remained here after her husband died. She tried to hold on to her husband's big farm. The witch was not happy with her presence. That is why She made her Sick. There is not any difference between a witch and a bad person. Only a witch's work cannot be undone. I Suppose I Should not believe this witch business as an educated person. We believe what we must believe. But then, Since there are witches around here how can I avoid being bewitched? l greet peOple and am very courteous. l am quiet and do not get into any arguments. I do not let peOple think that I feel important. I try to be unassuming. I remain quiet. If they have such plans for me they might discuss their feelings with others who will have friendly feelings towards me and say how nice I am. Their friends will help me. Do you use protective medicines? No. I used it in the past but now I depend upon God. I burned my book of protective medicine when I joined the Apostolic church. At the end of my conversation with the teacher, the very woman whom he had accused of being a witch came up to us and engaged us in a conversation. Throughout a long series of greetings and Short conversation with this very pleasant woman the teacher remained transfixed. He did not move a muscle and was only able to whiSper a goodby when the woman went her way. It is generally believed that witches perform their evil tasks at night. They can be very mischievous and take pleasure in StOpping a -156- pregnant woman from-giving birth. Most often they cause Sickness. It is agreed that they are most active at night. When a witch goes to Sleep in her locked room a bird-like Spirit in her bowels flies out into the night. After the bird has gone the woman will not be able to awaken until it returns. These birds cannot be seen by ordinary eyes, but some native herbalists can prepare medicines in order to see these birds. In one instance a young man pointed to some cuts under his eye into which some medicines had been rubbed so that he could see the witches. These witches are believed to frequent trees in which they keep their calabashes, pots, and other magic implements. Some peOple believe that a calabash carried on the head can be an indication of the person's involvement in witchcraft or wizardry. One day l was taking pictures in the village when a meat seller approached carrying his meat in a calabash on his head. When he saw my camera he removed the calabash from his head, turned, and Started to run. I called him and he returned. [He explained: If peOple Should see my picture with this calabash on my head they will not know that I am carrying meat. They might think that i am a witch. Witches steal people and put them to work with calabashes on their heads. ’ Whenever the witch wants money she says a few words and the money will come out of the mouth of the stolen person. ‘ One man said that it was wizards who Stole peOple: Men are wizards. They make money from human beings. They steal at times to make money. Let us say that they are working at night. If they see a child they will take the child and run away and make money out of the child. They will cut off the childis head and throw the body away. But some do not do this. They -l57' use the whole body. The whole body will be cleaned and put in a corner of their house in a dark place. They will make the dead person kneel down and they will have a calabash on the dead person's head and they will have both hands in the calabash. Each time they go there and pray to the dead person's head money will be coming out of the calabash. Witches can be very deleterious to the economic activities of the farmers. A large number of goats and Sheep of the town are owned by women. These animals often break through the bamboo fences which farmers erect around their farms. In a couple of days these animals can ruin an entire farm. The farmers are often afraid to challenge the owners because of their beliefs that some of these women are witches. There iS also the belief that witches cause men and children to eat red laterite earth so that they will die. Witches can also cause children to die so that their parents will think that the dead child is actually abiku (see page lh6). A diviner will often reveal the witches' involve- ment in the death of children and will suggest that the parents move to a distant town. There were several peOple in the town who spoke of not being able to keep their children alive until they moied from lbara Omida to lbara Orile. '5 Suspicion and charges of witchcraft have torn asunder many co-wife relationships. Tajudeen Ogunfunwa tells this tale of witchcraft in co-wife relationships: This woman was married for fifteen years and had no children. ‘Another of the husband's wives had a child of seven years. When the mother of the child was away from the farm to collect firewood the woman took the child and we did not know where she was going. in the afternoon She returned. The child was on her back by then. The child Slept on her back. When the mother arrived She told the witch woman to wake the child, -158- but the child was found to be dying. Everybody ran to try and help but by 3:00 in the afternoon the child died. The mother and every person in the compound cried but this witch woman did not cry. Later the mother of the child divorced the man, for that was the only child she had. This was four days after the child died. When the woman divorced the husband all the people gathered around and told the witch woman to leave the compound but she did not until later. Beliefs about witchcraft also have considerable influence upon the movement of children between various households. As Moji Modakeke put it: If a person asks for a child it must be given. if I do not give my daughter to my father‘s sister she will be offended. She might be a cruel person and cause my child to die. This was the most frequent response to my questions relating to the reasons why children were so often sent to live with distant relatives. Of course, like many other aspects of the culture, such moves are multi-determined (see pages 298’303). Witchcraft is not always evil. Bolaji Olabeji of ldofin, spoke about the birds which the witches use to accomplish their tasks: Some peOple use their witchcraft for nursing their own child. Let us say that something is troubling their child. They give the bird water to drink. The bird will pour the water into the mouth of the child. That child will be alright. Many persons use their own bird for killing animals in the bush. Whenever their sons want to go to the bush for hunting they will tell that bird to follow that man so that all harmful animals shall not touch him. No matter how big the animal may be, through the help of that witch at the same time as he fired the gun the animal will be killed on that Spot. After that, many people use their own for trading. Whenever they want to go to the market and sell their goods they will be the first person to sell their goods. -l59- Some people use their own [witchcraft] for their child when going to school so that no one shall get the first position in the school than their child.‘ Whenever they are going to take the test that child may not go to the examination hall. That child will stay at home and that bird will appear in the hall like a scholar and will sit for that examination instead of that boy. After that, when they are marking the papers the bird will become one of those markers so that he can mark that boyis papers. This informant, a young man who had gone to secondary school, continued to talk about the witch using the bird to protect her family from accidents, during long voyages, in fights, to help her sons to raise good crOps, etc. Bolaji said that his father had taught him about witches and that they had no witches in their family. ‘Ihg Social Organization gfi witches 5&3 Wizards It is believed that witches ard wizards will sometimes work together to achieve common desires. When they have a collective goal they call a midnight meeting in order to discuss the things they wish to do. Sanu Akinrele, of ldofin, describes the social organization of witches and wizards this way: They may wish to kill somebody or get something from someone. They will make their decisions. if they want to kill somebody they will ask the wizard to kill that person. Although they recognize no individual as their leader the wizard is their chairman. The wizard who is chosen as the chairman is usually the strongest man in the native herbalist society. This wizard has no powers over the witches. He is just their chairman. When they are in their meetings they may tell the wizard to go out and kill somebody or they might bring the person to the wizard to be killed. -l60- A man from lfatedo: As I was told, after the death of a person they killed the witches eat the flesh of an animal. Before they can eat they need the wizard because they cannot cut the flesh of an animal. A woman of Oke Afin: Yes. They have men called wizards who will act as their killers. They will drag that person before that wizard and he will kill that person. That wizard has no power of his own. He does what he is told. If he fails to do it, he may be turned to madness or killed by the witches. in many ways the social organization of witches and wizards emulates the general pattern of other lbara societies. The witches have a male . chairman, as do other female societies in the orile. Their chairman is supposed to be powerless, as is the chairman of the female social societies. Actually, the male chairmen of most of the female societies are much stronger than any of the female members are will nq to admit. It is , . doubtful that if the witches chose the most powerful member of the native 'healersi society to be chairman, such a man would prove to be submissive. ln Yoruba society, as in the witchesI organization, women do not usually cut meat. This is a man's job. interestingly, the wizards are also reputed to have a society and they also have a titled witch who is an important member of their society. Again, most male social societies have one female member. The subject of associations is discussed in greater detail in Chapter Xlil. It is difficult to differentiate between the function of the native healer (onisegunl and the wizard (gsol. Most of my informants were adamant in their belief that the two were not the same. The native healer is a pcwer T"e'e W ZE’CS 3.: ~ ~afed a“: h M -l6l- must go to the woods to gather his medications and he will only do this if somebody asks him for something Specific. The wizard is believed to have ”something” at home which he uses to empower the drugs he makes. Some of the peOple of the orile believe that the ”something“ the oso uses is a powerful stone which he drOps into his 'hedicinal soups“. There are some peOple who believe that, unlike the native healer, wizards do not belong to any societies. One of the men of Oke Afin indicated.that wizardry is idibsyncratic behavior on the part of persons who have studied lfa divination or native healing: He comes to his knowledge because he might have been in the family of a Babalawo or native healer but he prefers to pursue another trade like farming or drumming. He knows these medicines and tries to improve upon them. He tries them out and some of these medicines make people mad. He might try them out on a dog or a tree and the dog will die or the tree will wither. In contrast with the native healer, the witch does not learn her trade through legitimate study or apprenticeship to Babalawos or native healers. Rather, she is seduced into joining the witches3 associations where she learns her witchcraft. One of the women of Isolo told me about the ways of recruitment into witches‘ societies: Woman: if a woman is old and her children allow her to be.going out, she will have old friend like her and she will be going to their houses to greet them and by that time they will invite her to their meetings. ‘They will tell her what they are doing at their meetings and little by little they will be teaching her their work. 0.0.: Can there be young women witches? Woman: No. Only old women. -l62- 0.0.: Can you inherit this? Woman: Yes. If the witch has children one or two will become witches. 0.0.: How can this be? if a woman becomes a witch when she is old and she has to join an association to learn it how can she pass it along to her children? Woman: She will not tell the children before she joins the association and she is not going to play witchcraft with her own children but to other children such as those of co=wives. [That is why we use protective medicines. You know that if a woman has about two or four children one or two will resemble her in appearance and manner. If the mother dies they _ will see old women coming to the funeral of their mother. The children will be going around greeting relatives and visitors. The members of the association will tell the children not to forget them and that they should come to them for help. Thereby, one or two of the children will join the axfifiy which their mother left. The fact that witches can take collective action in order to effect their purposes stimulates the villagers to develOp c00perative activities -r to neutralize the machinations of the witches. ine peOple of the orile have always been concerned about the lack of harmony and occasional hostility which exists between various factions. At times they take dramatic measures to inSure peace and cOOperation in the town. At one time some of the elders of the town began to think that it was witches who were causing the strife. One night, about 8:30 P.M., after a meeting of the Cherubim and Seraphim, Peter Qmodele came into my room. He carried the long metal rod which he used for protection against the political thugs who were reputed to be in the neighborhood. His behavior was impish and he did .JEEiIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIl iotseen to {'6 hot Sun to whisiier We are We are of i*‘ the Cu close: 00 : u»a SuC 76:8" Epi- ’10 P 9.0.. E o f' o \k. to self. TH; i? \ 3i ’i. “‘00.: if I int ..‘6’ YR - E for l- 6 DEC 3:0. ‘4 an.“ 'h-" u a, 1,, a r Sa' C‘,‘ .C’. ‘K n G s. S:- .6; ‘k .‘e {6' ' 'l .C‘ '. VEGA -~ 5"" in c-, ‘ ’ l A‘:.‘ ' K i. V -163- not seem to be weighted with the usual fatigue of a long day’s work in the hot sun. He popped into my room, leaned over my desk, and started to whisper in a very confidential voice: We are going to cut the tree down near the church tonight. We are going to use the wood for planks [this laSt piece of information was for the ears of the women sitting in the outer hall} Peter gesturei that the door should be closed . 0.0.: What are you talking about? Why cut down a tree on such a dark night? There is no light at all. Peter: Because of the witches. it is where they play. We do not want them. 0.0.: But they will hear you and try to st0p you from cutting down their tree. Peter: The sawyers will be quiet. They will know now to do it and the Oro (see page lhl) will be out tonight. it will keep the women inside and protect the sawyers. 0.0.: it must be very dangerous for them? Peter: The Oro will protect them and they will get h l0 for their work. [Even one half of this amount would have constituted a considerable expenditure for the peOple of the orile]. Simon Adeola: [Having just walked into the roomJ Once there was such a tree in the ltoko area of Abeokuta. But the diviners said the Egungun must come out, not the 0ro. After they cut the tree down they found a pot, a small bed, a mortar, and some women‘s bones. The sawing of the tree did not do much to improve the social climate of the town. In fact, it caused a deterioration in the relationships between some of the elders, for nearly a week passed before the big tree was finally felled. Many of the men had wanted the tree felled the first night. Simon Adeola expressed their concern: 4.614- They are lazy. it is still there. They must have slept all night. They will have to do it again tonight. It is too big and they are too greedy. There should have been thirty men but they wanted to divide the money among them. Only three men were involved in cutting the tree down . Only half of the tree had to be cut before the weight of the trunk caused the tree to fall, tearing itself out of the remaining stump, and leaving a hole six feet dee in its middle. This Stump rose four to five feet into the air and measured eight feet in diameter. i climbed upon the rim of the stump and looked down into the hole. l was not surprised to find pieces of an old pot at the bottom of the hole. Some of the elders and the teachers standing abOut said that the witches put the broken pots in the hole. Simon Adeola, an irrespresible realist, was of the Opinion that some of the men of the orile put the pots there: ”How else could they have gotten there?“ Problems of individual reSponses to witchcraft are discussed under the subject of protective medicines {see pages 3Sl-352). Summary Althoiqn 562 peOple say that they are Muslims, l85 peOple say that they worship specific traditional gods, and 125 peOple sav (Fat they are Christians. However, all the peOple of the orile have one religious commonality. In one way or another, at some time during the year, they worshipltheir ancestors. The peOple are pragmatic about their religion. They worship their gods according to the seasons and their circumstances. During the Gelede . U -165- they think of Yemoja more often than they did during the years prior to this triennial celebration. They are more considerate of their ancestors during the Egungun and Oro festivals. They listen carefully to their lfa priests and worship according to their divinations. Some of the people who claimed to be Christians or Muslims alone never really gave up their old g£i£_, Some of these peOple attempted to hide the fact that they still sacrificed at the shrines which they kept in their homes. Others Openly worShip at the shrines and then walk down the road to the mosque. Several of the Muslims say that the Silifl is their religion and that the mosque, ”ls just for society”. Fewer Christians keep shrines in their houses. Although they do participate in the annual Egungun and 0ro festivals by contributing money and appearing at the masquerade. In their beliefs and their behaviors both Christians and muslims demonStrate Conflicts.over their allegiance ‘to their foreign religions. The reasons that both Muslims and Christians gave for joini:g_their reSpective religions were quite varied, but it was not unusual to hear them say that they were following friends. Raji Jibowu, an ifatedo Muslim, keeps shrines to §ango, Obatala, Yemoja, and Erinle in his house. Raji claimed that he got these 93:13 from his father and he now calls in worshippers of these Séiii to help him, for he does not know the rituals involved in their worship. He says: It is what causes mental illness-if a man does not worship the traditional Eiiii- Going to church or “to the mosque is for society, but the traditional religion is for health, long life, protection,and bearing children. [Vet, Raji takes lslam very seriously .] I do say my prayers five times a day in the mosque or at home. -166- RaJi takes no chances in his approach to the unknown. Neither does Samuel Salubi, a Christian of Isolo, who uses Islamic protective medicine. Nor does Michael Odeku, a Christian who keeps Esu in the front as well as the back of his house. They all continue to prOpitiate the gods who conr trol their destiny. Simon Adeola Speaks of an intident which happened to him, and in so doing indicates how the traditional ways are ingrained in the beliefs and behaVIors of even the most educated. Simon is a Christian and a hunter. He is also a very faithful worshipper of Ogun (see pagesl37-l38), One day i met him coming from his farm. He seemed to be in great distress: Simon: Wonders of wonders. Ahhh!!! It's a wonder. I was bringing a calabash of bamboo wine home and twenty yards from here it jumped up in the air and broke on the ground. Samuel Omotayo: [A Christian and elder of the chUrch who was walking with me.] He must now sacrifice to Ogun. You know that he is a hunter. Simon: Two weeks ago I consulted an oracle of what I should do. i was told to sacrifice a cock, bamboo wine, kola nut, and roasted yam. I was to worship Adiere, the great grandfather of my father's mother. I sent to my younger brother about the date but he has not sent wOrd back. This was a sign of dis- pleasure because I tied the calabash tight to the back of my bicycle. As elder of his family Simon must wait until the members of the family are ready to join him in this maJor sacrifice, for he has the primary responsibility for propitiation of the lineage's ancestors. RaJl Jibowu was correct when he said that jOining the mosque or church was ”for SOCiety”. Most of the young people I spoke to said ha -167- that they had become a Christian or a Muslim because they were following their friends, “So that we may be playing touether.” This is also the . response to questions about a person’s ggiigilapiavinq with a frierdis enikeii in the bush. One final consideration: Yoruba Qiiii haie dual characteristics. They can work to the benefit or to the detriment of the peOple. Olorun is the S preme God, yet it is beliezed that he is indifferent to manis plight. Yemoja brings the benefit of water but a'so causes 1 Owning and ‘flooding. Obatala created people but got drunk upon pain u:ne and made cripples, hunchtacks, ard aihinos. Sieotara is the rressence? of the gods, but he is also the trickster. {See U. Ee e? {1953:l7o25)anj g. Wescott ii962:336~3533 ) I lBaca' Skiiation ‘Wcuzatic 74:5, :C-W'i me' 29;. 3g called ‘nltw a fu 0 AA: ..956 “vf,’ (Ac:ci. G‘fiJEG :i l $25 ie #1 isfiazts wii I 5 iii Sena-a1 C'ECle {3“ l V'E' C'I‘iClg Sfe Sf‘y 9538;13:1' l {lines 11:: in c: '- 9?” s. V. 5 c I .l‘ 5 C- enc'_.1 1. ~ . ' 3 Eieit D ‘:W 1:3] fin i, r- 9 535 V. a] Edi-us 9.:e. ; ¥ ‘ 5-is LC' ta 7:: ' t ES :Ye:i 'S 3C 557 art ‘l "f!“ “es .“, 7., I” ”itc'.“ i -l68- NOTES IBabalawo is the.term for the ifa diviner. ifa is the God of Divination. The Babalawo is also known as the lfa priest. Through the memorization of many verses called gdg and the casting of either kola nuts, cowrie shells, opele or other devices the priest is able to divine the proper gig for the occasion. "After...l6 mahn 922 there follow l6 subordinate 292 called omen odu giving a total of 256 9&2. After each of these 256 follow a further-Taiggg thus forming a grand total of 4096. For each of these 4096, there is a couplet or story..." (Abraham l963: 375n376). 2According to Feel (l964), the Cherubim and Seraphim cult was largely founded by Moses Orimolade, an illiterate old man from ikare, in Lagos in l925. He had been preaching for about six years previously and had enjoyed contacts with leaders of the African Church. it was not originally planned as a separate church and attracted many clergyman and memoers‘of Lagos' Creole families. By l928, however, it had taken on an independent existence. When Orimolade died in l933 it had already Split into four groups and has since suffered further fission. But in l927 it Spread inland and took root eSpecially in Abeokuta and 0ndc. Unlike C.A.C. Christ Apostolic Chruch it owes little to outside stimulation; its doctrines--particularly its use of visions and its aesthetically pleasing rituals-ware largely indi~ genous. ‘ ' 5This okpa is a long,thin,strong stick with one or two metal rings encircling its tOp. it is used for killing animals in the busr. During the recent political turmoil it was alsc used for cracking the heads of political opponents. A . C 0 U . A.B. Ellis (l89L) presents a useful discu55ion of the origins and relative importance of many of the crisa of Yorubaland. 5The'gfig singer is a person who composes and sings songs relating to social events of the past year including admonishing the people and the elders for bad behavior and reminding them of their obligations and reSpon~ sibilities. U. Beier (l958) believes that there is also the feeling that Gelede is to placate witches. The dancers of the Gelede are men but the senior titles of the cult belong to women; "God gage the world to the witches They rave permission to kill. Witches are mothers. All prayers to wltches are to mothers addressed as awon iyawa." :Thl fecal '} r9 'an exce in these tianse‘u' "Ell er» ..l CMess Pt. 5 9'2:". \- ’3 ’FC' u «C ‘7- c! ‘\_ 7. .INS I E . DECEP 5::C‘n u .S .‘ lR:F-" a .\= | .‘ " l; ‘i ii A, a; i: 9‘. It SK; i'_ C“ :55 i2 ’Tk‘ 3.. 5 ~ ' n h E i . J -169- 6This might be due to the fact that they are involved in making and repairing hoes and traps. These are simple tasks with which they have had much experience. There is little chance and few unknown factors involved in these activities. The life of the hunter is far different, much more chanceful and subject to danger. 7The herbs and leaves which are generally put into the hole where the ogun tree is planted are the dundun, tete and fianfl leaves and ori butter which comes from the em; tree. An ancient Ogun shrine which i saw in one of.the old abandoned family hamlets consisted of several tree stumps. One of these had a oowrie shell encircled by red beads: which made the whole thing look like a Cyclops. These stumps were surrounded by several iron blades lying on the ground. Behind “all this was an empty beer bottle, reputed to hold Special oils. All this was chained and locked together to one of the main supports of the shelter in which the whole thing was contained. 9Abraham (1958: 266) lists ibeji as "the deity of twins". His dis- cussion of the rituals for ensuring the survival of twins is substantiated by my findings. IOThere were few really good lfa priests in the town. I did not call upon the acting head man for information about lfa divination because of his age and the constant interruptions by people coming to see why I was at his house. Other interruptions would occur because people wished to obtain his services as an lfa priest. The man whom I had engaged to teach me some of the rudiments of lfa divination died before 4 could really begin my studies. Illiiilliam Bascom (I956) presents an interesting discussion of this subject. Bascom's findings differ considerably from thcse presented in this paper. An example of this divergence is when Bascom says that “The second is the shadow (ojiii) which may also be Spoken of as the ‘casi’ (idana) like the skin shed by a snake. The shadow has no function during life; it does nothing but follow the body around? 12 , . . . . - . . it should be noted that Sikiru originally went to this woman because his small child was ill. He wanted to determine the reason for the child's illness. 1 . . .' . 3This means that an ifa diViner cast his beads and the Cdu Egbe came out. The nge goes something to the effect of "...your question is good... If CO hick in y: Lilli? en , :cr-es out will be I Stiffie ii I ll. l t'ar er: DL'DCSE i {Cr 8 "CI ”Be "5 uteri -170- '3 cont'There will be profit in your work and travels. You will have luck in your chilren, money, and travels. You will have luck in your children, money, marrying good women or husband and peace. If this 222 comes out for the person who asks he will get titles and home. His life will be good and he will have victory over his enemies and bad things will become joy for this odu is good for every good thing." IA! subscribe to Idowu's opinion (l963: l57), The subject of divina- tion and the Qgg is extremely complex and does not constitute the primary purpose of this paper. Therefore, little more will be said about it. For a more detailed discussion see Bascom (l9L2) and Clarke (l959). lSBecause most of my work was done in lbara Orile I could not deter- mine whether or not people had moved from there to lbara Omida because of the evil effects that the witches of the former had upon their families. CHAPTER VI SOCiAL STRUCTURE As noted earlier (pages 7'9), the major part of this research was carried out in-the village of lbara Orile. The people alSo belong to the lbara Omida township of Abeokuta. It is in lbara Omida that the full character and richness of the cultural life of the people of the lbara kingdom occurs. All the important chiefs. ritual Specialists and elders who have the greatest knowledge of the history and families of the kingdom live in Omida. The decision to confine the major research activities to the orile made participation in the social, political,and cultural life of Omida practically impossible. In an earlier study of the social struc- ture of the Egba, the Leighton group (I963: 290) was forced to make a similar lament: Undoubtedly the lineages and lineage segments would have loomed larger in the social organization had we been able to study at greater length in the religious and kinship ceremonial activities which are centered in the city compounds. Forde (195l), Bascom (1942), Schwab (i955), Marshall (196A), and others have described various Yonuba groups as patrilineal, patrilocaL and exogamous. increasingly, authors like Marshall (1964), the Leighton group (1965), and Lloyd (l962) have suggested that such terminology does little justice to the many options for affiliation, residence,and marriage which the Voruba people can and do exercise. Leighton et. al. have pointed to the differences between their expec-;- tations of strong lineage loyalties and the actual lack of interest in the -l7l- painlinea the Egba i Sore wrong do hi this tivel antes a pa' lites also Teri 502:5 by rh .n a A70“c liea: aid Dc In HS 66". VEVY L “1.. Cl O'l .~ J‘- 9: n. 'C‘ -172- patrilineal aSpects of social organization which they found existing among the Egba and Egbado people in the villages they studied: Some of the questions systematically asked of all respondents were wrong questions in the sense that the phenomena to which they refer do not exist among the Egba. The most important topic in which this happened was the lineage...At the same time there seems rela- tively little development of the lineage principle--the host of ancestors extending backward and outward in time and identified with a particular area of land. Not only is the usual Yoruba term for lineage--idile--unfamiliar, but so too is the concept. Unfamiliar also are the usual terms and concepts for matrisegment and patriseg- ment. ‘It seems probable that the reasons for this difference in social organization are rooted in the wideSpread disruption caused by the Dahomean wars of the last century; U965: 2l3]. in a later section of the same volume, Hughes returns to this problem: Among the Egba, at least in thCS’villages surrounding Abeokuta, lineage is relatively less important in structuring social, economic, and political life than it is in other sub-tribes. [1963: 289-290] In his recent discussions of the Yoruba social strUcture, Lloyd has been very cautious and has indicated that the Yoruba have both agnatic and cognatic descent lines among their various groups: But the northern Yoruba--pyo, Ekiti, §gba--have agnatic lineages while the southern Yoruba--|jebu, 0ndo-—have cognatic des;ent groups [1962: 55-54] Later, in a section devoted to the people of the Egba Civision, Lloyd first Speaks of these people as a patrilineal in their crganization. He then adds the following caveat: There is, however, a modern tendency for corporate descent groups to be formed. Two factors seem primarily responsible for this modification. For many decades figba men have been acquiring indi- vidual property—-not only in houses and cocoa (see pages lO2—l06) but also in land..or by purchase. The acceptance of some English concepts, introduced by returned slaves...has led women to claim a share of their father’s property which they not only hold during their lifetime but pass, in turn, to their issue. [l962z 232] Lloyd continues this discussion of cognate descent by pointing to the fact that daughters now have legal rights of inheritance (upheld in court) -173- to their fathers' property, and they can pass it down to their offspring. Lloyd also notes that many men who have been brought up in their mother's father's compounds ”develop close emotional ties with their mother's line- ages and may be given land to build or farm but rarely lose formal member- ship in their father's lineages” (l962:232). In his discussion Lloyd shows that he is prepared to refer to the Egba as either cognatic or line- age in the organization of their wider kinship groupings. The people of the orile are basically patrilineal in descent and patrilocal in residence, with marriage being outside their patrilineage. However, much of their social behavior suggests a secondary cognatic descent system exists, indicating that patrilineage, patrilocal,and exogamous definitions of their structural patterns are only the beginning of under- standing their social organization.I Most of the people I Spoke to could say little about the names and histories of relatives above the second ascending generation. They were not interested in developing knowledge of their ancestors or of the cor- porate aspects of their lineage. They exhibited more interest in the elaboration of relationships with a wide range of people and, with the possible exception of pr0perty, often appeared to subordinate their concern for patrilineal relatives. This behavior is quite compatible with their emphasis upon individual freedom, success, and popularity, traits which can only be realized at the expense of the vigor and exclusiveness of familistically oriented groups. In the following discussions-it.will be shown that the nomenclature of kinship groupings reflects both their patrilineal and cognative organi- zation. Next, the basic patrilineal descent system will be analyzed. lien there partiwlar ciple of E vii‘iCii the charge. “slicing ar NFC-Pic i av. -17“- Then there will be a discussion of terms of address and reference with particular emphasis upon the manner in which these terms reflect the prin- ciple of seniority, support the cognatic organization,and suggest ways in which the people utilize familiai behavior to modify the challengesof social change. The last section will include discussions of the marriage, land- holding and inheritance pattern; and the organization of households. Nomenclature of Kinship Groups The kinship terminology of the people of Yorubaland has been expli- cated in publications of the Church Missionary Society (l9l3), Bascom (191.2), Forde (l95l), Lloyd (1955), Schwab (i955, i958), and Abraham (.1958). These writers interpret the term Vigilg" (root of the house) to refer to a corporate group of patrilineally related families. Forde points out that "...ideally an idile is localized in one town, but, if, as is not uncommon, some members have established a new compound in another town, i they do not thereby establish a new idile.‘ As long as members can trace patrilineal descent from a common ancestor they regard one another as "ibaton" (patrikin). Forde also uses the terms "isoko" and "origun" to denote smaller units within the wider patrilineally extended group: There are segments of wider lineage. An isoko is a recognized lineage of descendants of a patrilineal ancestor three or four generations back. Where the idile is small, it and the largest recognized isoko are coterminous. Segmentation, with the recog- nition of separate isoko units, tend to follow the passage of a headship to the third generation. An origun is a segment whose members are descended from a single wife of a patrilineal ancestor. The smallest origun or ‘little origun' consists of the children of one mother by a man of the lineage. Schwab states that these two units are also recognized in lbadan, Ife,and Ogbo- mosho, where the ori un is known by the same name and the isoko as isori U95]: 12I -175- Schwab (1955: 552-571) also contends that the Yoruba kinship system is based on the segmentary lineage system traced in the agnatic line. For him the most important unit is the corporate patrilineage (11112) which "is the most extensive agnatic group comprising those persons, male or female, who are able to trace relationships by a series of accepted genea- logical steps through the male line to a known or putative founding ancestor and theoretically to each other.” Schwab defines "origun" as "the group . within the idiLg defined by reference to a common progenetrix" (1555: 353) while fligghg" or "13231" is a segment descended from a common male ancestry- For the most part, Marshall follows Schwab in her discussions of Yoruba terminology. According to Marshall: ldile embraces all patrilineally related descendents from the original founder of the compound and lineage, and since titles which rest in a compound should circulate among the patrilineal segments of the lineage which form the core of the compound, persons who want to claim the right to a title are concerned about asserting rights to affiliation with a given 153, if they are not too concerned that the people will know that they do not belong to the idile...Since women as well as men are part of the iko their sons can claim right to the property of their mothers. l96h: 62-65 "Ebi" (family or relative) is a more general term than ”idiie“ and refers to relatives in both the mother's and father’s lineages. in most daily conversation there seems to be little distinction in meaning between the use of ’ebi” and filbaggfl" (wog Ea mi tan) literally defined as meaning ”related to me”. As Simon Adeola insisted: EEL or ibaton, there is no difference. They both mean family. if I have a family in England and I went there i would seek out first my §bi_or idile baba mi my father's lineage if they were there and i felt cioser to them. -176- It will be noted that although my informant started his comments with comparison of "g i" and "ibaton" he soon dropped the less useful "ibaton" and spoke only in terms of Wegi" and flidilg". Tne emphasis upon "egg? and: 'jgilgf is more compatible with the actual patterns of social interaction. In his discussions of Yoruba social structure Lloyd (1962: 5l~57) avoids entirely using the term "ibaton". Relatives (gbi), no matter what degree, are very important because of the high probability that ego will wish to seek shelter and support with one of them (idile baba mi, idilg_ixg ml, idll§.ly§|gaba.mi,.ldilg'babg_iya‘gl, etc.). Simon‘s brief comments reveal his thinking on possible plaCes of refuge in emergenCy. DeSpite the possible analytic usefulness of the terms "idilefi, "ibaton", Ii ' H §bl "igor, "origun", and the like, in practice, people do not make many distinctions between them. For the most part, the people do notthink of their kinfolk and lineages in these terms. For example, i hardly ever heard them use the word "idile", nor did I hear them use the word "ibaton" except when l asked them the meanings of these terms. And i certainly never detected the use of the words "iko", "isoko” and "origun". The dictionaries, several infcrmants and a Yoruba linguist all indicated little familiarity with the term ”origun” (scmetimes confused and reinter~ preted by my informants as "orisun"), used to define the founder of the lineage. Those who could respond to my questions insiSIed that the term “corner" while the term "orisunfi is most often applied to "grigun" meant the source of a river. Tnis usage agrees with Aoraham (1958: LBI) and the Church Missionary Society (l913: i78). Most of my informants claimed that the proper term for children of one progendtrix is "omo iya". Attempts to get more precise Specification of such terminology as -I77- “idile”, "ebi'l and ”ibaton” were made. Generally the people included more I relatives under the term “ebi” than they would subsume under the other terms. Lloyd has commented on this usage. The term 'family' is widely used by literate Yoruba today with as little precision as it is used in English; it may connote any grOUp from the smallest nuclear family of man-wife-child to several thousand persons tracing descent from a common ancestor through many generations. The wori is imprecise and would be better avoided. But it is no less precise than the Yoruba word ebi which it translates. 1962:3l Samuel Salubi of Isolo claimed that his daughter's children would be con- sidered his ”ibaton”. Joseph Adewale of Isolo said that children born of the same father but different mothers are called ”ibaton”. Joseph's ideas conflict with Samuel's interpretation because Joseph would not consider his daughter's children his ”ibaton”. Joseph says: lbaton and idile are the same. Born of the same father but of different mothers. For Joseph, the term “£21? includes children of his daughter's line- age. In Speaking of Samson Adedoyin, of Oke Afin, and his children, the man his daughter married, Joseph says, ''They are ang_(in-Iaws); they are .121.” Samson Adedoyin agreed that children of the same mother and father are to be considered ”idile? while father's and mother's collaterals and the children of these collaterals are to be considered ”ibaton”. Abraham (l958:273) considers “idile“ to mean ”clan” and ”major patilineal group”. Analysis of many conflicting statements suggests that Joseph Adewale and Samson Adedoyin are more correct than Samuel Salubi. Their reports indicate that they consider a consanguineal relation basis as underlying the proper definition of “ibaton”. In this regard, they support the find- ings of Forde (l95l), Church Missionary Society (l9l3), and Abraham (I958). However, several people joined with Samuel to give definitions of l'ibaton" which included daughter's and sister's children within the concept. Samuel Salubi's error, if it can be called such, reflects the -178- tendency to generalize all relationships as ”ehi” (family). Samuel's ”error”‘ also reflects the need to concretize relationships between the disparate cognatic relatives who live under the umbrella of ”ebi” and to establish fictive relationships (see pages 192-l93) in terms of inheritance of lands and titles. Figure l represents a scheme of kinship categories as extrapolated- from both informants' statements and the literature. Figure 2, page l80. represents a scheme of the most honorific language which the people use. This language reflects the principle of seniority which is an essential feature of all kin and nor-kin relationships. The Lineage There are several means by which people can claim membership in an extended lineage. The most valid credentials a person has for inclusion in his lineage are his knowledge and the knowledge of his elders of the genealogy of his family. Following this, in descending order of importance, are the origins of the land he inherits and holds, the ownership of par- ticular praise names (grlki) and praise songs (sunrara=a type of musical “25151), recognition of a common ancestor, and his taboos. An extended lineage usually consists of an old man, his sons and daughters, his sons' children, his brothers and his brother's children, and the children of his father's younger brothers. It is possible that, through adOption and assimilation uee pages 202-203), a great variety of non- patrilineally related relatives can.become members of the lineage. All members of a particular lineage trace their origins through a series of patrilineally related males to a common founder, now deified. f Muir-linsulhll ll WN-KOUWF5 we >-_Emmv _E mama mnmn 03m>_ o-_U_ Acmzuoe >5 mo >__Emmv _E m>- u_-n_ Amos-mum >Ev _E 0cm o-_u_ co .A0m_3 >5 *0 >__Emmv -E ozm>_ u__v- I'\ . / ‘, V -4; .-.-..-... fl-—”‘ Amhzw2mk. 8 Ln. C I Maximal Lineages xii D ff-E -.---....-.-- .-..—.. —_..-.—v—— --‘ Minor Lineages H /13 I (Ego's Generation l , F .TILG ) ‘13 (1 ' . 4-... ._i._...L Minimal Lineages A.) 23K. LLjfiMAN ziko LgPL‘Q . Relationship can be traced ___,_u_.u Relationship difficult to trace -l8l- Most of the people of the major lineage will not be able to specify their relationship to the founding ancestor. Thus, as illustrated in figure 2, the organization of a lineage may be thought of as comprising the long dead, distantly related, founding ancestor, the head of the major lineage who is the oldest remembered ancestor with whom ego can calculate a relationship, the maximal lineage (ego's father) the minor lineage (ego), and the minimal lineage (ego's children). In bare outline, the lineage is segmentary, dividing at each generation, according to the number of males who marry and produce children. Each father is the head of a new segment of the lineage. Through him, his children relate themselves to the living and dead members “of all segments of the lineage and to the founding ancestor. Membership in the lineage is perpetual. Although a member of a lineage dies he remains a vital part of the lineage system. His origins, his children, his lands, and the ggigg he worshipped become incalculably important factors in the lives of the peOple in the succeeding generations of his lineage. His survivors will remember him in their prayers and he will be called upon, through the medium of their prayers, for help and guidance. He will be remembered during tneir celebrations of the annual Egungun festival. in all likelihood the founding ancestors and later ”hero” ancestors of the lineage have been deified and are actively worshipped as 25113. Shrines of the lineage's important gods are often kept in their houses in lbara Omida. Not all ancestors are equally important. Some of the ancestors of the lineage might not have had children and will, therefore, be of little -l82- consequence. It would be as if they never existed. As one very old man said weeping, ”I came to this world and left my children behind me. I do not know who will bury me”. (see page A67). Although some ancestors might have had children their lineage still might have eventually withered. In these cases they and their dead children will be of little help with the life problems confronted by the remaining segments of the family. Such ancestors, who were heroes or rich land owners, will be absorbed into the other segments of the lineage so that their beneficial qualities might provide guidelines for behavior; their properties might be meaningfully retained and redistributed to surviving members of the family; and so that their géiiglnight not be neglected. Not all living members of a lineage are equally interested in their predecessors. Ancestors of the preceding generations, above their father's father's generation, might be drOpped out of their genealogical reckoning so that the founding father's generation, or some ”hero” ancestor's generation will appear closer to the present generation than is actually the case. This neglect is more natural for the youth of the lineage whose interest in remembering the genealogy has not been whetted by the responsibility of maintaining harmony with the departed ancestors; an activity which falls only to the elders. The youth“s attention to his predecessors and the force these ancestors have in his life may be rudely awakened when he finds that the Babalawo attributes his ill fortune to his failure to sacrifice to a long neglected ancestor. Through divination the need for such sacrifices may be impressed upon him as an amp 3 part GCCOTC is the lbara IPier -183- apprOpriate means of insuring his future success.‘ The genealogical record of the Ganiyu gmoloku family of Oke Afin is a particularly interesting example of this tendency to arrange genealogies according to the surviving members' interests and involvements. Ganiyu is the elder of the various segments of the pmoloku lineage living in lbara Orile. He was very c00perative about giving me genealogical information. He felt that the record of his family should be included in my notes. Yet, Ganiyu could only go back two generations to the antestor hero of the family who stayed and farmed in the orile when everyone else ran from the Dahomean invaders during the latter part of the last century. 1 The fact that this ancestor was the only person to remain in the orile during those years and that he farmed land within the walls of the old kingdom has led to several problems of land ownership. The gmoloku lineage now claims large sections of the land within the town walls. The old lineages of ldofin and Oke Afin~di5pute this claim. The people of the Qmoloku lineage invest most of their land claims, much of their honor, and a considerable amount of their prestige in the importance of the old warrior. They claim that they cannot remember ancestors of greater antiquity than old warrior Qmoloku. Ganiyu, the family elder, cannot even say anything about his motheris family beyond his mother's own generation.- Ganiyu claims that he was.raised in the orile and, although his mother came from the Aregba township of Abeokuta, he insists that he has never known his mother”s peOple. iai'llh 0W. or to lba r‘ai‘e r the e takeh USuai Can ( -l8h- Succession-~As the men of the family marry and start their own fanfilies they move out of their father's house to build homes of their own or to seek their fortunes in distant places. Although some may go to lbadan, Kano, or Lagos they will continue to consider the oldest living male relative remaining in lbara Omida, the village, .or small hamlet as the elder of the family. When this man dies his position is ordinarily taken by the next oldest male in the family. If there is no younger brother to succeed him, his oldest son usually takes'his place. In any event, the oldest remaining male who can claim membership in the family would ordinarily become the nominal head of the family. This procedure is quite compatible with the people‘s concern about acknowledgement of seniority in their social relations (see pages 187493). However, if the oldest remaining male in the lineage is someone who. has not Spent his life in the lbaras, he would still have the position of the head of the lineage; however, his effectiveness W0Ulnsiderations of seniority as vital to the structure of interpersonal realations, the extension of which permits the use of this terminology, arnd associated behavior in nonmkin, as well as kin, relationships. The kinship terminology which is familiar and most symbolic of their iJncierstanding of social relationships is a language which recognizes and enu392asizes differences in seniority. Bascom (l9h2z37wh6) first discussed arud elaborated the ”Principle of Seniority” among the Yoruba. Following Basscxom, seniority is here considered to imply more than relative age. ‘31 ‘tinis discussion of kinship and in other sectiors of this thesis it wi l I be shown that seniority is based upon such factors as relative time of’ €31:filiation with the lineage, as well as demonstration of superior te'lsarfits in aCCumulating and distributing critical skil's and materials. A‘ r‘i'czn man, a highly educated man, or a man with an important title may [De‘ (illevated to a higher position over a person who may be his elder. An €31£3\’Eitl0n in seniority often results from a personal or family history of picDr‘s-‘.‘ering. Thus, the people of Oke Afin will always be considered S€3r33<3r to the other People Of 159 orile (see P3995 36:88-93}° The first ' fei of a polygynous household Will always have unique prIVileges in her huskDand’s house (see pages 356-353: the men of the first lmmam“s >QQ.CC.ELUF Q~IEC~¥ mi waz-nu~§ lllllllll .3 U .s u nit-UnsU W -l88- .cuc_a wo conbo oumcm_mmU m_mLoE:c cmeom .Omm cu mc_eeomoc new mc_mmocovm c_o;u coca c_ any mcmcuo >mo—oc_ELou «cu ou0u_oc_ mco_umcm_mon u_~onmcn#<. .mcocuo cu mucmcmwoc ucm mmmcnom c_ mum: 0mm >mo_Oc_Ecou ocu.uqmomvc_ «gonad: o_nmc< .moEmc _mcomkua.mo 0m: ago new >mo_0c_Ecmu o>_um>_eoo cam .u>_ua_LUm ion .uwm_coco; mad. ocu Eccm nom_:mcwum_n mm oucmLomoc new mmocunm Lyon c_ uooamot mo _o>o_ umocm_z «nu ma cu nocou_mcoo m_ >mo_ou_ELuu u_m_co:o: .mucocomoc wo macou ucm mmocnum mo mEcou c_ mesuuo u_ mm >u_co_com mo o_a_oc_cm on“ muu0_moe ;u_;3 >mo_0c_Ecou o_w_L0co; ecu wo co_umcum:___ ocu cog: noum_a m_ m_mmzaeo use «w .... m - AN m .u . . x. m ., u \ AM AL”... 7 r Aw. \m. rim H _,\ 1.“, 4| m M w m - c l u u M . x» w M“ & m cm “L a Dims... .T, “ nth” 0; F t . nv /\ /\ u . . _ m: m . m L“ w m u r , 4 ....t M :4 .1, C p m.» >ao_oc_sao» q_:m=_¥ to u_umsocum m maze—m “ouoz -189* KEY TO FIGURE 3 Yoruba Terms* \Ooowaunruw— 'nrnoncn> baba iya egbon, ogboni** aburo iyale iyawo omo 9m? 9m? (mi) baba baba (mi), baba agba iya iya (mi), iya agba baba nla iya nla baba iya (mi) iya baba (mi) baba iya baba (mi) ano 9m? egbon, ogboni aburo bale, oko baba baba agba English Translation father mother senior sibling junior sibling senior wife wife child child of(my) child father of (my) father, old father mother of (my) mother, old mother great father ‘great mother father of (my) mother mother of (my) father father of the mother of (my) father affine my child my senior sibling my junior sibling my husband my father old father *Normally these terms are followed by genitive form, first person pronoun. **Ogboni mi is really an Egbado term. mi in the more traditional sections of Egbadoland. I am told that it replaces egbon Egbon mi is.not heard in Ilaro. .Ogboni mi is not heard in Abeokuta with the exception of lbara Omida. -- _ -:»__.---‘ patrili pcsitic Fawer Q'inci to, or toner 'h.. I t In 6 l Liege :— -190- patrilineage will always be considered the proper applicants for the positions of Immam and Alpha (see pages 122-123); the cocoa buyer at the Farmers‘ Cooperative Buildings justifiably assumes his father‘s position (see page 322); and the whole pattern of land law is based upon the rule of 'Who came first?" (see pages l96-l98). For ego, in his family (ebi) relationships, the articulation of this pr'irmflple is reflected in the kinship terminology he utilizes when Speaking t<>,, or referring to, family members in ascending generations. The most hcnwcnjfic terminology for the men of these generations will always be 'flzgfluijny‘ hwy father) while the honorific terminology for the women of these generations will be “iya El.” (my mother). These terms will be SlJfficient for all senior members of the ascending generations in any hOusehold in which ego can claim some membership. Ego can be more specific in his address and references by Speaking (3f: members of the second ascending generation in such more descriptive, t3Ut less honorific terms as 'b222.b§b§_§ifl (father of my father) or dEarivative terminology, ”9322.2322” (old father). An equally specific, t>ut less honorific, language involves the use of teknonymic terms such as 'ffilgbg_§g§g Jubrila” (father of the father of Jubrila). The most usual reciprocal terms which people addressed as figgba” and .113" use is ”2m mi” (my child). If, for some reason the elders wish to t3€3 more Specific, as in the instance when there are several children in the vicinity, who can be referred to as “923 311”, they will use personal names or more descriptive and teknonymic terminology. The principle of seniority also defines ego's social usages in his interac and the all olc to reii tePOIe lekFOn S.tii p DCpula has an: Chi} -lg]- interactions with people of his own generation. Thus, the terms ”ggbgn”, and the more honorific l'ogboni”, are used in addressing and referring to all older "gbi" (family) of the same generation. The term "aburo" is used to refer to all younger ”gbi” of the same generation. Again, these terms denote considerations of seniority and indicate reSpect and affection. Teknonymic9 derivative, and descriptive terminology can also be utilized. Such pidgin terms as "broda" and "aunti" are finding increasing popularity and use among the people of the same generation. Following the principle of seniority, children must adhere, most closely, to the terminology of honorific address. Like their parents they must call elders of the ascending generation "baba" and "iya" and they must use descriptive and teknonymic terminology. They must never call their elders by name. They can, however, call a young wife who has just married into the family 'Mvg" (wife). When such a wife gives birth to Ch 5 ldren the terminology may be elevated to a teknonymic term such as "Mother of so and so"; but this does not necessarily occur. In most instances, with the exception of elderly women, a wife who has had no children is usually called "iyawo" Mix the men of the family and by their senior wives. If she has living children, she is usually known and addressed tecknonymically in terms of the name of her oldest living Chi ld. , Recourse to descriptive terminology is a very p0pular means of addressing and identifying senior women who have no living children. Thus, a woman who sells rice might be known as "iya onirgsi" (mother of rice). Wives address and speak of their husbands as "bale mi” (father of the l (my I ”3051 in a flec mm d» uh Fo at of is 'l92- the house I live in) or they may.use the elementary terminology 'Eflfilllrl (my husband). ”2513 ml? is the more honorific of the two terms and is most likely to be utilized by very young wives. Wives also use teknonymy in addressing their husbands. The principle of seniority is again re- flected in this usage, despite the fact of a polygynous marriage, for *wives will call their husbands by the name of their husband's most senior child. Young wives who enter a polygynous house must call their senior \Nives “i ale” (senior wife)or use teknonymic terminology such as ”mother (of (the senior wife's oldest child's name)”. They must not call children \Nho are in the house before their arrival by anything other than pet names. For this purpose the young wife will look for a special quality in the child and use this quality as a name. If the young wife finds a child (of the house is going to school she will call this child ”EEEEEP (clerk). le noted above, he will call her'Wyawo” (wife). Extensions gj_1hs_Principle‘2£_Seniorit1, Ego uses honorific iaddress based upon considerations of seniority in his interactions with ianybody who might be considered within the scope of the terminology "221?, 'fjgfllgy, or ”lbgtggf. Thus, if ego travels to a distant place and wishes 1:0 stay with relatives of some remotely related relative, knowledge of the proper kinship terminology, role behavior, and recirocals is lrnmediately available to all participating parties and the relationship 13an be engaged with considerably less fumbling and exploratory behavior. -l93- The principle of seniority is a structural rule by which the people of the orile arrange their social relationships. As a principle, it is a template upon which is drawn a configuration of alternatives to changing social situations. It is a beginning means of social and psychological orientation of ego 315121111 his interactions with other individuals. Its strength lies not in the rigidity with which it is interpreted, but, rather in the fact that it provides broad guides and tentative solutions to unique and challenging social situations. It permits the peOple to move from the familial social situations of the 25112.3“d Omida to the strange, more formal, social systems of contemporary Nigeria. The people of the orile have long lived in a world of rapid social change where the assistance available from senior members of the family has often not been sufficiently effective to help them meet new and un- familiar challenges in strange environments. It is behavior based upon the individual's understanding of the demands of the family-like senior-subordinate relationship which support him in his interactions \uith important strangers. It permits him to construct safe elder-junior relationships with people who can influence his life for good or evil. bfiarriage Among the people of the orile, marriage is exogamous, polygynous, aand, allowing for the exceptions described in Chapter XI, virilocal. 'There are no cross—cousin or parallel cousin marriage proscriptions. -194- The people only say that relatives cannot marry. The major characteristics of their marriage patternSshow elements of both the patrilineal and cognatic organization of their social strUcture. These marriage patterns are sufficiently varied to require separate consideration of their marriage and divorce practices (see Chapter XI). The present discussion vfill be limited to indicating the major structural characteristics of the marriage patterns. The types of marriage familiar to, and practiced by, the people of the orile include traditional, levirate, Muslim, Christian, and seduction. l\ll of these forms have traditional elements which emphasize the <>ints during the course of marriage procedures. Some of these marriages have only the barest vestiges of Christian or Muslim ritual. They are .basically traditional marriages involving people who, vatthe'time of their marriage, identified with either one or the other faith. Even "Teal-riage by seduction, as contrasted with concubinage, must include traditional elements; that is, the accumulation and distribution of bride Payments .. Marriage is the establishment of relationships, primarily,-between tWopatrilineages (ibaton) and, secondarily, between four idiles. The llfivolvement of the four idiles are supportive of their cognative c3|"ganization. The patrilineages involved are ego's patrilineage and -I95‘ ego's bride's patrilineage. The idiles involved are idile baba ego (ego's fatherfs idile), idile iya ego (ego's mother's idile), idile baba iyawo ego (ego's bride's father's idile) and idile iya iyawo ego (ego's bride's mother's idile). Traditionally, it is expected that ego's father, representing the patrilineage, will provide the‘bride payment for ego's first wife. If ego has been raised in his mother's idile, ego's father is still expected to provide the bride payment. If ego is a daughter living in some house other than the house of her father, the father and mother of ego must receive their share of their daughter's bride payments before their daughter can be considered married. I The bride payment which ego presents to the father of his bride is d5Vided into equal parts. One portion is divided among the idile of the bI’ide's father and is called babagbg (father hears). The other portion '5 divided among the idile of the bride's mother and is called iyagbg I (mOther hears). When asked whom ego can marry, the people state that it is forbidden to marry family (£b_i). The functioning of the patrilineal principle can. be seen in a study of the peOple ego cannot mar‘FY- Essentially, 39° Car‘r\<:t marry anyone of his own patrilineage, nor can he marry into any fianzi ly'which has received bride money from his patrilineage. However, 'mDS‘t. of the peOple can calculate their relatives only as distant as the Se'c‘fohd ascending generation and bride payments can only be given to IiVihg members of the family. Thus, there is the possibility that after the passage of three -196- generations marriages between formerly proscribed groups can occur. In fact, Such marriages do occur. During the discussion of marriage rituals (Chapter XI) it is noted that in traditional marriages sexual intercourse can legitimately occur in the bride's father's house before the marriage arrangements are completed. Under such conditions if impregnation occurs (or children are born to such unions before serious objections are raised, the marriage will be permitted to endure. DeSpite the involvement of the various idiles in the marriage of «ego and his bride, it is ego's lbaton which claims the wife and the ()ffspring of the marriage. The continuing practice of levirate (demonstrates that the husband's patrilineage exercisesits claim over tflwe wife even after the death of the wife's husband. Land Holding Patterns The study of patterns of land holding and distribution tells much about the social organization of a peOple. Bohannon has Spoken. of land 355 a basic dimension of social relationships: Land is useful to human beings in two ways. One of these ways is that it is a necessary dimension of society. Human beings are material and they must exist in space. For this reason all social relationships and all social groups have a spatial element or dimension. Individuals and groups demand space not only in order to produce their material needs, but to maintain privacy or cultural exclusiveneSs and integrity. [1963:222] T. 0. Elias has set forth the outlines of the basic land holding préKitices among the Yorubas: The real unit of Iandholding is the family, and...the aScription of the ownership of land to the community -197- or village is only accurate if viewed as a social aggregate. For even with the community of the village, occupation and control are decentralized, so to speak, the family, rather than the community or the village in fact exercises acts of ownership. The chief interest of the community or village in the land is the purely social and political one of maintaining group solidarity. [l95lz9l] The people say that the land of the kingdom belongs to the king. .Actually, the Olubara holds the land in trust for the peOple of his kingdom. As the king he is the symbol of the lbara people and the protector of all the lands and territories within the kingdom. There are, within the lbara kingdom, two types of land; claimed lineage land and community land. The elders of the extended patrilineal fanfily administer the claimed lineage land and ajudicate land diSputes. between the segments of the lineage. Extrafamilial land disputes are seettled in the Olubara's court and in the civil courts. In the Cllubara's court the lbara chiefs, who are also lineage elders, act as advisors and assefssors. In earlier sections of this thesis it was noted that the ancient Feathers of the peOple came to the countryside in migratory waves. Each Stuczcessive incoming group of peOple received permission to settle and use pairt of the land from the predecessors.‘ These early people created a cOmmunity and crowned a king, the Olubara. Since land was abundant new r“'SJI'ants could have it for the asking. Such land became lineage land as .'<"19 as the family was willing to make some claim to it. if a family granted land to a migrant and then, after some use, the migrant let the larHi lay unused to the extent that it appeared to be virgin forest, it -]98- would be assumed that the land had been abandoned and would, therefore, revert back to the community. If the original granting lineage remembered the history of the land and became interested in pursuing its claim it could repossess the land. Otherwise, some new migrant or another family could ask the community, epitomized by the Olubara and. his chiefs, the lineage elders, for the use of the land. If lineage land is allowed to remain fallow, to the extent that its regrowth obliterated all signs of previous cultivation, it could be presumed abandoned and \uould, unless the lineage reasserted its claim, revert back to the community and the authority of the Olubara and the elders of the kingdom, vvho knew the history of the land. The fact that there cannot be any unclaimed land in the kingdom means that strangers cannot freely squat (on any land of the lbara peOple. Patterns 2: Land Transfer Land not only provides food, it is also a s<3urce of capital. As such, there are a variety of ways in which it can be: tzransferred. 'lt can be borrowed, granted, and used as collateral or as ilnterest on a loan. Some people claim that land can be sold; however, there is little evidence that any land of the kingdom of lbara has been solr the use of the land. His own words indicate that he is probably 'reelated to Tiamh, for his father came from the Old kin based'bush'hamlet Bqu-‘Iogbo. .When Peter speaks of peOple being able to use any land they wanted. ”hear! he was a child, he touches upon one of the crucial issues involved ‘ in lland transference strategies. What is apparently an important concern in Landerstanding these manipulations is the extent to which the land has been cleared and regrowth of its former uncleared‘state inhibited. This W0Llld be true whether there is much or little unclaimed land available. Phi llips (l96l:l73) finds that clearing an acre of land by traditional methods without stumping may take from thirtywnine to fifty-five man dBYS. Clearing such a site with stumping may take from ISO to 300 man days. -20l- This is a considerable investment in time and labor. It frequently happens that a farmer prefers to relinquish land which he has permitted to lie fallow too long;land which has devel0ped too luxurious a secondary growth. He finds it cheaper to obtain a less 'wooded plot rather than spend his money for laborers to clear his land.- PeOple who have been granted land nmylose the land if they fail to use it, or, in these terms, keep it clear. Thus, Abosede Onikede, one of the widows of the orile,explains the loss of her late husband's farms as the result of her inability to work the land: When my husband died I was unableto go to the farm and keep down the weeds. The owner took the farm back. He gave me the corn my husband planted. Community_Land The chiefs, as such,rather than as lineage elders, arud the Olubara, are not as concerned with the unused lands outside of tfl1e old walls of the town of lbara as they are with the land located linside the broken walls of the old town. At one time, during a court Prraceeding, the Olubara tried to generalize about his responsibilities! arud the rules of land tenure within the old town walls: I am not the owner of the lands. I just settle arguments. There is communal land on which nobody but the king and the chiefs can decide. When those people ran away during the time of the abandonment of the kingdom the land became communal. .After the wars when they came back they could get their land back. But some peOple have made their farms inside the walls. They cannot claim this land as theirs. It has been the great influx of people back to the old town site which has caused the Olubara and his chiefs to focus their energies on PFOblems of the administering of lands lying inside of the old town walls. -202- There is sufficient community land inside the old town walls that a person may obtain land simply by presenting some kola and bamboo wine to the Olubara and his chiefs. Claimed lineage land, within the walls of the town, arises from the fact that many of the peOple who left bush hamlets and moved to the orile built their homes upon the sites where their fathers and grandfathers lived before the orile was abandoned. Through a continuing demonstration ()f their use of the land they were able to guarantee public recognition <3f ownership of their family land during the period between the (destruction of the old town and their return. Although many years have (elapsed since the Dahomeans destroyed the town, a considerable number of lsales reputedly knew the ”exact bush“ where their old fathers lived. Raji .libowu eXplained the source of his knowledge: When I came here this land was bush but I was able to build this house exactly where my grandfathers lived in the old days. My father showed me the land when I was a youth. My father's father told him that it was the particular place where his grandfather's father‘s father's father was born. The parents always show the children the land and cut the grass. Through continuous clearing of land we always have a good idea where the land is. I had only to tell my relatives [lineage elders} that I wanted to build there. Not all lineages attempted to demonstrate continued use of their l£n1d during the period of the abandonment of the orile. Much unused land became heavily forested and permitted the family of Ganiyu 0moloku, (the hunter who remained in the‘orile throughout the period of the Dahomean raids) to make its, now disputed, claims to large tracts of land. Because the people feel that the unclaimed land of the kingdom is, Ultimately, community land, it is not difficult to obtain tracts of land -203- to build clinics, expand the market, set aside space for a motor park, plan a fish pond, and to engage in other c00perative community projects within the old town walls. It is also said to be impossible to sell community land as well as lineage land. Even the owner of the highly successful new corn mill was permitted to establish his commercial enterprise without having to pay for theland. According to the owner of the mill, ”The elders gathered together and asked me to sign a paper that I did not pay for the land.“ 'The vitality of this tradition is quite clear. The strength of the people's convictions that community land cannot'be sold was maintained even at a time when the town was bushland, when they had no Olubara, and \vhen there was little possibility that the peOple would wish to build at .'the old town site again. The Olubara once cited the following case as an example of the .inviolability of'community land: In I920, when Akiode came to the Balogun of lbara asking for land so that he could plant cocoa the peOple of the orile refused. They said that they did not sell land to anybody. That matter became serious and was taken to the court of the late Alake Ademola of Abeokuta. ‘Before the matter was settled Akiode told the Alake that if they start to plant cocoa in lbara Orile peOple would be coming there and meeting there. When he made this explanation the Alake and the council agreed to give him the land and theysaid that at lbara Orile nobody may sell land to anybody. it may be given but not sold. If anybody wantsto build a house in the orile they will not be charged but they must just bring wine and kola for we want the town to grow large. Despite these sentiments and behavior, however, some “rascals” of the orile do attempt to ”sell” and ”buy” community land. These sales are persOnal arrangements between the peOple of the orile,and never |nclude strangers. When these machinations are discovered the matter -20h- is brought to the Olubara's court. In my observations of three of these cases the purchaser was always permitted to keep and develOp his land. These rulings are compatible with the general desire for the development of the town. However, both the purchaser and the seller are fined-_ Although the purchaser will be able to keep and use the land, in the final analysis, the land still belongs to the community under usufruct. It will be as though the town granted the purchaser a lease on the land, but this grant in no way constitutes a ”sale” of the land. This type of grant is considered no different than other methods of granting land. ‘The price which the purchaser paid is considered a token of transfer or the use of the land. As in other grants the grantee can keep the land as l<3ng as he uses it or demonstrates his intention to use it. Of course, all prOperty is not equally valuable. Land lying some ciistance from a heavily p0pulated community is not as important as land Mfiwich is in easy walking distance, the use of which is more observable. REHnotely located bits of land may be used for only short periods of time Vlith little fear of the community exercising its right of prior claim. TCNflay, the most valuable farm land lies within and immediately outside of the: old town walls and immediately adjacent to the dispersed hamlets. Summary In this analysis of the land holding and distribution habits the emphasis has been upon the ownership of land, the prohibitions against the alienation of land, and the relationship between these faCtors and the use of the land. Much of the kingdom's land is claimed by its lineages. As long as -205- the lineage can demonstrate use of its lands its members will eXperience no serious challenges to their ownership. Since the inability to demonstrate continued use of the land may result in the loss of the land. the lineages are often willing to grant their excess land to newcomers. Under the rule of non-alienation of land the granting lineage has the security of knowing that they have not given up their land. The fact that, withithe exception of the chiefs, most of the people'can calculate their ascending generations only three or four generations means that proof of the original ownership of the land, although not actually forgotten, eventually becomes suffiCiently obscured to require new determinations of ownership and rights. For the people of the traditional society the difference between the sale of land and the granting of land is not great. Granted land <2an be used quite freely with few impediments from the original grantOr. Ft>r these peOple the terminology of buying and selling land comes about Mfl1en a piece of land is considered particularly valuable because it lies (zlose to the center of the town or might be used for non traditional, .Ccnnnercial purposes. Such land must have a long lineage history. A i3r0per sale of such land would require that all elders of all the Segments who claim the land will permit the release of the land for sale. TY) get everybody concerned to participate in such a sale is usually not FNDSSible. Therefore, an individual who sells such land merely forces the issue into the courts. Of course, the chiefs will not agree that the land is sold. if the complainant’s case is weak the chiefs will define the land as -206- community land. They will fine both the buyer and the seller. The buyer is usually fined more heavily than the seller. Thus, the seller makes money, the chiefs get the benefits of the fines and reassert their control of the land. The purchaser gets the use of the land. (See Appendix D for an example of such a case.) For the chiefs, the distinction between the sale of land and granting of land is important. If land is granted, the chiefs of the kingdom have not given up its control and it remains part of their kingdom. If the land is sold the chiefs lose all control over its future disposition and occupants. Inheritance f Land and Other Property _ According to current practices, the basic principles of inheritance have not significantly changed since Johnson wrote: When a man dies his farms are inherited by his children, and so from father to son in perpetuity, and, like the house are not subject to sale. If his children are females, they will pass on to the male relatives, unless the daughters are capable of seeing the farm kept up for their own benefit [see page 20]] , If minors, they may be worked by their male relatives until the boys are of age to take up the keep of the farms. [j92lz 95-97] 5 Johnson's statement may be contrasted with Matthew Olayinka‘s Comments about the inheritance of land: ' The whole head cannot be bald at one time. In the case of the death of the oldest male land will be transferred to the oldest brother born after him. It is permissible to give land to the females. It is as desirable for women to get land as it is for men to inherit it. If a woman‘s husband is good he will take care of her land. There must be an agreement between the wife and the husband so that the land will -207- still remain in her family. She may sell the land or give it to her children. When the female inherits property or property is given to her it will go out of the family. It may be noted that although the female inherits land both Johnson's and Olayinka's statements suggest some bias towards keeping the land within the male line. Johnson's statement that females might lose their land if incapable of using it and Olayinka's statement about the husband's use of the wife's land are suggestive of the previous comments about the need to demonstrate continuous use of the land and the type of solutions which might be utilized to prevent unused property from reverting back to the community. A wise husband will support his wife in the maintenance of her land because it is his children who will, _eventually, inherit his wife's {their mother's) prOperty. Simon Adeola also Speaks of the bilateral inheritance customs in the orile: You have your mother's side and your father's side. it would be rather difficult for your father to claim property on your mother‘s side and for your mother to claim property on your father's side. But you have rights on both sides and you must be able to prove it. When a man dies his prOperty is divided, equally, among his children. If he was a polygnist the oldest male child of each wife receives anv equal share of his property. This child then becomes responsible for the equitable distribution of his deceased father's prOperty among the Children of his own mother. When a woman dies her prOperty is divided equally, among her children. if she has no children her younger siblings receive her property. in no case can an elder person inherit from a younger person. The husband cannot inherit from the wife, nor -208- can anyone inherit who has not contributed to the deceased's funeral and funeral celebrations. In the event the deceased man's children are very young the wife and her husband's younger siblings will safeguard the property left by the deceased until his children mature and are able to utilize their inheritance. Widows of child bearing age are inherited by the sibling next in age to the deceased. Such a woman may decide that she no longer wishes to remain in her husband's house. Such women must sue for divorce from their husband's brother. An instance of such a divorce did occur during my stay in the orile, the young widow did not wish to return the btide payments. The case was adjourned. Unfortunately the judge was murdered by political thugs before the case could be resumed. As stated, it is expected that the oldest son, if mature, will take responsibility for the equitable distribution of his father's goods among the surviving children. In fact, it not infrequently happens that elders of the family must intervene to insure the proper distribution of the prOperty. John Adekunle, a twenty year old youth,spoke of some of the problems which arose during the distribution of his father's prOperty: In March I958, after my father‘s death, his close relatives intended to share my father's lands and properties amongst his children. ‘The reason why they wanted to do this was in case of a misunderstanding or fight between us. And it is true that this sort of fight could occur, especially between mixed children [i.e. children of different mothers].. But when we children discussed this we disagreed with the plans of the elders. ' We tried to share equally but the older people are so wise and can foretell about what is going to happen in the future. The fight and misunderstanding occurred among us as they had said. When the fight started we -209- called on them and they helped us share all the lands and some other prOperties like guns, bicycles, clothes, and the iron sheets he had collected for the roof of his next house. With the exception of the house we found it very difficult and impossible to share. I got the bicycle, some clothes, and a piece of land. Whether the survivors be youth or elders such arguments are inevitabka Fortunately, there is usually some relative, older than the deceased and therefore ineligible to inherit the deceased's goods, who can mediate the emerging antagonisms. In his typical selfmeffacing manner Ganiyu pmoloku tells of his role in the distribution of his younger brother's property: Ganiyu: The children will divide the land between themselves. Nobody divides it. Since Jimo [Ganiyu 5 late younger brotherJ was younger than I, I have no right to divide the property. It is not good. If I was the junior person then I could go there and help his children divide the property among themselves. They cannot fight over prOperty so far they are brothers and sisters. 0.0.: But they are human? Ganiyu: i will counsel patience. Other than land and the rare possibility of keeping the deceased's older brother 5 second wife there is usually little of value to inherit. There might be some minor household items, medicines, traps, a few meager farm implements, perhaps an old 2222 gun, and possibly, an old clock. John Adekunle was fortunate to inherit an item as valuable as his father's bicycle. It is likely that he received the bicycle because he had finished secondary modern school and would not require as much land as his siblings who will devote their lives to farming. But land is the most valuable part of the inheritance. it gives a man a place in -2l0- the community and helps him to establish his identity. In time of need it becomes a source of food and a man's children may sometimes require a bit of land. Thus, despite the fact that he may never become a farmer, John Adekunle also received a bit of land. As John Adekunle pointed out, there is little question about the ownership of his father's house. The oldest male son becomes the bale of the house and his younger siblings may remain with the oldest brother as long as they wish. The question of the distribution of expensive clothing of deceased chiefs seldom arises. Chiefs are expected to live in Omida where they can participate in the ceremonials and community activities which are important to their lineage and to their personal reputation. There is only one traditional chief living in the orile. This chief does not become involved in the purchase of expensive items of clothing. The question of the inheritance of money is closely associated with the people's usual methods of saving money. The people of the orile believe that the banks of Abeokuta are for literates, big business men, and Europeans. They prefer to keep their money hidden at their farms. If a man suddenly dies, therefore, his money is often lost to his survivors. Since a man may have many farms and some of these farms may be unknown to his family, the survivors do not even try to search his farms fOr lost money. Women tend to hide their money in their rooms or in their clothing. Brassieres equipped with zippered pockets in which women may keep their money are becoming increasingly popular. More often the women prefer to -2ll- use the traditional, sock-like, sack tied around the waist and hidden under many underskirts. In this way successful women may carry a considerable amount of money about their persons. Busari Ogbonin, a youth of Omida, tells how money is kept and what might happen if a woman, reputed to be rich, should suddenly die. Busari is actually Speaking of his mother‘s habits. His mother is a moderately successful trader: We do not use banks. How can a person who cannot read use a bank. We will not be sure of what is happening to our money. We will keep the money in our rooms or on our farms. My mother keeps her money in her room. I shall not know where it is. She will not trust me. She will think I shall steal it. She may keep it in a hole in the wall under a picture or some other place in her room. If she dies we shall all be watching each other to get into her room. A lot of money is lost this way. DEM.--The 92.5.1. are a series of statements or titles which tell the history of a town, lineage, or individual. and they are also inherited. Lloyd (l962zl02) defines Hgijkifl as it occurs in 0ndo, Ijebu, and Ado Ekiti as: [Ondol Praise names of as many of the ancestors from his descendent is recognized. whether in male or female line [l962zl02]. [ijebul But in traditional usage a man is saluted with the oriki [original in italics] of any ancestor in male or female line of descent [l962zlh2], [Ado [kiti] Every person bears an oriki [original in italics} or appellation used in salutation, which is hereditary in the male line; thus each lineage has two 9:13i1- one for the males and another for the females T1962:1901 Orikij are means of remembering and teaching the history of the nation and family. They are ways of recording the events which have occurred in -2l2- the lives of ancient members of the lineage. A person who wishes to trace the paths of migration of his ancestors can use his knowledge of his grikL to locate the towns and lost segments of his patrilineage which settled in remote villages or towns which his ancestors created along the paths of their migration. Through the use of their orikis, the peOple of lbara have been able to remestablish themselves with ancient segments of the lineage. In fact, during the study of ELLELE of the orile I found that many of my educated friends. from other Yoruba groups, maintained a continuing interest in their gijki§.Thm/devoted a portion of their free time, traveling to remote villages and hamlets, guided by knowledge of their orikis hOping to 9 find distant relatives who might help them learn more about their origins and add further content to their ELLELZ- There is often a meshing of the town 2:ikj_with parts of a lineage ‘griki. When a child is born he will receive an 9:151 which will contain elements of orikis from his father s lineage, his mother s lineage, and titles which will suggest his parents: aspirations for him. Similar to the town and lineage QLLELJ as he grows older his achievements will be noted in modifications of his original Efidiflg Odunjo (n.d. I957) gives several griki: for the peOple of lbara. The first refers to Lafa, the Olubara, who permitted the Egba to settle at Olumo: Lafa who has power to collect Egba and is the person [who] can collect all the town to be living with him io. n]. Here he refers to Lalubu, the first Olubara: -213- Man who has different titles. The first king of lbara. The king who is more handsome than the antelope. The person who God has chosen to be king. The head of the king must be king [0 21]- Another ELLEL refers to Ajiboyede: Ajiboyede is a tough and strong man. He killed wicked peOple and threw their heads in their pockets. A neat king who is always beneath. Before we see animals like the elephant we shall go to the bush. Before we can see tiger we go to the bush. Before we can see king like Ajiboyede it will be heaven. The king which takes his first son to sacrifice. He loved ibara very much and everyone of the world is serving him both in the house and farm. To ljanna and Legun Ajiboyede is the faithful man in lbara. And he died and they still make sacrifice to him [0. lS-l6]. This last 2:151 not only tells the story of Ajiboyede but places him in heaven as a God. The reference to ljanna suggests that he represented his peOple well in the courts of that ancient Egbado kingdom. The peOple of lbara cite the following griki_as evidence that an ggbado man called Ogunmola Olodogba gave a portion of his land to the peOple who were the first ggba settlers at the place where Abeokuta now stands: The person who makes Egba become tapper. And he makes the children to be servant in the farm. And he is the one who broke ljaye entirely. And he makes Egba to be calling their family. Before they come to Olumo [po. 3h-3S]. Throughout his little book Odunjo gives orikig of the history of the peOple, of the ancient kings. and the culture heroes of the lbara kingdom. -2izi- Many of the orikis are quite long. others only require two or three lines. Iggggu~ it has been previously noted that one of the basic avoidances still adhered to by all the peOple of lbara is the restriction against the planting of the ba;§_seed within the town walls of ibara (see page 34). This is a town taboo which is connected with one of the early migrations to the town site. All subsequent settlers have had to recognize this taboo. The extent to which the peOple of the orile accept ancient taboos as relevant to their contemporary patterns of living is inconsistent Those who speak of their family avoidances are quite serious about the meaning these restrictions have to their lives and their welfare. The pattern that does appear is one of avoidances being inherited from both the father’s lineage and the mother’s lineage. The taboos inherited from the mother’s lineage are optional in contrast to those inherited from the fatherls. if a person chooses to neglect his mother’s taboos (and Such choices are always responsive to the findings of the bahalawg) he will not give his motheris taboos to his children. However. unless the tatoos a child inherits are Specifically identified for him he might think that all of his taboos are in his fatheris lineage. The most usual avoidances consist of restrictions against capturing certain animals and eating certain foods. One of the villagers Spoke of his motheris taboo: There is nothing like taboos in my house or family. Only my mother is not eating snake or boar. i eat it because it is not compulsory for me since it is not of my father s lineage. -215- Clan This section would not be complete without some mention of what appears to be a clan organization underlying the social organization of the orile. Despite many efforts designed to clarify the definition of ”clan” there yet remains some difficulty in Specifying the exact meaning of the term. RadcliffewBrown and Caryl] Forde state that the term remains unclear and that there are many different kinds of clan systems: But that the term should be used only for a group having unilineal descent in which all the members regard one another as in some Specific sense kinfolk. One way of giving recognition to the kinship is by the extensive use of classificatory terminology so that in a system of patrilineal clans a man regards all men of the clan as being his classificatory 'fathers‘, ibrothers‘, 'sons . *grandfathersi. or 'grandson . Frequently. but not universally. the recognition of the kinship bond uniting the members of the clan takes the form of exogamy which forbids marriage between two members of the same clan. Where clans are divided into subclans it may be only to the smaller groups that the rule of exogamy applies. [l953zhO] Murdock (l9h9:68) Specifies that a clan must be based on a I'unilinear rule of descent”, a rule of ”residential unity”. and ”must exhibit actual Social integration! Murdock S rule of I“residential unity” is not considered a necessary part of clan organization in most other definitions. Ottenberg says that: A clan is a unilineal descent group whose members claim common descent from an original ancestor but are not able to trace all the generational Steps between the living members and the founder. The founder may be either human or mythical; sometimes in the form of a totem that is a symbol of the group. A clan is u5ually larger than a lineage and may or may rot be made up of a number of component lineages. Although the size of these descent groups varies greatly in different societies, the membership of lineages usually numbers in the dozens -216- or hundreds, while that of clans may number in the thousands”. [i960;3ol it can be seen that each author chooses to emphasize different characteristics of the phenomena he calls ”clans”. These excerpts have been selected for inclusion here because, collectively, they present most of the elements usually considered to define a clan. For the Yoruba. Schwab has noted that: A genealogical unit larger than a".i§il§n composed of lineages between whom an agnatic relationship is acknowledged but can not be precisely traced and who ascribe their origins to a real or putative male ancestor can be viewed as a clan. [l9552353] Schwab further Specifies that clan membership is by myth or remote kinship, rules of exogamy, common praise names and honorific titles: Rights and duties among the component lineages of the clan are not rigidly defined and can be variable. There is no acknowledged formal jural or administrative head of the clan. [l955z35h] The historian, Johnson, Spoke of the concept orile in terms suggestive of a clan organization: The term Q;jl§_denotes the foundation or origin; and is of an immense importance in the tracing of a pedigree... The orile is not a name, it denotes the family origin or torem. The real meaning of this is lost in obscurity. Some say they were descended from the object named. which must be a myth; others that the object was the ancient god of the family, the give: of the children and other earthly blessings or that the family is in some way connected with it. The totem represents every conceivable object e.g. ELLE [the elephant],_ggu1 [the god of war}. 929 [post], tho [a rant, etc ..intermarriages within the same totem was origznally not allowed as coming within the degree of consanguinity but now the rule is not rigidly observed. ii921;85-861 -217- Considering these various definitions as they relate to the history and lineage and organization of the people of the orile, some investigators might conclude that there is some type of clan organization, however vague, in the social structure of the peOple of the orile. in view of Schwabis and Johnsonis comments some considerations should be given to this possibility. However, this type of organization does not currently have an important function in the lives of the peOple, Keeping in mind that RadcliffewBrown and Forde (I953z3h0) have noted that the term Iiclan” remains unclear, a composite of the elements of these different definitions would suggest that a clan must be composed of a major portion of the following: i. Unilineal descent groups. 2. Extensive use of classificatory terminology. 3. Clan Fxogamy (although the importance of this rule is not consistently maintained in all definitions). 4. Members claim common descent from an original ancestor or totem though they are unable to trace the genealogical steps 5. Recognition of common kinship bonds uniting the members of the clan. Since Schwab, Abraham, and johnson have already noted clan charactew ristics in the Yoruba social structure it now becomes possible to compare the social structure of the people of the orile with the Specifications of clan. it has been shown that the people of the orile organize themselves into patrilineal descent groups- Most women come to live in their husband's house during the first years of marriage (see pages 356-359) and though -2l8- there is lineage exogamy there is no clan exogamy, at least in current times. However, Johnson noted that as early as the late l800's this rule was not rigidly observed. The extensive use of classificatory language has been previously noted (see pages l7h-l78). The rule that members of the clan recognize a common totem or founding ancestor though they are unable to trace the genealogical steps in this relationship is met by considering the very generalized recognition of the_gg;g taboo, and their tendency to think of themselves as pmg_;£g;§ (children of 122£2)93“d the relationship which most people claim towards Ajiboyede, their founding ancestor. Though the newer settlers of lsolo and lfatedo practice the bang avoidance and. at times of community unrest, sacrifice to Ajiboyede, they do not and cannot claim any family relationship to Ajiboyede except through intermarriage with the peoples of ldofin and Oke‘Afin. Finally, the people of the Oke Afin and ldofin sections, the descendants of the original founders of the orile, do recognize common kinship bonds which unite then and make them separate and apart from the members of the newer groups of lfatedo and isolo peOples. -219- Notes IBohannon (l963zl27) defines ”cognatic kinship groups“ as including ”all of the descendants of an ancestor or ancestors (the omnilineal descent group) or else they include all the kinsmen, on all sides, of a contemporary ego, limited only by degree of kinship.” 2The selection of the mother‘s patrilineage conforms to a statement a YorUba student at Michigan State University made to me some years ago: ”You must understand that despite the patrilineal kinship system of the Yoruba I know more about my mother’s family than i know about my fatherls family. This is because my father died a strange and untimely death. His death generated interfamily suspicion and hostility. l was brought up in my mother's fatheris house Because of the equal position of females and the practices of polygyny in Yoruba society many children may know more about their motheris family than they know about their father‘s family)’ This student’s wife 5 history represents an interesting variation from the hiStory of her husband for she claimed to know more about her father's family than her motheris family. Actually, upon genealogical investigation it was found that the wife knew about as much about her father‘s family as she knew about her mother's side. And, in fact, as noted previously for the peOple of the orile, neither of them could go back more than two generations in their accountings of their genealogies. 3lt is interesting to note Eliass propositions concerning succession among the Lagos Yorubas: a) When the founder of a family dies, the eldest surviving son called lDowadu’ succeeds to the headship of the family with all that that implies, including residence and the giving of orders in his father’s house or compound, b) 0n the death of the eldest surviving son, the next eldest surviving child of the founder, whether male or female, is the prOper person to succeed as head of the family; c) if there is going to be any important dealings with family prOperty all branches of the family must be consulted, and representation on the family council is also per stirpgi according as there are wires with children. d) The division into equal shares between the reSpective branches, regard being had to any property already received by any of the fOunder 5 children during his lifetime. e) The founderis grandchildren only succeed to such rights as their immediate parents had in the family proberty. -220- f) The founder's compound or house is usually regarded as the'family houseE which must be preserved for posterdty (1951:2l7). “Forde (1951:25) states that land was held by the patrilineages. The elders distributed the land such that everyone received a share. Land could not be alienated though crOps could be pawned. His statement that, ”Land hitherto unclaimed, when cleared by an individual, belonged to him and his patrilineal descendants. If he were a member of the tribe he did not need to seek consent before clearing land and taking possession of forest land. If he vacated it it would revert to forest but he would still have right to re-occupation,’I does not seriously conflict with the findings reported here. The important point is that if a person clears and plants land which previously belonged to another lineage that lineage would have great difficulty reasserting its claim. The original lineageis legal rights might be upheld in court but its usufruct rights would be lost (See in this regard Appendix B). SJohnson’s contributions should be considered in terms of the time the data for his major historical contribution was collected. Most of the original work was done in 1897. Through a series of mishaps the actual publication date became 192]. The antiquity of Johnsonis data must be considered when reading Forde (1951;24025). Forde has said that ”Formerly according to strict custom the principal beneficiaries of the deceased were his full brothers and sisters, children having only residuary rights to their fatheris prOperty. Over the past generation, at least among the ggba and protebly elsewhere, it has been held that a man’s goods should go to his children and be distributed equally among his sons by different wives and‘as apprOpriate, among daughters.” This statement may be contrasted with Johnson (l92l:95~97) and is clearly inconsistent with the practices of the peOple of the orile. It might have happened that Forde came to this conclusion because of the tendency for brothers of the deceased to take the social role of father and the deceased‘s children. -22l- CHAPTER Vll HOUSEHOLD ORGANIZATION Before turning to a more detailed study of the households of the village of lbara Omida some consideration must be given to the com- position of lbara Omida. . The social organization of the people living in lbara Omida was never a central focus of this investigation. For this reason sufficient data to permit detailed discussion of lbara Omida is lacking. A more comprehensive exposition of Omida must await further field study. lbara Omida. - The peOple of lbara came to Omida during the second half of the nineteenth century. They were refugees fleeing from the pillage and murder of the invading Dahomeans. At first they thought their stay in Omida would be temporary; that they could soon return to their homeland. As the years passed and the surrounding countryside remained unsafe they determined to join their Egba neighbors and to make Omida their permanent settlement. « It is difficult to make authoritative statements about the con- Struction of their original houses. The traditional housing of the Yoruba was a compound composed of an outside rectangular wall with many rooms around the inside of the wall and a veranda around the front of the rooms. The whole structure enclosed an inner courtyard. with only one passage leading to the outside. Lloyd (l9552235-25l) -222- and Forde (lQSIzlS) describe compounds which suggest that this type ias, at one time, common throughout Yorubaland. Only a few of the houses in Omida retain vestiges of the old compound type of construction. Even these few remaining compounds have been so elaborated that it is difficult to identify their original form. Today, most peOple prefer to build one or two storied houses, often close to other members of their patrilineally related relatives. Many of the houses of Omida are occupied by the elders of the patrilineally extended families. It is to the elders living in these houses that members living in Other". quarters of AbeOKuta. lbara Orile, the small hamlets under lbara Orile, and other towns and villages of Yorubaland come to visit, to seek advice,to obtain treatment of their ills, to discuss family matters, or to participate in family rituals and ceremonies. It is here that the head of the family usually pre- sides over the family meetings, and it is in these houses that members of the family temporarily visiting Abeokuta seek shelter. Alternatively, the elder of the family might elect to remain on his farm. in this instance, family members who wish to consult with him must travel to his farm. Such an elder might, periodically, visit Omida and take temporary lodging in one of his children’s houses while he attends to the business of the family. Whenever he enters the house df.one of his children he becomes master of the house. For the people of the kingdom, lbara Omida is considered to be the center of their lineage’s corporate activities. Some families have preferred to establish themselves in other sections of Abeokuta; bUt, generally Speaking, Omida is the home of the lbara people's -223r lineages. It is in Omida that such lineage ceremonials as the Egungun festival, the 0ro ceremonials, and the triennial Yemoja festival take place. It is there that they establish and maintain their membership in the Ogboni and Olorogun societies. There, too, they meet in the Olubara's palace to decide important political questions and to settle land and interlineage diSputes. Many of the lineage shrines are kept in the houses of the elders of lbara Omida. The Egbado‘bgbglgwg who are familiar with the traditions of the lbara people are to be consulted in Omida. important visitors who wish to meet with the lbara people also find Omida the mOSt suitable gathering place. lbara Orile.-- The people of lbara Orile do not live in compounds. They live in houses (see pages 335-3&3). For the most part, occupants of these houses are nuclear and polygynous families consisting of a husband, his wife or wives, and his children. Surrounding this basic family unit are a scattering of other relatives who, for a variety oF reasons, come to live in the house and associate themselves with the head of the house. The fact that the people of the orile live in individual houses does not mean that they do not recognize relationships and reSponsibilities towards other lineage members living in the orile. ‘They have many close relatives there and accept the same obligations anci responsibilities towards these relatives that they would if they ll\/ed together in a large house or compound in lbara Omida. Each maleeis the head of his segment of the lineage and, if he lives long -224- enough, has the potential of becoming the elder of a major segment of the family. If he has a father or elder brother living in the orile, he will recognize this elder person as the head of the local segments of the lineage. This older relative will help him with sacrifices, and, as he grows older, teach him the family lore. He will Stand in relation to this older person as the older person stands in relation to Still older lineage members living in lbara Omida. In an earlier section oF this study it was reported that Oke Afin, the oldest section of the orile , contained the largest number of people (see table l page 92)». lfatedo. the newest quarter of the orile, contained the smalleSt number of people as well as the smallest number of houses. ln the Study of the various quarters" population characteristics it was noted that none had any unusual characteristics in terms of its male-female ratio. At the end of the second census it was found that there were 87l peOple living in 1&3 houses in the orile. The number of people in any one of the houses varied from as few as one person to as many as seventeen people. There was an average of 6.1 peOple per house. The primary concern of this section is a closer Specification of the households’ population. The figures utilized to demonstrate Population characteristics are small and not significant for any purpose Other than to illustrate the variety of peOple who compose the households. Descriptions of the Yoruba as patrilineal and patrilocal are true fin-lbara Orile’s household organization. However, such descriptions tell l ittle of the true variety and complexity of these households, -225- nor do they reveal the manner in which the living patterns contribute to the lbara people's independence and freedom of movement. The first, and simplest, question is that of patrilocality. For the orile, Table 6 Shows that as much as lh% of the legg occupy houses built on their mother's land, or on land which they can claim by virtue of their maternal affiliation. One of the peOple living on his mother's property is an elder who said that the land upon which his house was built belonged to his father's mother's lineage. This admission raises the possibility that many of the Other bales who claim to live on property of their father's lineage might actually have inherited the property, through their father, from some distant female relative. Such relatives always have the right to shelter in the house.1 It Should be remembered that most of the people of the orile are not usually concerned about relatives of more than two or three ascending generations. The fact that a person can become part of his mother's lineage and can inherit property from both his mother’s and his father's lineage lends support to this possibility. Only 5.6%<fi:the bales of the orile did not claim to have received Prt>perty from either their mother's lineage or their father's lineage (Séae Table 6). Rather, they claimed to have asked the elders of the 0'”? le for the land. -226- TABLE 6 SOURCE OF BALE’S PROPERTY Source No. % Father ll5 80.h Mother 20 lA.O Community __§_ _Zéé Total lh3 lO0.0 When the source of the 2213's property, according to quarter, is studied, (table 7), some interesting results are obtained. With 93.3% of the bales of ldofin occupying houses built on their father's property, the ldofin quarter is found to be the most responsive to the rule of patrilocality. Isolo falls nine percentage points behind ldofin , with 8h.2% of houses built on the fathers' property. lfatedo quarter is the least responsive to the rule of patrilocality with only 65.2% of the people building on, what they claimed to be. their father's land. However, lfatedo has the highest percentage (2l.7%) of people \Nho built upon land given to them by the community elders. These lfatedo figures reflect the recent migration of the lfatedo people to lbara Orile. The fact that as many as 65.2% of the people of l‘Fatedo claim that they have built their houses upon their father's PTTJperty may possibly reflect the long history of intermarriage between tr‘EB peOple of Oke Afin, ldofin and lfatedo. The old lfatedo villages were situated less than a mile away from the western walls of the old 'ba r'a town. -227- TABLE 7 SOURCE OF BALE'S PROPERTY ACCORDING TO QUARTER Quarter 'lWOFather ~ g Mother_.lwm§ommunity , Total l . . l l l l NO. l 2 f NO. : z 1 NO. ; t : NO. 7 % lfatedo i 15 i 65.2% 3 .13.0 g 5 21.7 23 ; 100.0 l l l i l r E ldofin l 28~1 93;3l 2 g 6.7 l g . .30 2 100.0 a l l f ‘.- l l , lsolo i 32 l 8u.2l A llO.5 ; 2 l i 38 i 100.0 I ; l I ; Oke Afin ho ; 78 I ll 2].! f 1 l 9 l 52 l 200.0 l s l 5 1 Total 115 20 : : 8 . ? 1&3 l The low percentage of Oke Afin balg's whose houses were built Upon their father's property cannot be easily explained. it must be‘remembered that Oke Afin and ldofin are the oldest quarters in the orile. There is the possibility that the fact that more bale's of Oke Afin have chosen to build upon their mother's property than their fathers prOpertyreflects the greater anthufity of the Oke Afin quarter. resulting in more complex ramifications of lineage ties. According to this hypothesis the antiquity and complexity of Oke Afin lineages would mean that more women have had a greater chance to own "K>re property and, eventually to pass on the property to their children thanw have the women of other quarters. When I asked the elders of Isolo and Oke Afin why so many Oke ’lflrl bales built their houses on their mother's land, I was told that the people of Oke Afin had more daughters. It is true that, in ab- SOIL! te numbers (see {ible3l there are more women in Oke Afin. In fact, 0 , k‘3 lein only has h,5% more women than the lsolo section of the orile. -228- It is possible that this belief that Oke Afin quarter has more women than other quarters is based upon the fact that, in terms of social structure these women are the most desireable women in the orile. For the people of lsolo and lfatedo marriage to Oke Afin women means greater linkages with the oldest lineages and traditions of the orile. The children of these marriages will have greater opportunities to obtain traditional chieftaincy titles and land there. However, an equally valid explanation for building houses on the mother's land in Cke Afin is that there has been more cleared land in this area. The people like to build close to each other and the large number who have built upon thei' mother’s land might be a reflection of this tendency to congregate. The ldofin area house$,in mar, ”u,b, can be thought of as an extension of the older Oke Afin houses. These houses are much newer and represent more recent clearing of the bush which has given people greater opportunities to build upon their father’s land. Table l illustrates the fact that Oke Afin was de- 'veloped before other quarters of the orile. In l956, the year that ()ke Afin attained one-half its present growth, there were already tvventy-Six houses in Oke Afin and only nineteen houses in Isolo. lfl l956 there were only nine houses in ldofin and nine houses in HTatedo. The exceptions to the rule of partrilocality appear to indicate a lfi¢eed for further study. The consideration of the following pages ‘”5 l 1 be determining which persons, Other than the bale and his wife c>r Vwives, his children, and his unmarried brothers and sisters actually -229- live in the house.2 Chart 3 illustrates the types of peOple who would, more Jsually, be found in such other places as their own homes (if married patrilineally related males), their husband's homes (if married females), or houses of their own patrilineally related relatives. The 2ll people in this category comprise about one-fourth of the orile's population. An important aspiration of every male is to be the master of his own house. if he Should inherit his house from his father his ambition is directed towards improving it by cementing and painting the floors and walls and putting up a metal roof. If he has no opportunity to inherit a house and is financially strong he constructs his own. Most men who are bales of houses which Have been built on their mother's land were the actual builders of the house. There were many instances of married brothers living apart in separate houses, but only one instance of married sons living apart from their fathers. This aspiration to be bale. of the house means that married men try to separate themselves and their families from a subordinate position in a senior relatives house. The study of household composition demonStrated that there were twelve married sons living in ten houses. This is a generational problem. The question is whether the sons expect to inherit their fathers' houses or are too poor to build their own houses. -230- CHART 3 PEOPLE LlViNG IN HOUSES 0F ORlLE ACCLRDlNG TO RELATEONSHlP TO BALE Number Relationship To Bale Number Of Houses of People lnvolved Married Sons l2 l0 Married Brothers l9 l9 Married DaUghters 9 7 Married Sisters lb l2 Mothers 2C 29 Father's Other Wives 9 9 Mother's Relatives l9 lb Wife’s Relatives 7 7 Father's Relatives 5h 27 Tenants Eu l2 Friends lj__ 7 Total Ell Although there were many instances of married brothers living in separate houses? there were also nineteen houses in which nineteen married younger brothers lived with their older married brethers. The question oF inheriting an older brother's house or looking forward to building one's own house is an important aspect of older brother- younger brother living arrangements. This is a problem of relative age. if there is little difference in relative age the younger brother is more likely to look for Opportunities to build his own house and become independent. If he is very much younger than his older brother. their -23]- social interactions will be more like a father-son relationship and the younger brother will think in terms of inheriting his older brother's house. In only one instance was there a married son and married younger brother living together with the bale. Discussions of the Yoruba patrilineal extended family and their habit of virilocality after marriage usually indicate that married women leave their father's house to live in their husband's; con - sidering that the husband might still be in his father's house, their husband’s father's house. Following this pattern of virilocality it is to be expected that married daughters would not be in their father's house, nor would there be married sisters in a brother's house. During the time of the second census there were a number of married women visiting their fathers' and the r brother's homes. Followlng the rule of defining residents 0? a household as people who have been there at least one month, women who did not qualify were not counted; they were considered visitors. Excluding these visitors it was Found that there were nine married daughters living in seven households and four- teen married sisters living in twelve households (see chart 3). Unlike married sons and younger brOthers living with their fathers and older brothers these women are, almost always, separated from their husbands. Men are not usually found living in their in-law's homes. There is a strong avoidance pattern which restrains a man from remaining too long in the houses of his wife's patrilineage. This avoidance is supported by many sanctions. These sanctions include the highly -232- pejorative proverb, "A shameless man who went to his in-law’ house and died there." It is reputed that such a man's body must be beaten three times and carried through the window, rather than the door of the in-law's house. Quite unexpectedly, in view of the patrilineal social structure; was the fact that as many as nine women had their sons and daughters living with them in their fathers' and brothers' house. Although the number of these married daughters and sisters living with their children in their fathers' and brothers? houses is not large it does indicate that these married women have an option which they do exercise, to return. with their children, to the house of their patrilineally related relatives. Considering the fact that the orile is, archetypically, a farming community it can be concluded that an even larger number of married daughters and sisters, estranged from their husbands,ae u: be found in their fathers’ and brothers' houses in lbara Omida. Support for such a hypothesis is found in such factors as the general migration from smaller communities to larger communities; the general belief that the traditional trading occupation of foruba women can be more profitably pursued in the city rather than in the country, that it is not unusual for wives to remain in Abeokuta while their husbands remain on the farm; and, that some of the wives of the men of the orile are town women, born and raised in Abeokuta, not used to the hardships of orile life. Another consideration is the effect patrilineal ties have upon -233' the wixles of the bglgg or, approaching the subject from another point of view, the effect they have upon the stability of the family. Becausee women, like men, are more closely tied to the'famiiy ofcorienmation than true family of procreation (Lowie l960:l3), the social organization of the lbara peOple’s families have structural characteristics that tend to»\~eaken the saliency of their ties to the family of procreation. There is; much separation and divorce and much movement of women from one huslaand to another. For this reason there were, at the time of the second census, twenty-nine 33113; without wives. (see table 8). Hovuever, this situation is always fluid and most men and women are alvuiys actively involved in finddhg and arranging new alliances.‘ Only meri in the latter BO-lOO age group have concluded that they can have: no more children. Women who have living children usually vfish to :stop child-bearing when they reach the 35-h0 age group. During CHJr stay in the orile there were numerous separations and divorces Wthh. Combined with the rapid movement; people from place to place, the Prot>lem of defining and differentiating separation from divorce, and dlstinguishing between the absence of wives due to marital discord as contrwasted with wives’ usual prolonged visits to relatives or friends;_ proved too difficult to record. 'Hwe condition of some wifeless bglgs was due to the fact that wives Prefier to stay in lbara Omida where they can continue their trading activities and provide more opportunities for their children. Again, an accurate accounting of this phenomenon was not possible be- ca . . , Us? the informants, themselves, were vague about their status. -234- Some would not know if their wives had actually divorced them until their wives had decided to take another husband and begin court pro- ceedings against them (see pages 376-383). Others would be so intent upon acquiring new wives that their reSponse to questions regarding their marital status would be, "She is coming." It would be hard to determine if the man was referring to a new wife or his former wife. Very few of these men were wifeless because they were widowers. However, statistics relating to differences in the life expectancy of males and females were not available. in any event, a man can always marry a new wife. This is not the case with older women. Since the main purpose of marriage is procreation an aging widow who has had children does not wish to marry again. Some of these women remain in the orile, in their husband's house, taking care of their children and their children's children. Chart 3 showsthat there are twenty-nine such bales' mothers living in the ori e. Other aged widows might decide to go to the house of their deceased husband in lbara Omida or return to live with relatives of their own patrilineally extended family. Some aged widows of good characrer and with many friends in the orile decide to remain in their hUsbands' homes although their husbands' sons, by an0ther wife, may be the current bgle of the house. There are l nine of these balgg's fathers wives living in nine of the houses. -235- TABLE 8 WIFELESS BALES ACCGRDING TO AGE GRCLPS Age Group No. % 20-29 h l3,8 30'39 5 lT.3 ““49 5 17.3 50'39 3 iO.3 00-69 A :3 8 70-79 L» ‘3.8 80-89 2 6,8 90-100 2.. A £48— Total 29 100.0 The doors of the house are open wide enough to accept anyone who can make the claim of family. The prerequisite for inclusion in a household located on any limb of the Family tree of either the father's or the mother's lineage is desire. Even the 9313's mother’s relatives can make a claim to a position in the house. As chart 3 illustrates. there are nineteen such relatives in fourteen different houses in the orile. These relatives include mOther's siSter's brOther. mother's father's son, mother’s brother's song and the wives and children as_ Sociated with mOLher’s male relatives who come to live in mother's son's house. Also among the baleLs m0ther's relatives living in the house are m0ther's brother’s daughter and mother's father's sister. An assortment of bales' wifes'relatives are also to be found -236- we bales' house (see chart 3). There were seven such relatives even houses in the orile. These relatives included wife's junior ners and sisters, wife's senior brothers and sisters, wife's ner's son, and, in one instance, wife's son from a previous marriage. According to Yoruba custom, it is not unusual for a wife to have unger relative living with her to help with household tasks. pattern is more popular in the larger towns where the wives ire the services of a junior person to help them in their trading vities and the care of their children. The surprising aSpect of these ings is that some of the wives' relatives living in their husbands' e are wives' senior Siblings. Considering the essential, if at times obscured, patrilineal wization of the Yoruba family and household, it is not surprising ind that the largest group of secondary and tertiary relatives fig in the household are patrilineally related to the bale. There fifty-four such relatives living in twenty-seven different houses 1e orile. These relatives include father's sister, father's er's daughter, wife of son of father‘s brother, and an assortment ther relatives. ' Finally, there is an assortment of tenants and friends who live we orile and must be included in the analysis of household com- tion. There were twenty-four.people living in twelve houses who identified as tenants (see.Chart 3). Most of these peOple were rers (see Chart 3) who engaged in such tasks as clearing farm and helping the farmers to harvest their oranges, Kola, and cocoa. -237- he tenants worked in flour mill and four of the tenants were eachers. The laborers were not expected to pay rent. The they performed for their bale were considered sufficient re- ient. The school teachers were considered to be engaged in iwork, the definition of which is the receiving of a salary iular basis. Such tenants are expected to pay rent. ie of the fifteen people who were indentified as friends might appropriately regarded as laborers. But the seven bales tered these people claimed that they were friends. Some of iends did have their own farms but it is difficult to say whether hey combined labor on their own farms with labor on other people's .ee page 335). iser inspection of the people falling into the categories of and friends revealed that more than half of these peOple live as which, but for the presence of the tenants and friends, the lid be living alone. ‘en of the people in the position of bales or Tapical headsif iales. There were some twenty-six people in these matricentric ds. in only one of these households was there an adult male however, the female apical head was some fifteen to twenty s senior. Three other male family members of these households ill children. Three of these female_bal§s lived alone. Eight of ity-four tenants living in the orile lived in these seven matri- houses. The Other seven occupants of these houses consisted laughters, a sister's mother, a brother's daugh er. a mother's -238- sister, a sister's daughter, and a friend. The affiliations Spoken of in this chapter may be the result of numerous factors including sentiment, economics, marital discord.and the desire for new relationships. At times relatives seeking new op- portunities for work, schooling, farming, medical treatment, and emotional support may Spend a few months with distant relatives who can offer them advice and assistance. The households described in this section are not static. This Study was done at only one point in time. The occupants of the houses. ahd particularly the women, continue to search for situations they feel provide them with the best opportunities. Although the numbers and percentages presented in this study of the characteristics of the households of the orile may be small and may remain virtually unchanged for a period of years, the people whom these figures represent will undergo considerable change. In later sections of this thesis it will be Further demonstrated that the occupants of these households maintain obligations towards each other which permits each individua' a large amount of personal freedom. -239- NLTES l For the people who returned to the orile building a house was not simply a matter of clearing any bit of land and erecting walls. Many of the people of Cke Afinp ldofin, and Isolo reported that they had built their houses upon the exact spot where their father's and their father's father’s house stood at the time of the old kingdom. When lbara was still bush and the present bgles were Still children' their fathers would bring them to the site of the old kingdom and show them their own piece of land. The peOple of lfatedo Speak of building on their father's or m0ther's land but many of them were not able to say that their house is on the exact spot where their forefather's home stood. it is more likely that their relationships, through in- termarriage with the people of lbara gives them a right to land in the orile though not to any specific bit of earth. 2 The rationale for this approach is based upon the belief that these people usually form the basic household rather than the lbara Omida compound; unmarried brOLhers and siSLers being included in the organization of a patrilineal family where the father has died and the oldest son assumes primary reponsibility for the feeding.socializationD and shelter of his younger siblings. " CHAPTER Vlll POLlTlCAL CREANSZATtPN The GOVernmental lntrastructurg The programs of the Federal Sovernment of Nigeria, and the governmental policies of the Western Region and the Egba Division, are administered in lbara Orile by the civil servants employed at the lkereku District Council, the smallest of the several district cauncils which comprise the §gba Division When the people of the orile travel to lbara Omida, they come under the Jurisdiction of the Abeokuta hrban Gistrict Council, These local districts were established by the Western Region Covernment in l955. Prior to that time the area was administered by the Egba Native Authority The lkereku DistriCt Council is located along the Abeokutasllaro road. just outside the little hamlet of lkereku, strategically situated midway between Esaga. llewo, and lbara, the three main towns under its jurisdiction Located at this site is a maternity center, the local government police station, anJ the headquarters building tl the council All of these structures tave been erected sinte i Ordinarily. the district cmdnci'a are Ccmprisej ot three different 9r0Ups of people: the President, elected members. and trad tional -hiets The President of the council is the flubara, the paramount chiel in the lkereku district. At one time there were as many as twenty-one elected members of the council lhe traditional chiefs wesaneter more than one- fOUFth of the total membership -2Al- Because of the political crisis of the laSt few years the councils have not been meeting, however, the organization has been maintained in order to transmit information to the people_ These days the members of the council are appointed by the Minister of Local GOVernment in lbadan, the regional capital. Eight chiefs, including the 922: of lbara. llewo, and lsaga. are among the twenty-one members of the appointed body. The members of the council supervise such government projects as sanitary inspection, roadwork, voting. census taking, tax collection, the maternity center, the maintenance of records, and the planning and execution of development projects. In i965, the people of the orile were not sure of the real benefits they could derive from the lkereku District Council l'hey fully understood that the council was created so that they might ha.e better representation in the government bureaus in Abeokuta and lbadan. Nevertheless, theycould see little improvement in their situation, and were dissatisfied with the composition of the council's members. furthermore. the majority of the Peeple were members of the opposition Action Group party The Minister of Local Government had picked members of the ruling N.N.D.P. as Council representatives, This caused the people to feel that they no longer had a voice in the council's deliberations and decisions Anticipating an A.3. victory in the CCtober, 'Qrf, elections, the people came to think of the council as a temporary arrangement which would 500” undergo radical change They considered it a "caretaker council” and refused to support it. Although the ngg sympathized with their people they found that they had no choice but to support the ruling party or -242- be do; fulCQ. The result of this situation was that the people felt they had no chance to obtain a water system, electricity, rediffusion, and other improvements until the ruling government was overthrown. They also felt that their tax payments would go into the ruling party’s coffers to be stolen by the politicians or be dispensed to towns and villages which supported the N.N.D.P. lack of support for the government resulted in an increasing refusal to pay taxes. By 1965. the council was practically bankrupt, its programs had faltered. employees were unpaid and subject to retrenchment, and the roads were falling apart- Rather than being the source of progress. the councils had become the fountainhead of friction and persecution. There was little appreciation of the sanitary inspector’s efforts. His duties were often coercive, he would peer into the water storage Pots looking for mold and baCteria. or search the market place to be sure that food sellers kept their pots covered_ he was the one who insisted that the householder keep weeds cut low and pick up the trash around the hOUSE. He would insist that the foundations of new houses be dug to a One foot depth and that there be a window in each room. Although he was not responsible for the smallpox control programs, some people associated the behavior of the sanitary inspector with the Abeokuta-based vaccinators Who periodically invaded the orile. sending men, women, and children rUnhing in all directions to escape the dreaded inoculatién, The sanitary insPector's coercive powers were fully respeCted because of his authority to issue summonses to people he considered recalcitrant. -2u3- Even imprOvement programs generated considerable conflict. The people of lbara Orile remembered what happened to the people of lsaga: We do not want what happened in lsaga to happen here. The politicians put in piped water and rediffusion. Then they raised the taxes. Most of the people could not pay and the ltalian contractor wanted his money. The regional government asked the Olubara to get the money. The Olubara has to work with the government of the day. de called the people ten times but the people never showed up. The water was shut off and now they are having the rediffusion shut off. The lsaga water System caused much ill feeling and confusion among the various towns and villages of the lkereku District. The responsibility for the project's failure was placed upon the lkereku District Council, According to the peOple of the district, p0werful N.N.D.P. politicians were responsible for locating the water system in lsaga When it was found that the people of lsaga could not pay for the system these politicians wanted to increase the taxes of the people throughout the district. Their refusal to pay for amenities which they did not receive caused the government to shut down the lsaga water system lt was not until after the January I966 military coup that confidence in the government returned. The N.N.D.P. politicians were remOved from office, political thugs forced to find other sources of employment. and people began to pay their taxes. The roads were repaired, the Tbara branch of the lkereku District Loan hoard reopened, and a general feeling 0f confidence in the orile's future began to pervade the discussions of the elders. The 0 ubarg f lbara ~—— .— The present Olubara, Lalubu llJ came to the throne in l952, eighty- -2uu- eight years after Qba Adubiwaju was killed trying to escape from the Dahomeans“ This long interregnum was attributed to intrigue and murder among the members of the ruling houses of lbara and to the reluctance of the Egba kings to have another ggbado king among them, The current lbara rules of succession recognize only four houses, These houses are those of the descendants of Lalubu, Lafa, Ajiboyede, and Adubiwaju, The next Olubara will come from the house of Lafa, If the Lafa family fails to present a suitable candidate it will then be the responsibility of the Ajiboyede family to offer a candidate, {f the Ajiboyede family fails,the responsibility will then devolve upon the Adubiwaju family, As lalubu '5, the present Olubara elaborated; They can only take a candidate from the male line but if they can find a suitable candidate from the female line and no male candidate is available, then they will present the candidate from the female line_ Gluk0ye was the person who begat Lalubu and Lafa’s mother and AjibOyede. Olukoye also begat Adubiwaju's mother. Lalubu the first begat lge, lge begat my mother, and my mother begat me, The determination of what constitutes a suitable candidate is left to the elders of the house whose turn to rule has arrived Once a candidate has been selected. he is presented to the chiefs of the lbara Ogboni and Olorogun societies, Although the actual installation of the OIubara takes place in the lbara Ogboni conclave in the presence of all the chiefs of lbara, llewo, and lsaga, the Obajio and Osorun lbara chiefs of the lbara Ogboni are the real kingmakers. To the Egbados of Egbaland, the Olubara is their paramount chief and the ruler of all the people; the holder. although not the Owner, of all their lands. the symbol of all their ‘paSt grandeur and -245- glory, and the embodiment of treir present rights and honor in the councils of Egbalandi They often recount the hardships and dishonor they had to suffer before they were permitted to put the headed crown upon Lalubu ll. Many of the elders think that it was the Action Group which really helped them in the fight to crown their king. This is one of the reasons they give for their loyalty to the Action Group. The present Olutara uses his faMily compound in lbara Omida as his palace. There he meets with his chiefs to decide the cases of land disputes, and other causes of discord wh ch occur among his peOple The presence of these chiefs is vital, His judgments are held in ahevance until they Fave examined and cross:examined all the witnesses, defendants, and plaintiffs in olved in litigations He waits while the chiefs re eal the history of fte problem and the past behaviO' of the peOple involved. They will rec0ont, for His consideration, rele ant incidents and precedents which have occurred in their long lifetines, Tten, solemnly; they stand and. according to their rank, progressing from the lewest to the highest title, give their artyses and judgments of the case. when they have finished the Oluha'a will have all tte pertinent facts and a range of choices relating to the iudanents he m-gh: rake He w~ll also have learned something more atotr th \\.\ ‘1’. . 3" 0 . \ ///// \\\\\ ///l)\\-\\‘ "'1' {13“ /'_ ‘.\ . ' .’ “ ‘\‘ \ II. I . \ ~ .,-. _ffi m ,, _ q, 3’ 3 J \ I '.‘kéfi \‘M "\ (1", 1,1 - \ I \ ‘ \\ I" \\ u , .‘ \ .. .' -\.‘\ ,1," ‘ ,0 \ ( 1., \ V \\ I“. , \\\ ." V“ “‘ {’1 "\‘R‘ ”A“ mm“ . 'ai‘ “ 1,: t” \ i \I i. ‘ 1 \\ \\\\ //I \\\‘.\'/4/ \\\\\//’ ‘x', mill-‘2']: I ‘\ “x .‘\\‘ ‘ \\\\ ///’ // l\\\\ [I'll/i i'\\~\‘ \ (VIII/C , \ '3 '/ ' ‘\ /')/_" , l' 5.. .‘ . flfl/ . fl , ,\ I /// ' I / .l',"\\‘. \ 'I/r/I/I \“F " x ’ h <5 Q¢§E/ _E W <\,,’44 ;= \x/b\( H ”ll/l/ FIGURE 5 TOYS ”,,. i .’.'f L»? .. \‘ \ ‘““*‘ l FLAGS i’ J)“ l l 1' ' ‘. 72> ‘ WHEE’L f ./ .’ CK) ///<§\/ WHEEL WITH STRlNGAND .,~ I ', FORKED STICK ’ STICK “ ‘ i v“ HANDLE / i] 1 \\\m-f// .. . , TONGUE IN HOOKED GROOVE TYPE STlCK PlNWHEEL -288- child will be circumcised. The fear of the damage an uncircumcised woman would do to her children will move them to make this decision. The girl herself, when she grows older, will want to be circumcised. Circumcision and clitoridectomy are usually performed in the rainy season because of the general belief that such surgery bleeds more if done during the dry season. After the Operation the juice of a snail is poured over the lesion. It is believed that snail juide facilitates healing. The presence of the circumcisor in the orile provides the young women, particularly girls in their teens, with an opportunity to have the various parts of their bodies tatooed. These girls often have extensive beauty scarifications made without the knowledge of their parents. The procedure consists of drawing the design on the body with lampblack. Then four needles, tied together, are pressed against the skin with sufficient pressure to inoculate the individual with lampblack. In this way mottos, names,and intricate designs are placed on the arms, legs, chest9and back. Often small vertical slits are made under the eves and medicines (ostensibly to enable the person to see witches} will be rubbed into these lesions. Sex Education and Sex Play Children receive no sex education from their parents. Despite the fact that there is much interest in the color and regularity of menstruav tion as an indication of fertility, girls are not usually prepared for the time of their first menses. When they do begin to bleed it is treated in a matter of fact manner and they are given a clean cloth to wear. -289- A small amount of sex play does occur. On one occasion l happened to be in a room with a group of young men (all in their late teens) who were joking and pushing each other. A young girl. about twelve, entered the room on an errand. The play stOpped. immediately after she left the boys began to tease saying that one among them had expressed a desire to have intercourse with the girl. This assertion caused much laughter and more playful pushing and shoving. On another occasion a youngfiwell deveIOped,girl between eighteen and twenty passed by, carrying a calabash on her head. I was conversing with one of the men of Isolo. This man, about fifty, reached out and playfully pulled at her breast. She jerked away and asked him why he had grabbed her. He responded, “A young girl like you should be glad that a man looks at her.” Responsibility Training and interpersonal Conduct For the peOple of lbara Orile the reason for marriage and, indeed, one of the primary reasons for being, is to have children; children who will honor and remember you through the generations. Therefore,children are greatly desired. Their good health is a constant concern and their premature death a cause for great distress. Yet in many ways the treat- ment of children appears more casual than their importance to their parents would seem to indicate. As the child spends less time on his mother 5 back he has more time to toddle about the house and to get to know something about his environ; ment and his place in life. Until this time he has had little contact with his father Who now becomes a more meaningful force in the child‘s -290- life. Fathers begin to. take time to play with their children; hold them on their laps or swing them about in the air. The time for socialization and training has come and the few tasks the child has to master are quickly gently and effectively taught. Even three year olds are taught simple techniques of survival and environmental mastery: The child is about three years old. He is seated on the ground eating his food out of a leaf wrapper. A duck wanders by and starts to peck at the food. The child cries. The mother comes along and lifts the child. She feeds the remaining food to the child. She then gives him a stick and with a few gestures shows the child how to chase the duck away. The child immediately masters this trick but does not show any delight in this new game. He stays by his mother and just waves the stick rather aimlessly, but effectively, at the duck's approach. Parents teach their children by giving them Specific instructions. Encouragement and assistance are also important means of teaching children the techniques of living: Alimi Adeboya's three and a half year old daughter. Alaba, is being taught how to carry her young sister on her back. Her mother has tied the baby to her back. Alaba looks confused, but as the crowd shouts encouragement she becomes more confident and takes a few faltering steps forward to test her balance in a short time she is strutting about the small area demonstrating her ability to carry her sister. The onlookers applaud her. Her mother soon takes the baby off her back and some of the people pat and compliment her. I had heard that Yoruba fathers often resorted to flogging as a method of socializing their young. Lloyd supports this view when he says: The father is distant and authoritarian, often seeing little of his children if he is at the farm and they in school. Wishing that his sons should achieve at least the same status as his, and believing that such a status is the result of obedience to norms and hard work he flogs his children, often viciously. for their misdeeds. (l9652567) In my experience I found the fathers neither distant nor punitive. They were authoritarian, but they were also warm, accepting and interested -29]- in their children. A father might beat a child for refusing to go to school. A mother might beat her child for not leaving the road quickly when a Speeding vehicle roars throbgh town Such I'rascally behavior” as forgetfulness, general disobedience, negligence in the performance of chores and failure to be considerate of elders, is rewarded by a rap on the head, a slap on the bottom or a whack on the thighs with a stick. Yet these aggressions are limited by the generalized fear, related to beliefs in abiku, ara-igbo and luck, that severe punishment will result in the child’s death (see pages lh6,lli3-l52). Yesufu Egbeleye comments on his attempts to get his son to return to school are suggestive of these fears: Ramoni is headstrong and does not listen to me. i cannot say why he behaves this way. I punish him but if anything happens to him they may say that it is my own fault becauSe I forced him against his will. He may create trouble for me which I shall be reSponsible for. He may fall ill and do as abiku. Samuel Olabeji, a high school student, put it more directly, and in so dbing suggested an important motivation for the moving of children from one house to the next (see pages 298-30l). According to Yoruba Custom it is believed that if one’s child lives in one's house it is not wise because the child might be obstinate and parents might take too much pity on the child and release the child from punishment or not punish the child at all. it is hard to say to what extent a childis first fumbling activities constitute cooperative play, competitive play,or parallel play. Like their parents, they do not engage in play activities which could contribute to the development of physical and mental skills and patterns of cooperation and competition. Rarely do the children run about the lelage in boiste- rousjplay, seldom do they travel about in gangs looking for fun and adven- -292- ture. Those small groups of children which do form seem to have no structure or viability for any extended period of time and soon break up. Most play is solitaryacharacterized by fleeting moments of the child's indulgence of his curiosity about particular items of his environ- ment. The noise of children at play is seldom heard. In the three years that the headmaster of the school has spent in the orile he has decided that: There is little room for playing in this town and the parents prefer to send the children on errands anyway. The parents do not like to hear the noise the children make. A small number of fathers do take the time to make a variety of bamboo toys for their children. Ckechild was seen running along the road in an effort to make the four pinwheels on his highly elaborate bamboo toy spin. Two children were seen playing with a toy which consisted of a bamboo steering wheel attached to a steering shaft and wheels. Another infant had a roller toy made of a wire handle threaded through a corncob roller. There were several instances in which children were seen manipu- lating a variety of sticks and strings in order to roll bicycle wheels along the ground. (See Figure 5) However, this is rare. There are, in fact, very few toys which the children can manipulate and investigate. in most instances the children have only the implements of life: brooms, cooking utensils,and farm tools. The children use these materials to practice their future work roles. They spend their time mimicking their parents‘ activities; they make fumbling attempts to sweep the floor, run errands inside the house, attempt to pound cassava or yam or learn to balance increasingly large objects on their heads. -293- Soon the skills practiced and refined in the house are put to more useful service. Small children, as young as four years old, are found trudging beside their mothers carrying small basins of water quite like the latter who balance five gallon cans of water on their heads. The children are now also used to carry messages to and from the market and, as their horizons broaden, throughout the village. it is at this point that the distinctions between men‘s and women‘s work begin to make an impression upon them. The basic role behavior that young girls must learn are really elaborations on that which they have already learned and will probably continue until their dying day: A young girl of about four years old is using a large pestle to pound yams. Between each stroke she stops and talks to her small friend. In a short while a woman about twenty or thirty years old walks Up. This woman takes the pestle from the child and begins to ,pound the yams. The baby on the woman's back seems to enjoy this rocking sensation, for the mother is using the strength of her arms and shoulders to do this work; her body remains erect and moves only slightly, with a rhythmic gentleness. Hardly five minutes elapse before a seventy year old woman relieves her of this task. Little girls must learn such housekeeping chores as washing clothes and dishes, preparing food and trading. They must learn to care for their younger siblings, for by the time they are five years old they may haxe a large share of the reSponsibility for this chore. By the age of five, girls are skillful at cracking palm kernels and have begun to sell foodstuffs and provisions about the town. By six, they have become sufficiently strong to accompany older women to the farms to buy farm produce and help carry it to the storage areas in the orile. At nine, a girl can usually carry dirt and gravel from quarry sites to -Zgu- housebuilding sites. Although her loads are smaller than those which larger girls and women carry she gets the same two pence per load that the older women do. Throughout their early years of constant and close association with adult women these young girls are able to learn and practice the important techniques of bargaining and trading. They witness, understand, appreciate and absorb the fine nuances of wholesaling and retailing. Friendliness, haughtiness, disdain, anger, joking, manipulation of prior agreements, refusal, or sudden unexpected acceptance of an offer, are all skills which the young girls learn and spend the remainder of their lives using and perfecting. Characteristics of the trading encounter will be discussed in greater detail in pages 397-ADI. Boys must learn farming skills outside the home and the village. At the age of four many boys begin to accompany their fathers to the farm. At first they phyy or sleep under the shade of a tree. After a few visits they begin to distinguish between weeds and other plants and are soon pulling the former in their fathers' farm plots. By the time they are five and six years old they are making their own solitary trips into the surrounding bush to collect wood for the kitchen fires. Progressively they learn how to help their fathers build fences, hoe the land, plant seeds and cuttings, and harvest the crops. By the time they enter their second decade they have become skilled farmers. Regard for seniority is the basis for the mimicry and role playing which constitute the most normal means of socialization and education. The children and youth of the orile recognize this vital asPect of their -29S‘ training when they say: I follow the elders. I believe what the elders tell me° They have been abie to live long this way. Children and young adults, especially males, can be found in any of the meetings and Efa con5ultations held in the orile. They sit silently, listening and watchingo As long as they create no disturbance they are welcome, As spectators at the . gatherings held to resclve community diSputes or to develop community projects, they soon learn the major social and cultural norms which guide the behavior and thinking of the people. This freedom also provides them with opportunities to observe the wide range of behavior permissible in the orile» They can compare successful behavior with that which elicits ridicule and disdain- As they enter their late teens they begin to express their own views in family and public meetings, Adults listen with equal attentiveness to the youngest as well as the cldest persons presento in this way ycuths begin to test their knowledge, ideas and experience ty the reactions which their contributions evoke, They quickly learn if they are likely to become a force in village affairs,and adults learn which youths amcng them show potential and are worthy of consideration and future financial support for'further schoolings 'The Fathers and their Childrgg The men of the family are the "real owners" cf the children born to the wives of a house (see pages 178-183)“ DeSpite the fact that a child [nay have left the father‘s house at a very early age the principle of -296- patrilineality is never obscured, Thus, even if a daughter has been born, raised,and betrothed in another house, before she can get married her father must receive his portion of the bride payments, A father may wish to assume responsibility for the bride payments of a son who has been raised outside of his house. in such situations the factor of sentiment which exists between father and son is of considerable importance to the father‘s willingness to assume this expense. Moji Modakeke‘s relations with her husband and her husband's older brother illustrates both the principle of patrilineality and relative age. Moji's husband‘s father is dead and his older brother, barely five years older than he, is now reSponsible for the family and its fortunes. Moji’s husband, a civil servant, works in the Northern Region of Nigeriao Moji‘s husband’s older brother would not let her go with her husband because he did not wish the child exposed to the dangers of a strange environment, a place devoid of Yoruba traditional native medicines and healers. Moji now lives in her husband 5 father‘s house, Each week she must take her child to the Abeokuta compound of her husband's brother so that the child might be inspected and any illnesses treated, in his letters Moji s husband asks about the care of the child and wishes to know if the other vvives of his patrilineage like her, Fathers do not get involved in the daily physical care of their itwfants and young children, They are, however, very concerned about the carwa their children receive“ They are most concerned about their children's heaalth and, as fathers, they are particularly reSponsible for the proper prwuaaration and application of both preventive and protective medicineso |f= they have not learned about household remedies and preventatives from -297‘ their own fathErs, they may obtain this information from a variety of senior advisors within and outside the family. The structural characteristics of seniority and corporate resxmsibility of the patrilineally extended family theoretically requires that the males of the family be consulted, in ascending order, according to their seniority, if the disease remains resistant to treatment. In actual practice, however, much violence is done to this rank order. Some senior males who have no interest in medicines will be neglected, while medical Specialists of the family will be quickly consulted. The subject of the treatment of disease is diSCussed in greater detail on pages 3h3-352. The father also takes an interest in the socialization and training of his children. He will caution the mother about the child‘s safety. His distant, yet constant, supervision of the child's behavior and environ— ment reflects his very basic belief that the mother's role is really ancil- lary to his own and that she merely holds the child in trust for him. Legally there is sufficient evidence to support this belief. if a wife leaves her husband she may, and sometimes must, take small children with her. This is particularly true if the child is still at her breast. However, any time after the child reaches the age of four, the father can regain the child on demand. The feeling is sometimes expressed that su:h fathers should wait until the child reaches six years old before making their claims; but there is no question about the fathers' right to regain such cfiwildren. interestingly, i saw and heard of several boys who were claimed byr their fathers, but I never learned of fathers making similar claims on their daughters. This underlines the greater tendency of fathers to let chaughters stay with their mothers since they are the ones who can teach -298- the girls about food production and trade, the usual activities of women. Fathers teach their sons farming and require their sons' assistance on their farms. The Movement of Children DeSpite the occasional use of force noted above, parents have fears of being too harsh in the training of their children. They wish to avoid forcing their own desires on their children, making them do things which are not part of their destinies. Such force, although motivated by love, could cause the child's enikeii to be unhappy and come to collect the child, At the same time the parents fear that without some guidance their children will not grow up properly and will become ”proper rascals“. There are also many, although less frequently mentioned, fears of harm to the children by the machinations of witches, irate neighbors, and jealous co-wives. intermingled with these fears are strong desires not to hinder their children's progress as weil as to r"ind better opportunities for their children by locating situations in which they may learn skills and cotair knowledge not readily available in the orile, The combination of these fears and desires results in the movement of the children out of their fathers' houses into other hcusehoids. Children who are initially placed in an unsatisfactory situation will be returned to the orile for some time while their parents try to locate more suitable households. Children who leave the o ile may be placed with a great variety of relatives, including households of the father‘s father‘s family, father‘s -299- mother‘s family, mother‘s father’s family, mother’s mother 5 family, mother's father's family, fatheris siblings, mother’s siblings and trusted friends. Most parents appear-fatalistic over the loss of their children in this manner. Bolaji Aina Speaks about the loss of his children: “\3' '.- One child has already gone away and,other might go, i shall not force them to stay with me. Maybe in time we shall have other childreno If they do not want to go we shall not try to convince them, Some parents fear that to denv the (hiative who asks for a child is an insult. Mojisola Oluwasanmi, of Oke Afin, expressed this fear: My father‘s sister asked for my child and if she does not go to live with her aunt it might be considered a sin and a am afraid of witchcraft. . There is also the idea that other towns offer greater opportunities for the children, Peter gmodele told of the di5position of his children: Clement was two years old when he collapsed at Madio E was in ljaiye. By the time I reached there he had died, Then there is Deborah living with Silifatu in Mushin (a suburb oi iagos). Silifatu is not a relative. Deborah works outside of Silifatu's house selling provisions--beer, stout, ice watergand mineral water (soda). Silifatu wanted to pay Deborah, but i said no, I asked that Deborah learn how to sell so that if i get money i can open a shop for her, Silifatu is doing well fnr Sebrrah giving her clothes, shoes and jewelry, She had these things when she came home at Christmasi if Silifatu gave her mcney she would not do all these things for Deborahi Deborah is fifteen years old and has been with Silifatu two years, They do not like me to visit her because they are afraid I shall take her, I send messages with the women fFrom this place who go to Mushin to sell the vegetables and fruits from our farms° Anna lives in isaga and is going to school there} She was living with my sister, but the latter does not want her to go to school. She was going to school here before she ever went there° i told her» 'No school, no Anna', Anna is going to school now, They thought that Anna would just be working fcr them there and be going about selling 259 and ggi, ! told my sister that all my children had an education and Anna must too, -300- My son Solomon is also living with some relatives in Mushin. He is an apprentice in a motorcycle shop. Through death and distribution Peter pmodele has lost all his children. For a long time there were no children living in Peter's house. However, he finally arranged to have a girl, the daughter of the woman who housed Anna, live in his house, thereby making a rather rare direct exchange of children. From Peter's story it can be seen that Deborah has been very fortunately situated. A visit to the Mushin shop proved that Deborah was happy and loved by her mistress. Her mistress’ wish to keep Deborah from too much contact with her father and mother illustrates the desire of the adult who stand 12 loco parentis to exercise full control over the development and training of the child. There is also the fear that the parents will tell the child to do things which might jeopardize the close relationship between the child and surrogate parent. Anna 5 position illustrates some of the problems whi.h a child will confront when sent to live in another house. it might be noted that Deborah is better cared for in a strangeris house than is Anna in her father's own sister‘s house. it 5 hard to say if most parents are as diligent as Peter about the prOper treatment and care their :hildren receive after leaving their own homes. The messages and occasional visits between parents and their children indicate that this pattern of child placement cannot be considered a form of abandonment. Adults are not the only people who make decisions about the diSposi- tion of children. The children themselves may decide to live with some relative or stranger. As one man who lost his very young daughter put it: -30]- We were visiting my brother and she liked it there and wanted to stay. i could not force her to come home. It is her fate. Maybe in time we shall have other children. Peter gmodele‘s arrangements to obtain a child to replace his own lost ones shows that children do go both ways. A house is not a complete social, economic and food producing unit without children, particularly girls. it can be expected that the man who lost his young daughter will soon obtain a female child, perhaps older and more useful, than the daughter he lost}+ Schooling The lbara Orile Anglican School consists of two narrow buildings situated at right angles to each other. These buildings are divided into the classrooms in which 116 children are taught. in these rooms the chil- dren are eXposed to such subjects as English, Yoruba, mathematics, religion, physical education, writing, weather, history, civics, nature study, farming and handicrafts. Beside the main building there is a latrine, and a rock garden designed to illustrate the important political outlines of the Republic of Nigeria. There is also a very large and successful farm plot. The ladder of Opportunity has many rungs and the people must start climbing from that point at which their fortune has placed them. Many of the people living in the hamlets and small villages in the area send their children to live, work and go to school in the orile. They do this because their own settlements have no schools or because they believe that the school in the orile is better than those in their immediate community. -302- A large number of the people in the orile alsc send their children to the Anglican school. Yet finding themselves no longer in bush hamlets, some parents look still higherc These parents, believing that village schools are not as good as town schools, send their children to live with relatives in their Omida houses so that the children might attend the 'betternschools in Abeokuta. In Abeokuta some parents move their children from township to township hOping to get their children in the best schools. According to the headmaster, only three graduates of the Ebara school have managed to enter Secondary Modern Schoolo Most of the people of the orile are too poor to send their children to school on a consistent basis, The continuing movment of the children from one place to the next, the demands of farming and food processing, feelings of the futility of educa- tion as a means to increased earning power, the desire to pursue appren- ticeships, and the costs of uniforms, books, and other school supplies result in irregular attendance and considerable numbers of abbreviated school careers, After one or two years in school, many children, particu- larly girls, refuse to continue their educations. Children can enter school after the age of SIX and progress through the grades ac:ording to their interest, financial.and intellectual ability, Some children leave school for ayearcn two and then re-enter to complete their studies, This freedom to drop in and out of school makes it possible for considerable variation in the ages of students in any one class, However, the headmaster and his teachers have attempted to keep this variation to a minimum, Observations of age composition of grade six indicated that the ages of the students ranged from twelve to fifteen ' -303- Chart 4 illustrates the number of boys and girls and the total number of pupils in each grade in the school“ The fluctuation of the population according to sex and absolute numbers varies greatly from grade to grade, suggesting no overall pattern and strengthening the conclusion that a variety of factors constantly influence school attendancei There are considerably fewer girls than boys in therschool and as shown by the figures in Table §,there are also fewer girls than boys of school age in the orile. Although there is no evidence to permit conclu- sions as to the ratio of girl to boy births or the survival rates of these infants, there is considerable evidence--informant statments-- that parents send mcre daughters than sons to live outside the orileo ' CHART A Sex Composition of ibara Orile Anglican School according to Class CLASS GIRLS BCYS TOTAL Class ! 6 l5 2l Class il 5 l4 l7 Class ill l0 IL 2L Class 3 7 18 25 Class v 7 8 1:5 Class Vi ._g l2 .15 Total 35 iii“ 116' The people send their children to the school because they believe that educated people make more money, are more influential9and live better lives than uneducated peoples Nevertheless, an educated child does not fit in well with the traditional system. He can not help his father on the farm and attend school at the same timeo Financially, continued schooling -30“- becomes increasingly burdensome, causing his iather to Spend money which might be used for such other expenses as accumulating wives and building houses. A mother who supports her children s schooling finds that these costs inhibit the further capitalization of her trading activities. In addition, they fear that educated children are not as respectful and reSponsive to the wishes of thetr parents as those raised-in the traditional manner. Most fathers want their sons to become something other than farmers. They usually try to find good apprenticeships for them and think of schooling as contributing to their sons' success GS apprentices, if their sons cannot become "great scholars“ the fathers know that a literate apprentice is more valuable to his masters Mothers want their daughters totncome traders and wives and the girls have the same expectations and desireso Only one mother said that she wanted her daughter to get a good education° The people of the orile see no clear relationship between success in school and success in trading. For this reason daughters tend to resist schooling and remain home in order to engage in household chores, hoping to find some opportunity to [begin trading in the local market in Abeokuta. -305- Notes It is possible that the change in living structure from open compound to houses has contributed to the erosion of this traditional pattern of seclusion. It is easier for a woman to remain inside the large inner court- yard of the old compound type structure than it is to remain inside the walls of a small, often dark, house. An additional consideration is the fact that most men have only one wife and the household chores must be done. 2According to the belief of the people, although he is the last born twin, Kehinde is actually the oldest of the two children. Kehinde peeks out into the world to determine if it is safe. He then sends his younger brother, Taiwo, out before he leaves his mother. Therefore, although Taiwo is first born, it is Kehinde who is the elder. The younger always proceeds his brother along the road. 5This is a particularly messy and dangerous feeding procedure. Much of this fluid gets into the child's respiratory system. Not unexpectedly, the child coughs and sputters all during and after the feeding. The possi- bility that a number of babies die as a result of pneumonia caused by this type of feeding is not easy to dismiss. I am suggesting as a hypothesis for future study that the movement of these children is, as usual, multi-determined, and that there is the factor of utility involved in these arrangements. A consideration for fur- ther study is the idea that the freedom in leaving the father's house and, in some instances, the child's desire to leave his fatheris house, might be related to the sudden loss of his mother's breast and the rapid change from a dependent to an independent entity. CHAPTER X THE MEN Most men would readily shun farming to become drivers, mechanits, brick- layers, or electricians. In their more ambitious moments they think of be- coming employees - working as laborers - or, even better, as clerks of the government or a European establishment. Nevertheless, the men of the orile are farmers. As such they are concerned with the changing of the seasons, farm life, their crops, farm labor, and the market. They are also the black- smiths, carpenters, hunters, tailors, washermen, and medicine men of the orile. The Seasons The farmers divide the major dry season (igba erun) and the rainy sea- son (igba oio) into several sub-seasons which are more descriptive of the actual weather patterns and permit them to Speak more accurately about the effects of weather upon their crops and farming activities. For the farmers, the first season starts about mid-February when they start to anticipate the end of the dry season and the beginning of the rains. The first rains (ipkunrun akoko) are characterized by more thunder and light- ning than are the very light rains which may fall only in isolated rural areas. These rains are not unlike the December harmattan((gjp 01;) and are sometimes called by that name. -306- -307- FIGURE 6 VARIATIO‘lS IN SEASO‘lAL RAIllFALL ~196‘l ABEOKUTA URBAN DISTRICT COUNCIL Inches of Rain F b M 13 e :r 12 ll 1! lBAEmm Jan r 7 ~Jul t c O -.N w-l-‘U'IO‘NI‘CD‘LD 25 6121114201712 1200 Days of Rain e308- Over a period of weeks these rains gradually increase so that by April the frequent heavy showers of the main rainy season (igba oio) are falling. Igba oio continues through June when it is, imperceptibly, replaced with a season of lighter, more steady rains, intermingled with periods without rains. The rains of this season become so light and intermittent that the period is known as the little dry season (owore erun kekere). In late August the second and last rains, or little rainy season (2i2 arokuro, 91o kekere) begins. Arokuro ends about November, the beginning A of the harmattan season (igba oye) comes in December. The harmattan rains (oio oye) begin in late December and soon give way to the suffocating heat of the dry season. The average annual rainfall for the Abeokuta area is A7 inches. The average temperature for the year is about 80° F. Farmers Traditionally, most young men expect to follow their fathers to their fathers' farms until they are married. During these years they work under their fathers' supervision. At some point, determined by their fortunes, fathers begin the initial negotiations for their sons' future wife. -Soon after their marriage the sons are given a portion of their fathers' farms. Eventually, as the sons become fathers they are expected to build houses near their fathers' homes and to raise their children in their fathers' hamlets. Many of the youths still follow this pattern. Nevertheless, with the increasing movement to the orile and Abeokuta there is a greater tendency for discontinuities to occur in this traditional father-son relationship. -309- Children now wish to try their luck in school or in an apprenticeship located in larger metropolitan areas. Many fathers actively encourage their children to follow some life other than farming. In other instances, mature sons are not willing to subject themselves to their father’s authority or to wait until they are about twenty-five years old before being permitted to marry and have their own farms. It frequently happens that a son will run away from an authoritarian father who wishes to keep him in the bush. Peter Dmodele told me about some aspects of his early life and his re- lationship with his father. I was living and working with my father in my father's hamlet. When I was five or seven years old I got tired and I ran away to the junior sister of my father. I did not inform my father. I just went there. I had visited there before. ~After I spent three years there I went to live with a friend in Otta. Peter spent some years traveling from one place to another. When he was about twelve years old he returned to his father's house and gave his father the nine pounds he had saved during his years away from home. To- gether they used the money to "buy" a cocoa farm. Peter's father soon died and therefore was not able to help Peter get a wife. In the years since his return home Peter has cultivated farms in various towns of Egbadoland. He now has three farms in the immediate vicinity of lbara Orile and lives on his mother's land in Oke Afin. He could have built his house on his father's land which is also in Oke Afin, but he felt that his father‘s land "was too crowded". Although some farmers speak of having five or six farms, most farmers work only two or three farms during any one season. These farms are usually small plots of one-half to an acre. Though most farmers had their farms -310- situated no more than three to four miles away from the orile some boasted 0f large farms (usually cocoa farms) as far away as forty miles. It is not unusual for a man tonhave his farms situated in several dif- ferent directions from his home. Thus, Peter Qmodele has a farm some thirty minutes' walking distance, due north, from his home. He also has a farm another thirty minutes' walking distance southwest of his home. His third farm is northeast of his home, within the walls of the village, about ten minutes' walking distance away from his home. The basic farming implement is the short handled hoe. The hoe and machete are used for preparing the ground, shaping the mounds and rows,;and weeding and harvesting. When not in use, the hoe is kept hidden under some bush on the farm. The farmer treats his machete differently. He always carries it with him as he moves back and forth between his home and farms, anticipating the possibility that.he might be able to kill some wild, edi- ble animal, and as protection against snakes.- During the months of our in- vestagation the farmensalso thought of the machete as protection against possible attack by political hooligans. Any time after 6:00 a.m. farmers can be seen walking to their farms. During the dry season they are particularly anxious to get an early start so that they can return home before noon, where they will remain until much later. During the rainy season their schedule is more irregualr. They can remain in the fields much longer and there is much more work to be done. During this season the farmers maintain shelters on their farms. These shelters provide protection and serve as places of rest. Those farmers who have important farms in more distant sections of §gbado and Egbaland may spend many weeks away from the orile. -31}- The farmers estimate that one-half of the products they grow are con- sumed by their families and that the other half of their produce is sold in the market places of Abeokuta and Lagos. When they say this they are thinking of the green vegetables, corn, cassava, and yams which form the major part of their diet. They are not including the vast amounts of oranges, pineapples, coconuts, cocoa, palm kernels, and kola which they grow pri- marily for market rather than personal consumption. Nor do they consider the large amounts of cassava, in the form of gag], which they send to their many children living in distant cities. On one of his visits to his son and daughter, apprenticed in Lagos, I observed Peter pmodele taking supplies to them consisting of nearly twenty pounds of Sé£l° In the past, the main subsistence and internal market crop was yams. Cassava has now become the most important crop in the peoples' diet and in the local market system. Although cocoa is the most important cash crop, it is harvested only during a short period of the year and is soon out of the local market system. There are some people who feel that kola is the most profitable crop currently raised in the orile. Farming There is no general pattern to the local farming techniques. The tech- niques a person develops depends upon what he learned from his father and his own willingness to borrow ideas from friends. One farmer pointed to the relationship between a man's farming practices and his apprenticeship under his father when he made this classic statement about corn, an important cash crop: I do not plant corn because I do not know it. It is not what my father taught me. “312- Hoe agriculture is combined with field rotation and intercropping. Some farms are used from three to five years and then left to lay fallow as long as ten years. There is a growing tendency to shorten the fallow period to seven years. Most planting of cassava and yam is done in mounds which may be built as high as one and a half feet in order to prevent erosion by the rains. Rows are used on farms which are devoted to the raising of green vegetables. Different crops are planted according to prior use of the land, the season, the farmer's beliefs, his experiences and inclinations. Some farmers ex- press the belief that cassava should not be planted with corn, or tomatoes should not be planted with yams. The different opinions are innumerable. A farmer‘s use of any one plot of land also depends upon the conditions of the land and his use of his other farms. No farmer wishes to devote all of his land to one crop. He prefers to raise that variety of crops which most satisfactorily meets his own Personal needs and the demands of the mar- ket. He also wishes to insure himself against failure of one of his crops or one of his farms. Diagram 7 illustrates that during any one period of time there are wide variations in the manner in which different farmers use their land. There are some generalizations which can be ventured about the local farming practices. Some crops stay in the ground for a relatively long period of time and can be planted only once a year on any one plot of ground. These crops are yams and cassava. Yams require good soil and are usually the first crop planted on newly cleared land. Cassava does not require such rich soil and is easier to cultivate. For these reasons more farmers plant cassava more often than they plant yams° Corn is a crop which can be harvested twice 4 ‘313- FIGURE 2 CASSAVA N CORN CORN YAMS VEGETABLES CALABASH CASSAVA CALABASH VEGETABLES CORN I, CASSAVA DIAGRAM 0F ImERcmPPING AND USE OF mm 0N THREE mm SITES. ,JULY 1966 -31“- a year. Other crops, such as the great variety of green vegetables and pep- pers, can be planted throughout the year. When land is first cleared a farmer must decide whether he wishes to put the land to long or short term use. If he decides to use the land over a long period of time he will be more conservative in his planting than if he wishes to use it more briefly. Thus, Samuel pmotayo cleared and planted his land with the variety of crops shown in Figure 7. In future years he will decrease the number and variety of crops on the land so that in another five or six years he will retire the land. Samuel feels that he can plant yams and cassava in the same mound because, "yams grow down while cassava grows up." Dry And Rainy Season Farming It is also possible to make distinctions between what can be called dry season farming, which takes place along the river banks during the dry season, and rainy season farming, which must be done along the higher slopes of the undulating countryside during the rainy season. During the dry sea- son.corn and short—term vegetable crops are planted near the river banks with the farmers taking advantage of the water stcred up in the soil. As the rains begin to come these short term crops are moved, progressively, up the side of the hill. As the rainy season wanes the crops can be brought, progressively, down the hill. This can be done because these vegetables are planted almost any time of the year and take only about three months to mature. Corn and long- term crops must be planted more cautiously and are usually found planted from the middle to the top of slopes or on level land. A farmer discussed -315- some of the different uses to which he put his dry season and wet season farms: I have a dry season farm and a wet season farm. This is my dry season farm. I got it from my father. Last year I planted cocoa and maize on my dry season farm. The maize has been pluck- ed. Okra and ewedu are planted in the wet ground (of the dry season farm). Cultivatedjand Bush Farms There is also a distinction to be made between the cultivated and bush farms. The cultivated farms consist of land which has been cleared and hoed. Crops requiring cultivation, such as corn, yam, vegetables, and cassava are planted on these farms. Bush farms are usually found in the forests which run along the valley bottoms or in higher places which maintain a similar luxurious growth. Under the canopy of these forests can be found the orange, kola, banana,and palm trees which typify the bush farms. The Crops Yams Lisu) are planted in mounds. Their importance has been largely superceded by the more easily planted and cultivated, less demanding, cassava. It is planted before the heavy rains and may be put in the ground as early as November and as late as April. it is not usually planted during the hot~_ test months of the dry season heat, when the ground is too hot, dry,and hard, to permit the building of the large mounds. These mounds are built from one and a half to two feet tall, and are kept at least three feet apart. A portion of the tuber is put in a hole at the top of the mcund and covered with dirt. A mat of straw is then placed on top of the mound to protect the yam from the direct rays of the sun. -3]6- The vines of the growing plant must be eventually supported by stakes. The work is hard. Peter pmodele stated that it took him four days to plant fifty tubers. Yams may be harvested within nine to twelve months. Cassava (Ege, Paki):£assava is the most important staple. Once processed it can be easily stored and tranSported. It is easily cultivated and grows in relatively poor soil. It can be planted any time during the rainy season and is ready to be harvested within twelve months, although some people pick theirs in nine months.I Cassava-may also be stored in the ground for as long as two years. When stored this way cassava is considered a source of wealth and a form of savings. Some people plant their cassava as early as January. Because it can be planted in relatively poor soil it is very amenable to the intercropping habits of the farmers. Corn (Agbadcl”There are usually two crops. The early crop is planted at the beginning of the rainy season and is harvested from late June through August. The second crop is planted during late August and early September and is harvested during late December and january. The quantity and quality of the early crop is far better than the late crop. Corn is wery popular and is prepared in a variety of ways. Farmers try to keep the corn on their farms as late as possible so as to be able to command the higher dry season price. Vegetatle§_(Efg)vThis category chiudes a variety of edible plants; ila (okra), oyo, ewedu, §gmqsola, ara (pepper), 32:2 (melon) and igba (gourd). These plants are harvested within three montrs after planting -3l7- although the best harvest comes in June. In the dry season they are planted close to the river and streams and in those areas which would normally be swampland during the rainy season. Pineapples (QB; Oyinboi-On page.30lit was noted that there is a school farm program. This program is entirely devoted to growing pineapples. The plantings have been very successful and the popularity of pineapples as part of the diet is increasing. Pineapples are a good source of income for their price ranges from nine to fifteen cents a piece. There is also a market for pineapple suckers. Pineapples are sold locally and also to the canning company in lbadan. However, no farmer Spoke of having a pineapple farm as he would Speak of his cassava or corn farm. Pineapples are found growing individually, in small groups in the forest, low bush near the river, or on the hilltops. The impression is gained that many farmers are testing the cultivation of pineapples and its effects on the land. Sometimes pineapples are used for such mundane purposes as outlining boundaries of farms. Even so, there is a lot of talk about growing them as a source of income. Cranges (Osan)--Oranges are an increasingly important domestic product. This fruit is sold in Abeokuta and Lagos. The peOple actively cultivate this tree on both their cultivated and bush farms. They do not, however, devel0p orchards. Following their traditional farming patterns, they prefer to intersPerse the trees among the other crops of their cultivated farms and among the flora of their bush farms. The main crop is harvested at the end of the rainy season. A second light crop is harvested about March and April. -318- Bananas (Qggde Wewe) and Plantain (Qgede Agbaba)--For the most part, these plants are permitted to grow wild on the bush farms.and are not cultivated“ They are eaten and a number of people sell them. However, they are not considered an important food or trade itemo Coconut (Agbgfl)--The coconut grows wild although some people point to trees which were planted and cultivated some years ago” A small quantity of coconuts are sold to the local market women to be tranSported and used in Abeokuta. The husks are sold to the prison in Abeokuta where they are used to make mats and ropesa Cocoa --The earlier analysis of the correlation between housebuilding and cocoa production is illustrative of the importance this cash crop has for lbara Orileo Yet the country immediately surrounding it is not good cocoa land° Most cocoa is grown in the lowest parts of the many valleys in the areao Here there is the necessary moisture and shade for the pro— pagation of these delicate plants° Many of the men own cocoa farms far from the orile; it is not unusual to hear someone speak of Spending time on a distant Farmo The main harvesting season runs from November through Januaryo .figlg (QELl-ffigig is becoming an ingreasingly impcrtant eXport producto Some people claim that they make more money from kglg than from cocoa° They cultivate the kglg tree as they do the orangeo The kola tree takes eight to ten years to bear fruit, but the people feel that 5312 is easier to grow as it is not as susceptible to disease, and lasts longero They believe that its price is not subject to the machinations of the govern- -319- ment. Reports coming to the village from their relatives in Hausaland suggest that the market for kola in the Northern Region is expanding. gfll.£glm (gpe)-'Palm products are very important to the economy of the orile. However, most of its trees are wild. PeOple do not Speak of planting them. :They just grow." The palm kernel is important because of its many uses. For religious reasons the wine of the tree is not popular. This contrasts with the wide acceptance and popularity of palm- wine in most other sections of Yorubaland. (See Raphia.Palm section below) Tomatoes-'Tomatoes are usually planted in June and harvested in September. They are considered an important cash crop; so much so that some people believe that they are better than cocoa and kola. As Yesufu Adesino put it: We sell it the best of our crops and we get good money for it. We sell it to the Europeans. And, indeed, a lot of tomatoes do go out of the orile. interestingly, the people themselves use canned tomatoes in their cooking rather than fresh ones. lfigphig,figlEy-(§EE§QQ The raphia palm is found in the swampy lowland river bank areas. It grows wild,is not cultivatedyand is the source of the the bamboo wine which is preferred over palm wine. its leaves are used for roofing cooksheds and the fronds in the construction of the cross members in the latticework of the walls and roofs of cooksheds and other buildings. Parts of this plant are also used to make brooms. The people of the orile do not participate in the thriving palm wine trade which -320- exists between the hamlets and villages’to the west of the orile,and Abeokuta. They claim that they do not knou/ how to tap these trees. Farm Economics The people of the orile have learned farming through apprenticeship to their fathers; through following his examples and their own experiences. There is some question as to whether, using the tools they have, they could produce more. 'A radical improvement in their level of production would require a mechanized technology and would necessitate redistribution and consolidation of land. This would be disruptive to their entire personality, social3and cultural systems. Although they are, essentially, hoe cultivators who use a combination of slash and burn.and land rotation techniques they are highly productive. They feed themselves as well as the large populations living in the cities of Yorubaland. During the harvest season, buyers from as far away as ibo- land are found purchasing foodstuffs in the orile each market day. In a less dramatic fashion, throughout the week, large headloads of foodstuffs are taken for sale at lta Osin and the markets of Abeokuta. Yet the very activities of the people suggest some directions in which they are ready to change. Peter gmodele indicates a readiness for ferti- lizers and his understanding of shade requirements when he explains why he drops the weeds he has pulled from his yam moundSin the rows between them: If I drop these weeds here they will go into the ground to be rich again and they wiil not let the sun reach this place again. Similarly, Samuel Qmotayo explained his reason for leaving grass on his newly cleared lands: -32]- I shall wait until November to plant yam. I shall leave the grass here. It will decay and make the land good. Many are thinking about growing more kola because they know what it is used for and also who uses it. This can be contrasted with the cocoa market which, through the years, has remained foreign to them. The men and women with whom I discussed the uses of cocoa displayed an ignorance of its processing and ultimate utility. 'Wary of the recent fluctuations in the cocoa market the people have hesitated to become involved in the potentially profitable raising of pineapples because, like cocoa, they are considered to be European foods. Yet many farmers are watching the pineapple market and learning, through experimentation, how pineapples may best be grown. They have made a nearly complete transition from raising yams to cassava. Large quantities of cassava are sold in Abeokuta and Lagos,or sent to relatives in these urban areas. There is «he generally accepted measure of a good farmer; that is the ability to keep cassava in the ground more than twelve months. Actually, this has little to do with a person's skills as a farmer; it is closely linked to a person's other financial obligations. In fact, the "greatest farmer in the town", the man most able to keep his cassava in the ground, is widely reputed to know absolutely nothing about farming. Cassava in the ground is like money in the bank; the longer it stays in the ground the larger it grows and the higher a price it will eventually bring. Only a few elders can afford to keep their cassava in the ground for more than twelve months.2 -322- Farmers Cooperative Building The Farmers Cooperative Building is a large, dark brown, mud building located on the main road across the street from 'the court house. It consists of four rooms with doors which open directly to the outside. There are no inside corridors, windows, or doors. It is primarily a storage area in which the buyers of cocoa and palm kernels keep their scales, measuring basins and sacks. At one time the farmers attempted a cooperative scheme for buying and selling cocoa but they argued and the scheme failed. The building is only open on market days. Here the buyer, Ladipo, comes for the local cocoa and palm kernels. In I928, Ladipo started coming to the orile with his father, the first buyer of cocoa in the village. Elijah Faderin, one of the elders of Isolo also does some buying. Although he has been buying cocoa for fourteen years he considers himself an apprentice to Ladipo.3 As an apprentice buyer he sells the cocoa he buys to his master, Ladipo. Ladipo sells all of the cocoa he buys to the agents employed by the companies which control the Abeokuta storage and transportation facilities. Cocoa and kola are the only products completely controlled by men. In addition to tomatoes they are the most profitable products raised. However, tomatoes are sold in local markets therefore the women control the prices the farmers receive for this product.(see pages liOl-llOS ). The cocoa is brought to the orile by large and small producers. Some farmers use their extra cash to buy more cocoa from smaller producers. They in turn sell their accumulated cocoa to the buyers at the cooperative building. -323- Kola is bought by the Hausa for shipment to Northern Nigeria. The buyers of the Farmers Cooperative Building have been traditionally concerned with palm kernels and cocoa. They know the potential profit involved in handling kola but have not yet been able to participate in the kola market. Elijah Faderin explains their hesitancy: We do not buy kola. That is for the Hausa. We deal in cocoa and kernels. Kola does not fit our luck. If we buy cocoa for sixty cents and sell if for sixty- three cents then the three cents is our gain. That is better than buying and selling kola. Some people buy kola and make $2.80, others may lose. It depends upon luck. 0.0.: Do you mean luck or knowledge? Elijah and Ladipo: It is luck, not knowledge. It is what Gods have in store for you. You cannot change your fate. It is the way we are made. Busari Akinlabi is a tailor-farmer who lives in ldofin. In his adventurous youth he Spent many years as a trader in Hausaland, so he is familiar with the language and the 5913 trade. In addition to his other work he now buys, cleans,and grades 5913 which he sells to the Hausa buyers living in Lafenwa, Abeokuta. Pineapples are another potentially profitable product sold both in the local markets and to the canning factory in lbadan. The pineapples sold in the markets are handled by the women of the orile; those sold to the canning factory an marketed by Aliu Lanlokun, a man living In Oke Afin. Farming 529.1h2 Growth Cycle After the Weed'puilihg apprentice farming'stage, A young man hoes -324- and cultivates his farms for a long time. Today, if he is adventurous and earns money, he plants cocoa, orangeg and 5912 trees on his own bush farm. Most boys are not able to make such an investment. They will, more probably, try to develop good cassava, yam, and vegetable farms. As a man grows older, acquires a wife and has children, he becomes more and more involved in cultivating his farms and in the problems of accumulating sufficient money to build his house and send his children to school. By this time he will also have inherited his father's bush farms. If he is not this fortunate he will save his money until he is able to establish such a farm. The establishment of a successful bush farm often means that an aging man can retire to his home in Abeokuta. lflecb'es not, he will be forced to prolong his stay on the farm. At retirement age every man looks forward to relinquishing his cultivated farms to his sons and daughters and assigning to them the management of his bush farms. The management of a successful farm by an absentee landlord requires ‘a variety of arrangements with other family members and laborers. In the following section Busari Akinlabi explains how one old retired man still manages to gain some profit from the large farm holdings he was able to accumulate in his youth. I had accompanied Busari, a tailor, farmen and dealer in kng nuts, to a bush farm where he expected to buy some 5912. As we were walking through Bandele's farm we found his younger sister Jubrila, his son Badaru, and some laborers working together to harvest the old man's oranges. -325- Busari understood my interest in the peOple's customs and did not hesitate to offer the following explanation: This land belongs to Bandele. He has retired to Abeokuta and does not come here. That is his younger sister [points to Jubrila] and his young son [points to Badaru]. Jubrila is taking care of Bandele’s interests and Badaru is helping her but he has his own farms. Jubrila will sell the oranges for her brother. Old Bandele knows how many sticks [trees] he has here and he also knows that he should get twenty hundred to forty hundred oranges a stick. Those laborers who are throwing the oranges down will get fourteen cents for a hundred. They will be sold for sixty cents a hundred. Jubrila will take her own out of the whole [i e. Jubrila will take some money for organizing the laborers, transporting the oranges to the market, and selling the oranges]. Badaru will also know what has happened [i.e. Old Bandele will get an accounting of the number of oranges collected from his sister and from his son]. Busari, warming to his subject, spoke of certain land manipulations in which the elders engage when they wish to supplement their earnings: Consider Aliyu. He just told us he has to take his daughter to the hospital. If he needs money and has trees he can give some of those trees to somebody until he gets the money. That man will keep those trees until he pays back what he has borrowed [i.e. the trees and the fruit from the trees will be interest on the loan]. Or an old man without sons, without any family, may sell land away; both trees and grounds. There is a lot of paperwork involved in such a sale. He might sell for $280 00 or $560.00. Busari is correct in what he has said although I never asked if he referred to land inside the orile when he spoke of land selling. His emphasis upon the selling of land only where there is no family supports the general statements about family owned lands discussed in the earlier section. However, it must be added that the sale of land still remains a highly remote possibility. It is rare that an old man would be so devoid of relatives that he should have to sell rich land in order to feed himself. A gift of land to even a remote relative will insure that '326- he will be remembered and will have force and vitality in the lives of his surviving relatives, no matter how distant these relatives might be. The variety of farming methods practiced are also affected by the age of the farmer. Although a father tries to inculcate his sons with proper farming habits, there are, understandably, some differences in their actual techniques. James §ola, an elder of Oke Afin, speaks of these differences and also discusses some reasons for them: There is a difference between the farming of the youth and old people. The difference is that if there is a tree between the ridges the old people will cut the tree and pull out the roots. But the young people will not do so. When my father was with me I would pull out the roots, but when he was gone I would cut them. Old people plant more cocoa, oranges, kola, and coconuts. Older people plant it because they can take out of it [live on it]. If the old man dies the family will have it. He plants for himself and his children. So if a man builds a house he must have four to eight rooms. One is for himself, the rest will be for his wives and his children. If he dies part of the farm goes for his burial and the rest for his family. The Hunters All of the men of the orile are farmers. Most of them are also, in varying degrees, hunters. All men look forward to an opportunity to machete some small animal as they walk to and from their farms. Many farmers set traps, hoping to catch bushrats (gya), on their farms. In their attempts to guide the rats into their traps, some farmers construct runs of little bridges and fences. A popular Sport is chasing rats, snakes, and other small animals against bamboo frond fences; the trapped animal is then clubbed. These fences, commonly called "roads", sometimes run for quite a distance along the forest floor. These types of hunting -327- activities are a very popular dry season sport for the village youth. A few of the men take a more active approach to hunting. Although more usually engaged in farming, these men consider themselves, primarily, hunters. They worship Ogun, the god of hunters. They belong to the hunter’s society and maintain the Dane guns, miner's head lamps, powder bags, and other paraphernalia peculiar to the hunter. They claim that they can hunt buffalo, deer, squirrel, hedgehog, and a variety of other animals. However, there are few wild animals in the vicinity. I did see the hind quarters of one small deer (gkglg) but no other animals in the area. At one time Simon Adeola traveled to distant Otta to try his luck. Simon attributed the lack of animals in the orile's vicinity to the growth of the population, the creation of more farms, and the political disruption in the region. Simon also offered a bit of his own philosophy as an explanation for the poor hunting: You see that this year we could not get much fish and there are no animals. These things come in cycles. Last year was the year for fish killing. We caught a lot of fish then. This year we are killing peOple. Next year we will be killing the animals in the bush. You wait and see. Professionals prefer to go hunting at night. They leave the orile at 9:00 P.M; and return between 2:00 and h:00 A.M. This type of hunting is usually done during the dry season and especially during the full moon. 0n the day of a hunt the hunter goes into the bush to be sure the paths are clear and nothing blocks his way. Then he prepares his miner's lamp which he attaches to his hat in the fashion of a coal miner. He depends upon this lamp both to light his way and to catch the eyes of -328- the animals who are transfixed while the hunter makes his kill. For protection against thorns and rough, dfifi grass the hunter usually includes long pants or puttees among his hunting equipment. Fishing Although some of the tributaries of the Ogun which course through the countryside contain eel (£1111) and fish known locally as 539, Egg, and £313, the orile's inhabitants do not do much fishing, nor do they eat much fresh fish. However, they do import dried fish, an important ingredient of one of their popular soups. The women of Omida reputedly control the fresh fish trade in Abeokuta (see page; #0). The lbara Omida market is an important center for the sale of fresh fish in the region. It is conceivable that fresh fish becomes a more important part of the people's diet when they are visiting in Omida than when they are in the orile. Craftsmen and Tradesmeh A few of the men find part-time employment in some craft or trade. There are three blacksmiths in the orile. Only one of these men regularly lights his fires to repair the hoes, machetes, and traps of the farmers. One other blacksmith lights his only to satisfy his own needs and those of friends. The third seldom practices his craft and does not maintain a blacksmith's shed. Whenever he wishes to repair something he uses the other smiths' sheds. There is one carpenter in the orile. The demands for this man's skills are heaviest during the dry season. This is when -329- new buildings are constructed and there is a need for wooden windows and doors. The carpenter gets his apprentices from Omida and his dressed lumber comes from the saw mills of Abeokuta. Because he must import his labor and materials, his prices are no cheaper than those of his competitors: the Abeokuta carpenters. They maintain a year-round practice: control a corps of trained apprentiCes and journeymen: remain familiar with the latest styles: and are able to command more resources. Tailors and Washermen There are five tailors in the orile. These part-time tailors are very active; repairing as well as making clothes. Each market day two of these men bring their machines to the market place where they spend the day meeting heavy demands for the quick repair of torn items. At one time there was a tailors’ association which met in Isolo in the home of the oldest member; the teacher of two of the other members. This association engaged in fixhg prices and exchangfig information. Their work and habits have become so regular that they find! little value in the meetings of their association. These tailors go to their farms at 6:30 A.M. and return home about l0:00 A.M. Theyiheh sew until h:30 P.M. at which time they return to their farms. There are two washermen in the town. These washermen belong to no Society although there is a washermen's society in Abeokuta. Following 53 schedule similar to that of the tailors, the washermen interSperse . tileir farming with washing and ironing clothes. ”330- Livestock Sheep, goats, dogs, cats, ducks, and chicken constitute the animal population of the orile. These animals must forage for much of their diet. They eat wherever they can find a meal; their rumaging takeSthem to the garbage dumps, the market place, the farms, the grinding mill, the hallway of their master's home, or the neglected pots of some careless cook. Their efforts contribute much to the cleanliness of the village, by insuring rapid removal of all discarded edibles and much, seemingly, inedible debris. Some owners regularly feed cassava, corn, or other food to their animals; others show considerably less concern. Hungry sheep and goats are a serious threat to nearby farms and there is an informal understanding that farms located within a half mile of the orile must be fenced. However, these hungry animals often weaken the fences, enter the farms, and destroy the crops within a few days. The farmer who loses a field of cassava to these marauding animals must blame himself for not keeping his fences in good repair. Farms beyond the half-mile limit need not be fenced. The owners of the livestock found there are responsible for the damage caused by their animals. Owners take a matter of fact, almost indifferent, attitude towards their animals. If the beasts become too insistent they are fed; <3therwise, they are ignored. They do not interact with their masters as IDets, nor do they live in corrals or pens. They walk about freely and l ive their lives parallel to humans in their environment. They come to tfwe villagers' attention only when they get in the way or when they do Sc>mething disturbing such as sneeze or cough. An animal killed by some _33]_ passing vehicle is liable to get no more than a glance from its owner and an indifferent burial by a passing roadworker. Animals are kept for food, profit, and sacrifices; to be sold in the market places of Abeokuta or slaughtered for some local festival or sacrifice. Chickens are particularly useful for the last which are often made in the orile. Dogs-- Dogs are kept as companions and are allowed more access to the human presence. They are accorded no other Special privileges and are liable to be rejected if they become annoying. Like the Sheep and goats the dogs also participate in keeping the orile clean. Little children who are not "toilet trained" relieve themselves in the areas about their homes; as soon as a child bares his bottom some half- Starved dog will appear, as if by magic, to consume the feces. Dogs are.aISO'o§ value to-hunters and as watchdogs. Once when I returned to the orile, after a few days absence, the peOple told me of the night visit of some thieves. Akanbi Omotayo's Story illustrates the value of dogs and some of the characteristics of the other animals: You know we were telling you that the black taxi iS used for stealing Sheep during the night. Those thieves came here last night and Started to put the Sheep in that taxi. You know I told you those sheep are useless. They will not say a word. They will just go quietly. The goat cannot be stolen because they will not permit themselves to get caught. But the dogs started barking and it got so noisy that people Started to get up and they Started firing their guns in the air. Those thieves drove away. That is why we keep dogs. T e Organization‘gf Labor Cooperative Labor -- In the past the people depended upon a variety 0f patrilineally-oriented cooperative work groups and, therefore, had no -332... need for laborers. Cooperative activities based upon blood relationships still do occur but the more onerous and time consuming work is now done by laborers. As expected, cooperative work groups based upon agnatic relationships are more active in the more isolated patrilineally organized bush hamlets. Ojo (l966259-60) divides cooperative farming groups into three classes. The first is based upon the patrilineal group (including wives) which works together throughout the year and shares the fruits of its labor. "The father of the group. at his discretion, provided clothing and wives for the male members at the appropriate time by bartering the farm produCtS". This describes the social and economic organization of the bush hamlets which have been frequently mentioned throughout this thesis- £19, according to Ojo, is "rotation of communal labor mainly by I agnatic men.' A man who received labor from agnatic kin was expeCted to put himself at the disposal of this relative when needed, Owe is a variation of the 219. It is kin-based but is comprised of larger groups of people who gather together for such heavy tasks as clearing land. The reward for gwg labor is properly food and entertainment since any attempt to effect rewards on a rotational, exchange-service basis, as in the case of £19, would be unwieldy. I found no evidence of either practice in lbara Orile. In fact, some people tended to use the term aro for the type of cooperative labor which is more correctly called isg ilu. Town Work (Ise llu)-- lge ilu calls for a type of c00perative work ’333- which is more familiar in this area. The term includes such diSparate activities as attending town meetings, collecting money for town projects, and helping to clear and burn bush for the projected clinic building. These projects always interfere with the farmer's desire to go to his own farm or to attend to some other, more personal concern. Invariably, calls for assistance in ii£.ilfla based upon one volunteer from each house, are the bases for personal and intergroup recrimination, Pawning (Iwaa) - - The acquisition and utilization of pawns constitutes an efficient means of maintaining a cheap labor supply. Although the term "pawning" is popularly used in the literature Lloyd (l962z28) and the people of the orile use the terms "pawn" and ”slave" when they speak of Iwgfa’ these terms are not at all appropriate or descriptive of the system. Long ago Johnson advised that: The term Iwgfa has no equivalent in English. It denotes one who serves another periodically in lieu of the interest on money lent. In short, it is one in service for interest... An Iwgfa is a free man, his social status remains the same; his civil and political rights are intact, and he is only subject to his master in the same universal sense that "a borrower is servant to the lender." [1921:l26] So it is in the orile. The prfa, generally a male of the household, may borrow money from a rich man then the borrower:is-obljgated,.an a periodic basis,'to wohk"cwlthe farms of the lender. The more money he borrows the more time he must spend on the lender's farms. The rest of the time he is free to work his own lands or to pursue his own interests. His work is considered as payment of interest upon the loan, the principle must be paid out of the borrower’s earnings from other sources. -33h- Lamidi Ayodele, one of the big iwgfa holders, described aspects of the iflgfa system as it is practiced in the orile: When the people want money for something they wish to do like building a house or a funeral or wedding ceremony and they have no money they come to us. They may ask for $28.00 or $lh0.00. When they get the money they must work for us for two weeks in a month and they Spend the rest of the month for their own purposes till the money is balanced [AS mentioned above these arrangements are flexible and are related to the amount actually borrowed]. But if the money is not balanced the man must work for us till he dies and the son of the man must carry on till themoney is balanced. That is what I meant before when we Spoke of a son, 'hiding his father's secrets'. The son must not reveal his father's debts or his father's faults. That borrower must pay money out of his own pocket to get rid of the loan. If he needs more money he can borrow more. He may die in debt. Although the practice has been outlawed there are three men of the orile who use the labor of iwgfa to work their vast farm holdings. Many people abhor this practice and they whisper the word "slave" rather than use the more acceptable term "pawn" or the more accurate term "iwgfa" when they speak of this System. They express their hostility towards both the system and the few rich landholders who maintain it: It is bad when twenty men work on one man's farm [the number twenty is an exaggerationj. It means the perishment of the town because people's money goes to one man and not for the development of the town. Yet the people are unable to rid themselves of the iwgfa system because it is a vital part of their economy. The iwgfa system constitutes one of the most readily available sources of large sums of money. People who need money to meet some domeSLic emergency or for the performance of ceremonies can go to the lender for loans. Such loans may be large tan small and may be paid off in years or in days. “335- The iwpfa-lender relationship is not always purely economic; it can also be social. There are people who prefer a relationship with a rich man who will be a continuing source of funds. Such a relationship means that the lender will meet all of,or contribute to,the major life expenditures of his 1ngg. He will contribute to his 1nga's bride payments, naming ceremonies, funeral ceremonies, and housebuilding costs. He may also render such additional services to his 1nga as finding suitable apprenticeships for the members of the iwgfa’s family or sending a talented child to school. There is the common Yoruba saying: Lack of discretion makes six brothers die in pawn on the farm of a creditor to whom they owe three Shillings. Transient Laborers -- Through the year the population of laborers does not fluctuate greatly (see page2236). All laborers are strangers. They are usually YOruba although they may come from as far away as lgbirra, Nupeland, and French Dahomey. They are employed for such heavy work as clearing farms and harvesting the fruits of orange trees, coconut trees, palm trees, cocoa trees, and kg1a trees. The fact that most of the laborers live in houses in Oke Afin reflects the antiquity of this section and the many elders of this quarter who have retired to lbara Omida. lkgusebuilding and Houses House construction commences with the beginning of the dry season. A nan builds his house according to his needs and his financial power. '336- If he wishes to build on family land he must seek permission to use it from family elders. If he wishes to build on town land he must ask the acting head man or the chiefs in lbara Omida. The wealthy builder erects the mud walls, puts in the windows and doors, completes the roof, cement veneers all exterior and interior walls and floors, and paints the entire structure in one season. A less wealthy man - this is usually the case - will erect only his walls and put on the metal roof during the first season. He will consider himself fortunate if he is able to put the shutters and doors in their frames during the first building year. Not unfrequently he finds that he has to erect a makeshift door and to seal up the shutterless windows with bits of galvanized metal. As he accumulates more money he will put Shutters on the windows and finish such interior wood work as putting doors on each room. He then tries to cement all exterior and interior walls and floors of the house. In a few years he might have accumulated sufficient money to put ceilings in the rooms. Finally, he will consider painting the house; however, many people never really expect to attain this height of success. Others believe that there is another order for building; they feel that as grass roofs 63nd mud walls are sufficient for houses built in the bush hamlets, <:ement walls and metal roofs should be sufficient for houses in the C>rile, while painted houses belong in Abeokuta and Lagos It may take years or generations before a person is ready to cement flis house and put up a metal roof. Such modernization is not simply '337- the reflection of a man‘s financial ability. Some of the oldest houses in the orile remain unthatched and uncemented; they Show the owners' traditionalism and lesser involvement in the aspirations for development and progress which have caused so many newer residents to move to the orile; Figure 7 page 3A2 illustrates some of the characteristics of the houses there. The houses in the orile are built by contractors who live in lbara Orile and the surrounding hamlets. In recent years the lkereku District Council has taken an increasing interest in how the buildings in its jurisdiction are constructed. In the past many of the houses were built without adequate footings and without windows in the rear rooms. The lkereku District Council has assigned building inspection duties to the sanitary inspector. He now enforces the building of a one foot deep foundation to support all outer and inner walls. He also insists that the window and door frames be built before the walls of the building are constructed.1+ Many women consider the ‘ building season a time to earn extra money. The women bring water, sand, and laterite to the building Sites: this is "1919" work which pays from one to two cents a headload. The price is determined by the distance between the source of these materials and the Site'of construction. Little girls, some as young as seven years of 53985 also engage in this work, Although they carry lighter loads they Efiarn as much as older and stronger women. During the heat of the dry Seuason this work becomes progressively enervating; even the strongest Wonwen carry no more than ten to fifteen headloads a day. At times these ‘338- women seem to be working only on will-power yet, they carry on- The following description illustrates the Strength and tenacity of these women: The women and girls are dumping the water inside the area demarked for the mixing of laterite. They are tired and are dumping the water too fast for the men. The water is Spilling over the area they have reserved for mudmaking and is running into the foundation ditch. The foundation is ruined. The men start to scream at the women to stop. The women do not seem to realize what they are doing. They follow one another, in single file, lifting the pails from their heads and pouring the water on the ground. The frantic men finally get the women to stop. It is so hot that the whole affair seems to have happened in slow motion. Most often the mud laterite used in the construction of the walls is obtained in the immediate area of the building site. Home builders who can afford to be concerned with the quality of their building seek out the reddest dirt they can find Such dirt contains more laterite and less sand than much of the dirt found in some sections of the orile. Consequently, upon drying, walls constructed of rich laterite will not crack and become crevassed to the same extent as poorer soils. Proper mixing of the mud is also important to obtaining strong walls. The workmen mix the water with laterite and begin to construct and shape the walls in progressively higher tiers. Every so often they stop for a few days or a week to be sure that the lower tiers are dry before they continue their work. At the apprOpriate time window and door frames are positioned and sealed in place. When the masons are finished carpenters attend to the forming of roof struts. These struts can be either wooden beams brought from Abeokuta or Simple long. freshly cut, Straight branches. The galvanized metal roof is then nailed to these Struts- '339- Four of the houses in the orile are built of mud. brick,and cement. This type of construction has been Shown,through experience. to be stronger than straight mud wall construction. Houses of laterite brick have fewer fissures because the bricks are permitted to dry and Shrink in the sun before they are used to form walls. Because all the bricks dry at one time this type of construction is faster than straight mud wall construction. FOr this reason it is more frequently used in the construction of buildings erected during the late dry-early rainy season. Well constructed mud wall houses with good roofs are reputed to last up to forty years with a minimum of dry season repairs. If the walls are covered with a veneer of cement the houses are said to last as long as Sixty years, Mud walls covered by metal roofs last even longer than houses with thatched roofs. Metal roofs are also considered more pleasing than thatched roofs. The completed house is then covered with cement veneer. The builder might also Specify cement relief designs such as scrolls, hearts, names, mottos, and crosses sculpted around the frames of his windows and doors. These designs are primarily decorative. A financially strong builder usually wants to construct a platform around his house. Such a platform protects the walls of the house from erosion caused by heavy season surface water run-off. A well constructed platform consists of laterite stone cemented together with laterite mud and covered with a thin layer of cement, Women living in such a house are considered quite fortunate, for such a cement covered platform provides a perfect Site for drying cassava. r340- A house may cost from $A50 to $600 depending upon the size and number of rooms it contains. Laidi Oguyemi of lfatedo provided a breakdown of the various construction costs of his recently built house: Cement was $l02.h0. The roof cost $I30.60 for the iron sheets, nails, and wood. The wood for the doors and windows was $33.60 and the carpenters costs were $h7.60. Each room is $l9.60 konstruction of mud walls] and there are four rooms so that it cost $78.h0 for the masons. Then l must include the feast for everybody which cost $A2.00_ The whole was $h3h.60. Most of the houses have either four or six rooms. There are only three houses with fewer than four rooms and about seven houses with eight rooms. The four room houses tend h; be square in shape while the dar- ger' houses are oblong. Usually a hallway, with outside doors at each end, runs down the center of the house. All rooms of the house open into this hallway. The two front rooms of the house are the parlors (QLQwa). These roomsvbelonging to the men of the housef are the rooms with the largest windows and are often the first and only cement veneered rooms in the house. The men perform all of their household activities filtheSe rooms. The men sleep, eat, keep their personal belongings, entertain guests. hold meetings, pray (if Muslims) and sew (if tailors) in their parlors. In a few instances a man and his wife occupy a front room together, Most often this happens when the couple has recently married and not yet had children. In four instances women were found to be living in parlor rooms. In each of these cases there was evidence of an overcrowded situation and a largely female population in the house Women, girls, and small boys of the house live in the interior and rear rooms (yara). Each wife has her own room which she shares with -3h]- her children. She also stores her personal effects in this room. Boys of five years or more join their fathers in the parlor. while young girls continue to sleep in their mother's room. The windows of the wiveS' rooms are always smaller than those in the parlors. The menS reluctance to enlarge their wives' windows reflects an earlier tradition of having no windows in the rooms. It did happen that a builder recently constructed a house with unusually large windows in the interior and rear rooms. His mistake resulted in these rooms being flooded with a large amount of light and sunshine. The 0313 of the house commented on the builder's error saying: I must catch him and make him repair the damage he has done to my house. ln most of the houses one or two rooms are set aside for storage purposes. This need for storage space is such a predominant feature of most houses that those without such facilities also show evidence of severe overcrowding. This is particularly evident during tomato harvest time. At this time the paucity of storage Space is so acute that the farmers who have no storage rooms spread their tomatoes across the floors of their parlors. They are found either sleeping among their tomatoes or in the hallways of their houses In the six room houses the halls between the parlor rooms (agbodo) are usually narrower than the halls between the interior and rear rooms. The wide hallway (Egg) is the place where the women of the house entertain their guests, prepare food, or take an occasional nap. There is only a superficial difference between the structure of these -342- FIGURE 8 SIX ROOM HOUSE (Floor Plan) .x U :5: :‘Zsiiiéil’fyiéié::‘ /"\ “Stare?“ E: .. l .-..__._-_........._.__.. 3', 7,3 _d_ l l I ‘ll _____ '— _ "T’ {f—eh-~§- “T’ eih (u .. YARA YARA (.... m°° ! — “o : v- c a. 3‘2 ‘° Shelves ‘85helyes-- A w MA I g ...---., .... a: l- ‘ >< \V// <%—.Eg: /l\ I AROWA a 5 'l 9" I AROWA IO' I" 5 '0‘. ... .. . ’0 €-~~Il' 3“ ~-—-+——-> ml§ - Il' sum-,2 I ..., l l :'< I \J 5 vi _ 21 J 1 l - I L, l l l l l I WV? i l I ‘ V Parlor Window 32“ x 39H -3h3- houses and the old traditional compound type of construction. AS in the past, the wives of the house have their own rooms. However, these rooms now open on a common hallway rather than the inner courtyard of the compound type of structure. The women use the inner halls as they would use the inner courtyard of the compound. In fact, the term ggg means "outside". The reluctance to put windows in the rear rooms of the house corresponds to the traditions of the windowless walls of the traditional compound. Although metal roofs are most popular for houses, thatch roofs are cheaper and provide a cooler environment. Thatch roofs do require frequent repairs and are subject to infestation. 50wever, thatch roofs are preferred for the kitchen sheds. The cooling Shade of the thatch is more desirable than the frying pan effect of the metal roofs. The kitchen smoke effectively keeps insects out of the thatch. The walls of these kitchens are made of latticed bamboo fronds. This type of construCtion provides shade from the sun, protection from the rain, and easy escape for the smoke. it also permits the women to observe the events occurring in their area and to socialize freely with passing neighbors. Sickness And Health Whatever the cause of sickness it is the man of the house who has responsibility for the protection, treatment, and cure of the members of his household. The people of the orile appear healthy and strong. They are well built and are often engaged in the most arduous tasks. The general impression of good health and vitality is due to the fact that -3q4- many of the sick people leave the orile for treatment in Abeokuta. The old enfeebled headman who has retired to Omida is an example of this custom. In the village itself there is no clinic and few truly active native herbalists. It was neither possible to evaluate the true health status of the people nor was such a task considered a part of our research problem. Our concerns were with descriptions of styles of medical practice and the activities of the custodians and practitioners of the medical arts. Fortunately, much of the work of the Cornell-Aro Mental Health Research Project was done in Abeokuta and in villages and hamlets of the lbara kingdom. The report of the project Psychiatric Disorder Among The Yoruba l963, constitutes an excellent source of information regarding the status of the general health and health problems of the people in the area. During his activities as Medical Assistant with the Cornell-Aro Mental Health Project Dr. Collis found, "that there was a great deal of physical disease, though little grave illness in the villages." Dr. Collis concludes that, "When one contemplates the number of diseases to which the peOple are exposed, one is continually amazed that there are so many apparently healthy people to be seen." (I966:5.7-8) Suffice to say that the people of the orile are constantly plagued with Sickness or fears of sickness. lnfection and infestation in great variety are common. Those who suffer from temporary weakness caused by malaria, or some other infection, lie down in their rooms for a day or so until they can return to the farm or their other chores. AS we began to become more familiar with each other, the people began to Show me massive clothes. Healing Swollen in some -3hs- infections which, otherwise, remained hidden underneath their The exudates from these infections sometimes flowed for months. was Slow and great gaping holes were sometimes left in the body. lymph nodes, treated with ointments, vanished only to reappear other portion of the body, Sickness and death are a real and constant threat to the security, well being, and lives of these people. I t also by is believed that illness can be caused not only by disease but the machinations of witches and wizards. Even neighbors or co-wives living in the same house are thought to wish to do each other harm. Fear of neighbors' evil intentions can be stimulated by the most innocent behavior. These fears sometimes cause great chiefs to suspect the behavior of little girls: 0.0.: Chief: Girl: Chief: The young girl had served QQQLQ to all the chiefs and babalawos participating in the sacrifices for the c00peration of the town. The young girl took a clean glass and poured some gggig for the important visiting chief. As is the custom,she knelt as She offered the drink to the chief. The chief waved his hand in refusal and harshly spoke to the girl telling her to Sip the wine before he drank it. Why did you do that? Though she is young and kneels so nicely I do not know why She served me from this special glass, Maybe someone told her to poison me I served you the special glass because of your high position. I could not know. One must be careful. Concern about the evil intentions of others cause them to take numerous precautions. Locks and bolts are very popular items in the market place. At night, when people retire, they lock all doors and shutters so that the -3A6- exterior of the house presents a formidable wall for the protection of the occupants within. Only a few people will venture out of their homes during the night hours. Even a large fire that occurred in the market place one night failed to draw more than a few people from behind the protection of their walls. A further look at these generalized fears can be seen in the precautions which bamboo wine tappers must take: The young wine tapper was walking by. He greeted us, set his calabashes down, and started to talk with us. Simon Adeola sent him on an errand. When he returned I was surprised to hear Simon chastise him for leaving his calabashes about, "Lest someone put poison in them and thereby poison ten or twelve people." Fear of poisoning and witchcraft also causes individuals to leave their homes and families. A couple who have had a series of abiku (see page IA6) may be advised, through lfa divination, to move to another town or village. A wife who does not feel well or who has children who are always sick may decide, unilaterally, to move back to her own village. A Single hand Cannot Carry Eggg.--Whatever the cause of the sickness the men of the house have reSponsibility for the protection, treatment, and cure of the family members. learning the composition of the various drugs and protective medicines takes time and is the perogative of the elders of the house- It would be presumptuous for a young man to practice medicine when there is an elder in the house. Bolaji Olabeji's response to my question concerning his lack of knowledge about protective medicines W652 ‘3A7- It is for my brother to know. It would be an insult for me to ask him such information. Most elders learn their basic medical knowledge from their fathers. As they grow older they observe the remedies of other elders. They become increasingly interested in medical problems and begin to participate more actively in the treatment of family illnesses. Yet, most of the men are farmers and have taken time to learn only the simplest of home remedies. They are unsure of the validity of what their fathers taught them. Since they came out of their bush hamlets to join together they have found that their practices differ and that there are benefits to be gained from hospitals and clinics. Laidi Oguyemi was a good friend of mine- He often came to visit and talk with me. But it was Peter Omodele, the elder of our neighborhood in Oke Afin, who told me that Laidi's daughter was very sick. I visited Laidi's house and found that his nine month old daughter had an infection of the face which resulted in an erosion of skh tissue to the extent that a hole had been created through the nares and the upper palate, exposing her mouth. The child could not take food and was very emaciated. Laidi had been treating the child with herbs. Peter said: He [Laidi] did not know to ask you. He told me about this several days ago and I told him to take the child to the hospital. He refused. He does not know about these things. He just came out of the bush three years ago. As the Alpha remarked, HA single hand cannot carry good." So it is that the b§1§§ do not rely upon their skills alone. When confronted with an illness they will utilize their own knowledge and experience andwconsulttn a wide range of trusted relatives and friends. for resistive diseases or -348- those illnesses which manifest unusual Symptoms the 9219 can ask the babalawo to divine the cause of the illness. He can take the matter to more experienced men of the family living in Omida, and he can also consult one of the professional native therapists (93123933) living in Abeokuta. In addition he can seek out literate members of the family and friends in order to obtain patent medicines. He can do one or all of these things at the same time. While he is applying herbs and other nostrums another member of the family might be consulting an lfa priest- Lineage elders will have been alerted and will have begun to prepare their medicines and send advice. A growing number of people find it increasingly easy and desirable to go to the hospitals and clinics of the area Women who have been to maternity clinics return to these clinics for the treatment and care of their own and their children's illnesses. Despite the fact that members of their family are hOSpitaIized, the efforts of the family elders do not cease. They will not neglect their responsibilities and will continue their traditional, more familiar, efforts. ‘The patient's presence is nor required for divination or animal sacrifices as means of curing his illness. Native medicines can be administered to the patient even as he lies in the hospital. Simon Adeola's visit to lbadan illustrates the extent of an elder's involvement in these matters: Simon: My sister is in University fiospital, her husband just sent word to me. I must go there and see her. When i see her I will know what to do. 0.0.: But She is in a hospital Will not the doctors take care of her? -3h9- Simon: You know I am the elder of the family. It is my duty to see that she gets well. I will look at her and know what must be done. If She is seriously ill I must bring her home and treat her. Simon's concern about the health of his married sister illustrates the extent of his family responsibility and his willingness to assume this responsibility. Although a husband is responsible for the welfare of his wife, he must involve his wife's family in the treatment of the woman's illness, so that, if his treatments fail, he w ll not be accused of neglect. If a wife refuses to take her husband's medicines or fails to reSpond to treatment, it is his duty to notify her family or send her back to her father’s house so that he cannot be blamed for neglecting her. Through experience with many of the problems of the people of lbara orile the lfa priests of lbara accumulate knowledge of the people and their habits which they use to enhance divination. They also develop a high degree of sophistication in the matter of protective and curative medicines. However. the truly professional native healers are found in the urban center of Abeokuta. These herbalists maintain a powerful society which a110ws them to control the practice of their profession- Although one or two people in the orile do have membership in the native herbalist society they do n0t maintain an active practice. Many people find native healers very frightening They live surrounded by strange looking calabashes, saucers, containers filled with a great variety of herbs and animal parts, and the strange looking devices used to prepare medicines and insure their efficacy. One very old, wizened man ’owns a miniature coffin, about two feet long, in which he keeps his most .. 350- precious medicines, Idlese .healers also» keep a great number of Strange and exotic Shrines, including Egg, in and about their homes. Such men can benefit the ill but the people believe there is also the possibility of their practicing wizardry. Dauda Aina is such a man - a herbalist and wizard. He has accumulated medical knowledge which goes far beyond the home remedy level of practice. His interest in protective medicines has made him a popular person in the treatment of ab1kg, (i.e. keeping children believed to be £2153 alive). Yet, when one of the young men of his area displeased him he was heard to proclaim loudly that he was the person who caused the rains to interrupt the youth's ceremonies for his departed father. There is a very active trade in patent medicines. These drugs can be bought in the numerous shops of Abeokuta. Young salesmen, in jackets, white shirts,and ties carrying a few patent medicines in brief cases, frequently visit the orile. They move from house to house selling aspirins at a penny a piece: "fever pills" at six pence a piece: and more exotic drugs, such as penicillin lozenges, for whatever traffic will bear. Some of these young men are in business for themselves, while others work for drug companies in Abeokuta or Lagos. Whether they are independent or employees of larger concerns they did not prove to have much knowledge of the drugs they were selling. As one of them commented while popping a penicillin lozenge into his mouth: The villagers do not know about these tablets. I sell them when I can but I take most of them myself. I use them to clear my throat. You can never be sure of what you are eating when you are in these villages- These pills are quite tasty. '35l- Notions And Nostrums Fear of harm from witches and wizards Stimulates the production of the protective medicines which can be found in every house.. These medicines can be seen hanging from the rafters, doors, and walls; partly buried in the floor; or placed on slualves. Individuals, including little babies, wear protective amulets around the neck, waist, arms, and in the pockets of Skirts and pants. These medicines are contained in bottles, belts, bags, brooms, and even -inSide the barrels of guns. Some of these medicines have been passed from father'to son, through the generations, and are of great antiquity. Although the men treat most of the illnesses, the commercial traffic in traditional medicines is in the hands of the women. The village women collect the barks and roots and sell them to the market women of Lagos and Abeokuta who specialize in medicinal products. These women supplement their Stock of herbs with rare earths, stones, and various parts of many different animals. They gain considerable knowledge of their products and freely supply this information to potential customers. As witches and wizards do good as well as evil, so also do native herbalists create good and bad medicines. And, as it is difficult to distinguish between the good and evil intent of these practitioners, so is it also difficult to make easy distinctions between good and bad medicines. There are medicines which have been compounded to cure specific and general diseases. There are also many prophylactic medicines which the men compound to insure their own health and the strength and vigor of their wives and children. ”352- There is also a category of medicines which can be, at times, exceedingly troublesome. Potions compounded to capture the love of a husband will mean the alienation of his affections from his other wives. Such medicines have, on occasion, proved to be poisonous.lna society where there are suspicions that one man's wealth might be gained at the expense of another the use of medicines to get money also proves troublesome. The use of such medicines also symbolizes points of antagonism and frustration which exist in the community. One market day I found Kalu Akinrele vigorously rubbing himself with a solution which he poured from a small calabash: 0.0.: What is that you are using? Kalu: That is filled with medicine for making money. 0.0.: Does it help you? Kalu: I am sure it does. 0.0.: Did your wife use some when she went to market today? Kaluzg It is made only for men. Women do not need it. There is no such medicine for women. I‘ll, ’l' ’.llll {1" ll -353- Notes l A considerably shorter period than the October to January main crop and the May to August light crop discussed by Phillips (196A: 99-106). 2 Picking at nine months might have been the result of the continuing disorders reputed to cause many farmers to stay in the towns, causing a shortage of cassava and, consequently, a rise in the price of cassava. Most farmers claimed that they would prefer to let their cassava stay in the ground for twelve months. 3 This master-apprentice relationship is a reflection of the functioning of the principle of seniority in social relationships. b in the past, fearing thieves and the possible unfaithfulness of wives, the people of the orile have been reluctant to put windows in the rear rooms of their homes. The sanitary inspector's insistence that the window frames be built before any other work is done insures that the farmers will use the frames which have been so expensive to build. CHAPTER XHI MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE Marriage Among the people of the orile the preferred pattern of marriage is polygyny. The only restrictions upon the selection of marriage partners is that the wife be not of her husband's patrilineage. There are no forms of preferred cousin marriage. Although most men would prefer to have many wives investigations of the polygynous status of the 2213; leads to the conclusion that only a small percentage of the men actually attain 1th'335 marital ideal. Table 9 indicates the true polygynous status of the bales of the orile at the time of the study. Our findings indicated that only lh%.of the bales had more than one wife and a mere #270 had more than two wives, while 7.0% of the bales were women. These figures are not really surprising. They complement the data presented in the earlier discussion of the pattern of movement of the wives of the orile (see pagesllo‘ll3. This earlier analysis suggested that a large number of wives do not Stay with their husbands more than one decade. The statistical evidence indicates that, at any one point in time most married men in the orile will have only one wife. However, our interactions, observations, and interviews further indicate that during the course of their lives most men will marry more than once. ~35u- “355- TABLE 9 NUMBER OF WIVES PER BALE (AND FEMALE BALES) Number of Wives Per Bale No. ffi No Wives 29 20.7 One Wife 8A 58.7 Two Wives 1“ 9‘9 Three or More Wives 6 h.2 Female Bales lO 7.0 lO0.0 At the time of our survey many of the men who had only one wife stated that they were currently, and actively, seeking another mate. Of course the large number of men of marriageable age without wives were also seeking mates. Table 8 illustrates that only l3_82;of these wifeless bales were in the 20-29 year age group The major proportion of men in this group have not previously married. All of therOther bales in the wifeless group have been previously married and, with the exception of the men in the BO-lOO group are currently looking for wives. This invidious camparison between the men’s marital ideals and their actual marital experiences must be interpreted in terms of the fact that the majority of the bale; have only recently built their houses. It is assumed that these bglgs are correct when they state that a number of the houses built in the orile were constructed with money which might otherwise have been used for bride payments. There is also the increasing lllllll'l'lll‘lllll' I I .l. ‘356- tendency to use savings to send children to school. A further consideration is that some of the men who represent themselves as wifeless actually have wives in Omida or some other Nigerian town. Household and Marital §£yl§ --The problem of defining the population was discussed in earlier pages of this report (refer to pages 101-105). The subject of household composition was discussed in Chapter VII. These discussions are closely related to the present topic. The people often choose to affiliate themselves with any one of a number of different kinsmen living in different villages and towns. Thus, it is that wives and hquands may live in different houses and, even different-towns. A man normally lives in the houses and on the land of his father or his father's family. He may, through circumstances or through personal option, live in the houses and on the land of his mother's family. The latter is most likely to occur if he is brought up in the houses and on the land of his mother’s family. Like a man, a woman also has membership in her father's and her mother's family. Upon marriage she also can claim membership in her husband's family, establishing for a time a "family of procreation" (Murdock l9h9zl3). The strength of this claim, however, will depend upon such characteristics of her marital career as the birth of children and the social ties which she establishes with her husband's family Relationships based on marriage are seldom as strong as blood relationships. A woman spends her early years in her father's house. By the time she is married she has already attained seniority over the wives and children “357- who enter the house or are born there after she was born. When she enters her husband's house she finds that she is stripped of all her seniority and becomes, in many respects, junior to even the smallest child of the house. The terminology of honorific address discussed on pages l86' 192 is suggestive of the young wife’s plight. Many women do not thrive under such circumstances of status deprivation. They find it difficult to learn the habits of a strange household and to subjugate themselves to their husband's mother and their senior wives. FOr this reason some wives Spend long periods of time in their father's house.1 For economic reasons some women will always remain in their father's house except for periods given over to childbirth. Before marriage a woman may have built up a good trade and may find it difficult to duplicate this success in her husband's house and village. Therefore, she may want to return to her familiar customers and sources of supply. The introduction of a junior wife into the household often frees senior wives of many obligations towards their husbands and husbands' house. Some of these women go to Omida where the economic activity is more brisk. They may live in their husbands' Omida house or their fathers' family's house. There are instances when the acquisition of a second wife permits the senior wife an opportunity to remain in the orile while the junior wife remains with the father-husband on distant bush farms. To the western observer the Egba-Egbado marital style often seems to exclude feelings of sentiment. In this regard Prince has said: ‘There seems to be no romantic element, wives being of value ‘358- as status Symbols and as bearers of children rather than for warmth of relationship (l96lz80A). At the time of menopause many women feel that their responsibilities towards their husbands and their husbands' family have been fulfilled. They will return to their fathers' house where they will assist their elderly fathers and their brothers who, like their own husbands, have lost their wives. In time, as their fathers and mothers die, they might choose to spend their remaining days in their sons' homes, cared for by their sons' wives. Their mothers returned to their father’s house (now their brother's house) to be cared for by their brother's wives and children. Of course, these women might prefer to remain in their husbands' house throughout the remainder of their lives. Some of them have acquired sufficient money, as a result of a lifetime of trading, to build houses for themselves and their young children. That is, they might establish their own household and become, themselves, the "apical head". An additional pull away from the husband and his house occurs when the wives become successful traders. Such wives are financially independent of their husbands; their own families expect them to make large contributions to family ceremonies and enterprises. Thus, a woman has many alternatives and can live in many houses for long and short periods of her life: l- Although married, she may never really leave her father's house- 2- She may go to her husband's house where She may remain with her children even after her husband's death. 3- She may leave' her husband's house to return to her father's house. . Ill-{ill Ill' lllal'. I]!!! III I .l i . «III I .II‘ ‘.I “359- A- She may return to her husband's house to live with her sons where she will receive her sons' support, the services of their wives, and the high status which she was, formerly, denied, but which her seniority now demands, 5- She may become the bale of her own household in which will be found her own children and the wives and children of her sons. Though the figures in Table 9 page 355 are small they must be considered in terms of the high rate of seduction (divorce) and the fact that an undetermined number of mothers, daughters, and wives of the men of thecnfile live hiOmida. Motivations And Obligations The primary purpose of the married relationship is the production of children. The unvarying answer to the question, "Why do people get married?" is,"To have children." Children are a source of social and economic wealth. They help to form an integrating network of social relations between various groups. As parents grow older they also become a source of security and comfort. Finally, they insure proper burial, continuity of the family line, and, therefore, continuing spiritual viability after death. In a society without engines. oxen, horses, and other economical sources of power the load.carrying and workwcapaclty'of‘the head.and hands becomes important to the maintenance and progress of the group. The more children a man has the greater is his potential for wealth and honor. His sons will help him in his farms, permitting him to increase his farmlands, sell more produce. acquire more wives, build more houses, -360- join more associations, and, eventually, to assume a title. When his sons and daughters marry he will be able to make claims of relationship upon a wider group of people. if he is fortunate, his daughers will marry into rich and powerful families. Some of the considerations involved in marital affiliations were revealed in a conversation with Afisatu, a young married girl of lsolo. I met Afisatu helping the widow Kehinde, a female bale of Oke Afin, crack palm nuts. As these women saw me walking by they started to tease me: Afisatu: I like him. I want to marry him. ls he married? Kehinde: But he says that he has need of only one wife- 0.0.: What would you do with me? I already have a wife. Afisatu: We would have many children for you and our children will have many children so that when you die there will be many peOple there at the funeral celebration. There will be a fine gathering and people will enjoy themselves. You will be happy. Kehinde: You will be very proud to have so many people there to celebrate your funeral. 0.0.: But I will be dead. Liow will I enjoy such an occasion? They: But you will know that your children are doing these things for you. You will have done these things for your fathers before you and you will know that your children take you in their arms and do the same for you. You will be pleased and satisfied. 0.0.: Yes. But what good will co-wives be to me when I am alive? That is my interest. They: The same thing. Your name will be known all over the town and down through time. Your children's children, and their children will Speak of you. [Dauda Aina who has been seated across the way comes over ~36]- and elaborates upon what the women have already saidJ Dauda: Your children will spread your name and fame and when you are old they will take care of you and feed you. 0.0.: Yes. But many wives are troublesome. They will always be looking at each other to see if one got more than the other. They will tear me apart. Afisatu: Ah! He knows Kehinde: Not so. They will give you no trouble because you will share everything equally. The woman without co—wives is considered selfish. She is frowned upon because her husband will not have sufficient children to take care of him in his old age and provide him with a good funeral. Afisatu: My husband is looking for one co-wife for me. Then I shall have someone to send on all the errands, someone to go up and down for me [smiles when she thinks of these benefits] I would like many co-wives. This conversation needs little further comment. However, it should be noted that a woman married to a prestigious husband not only receives prestige, but also receives certain benefits from her involvement in a successful polygynous marriage. Women's marital motivations are quite similar to those of the men. A woman wishes the economic and social security which children provide. She anticipates 'he: da.ghte~s' assistance in the market and home and that, as they marry and have children, her grandchildren will be sent to relieve her of the burdensome chores her daughters once performed. She knows that in her old age she will be able to live in her sonS' houses. Her children will bring her comfort and honor. The obligation to have children falls equally upon both husband and wife. A woman's first obligation is to provide her husband with children. She is obliged to be respectful and helpful to members of his family and -362- his other wives. She is expected to maintain good character and take good care of her children. Although a measure of affection may exist between a man and his wife their married relationship does not usually endure if they are unable to create children. It sometimes happens that a coupledus have children who live for a while but eventually die. Such children, "born to die" (m), are also a common cause of marital instability. Thus, the primary motivation for marriage is also the basic cause of separation and divorce. A woman without children is considered a failure and a legitimate object of pity. Her plight will pr0voke family and community prayers. Such a woman is usually unable to maintain the positive regard of her husband and his family. Her relationships with his house will eventually deteriorate. In the course of time she will find another husband. Rarely does the relationship between a childless couple develop to the point that they are able to remain together. The husband will have to marry another woman In a polygynous house the childless wife is a potential threat to her co-wives and their children. It will be concluded that she is jealous and wishes to harm her co-wives and their children. She will be blamed for the illnesses and accidents that occur in the household. She will become the focus of accusations of witchcraft. The importance of children to the stability of marriage can be seen in the story of Atoke, wife of Lamidi Olowu of lfatedo. During a discussion about her marketing activities Atoke revealed some of the difficulties she was experiencing in her desire to sell in Mushin; I cannot go back to Mushin to sell my vegetables or visit -363- until I have a child. I was married to a man there and had three children but they all died. I was married to him for eleven years and he loved me. I left him two years ago although he wanted me to remain there without children. It is not good to live with a man without children. I was the senior wife of two wives. Neither of us had children. Although the public assumption is that the wife is at fault in a child- less marriage, most people admit that the truth will be revealed when each member of the couple remarries- Atoke's experience indicates that her husband was not lucky and that she and her co-wife had to conclude that they would never have any children as long as they remained in his house. Her story indicates that she has not repaid her bride payment and, therefore, legally remains her first husband's wife. He can still make claims upon her, and this is the situation which makes it difficult for her to go to Mushin. He now has no choice but to continue to marry Other women in the hOpe that his luck will change, Atoke's story also illustrates that emotional ties do exist in the marital relationship. A woman may also leave her husband’s house because of his failure to provide proper living quarters, his cruelty, and his inability to provide her with sufficient funds to enable her to continue her trading activities. Despite protestations to the contrary, there are women who become jealous and leave their husbands when they bring a junior wife into the house. Although women usually do form good associations with their co-wives a husband's continuing preferential treatment of one may cause the neglected wife to leave the house. James Adebiyi contributed his ideas about the means a polygynist might apply to keep his wives happy; lEI -36“- By watching my father I learned how to live with many wives. My father had fifty-two wives. I now have three. You must treat them all alike. I call them all together and I give them $2.80 [one pound] and lask that they share' it among themselves. After that I call my senior wife and give her thirty-five cents and say that I give it to her because I love her most of all. When she is gone I call the next wife and do the same, and after that I call the youngest wife and do the same. I tell them all not to tell their co-wives about the extra money lest it cause trouble. That is how I keep them co-Operative, It depends upon how you treat them. You do not want them fighting. You want them playing together. A good wife wants her husband to acquire many wives; she receives imme- diate tangible benefits from the presence of junior wives in the house. Her seniority increases and she is relieved of such onerous household duties as bringing water f'rom the stream, sweeping the area, washing clothes and feeding her husband. Her constant presence in the house is no longwwfi necessary or important as it is when she is the only wife. She becomes freer to pursue her trading activities, and, in time, she might move to her husband's house in lbara Omida or, if She wishes, return to her father's house. Some wives, anxious for the companionship and assistance of a junior wife, actively encourage their husbands to marry other women. These wives seek out a suitable junior wife whom they introduce to their husbands. They may approach either virgins or discontented_married women who wish to leave their own husbands for a more satisfactory alliance. The first wife befriends her prospective co-wife; she determines the candidate's character, possible cost.and her desirability as a junior wife. She then discusses the matter with her husband. It does happen that the senior wife, of a junior wife seduced from her previous husband, accompanies her new co-wife to the divorce courts. The occasion of Moji Oluwasami's father‘s taking a second wlfe- provides an example of some of the arrangements which can occur in the. '365- marrying of secondary wives. My father chose the junior wife but he spoke to my mother about it before he Started talking with that wife. My mother told him that his choice was all right for she was friendly with that woman. My mother went with her friends to visit the wife before the cOurt day. They both wore the same clothing to court. My father sent his junior brother to go with them to court. He did not go himself because he thought that he méght be given a dangerous medicine by the divorced husband. The court ordered my father to Pay $56. In many seductionmdivorce cases a refund of bride payment of $56 may be considered high. in this instance the woman was quite young and had not yet given birth Her youth was the reason for the high payment. The failure of her husband to provide her with children was the reason for her leaving his home. Traditionajmyarriage In the old days and, in rare instances even today, some fathers choose their son S first wife. This practice is ra‘ldly changing and most young men tell their fathers whom they will marry. A traditional custom which has more contemporary support is the fathers' wish to acquire wives for their sons. Raji Jibowu is an elder of ldofin. Although he has had three wires he is also one of the men who. during the period of our stay in the orile, had no wife. He has been thinking of another marriage, but n0w finds that he must delay this in order to obtain a wife for his son. He explains this fatherly concern; My son has seen a girl over there in Oke Afin. He wants to marry her. He has courted her for three months already. l must get him this wife so that he will remain in the house and continue to help me with the farm chores. if ! do not get her for him he will go away. I would be without help. “366- Raji’s desire to keep his eldest son in his house reveals only one aspect of a father's motivation for getting a wife for his son. If he is able to keep his son in his house he will be assured of care in his old age and a proper burial when he dies. The elders of the orile complain that their children are marrying much earlier these days than in the past. They say that boys used to marry when they were thirty years old and girls when they were about twenty-five. But today girls are marrying at Sixteen years and- boys at twentynfive. Mabogunje supports this contention: In the social field, the effects of the colonial regime were no less potent. Before the 20th century a young man had to work for his father until he was about thirty years old. By then, he might perhaps be economically strong enough to set out on his own. In the meantime, however, his father provided him with a wife when he was old enough to have one and also allotuxlto»him rooms within the large compound to house him and his wife. [j962zli] Most young men will know the young lady they wish to marry and will have made advances toward her before notifying their fathers of their intentions. The prospective bride is expected to have good character and to be unrelated to her future husbands lineages. Once the boy has made father will send (0 these determinations he will speak to his father. Th a matchmaker (212;;39) to visit and talk with the prOSpective bridels family. The glaring is often a male member of the suitorls family or, occasionally, Some respected experienced elder of the community, it is most desirable that the alangg, have some familiarity, and possibly a friendly relationship wfth the bride’s family. Such a person will be more easily accepted for he will be judged to have both families5 interests at heart. When the glaringls mission takes him to a distant -367- bush hamlet or a small township of Abeokuta his identity, established and accepted, will make his mission more successful. It is during the meetings betweeen the alarino and the girl's family that the rules of the marriage and the amount of the bride payment are established. At this time the true identities and character of the participating families are established. The possibility of pre-existing interfamily disputes are studied and resolved, As these arrangements, progress the amount and manner of payment of the brideprice are discussed and .fixed; consultations through lfa divination, are sought to insure the potential compatibility of the marital partners. After a previously established portion of the dowry has been paid the young man may visit the girl and stay overnight in her house During this period, depending on the girlis age and their mutual desire, the couple may or may not have sexual intercourse.3 One aSpect of this intercourse in the girl‘s family 5 house is the wish to determine whether she is fertile. in time, it is expected that the young man will take his bride to his house. There is considerable variation in the elaborateness and timihg of the different phases of the marriage formalities. in some cases all of the payments might have teen made years before the girl is considered old enough to go to her hustand 5 home. in other instances all payments wlil .be rapidly made and the girl taken to her husband 5 home within a month after the time of the first negotiations. Still some payments are completed but the girlis removal to her husband's house is delayed because the husband has not accumulated sufficient money for the welcome ceremonies. 'c v1 LIE -368- Anytime after the final bride payments have been made the man can gather tOgether some friends and go to collect his bride. The bride is taken to her husband's house where the wives of the house have prepared a feast. These women greet the young bride and make her welcome. The men sit about drinking, eating and entertaining friends while the young girls of the community and the bride sit together and sing through the night. On the next morning the wives of the house and the bride dress in their best clothes. They take brooms and some treasured china and they start to visit each house in the village. At each door they go through the motions of sweeping the fronts of the houseg then their leader, the oldest of the c0wwives present, knocks on the door. The occupants of the house usually give the leader a few pence which is deposited in the china teapot which is carried on the head of one of the groupe Each house is visited in this manner. The new bride accompanies her co=wives, but periodically stOps to change her clothes so that she might appear in all the clothing lent to her by her c0swives as part of their display of c0woperatioo and solidarity. This “sweeping of the town” ritual is reserved for a woman s first marriage. Abeke. the leader of one of these processions explains the procedures; Her c0mwi¢es honor her by giving her these clothes so that she can change. She will use these clothes for fifteen days At that time she can return to her father 5 house to greet her parents and get her clothes. She may greet her parents today as we go about the town, but she cannot enter their house for fifteen days. Youknow she belonged to us [i e. the bride payments had been completed] but we did not take her until we were ready. The arrangements were made some five years ago Yesterday we took her [when she came to greet her husband 5 sister on the occa» sion of the latter 5 freedom ceremony]. -369- This money that l collect at each door is to let the peOple know that there is a new bride in the village. if we were in Abeokuta we would just go to the houses in our section [Omida]. I shall put money in these saucers and it will be counted and kept by the most senior wife of us all. When the young wife delivers she will get the money. Also her husband may borrow it. There is considerable variation within the category which the people call traditional marriage. Much of this variation is due to differing family traditions, the results of ifa divination? and the influences of the wider cultural, social, economic and religious national context in which the peOple of the orile participate. The question of who shall choose the first wife is suggestive of some of these changes. Nowadays young men prefer to make these decisions for themselves. They display a fine appreciation for beauty in women,but for marriage the important consideration is character. The following discussion with some of the men illustrates that, for them, the essence of beauty is always in “good character“. it will be noted that as the conversation progresses the men get more serious and begin to think of the subject in terms of the type of character they expect in their wives. 0.0.: Do Yoruba men think more about women being teautiful or about their character? The men: Laughteq Bolaji: We look for beauty and not cha'acteg We marry for the beauty and find Out about the character when we take the girl home. 0;0.: How can I tell a beautiful girl from one who is not so beautiful? Bolaji and friends: We do not look for just the arms. legs,and face‘ We '370- B 8 Friends cont.: look at the whole person to see if she is complete like the toes do not overlap. 0.0.: Would you all agree that a particular type of girl is beautiful or do you think that you might have different ideas? The men: When we see a lady going along we might ask if she is fine. If the others think that she is fine they will look at her from head to toe and if nothing is wrong all will say so. Raji: if they see only good, they will go to her house and ask for her. If her character is good then she is good, but if her character is bad then she is not beautiful. If I see a girl and I say she is beautiful and another man says she is not beautiful then he knows her character. 0.0.: What could she be doing that would cause him to say this? The men: When you see a beautiful girl and her toes do not overlap there remains character. You go to the girl's house and ask about her character. Her parents must say her charac- ter is good. Then you must go to the people and if her character is not good they may say that she goes out with men, steals, uses abusive language, lies,and acts trouble- some. If you know these things you know she will not be faithful. She will insult your friends, refuse to serve and abuse them. Dauda Aina was much more direct in his evaluations of female qualities: it is not beauty alone. Family is important. We hOpe that the girl will copy the character of her parents. We marry character and not beauty How beautiful a girl may be is not important. it is charac- ter. The constant theme ofi and variations in.the traditional marriage pattern can be best appreciated through consideration of how the people of the orile actually construct their marital relationships. Simon Adeola speaks of traditional marriage in terms of the general configura- tion of the devel0ping relationships and the function of bride payments and gifts in the legitimization of the marriage: '37l- If a man befriends a girl he may visit the girl and pass the night with her. If the girl is immature he will not sleep with her, but if she is mature he may or may not be haying intercourse with her. He will probably be bringing her gifts all this time. He must pay her brideprice before removing her from her home to his. She may have a baby in her-father's home. This will stimu- late him to take her to his home. If he does not pay the bride price the father may send his daughter and her child to the man's house. She is considered a free gift. Since the bride price is not given the 5913 is not passed among all the members of her family on both her mother's and father's sides. Thus her mother's and father's families can not recognize the marriage and the wife and the husband can say nothing in the councils of the wife's family. They will say to the the couple; 'Who are you to speak? I have not seen your kola.‘ The wife will be shamed. ‘ If the wife runs to the husband out of love he will probably pay the bride price to keep her from being shamed. In the old days there was not as much running away to get married as there is today. In these sentences Simon confirms that marriages are considered to be the establishment of new relationships between two families. The kola is a symbol of the new alliance. In these days of rapid social change it sometimes happens that a man will admit to fathering a child but will not take any reSponsibility for him. Dauda Aina Speaks of such a case and in doing so, again demonstrates that the child is always considered a member of his father's family: Things are changing and so are the youngsters. Girls are deliver- ing at fourteen years old. In this village there is a schoolgirl who delivered and lives with her parents. The father was working for the government here as a roadworker. He does not visit but his parents visit because they have feelings of reSponsibility. A man's thing can hot become two and then be angry about it. John Akonji, Jimo Akinsgmq and Peter ngdele Spoke about their marriage experiences in some detail, providing an Opportunity to compare and contrast their varying experiences: John: Whenever a man or boy wishes to marry a girl it might be difficult to do so in the same town for some person might ~372~ challenge them that they are related. When we leave our town for another then we may be married and have a child if they later say there is a relationship between the husband and wife nothing can be done. When a man comes across a girl in whom he has much pleasure he will tell her that he will choose her to be his future wife. if she agrees to this then in her reply she will say that she will think about it. On the third day or fourth day the man asks her again. She may reply that she is still thinking about it. In a months time she may give a better reply Then he will start giving her some money; maybe thirty-five cents or sixty cents, depending upon his riches. He does this so that she may have his love i: mind. i call this the money for private discussion lQflQJiE§.SOFO/ for such a matter is still private. By doing this if the girl is not teasing or deceiving the man she will tell him to come to her house three or four months later She will introduce him to her parents, family. and relatives. After doing this the girl herself may be anxious to be going to the man 5 house. After_this the mag has to pay a certain amount galled money for father‘s ear /owo baba gbo/ and money for mother's ear [Egg iya gbg/ and some money for the gift which may be called money For marriage of wife ,__/ 0W2 its 121239. The wife may keep her money but the father must distribute his money among all his relatives and the mother must distribute her money among all her relatives Not all peOple have the matchmaker, but if they seek one they ask a relative. As for the money that is distributed even a small boy must get out of it. This happened to me once but if I was to say my relationship to the woman who got married i would just say the father of the daughter, the father of the daughter and so on like that. Jimo Akinsomo tells a similar story but uses different terminology and is more explicit about the payments: First the boy asks the girl to marry him#‘ When she agrees he must give the girl the first dowry $30 [gfigfg/ That money may be given to her the first time he asks her or after he has asked her three times if she accepts he can then go to her house any time to salute her and he can have intercourse with her. She is in her house at this time and she cannot go to his house. Then he will tell his father. Until he tells his father, the latter does not know that his son has a wife The husband 5 father will send the glaring to the girl 5 house to find out who she is. Then the fathers will meet She will not come to her husband's father 5 house. She will be ashamed. The '373‘ husband's father will buy kola, pepper, sweets, two schnapps, orogbo [bitter kolaland also give $30 which is called lyagbngabang: The girl's mother gets half for her family and the father gets half for his family. The alarino gets $l.h0. ...—.1. Yet the wife is ashamed and will not go to her husband's house. After lyagbg and Babagbg she must get $3 everytimeihe goes to her house. He must go to her house at least two times a mohth This money is given for the food and drink he receives. This is the money for speaking Iowo iba 5953;]. Then he tells his father that he wants to bring her to his house. The final preparations are made for bringing her to my house.[At this point Jimg started using the first person and the possessive pronouns, suggesting that this entire description is of his own marriage]. Some money of about $15 was sent to her house. The final money [gwg erul was paid when I went to get her. Then my mother and father will know my wife. She will no longer be ashamed. Jimo has most probably mixed up the earlier sequence of the events he describes, for it is highly unlikely that during such formal marriage arrangements he would have had intercourse with his propective wife before the visit of the alarino. Peter Qmodele's story follows: I chose my wife. i met her and l Spoke to her. l knew her a long time before I married her. When I told my father he sent a relation as alaring to the parents of my wife. They all agreed and they asked her if she wanted me. She agreed. Today if a man enters the village of the wife he must pay $49 to the oracle for advice on the goodness of the marriage. He must pay $28 the first time he talks to the wife and the wife agrees. The parents of the wife and the wife agree The wife3 5 parents must get three schnapps, ho orogbo, 40 kola [obi abata], ho kola |ope gbania] 40 pepe, 8 bottles and $70 for my parents. Every time i went to her village i had to bring a loaf of bread to distributE. The difference between the marital experiencesiof these three men only suggeststhe many variations in the procedure and price of a tradiw tional marriage. Subidatu Akande, wife of Laitfi Akande, of ldofiin spoke of the peculiarities of her wedding and permitted us a view of '37“- the female side of these arrangements: The man and woman probably will have met before. The man ' sends the alarino to the woman he wants to marry three times. This alarino will be asking questions about the character of the girl and what she does for a living He will also ask about her family. The woman will not send anyone to the man's house to ask about his character. She will go into his area and ask about him. These are things she would want to do herself. When the man is satisfied ab0ut the woman's character and vice versa she will invite him to her house. The parents will ask the man if he has seen the girl and he vill say yes. Then the parents will agree to the marriage. The man gives $28 to the wife in the presence of her parents. But before this money is given the wife goes to the priest and asks if she should marry the man. This priest could be lfa, Muslim90r Anglican. The priest will tell the woman what to do as an offering- Some priests may ask for a cock, bitter kola, or palm oil. The husband has already given the Slh for the sacrifice. He has also given 8 bitter kola and 8 regular kola, one schnapps, and one bottle of honey- The kola and honey are divided into two parts. One fm‘her father's family and one for her mother's. Then the husband comes every two weeks if he lives nearby. But if he does not live nearby he comes every month’s end. When he does come he gives her about $3 and some presents. He comes to play and eat with the family. He spends the night and leaves the next day. He does not sleep with the girl. He comes until the girl is of age and ready to go to his house. Subidatu's comments correspond, in general, with much of the other evidence collected However, it might be noticed that the money,gifts and kola do not seem similar to the usual d0wry. This probably reflects a woman s tendency to deprefiate her bride price; a defensive strategy utilized in the event of divorce. The amount of money a man may eventually Spend before he brings his wife to his house varies considerably. The money Spent for divina~ tion as to the prOpriety of the marriage, the owghp, the owg iba sprp, presents to the wife and her family during courtship. the owogbo payments, ”375- payment to the alarino, the costs of schnapps, gin, 22233 etc., are all variable expenses; the amount Spent depending on the prestige of the husband, of the girl, and the type of marriage; Christians claim to pay less. In the three divorce cases I witnessed the husbands claimed to Spend as much as $lh0 for their wives, the assessors tended to calculate the costs at about $70 and to assess the wife about $35 for her freedom. According to her own reports Subidatu Akande's husband must have spent at least $65 for her. As noted above she has probably given very con- servative estimates of her costs to her husband. She has not said how often he visited her during the courtship or how much the spent for her reception at the time she came to his house. Levirate.m.Traditionally, a marriage involving the payment of bride prices is as much a marriage between two families as it is between two people. if the Wife is still of child bearing age at the time of her husband's death a younger brother of the deceased mayinherit her. If the woman prefers to return to her family or to marry someone other than a member of the deceased husband's family she must pay back the bride price. Muslim Marriage.n.Muslim marriages are not much different from the traditional marriage. There are usually some prayers said by the Alpha at the time the wufe comes to her husband's house and the Muslim diviner, rather than the lfa priest, is consulted during the initial stages of the wedding arrangements. -376- Christian Marriages-u- There were no Ehristian marriages in the orile during the period of field study_ My informants described Christian marriages as somewhat similar to traditional marriages7with the addition.of Bible readings in the church. They did not mention the ring ceremonies and visits to the town clerk which are reputed to be a usual part of Crristian marriage in Abeokuta and Lagos. Ejide 5§2££L23"'lt does happen that after the boy and girl have accepted each other and some of the initial arrangements and payments have been maie the boy finds himself financially insolvent_ he might then meet the girl in the market or on the road and take her by force. in such circumstances the girl feels ashamed and wishes to go back to her father s house. AlthOugh she might prefer to stay with her husband it wOuld be shameful to do so because all the b -de payments have not been made. The boy 5 family will try to give her a little money to placate her and keep her in the house. if the girl is adamant she will escape or be sent back to her father 5 house. The girl"s father will call the police if he believes his daughter is being kept by force. in those instances when bride capture fails the boy s family lends him the money so that he can quickly retrieve his wife éeduction-m-Although most men attempt to marry their first wives in the traditional manner. the most pOpular means of acquiring seconn dary wives is by seduction. Marriage by seduction can only occur (formally) if a wife divorces her original husband. Without divorce, which consists of returning an agreed on pO'tiOn of the bride price, the relationship is considered concubinage ”377‘ Before the wife leaves her husband 5 house it is usual that they have both discussed their problems with the elders of their respective families. These elders attempt to ameliorate the situation and reduce the causes of marital discord. They advise the couple about proper behavior and consult the babalawo_ it is possible that the acting bale, or some of the chiefs in Omida may also have been asked to adjudicate the matter. When these efforts have failed and the wife remains unsati5n fied she beings to look for another mate. By this time members of her family. her friends, or a man looking for a wife will hare become aware of her plight and will be instrumental in helping her to deveIOp a new alliance. in other instances. as in the case of Atoke Olowu? the woman will just disappear from her husband 5 house. Men do not usually sue for divorce. Such behavior is unprofitable. Their wives claim to be destitute and their wives: families usually prefer to counsel patience and seek cures rather than to return the bride payments Occasionally a man dismisses his wife because of the discord he feels she creates in his home PromiSCuous women, argumenta~ tive womengand women suspected of witchcraft will all be sent away Men do not usually send childless women away. They simply marry Other women. (hildless women eventually make their own decisions to leave their husbands5 houses. A woman who wishes to remarry must sue for divorce and return a portion of the original bride price to the aggrieved husband. She does not usually have the money and it is often difficult for the family to obtain the necessary funds to release their daughter. The family 5 '378- money is frequently committed to marrying off a son or building a house. Without the refund of the bride payment the wife may only go to another man's house as a concubine. The wife must find her own solution. This is usually to find a suitor.seducer who has the money and the in- clination to pay for his future wife's freedom. It is her prospective husband who must absorb the financial responsibility for her divorce. In so doing he,in effect,marries her. John Akonji warns against too early and indiscreet Spending of the bride payments: They may do as they like with that money, but if they are wise they must keep that money for some time before using it because any sort of misunderstanding may occur after the marriage. it may happen that the wife may have to leave the husband very soon after going there. If she is not so fortunate to get a husband who can refund the dowry to the first husband the wife has to remain until she pays back the dowry to the husband. It is by then she can leave the husband. But if the girl and her parents have nOt Spent their amount the wife can easily leave the husband without getting.another man to marry. The seducer supplies the money for a woman's divorce, however, it is she who must take the matter to the courts. It is her duty to make the husband she is divorCIng appear so villainous that the Judge and his assessors will both agree to the divorce and considerably reduce the bride payment refund. The prospective husband seldom accompanies his wife to court. It would put the wife in a bad light and be considered proof of her bad character. Although he is probably well known, the prOSpective husband also wishes to keep his identity secret. He does not wish to engage in disputes with the aggrieved husband‘s family, and he is afraid of being '379- poisoned. in the early stages of a childless marriage divorce can occur simply and amicably on mutual agreement of the participating families and a return of the bride price, As in other types of diSputes, if there is difficulty in the divorce proceedings the matter is referred to the elders or chiefs in Abeokuta. A difficult divorce suit is heard in the Olubarais court. if at this high level the divorce remains unsettied the matter will eventually be decided in one of the legally constituted courts; Of course, some people prefer to short circuit the traiitional courts and go to these immediately. The first thing the judges will wish to do is to establish whether the marriage can be saved. In so doing they also learn something of the problems which resulted in the family discord, if they conclude that divorce is inevitable they must then ascertain how much the husband actually Spent during the tourtship of his wife. it is here that the payments of iyaghg_and 9292999 once again become important. Members of each family will be present to testify how much was giren and h0w much received during the several marriage rituals. ihe alaring will also testify to the amounts given and the characteristics of the marriage agreements which he helped to formulate. The judges will then assess the wife and make their judgment as to how much of the marriage payments she should return to the husband. Their judgment will include estimates of how much was paid initially less considerations based on the validity of the wife s case against her husband, the number of years she lived with him,and the number of children she bore for him in most instances the wife must refund at -380- least half of the amount of the original bride payments, for the court will know that her new husband has given her at least this much to secure her freedom. Two—thirds of this amount will go to the divorced man while one-third will go to the court. A woman who is properly divorced will be respected and will receive no invidious treatment when she comes to her second husband’s home. She is received in the house as a woman of good character. it is assumed that she had a valid reason for leaving her husband. ln going from one husband to the next a woman actively seeks an oppor- tunity to better her condition. She is, in effect. trying her luck. She will look for a husband who has the reSpect of the community, who is rich and who can give her children. Peter ngdele is such a man. He is about seventwaive years old and has been married several times. His first wife is living in his house in lbara Omida. when I f rst arrived in the orile Peter was seeking young wife who would bear himetrr children and help to care for him during his stay in the orile. By “seduction” he soon acquired a young woman who came to his house acco~pansed b; her two year old daughter. This woman was quiet, hard workinq. and very courteous. She welcomed her husband s guests graciously and followed her husband 5 directions faithfully. She was, in all respects, a proper wife Approximately a month after she came to the orile Peter Qmodele asked me to accompany him to one of the housesin the orile; We entered the house and found quite a few women, including Peter s new wife, seated around the floor talking. Peter knelt to one of these women and greeted her. He then passed through the room and led me into one of the smaller bedrooms where we sat quietly for a few minutes. He then got up and led me through -38]- the outer room again, bowing to the same woman as we left the house. he asked his wife to follow him in the next few minutes. 0.0.: What was that all about and why did you bow to that woman? Peter: That is the mother of my new wife. She was passing on a lorry and heard that the new husband of her daughter lived here. She got down off that lorry so that she could see who i was. i urged her to stay in the house with me but she said she had family here. I had to go there to show everybody that i was not stubborn. When i speak to my wife we shall decide how much I shall give to her mother. it will be about sixty cents. if she takes it. .good. if not ..oh well. l got that woman because l am a responsible man. There was much unhappiness in her husband s house. There was much hunger. Peter had proved himself to be a man of some wealth. His ability to have children was already well known- He had saved the new wife from a miserable situation and his reputation was considerably enhanced when he appeared before his wifeis mother bringing me with him. The fact that l accompanied him on his visit to his wifeis mother must have been impressive to the extent that he could validly reduce the gift to a token gesture of sixty cents. Sikiru Abina, of lfatedo, is an elderly man who married Aduke, a woman some forty years his junior, They now have a fourteen year old child. Since the birth of the child, Aduke has not slept with her husband. Their marital career illustrates some additional peculiarities of marriage, separation and divo-ce it illustrates the intermixture of family desires as well as those of individuals. And finally, it points up the richness, variety and freedom of choice which characterize the marital habits of the people. -382- My wife is Vetunde. She is now living in her fatheris house in Isolo. l courted her when l was very young We were married in I920 by traditional marriage. She left me in 1931. My second wife came to me in I929 and left me in l9h5. With these wives l had eighteen children. All 223k€- I tried everything. I went to diviners and elders and native doctors. Yetunde left me in l93]. She paid back her bride price at that time. Morenike left in 1945 and paid me back much of the bride price. Since that time she has been trying to come back but I will not let her. She has had several husbands but no children. Wives without children must leave to try another place- Since she left me Yetunde has also had many husbands but no children. All her other husbands were my juniors but she is known as my wife. People did not know her with those husbands. She will come to visit me here and i shall go to eat from her pot over there in her fatheris house. She calls me bamamj and i call her iyawo1gj. She sends me things amd I eat heals there. She does this because it is our tradition. We labored together for these children and if she or i die perhaps we shall meet in heaven. in telling this storv Sikiru sneaks of the sentiments which can devel0p in the marital relationship He also indicated that during the time of Efilhfl he was living in his wife 5 house. This seemed strange because such behavior is considered taboo. A man who lives in ris wife 5 house is considered shameless Sikiru, himself. indicated that this might have caused his troubles because it was only after he left ris wifeis house and Omida that his sony now fourteen years old. was born A woman may also dissociate herself from her husband without seeking a dijorce. Although she may maintain this separate state for many years she will still be considered married to her husband. if she had many children or if she has passed menopause she will ordinarily think of herself as “retired" Samuel Olabeji tells of the retirement of his mother from his father’s house: ~383- My mother and father started to argue. What caused these arguments is unknown to me. According to what was said when their relatives tried to settle the arguments i understand that they were both very hot tempered My mother left my father because she felt that her.children were old enough to maintain themselves and that she was too old to have any more children and nurse new babies. Therefore, she wanted to retire. She also had regular quarrels with her co~wife. My father always seemed to take the other wife’s side. My mother then determined to live in her father 5 house until her child (fien=can erect a build ng for her or until she can do it hetself. _§eyual Relations As the various phases of the marriage ritual are successfully completed anat providing the girl is of age? the man may have intercourse with his prOSpective wife. The decision is left to the couple.5 Today when the man makes decisions about the initial contacts with his future mate he has a reasonably good idea if the girl is a zirgin. if the girl is a virgin she is expected to ask for a sum of money (gwo Lbale) before he has intercourse with her. if she is not a virgin she can not ask for this money. If her husband expects her to be a virgin and she has asked for the money she is expected to place a white cloth on the bridal bed so that the husband may have eyijence of her preyi0usly virginal condition. Specifications of virginity in the tfide are most likely when the husband‘s family has contributed to the bride payments. in this event the honnn of both families becomes heavily engaged and the proof of the bloodstained sheet is a more serious and public concern, Until the time of the first pregnancy it is expected that she will sleep in the same room as her husband. After she becomes pregnant she will expect her husband to provide her with her own room There are a variety of Opinions about intercourse during pregnancy Some people -38h- consider it permissible, others say it is forbidden. There is more general agreement that, after childbirth, at least two years must elapse before sexual intercourse can again occur_ This abstinence is in accordance with the belief that the mother s indulgence in sexual intercourse before the child is two years old, the time the mother begins to wean the child, will be a serious threat to the childis health. Such behavior is considered an abuse of the child who is still at its motheris breast. Abiku is often attributed to the premature performance of the sex act. This two year abstinence from sexual contact with his wife is a direct threat to the husband’s desire to have many children. it is also the time he begins to consider acquiring a second wife When a second wife enters the house it is eXpected that the husband Will cohabit with her until she is impregnated The husband 5 prinary sexual responsibility toward his wives consists of providing them with children. Therefore. wives do not compete for their husband 5 sexual favors as much as they compete for their rights to have chilfren .mmetx. Among the people of the orile there is no single point in time at which the couple makes a transition from an unmarried state to a married state. The marriage process is gradual. Over a period of time the married woman establishes her identity and position ither husbandis house, in the early days of her marriage her role is that of child bearer and housekeeper, Her relationship is primarily to her husband. She has? however. a strong obligation to broaden her resgonsvbilities -385- and social linkages. She must accord respect and assistance to the elders of the house. In time she begins to engage in more economic market-oriented activi- ties. Her success in these actiVIties means that she can assume more of the financial responsibilities for.herself and her children. Her husband, his family, and her own will look Upon her with increasing favor. A woman may obtain such success in her marriage deSpite the fact that she does not remain in her husband's house. As long as she does not seek divorce (i.e. return of her dowry) or does not enter anothers man's house {i.e. engage in promiscuous behavior) she can maintain her position in her husband's house. Finally, despite a divorce, if she has had a child by her husband and this child has survived, she can always make some claim upon her husband's family. Even though antagonism exists between her and her former husband she can always enter his house. She has a right to visit her son and participate in such occasions as his freedom ceremony, his wedding festival, naming ceremonies for his children, and if she survives him, his funeral ceremonies. -386- NOTES lOkediji and Okediji (l966:l52) believe that, ”The traditional lineage structure has been breaking down with the consequent loss of its authority over its family units. This has been brought about by‘ the supercession of the interests in the latter over the mutual security function of the former within a rapidly growing market system.” They find that the formerly strong kinship ties erode before the growth of the industrial and economic units. 2The fact that married women continue to live with their own kin has been noted in other West African groups. Fortes (1949:77) in his discussions of the Ashanti notes that ”.. during the first two or three years of wifehood the great majority of young wives continue to reside with their own kin. Young and inexperienced, they clinsto their mothers. As they advance in maturity the pull of conjugal ties increases and reaches its maximum at the peak of the Child bearing years.” Some unscrupulous girls take the gwg iba sorg and then refuse to continue the relationship. One of the men of the village complained that this had happened to him several times. “Okediji and Okediji {19662152} have found that in ibadan township lOS cases (of the ll2 in their sample} of divorce were initiated by women. in an attempt to reinforce their findings they studied 708 divorce cases which were brought before the Grade B Customary Courts between June and August, l965. Of these 708 cases 6A6 were initiated by women. The men divorced their wives because of adultery on the letters1 part. The Okedijis believe that the women seeking divorce is a new trend due to female reSponses to the general socio~economic and value changes in their environment. SWard (19382ll) notes that, ”As a rule a Yoruba who has not yet been formally married, but who is about to take a girl in wedlock has already cohabited with her. Usually the same holds true for the man who has only one or two wives. But the polvgynist of standing, far from having had sexual relations with his betrothed, sometimes may not even have met her,” CHADTER lX THE WOMEN OF THE HOUSE The Dailyfigitines A woman is related to the household in which she lives either by bdood or marriage. in either :ategory she is expected to perform a part of those activities requisite to maintain a respectable and orderly hcuse- hold. Women in any one of these categories also participate, individually and collectively, in satisfying the needs of the males of the hcuse. in their roles as housekeepers the women of the house usually rise about 6:00 cr 6:30 Agm, and immediately engage in su;h atfivities as cleaning the house and sweeping the area arand the hOuse- At this hour they are frequently seen walking about the crile colleczing the animal dung wh ch is an Emportant ingredient cf the solutions they use to eliminate insect infestations and harden the laterite walls and floors of their homes. By 7:00 A.M. the women have made the first of Se.eral trips to the river to obtain water for :ookang and washing. The scheduling cf such other household chores as feeding the children, wash ng :loihes, and preparing meals aretkrermnned by the pa'iicular fccd processing and trading activities in which the women of the hodse are engaged. Their day is not broken by prescheduled family meal periods. The men of the house eat sone of the food left over from the preyicus day or break their fast with a bi‘ 9:.E9i92 a banana, or sone other morsel which -387- -388- they find on their farms. A great variety of hot prepared food can be cheaply purchased and eaten in the market place or brought home to supplement the remains of a meal cooked at some earlier time. Once processed, the popular foods of £22 and g§£i_need only mixing with hot water. They are eaten with meat, fish, and vegetable soups. Meals of this type can be stored for more than twenty-four hours without fear of spoilage. The women of the orile participate in a wide range of activities which are vital to the familial and economic life of the community. Many of their aetivities are debilitating. They are the carriers of the society. They carry the children both in pregnancy and in infancy. They transport the produce from the farm to the market. They bring the water from the rivers and the firewood from the bush,and they haul the sand, laterite, and water for housebuilding. They seem to live their lives apart from, yet parallel to, their men. They eat, work, and socialize apart from their men. male-female interactions are limited to buying and selling exchanges, sexual intercourse, information and order giving and taking, and the discussions at family meetings. Even when they attend festivals and ceremonials they tend to play apart, but parallel, to each other. Much of the work of the women seems harsh and unrewarding. Yet, through their control of the marketing system, mOSt of the people have come to agree that the women control a good portion, if not most of the wealth of the orile. Although they engage in many activities, the occupations most peculiar to the women are food producing and trading. -389- This is not to say that such roles as mOther and hOmemaker are deprecated. They are important. The successful performance of these roles insures women respect in their community and a haven in their old age. In considering the women‘s roles it is not possible to Speak of a housewifegrole except as it is a residual of the more important mothering role. it has been shown that a woman can be a mother without being a housewife. hat, in fact, wives and mothers can, and do, live with their fathers, their brothers, or more distant relatives of their fathers' and mothers' lineages, leaving their hcsbands' care to junior w res, husbands' sisters, and husbands' mothers. Husbands may even be left to fend for themselves {see pages 356-359). The activity wf.ch permeates all phases of most women s lives is trading. The trad.pg orientation of these women is so all-encompassing that most of their activities, including food processing, a'e associated with the market. From the time they are able to walk until the day they die they will be engaged, in one way or another, in marketing activities, most particularly, trading. As young boys learn farming ttrcqgh apprenticeship and mimicry of their fatheris activities, so it is that young girls learn trading through apprenticeship and mimicry of the r mothers or their mother surrogates. As daugtters grow older they may be sen: to lite with some other female relative who will teach them trading skills or the secrets of some craft. Sometimes, as in the case of Peter Qmodele 5 daughter (see pages 299~300) a contract 2 is made such that the child might be sent to a distant town to live and work with a successful and reSponsible '390- trader or craftswoman. Unlike the farmers who wish to see thein sons obtain less Fatiguing, more rewarding, work, most women feel that trading is a highly desirable and rewarding activity for themselves and their daughters. The daughters soon learn to participate in this high evaluation of trading and quickly learn the subtleties of survival in the market place, At first the young girls merely sit around and watch their mother's performances- Occasionally they try to balance some object on their heads, preparing for the day when they, too, can begin to participate in carrying headloads. As they grow older the little girls are left to care for their mothers' market standsfor short periods of time° By the time they are four or five years old they may try their luck at hawking petty goods and cooked foods about the village, At first they do this for their mothers but, very soon, the more ambitious of these children will have invested their own money in a couple of products which they sell along with their mothers' items, As these girls grow stronger they begin to help in carrying loads of foodstuffs from the farms to the central processing and storage areas located in and about the village. lncreasingly, they become involved in the processing of the wide variety of foods:uf‘s which are important to the economic activity of the market place, The women of the orile process muzh of the 2933212: palm tree products, and corn grown by their husoands, fathers, and sons, These foods are dest.ned for the r own household use, They also purchase and process large quantities of Lassagg, palm tree produitg and co'n which '39l- they eventually sell in the market place. Food Processing The popular foods of 3211 and 21229 are two of the possible end products of cassava processing. Palm oil, palm kernels, iii: and 23232 are the end products of palm nut production, while corn is made into such food products as £31 and 259. Many of these end products are more easily shipped to the urban centers than the raw products from which they are obtained. Equally important is the fact that village processing provides opportunities for employment, higher cash returns for the raw products the women purchase from the farmers, and control of the market system. As the raw products 90 through various processing and cooking stages name changes occur to correSpond to the varying changes in the character and texture of the products. One of the women at the cassava mill Spoke of these changes: You see rice does not change when it is cooked so we do not change its name. When cassava e ]e, 235]] is processed it will not be cassava again. It wi lbe‘ggrl or glgbg When it is cooked it will not be 3311 or glgbg again, it will be eba or amala. Yams nsu u] are called Iyan after they are cooked and pounded and, according to what you do with it. Corn [agbado] can become ogi or 252' .Elgbg.-1§lgbp is the flour which is the end product of yam processing. The people process cassava in a similar manner to obtain cassava glgbg_which is more properly called 131g. To obtain this the tuber, whether yam or cassava, is peeled, placed in large pots and allowed to soak for several days. It is then pounded into shreds and Spread out to dry in the sun. -392... The dry straw-like substance is then pounded further into a powder which is milled and sifted. The resulting eIubQ (lard) is mixed and cooked with water to form a ood called amala. .EELL"i§2£l is the result of another type of EEEEEXE processing. To obtain ggii_the cassava is first peeled and then grated. it is then put in native woven bags and tied. The bags are placed in a press of large laterite rocks. The rocks press the fluid out of the cassava for three or four days. When the cassava has been drained enough so that it can be touched without its sticking to the fingers it is placed in a large, wide, shallow basin which has been treated with a little palm oil. The cassava is fried in this basin. During the frying process the cassava is constantly moved about. it is criSp and has a dry fried taste. £311) mixed and cooked with hot water forms the food called 233. Qgi,--4gi_is a processed corn product. The kernels are separated from the husk and soaked for three days. They are then washed and milled. The milled product is mixed with water and filtered so that the chaff separates from the finer particles of corn. The chaff [251] is fed to animals. The remaining product is then mixed with water. it can then be filtered out of the water or allowed to collect, through sedimentation; the excess water is poured off. The sediment is the 931 and the residual fluids are discarded though many peOple enjoy the lime-like taste of this fluid. Palm Kernel Processing.--The processing of palm kernels is quite '393- complicated and requires a higher level of organization and more complex patterns of cooperation than is necessary in the processing of cassava and yam. The many by-products of palm nut processing means a wider array of workers and traders will be involved in the production and distribution of the various palm products. The fibrous pericarp of the palm nut is impregnated with oil. A combination of boiling and pounding is used to extract the oil from the fibrous pericarp. Laborers take the bunches of the palm fruit from the palm trees. These fruits are allowed to dry for a few days in order to permit the easy removal of the nuts. The nuts are then softened by boiling, and pounded in a mortar or treaded in a large, water filled, concrete basin. The pounding - boiling process breaks up the oil impregnated pericarp. Bits of loosened fibre, oil, and broken shells from this stage are gathered together to form fibrous cakes (23328) which are sold as fire starters. The kernels, with their bruised and battered outer shells are again boiled in water. The oil which floats to the surface is removed and further refined by boiling. This boiling continues until the oil has the desired taste, color, and consistency. The residue of this final stage (;23) is also used as a fire starter. The denuded shells, containing the palm kernel (endocarp) are sold to the many women of the orile who c ack the shells and sell the kernels to the buvers at the Farmers Cooperative Building. The broken shells are sold to the blacksmiths who use them as fuel for their forges. -39u- Traders 'Some women are highly motivated in their engagements in economic activities. They can be found in the market, at the processing centers, or working around the mill from early morning until late evening. Others are economic dilettantes, whimsically moving in and out of the economic Sphere, motivated by the most temporary personal and family financial needs. The strategic character of the womens' trading role is that they are not obligated to show a profit. According to their pleasure they may or may not participate in any of the available economic Opportunities. Husbands are responsible for providing their wives and their wives' children with their basic housing, food, and clothing requirements. A husband must also capitalize his wifeis economic activities. Failure to do so might be considered sufficient reason for desertion and divorce. However, a working woman may, and usually wishes to, supplement her husband's efforts by purchasing clothes for herself and her children. A working woman is also expected to purchase condiments and other dietary supplements. Most women also want to help buy their children's books and pay their school fees. A village trader is not expected to be so successful that she saves money, meets her economic reSponsibilities, amortizes her debts, and capitalizes her business without her husband's periodic financial support. Although it rarely happens, an astute village trader might save enough money to insure her economic security after she leaves her husband or he dies. Such a woman may eventually build her own house or establish '395- her children in Some business. Most men consider the periodic capitalization of their wives' businesses part of their marital obligation. They want their wives to be economically successful and expect them, through their economic independence, to supplement their own expenditures for food, clothes, and school costs. The range of economic activities in which the women can indulge is great, Most women do not hesitate to participate in the whole Spectrum of these activities,if such behavior promises them maximization of their profits. Some women specialize, for a time, in buying and Selling particular items. Others similarly Specialize, for a time, in processing certain food products. During the rainy season some women Shun their previous occupations in order to participate in moving vegetables from the farm to the market place. There are some women who participate in the market only at the Simple level of cracking palm kernels and Selling the nuts to the buyers at the Farmer? Cooperative Building. There are others who trade products obtained from the larger urban centers and from other countries. This trade is not large and is dependent upon the market cycle. These goods are brought into the village on market days by the women who follow the markets and by itinerant petty traders. Some women of the orile will purchase a few of these products for the purpose cf dividing them into Smaller units and Selling them from their homes, or hawking them about during the time between the orile market days. Transportation costs and the involvement of additional middlemen cause these products to be a bit higher in cost than they would be in Ita Cssn or Abeokuta. -396- These village petty traders have no means of calculating their daily or weekly profits. Illiteracy and a lack of incentive to capitalize, personallfi their own businesses results in minimal consideration and calculation of daily or weekly profit. Kosenatu Qmoyemi tried to help me understand her System of determining whether She made a profit or lost money during the course of a long market day. Her comments demonstrate the style of financial reckoning utilized by village petty traders: I cannot say how much I shall earn. The money i make from sardines goes to buy stockfish. I must cut the Stockfish so that I can sell it for one or two cents profit. i cannot say how many pieces of sugar are in a box. i only sell it according to how I know they are doing it in Abeokuta. The level of Kosenatu's product turnover is such that if She Opens a pack of cigarettes it might be three or four days before She sells the entire pack. From Kosenatu's responses to my questions the impression is gained that profit is a matter of chance and that profit and loss is calculated on the basis of each sale, or the fact of selling, rather than on a long term basis. Much trade is transacted between the farms, the village and urban market places. With the exception of such tree products as cocoa and kola. the women of the orile buy and control much of the farm produce before it leaves the farm. in fact, some astute and financially able women will control a portion of the food Stuffs even before it is harvested» Women who are not financially self-sufficient make arrangements to help the farmer harvest his crops (see page 325). In this way their labor gains them a portion of the crop. They are, in addition, strategically Situated '397- to negotiate and receive payment for the removal of his crops to the market or village storage places. Through consignment and credit arrangements the women control most of the produce which comes to the oriie. The activities of these traders are highly complex and dependent upon a dynamic interplay between the independent female entrepreneurs who engage in the varied economic processes. The actual negotiations are sharp and unremitting. The margin of profit is so low that a woman who is not astute and aggressive will find herself repeatedly asking her husband for more capital. The women, whether engaged in food processing, or trading, live in. a "penny ante" world. They calculate their profits in pennies and, even, fractions of pennies. They must quickly become socialized and learn to enjoy the nuances of trading. They must be alert to all possibilities and limitations in the trading encounter. - Too great a focus upon the profit motive as the primary incentive for economic activity obliterates appreciation for the fact that selling, itself, is also an important social experience. Women enjoy selling. They participate in the market not only because they want the money, the economic freedom, and the security their efforts bring. They also want the opportunities to interact with other people which their participation in economic activities provide. The Trading Encounter The interactions between the buyer and the seller are usually tinged with both aggression and comedy. They sometimes take on the appearance of HI..III-TLI!I , . . . . '398- a charade with a structure which is the result of the unique pattern of interactions which develops between the buyer and seiler. The kidding behavior which appears so frequently in these encounters seems to serve as a tension-aggression reducing mechanism. Underlying the distinctive personalized aspects of these transactions iS a more universal pattern common to all purchases and participants. Although the market price for any particular item is usually fixed by the marketing societies in the orile and in Abeokuta, it is always good form for the seller to attempt to get as high a price as possible for her products. The point of flexibility lies not only in the amount of money which actually changes hands, but also in the quantity of goods actually sold. The kernels heaped in a basin,orqglggg heaped in pails can be considered too much or too little. Moriamo Aina's behavior at the giggg mill illustrates some of the antagonisms which arise during these commercial exchanges: Moriamq is buying cans [five imperial gallons] of elubg at the mill today. This seems to be one of her better, more argumentative days. She has been sold two cans and the third is now being filled. The seller fills in the corners of the can and continues to pour the flour in till it forms a peak a half foot above the Sides of the can. It looks high and seems to be a fair and full measure. Moriamo is not satisfied, She takes some more flour and adds it to the peak. Most of this flour falls back into the calabash in which the can has been placed. The seller screams, "Enoughi‘ Enough!" The seller then starts to jump up and down. Moriamg remains unmoved and continues to insist upon more flour for her money as she tries to pile the flour even higher. During the filling of a fourth can the same argument occurred, This time Moriamg is completely dominating the Situation,for as the seller screams in outrage, Moriamo takes the seller's flour ladht and Starts to pour extra flour into a sack in which She expects to deposit all of the fit)ur ' She has purchased. '399- The following observations of conversations made during selling encounters between the women of the orile and the cocoa and palm kernel buyers at the Farmers Cooperative uilding suggest the types of aggression and calculation which the low profit margin engenders. These observations illustrate the behavior which typifys most selling and buying: Ladip0[The buyer]: "The men use the scales to weigh the cocoa they sell. Buyer: The women do not like to use the scales. They want to use these basins as a measure of their palm kernels. The large basin [eregbe] holds about three pounds. They get eleven cents for it. The smaller basin [ipebi] holds about half as much as the eregber A young girl of about seven years old handed her half gallon pail of palm kernels to the buyer. As he weighed kernels she sat on the empty pail and watched him. He handed her sixteen cents. She looked at the money for a long time. Then she shook her head in disgust, picked up her pail, and walked away. A woman comes along and sells her kernels for fifty- six cents. She sits and looks at.the money as if weighing,it. She then gets up and goes over to the buyer who has been watching her with his one good eye while shoving the kernels into his large sack. She speaks to him and he gives her a penny which he had been holding between his fingers as if in anticipation of her request. I I . 'I gave her that dash' because ! WISh to compensate for bad feelings. l give all the women that dash." A twelve to fifteen year old girl comes along carrying a sack of kernels whichhé weigh; The sack weighs fifty-six pounds. The girl watches him closely. He gives the girl her money~ She does not get the extra penny. She seems satisfied with the payment- A woman, about twenty-five years old,receives eleven cents and asks for another penny to make a shilling for her basin of kernels. The buyer refuses to give it to her, She leaves. A woman of about fifty—five years of age is seated on the buyer's bench waiting to sell her palm kernels. -uoo- When she leaves her place is taken by a young girl [about fifteen years old] who straddles the bench, occupying the whole seat. There are several elderly women standing, waiting their turn The young girl does not move, Nor does anyone ask her to make room so that they, too, can sit down. The buyer weighs her kernels and throws about forty-eight cents into her outstretched hands. She throws the money on the ground, looks at him and says that she will not accept it. He throws another shilling [fourteen cents] on the ground. She still acts unsatisfied, but she gets up from the bench, picks up the money, and slowly walks away, It is not because of their illiteracy that the women refuse the scales. The men are equally illiterate, yet they use the scales to weigh their more expensive cocoa. Women do not use the scales because scales are too exact and leave too little room for bargaining based upon individual calculations of the amounts the measures actually hold. Scales also limit the amount of interpersonal activity which can occur during a transaction. Even the seven year old girl has already begun to individualize her particular pattern of selling interactions with the bUyer; Her youth confines her aggression to body and facial movements. in time she will develop her selling technique and the buyer will respond,in a more personalized way,to this style The evidence shows that, contrary to the testimony of the buyer, all women do not receive an extra penny to "make up the difference between weight and bad feelings.” The twenty-five year old woman did not receive this benefit. Despite the weight of the sack the fifteen year old girl sold she, too, did not receive it Only during the interaction with one particular woman did I note the penny-giving behavior. The shilling which the young girl demanded was too much to be included 4.01- in the normal pattern of buying and selling. Her lounging about was very defiant and the whole pattern of both his and her'behavlor suggested that they had adopted this pattern of teasing as part of their usual business dealings. The Market And The Men The men of the orile support the trading activities of their women. They not only capitalize their wives, they also respond to their wives' requests to construct sheds and shade stands in the market place. Despite this support the men dislike the women's control of the market. They feel that the women do not give them a fair price for their produce. They also resent the fact that the women do not allow them to transport their goods to the Lagos and Abeokuta markets or permit them to sell their goods in the various markets of Yorubaland.= The Yoruba marketing women have a vast complex of societies which effect their personal and collective marketing habits and the prices which they can cha ge in the small and large markets throughout the land. These marketing societies are organized according to the products the traders sell. Thus, there is a society for vegetable sellers, sellers of native pots, sellers of foreign made pOts, sellers of fresh fish, sellers of cloth, etc. The members of the society fix the price and enforce the sale of all items at this figure. A trader who is not a member of the society may not sell in the market A member of the society who refuses to obey its rules or attempts to cut prices will be run out of the market. In one of their moments of frustration Peter Omodele and Alu Lanlokun o o -h02- discussed these problems: Peter: Atoke: Peter: Atoke: Aliu: Jubrila Bandele: Peter: Jubrila: You see these vegetables? Those women will only give me a penny a bunch but they sell it for six cents in Lagos. We could sell it {hr 'four pence in Lafenwa but they will not let us do it. They will boycott us and set hoodlums upon us. They will take our food stuffs for free. Even if we tried to sell it in this market they will not buy it from us. No man can sell these things in the market. The best he can do is contract to have it brought to his house and sell it from his house. That is why you see so many houses with tomatoes and pepe in the rooms. [Atoke, Aliu’s wife enters the house, She is one of the people who will take the vegetables to Abeokuta. She agrees that they will get six pence a bunch for the vegetables in Abeokuta, She speaks to Peten] Sell me your vegetables for two bunches for one and one-half cents. [Very angry] You will buy it at one for two cents. If you will not pay for it I will let it Spoil. I cannot spoil the price for others. [Some of the men have tried to set a basic price for their vegetables in order to resist the low prices offered by their women.] I cannot agree. You will not sell for more than I offer. [Leaves the house.] [Atoke's husband]: That is how they do The price is too poor. [Enters the house and starts to bargain with Peter. She had previously asked Peter to bring the vegetables to his house and had promised to buy it at one bundle for two cents. Now that it is in his house she changes her offen] ! will buy two bundles for one cent. I will let it rot. You are wrong. I will pay one cent for two bundles and sell it at one cent a bundle. Although the men of the orile find the women’s control of the market onerous there is nothing they can do about it. Aliu claims that his wife would treat him the same way she treated Peter pmodele. In fact, most of the men believe that in dealing with their wives and sisters they will -403- receive worse treatment than they would receive from strangers. Even when they make firm agreements for the transport of their produce to the village the men believe that the women, "will take out of it. They muSt take out of it. That is their way." One day I met three lfatedo men waiting for transportation to Abeokuta. Close by them were eighteen bushel baskets of tomatoes. My curiosity was aroused by the fact that it was not a market day and there were no women or little girls about. ! was walking with Sikiru Abina, an elder of lfatedo. I asked him about the things i saw: Sikiru: They are going to Lafenwa and want to try to sell their tomatoes there. 0.0 : I thought that only women sold in the markets. Sikiru: They may not sell but they can sell [i e. try their luck]. They may not sell retail but they can sell wholesale. If they sell here they will be forty-four to ninety-eight cents short for each basket. A basket here is worth $2.lO, but will be $2.52 in Lafenwa, and about $3.08 in Lagos. They will not try to sell in Lagos because they will not be known there. If they try to sell there they might lose. These men take their produce to the market themselves because they do not trust the women. But they have to wait for the market to be over before they can sell. 0.0.: Not even their wives? Sikiru: They are afraid that they will short change them. In their angriest moments the men express the belief that their women are involved in a monolithic market system which, at its worst, was Specifically designed to rob them of the reward. 1? their efforts. During a meeting with an agricultural agent they spoke of their desire for a change in the marketing system: -uou- Issac Adebyo: We plant good tomatoes here but there is no market except for the women. If we go to Lafenwa to sell our tomatoes they will make us wait till market is over and then there might be no one to buy. They know us here and will think that we are trying to interfere with the market here. Samson Adedoyin: Those women are our wives but when they take the stuff to the market they may sell it for one pound but they may not get their money for a month. The association at Lagos sets the price and pays the next market day. Raimi Akinbamiwa: From all the farmers there are four groups which get money from us and it will be difficult to get away from them. There are our wives who buy from us, there are the lorry owners and drivers, there are the lorry touts [The men who help the women get their goods from the lorry park to the market.], and there is the Lagos marketing society. If we‘ sell our goods here for one pence it will sell to the Lagos market women for six pence and will sell in Lagos for eight pence. As the men are confronted with the problems of dealing with the women's marketing society,so their wives, who take the goods to Lagos, are confronted with problems of dealing with the Lagos Marketing Society- When the agricultural specialist asked them if they thought they could form a marketing cooperative most of them had to nod in agreement when Aliu Lanlokun stated: Not possible because they will not let this happen. lhose women in Lagos will learn of the system and will not let the stuff be sold at a good price. Even the late Alake's wife took her own salt to the market to sell it. She said the Alake told her she could do so but she did not belong to the market society and they warned her away from that place. In a market System controlled primarily by the females of the society even the exploitation of the oil palm appears to be disadvantageous to the male owners of the trees. Women happily claim that they realize -uos- twice as much profit from palm tree products as the male owners of the trees. Simon Adeola spoke of the distribution of the wealth from palm products: When a man goes to my farm to reap palm kernels he gets half and | get half. The women extract the oil for us. They will get the kernel, ogusg and iha. Of course they will put a bottle of that oil aside for themselves. They Should not do so but they will. They must. Because they feel cheated and economically harassed by their wives and sisters many of the farmers refuse to sell their products to these female relatives. When they say that female relatives are particularly prone to take advantage of the male members of the family they complain, "They do this because they know that we will not argue with them." And the women are right. The pattern of kidding1tension-reducing behavior that female sellers can erect in their interactions with other traders and bUyers has no parallel in the usual circumspect and respectful patterns of interactions which exist between family members. -uoe- Notes l The orile is a farm community. For this reason many of the trades, arts, and crafts peculiar to the Yoruba are not practiced in the village. Weaving, pottery-making, dyeing, calabash carving, wood carving, and metal working are among the crafts which flourish in the more urban settings of Abeokuta and other large towns of Yorubaland. The rural communities, such as the orile, supply these urban centers with food and manpower. In turn, the urban centers supply the rural communities with goods and services. However, the peculiar relationship between the orile and Omida means that the people of the orile usually receive these godds and services during visits to the shops and markets of Abeokuta; most particularly the Omida market and shops in the Omida section. The few urban products which do filter into the orile market are considered expensive. Most people prefer to make their purchases in Abeokuta. mnllllllil. CHAPTER Xll! THE ASSOCIATIONAL LIFE The people of the orile lave a rich extrawfamilial life. The entire Spectrum of their associational activities is covered by the word 3322, This term refers to their individual friendships and loyalties as well as to their many societies and trade organizations. It refers to very temporary associations as well as to organizations which may last generations. For the Church Missionary Society (l9l3:75) egh is defined 5 as Company, party, rank, companion, equal, society, association, guild, class, and fraternity. Abraham (l958zl78) defined the word 2223 as club, society, guild, person of one‘s own age, person of equal status7 and com- panion. These definitions demonstrate the wide range of meanings associated with the 2223‘ This word is actually a generalizing concept of the same magnitude and used in a manner similar to the more familistic concepts of ibatan, 321, and idile discussed in pages l7A-l78. The concept egbe web—..— 0 -7 * is indicative of relationships based on choice rather than on blood or marriage; it is a generalization of all forms of extrawfamilial associaw tional relationships. The wide application of the term egbg creates problems in the determination of the number and characteristics of the extra-familial associations which exist in the orile. Excluding associations based on personal friendship there were a confusing number and variety of societies in which the people claimed membership. -407... -uoa- As with old friends, a man does not consider himself uninvolved in an association merely because it has ceased to meet. He still considers himself a member of organizations which have not functioned for several years. It was only after arraying lists of named and unmnamed societies and investigating the membership and activities of these societies did I come to understand that some of the mentioned organizations were latent associations having little possibility of future functioning. Still there is an amazingly large number of currently functioning societies in the orile. A standardized organizational configuration of these societies is hard to construct. There is great variation among and within the various types. indeed, many of these societies have no regular order of business Periodically, the members visit their leader's house to deposit their dues and socialize for a short while. Then they are off and about their own concerns. Although their organizational pattern seems loose and their charter informal, these societies perform a great many functions and have a wide range of meanings for their members. When my assistants and I asked about the officers of these societies we often received different lists of names for the same society. Some people claimed their 3391 to be a Christian society; others claimed the same 33b; to be a Muslim society. Still others claimed it as not a religious organization at all. Egbe lfe Lo Dun (Love is Sweet Society) is an example of a society which actively engages in Christian activities. However, its main officer is a practicing Muslim. To compound the confusion some people claimed their organization was a male society while others claimed it to be for females. Still -409- others would say it was for both males and females. Chart 5 shows that the names of many male and female societies duplicate each other. Later in this chapter it will be noted that males can participate in female societies and vice versa. Chart 5 also illustrates how many societies the few active Christians have been able to elaborate. It shows that one hundred and one active (i.e. dues paying) members of the Protestant congre- gation were able to proliferate nine organizations. It shows that the organization of these societies reflects that of the typical inter- personal relationships which exist between males and females. They are, in there associational activities, together, yet apart. There is a feeling of affiliation between male and female societies but, as in other aspects of orile life, their activities, interests and Styles are divergent. The many societies which the people have organized may be conceived of as threads which bind the familistically oriented households into a community. The membership of these societies always consists, in part, of people who live in the surrounding bush hamlets. In fact, referring again to Chart 5 nonenf the people of the orile claimed membership in the Egbg Awon Oluko. This society consists of individuals living in the hamlets who have utilized the church as a focus for some of their common interests. -AIO- CHART 5 LIST OF CHRISTIAN SOCIETIES EXISTING IN IBARA ORILE ACCORDING TO NAME OF SOCIETY, NUMBER or MEMBERS, AND AMOUNT OF CONTRIBUTION TO IBARA ANGL9CAN CHURCHl Name Of Association No. Of Contribution Contributors (l965) Egbe Ino Olorun Tan (Male) I2 $ 27.60 Egbe Ino Olorun Tan (Female) I7 29.50 Egbe Ife Lo Dun (Male) II IT.2A Egbeilfe Lo Dun (Female) IO 19.63 Egbe Binokonu (Male) lh 27.79 Egbe Binokonu (Female) ll , 2l.99 Egbe Araromi (Male) lb 25.3? Egbe Araromi (Female) 8 - 8.96 Egbe Awon Oluko _fl ,___3_2§ Total lOl I , $l82.00 The types of non-kin associations that occur in the orile can be divided into general purpose societies, religious societies, savings societies, co-wives societies, town societies, trade and craft societies, and individual friendships. The activities of the many groups subsumed under these categories are not to be considered mutually exclusive. Although some groups may appear to have Specific functions, they all provide a structure and an opportunity for individuals and groups of people to join together to discuss and resolve problems and experience some feeling of group solidarity and common identity. -AII- _gneral Purpose Societies The multipurpose societies are the most popular type in the orile. These societies have such provocative names as Ewenla (A Big Leaf Never Produces A Small Leaf), Qmo Bi Owo (Child Is Above Money), Fi Owo Sere (Use Money To Play) and the previously mentioned lfe Lo Dun. Some members emphasize their multipurpose society's religious functions, while others emphasize their Societies'social functions. Although these are less often stressed, the multipurpose societies also have financial and psychological functions. Samuel Salubi readily admits to the social and psychological functions of these societies. He also alludes to some of the financial problems which confront the ambitious joiner: It is customary to belong to as many societies as possible. This is a mark of an individual's popularity. However, one must be cautious about how many of these organizations he belongs to lest he overextend himself financially. These multipurpose societies help their members celebrate such important occasions as the birth of a child, marriages, freedom ceremonies, and funerals. Although a society,as such.may not celebrate all of these occasions, the solidarity of the members and pride in their organization leads to the expectation that informal groups of members, uniformly attired, will attend each of these occasions, In this way they demonstrate their support ofgand Show their "love" for their fellow members. Funeral ceremonies, commonly called "outing ceremonies", prOvide particularly strategic opportunities for the demonstration of the sentiments existing among the members of a society At such times the members gather together, as a society, to visit the home of the bereaved -lIiZ- member. In their preparations for an important funeral ceremony the members demonstrate their solidarity by wearing identical colored cloths (gig 391). They meet at their leader's house and then, walking behind hired drummers, dance through the village until they arrive at the bereaved member's house.2 They then dance in front of and around the house until the family of the bereaved member serves them refreshments. During the dancing there are several exchanges of money. Placing coins or paper money upon the foreheads of the musicians and dancers is the way in which an excellent performance is rewarded. This show of appreciation is also an important means of supplementing the wages of the drummers and singers. The society gives the family of the bereaved an amount of money which is based upon calculations of the proximity of the kinship relation which existed between the deceased and the bereaved member. Thus, in one instance, when Egbe Ewenla went to celebrate the death of a member's husband's mother, the contribution was $6.00. If the member's own mother had died the contribution would have been closer to $l5.00. Analytically, the supportive and prestigious aspects of these social occasions must not be confused with the financial benefits, in the form of gifts, which the members of the society may give the bereaved's family. Clearly, the costs of such a visit to the member's family is much greater to the bereaved than it is for the society The society, as a society, pays the musician's fees and the gift to the bereaved- These monies are usually paid out of contributions and fines the society has collected. All dues must be returned to the contributing member for the purchase of 'Al3- his cloth. Usually members of these societies try to purchase at least one set of clothing of similar color and style each year. If the treasury is not sufficient the members supplement the additional costs out of pocket. In this way the society acts as a savings association for the yearly purchase of a portion of the members' wardrobe. Even though a person attends ceremonies as a member of a society, he spends his money as an individual- Thus, he gains prestige as an individual and lends prestige, through his personal generosity, to his society. The family of the deceased must give each of the visiting members of the society some money. This money is considered the family's-gesture of appreciation for the visit. The fact that it is given can also be used to document the occasion as an act of interpersonal social cohesion, as in the instance of the passing of kglg as part of wedding rituals (see Chapter XI). In the case of Ewenla's visit to the funeral ceremony of its member's husband's mother (see previous page), the family gave each member of 5gb; Ewenla three pence. If it had been the member's own mother who died the ante would have been six cents for each member. The food which the wives of the house (Eqb; lyawo) prepare for the visitors is very expensive and includes beer, schnapps, candies, and other refreshment. The number of members who attend the celebration, the desire to wear new clothes, the extent of uniformity of dress, the amount of money spent by the members, the energy and excellence of dancing, the proficiency of the drummers and singers, the duration of the festivities, and the amount of money spent by the host, his relatives and the co—wives all combine in mu- calculations of the prestige and honor which the society brings to itself and the house of its member. If the member is popular and belongs to several societies these societies will compete in their attempts to honor their member. A man's or woman's popularity, and, indeed, an entire kin group's popularity and prestige are often measured by the number of societies which come to participate in these types of occasSions and celebrations These displays and expenditures become quite circular. Expenditures on the part of the bereaved may call forth even greater expenditures on the part of the members of the society. Individual spending competitions may be stimulated. It is for this reason that some men may wait many years before they are able to celebrate,"properly: the death of their father or mother. Egbe Ewenla members do not engage in religious activities as members of Egbe Ewenla, but rather as individuals. The Egba Ife Io Dun provides an example of a multipurpose society which actively competes with Egbe Ewenla in social activities and whose members participate, as members of the former organization in religious activities. Chart 5 illustrates that the members of the society also participate, as members of the society, in Christian activities. Although records of the Muslims' contributions to the mosque were not available, a Muslim member of Egbe lfe Lo Dun Stated that they contribute, as members of lfe Lo Dun, to the activities of the mosque. The financial activities of these multipurpose organizations are always a bit muddled. So muddled in some instances that disputes -415- regarding financial matters often cause the dissolution of societies. Although some people claimed that their associations lend money to needy members, other members denied this. There is some real question as to the amount any of these associations can accumulate for lending purposes at any one time. The dues of these organizations range from a few cents to about fourteen cents a fortnight. Social Control.--These general purpose societies function as formal and informal mechanisms of social control and social integration beyond and between the usual familial systems, political systems, and economic systems described in earlier pages of this thesis. The officers of these societies settle quarrels which occur between the various members of the society. Sometimes their adjudicative efforts reach into the home where a member's position as a family elder is strengthened by his position as a patron to a large society in which either the husband or the wife maintain membership. Dauda Aina's political career was considerably enhanced by the fact that he was both leader of the local segment of the Action Group and the large, primarily female, Egbe Ewenla. The Ewenla position was strategic for it permitted him to weld a rare consensus of opinion and cooperative behavior between the men and the women of the orile. Egbe Ewenla is a large society of some forty-one women with several men in leadership positions. Female societies require men in positions of organizational power because, as Raji Jibowu explained: They decide to have a man at the head because if there is a 4.16- misunderstanding they will not be able to settle it. There cannot be a group of women alone. Such a group will not improve itself. They look down upon each other as equals. If there is a man there they will have reSpect. And, indeed, Dauda Aina, as patron of Egbeleenla, runs the society with an iron hand. He permits no arguments, decides fines, scrutinizes every detail of the women's behavior and dress, decides which drummer's group will be hired, and even makes decisions about seating arrangements at meetings and ceremonies. New wives in the community are actively encouraged to join a society. Once they join a society they gain the immediate friendship of a group of women who visit the newcomer and introduce her to the peculiarities of life in the orile. This can be compared with Kenneth Little's (I965) discussion of associations in urban settings. His thesis is that these associations constitute mechanisms for the integration of migrants into urban social and economic systems. Structure.--It is usual for these general purpose societies to have officers. Following the example of such traditional societies as Ogboni and Olorogun, these multipurpose societies are characterized by numerous titles and positions. Female societies will have male patrons and male societies will have female patrons. Raji Jibowu tells why there are women officers in male societies and specifies their function as well as their role: Egbe llupeji is for men only but it has five women officers including the lady president, her vice president, the second in line, and others, It is the custom of the Yorubas to have women leaders in an organization. Some men insist that these -437- women are leaders but not members of their association. If the membership is going to some ceremony they will call at her house to collect her contribution to their entertainment and transportation expenses. Some large societies will have both male and female patrons or several male patrons, or, alternatively, several female patrons. The weekly or fortnightly meetings are held at the patron's house. The society's furniture, the folding chairs upon vhich the members Sig and the desk they use, are kept at the patron's house. In many instances the patron has purchased these items. The patron also holds the monies of the organization and, when the society wishes to go out, supplements the treasury for the purpose of hiring musicians, buying gifts, and providing transportation. Among the important titles is that of clerk (akgwg). He is responsible for keeping an accurate record of all the organization's financial activities. There are also several titles for the persons who act as the executive officers, messengers, and distributors of the gifts which come to the society. These officers manage the meetings and are responsible for the early mediation of arguments which arise among the members. The patron becomes involved in peacemaking efforts only when the title-holders in the lower echelons of the association fail to resolve the disputes. In some of the larger societies the titles have proliferated to the extent that nearly all of the most active members have one. The large, highly organized sociefies have many stringent rules. There are rules against lateness, smoking, refusal to obey officers, arguing, and absence without prior excuse from meetings and outings. Malefactors are heavily fined. -l+~l8- These general purpose societies have Open ended membership characteristics. Members may join or leave according to their desires. There are no apparent age grading membership requirements. It does happen that, because of internal dissension, stodginess, and general unpopularity some societies are unable to recruit new members. These societies appear to have age requirements bxauaa the members who first organized them were friends of the same general age group. Societies may dissolve for a number of reasons. The death of a patron or the death of several important members of the society may cause the breakup of the association. Disputes resulting from dissatisfaction about how monies are Spent is another conmon reason for a society's demise. Religious Societies The Muslims call their religious society Egbe lmale (Muslim Society). The Christians call theirs Egbe Mimo (Bible Society). As do the general purpose societies.the religious societies have a large number of titles. The holders of these titles,however, have fewer specific functions than their counterparts in the general purpose societies. The over-riding responsibilities of the alpha in the Muslim societies and the overwhelming requirement of literacy in the church limits the activities of the religious title holders. The Egbe lmale collects dues from each member of the mosque on Friday as the Christian society collects dues from each church member on Sundays. These societies are mostly involved in the repairing and -zii9- maintenance of the mosque and the church. Co-wives Societies The co-wives societies (Egbe Awon iyawo' are less structured than the religious societies. Most prOperly, they consist of all wives of a patrilineage living in the orile. They are, however, very informal and there is a great tendency for all the women living in a section or sub- section of the orile to think of themselves as co-wives. Unlike the general purpose societies, co-wives societies do not have regular meeting places, officers, dues, or fine structures. They have no regular structure or organization, and membership is based upon the women's interests and the day to day problems which they must face. As these women baby sit, prepare food, carry loads together and for each other they develop habits of cooperation and mutual respect which facilitate their willingness to participate in the important occasions of their respective families and neighborhoods. They meet to cooperate in the celebration of naming, freedom, marriage, and funeral ceremonies. On these occasions they contribute money and assist each other in the collection of foods and preparation of the feast. At other times, they help settle arguments among themselves