THE ROLE OF PflllTIGAl PARTICIPATIDIJASS MEDIA All] EMPATHY ll MUDEHHIZATIOI: ”ASE STUBY 0F UTTAH PBADESH (IIDM) BY DHIHEIDHA KUMAH VAJPEYI 1971 ‘43?" LIBRARIES ”up" MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY EAST LANSING, MICH. 48823 This is to certify that the thesis entitled The Role of Political Participation; Mass Media and Empathy in Modernization: A Case Study of Uttar Pradesh (India) presented by Dhirendra Kumar Vajpeyi has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Eh,D,_ degree in_20.l.i.t_i.ca.l Science fla/A IZM/J’? / M/jor Vprofessor Dani/{4?}? 1‘24. /?7/ 0-169 ABSTRACT THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION, MASS MEDIA AND EMPATHY IN MODERNIZATION: A CASE STUDY OF UTTAR PRADESH (INDIA) by Dhirendra Kumar Vajpeyi This study, based on field research in India during 1966, was designed to investigate the relationship between empathy, mass media exposure, political participation and modernization among nine hundred and twenty six respondents in Uttar Pradesh State. In the effort to determine the impact of these variables on modernization the theoretical framework provided in Daniel Lerner's, The Passing of Traditional Society, was used. Current conceptualizations of the modernization process in India have also been discussed and used. The data reported a positive relationship between empathy and the other variables of modernization such as political participation, higher education, mass media exposure and achievement motivation. Our findings about cosm0politeness and its correlation with empathy does not support the earlier studies conducted in other developing areas. Cosmo- politeness was not that highly correlated with empathy. It was also found that political participation was positively correlated with other important variables of modernization such as empathy, innovativeness, achievement motive, political knowledge, and occupational and educational aSpirations for children. Those individuals who reported to participate in public affairs have higher sense of personal and public efficacy than Dhirendra Kumar Vajpeyi those who are low on participation scale. Participation in rural areas was surprisingly low and females seem to have voluntarily abdicated their right to participate, and whenever they participated they selected organizations which were conservative, traditional, and religious. The findings also indicated that message carried by the mass media affect citizen's information level and shape his cognition of various important factors-~essential to make him a participant individual and thereby generate social and political change. Variables of innovativeness, political knowledge, political participation, knowledge of governmental outputs at various levels, knowledge of political and administrative leaders and empathy are correlated with mass media exposure. The data also indicated that urban reSpondents tend to be more highly eXposed to mass media than the rural respondents. It is interesting to note that highly exposed reSpondents were less supportive to the government out- puts and were more cynical towards the political system. It is the contention of the present inquiry that widely accepted models of modern- ization which attach great importance to political participation, mass media exposure and other variables can not be used in all situations. Social and political environment are crucial for the adaption of solutions. There are no definite solutions and models to the problems of political modernization and social change. In Indian situation the approach has to take into consideration all historical social and political factors. THE ROLE OF POLITICAL PARTICIPATION, MASS MEDIA AND EMPATHY IN MODERNIZATION: A CASE STUDY or UTTAR PRADESH (INDIA) By Dhirendra Kumar Vajpeyi A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Political Science 1971 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I came to the United States in September 1966 as a foreign student. Since then countless Americans and non-Americans have helped me and showed kindness to me in innumerable ways. I could not possibly hOpe to name them all. I know that they will find joy in the silent tribute which I pay to them, and in the fact that finally I have finished the task for which I came here. From my first quarter at the Michigan State University I have enjoyed the invaluable benefit of advice and guidance by Professor Baljit Singh. He allowed me to impose on his kindiess far in excess of the limits which the responsibilities of a teacher and advisor can possibly entail. I find no way to express my sincere-most feelings of gratefulness to him. I can only feel them. I also wish to acknowledge, with gratitude, the help and advice given tote by other members of my guidance committee. I thank Professors Ralph Smuckler, Dean, International programs; Ralph W. Nicholas, Asian Studies Centre, MSU; and Robert Melson for helpful comments and for serving on the committee. I am grateful to them. I am also grateful to Professor Erma B. Plaehn, Department of Political Science, UNI, Cedar Falls, Iowa for her continuous encourage- ment and other help which enabled me to work on this thesis, and kept me together during the most trying months of my life from October 1970 to March 1971. Last but not the least, I am thankful to my classmates and friends, Bert Kobayashi and Jim Stevens who showed great understanding and patience with me from the day I met them in the Department of Political Science, MSU. My thoughts are also with my family in India. My father, Pt. Shree Narayan Vajpeyi, one of the most outstanding traditionalist- modernist, always provided me with constant inspiration. For him, learning is a daily occupation to be pursued with selfless zeal. My mother's great love toward me kept me going here. I am sure all of them will be happy to know about the completion of the thesis. To Mrs. Kollman, I express my thanks for typing the thesis in such a short time. Cedar Falls, Iowa May, 1971 TABLE OF LIST OF TABIIES O O I O I O O O O O 0 LIST OF FIGURES CHAPTER I. II. III. V. FRAMEHORK OF ANALYSIS . . . . CONTENTS CURRENT CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF IN INDIA 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 THE Background of the Study . . . . EXplanation of Concepts . . . . MODERNIZATION PROCESS TheSample............. Uhy I Chose Uttar Pradesh for the Uttar Pradesh: Social, Background 0 o e e e POLITICAL PARTICIPATION . . Measuring Participation Summary........ "ASS MEDIA O O O O O O O 0 Political and Measuring Mass Media EXposure . Sum-ary............ EMPATHY . . . . . . . . Measuring Empathy Summary...... CONCLUSION . . . . . . BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . PAGE 111 vi 22 35 35 51 56 76 so 82 113 115 120 1114 1a? 151 TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued) “PMIXES O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O A. B. Socioeconomic Profile of Districts Selected for the Study . Questionnaire ii PAGE 162 163 168 LIST OF TABLES CHAPTER I PAGE I. Male and Female Pepulation - Urban and Rural (1961 CODSUS) o e e o e o e e e e o e e s e o e o o o e 23 II. Tbttl "I19 & Female Samples 0 e o a e o e o e o e o o o 0 2“ III. Tbtal Stratawise Distribution of Male and Female Rural Pepulations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 IV. Female Sample in the Selected Districts . . . . . . . . . 27 V. Ranking of Selected Districts on SED Level and Distribution Of IUtGIVieWS a e e e e s o e a e e o o a 28 VI. Distribution of Male and Female urban Papulation . . . . 29 VII. Distribution of Male and Female Urban Interviews . . . . 29 VIII. Distribution of Urban POpulation Among Towns in Uttar Pradesh 0 e e e e e e e e o o o o e o o o o o a 0 IX. SCIOOtOd Towns - ”319. Female Sample a e e o e o o e o o 33 x. Distribution of Male and Female Urban Interviews . . . . 33 XI. Population Densities Per Square Mile - U.P. . . . . . . . 37 XII. Ilportant CESLOS in U.P. e e o o e s a e o e e o e e o e “2 s XIII. Uttar Pradesh Assembly Election Results (1952-1967) CHAPTER II I. Frequency of Talking Politics with Other People by Rural- Urhan Ragidence and Sex 0 e o e o e e e e e e e e e e e 59 II. Engaged in any Activity During a Political Campaign to Elect some Candidate, and the Kind of Activity by Rural- Urh‘n Regidenco and Sex 0 e e e e e e e o e e e e e e e 63 IIa. Ken-participants (Reporting Never Participated) by Rural- Urbau R981dence and Sex 0 e e e e e e e e e o e o e e a 6“ 111a. Level of Participation in Political Activities by Rural- Urban Residence End Sex 0 e e s e e e e s s o e e e c e 65 iv LIST OF TABLES (continued) CHAPTER II PAGE IV. Political Participation: Trends in Voting (Uttar PTEdBSh)“1952‘1969 o e e e e s e e a o e e e e e e o o o 66 V. Frequency of Voting in National and Local (Panchayat/ Municipal) Elections by Rural-Urban Residence and Sex . . 68 VI. Participating in Forming and Joining New Organizations by Rural-urban Residence and Sex 0 o o s s o o e e e e o e o 70 VII. Meabership in Caste and Religious Organizations by Rural- Urban Residence and Sex 0 e o o e e e e o o o e e s e e e 73 VIII. Membership in a Political Party by Rural-Urban Residence and Sex 0 e e o e o e e e e e e e e e e o o o e e e o e o 75 IX. Participation in Public Affairs by Education . . . . . . . 77 X. Correlation of Participation with Various Other Consequent Modernization variables a e e e e e e e e e e e o e e e e 78 CHAPTER III I. Following Reports of Public Affairs in Various Media, by Rural-Urban Residence and Sex 0 o e o o s o e e e o c e o 88 II. Level of EXposure to Mass Media and Participation in Public Affairs by Education 0 e e e e e e e e e e s o e o 91 III. Mass Media Exposure and Public Support for Governmental Programs, by Residence s e e o e o e e e e e e o e e e 0 9“ IV. Level of Media Exposure by Rural-Urban Residence and Sex . 102 V. Mass Media Ekposure and the Knowledge About National and State Leaders, by Residence and Sex . . . . . . . . . . . 106 VI. Exposure to Mass Media and Understanding of Governmental Perforlancc, by Residence e e o e e o e e e o e e e e a o 109 VII. Correlation of Mass Media Exposure with Other Selected variables of Modernization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 CHAPTER IV I. Level of Empathy by Urban-Rural Residence and EJtposure to Mass Media and Interpersonal Channels . . . . . . . II. Level of Empathy by Sex, Urban-Rural Residence and Level of Participation in Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . III. Level of Ehnpathy by Sex, Urban-Rural Residence, and Education 0 e e e a e e o e o e e e o e e a e e e o o 0 IV. Level of Empathy by Sex, Urban-le Residence and COSIOP011teness e 0 e e o e e e e e e e e e o e e e e e V. Level of Empathy and Achievement Motive by Urban-Rural Refildence and Sex 0 o e o e o e e e o e o o e e e e o 0 VI. Level of Empathy and Fatalisn by Urban-Rural Residence and sex a e a e o e e e e o e e e e e o e e o o o e e 0 VII. Level of Empathy and Opinion leadership by Urban-Rural Residence e o e e e e o e e e s e o e e e o e o o e e 0 VIII. Zero-Order Correlations Between Empathy and Other LIST OF TABLES (continued) SBlCCted Variables Of Modernization e a e e e e e e o 0 PAGE 1211 128 131 135 138 141 143 1141+ CHAPTER I FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS CURRENT CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF THE MODERNIZATION PROCESS IN INDIA Current conceptualizations of the process of modernization in India fall into two broad categories: A. Historically oriented analysis DesPite important differences in approach, method and rigor, these conceptualizations share certain common features, the most notable of which are a scepticism of overly rigorous analytic frame, greater reliance on adhoc imagination and judgment in discerning general trends and attempting ggi_ generis interpretation, and a desire to keep to the main factual terrain as defined by their focus of study. The methodological and ideational parentage are mixed; and it is rather difficult to trace them to any particular source, even when individual theorists and scholars may be seen to have exerted some visible influence over them. To this extent, therefore, these studies may be firstly regarded as original and/or creative efforts of varying quality, towards a scientific understanding, interpretation or explanation of the complex ongoing processes of social change, as seen in the historical perspective. From our point of view, however, their significance is rather limited; largely because of their thin theoretical fall-out, in terms of which one could hOpe to undertake an empirical eXploration of the con- temporary situation or attempt a prediction of emerging trends. B. Analytical oriented formulations One would, under the circumstances, turn with hepes to the second category, which is overtly analytic in its approach as well as intentions. About the most notable example of such a conceptualization is of Dube (1967) and a careful scrutiny of his frame is instructive for more than one reason, even if one is driven in the end to a somewhat negative finding. Modernity for Professor Dube (1967) denotes the common "behavioral systems” historically associated with the urban, industrial, literate and participant societies of Vestern EurOpe and North America as well as those of U.S.S.R. and Japan. Modernization is the process through which their standards of performance and achievement can be accomplished by the less deveIOped societies. Modernization involves the emergence of a new behavioral system with certain distinctive characteristics. Such a system implies considerable value-change. Unless the traditional values undergo a radical modification an innovative ethos and an entrepreneurial and an industrial ethic cannot be created. Value-change is nec- essary also for institutional rearrangement considered essential for nodernization. (Dube 1965137) Modernity thus is not just superficial acquisition of some isolated traits and elements characteristic of the more advanced countries. Their selection in a logical order and sequence, and integration into the cultural pattern in a widely ramifying manner is essential. (Dube 1965135) How is, then, one to conceive this "logical order and sequence," along with their "integration into the cultural pattern in a widely ramifying manner?” Here one is appropriately warned about the multi- plicity of models of modernization, since "they are often perceptive and offer some meaningful insights, but from the sociological angle they lack coherence and miss certain important a5pects of the human context." (Dube 1965136) In offering his own model, Dube draws from the works of Lerner (1966),A1mond and Colemen (1960), and McClelland (1961), and proceeds to telescope their hypotheses while listing the characteristic attributes of modernity as follows: 1. Empathy 2. Mobility 3. High participation 4. Interest articulation 5. Interest aggregation 6. Institutionalized political competition 7. Achievement orientation 8. Rational ends - means calculation 9. New attitudes to wealth, work, savings, and risk-taking 10. Faith in the desirability and possibility of change 11. Social, economic, and political discipline 12. Capacity to put off immediate and short-term satisfactions for higher satisfactions in the longer run. The anatomy of this model is tranSparent as to its parentage. 1 The first three attributes are components of the Lerner model; the next 11n Lerner's study of modernization in the Middle East the crucial variable intervening between mass media exposure and moderni- zation is "empathy," defined as the capacity to place oneself in the roles of others. He stated that, ”The acquisition and diffusion of psychic mobility (empathy) may well be the greatest characterological transformation in modern history . . . . It is in any case the most fundamental human factor that must be comprehended by all those who plan rapid economic growth by means of rapid social change." (19631332) three are adoptions from the Almond-Coleman model:2 the seventh attribute comes from McClelland:3 while the last five of the list are items relating 1 (contd.) Lerner's (1958146) model of modernization also brings concepts other than empathy into focus: "Everywhere...increasing urban- ization has tended to raise literacy; rising literacy has tended to increase (mass) media exposure: increasing media exposure has 'gone with' wider economic participation (per capita income) and political partici- pation (voting)...The same basic model reappears in virtually all modernizing societies on all continents of the world.” Rogers and Svenning have presented Lerner's model in 'Symbolic notation as1 Urbanization——___9 Literacy-—-——) Mass Media.-———) Income and EXposure Voting 2According to Almond-Coleman model, structure differentiation exists when there are structures in the political systems that have a ”functional distinctiveness, and which tend to perform...a regulatory role in relation to that function within the political system as a whole.” (1960118) To have a meaningful understanding of structural differentiation it seems necessary to identify the functions that all political systems have in common. These functions are classified into two main categories (1; input functions, and (2) output functions. The input functions are a political socialization and recruitment (b) interest articulation, (c) interest aggregation, and (d) political communication. The output functions are Ea) rule making, (b) rule application, and (c) rule adjudication. 1960117) A differentiated political system has in each of these functional areas Specialized and distinct structures which tend to regulate that function for the system as a whole. The other major dimension which distinguishes modern political system from the traditional one is "secular - theoratic.” Almond and Coleman do not offer a precise and detailed definition and mention it very briefly. In short, the Almond-Coleman model of the modern political system is structurally differentiated and secular, and a system in which the input functions are performed in a Specified style. 3McClelland (1961) sought to show that an essential ingredient of entreprenuership leading to economic development is achievement motivation. According to McClelland achievement motivation is a social value that emphasizes a desire for excellence in order to obtain a sense of personal accomplishment (1963176). The central social value in MbClelland's model-achievement motivation-is not Specifically defined, but he equals it to an inner concern with achievement, a disposition to engage in activities in which doing well or competing with a standard of excellence are important (1963176). The similarity between achievement motivation and certain aspects of the Protestant Ethic is noted by McClelland (19611fi7), ”Certainly, Weber's description of the kind of personality type which the Protestant Reformation produced is startlingly similar to the picture we have drawn of a person with high achievement to attributes, values, and motivations--articulated in the growing literature on the social and cultural implications of modernization, more specially Ithiel de Sola Pool (1963). Hilbert Moore (1963), and Dube (1965). To be sure, the author does recognize the importance of the sequence or Specific form of linkage as between the items listed. Witness his comment1 Several interacting transformations are thus called fort personality must Open up, values and motivations must change, and institutional arrangements must be reworked. An integrated combi- nation of these attributes leads to modernization (1965138). The critical question as to the specific mode of "integrated combination,“ however, is left unasked and unanswered. Is this model applicable and/or relevant to the Indian context? The issue is never faced frontally, though one could argue with consi- derable force that the author envisages an affirmative answer. The extended analysis of the "Indian Context" seems to imply this: as also scattered comments like1 3 (contd.) motivation." McClelland's basic research design delineating his pattern of personality change has been presented in the following way by Alfred Diamant (1966144)1 values associated with Entrepreneurship modern industrialism JL Independence and g Achievement mastery training McClelland has been able to show how the values associated with modern industrialism produced child rearing patterns which led the parents to encourage in the child early (but not too early) independence and doing things for himself (mastery training). It is these practices that are associated with high achievement motive (n_achievement) which in turn McClelland links with entrepreneurship. McClelland leaves no doubt that the crucial variable which Spurs individuals to foster economic develop- lent is not profit, but achievement (19611391). The requirements of modernization are hard and almost inflexible. They will not yield, beyond a point, to particular societies: societies must yield to them. The dialogue on their adaptive demands on Indian society has so far yielded only polite nothings. Fashionable debates on the subject diplomatically avoids facing the real issue. It is necessary that they be faced with candour and conviction (Dube 1965140-h5). These changes occur both at the individual (micro) and social system (macro) levels, and these two levels are not mutually exclusive. The modernization process is not unidimensional and, therefore, cannot be measured by a single index. The main objective of the present investigation is to test and verify three variables--empathy, political participation, and mass media exposure--of Lerner's model of modernization through Survey Research Method, among nine-hundred and twenty-six citizens of a North Indian state, Uttar Pradesh. Background of the Study The research reported here is part of a much broader project on "Social and Political change” in India. It was conducted in 1966 to find out about political, social, and economic changes that have taken place in India, attitudes of citizens towards these changes, their perception of the bureaucracy and governmental actions, sense of efficacy, extent of political participation, mass media exposure, innovativeness, empathy, and citizens' own role in the political system and in bringing about these changes. In India one state was selected for each four regions--East, Vest, North, and South. The states of Assam and Kashmir were excluded from the study because it was not possible to obtain per- mission from the Government of India to conduct a citizens' survey in these two extremely politically and strategically sensitive areas. In selecting the states, an attempt was made to introduce as much of a variance as possible in the sample. The states selected were1 Andhra Pradesh in the South, Uttar Pradesh in the North, Maharashtra in the Vest, and Meet Bengal in the East. The evaluation of each state was impressionistic. Nevertheless, an attempt was made to have some amount of national representativeness. These four selected states were compared on certain critical demographic, economic and sociopolitical dimensions with the nation as a whole. The original questionnaire which was in English was translated by me into Hindi, the language Spoken in the state. Two pretests were done by me before a final form of questionnaire was adopted. Traditionally TAT and card sorting techniques are used to measure the innovativeness of respondents, but previous experience had shown that these two techni- ques were not very papular among reSpondents and did not work very well (Vajpeyi 1966) in India, therefore, these techniques were abondoned, and simple questions were asked to measure such variables as innovati- veness and empathy. After these two pretests the project started in June 1966 and was completed by October 1966. The central variables selected for the purpose of the research reported here are political participation, empathy and mass media exposure. Additional information on other variables such as literacy, urbanization, achievement motive, fatalism, and aspirations has also been utilized to examine the nature of intervening relationships. Multi- variate analysis helps in testing the effects of a third, fourth or more variables on the relationship between two other variables. For the purpose of present analysis the selected variables have been grouped as follows1 1. Antecedent variable31 They are also called independent variables. Antecedent variables are those which precede the others in order of time and which theoretically are eXpected to lead or to be followed by certain other variables. "The antecedent variable is the 'presumed' cause of the consequence variable, the 'presumed‘ effect.” (Kerlinger 1964139) Whenever we say "If X then Y,” 'X' is always the independent variable and 'Y' the dependent variable. In research the variable which is always manipulated by the investigator is the independent variable. 2. Consequent Variable31 These variables are also known as dependent variables. Consequent variables follow the antecedent in time. The conse- quent variable is ”Y," the "presumed" effect, the variable predicted to, whereas the antecedent is predicted from. Conse- quent variable varies with changes or variations in the ante- cedent variable. It is not manipulated. "It is observed for variation as a presumed result of variation in the independent variable. In predicting from X to Y, we can take any value of X we wish, whereas the value of Y we predicy to is of course "dependent" on the value of X we have selected. The dependent variable is ordinarily the condition we are trying to explain. . . ." (Kerlinger 1964139) 3. Intervening Variables: These have also been called "constructs." "Intervening variables are terms invented to account for internal and directly unobservable psychological process that in turn account for behavior. . . . An intervening variable is an 'in-the-head' variable. It cannot be seen, heard, or felt. It is inferred from behavior.” (Kerlinger 19641un) These variables affect the relationship between antecedent and consequent variables. A general paradigm of antecedent, intervening, and consequent variables used in the present investigation is1 Antecedent Variables Intervening Consequents 1. Mass Media ExPosure 1. Achievement Motivation 1. Innovativeness 2. Education 2. Empathy 2. Political Participation 3. Cosm0politeness 3. Fatalism 3. ASpirations Explanation of Concepts 1. Empathy: Attempts to define the concept have been numerous and varied. It has been defined as role playing and role taking (Lipps 1909), as inter-personal perSpectiveness (Deutsch 1964), as Interaction (Stewart 1954, Speroff 1953, and Buchheimer 1963) and "psychic mobility" (Lerner 1966). The concept of empathy is central in Lerner's model of modernization. According to him empathy is 10 (i) the capacity for identification with new a3pects of the respondent's environment" (19661h9); (ii) "the ca city to see oneself in the other fellow's situation ((1966150): (iii) the capacity for rearranging the self—system on short notice (1966151); (iv) ”mobile sensibility (1966149), and so on. The central theme in all these descriptions of empathy is the individual's capacity to understand others' feelings in his situation. Empathy is the lubricant which helps the modernization process. To quote Lerner againt the acquisition and diffusion of psychic mobility (empathy) may well be the greatest characterological transformation in modern history. . . . the most fundamental human factor that must be comprehended by all who plan rapid economic growth by means of rapid social change. (19631332) Measuring Empathy Attempts to measure empathy have been as varied as have the attempts to define the concept. In order to measure the concept of empathy with others' roles in Uttar Pradesh predictive test was used. The resPondents were asked to take public roles, which varied from local to national. A five item scale of empathy was deveIOped on the basis of these questions asked from the resPondents. The reapondents were asked as to what they would do in their resPective positions to solve these problems. A full discussion of the measurement approaches and the type of questions asked in Uttar Pradesh is in the chapter on ”Empathy” in this dissertation. 2. Political Participation1 Medern society is a participant society. It ”stirs into action those classes which formerly only played a passive part in political life.” (Mannheim 19u11hh) Democracy by its very 11 definition is characterized by the fact that power is shared and authoritative decisions concerning the society are taken by citizens or their chosen representatives. Participation is essential for mass mobilization. Lerner's (1966) research reported a positive association of political participation with other indicators of modernization. Almond and Verba (1963) felt that participation was an essential ingredient to develop political culture and to make a society participant and modern. MeasuringpPolitical Participation1 To measure political participation the reapondents were asked a series of questions concerning the frequency of political discussions, engaging in political activities such as attending a strategy meeting, contributing time in a political campaign, attending a political rally or meeting during a campaign, monetary contribution, talking another into voting a certain way, voting in local and national elections, membership in a political party, and voluntary organizations. Further discussion is in the chapter on ”Political Participation" later in this disserta- tion. The political participation has been utilized as a consequent variable in this study. 3. Mass Media Exposures Modernization has been defined as "the process by which individuals change from a traditional way of life to a more complex technologically advanced, and rapidly changing style of life." (Rogers and Svenning 1969xu8) It is essentially a 12 communication process, and has "brought about the downfall of traditional societies.” EXposure to the mass media is an important variable in large-scale directed social change, and modernization in develoPing societies. The mass media makes indispensable inputs to psychopolitical life of a transitional society via ”the minds and hearts of its pe0ple!" It teaches people by depicting new and strange situations and familiarizes them with a range of Opinions among which they can choose. "A person,” according to Lerner "becomes participant by learning to have Opinions . . . . The more numerous and varied the matters on which he has Opinions the more participant he is." (1966171) The nature and sc0pe of the mass media differs from one country to another. In less deveIOped countries it reaches only to smaller audiences, such as university students, members of professions, middle class, and urban dwellers. This is due to the availability, and the degree of government control. Communication can be direct or indirect, face-to-face contact versus the impersonal channels. Recent years have shown a tremendous growth in mass media techniques. By using these new techniques such as radio--8pecially the transistor radio-- and television, the governments of develoPing countries are reaching larger audiences. According to Rogers and Svenning1 larger mass media audiences, accompanied by high levels of mass media exposure per capita, can be expected to lead those exposed to more favorable attitudes toward change and deveIOpment, to greater awareness of political events and to more knowledge of technical information. (19691100-101) It has been found that mass media is correlated to other 13 variables of modernization such as literacy, political know- ledge, empathy, innovativeness, aSpirations, and achievement motive. (Deutschmann 1963127-351 Lerner 19661 Rao 1963) They have been presented in the following paradigm: (Rogers and Svenning 1969.102) ANTECEDEN TS >: PROCESS > CON SEQUEN CE Empathy Educatictr-\‘IT‘T‘TT‘P’r . Agricultural & .a-a~ai~‘i*‘ (,ar”the Innovativeness Social Status-————€>- -——%>-Political Knowledge Ase / CosmOpoliteness-—""'4"' ‘Achievement Motivation ”\Educational & Occupational Aspirations Measuring Mass Media Exposure1 To measure the extent of mass media exposure the reSpondents in this study were asked about their exposure to the four mass media (newSpapers, magazines, films and radios). The questions asked were1 a. Do you ever listen to the radio? About how often? b. Do you ever read the newspapers or have someone read them out for you? About how often? c. How about magazines? d. Do you ever go to the cinema? About how often? On the basis of reSponses received a three level index was adopted. Those reSpondents who gave positive reSponses to at least three questions were considered to be highly exposed, 14 those who gave positive responses to two questions and two negative reaponses were categorized as moderately exposed. Those respondents who gave negative reSponses to all the four questions or to three questions and positive to one question were considered to be low on mass media eXposure. Other indicators of modernization used in the present research are1 1. CosmOpoliteness CosmOpoliteness has been defined as a degree to which an individual is oriented outside his immediate social system (Rogers and Svenning 19691146), Those individuals who are con- fined to their own immediate social system and environment, possess very little or no interest in the world beyond, are the parochials whose presence is a great hurdle in the process of modernization and change. The cosm0polite, on the other hand, is one with imaginative longings for a better life, is willing to have contacts with the outside world, and travels frequently outside his own environment. Measuring,CosmOpolitene331 Researches conducted to Operationalize the concept of cosmOpoliteness have used two types of measures: (1) Attitudinal1 The reapondents are asked to report their agreement or disagreement with statements like, "The most rewarding organizations a person can belong to are local organizations serving local needs." (Dobriner 1958 and Dye 19631239-2h6) 15 (ii) Behavioral Indicators: The resPondents are asked to report their contacts with external sources, external to their own social environment. The re3pondents are asked as to how many trips they had taken to urban areas, his contacts with foreigners, and the type of communi- cation sources or channels used by them. (Sen 19621 Goldsen and Ralis: and Lerner 1958) Studies have also shown that number of urban trips and mass media eXposure consistently lead to cosm0politeness. In our study we used the number of trips as primary measurement of cosmOpoliteness. It has been suggested by researchers that urban trips are not the only variable to determine cosm0politeness. ROgers et. al. have suggested that "a composite cosmOpolite index should be constructed. Such an index might include, in addition to trips to the city, such variables as number of visitors (from outside the village) received, number of letters received, change agent contact, mass media exposure, previous military service, and residence outside the community.” (Regers et. al. 19691166) Unfortunately our study, in the absence of this kind of data, does not have such an index, and we have used only urban trips, and their frequency to determine cosmOpoliteness. The respondents were asked two types of questions. First they were asked ”Could you tell me how often you have traveled to (Name District Headquarters/nearest city) if you have ever 16 traveled there?" Then the respondents were asked about the size of the city to which they had traveled, and frequency of such trips. On the basis of the responses a three level scale was formulated. Those respondents who reported to have traveled once a week or more frequently, and between once a week and once a month were considered to be high on cosmOpoliteness scale. Those rSSpondents who traveled two to five times a year, or once or twice in a year or less frequently were categorized as moderately cosmOpolite, and those who reported to have never traveled were considered to be low on cosmopoliteness scale. 2. Achievement Motivation: Achievement motivation has been defined as "a social value that emphasizes a desire for excellence in order to attain a sense of personal accomplishment.” (Rogers et. al. 19691243) It has been observed that a desire to excel and achieve is related to economic development and change. Weber (1930), Rostow (1961), Hagen (19621ix), McClelland (1961), and Rosen (1964) stress the role of value changes in economic development. Rosen (1964) speaks of the "achievement syndrome" in which he includes achievement motivation and such ”achievement values” as activism, independence, and future orientation. It is a Special type of social value which helps in changing societies. 17 Measuring Achievement Motivation: In past various measures have been used to assess the achievement motivation. McClelland and his associates have used TAT type measure of achievement motivation. In our study it was realized, during the pretests, that investigators not only required considerable time to administer in field inter- views, but also met resistance on the part of the reSpondents. The reSpondents felt that they were being treated as children to tell the stories about what was going on in the TAT pictures. (Vajpeyi 1966), Morrison (1962), and Neill (1963) used the sentence-completion measure of achievement motivation. They felt that such a measure can be administered in a few minutes of interview time, and encountered less reSpondent resistance than TAT. Past researches in developing countries had shown that sentence-completion measurement was not too successful because farmers of these countries ”are obviously much different from those in Visconsin or Ohio.” Due to these above mentioned difficulties in measuring the achievement motivation in India direct questions were asked concerning respondents' occupational areas. Past researches have reported the conceptual importance of occupational expressions of achievement motivation as a predictor of economic deveIOpment and social change. In this study the rural reapondents were asked about agricultural sector, while urban respondents were asked about their reSpective occupations. Following questions were asked: 18 a. Are you currently doing anything to try to get a better job--perhaps looking for other work or taking some training that would help you find better work? b. Do you desire to increase the size of your farm? c. Are there any new methods and techniques or machines and implements which you will like to use to improve your work? d. Would you like to increase your farm production? (in urban areas) Would you like to increase your financial situation, or your pay? e. Here are a few things that some farmers use and some don't. He would like to know if you think their use is good or bad? How about improved seeds? Do you think it is good or bad to use them to improve your farm? These questions were adOpted with the results of past researches in mind. Individuals with high achievement motivation engage in innovating and risk taking activities (McClelland 19641182-183). According to Rogers et. al. (19691258) one of the partial indi- cators of excellence in farming is the size of the farm. A farmer with a larger-sized farm is considered to be more successful. Another indicator of farming excellence is the level of farm production. On the basis of re3pondent answers a three level scale-- High, Medium, and Low--was constructed. Those reSpondents who responded positively to all the five questions were considered to be highly achievement oriented. Those respondents who were positive on at least three questions were considered moderate on achievement orientation scale. The low achievement oriented ones were those who answered positive on one question or less than one. 19 3- W1 Fatalism is the belief that phenomena occur for no knowledgeable reason, and nothing can be done to control or prevent them. God or some moral order controls the destiny. The attitude of fatalism breeds inaction, apathy, superstition, irrational behavior and pessimism. It is a great obstacle in bringing about social change, economic deveIOpment, and moderni- zation. It is this kind of attitude which makes the Indian farmer quote the Rama ana, ”It is no use to interfere in the ways of God, hence it is worthless to argue and try.” Measuring Fatalism: Most of the researches conducted to measure fatalism have been concerned with reSpondents' attitudes towards nature and supernatural. The fatalism scale for this study was based on attitudes reported by the respondents about supernatural, and its role in their lives. The resPondents were asked if there was anything they could do to improve their lives. This question was followed by three more questions. The items were: a. Is there anything which you could do to improve your present life? b. When man is created, his life is determined by his past actions. He cannot modify it? c. If misfortune hits one should accept it. One cannot fight the gods. d. Only God could make us happy. No human efforts could alter the fate. Whatever is destined is destined. 20 The respondents were asked to eXpress their Opinions on these items. Those who agreed on first item and disagreed on all the rest of the three items were considered to be low on fatalism, those who agreed on second, third, and fourth items and disagreed on first item were considered to be high on fatalism. Those respondents who agreed on at least two and disagreed on the first item were categorized as modera- tely fatalistic. 4. Opinion Leadership: The success or failure of community develOpment prOgrams of planned change depend upon the attitude and c00peration of local leaders. These leaders have tremendous influence in their own social environment. They are sought for information and advice because they are considered to be knowledgeable, competent, and resourceful. Modernization and social change programs make new demands on local leadership. In this study we were interested to find out the relationship between Opinion leadership and other variables of modernization process. Measuring Opinion Leadership: Various measuring techniques have been used by researchers to determine the Opinion leadership. Who are the Opinion leaders? Who governs? These questions have plagued sociologists, political scientists and other social scientists for quite a long time. The more important and well known measures are (1) socio-metric: (2) a self- designating Opinion leadership scale: (3) a self-anchoring 21 Opinion leadership measure: and (4) judge's ratings. In our study two measuring techniques were used to determine the opinion leadership. They were: (a) Self-designating leadership: The respondents were asked if people come to them for advice or opinions in solving their problems. Two questions were asked in this series about the frequency of such visits, and if they come for information and advice more often than to others. (b) Self-anchoring ladder measure: The self-anchoring ladder technique develOped by Professor Hadley Cantril was also used to measure Opinion leadership. The reSpondents were handed over a small card with a picture of five stepladders and were asked: Suppose the most powerful and influential mean in village/town whose Opinions and advice are reSpected are at the top of the ladder, and the men with the least influence and power are at the bottom. Where would you place yourself on the ladder? Those reSpondents who had quite a few visitors who came frequently for advice, and those who placed themselves high on the ladder were considered to be high on public Opinion leadership scale. On the other hand, those respondents who did not report any such visits were categorized as low on Opinion leadership. 4. Education: Education is an important facilitator of modernization. It puts ”the boundaries of human experience beyond the visible 22 horizons and thus extends social Space." Whereas the illiterate, the uneducated is largely dependent on memorization of details, the educated individual is able to manipulate symbols, able to empathize and understand. It has been observed that: Where the social setting itself is changing, the more literate man will be quicker to perceive the change and will find it easier to redefine his beliefs in ways that fit his new needs and interests. (Schuman et. al., 196716) There is a widespread consesus among researchers that literacy is the key to national develOpment and modernization, and is closely related to the other variables of modernization. Measurinngducation: In the absence of uniformity to measure literacy the present study has used the level of formal education. This was considered to be the simplest way to measure education. The important stage or the "take off" stage in education is the postprimary stage which begins in the fourth or fifth year of schooling. The course content in postprimary classes is likely to reflect some modern sort of information, and the location of postprimary schools is usually a town or city or a bigger ‘71 118.88 e II The Sample: The total sample size for India was determined with reference both to problems of administration and the population in the four states. The following rate for the male and female samples were drawn: 23 Male Sample Female Sample Rural: 2 per 100,000 Rural: 5 per 100,000 Urban: 5 per 100,000 Urban: 2 per 100,000 TABLE I MALE & FEMALE POPULATION - URBAN & RURAL (1961‘ CENSUS) State Total Rural Urban POpulation Males Females Males Females I. Uttar Pradesh* 72,276,786 32,734,243 30,100,419 5,208,239 4,233,885 *Excluding five border districts in which interviewing was not possible because of government restrictions. It was decided to take a smaller sample of female reSpondents firstly because of the difficulty of interviewing them individually and secondly it was felt that they, with their very low political involvement (impressionistic.in the beginning but later SUpported by the data) would mainly be reflecting the male political orientations. The higher rate of the urban sample is a function of the low degree of urbanization in India and the fact that about three-fourths of the total Indian pepulation live in the villages. As we were interested in using urbanization as one of the major antecedent variables, we thought we required a sizeable urban sample for analytic purposes. The total sample size was fixed with reference to the number of elite interviews we wanted to do, the load we could carry administratively, in the short time at our d13posa1 before Indian elections start in February, 1967. 24 Given the above rates, the following turned out to be the sample size for U. P. (See Table II). Each state got a quota of interviews preportionate to the size of its total p0pulation in the urban and rural areas. In fixing the number of interviews for each state, we took into account the different male-female ratios within them. For this purpose, we used the 1961 Census of India which provided the latest available figures. TABLE II TOTAL MALE AND FEMALE SAMPLES* Rural Urban State Male Female Total Male Female Total Sample I. Uttar Pradesh 655 150 805 260 85 345 1150 Note: Rural male sample at 2 per 100,000 Rural female sample at 1 per 200,000 Urban male sample at 5 per 100,000 Urban female sample at 2 per 100,000 *Response rate not accounted for. RURAL SAMPLE Dispgiets and Socioeconomic Strata In each state, we decided to take a sample of 25% of the districts. Districts were used as primary sampling units within the states because they are the largest administrative units and have identical administrative units and have identical administrative stru- cture. Thirdly, they provided a convenient unit for stratifying the state into socioeconomically developed and under-develOped regions. Lastly, they helped us to cluster the interviews. 25 For selecting the districts, we ranked all the districts within a state in terms of their level of socioeconomic develOpment. (See Appendix I) Employing then a median split to stratify them into high and low districts, an equal number of districts from each stratum were selected. The selection within each stratum was based on the principles of PPS, the size here referring to the total pOpulation of the district. Between the strata, the total rural sample for the state was distributed prOportionate to the size of the state population living in the two strata. In this distribution, the sex ratios in the two strata were considered. Similarly, the quota for each stratum was distributed among the selected districts preportionate to the size of these dis- tricts, again taking into account the sex ratio in the total pOpulation. The following tables illustrate our approach: TABLE III TOTAL STRATA WISE DISTRIBUTION OF MALE AND FEMALE RURAL POPULATIONS IN THE SELECTED STATE High Low State Males Females Males Females I. Uttar Pradesh 15,207,225 13,276,008 15,527,018 16,824,411 Blocks Vithin districts, community develOpment blocks were used as sampling units because they automatically cluster the villages. As we were vitally interested in exposure to urbanization and the modern sectors of the community, we decided to rank the blocks with reference to the distance between block and district headquarters. In case of 26 alternative routes, we took the shortest route into account. Then using a median Split, we stratified the blocks into proximal and distal blodks. Then from each stratum we selected on block PPS. The quota of interviews for each district was distributed between the two selected blocks with reference to the latter's pOpulation size. Once again, sex ratio of the total pOpulation was taken into account. Villages In selecting the villages within each block, the principles of PPS were deliberately flouted. Firstly, because any procedure which favoured the selection of the larger villages would have deprived us of the Opportunity of studying small size village communities on a regular basis from district to district. Secondly, the presence in the sample of villages of different sizes (varying in size from below 200 to above 10,000) would assure the availability of adequate data on larger villages which in terms of size verged on smaller towns. This should help the study to develOp some form of a folk-urban continuum for analytic purposes. We, therefore, ranked the villages in terms of their size and once again used the median split to stratify them into large and small villages. Selecting then one village from each of the strata, we distributed the block-quota of interviews between the two villages pr0portionate to their size. Female Sample Given the smaller rate at which the female reSpondents were selected, it was pointless to have as many sampling points for the females as for the males. We, therefore, planned to use half the 27 number of districts for picking our female sample. The selected districts with number of interviews assigned to Uttar Pradesh are shown in Tables IV and V. TABLE IV FEMALE SAMPLE IN THE SELECTED DISTRICTS No. of State Districts Interviews I. Uttar Pradesh varanasi 25 Mirzapur 0 Kanpur 26 Meerut 0 Muzaffarnagar 25 Etah 0 Budaun 32 Gonda 0 Sitapur 32 Jaunpur 33 Gorakhpur . 0 Almora 0 TOTAL 173 Within a district, we planned to have both distal and proximal villages as well as large and small villages. As we were to select only two villages from a district for the female sample, we decided to select one village from each of the two selected blocks which would automatically ensure that we get a distant and nearby village. The actual procedure was as follows: Out of the four villages used for the male sample, we selected one village randomly for the female sample. Then according to whether it was a large or’a small village, we selected, and according to the block to which it belonged determined the selection of the second village in block "A," the second selection would automa- tically be a large village in block "D." 28 ems Sm was .298. SN dos: .e 3 room .0 so Sofia .m es 838883: .m 2: Barrens .e S sense: .e co“ hzmnscw .m mm Humndx .n om cocoa . N 3 Banana: . N a Becsm .H so someone, .H secede .833 .H .6 .n .e .m .N 4 H38 crooner; 8.382s 33:35 oeoflooa 33m modem co cons roe new so some swam new napanenen isseneoaq E > mqm<8 29 URBAN SAMPLE The sampling rates for the urban interviews resulted in the following distribution of interviews: TABLE VI DISTRIBUTION OF MALE AND FEMALE URBAN POPULATION W High Low State Males Females Males Females I- Uttar Pradesh 4,220,015 3,416,336 1,988,224 1,817,549 TABLE VII DISTRIBUTION OF MALE AND FEMALE URBAN INTERVIEWS W State Males Females Total I. Uttar Pradesh 312 102 414 Town Types and Towns Within each state, the urban pOpulation was stratified with reference to the size of the town or cities they stayed in. Table VIII gives the distribution of male and female pOpulation staying in different types of towns.) It will be noticed that, as the first type could include only the state capital, it amounted to a purposive selection in all cases. This was done because it was felt that the state capitals were likely to have distinctive political features and, therefore, would be important for the comparative analysis Of political cultures. 30 TABLE VIII DISTRIBUTION OF URBAN POPULATION AMONG TOWNS IN U.P. Total . Towns POpulation Males Females 1 2 3 4 1. Lucknow 655,673 366,501 289,172 2. Ghazibad 63,190 34,753 28,437 3. Varanasi 471,258 257,831 213,427 4. Sashawan 23,293 12,284 10,909 5. Baghpat 8,437 4,580 3,857 In classifying the towns, our intention was to deve10p at least three categories: (1) those which would include industrial centres: (2) those which were in intermediate or transitary stages of industriali- zation and (3) those which overlapped the villages in terms of their traditional structure and low-level of industrialization. In selecting the actual towns for the study, all the towns included in the districts selected for the rural sample were listed with their total pOpulation size. Then in each of the town-types, we selected two towns from each state. The process of selection was, however, different for types 2 and 3. In the former (over 50,000), we selected the two towns randomly: in the latter, we stratified the towns in terms of their size using a median Split and selected one town from each stratum. We felt that this would provide us with a continuum, at one end of which we would have our highly urbanized sampling points and at the other we would have the small traditional village communities. 31 The selection of two towns from types 2 and 3 was determined by the consideration that, by taking more than one town, we should be able to measure the cluster effect involved in selecting a very small number of towns to represent the entire urban sector of the four states. Total number of urban interviews in each state were distributed among three types of towns with reference to the prOportion of state pOpulation in all towns of that size within the state. This was done because the alternative procedure of distributing interviews prOportionate to the size of the selected towns within a category would have given us very few interviews in case of small towns. Within each category, the interviews were distributed between the two selected towns, prOportion- ately to the population size, taking into account the sex ratio of the total population of the towns. were: Because of administrative considerations, we decided to cluster the interviews within the larger cities in terms of municipal wards. This was not necessary in case of towns below 50,000 because of their more homogeneous nature and the ease with which one could commute within them. While trying to cluster the interviews with reference to the wards, we found that no correlation existed between the size of the selected towns and the number of wards they had. In other words, there were great variations within and across towns in ward size. In view of this, the following arbitrary system was develOped in the selection of wards within a city: 32 (a) If a town or city had 30 or more wards, we selected 10% of the wards. (b) If a city has between 20 and 29 wards, we selected 25% of the wards. This percentage was determined on pragmatic grounds by examining the pOpulation size of the cities within this number of wards. (c) If a town had less than 20 wards, we selected 50% of the wards. We selected the wards PPS and distributed the interviews among them prOportionate to their size. Wherever the sex ratios were available for individual wards within a town, we took it into account. Wards were picked without initial randomization of the universe, so as to obtain an ecological Spread, because they were found in the selected cities to radiate from the centre to the periphery. Urban Female Sample We decided to interview females in three cities in each state: the capital, one out of the two selected towns in each of the other categories. The selection was made randomly. The reason for selecting a smaller number of sampling points for the female reSpondents was the same as in the case of the rural sample. (Table IX lists the selected towns for the reSpondents) In towns, female reSpondents were picked from all sampled wards. A separate PPS strategy for the female respondents was not followed because, for administrative and theoretical considerations, we wanted male and female sampling point to overlap. Yet at the same time, we wanted to have an adequate geographical Spread for the female reSpondents. 33 TABLE IX State Town Selected Male Female Total 1 2 3 4 5 I. Uttar Pradesh 1. Lucknow 22 7 29 2. Ghaziabad 22 0 22 3. Varanasi 164 60 224 4. Sashawan 77 35 112 5. Baghpat 27 0 27 TOTAL 312 102 414 In towns, female respondents were picked from all sampled wards. A separate PPS strategy for the female reSpondents was not followed because, for administrative and theoretical considerations, we wanted male and female sampling point to overlap. Yet at the same time, we wanted to have an adequate geographical Spread for the female res- pondents. TABLE X DISTRIBUTION OF MALE AND FEMALE URBAN INTERVIEWS IN U. P. State Male Female TOEEI I. Uttar Pradesh 312 102 414 Respondents At each sampling point, respondents were selected from the available voters' list. In the absence of an actual voters' list, we relied upon lists of adult residents that were available with the village or town administration. In the case of villages, if a single voters' list for adult voters existed, the names of the actual respondents were picked with the help of a random number table. These lists included names of both males and females. Since we had different sampling rates for males and females and since their lists in urban areas were extremely lengthy, it was administratively awkward to separate the males from the females and establish a system for each. Thus, it was decided that in both villages and in urban areas, we would use a common procedure for selecting males and females from one list. The procedure for selecting males and females was as follows: In villages, if the required quota of female names had already been picked, we would start by rejecting any female names which entered our list continued till we exhausted the male quota. In urban areas, within wards, there were separate lists for different polling stations. If, in such a case, there were five polling stations in one ward and 1000 names for each polling station, the first name in polling station 2 automatically became number 1001 as a poten- tial number to be randomly selected. These separate polling stations' lists were again composed of both males and females and we applied the same procedure as described for the villages. Reaponse Rate In the absence of reliable empirical guidelines, we had to grapple with the problem of reSponse rate with the help of rules-of-thumb procedures. Keeping in mind the experience of some of the earlier sur- veys conducted by the Indian participants, the rural sample was increased by 15 percent and the urban sample by 20 percent. 35 Why I Chose Uttar Pradesh for the Study: The State of Uttar Pradesh has been chosen for this study for the following reasons: 1. 2. 3. It has been Observed that since India is a federal system, containing 17 states, and since the states are ”training grounds" for national politicans "our very understanding of the Indian political system depends upon our assessment of patterns of develOpment within the constituent units." (Weiner 196013) Myron Weiner has further observed that " . . . Each of the Indian states provides us with an un- usual microcosm and macrocosm for studying processes of develOpment. A microcosm since the states are constituent units of a larger system, and a macrocosm because the units are themselves so large that they can be studied as total system." (Weiner 196014) Hence one state. I was in charge of the entire project in the North, and as a Regional Research Associate I was reSponsible for coordi- nating the project in Uttar Pradesh, and therefore able to include questions and variables which were of interest to my own research plans in future. This not only gave me an opportunity to collect data for my interests but also made the rest of the project data available to me. Hence Uttar Pradesh. Uttar Pradesh: Socialnyolitical and Cultural Background: It is different from most of the other states in India in so many ways. It is predominantly Hindi Speaking, rural and 36 agricultural, and for almost over a century has been a political and administrative unit. The 1956 States Reorganization, which affected most of the states, creating a great political turmoil, Upheaval and tension, brought no major reorganization problems in U. P. There have been no groups in post-independent U. P. trying to break away and form a separate state. The virulent anti-Brahamanism of South India, the Kamma-Reddi friction in Andhra, and the hill-versus-plains friction in Orissa present tensions which are almost negligible in Uttar Pradesh. (Burger 1969121) Area and Pppulation: The largest of Indian states, Uttar Pradesh covers an area of 113,654 square miles-~and its population, according to the 1961 census, was 73,746,401- 649 persons per square mile - and yet the growth rate continues to increase decennially, since 1921, by 6.7%, 13.6%, 11.8% and in the last decade by 16.7% (Census of India 1961125) The state is overwhelmingly rural and agricultural. About 87% of the peOple live in villages. (Census of India 19611349) The eastern districts are among the most poverty stricken in the entire country while the western districts are economically much better Off and more highly industrialized. In the eastern districts, the population density is higher (about 900 per square mile), the degree of urbanization lower, the prOportion engaged in agriculture higher, the size of rural land holdings smaller than in the west. In economic develOpment Sphere there is diversity, with some districts showing increased prOSperity and develOpment while others have not changed much in the last one or two decades. There are differences within Hindi on east-west continuum. In western districts 37 Braj Bhasa and Khari-Boli is Spoken, while in eastern districts eastern Hindi with the Avadhi dialect, with very little Urdu, is Spoken. There are crap variations, also. Rice being more important in the east and wheat in the west. The village settlement pattern also differs, with compact villages found in the western districts, groupings of hamlets in the eastern districts, and a combination of the two in the central part. (Ahmed 1952.223-246) According to spate (19571495-521), the state could be divided into two portions--the upper Ganges plain, comprising all of the western and central plain districts, and the middle Ganges plain, made up of the eastern districts of the state and more like the plain of Bihar. The North and South are thinly pOpulated, but the area of the Central Valley is one of the most pOpulous in the world. According to Chaturvedi (1959) who divides U. P. in three natural areas, the pOpula- tion densities per square mile are as follows: TABLE XI 1891 1941 1961 1. Himalyan Tract 90 123 150 2. Central Indian Plateau 207 232 278 3. Gangetic Basin 550 651 900 The upper Ganges plain is mainly a wheat growing area, with sugar an important cash crOp in the northwestern districts. This area has a light rainfall and is irrigated by the canals of the Jumna and Ganges rivers. The eastern part of the state has a heavier rainfall, and the main crOp is rice and sugar. 38 The Land System and the Economy: The dependence of Uttar Pradesh's economy upon agriculture is more pronounced than in the case for India as a whole, because it lacks the mineral and energy sources upon which industrialization sufficient to employ a large prOportion of its labor force. Within the state the consequent pressure on agricultural resources is exerted upon soil, the majority of which has been depleted by millenia of constant and intensive cultivation. Some in million cultivators share its 46.7 million culti- vable acres; the average holding being less than 3.5 acres. Competition for land has resulted in approximately 900,000 cultivating families being completely without rights to any land and nearly 60% of all holdings being restricted to less than 2.5 acres. Coupled with this severe restriction upon the economic Opportunities of the majority of cultivators in the state has been the failure to achieve the goals of agricultural production set in the national develOpment plans. (Report on the Second Agricultural Labor Inquiry 1956-57:12) In 1961, 74% of the male workers in U. P. were classified as engaged in agricultural production, 9% were classified as industrial workers. The corresponding percentages for India as a whole were 65 and 11. (Census of India Paper No. I, 1962) Behind this poverty of resources for the great majority of cultivators in the state and the failure so far to respond to develOp- ment efforts, lies a system of agarian organization determined by history and natural environment which has made immense the challenge to significant reform. Agriculture in U. P. has a pattern of considerable diversity. The great bulk of agricultural activity extends from north- west to east, down the basins of the Ganges and Jumna rivers between 39 the foothills of the Himalaya and Vindhya mountains. Flanking the alluvial plain are the hill regions to the north with the flat strip of "tarai" below them and to the south the dry, infertile, broken country of Bundelkhand extending to the eastern district of Mirzapur. There peripheral areas have a tenure structure, cropping pattern and agricultural production potential quite distinct from the main body of the central plain. And there are significant contrasts in creps, productivity, demographic density, tenure institutions and sociological structure within the central region itself. Such contrasts between regions have been reinforced by distinctive patterns of political, administrative and social develOpment in recent times. With the inception of Independence, the Congress government in U. P. inherited an agrarian situation in which a clearly superior class of tenure holders maintained a monOpoly over title to land, but whose control over both the land and cultivating classes had been circum- scribed. Through extralegal pressures and their preeminent position in the rural social structure, it was still possible for the Zamindars to exercise control over village affairs and to extort services and fees from workers and tenants, but the great majority of Zamindars them- selves were in a position to gain little more than bare subsistence from their land. (Singh and Misra 196nm) More than 98% of the Zamindars registered in 19h5-46 paid less than Rs. 250.00 annually on holdings which averaged 3.17 acres. Thus, within a state whose economy was almost completely dependent upon agriculture, limitations of natural resources and the anamolies of a land tenure system which #0 denied all but a tiny minority of the cultivators opportunities for living at a slightly better than subsistence level, Congress faced the challenge of reconciling its objectives of justice and increasing productivity with the realities of agrarian life. The implementation of the Imposition of Land Holding Act in Uttar Pradesh followed fourteen years of active effort by the Congress government of the state to face this challenge. The change in land tenure, politics and administration brought about by this attempt determined the conditions under which the application of ceiling was tried a Historical Background: The British acquisition of Uttar Pradesh is a story of gradual annexation and conquest. The state was put tOgether in over a period of seventy-six years. It began in 1764 with the defeat of Nawab of Oudh at Baksar. The cessation of Benaras in 1775 consolidated British formal authority in this part of North India. They used these new acquisitions as buffers against Sikh, Marathas, Rohilas and Jats. But during the governor-generalship of Uellesley, this policy changed. He acquired Gorakhpur region, Rohilkhand, and the lower Doab in 1801. In 1803 the upper Doab and Rohilkhand were added. The British victory in the Anglo-Nepalese Har of 1815 brought most of the Kumaon, except for Tehri-Garhwal, to the increasing territorial acquisitions by British in U. P. Host of Bundelkhand was acquired by the doctrine of "lapse,” and by a treaty with the Maratha Chief Sindhia. By this time the only viable non-British territory in U. P. was Oudh, surrounded by British. In 1856, the remainder of Oudh was annexed to complete the story. 41 The states of Tehri-Garhwal, the Raimur remained autonomous until after independence. Most of the acquired territories in North India were administered from Calcutta. In 1836, however, for reasons of efficiency and economy changes were introduced in administering these areas. The new areas were reorganized under Bengal Presidency and renamed the Northwestern Provinces to be administered by a lieutenant-governor. (Dharma Bhanu 1957) In 1856, Oudh was added to the Northwestern Provinces, but kept under the separate administration of a chief commissioner. For political reasons the region was brought directly under the administration of the lieutenant-governor in 1877. This was not the last reorganiza- tion. In 1902, the two provinces were formally integrated into the Northwestern Provinces, and the two provinces were renamed the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, to be changed again after Independence in 19“? to be called Uttar Pradesh. In 19h9, the two autonomous states of Rampur and Tehri-Garhwal were merged in the state. Social Groups, Caste, and Community: The population of U. P. is divided into two large religious groups, Hindus and Muslims. These two groups are further divided into innumerable castes and subcastes. According to 1891 census, there were about 5h,710 ”subcastes" of Hindus and Muslims in U. P. Schwartzberg (1966tu78-479) feels that The caste system is exceedingly complex and varies greatly grom one part of India to another . . . . However, there are probably no more than a few dozen castes, or at most a few score, that are sufficiently widespread, numerous, or important . . . .” #2 He maintains that there are about twenty-eight castes with about one million members or more (1931 census) in the part of Indo-Gangetic plain. (Schwartzberg 1965:480) Despite these differences of Opinions about the numbers of castes, there is a general consensus that caste rules cover virtually all major aspects of life, and there can be no understanding of Indian society without an appreciation of the pervasive role of caste. In the present discussion, only those castes will be mentioned which, at present, have some political importance. TABLE XII IMPORTANT CASTES IN U. P. fl 0f % of Brahamans Rajputs Ahirs Kurmis Chamars Hindus Muslims % of % of % of % of % of Total State to Total to Total Total Total Total Total Total P0pulation Po . Pop. Pop. Pop. Pop. Pop. PopL 72,276,786 85% 1595* 9.2% 7.6% 7.8% 3.5% 12.7% *Divided into 85 caste groups Source: Census of India, 1891, Part I The lowest caste groupings are the Scheduled castes, who are defined, protected, patronized, and given preferential treatment in education, government employment, and in legislatures through constitu- tional and legislative provisions. They are the "ex-untouchables,” ones who were outside the four-fold ”Verna" scheme. They include the Chamars, Pasis, Arikhs, and several others. The Chamars are said to have benefited most from Scheduled caste legislation. Most of the reserved seat State and National legislators belong to this caste. Although most have been elected on the congress ticket, there is Republican Party with greatest strength in the Southwestern districts 43 of the state which is commonly referred to as the "Chamar Party." One of the largest caste groups in the state, they are widely dispersed. In most of the districts they number among the t0p two or three castes. Most of them are not economically well-off, are small landholders, and landless laborers. The Pasis, by contrast, are geographically concen- trated in the central east districts where they number among the largest. Beginning in the late 1930's, Pasis have tried to raise the status ranking by adOpting various customs and religious rituals of higher castes, calling themselves "Parnshram" - a mythological Brahman saint. According to D. N. Mazumdar, these efforts to "Sanskritize" Pasis through ”Pasi Mahasabha" failed. (1955.63-86) The second caste grouping, higher than the Scheduled castes, are the backward classes. These are also defined by law and have been given some advantages through legislation. However, these advantages are less than those given to the Scheduled castes, and no seats in legislatures are reserved for them. These are generally "agricultural“ or peasant castes, described by District Gazetteers of British days as the ”backbone of the cultivating community." The Kurmis and Ahirs are considered to be at the top on the backward caste scale. Kurmis have their greatest strength in the eastern and north central districts. They are better off economically than other low castes. Ahirs have aspired to and claimed Kshattriya status for many decades, and prefer to be called as ”Yadavas." The Yadavas are a large, fairly well distributed caste, with great strength in all districts save the western tier and northwestern hill districts. In recent years, Yadavas have become most active politically among all the backward castes. an A third significant backward caste is the Lodhi-Rajputs, as they prefer to be called. The economic and social status of this group varies considerably within the state. In some districts, particularly in the south central part of the state, many were and are large land- owners: in other areas they are worse off. The Lodhi-Rajputs do have a caste organization with headquarters in the south central districts. There are other backward castes of some importance in politics, although not as important as the three previously mentioned. They are the Gujars (concentrated in western districts), Gadaria, Kacchi, Koeri, and Sainthwar. Most of the castes have attempted to "Sanskritize" their statuses. A number of Specific caste associations exist for individual backward castes. In addition, a Backward Classes Association, and a Backward and Depressed Classes Association exist. At various times, in the past twenty years, other political organizations of these castes have been formed. The third caste grouping consists of all those castes not listed as either scheduled or backward. These are termed "elite castes.” The caste with the highest ritual and social status is Brahman who are, by tradition, scholars and priests. In U. P., there are several types of Brahamans. The Brahamans are followed by Kshattriyas (Rajputs), the traditional ruling and warrior castes. They are divided into numerous clans and subcastes. The third impor- tant caste is the Vaishyas (pOpularly known as Banias). These are the businessmen, traders, and moneylenders. Then there is a caste of Kayasthas whose exact status in caste hierarchy has been very difficult 45 and controversial to determine. In 1931, 49% of this caste were recorded as literates in the census. In rural areas, the Kayasthas often are Lekhpals - Keepers of the land records - a position of great influence and power. In urban areas they are doctors, teachers, lawyers, and in other government services. It is said that a Brahman earns his livelihood by his book, Rajput by his Sword, and the Kayastha by his Pen 0 Although caste is theoretically anathema to the equalitarian religion of Islam, the strength of the caste system is such that all religions which have taken root in Indian soil have in practice gradually taken on certain of the attributes of that system. (Schwartzberg 1965:491) Muslims are also divided into several castes. They are heavily concentrated in Rohilkhand, Northern Oudh, and Upper Doab area. The heaviest concentration is in the district of Rampur where they comprise 50% of the total pOpulation. Politically prominent Muslim castes in U. P. are Syed, Shaikh, Pathan, and Ansari or Julaha. (Ansari 1960) DeSpite these caste differences Muslims have develOped a consciousness of themselves as Muslims which in many areas, specially in politics, mitigate the caste distinctions. In general, Uttar Pradesh is a multi-caste state with a "tremendous diversity of peoples.” As Schwartzberg has observed that Probably in no comparably large area of India are there as many castes per village, on the average, as in the plains of central Uttar Pradesh. That is the degree of fractionization of society has important political and social consequences Should be fairly obvious. (1965:479) According to Paul Brass (1965:19) the political significance of this kind of diversity is that there are no regional identifications within the state. Diversity is Spread evenly throughout Uttar Pradesh: this is the most important environmental factor in Uttar Pradesh politics. 46 Political History: U. P. has always occupied a very important position in India's political history. Early political history was that of numerous king- doms and empires, both powerful and weak. This pattern continued through the period of muslim rule and till the coming of British. The 1857 mutiny, which shook British power in India, started here. Though for some years after the 1857 mutiny, U. P. was relatively quiet. The state did not play any important role in the founding of the Indian National Congress in 1885. Congress leaders came mainly from Bombay, Bengal and other metropolitan areas. After World War I, once again U. P. became politically active in national politics. Allahabad became the headquarters of nationalist movements, and the All India Congress Committee. It provided great national leaders such as Taj Bahadur Sapru, the famous Liberal leader, Moti Lal Nehru, later to lead the Swagaj. Pagty_in the legislatures, Jawahar Lal Nehru, Govind Ballabh Pant, Rafi Ahmed Kidwai, P. D. Tondon, Liagat Ali, Khalik-uz-Zaman, and so many others. As early as in 1918, Purushottam Das Tondon started peasant movements against the ”Talukdars” in U. P. These "serious agrarian riots in the Oudh districts of Rae Bareli and Fyzabad" created great discomfort among Talukdars and strengthened the Congress movement providing much needed farmer support against British rule. It was in U. P. that Hindu and Muslim communal politics began to take form after the founding of the Benaras Hindu University at Benaras, and the Anglo-Orient College, later to become Aligarh Muslim University, at Aligarh in 1875. According to Brass(1965:22) 47 Deepite this background of communal bitterness, Congress and League leaders in Uttar Pradesh formed an electoral agreement for the provincial elections of 1936...Nevertheless, on the basis of the pre-election agreement, negotiations between the League and the Congress for a Coalition Cabinet were begun. The negotiations failed and the Congress formed a government with the League in Opposition. The failure of the Cabinet negotiations marked the final turning point in Congress-League relations in Uttar Pradesh. From 1937 on, the Congress and the League went separate ways... This was the beginning Of Pakistan. In post-independence period, prominent leaders of Opposition came from U. P. Acharya Narendra Dev, founder of the Congress Socialist Party, Achyut Patwardhan, a noted Socialist, Atal Beharee Vajpeyi of the Jan Sangh belong to this state. Jai Prakash Narayan, the late Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, and Acharya J. B. Kriplani had very close ties with the U. P. politics. The state sends the highest number of mem- here (85) to the Indian Loksabha (Lower House), thus a balancing factor in nation's politics. The DevelOpment of Political Parties in Post-Independent U. P.: Almost all major Indian political parties, from extreme left to the Hindu right, have some political support base in U. P. This is partly due to U. P.'s diversity and political awareness. Selig Harrison (1960) held U. P. as the "national stronghold" of the Congress Party. In the 1952 general elections, the Congress Party won 390 out of 430 seats in the state Assembly, and 81 out of 85 seats to the Loksabha. The percentage Of popular vote for the State Assembly was 47.9% and for Loksabha it was 53% as compared to the national average of 45%. (Report on the first General Elections 1951-52) But by the second general election in 1957, the Congress support was on the decline, and finally in 1967, the party suffered its first defeat in the state, again to 48 come back in 1971 mid-term elections and sweep the state under the national leadership of Mrs. Indira Gandhi. Presently the state has a "New“ congress ministry headed by Sri Kamlapati Tripathi. TABLE XIII UTTAR PRADESH ASSEMBLY ELECTION RESULTS (1952-1967) 1952 $921, 1962 , 1962 Party % Of NO. Of % Of NO. Of % of NO. Of % Of No. Of Vote Seats Vote Seats Vote Seats Vote Seats Congress 47.9 390 42.4 286 34.9 249 32.2 200 Jan Sangh 6.4 2 9.8 17 15.3 49 21.6 98 PSP (a) 17.8 20 14.5 44 11.9 38 4.1 11 Socialist (b) - - - - 8.5 24 9.9 42 Communist (c) 0.9 0 3.8 9 5.4 14 4.4 14 Swatantra - - - - 4.8 15 4.9 13 Republicans - - - - 3.8 8 3.9 8 Others 27.0 18 29.4 74 15.3 33 19.0 39 Total 100.0 430 99.9 430 99.9 430 100.0 425 (a The 1952 PSP vote is combined vote of the Socialist Party and the KMPP. (b In 1957, the Socialists ran as Independents and won 25 seats. (c In 1967, there were two CPI's: CPI (M) got 1.2% of votes and one seat. Uttar Pradesh has been a one-party dominant state till 196?. One Of the most important reasons for the decline Of Congress has been the develOpment Of strong factions within the state party. Though factional politics and personal conflicts existed in U. P. Congress even before Independence. Paul Brass (1965:232) feels that 49 three conditions have contributed to the develOpment of the factional system Of the Uttar Pradesh Congress: the absence Of an external threat, the presence Of an internal consensus upon ideological issues, and the absence Of authoritative leadership. These factions have existed on all levels of party organization. It has been said that the fourth general elections Simply gave an "electoral stamp" to the process of disintegration of the Congress system of power that had been underway for the last five years. (Kothari 1967:293) The fall of the Congress in U. P. gave it the worst jolt. The party has lost not only one more state but also one of the most populous states--its homeland-~and along with it the Indo- Gangetic plain. Besides factions and internal struggle for power, there were other important factors which contributed to the Congress defeat. As Norman Palmer (1967:275) has Observed that For sometime the erosion of Congress strength had been apparent. It was reflected in wholesale defections, internal factionalism, and the growing alienation Of influential elements in Indian society. For a variety of reasons, some of which could hardly have been averted while others were Of its own making, the Congress ...had become soft and flabby, a house divided against weak leadership (after Nehru's death) of corruption, and Of incompetence. One Of the most important trends in the post 1967 general elections has been the tremendous number of defectors from political parties. The importance of the Congress defectors in the formation of the non-Congress government was reflected in the composition of state ministries. In U. P., 28 ministers and deputy-ministers were installed on April 5, 1967, of whom 7 were Congress defectors, that is 40% of the defectors, comprising 25% of the ministry, were included in the non- Congress government compared, for example, to 8 Jan Sangh ministers representing only 8% of Jan Sangh strength in the House. The role 50 played by Independent candidates has been quite Significant. In U. P., 37 Independents were elected with the total Independent vote reaching 18.71%. In U. P., the Independent vote was larger than that for all parties except Congress and Jan Sangh. It is difficult to say as to which parties traditionalists or modernists defect to. Diverse party coalitions were put together covering the entire political Spectrum. There is no doubt that, at least in term of the principles eXpressed in party manifestoes, many of the parties which formed these coalitions are incompatible partners...All non-congress parties joined,...if not in the government itself, in the legisla- ture parties formed to provide support to the governments... Minimum common programs were framed. (Brass 1967:10) There were four main considerations and tendencies which influenced the decisions of the parties tO coalesce-~pOpular demand for such coalitions, the ability of the parties to formulate minimum common programs, pragmatic and accomodative tendencies in the parties, and the recognition of the necessity for adjustment to regional conditions. (Brass 1967:11). It was the Opportunism and political entrepreneurship which influenced the formation and stability of the non-Congress governments. CHAPTER II POLITICAL PARTICIPATION Modern society is a participant society. It is a society of equality where the emergence of national citizenship becomes possible through consensus and mass political mobilization. It "stirs into action those classes which formerly only played a passive part in political life." (Mannheim 1941:44) The role of individual citizen in political affairs has been a subject of great interest since the days of ancient Greeks. Democracy by its very definition is characterized by the fact that power is shared and authoritative decisions concerning the society are taken by citizens or their chosen representatives. Bryce has Observed that An essential ingredient of a satisfactory democracy is that a considerable proportion Should have experience of active participation in the work of small self-governing groups, whether in connection with local government, trade unions, cooperatives or other forms Of activity. (1921:132) The modern government does not value a passive citizen, but rather an active one. He is expected to participate in the process of running the country. (Inkeles 1969:1122) participation in politics builds a commitment to democratic values. Citizen participation is integral to the political and social system. According to Milbrath ”political system and political culture are important influences on individual political behavior, and we naturally expect differences in political patterns from culture to culture." (Milbrath 1965:3) He isolates five "personal" factors, three of which have been related in research to 52 political behavior: attitudes, beliefs, and personality traits. (1965:49) The cognition map of individuals is shaped and influenced by various psycho-cultural and political factors Operating in the political and social system. Due to these differences in personality traits individual extent of participation also varies. Some individuals tend to be more active and involved than others. Tendency to get involved in politics and the attitudes associated with involvement are not randomly distributed in society... Attitudinal resources sensitize an individual to participate, provide him the sense of competence needed tO engage in political behavior. (Nie et. al. 1969:372) Research in this area has revealed that political participation is "cumulative3” persons who engage in one political action often engage in others as well. Persons who are active in community affairs are much more likely than those not active to participate in politics. (Agger and Goldrich 1958:383-392: Dahl 1961: Rokkan 1959:25-37: Robinson 1952:151-156) Milbrath has categorized three types of activities in which individuals indu1,oin. (Figure I) These activities indicate hierarchy of political involvement. The hierarchy seems to have a kind of internal logic, a natural progression of becoming involved in active politics. Although persons engaging in the topmost behaviors are likely also to engage in those behaviors ranking lower, the obverse does not hold. Minimally involved persons confine their actions to those acts ranking low in hierarchy. As a person becomes more involved in politics, he engages in a wider repertoire Of political acts and moves upward in the hierarchy from the more frequent to the less frequent behaviors. (1965:19-20) It has been Observed that the process of economic develOpment drastically alters the social structures Of a nation, and consequently, the social life Of its citizens. The effects of social change on political behavior and on the Operation of the political system are 53 Holding public and party office Being a candidate for Office Soliciting political funds Gladiatorial Activities Attending a caucus or strategy meeting Becoming an active member in a political party Contributing time in a political campaign Attending a political meeting or rally Making a monetary contribution to a party Transitional or candidate Activities Contacting a public Official or a political leader Wearing a button or putting a sticker on the car Attempting to talk another into voting a Spectator certain way Activities Initiating a political discussion Voting Exposing oneself to political stimuli Apathetics FIGURE 1 HIERARCHY OF POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT Source: (Milbrath 1965:18) 54 numerous and complex. Social stratification structure is altered, and so is organizational structure. Economic develOpment also changes residence patterns. As a nation develOps economically it becomes more urban. These develOpments contribute in increasing the number of middle class citizens. Middle class citizens are considered to be more confident than those belonging to the lower strata and they tend to participate more than the later ones. Hence the mass political participation increases as nations become more economically develOped. Nie et. al. have presented the following model of economic develOpment and increased participation. (Nie et. a1. 1969:808) A B C D Economic Alterations in Changes in the Increase in Development the stratification, distribution of political urban and group attitudes and participa- membership patterns cognition tion Indicators of political participation: Researches indicate quite a few independent variables which explain, cause, or correlate with political participation as broadly generalized dependent variable. Here an attempt will be made to discuss a few important indicators of active participation in politics. Inkeles' participant citizenship syndrome includes: 1. freedom from traditional authority. Identification with and allegiance to leaders and organizations transcending the parochial and primordial: 2. interest in public affairs validated by keeping informed and expressed through participation in civic action: 3. orientation toward political and governmental processes which recognizes and accepts the necessity and desirability Of a rational structure of rules and regulations. (Inkeles 1969:1122) 55 According to Inkeles "this syndrome is one any modern man might be expected to manifest, just as any modern polity is likely to desire, perhaps even require, that he possess it." (1969:1123) Those familiar with The Civic Culture will recognize these traits as very familiar to those delineated by Almond and Verba as defining the model of a democratic citizen. According to them the citizen of a democratic polity is expected to 1. engage in political discussion: 2. take interest in politics: 3. voting: 4. knowledge of politics: 5. eXpress a general sense Of competence to influence the government: and 6. participation in civic affairs. In Short, the stress is on "activity, involvement, and rationality." Milbrath's conceptual analysis of political involvement includes following activities: 1. voting: 2. discussion and Opinion leadership: 3. wearing a button or putting a sticker on the car: 4. petitioning political leaders: 5. making a monetary contribution: 6. attending a political meeting: 7. campaigning: 8. active party membership: 9. soliciting political funds: 10. office-seeking and holding: and 11. protests and demonstrations. 56 Nie et. a1. feel that successful political participation, for instance, promotes greater confidence: successful participation may even later the political structures of society SO that participation itself is facilitated. They have develOped a political participation scale which includes activities such as: (1969:364) 1. talking politics: 2. contacting local authorities: 3. contacting national authorities: 4. involvement in electoral campaigns 5. membership in political organizations and political parties. Keeping in view the above conceptual observations an attempt is made to find out relationship between political participation and process of modernization, and social change. The testable hypothesis is that participation is related with modernization. A society which has more active participant citizens tends to be more modern. Measuring_Participation: To measure political participation in this study the reSpondents were asked a series of following questions pertaining the frequency of political discussions and conversations, organizational membership, voting history, active party work, working during and for elections, and contributing money to political causes: 1. Have you ever taken part in forming a new organization to try to solve some village/town problems? 2. Do you belong to any group/organization that deals with social, village/town problems such as Civil Defense, Home Guards, Bharat Sewak Samaj, Bharat Yuvak Samaj, Mahila Mangal Dal, Yuwak Nangal Dal? 7. 8. 9. 10- 11. 12. 13. 57 Do you belong to some sport or recreational or hobby groups such as football club, hockey club? DO you belong to any caste association? Which ones? Are you a member of any religious group/organization? which ones? Besides the organizations you have just mentioned, are there any other groups/organizations, such as OOOperative agencies, you belong to? Which ones? Have you ever attended a political meeting/rally during an election/at any other time? (If yes) How many times? Have you ever engaged in any activity during a political campaign to elect some candidate? What kinds of activities? How many times did you engage in these activities, and in how many elections? How Often have you voted in national elections? How about Panchayat/municipal elections? Are you a member Of a political party? Have you ever given money for a political cuase? On the basis of responses received all the above-mentioned questions were grouped in the following categories: 1. 5. Political discussions Engaging in a political activity, and number of times Voting Organizational membership Membership in a political party I. Pglitical discussions In societies where modern channels of communication and mass media are not readily available to citizens the interpersonal channels Of word-of-mouth communication from family members, neighbors, friends, 58 school teachers, and extension agents are very important in order to affect the receiver's knowledge, attitudes, and behavior in desired ways. Research results suggest that mass media communication is more important in changing cognitions whereas interpersonal communication is more likely to cause attitude change. When the object is persuasion, therefore, word-of—mouth channels would seem preferable to the mass media. (Rogers 1962). Moreover, if ordinary men and women are to participate in a democratic political process, they must have the feeling that it is safe to do so, that they do not assume great risks when they express political Opinions, and that they can be relatively free about the person to whom they talk. (Almond and Verba 1965:78) Hence the frequency of political discussions not only indicates the citizen's confidence in democratic process but also suggests his Openness to other ideas. The direction flow of interpersonal con- versations, discussions, and messages is two way. The data reported here suggests that urban males discuss politics more frequently than rural males. 18% of the urban male reSpondents report to discuss politics nearly every day while only 5% Of the rural male sample discuss politics nearly every day. The same hold true about the female sample. 9% of the urban females and only 1% rural females discuss politics regularly every day. It is to be noted that in rural areas 40% male respondents, and 69% female respondents never talk politics at all. In the urban sample this percentage is lower. 29% urban male respondents and 58% female reSpondents report to have never talked politics. The difference between rural and urban respondents who never talk politics is quite considerable. The urban reSpondentS talk more about political 59 affairs than their rural counterparts. 20% of the rural male reSpondents and 5% rural females report as talking politics once a week. In the urban sample 25% males and 13% females talk politics once a week. Those respondents who report to talk politics time to time were 35% rural males, 25% rural females, and 28% urban males and 20% urban females. (Table I) TABLE I FREQUENCY OF TALKING POLITICS WITH OTHER PEOPLE BY RURAL-URBAN RESIDENCE AND SEX N-926 Urban N-414 Rural N-512 Percentage Of reSpondents whow" Rural Urban report they Male(%) Female(%) Male(%) Female(%) Nearly every day 5 1.00 18 9 Once a week 20 5 25 13 Time to time 35 25 28 20 Never talk politics 40 69 V 29 58 Total percent 100 100 100 100 The data suggests that political activity and interest is greater in urban India than rural areas. Elite and Opinion leadership studies have shown that most of the Indian political leaders come from cities. The high percent of rural respondents never talking politics is also due to the ambiguity Of the term "politics.” Interviewers were not allowed to explain the meaning of "politics.” A large number of respondents, both urban and rural, interpreted the term as "partisan 60 involvement" which somehow is not considered to be a very "nice" thing: and out of their “realm." It is for professional politicians to indulge in these so-called political activities. Female respondents, both urban and rural, Show little concern about politics and discuss political affairs less frequently than their menfolk. (Table I) II. Engaging in agpolitical activity,gand number Of times We were not only interested as to how frequent respondents talk politics, but also in the kinds Of activities they indulge in, and how frequent they participate in these activities. Participation by chance does not make a citizen active and a participant. It should be con- sistent, and should be in different kinds of activities. This difference distinguishes "gladiators" from "spectators." The data reported here (Table II) indicates that only 19% of the rural respondents ever partici- pated in a political campaign. Again the male respondents were ahead (13%) of their female counterparts (6%). In urban areas participation in general, both male and female was reported higher than in rural areas. 19% males and 11% females in the urban sample reported to have engaged in some activity during a political campaign. Respondents were also asked as to the kinds of activities they had participated in. 9% rural males, and 3% rural females reported attending a political rally or meeting during a political campaign. Urban participation in this case was higher. 17% males and 9% females reported to have participated in some such rally during an election campaign. It has been said that attending a meeting is not a real indicator of interest. Some persons merely come to watch the "tamasha." No real commitment of support or 61 interest is implied by their presence. This is very much true in India where local influentials, such as ex-Zamindars in rural areas, exert pressure, and sometimes coerce pe0ple to attend a political meeting where a minister or some other influential political leader is going to be present. In some cases peOple are paid to attend such meetings. Since our question was a closed one, it was very difficult to ascertain the reasons Of attending such meetings. Political campaigns are episodic, but working in them requires a considerable amount of time. "Self-confidence and a feeling of social ease are important prerequisites to participation in the socially interactive phase of campaigning.” (Milbrath 1965:25) ReSpondents were asked about contributing time in a political campaign. 6% rural males and 2% rural females had contributed their time in a political campaign. In urban areas the participation was much more high (15% males and 5% females) than the rural areas. It has been suggested that contributing money is an important indicator of individual's interest. Political money is a powerful weapon to influence policymakers. Rich and busy persons who are not able to take time out to attend rallies and meetings, look upon monetary contributions as a substitute for their personal participation in "gladiatorial" activity. This is more SO in Indian case where money is scarce, and even those participants who are actively interested in political affairs are not in a position to contribute money. This may partly explain the low percent of respondents reporting monetary contributions. In the urban sample 5% males and 1% females reported to have made monetary contribution to a political cause, while in the 62 rural sample only 2% males and 1% females contributed money to any political cause. Again the urban contribution is higher than the rural ones. Though in both cases the female contribution is same (1%). In most of the cases strategy meetings are attended only by those persons who have been actively involved in political affairs and occupy positions or are influential in some way. The rank and file members do not attend such meetings. The data reported here indicates that not too many respondents reported to have attended such meetings. Only 4% rural males, and 1% rural females, and 6% urban male reSpondents and 2% urban female respondents had ever attended such strategy meetings. As mentioned earlier that the impact of word of mouth is tremendous in changing the attitudes Of peOple. Attempting to talk another into voting a certain way definitely indicates greater interest in politics. It is a more difficult task also. 5% of the rural males, 2% rural females, 9% urban males and 7% urban females reported to have talked another into voting a certain way. Again the urban respondents have edge over their rural counterpart. A cursory look at Table II will reveal that urban respondents in general were more participant than the rural ones. Only 37% males, and 15% females in the rural sample have reported participating and engaging in any activity during a political campaign to elect some candidate while in the urban sample 71% males and 35% females reported to have engaged in these activities. (Table II) 63 TABLE II ENGAGED IN ANY ACTIVITY DURING A POLITICAL CAMPAIGN TO ELECT SOME CANDIDATE, AND THE KIND OF ACTIVITY BY RURAL-URBAN RESIDENCE AND SEX N=926 Rural N2512 Urban N-414 Rural Urban Those reporting Male(%) Female(%) Male(%) Female(%) Engaged in any activity during 13 6 19 11 a political campaign Attending a strategy meeting 4 1 6 2 Contributing time in a 6 2 15 5 political campaign Attending a political rally 9 3 17 9 or meeting during a campaign Making monetary contribution 2 1 I 5 1 Attempting to talk another 5 2 9 7 into voting a certain way Total percent participating 37 15 71 35 Not participating at all 63 85 29 65 Total percent 100 100 100 100 The number of times reSpondents engaging in political activities depends on so many socio-economic, political, and pscho-cultural factors. A person with intense preferences is highly likely to be interested in politics (Pesoner 1960: 1961:93-104), a person with strOng sense of civic duty is likely tO be highly interested in political affairs. The reSponses to kinds of activities participated in did not tell uS the depth of participation: therefore, we asked the number of times reSpon- dents engaging in political activities. The number of non-participants, both in urban and rural areas, was surprisingly high. (Table 11a) 63% Of rural males, and 85% Of rural female respondents had never participated in any kind Of political activity. In urban sample, 29% males, and 65% females were found in non-participant category. TABLE 113 NON-PARTICIPANTS (REPORTING NEVER PARTICIPATED) BY RURAL-URBAN RESIDENCE AND SEX N-926 Rural N-512 Urban N-414 Rural Urban Male Female Male Female (%) (%) (%) (%) 63 85 29 65 + Only 12% rural males, and 4% rural females reported to have participated more than twice. In the urban sample the number of more than twice participants increased to 17% males, and 7% females, yet this difference is not very high. The percentage Of reSpondentS who had participated twice in political activities increased over the highly participants. 21% males and 8% females in the rural sample, and 13% urban males and 10% urban females belonged to the medium or moderately participant category. 36% rural males, and 19% rural females in the sample were found to have participated in political activities only once. In the case of urban respondents this percentage was 47 males and 26 females. There is also a high percentage of apathetics who have never participated in any political activities. 31% males and 69% females in the rural sample never participated in any political activity. In the urban 65 sample 23% males and 57% females belonged to this category. In both cases the percentage Of female apathetics was found to be higher than males. In summary, the data shows that the number of active or high participant respondents is much more below to that of apathetic and inactive ones (Table IIIa). TABLE IIIa LEVEL OF PARTICIPATION IN POLITICAL ACTIVITIES BY RURAL-URBAN-RESIDENCE AND SEX N-926 Rural N-512 Urban N-414 RuraI UrEEn Male Female Male Female Participation" (93) (9%) (%) (%) High 12 4 17 7 Medium 21 ,8 13 10 Low 36 19 47 25 Apathetics 31 69 23 57 Total percent 100 100 100 100 *High - Participated more than twice. Medium - Participated twice. ng_- Participated once. Apathetics - Never participated. III. Voting It has been observed that the roles of adult franchise and periodic elections have been pivotal, not only in displacing the principle of hierarchy by the principle of numbers, but also in establishing a unified focus Of attention and affect for the vast masses Of peOple, even before the other learning processes of education and urbanization begin to play their role. (Kothari 1970:283) According to Shils the granting Of universal suffrage without prOperty or literacy qualifications is perhaps the greatest single factor leading to the formation of a political society...the drawing of the whole adult pOpulation periodically into contact with the symbols of the center Of national political life must in the course of time have immeasurable consequences for stirring peOple up, giving 66 them a sense of their own potential significance and for attaching their sentiments to symbols which comprehend the entire nation. (Shils 1960:287) The voter turnout figures (from 1952-1969), in districts selected for this study, show an increase of 15% to 22%. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION: (UTTAR PRADESH)--1952-1969 TABLE IV TRENDS IN VOTING (Table Iv) POpulation Valid votes as a percentage of the electorate Urban Rural 1952 1957 1962 1967 1969 Districts (9%) (9’6) (%) (%) (9%) (9%) (9%) Almora 4.3 95.7 30.2 30.7 27.4 30.7 34.5 Badaun 8.4 91.6 37.6 46.6 49.5 56.2 59.2 Muzaffarnagar 13.2 86.8 52.6 50.7 58.7 58.0 64.8 Meerut 20.6 79.4 50.9 55.7 55.9 61.3 65.2 Etah 9.6 90.4 46.2 51.2 51.9 54.6 59.3 Kanpur 41.0 59.0 38.6 44.3 50.8 52.3 54.2 Sitapur 7.6 92.4 34.5 41.5 44.1 48.6 49.0 Gouda L109 9501 37.6 [+3.2 45.8 [+808 4503 Gorakhpur 7.3 92.7 32.6 38.2 43.2 49.2 47.1 Jaunpur 5.3 94.7 40.2 48.0 55.8 53.7 55.1 varanasi 23.4 76.6 40.9 55.3 56.5 55.3 59.6 Mirzapur 11.5 88.5 35.2 42.7 46.1 49.3 54.1 Lucknow 49.5 50.5 38.3 40.9 53.2 52.1 43.7 Source: Craig Baxter, District Voting_Trends in India-~A Research Tool. (New York: 1969). Southern Asian Institute, Columbia University Press, Political parties and candidates work hard to win the support of voters. But deSpite this overall increase in voter participation, the number of non-voters remains substantial. 67 The data reported here indicates that at least 23.5% Of the rural males and 36% of rural female reSpondents never cared to vote. In urban case 21.5% male respondents, and 30% female reSpondents never voted in national elections. The percent reSpondents who reported having voted in every national election is quite low (22.5% rural male, 17% roral female: and 29% and 19.5% in urban areas respectively). It is interest- ing to note that interest in local election is more than in national elections. Local issues and problems seem to arouse more interest than national ones. Rural respondents are more interested and active in local elections (41% male, 19.5% females) than their urban counterparts (26%, and 16.5%, respectively). Panchayat elections in villages have created more political competition and involvement than any other national political issue. At that level issues are more familiar, and so are candidates. Loyalties are more polarized, and clear. Hence more interest. (Table V) IV. Organizationalgmembership Voluntary associations perform a mediating role between the individual and the state. It is through them that the individual is able to relate himself "effectively and meaningfully" to the political system. According to Almond and Verba these associations help him avoid the dilemma of being either a parochial, cut off from political influence, or an isolated and powerless individual, manipulated and mobilized by the mass institutions Of politics and government. The availability of his primary groups as a political resource in times Of threat gives him an intermittent political resource. Membership in voluntary associatiOns gives him a more structured set of political resources, growing out of his varied interests. (1965:245) TABLE V 68 FREQUENCY OF VOTING IN NATIONAL AND LOCAL (PANCHAYAT/MUNICIPAL) ELECTIONS BY RURAL-URBAN RESIDENCE AND SEX N.926 Rural N=512 Urban N=414 National Elections Local Elections Voting Rural Urban Rural Urban Partici- Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female pation* % % % % % % % % High Partici- 22.5 17.0 29.0 19.5 41 19.5 26 16.5 pation Medium Partici- 36.5 25.5 35.0 27.0 43 21.0 31 22.0 pation Low Part1Ci- 1705 2105 14.5 2305 a 28.5 28 3105 pation Apathetic 23.5 36.0 21.5 30.0 12 31.0 15 30.0 Total Percent 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 *High - Voted every time. Medium - Voted most of the time. £33 - Voted rarely. Apathetic - Never voted. Participation in voluntary organizations helps in generating self- confidence. A self-confident citizen is also a modern citizen. (Hall 1966:147) To assess the citizen participation in forming new voluntary organizations and joining these organizations, reSpondentS were asked to report their membership in social, economic, and political organizations. Since the sample was from cross-section of the society very few had 69 actually actively participated in founding an organization. This tends to be mainly an elite activity. Moreover, such voluntary organizations which fulfill social needs Of individuals are more in number in urban areas, due to more facilities, higher education, and a social need to associate in impersonal Situation, than in rural areas where life's pace is slow and leisurely, and personal face-to-face relationship is easier. The data Shows that founders of voluntary organizations in rural areas are very few. Only 3.5% rural males, and 0.5% rural females had ever participated in forming an organization. In urban case, on the other hand, 6% of the male respondents, and 1.5% of the female respon- dents had participated in organization building activities. Further, reSpondents were also asked to report the types of organizations they prefer to join as a member. I was aware that just by asking about their membership it will not be possible to know the level of their partici- pation. I was interested to know more about the nature of their membership--how active individuals were in their organizations and what effects their membership had upon them. 7% of the rural males, and 2% rural females belonged to social organizations such as Home Guards, Bharat Sewak Samaj, Mahila Mandal, and Yuwak Mangal Dal, and had participated in their activities for at least three times. In urban sample 11% males, and 3% females reported to have membership and participation in such voluntary organizations. It is quite interesting to note that the membership in economic organizations shows a surprising increase, both in rural and urban areas. 32.5% of rural males and 41% urban males were members of organizations devoted to economic benefits or welfare of members while 0.5% rural females and 2% urban females belonged to these organizations. These organizations mainly include 70 c00perative societies (housing, seeds, loan, etc.) which have sprung all over India in the last fifteen years. PARTICIPATING IN FORMING AND JOINING TABLE VI (Table VI) NEH ORGANIZATIONS BY RURAL-URBAN RESIDENCE AND SEX N-926 Rural N-512 Urban N-hlh Rural Those Male Female Male Female Reporting (9%) (%) (9%) (9%) Participating in formation of an organization 3.5 0.5 6 1.5 Membership in* (a) Social organi- zations 7.0 2.0 11 3.0 (b) Economic organizations 32.5 0.5 41 2.0 Total participating 03.0 3.0 58 6.5 Not participating 57.0 97.0 42 93.5 Total percent 100 100 100 100 3(a) Social - Home Guards, Bharat Sewak Samaj, Mahila Mandal, Yuwak Nangal Dal, and Recreational Clubs. (b) Economic - Cooperative Society (Housing, credit, seed). Due to the important role played by caste and religion in Indian socio-political life separate questions were asked about respondents' membership in such organizations. It is said that the Operation of competitive politics has drawn caste out of its apolitical 71 context and given it a new status and identity. Religion too has provided the different communities with their distinctive socio-cultural identities. Researches have shown, contrary to certain prevailing pOpular notions, that in India caste associations are playing inte- grative role. (Rudolph and Rudolph 1960) Caste has taken an Openly secular form for new organizational purposes. Kothari maintains that such forms include: 1. associations of caste members ranging from simple hostels and recreational bodies to reform clubs and pressure groups, 2. caste institutions or conferences that are more broad-based and cover entire states or linguistic regions, 3. caste federations composed of not one but several castes which may sometimes be socially homogeneous but at other times may simply have some specific interest or political objective in common. By and large, however, caste associations and caste federations have provided an important infra-structure of politics in India, and within the Indian context, perform a role comparable to interest groups in the west. (Kothari 1970.242-244) The data reported here indicates that more reSpondents in rural areas were members of caste associations (7% males only, no females) than urban respondents (3% males only, no females). On the other hand, the membership in religious organizations was higher both in urban (26%imales, and 24% females). Here a distinc- tion was made between traditional, orthodox, and chauvinistic religious organizations such as Sanatan Dharm Sabha and Arya Samaj for Hindus, and non-traditional, comparatively less traditional, reformist organizations such as Rama Krishna Mission. This distinction was based on the assumption that individuals joining non-traditional, progressive, reformist religious organizations will be more modern, less dogmatic, 72 Open and cosm0politan than those joining the dogmatic, chauvinistic religious organizations. Further, as Almond and Verba (1963:323-330) have suggested that non-political authority patterns to which the individual is exposed have a significant effect on his attitudes toward political authority. Religious authority patterns are deeply rooted in the emotional aspects of man's nature. Authoritarian religion and adherence to its beliefs strongly prediSposes individuals and societies toward authoritarian political systems. Religions have not only impli- cations but very explicit teachings regarding hierarchical or egalitarian social structure, and these are directly related to assumptions regarding political participation. (Smith 19703175). The data reported here shows that membership in traditional religious organizations is higher, both in the urban sample (17% males and 21% females) and the rural sample (14% males and 26% females) than in non-traditional religious organizations which is 9% urban males and 3% urban females, and 4% rural males only. No rural female belonged to non-traditional religious organizations. The female membership in these traditional religious organizations (26% rural, 21% urban) was reported to be substantially higher than male membership (14%»rural, and 17% urban). (Table VII) V. Membership in a politicalgparty Students of political party systems hold that affiliation or identification with a political party is indicative of citizen's political thinking and idealogy. According to Milbrath there are three ways in which a person could be said to be a party affiliate or member. (a) psychological identification with a party; (b) formal membership through payment of dues; and active participation in party affairs. Psychological identification means 73 .Acoammfiz scnmaux asmmv unasuomoh t Hanofipavsuuusoz*a .hmcpem sshczm swpwcmm .nmsmm whn< we nosmv oapmfica>ssso .xouonpuo I assoapfiumhea sea sea OCH 00a 00a cos cod so“ ooH sea sea ooH process 138. as as sea we as mm em or sea so 00“ mm cheeses no: who: . on: admonom couhomou m a - s am as ea ea - m - a carcasses: a a a u a a a a u u a a mamsom can: nausea can: camsom was: madame was: mamsom can: oflmsom was: capes Hausa caps: Heasm sens: Heads ..Hecoacacees-coz .Hecoaeaeeae coaeeacoeme cameo :oHpmaoomm< msoamaamm sofipdfioomm< macawfiaom sasuz can»: manna Hausa cmeuz Nam Qz< mozmQHmwm z mam<8 74 that the person likes the party and is inclined to support it with a vote at election time. (Milbrath 1965:25) We were interested to know the types of parties reSpondents were in. Congress, Swatantra, both Communist Parties of India, Praja Socialist Party, and Samyukt Socialist Party can be categorized as progressive and ideologically modern parties, while Jan Sangh, Hindu Mahasabha, Alkali Dal, and Dravida Munetra Kazhagham are even by Indian standards traditional, communal, and chauvinistic parties. Membership in one of these parties will reflect the reSpondents' psycho-political affiliations and his political attitudes-~modern versus traditional, secular versus communal. The data shows that 11% of the rural males, and 2% of the rural females belonged to one or the other party. For urban sample it was 17% and 5%, reSpectively. 9.5% of the rural males, and 1.5% females belonged to parties categorized above as modern and progressive. In urban sample 11% of male respondents and 3.5% females belong to these parties. It is worth noticing that females, both in urban and rural sample, tended to belong to only two parties-~Congress and the Jan Sangh. (Table VIII) This may indicate that females tend to be more traditional and conservatives. VI. Level of education and participation ingpublic affairs Researches have shown that persons of higher socio-economic status, especially higher education, are more likely to become highly involved psychologically in politics than persons of lower status and education. Campbell has observed that perhaps the surest single predictor of political involvement is . number of years of formal education. There are apathetic college graduates and highly involved peOple of very low educational level, but the overall relationship of education and political interest is impressive...0ne may surmise, that education tends to widen the scope of one's acquaintance with political facts, to increase 75 TABLE VIII MEMBERSHIP IN A POLITICAL PARTY BY RURAL-URBAN RESIDENCE AND SEX Total N=926 Rural N-512 Urban N-414 Those reporting Rural Urban membership Male ' Female Male Female (%) (%) (%) (%) PARTY NAME (1) Congress 8.0 1.5 7.0 3.0 (2) Swatantra 0.5 -- 0.5 -- (3) Jan Sangh 1.5 0.5 6.0 1.5 (4) CPI (Left) -- -- 0.5 -- (5) CPI (Right) -- -- 0.5 ~- (6) SSP 0.5 -- 1.5 0.5 (7) P8? 0.5 -- 1.00 -- Total percent who reported membership in a political party 11.0 2.0 17.0 5.0 Percent who did not belong to any party 89.0 98.00 83.0 95.0 Total Percent 100.00 100.00 100 100 capacity to perceive the personal implications of political events, or to enlarge one's confidence in his own ability to act effectively politically. (Campbell 1962320) Education is an important variable in developing countries. It is said that with education change occurs in a number of mental abilities, such as a loss of eidectic ability, which becomes unnecessary. In this study it was reported that participation in political affairs was highest among 76 university educated (49%) and the lowest participation was among those who had less than primary education (81%). Among the intermediate educated reSpondents 36% were found to be highly participant, 38% moderately participant, and 26% fell in the category of low partici- pants. 32% of the high school educated reSpondents reported to be highly participant, 35% moderate and 33% belong to low participation category. Those reSpondents who had less than primary education, almost functional literates, were the ones who participated least (81%). Only 2% of the primary educated reSpondents reported to be highly parti- cipant while 17% primary educated reSpondents reported to be moderately participant in public affairs. (Table IX). Thus a positive relation- ship is found between education and participation in public and political affairs. SUMMARY The data reported in this study points out that participation is positively correlated with other important variables of modernization such as empathy, innovativeness, achievement motive, political know- ledge, and occupational and educational aSpirations for children. (Table x) It has been quite frequently observed that modern India is facing a "crisis of participation." Millions have been given the right to participate in political activities, and this may create problems for Indian policymakers. But if we look at the national and state elections voter turnout, we find that this percentage is quite low. Not many citizens are that active or interested as they are presumed to be. 77 .momcommon o>avamom 0:9 I swam mv .Honpo on» op o>apmMoc a use soapmosa oso op oncommon o>apamom I ssfivoz NV .moapa>auos Hwoavaaom :« wsapmAHOAvam use :oapcoppd madman so use .muadmms Hancossno>om use Hmoapaaom msazoaaom so msoapmosv on» neon op mmmcommoy o>fieswmz I :04 nav* oofi ooH ooH oo« 00H 00“ vasomom proe Hm mm 0: mm mm ma sofipmmaoapnmm 30A as am mm mm mm mm coaseaacaesem suave: m as am mm on as coaeeaacaesea swam w. acetates a a a a a. andsaum can» mmoq humsdhm humanooom Hoonom cmax oudfivosuopsH hvamno>acs escapmmaoavumm :ofivsoSpm mo Ho>oq :fislz caps: NHnIz Huhsm wmonz onB zH mmHauamom one I enamoaxm swam Amv .aocpo one o» o>apwmos a use soapmosv oso o» uncommon o>avamom I onsmomxm snaps: ANV .mswamasso op soavsovpd weaken so was .mmammmd Hensossho>om was Hmoauaaoa wadsoaaom so msoapmosw neon ow uncommon o>avmwoz I enamomxm sou “My: 8a 8a 2: 8a 8a 8a 8a 8a 8a 2: assumes ages am an we 8 mm mm mm a~ ea 2 ace 3 3 am mm mm o« mm mm mm wm suave: N n aa ma mm 9 en es as an rear chaste ea co: Ease: eases enacts mace: mnaehasa mace: mnaeaaa 3 so: oaapsm ca one: 0» oaapsm ca one: o» oaansm :a mom: on oaapsm ca mum: Op oaapsm sa mum: ow soavaao oasmoaxm soapeaao enamoaxw soapmnao omsmoaxm soapmnao enamoaxm coapmmao onsmOaxm Iapumm, Iapmem Idemem Iavumm Iapnem mopmmopaqv mmmsamm Hoonom swam opeaooshopsH meamao>asa anesahm some mmoq QOdvmosnm a0 Ho>oq tonsmomxm mo Ho>og saelz sens: Namnz Assam mmmuz zOHBmq HH mqm¢9 92 An attempt was made to find a correlationship, if any, between the extent Of public support, its perception of governmental actions and the level of mass media exposure. The data reported here shows that in urban areas high exposure and high support are correlated. On the other hand it is interesting to note that highly exposed rural respondents do not provide high support to governmental actions. In the urban sample 16% Of the respondents who were highly eXposed to the mass media were also high supporters of government, while 48% highly exposed respondents provided moderate support, and 36% highly exposed respondents were low on support to governmental policies and actions. 42% moderately eXposed urban respondents were found to be highly supportive, 31% moderately supportive, and 27% were low supporters to the governmental output. 54% low exposed urban respondents were found to be highly supportive, 23% moderately supportive and 23% provided low support. In the rural sample, on the other hand, 19% of the reSpondents reported to be highly exposed and highly supportive of the governmental policies, 27% in the same exposure category were moderately behind the government, and 54% highly exposed to the mass media were low on support. 23% Of the rural reSpondents who were moderately exposed to the mass media provided high support, 36% were moderately supportive and 41% respondents furnished low support to governmental actions. Further 39% of the rural respondents who provided high support to the government were low on exposure to the mass media, 43% low eXposed rural reSpondents were reported to have given moderate support, while only 18% of them were low both on media eXposure and support to government prOgrams. It is interesting to note that those respondents who are low on the media exposure are the one's who 93 highly support (39% rural, 54% urban) governmental programes. (Table III) More exposed they are, they become more critical and less supportive. When these two indices - mass media exposure and public support - are combined, the following patterns emerge: Rural Urban High Exposure - low support 54% 36% Medium exposure - Moderate support 36% 31 Low eXposure - high support 39% 54% The directions of relationship is similar in both urban and rural areas. This trend may suggest that an identification of those factors which lead to support for, and less criticism Of governmental programes and actions may be important. As Eldersveld et. a1. (1968:33) have observed that It is the total pattern of citizen perspectives and their conse- quences for citizen action, rather than inaction and withdrawal, which must be the focus of attention in any programs Of develOpment in a society which is participant - oriented.” This may also be said about a society which is seeking to modernize itself by attempting to elicit citizen support, and broadening their minds by exposing them to the channels of mass media. Consequences of Mass Media Exposure: The process Of modernization and ”system change" - "changes which affect in some basic manner the functioning of the national politi- cal system and results in structural cultural, and performance patterns palpably different from those Operating earlier. (Almond and Powell 1966:166) DevelOpment of modern attitudes, adOption Of new ideas, greater politi- cal knowledge, and empathy are consequences of mass media exposure. TABLE III MASS MEDIA EXPOSURE AND PURLIC SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENTAL PROGRAMS, BY RESIDENCE N-926 Rural N-512 Urban N-414 Level of Level of Exposure* Support High Medium Low Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban High Support 19 16 23 42 39 54 Moderate Support 2? 48 36 31 43 23 Low Support 54 36 41 27 18 23 TOTAL PERCENT 100 100 100 100 100 100 *A - (1) ng exposure - Negative reSponses on at least two questions on following public affairs on radio and newspaper. (2) Medium exposure - Positive reSponse to one question and negative to another. (3) High exposure - Two positive responses. B - Same scale on support. I. Empgthy: Empathy has been defined as the inner mechanism which enables newly mobile persons to ”Operate efficiently' in a changing world. Empathy...is the capacity to see oneself in the other fellow's situation. (Lerner 1966:49-50) It is ”the distinctive psychic component.” The findings Of Lerner (1966) and Frey (1966) in the Middle East indicate a positive relation- ship between media exposure and empathy. Mass media contact provides peasants with knowledge of new roles. 95 The research reported here determined the concept as the ability Of respondents to assume (imaginatively) the roles of the most powerful and influential person in the village or town. The data indicates that the urban reSpondents, both urban and rural, are far ahead on the empathy scale to their rural counterparts. 21% of the rural males are reported to be highly empathic and eXposed to the mass media channels. 28% rural males were moderately empathic and moderately exposed to the mass media while the percentage of low empathics and low eXposed respondents was 51%. In the urban male sample on the other hand, 61% of the respondents were found to be highly empathic and eXposed to the mass media, 23% were moderately exposed and empathic while only 16% were found to be low on mass media exposure and empathy scale. Only 8% of the rural females were highly empathic and exposed to the mass media. In the urban sample the percentage under these categories was reported to be 36, a clear edge Of 28% over the rural females. 11% of the rural females were moderately exposed to the media channels and empathy while in the urban sample the percentage was 24, again an edge Of 13% in favor Of urban females. This is also the case in the low exposure and low empathy categories. 81% of the rural females were found to be low on the empathy and mass media exposure scales: while only 40% belonged to this category in the urban sample. (Table IV) No convincing explanation can be provided for this difference between rural and urban respondents except that the respondents in the urban areas are not only exposed to mass media channels more frequently than their rural counterparts but also that the nature of mass media is more urban oriented hence more attractive to urban respondents than the rural ones. Secondly, the 96 urban respondents come in frequent contacts with new situations and challenges that the rural respondents who lead a more sheltered life and are away from the "fever and fret" of the ever-changing and complex urban life. The data also reports a positive association between empathy and mass media exposure. II. Innovativeness: "Innovativeness...is the degree to which an individual decides earlier than others in his social system to adapt new ideas.” (Rogers and Svenning 1969) Studies (Rogers and Svenning 1969) have shown that mass media exposure is generally more strongly associated with innovati- veness than with almost any other consequent variables. For the research reported here the respondents were asked about the new techniques and methods which they use on their jobs, the ways farmers and urban workers have changed their methods in the past ten years. They were also asked about the number of changes, or new techniques they have adOpted during this period and their willingness to use new methods. The following questions were asked: (1) Here are a few items that some farmers use and some don't. He would like to know if you think their use is good or bad? How about improved seeds? DO you think it is good or bad to use them? (2) And chemical fertilizers? (3) What about using an improved plough or some new agriculture implements? DO you think it is good or bad to use them? (4) And how about the new methods of sowing crOps? (5) And now we would like to know which Of these four items you use? Do you use improved seeds? (6) And chemical fertilizers? 97 (7) And an improved plough or some new agricultural implements? DO you use them? (8) DO you employ any new methods of sowing crOps? Reapondents with non-agricultural occupations: (1) Are there any new methods and techniques or machines and implements being used where you work (or in your work)? (2) (If yes) What are they? (3) Do you think it is good or bad to use them? All ReSpondents: (1) Have you ever talked to anybody about these new techniques or methods? I mean how did you come to know about these methods? In the study respondents were also asked about the extent of their contact with the extension Officers, such as the Block Development officers, Village level workers and COOPerative Societies Officers. The data reported here reveals that a knowledge about and contact with every measure Of extension is highly significantly related with innovativeness. The knowledge of extention Officers, the number of times the reSpondents talked with the Block DevelOpment Officer, or the Village level worker, the number of demonstrations the respondents have seen and the number of radio talks listened to, were all positively related with innovativeness. The data also shows that the mass media variables are related highly with agricultural, and professional innovativeness. 37% of the rural male respondents are highly innovative in comparison to 53% urban male reSpondents. 41% rural males reported to be moderately innovative while 32% urban males fell under that category. The percentage of the rural males who were found to be low on exposure to mass media and innovativeness 98 was 22% while in the urban male sample it was only 15%. The percentage of highly exPosed and highly innovative female respondents is not very impressive. Only 2% rural females were reported to be high both on the mass media exposure and innovation. In the urban female sample 5% of the respondents were found to be both highly exposed to the mass media, and were also highly innovative. The number of reSpondents in the females samples, both urban and rural, who were found to be low on mass media exposure and the level of innovativeness. 93% rural females and 88% urban females fell under the low eXposure and low innovativeness categories, both urban and rural are less innovative. This may be due to the fact that most of our females respondents were housewives and did not have any type of job where they could test their talents. The research reveals that mass media eXposure and innovativeness are positi- vely correlated. It is also to be noted that quite a few reSpondents, (about 3%) who were highly exposed to mass media were not at all innovative. They felt that most of the news, and information was not really correct. They were suspicious about new methods and techniques. Other studies (Chu 1966) have shown that in develOping countries this relationship between media exposure and innovation may result from the creation of a generally favorably mental set toward change rather than from the transmission of Specific details about innovations. But by and large, there is a definite correlation between innovation and mass media eXposure as has been shown by the data reported here (Table IV). 99 III. Political Knowledge: In most of the countries mass media is a major transmitter Of news. Political cognitive attitudes are formulated by mass media exposure. Political knowledge and political behavior touch most intimately, ”for all our political acts are bounded by the images of political reality or 'pictures in our heads' which we carry about with us.” (Fagen 1966:71) Fagen quotes Halter Lipmann (1954:3) to prove this point. There is an island in the ocean where in 1914 a few Englishmen, Frenchmen, and Germans lived. NO cable reaches that island, and the British mail steamer comes but once in sixty days. In September it had not yet come, and the islanders were still talking about the latest newspaper which told about the approaching trial of Madame Caillauz for the shooting of Caston Calmetee. It was, therefore, with more than usual eagerness that the whole colony assembled at the quay on a day in mid-September to hear from the Captain what the verdict had been. They learned that for over six weeks now those of them who were English and those of them who were French had been fighting in behalf of the sanctity of treaties against those of them who were Germans. For six strange weeks they had acted as if they were friends, when in fact they were enemies. The level Of political knowledge and information varies from individual to individual and from place to place. A civil servant or a politican in the capital city knows most Of the national and international develOp- ments while in Bhoola, a Bhil village in Sirohi district, the villagers admit: Yes, we have heard.of the Congress. We have heard of the Congress; yes. Everyone talks Of it. But, pauses Mania, gravely puckering his bushy eyebrows, but now that you mention it, we do not know whether Congress is a man or a woman. (Nair 1962:125) 100 This uneveness of information is mainly due to the mass media exPosure. In this study the respondents were asked the following questions to test their political knowledgeability: (1) How Old does a person have to be in order to be able to vote? (2) DO you know who is our prime minister? (3) And who is the chief Minister? (4) To which party does the chief Minister belong? (5) Hill you please name the main Opposition party in the State Legislature? (6) what do you call the person who holds the highest post among government officials at the block/municipality level? (7) DO you know when the next General Elections will be held? For Urban Areas Only: (1) Hho gives permission for using loudSpeakers on any occasion or function? For Rural Areas Only: (1) To whom do you apply if you need improved seeds? The data reported here shows that 19% of the rural males respondents were found to be high both on mass media exposure and political knowledge. In the urban sample 58% of the male reSpondents were found to be in the above mentioned categories. 26% of the rural males and 27% of the urban males were moderately exposed to the mass media were also found to be possessing moderate political knowledge. The reSpondents who reported to have low eXposure, 55% rural males were low on the political knowledge scale, and 15% urban males, were also low on the political knowledge scale. The same pattern is found about the females in our sample. In the rural sample 7% females were high both on 101 mass media exposure and political knowledge, in comparison to 21% of the urban counterparts. 9% rural females and 33% urban females were modera- tely exposed and possessed moderate knowledge of political affairs. 84% rural females and 46% urban females possessed low knowledge politically and were low on the mass media exposure. Female respondents trail their menfolks in exposure to the mass media and political knowledge. Generally, urban respondents performs better than the rural ones. (Table IV) The impact of mass media on political knowledge has been shown by Menefee and Menefee (1965:148-158) in their study of two Indian villages. They introduced mimeographed newspapers and radios in these villages resulting in an increase in political knowledge. Our data supports that mass media eXposure and political knowledge are positively correlated. (a) Ability to name Governmental Ministers and Party Leaders. Theoretically the ability to identify leaders of different levels is correlated with citizen cognition. With this in mind the respondents were asked to name the prime minister, the chief minister of the state, name of political party to which the chief minister belonged to, and the main opposition party in state legislature. The data shows that highly exposed reSpondents named more leaders than those who were less exposed to information channels. It is to be noted here that the number of reSpondents who could not name leaders were those who were very low on mass media exposure scale. 63% Of the rural male sample and 66% of the urban male sample, who were highly exposed to the mass media could name the prime minister. The percentage of respondents goes down with the less exposure of mass media. 27% rural males and 29% urban 102 00a 00a o0a 00a ooa 00a ooH 00a ooa 00a 00a ooH Hzmommm AoccH mmwwmsm Hmoapaaom Hmsoammomomm madmomxm INHmHSpHsoamm< save: one: enamoaxm save: one: mo moocosvomcoo mo Hoeww Ill VII afislz sunk: Nfimlz Hausm ommlz xmm 92¢ mozmQHmmm zmq >H Hands 103 00a 00a 00a ooa 006 00a 00a 00a ezmommm Aoq aeoscaecoov >H mamas 104 males moderately exposed to the mass media could name the prime minister, and only 8% rural males and 4% urban males who were low on mass media exposure knew the name of the prime minister. Almost the same pattern is found when the respondents were asked to name the chief minister, the party chief minister belongs to, and the main Opposition party in the state legislature. 57% males and 41% females in the rural sample who were highly exposed to the mass media named the chief minister, while 53% males and 49% females identified the party to which the chief minister belonged to. But when these highly exposed rural respondents were asked to name the main Opposition party in the state legislature, their percentage drOps a little bit. Only 31% highly eXposed rural males and 23% rural females could name the main Opposition party. In the urban sample 65% males, 59% females who were highly exposed to the mass media could name the chief minister, 61% males and 53% females could identify the chief ministers political part, and only 49% males and 43% females could name the main Opposition party in the state legislature. Those respondents who were moderately eXposed to the information channels were also low on identifying leaders and parties. 36% rural males, 33% urban males, 29% rural females, 31% urban females who were moderately exposed to the mass media could name the chief minister, while only 24% rural males and 19% rural females, 31% urban males and 37% urban females could identify the political party to which the chief minister belonged to. Only 16% moderately exposed rural males, 11% rural females, 31% urban males and 29% urban females knew the name Of the main opposition party in the State legislature. Low exposure to the mass media channels resulted into low 105 level of political information. Only 8% males, and 6% females in the rural sample, 4% urban males, and 3% urban females with low eXposure could name the prime minister. 6%irural males, 3% rural females, 2% urban males and 4% urban females with low exposure identified the name of the State Chief Minister. 13% males and 9% females in the rural sample, and 3% males, and 8% females in the urban sample with low OXposure could name the party‘to which the chief minister belongs to. Only 9% rural males, 7% rural females, and 11% urban males, and 8% urban females who had low contact with the mass media channels could identify the name of the main Opposition party in the State legislature. The number Of "Don't knows” suddenly increased when respondents were asked questions concerning the main Opposition party in the State legislature and the party to which the chief minister belonged. (Table V) This may be due to the fact that during the time of this survey, and just before it, new alignments between political groups were taking place, and it was not quite certain as to which party will remain as the main Opposi- tion party. It was also the time when due to Congress party factions, the position of the then chief minister was not very stable, and rumors were rife about impending changes in legislative leadership. This confusion affected the less exposed respondents more than the highly eXposed ones. (b) Understanding of Governmental Performance: Understanding of governmental outputs is very essential for the stability and success of a political system. Support or lack Of citizen support to governmental institutions depends upon as to how well govern- mental actions are understood, or misunderstood. The gap between rulers 106 OCH OCH OCH ooa ooH ooH cow ooH cod cow cad oofi COH cod OCH OCH Bzmommm gases ON a on as N m mN 0a m I- eN a N a Na N rose e.cca m aa a e N m a ma s N m e m s o N sea eN an aa ea am am ea sN am mm oN em em eN mN AN esaeez me as «N am mm as as mm am we as am as me an no ream a. a w a a. a enl, a w“ a a. a. a“ an, a, ”a mama—5h Odd: mad—nob mad: mag—ah add: OHS—5am mHmz deEmh mag GHQ—5b OHNZ mag—5% OHdS deEPm GHQ: seen: amass caps: amass seem: amuse seen: amass enseeamamoa on neemaeaz soars are seemacaz egaum are spasm on» ad apnea mwsoaon nonmasaz coaeameaao cam: sears seams are osmz oasoo on: ommsmm Hmpoe mo omwpsoohom chamomxm saeuz seen: Namuz amass saeuz mam nae mozmnammm am .mmmaama meaem nze a<20ae Ham<fi 107 and ruled is caused mainly due to the lack Of communication and under- standing. One of the testable hypothesis for this study was that the mass media exposure is correlated with the understanding of governmental outputs. The data reported here indicates that urban reSpondents understand national, state, and local outputs better than their rural counterparts. In the rural sample 22% respondents who were highly exposed to the mass media reported to have understood national govern- mental activities well, 30% not so well, 33% knew some well, others not so well, and 15%ianswered no knowledge about these activities. In the urban sample it was 38%, 27%, 26%, and 9% reSpectively. The percentage of reSpondents understanding the state governmental performance increased over national government. This increase may be due to the fact that state government is closer than national government. In the area of local government those reSpondents who were highly exposed to the mass media channels seemed to understand the governmental functions well. 63%.rural respondents and 71% urban respondents highly exposed to the mass media understood local government quite well, 9% rural respondents and 6% urban reapondents did not understand local governmental perfor- mance so well, 23% rural respondents, 15% urban respondents understood some needs well, others not so well. Only 5% rural and 8% urban res- pondents did not know about the governmental performance. The same trend is reported by the respondents who were moderately eXposed to the mass media channels. 17% rural reSpondents and 27% urban ones reported to have understood national government well, 39% rural respondents and 36% did not understand so well, and 18% rural and 11% urban respondents did not know about it. The percentage of modera- tely exposed respondents understood state government well, 41% rural 108 respondents and 36% urban ones not so well, 16% rural and 20% urban respondents and 13% urban reSpondents fell under the category of "Don't know." About the performance of local governmental agencies 52% rural and 57% urban respondents reported to understand them well, 21% rural and 19% urban respondents not so well, 18% rural respondents and 13% urban respondents understood some needs well, others not so well, and 9% rural and 11% urban respondents did not know about it. Low eXposure to the mass media and understanding of the governmental pro- grams were reported to be related. Those respondents who were low on mass media exposure were also low on the understanding of governmental performance. 9% rural respondents and 13% urban respondents reported to understand national government well, 41% rural respondents and 48% urban respondents not so well. 23% rural reSpondents and 20% urban. respondents understood some needs well, others not so well, while 27% rural reSpondents and 19% urban reSpondents fell under the ”Don't know" category. 18% rural respondents and 23% urban ones who were low on media exposure understood state government well, 51% rural and 43% urban respondents not so well, 21% rural and 19% urban respondents understood some needs well, others not so well. 10% rural reSpondents and 15% urban respondents did not know about the state government's activities. In the sphere of local governmental activities 31% rural respondents, 39% urban respondents with low exposure reported to understand well, 46% rural and 18% urban respondents not so well, 14% rural and 30% urban respondents understood some needs, others not so well. 9% rural reSpondents and 13% urban respondents belonged to the "Don't know" category. (Table VI) It is interesting, but not surprising, to note 109 TABLE VI EXPOSURE TO MASS MEDIA AND UNDERSTANDING OF GOVERNMENTAL PERFORMANCE, BY RESIDENCE N-914 Rural N-512 Urban N-414 High EXposure Some Needs Understand Not so Well Others Don't Total Well Well Not so Well Know Percent (26) _(%L (9%) (9%) (361 National Government Rural 22 30 33 15 100 Urban 38 27 26 9 100 State Government Rural 32 14 37 17 100 Urban 41 12 43 4 100 Local Government Rural 63 9 23 5 100 Urban 71 6 15 8 100 Medium EXPosure National Government Rural 17 39 26 18 100 Urban 27 36 26 11 100 State Government Rural 23 41 16 20 100 Urban 31 36 20 13 100 Local Government Rural 52 21 18 9 100 Urban 5? 19 13 11 100 Low EXposure National Government Rural 9 41 23 27 100 Urban 13 48 20 19 100 State Government Rural 18 51 21 10 100 Urban 23 43 19 15 100 Local Government Rural 31 46 14 9 100 Urban 39 18 3O 13 100 110 that respondents, both urban and rural, know and understand more about their local governmental outputs than national and state. This may be possible due to the proximity and visibility of local governmental activities and the fact that local issues affect and generate greater interest in citizens lives than the national and state's issues. Those reSpondents who had low eXposure to mass media were one's who were also low on understanding scale. Thus we find a positive relation between mass media exposure and the understanding of governmental outputs. IV. Educational and Occupational ASpirations for Children: In a traditional society such as India where hereditary restrictions on status mobility are great due to the caste system, it is difficult for lower caste peOple to achieve higher social status. Put with independence, and new constitutional provisions educational Opportunities are Open to everybody. Politics and the adult universal sufferage has also affected a great deal, the traditional channels of mobility. Traditional institutions are being used to advance caste status and individual social position. The process of ”Sanskritization," and realization, on the part Of villages and urban dwellers alike, that political power, and education Opens new horizons, has influenced parental attitudes toward higher education, and better occupations for their children. For this study the respondents were asked about the parental aspirations for their children's occupations and education: (1) If you have a son/daughter what occupation will you like him to have? (2) If you have a son/daughter how much (how far) education will you like to give him? 111 The responses to occupational questions were coded in terms Of occupational prestige in Uttar Pradesh. ( ) High Civil Servant 1 (2) Army Officer 3 Doctor, Teacher (4; Clerk (5 Nurse (6 Businessman 7; Politics (8 Manual Labor The testable hypothesis was that the higher a reSpondent's media exposure, the higher will be his aspirations for his children's future occupation and education. The data reveals that 41% of the rural male reSpondents who were highly exPosed to mass media channels were also the ones who possessed higher aSpirations for their children's education. In the urban sample the percentage under high eXposure and high aspirations was 71% male reSpondents, a big edge Of 30% over rural males. 29% of the rural males and 17% of the urban males were reported to be moderately exposed to the mass media and also possessing modest educational aspirations for their children. Under the low exposure and low aspiration categories rural male percentage was 30 while it was 12% in the case of urban males. In the female samples rural women trailed behind their urban sisters. 23% of the rural females, and 38% of the urban females were found to be highly eXposed and possessing higher asPirations for their children. 31% rural females, and 46% urban females belonged to medium categories on these two variables of mass media eXposure and educational aspirations. A high percentage of rural females (46%) were found to be low on mass media eXposure and educational aSpirations. The urban females under low categories were reported to be 16%. The rural female, who is less exposed to mass media, has less 112 information about different types of jobs, and education and the new world which education Opens, lags behind her highly informed urban counterpart. (Table IV) In the occupational Sphere the data reported here shows that 46% rural males who were highly exposed to the mass media channels had high aSpirations in the occupational sphere for their children. In the urban sample this percentage soared to 79%. 33% rural males and 12% urban males were moderately exposed to mass media and possessed moderate aSpiration for their children. 21% rural males and 9% urban males belonged to the low exposure and low aSpiration categories. In the female sample the data shows that urban females had an edge over the rural females. 39% rural females and 47% urban females who were highly exposed to the mass media channels were also the ones who possessed higher educational aSpirations for their children. 41% rural females and 31% urban females belonged to medium categories on mass media exposure and occupational aspirations. 25% rural females, and 22% urban females were low on mass media exposure and on the occupational aspirations for their children. (Table IV) Interestingly enough majority of reSpondents, both urban (43%) and rural (49%), favored their children going to politics. They seem tO recognize that the nobility system is politically oriented, and a man can rise through politics. SO why not? Thus according to the data reported here there is a positive correlation between mass media exposure and parental aspirations for their children. 113 SUMMARY In summary the data reported in this study suggests that messages carried by the mass media affect citizen's information level and shape his cognition of various important factors - essential to make him a participant individual and thereby generate social and political change. It is also revealed that variables of innovativeness, political knowledge, political participation, knowledge Of governmental outputs at various levels, knowledge of political and administrative leaders and empathy are correlated with mass media exposure. All of these correla- tions are significantly different from zero at the 1% or 5% level. Mass media eXposure and political knowledge are highly correlated (.405). Occupational aspirations for children and mass media exposure were found to be least correlated (.121). Educational aspirations for children and mass media were not very highly correlated (.233). Empathy and its correlationship with mass media eXposure came forth in the rank order (.379). Education and its correlation with mass media channels was also quite high (.384). (Table VII) The data also indicates that the urban reSpondents tend to be more highly exposed to mass media than the rural respondents. Highly eXposed respondents tend to score high on all variables discussed above. Though the role of mass media in develOping political cogni- tions, and knowledge is widely accepted, its contribution to political development and modernization is indiSpensable. It makes "indiSpensable inputs to psycho-political life of a transitional society via the minds and hearts of its peOple." Communication is the crux of modernization. 114 TABLE VII CORRELATION OF MASS MEDIA EXPOSURE WITH OTHER SELECTED VARIABLES 0F MODERNIZATION Consequences Correlation with Mass Media of Exposure Participation N=914 (1) Empathy .379* (2) Political Participation .397. (3) Education .384* (4) Political Knowledge .405: (5) Educational ASpirations for Children .2331. (6) Occupational ASPirations for Children .121* (7) Innovativeness _ .294* *Significantly different from zero at the 1% level. It helps persons to become participants, and modern. Mass media is the ”magic multiplier," and an important instrument in Social mobilization - "the process in which major clusters of Old social, economic, and psycho- logical commitments are eroded or broken and peOple become available for new patterns pf socialization and behavior." (Deutsch 1964:280) CHAPTER IV EMPATHY The central concept in Lerner's model of modernization is empathy. He stated that the acquisition and diffusion of psychic mobility (empathy) may well be the greatest characterological transformation in modern history.... It is in any case the most fundamental human factor that must be comprehended by all those who plan ra id economic growth by means of rapid social change. (19633332 Empathy is the lubricant which helps the modernization process. The theory is as follows: (1) Since empathy makes physical mobility and integration into a new milieu more probable, the empathic are more likely to and remain in the cities. (2) Literacy is a basic skill underlying the modernization sequence, the initially more empathic are more likely than the less empathic to become literate and to do sooner. (3) The empathic are more "mass media-participant.” They learn from the media the intellectual skills and prediSpo- sitional requisites of modernity. The mass media is "mobility-multiplier" because it provides mediated "travel" experience. Thus, it increases the empathic abilities of their audiences--and their initial audiences consist disprOportionately of the more empathic individuals. (4) With mass media participation comes the capacity and desire to participate politically and economically, to hold views and Opinions on national and international issues, and to view as important concerns which formerly were outside one's traditional competence and purview. (Whiting 1967:5-6) Definition of Empathy: Attempts to define the concept of empathy have been numerous and varied. Edith Stein defines empathy as "a kind of act of perceiving (eine Art erfahrender Akté) 'sui genris.‘ (Stein 196U311) 116 I. Empathy as role playing and role taking} Lipps used the word "Einfuhlung," later translated into English as "empathy." He used the term to refer to an aesthetic process in which a person took in a stimulus (some work of art) and reintegrated the stimulus thereby causing a "feeling of oneness“ or a "feeling together with to occur.” This process when applied to interpersonal situations, becomes the common sense idea of "putting yourself in the other fellows place" or role playing. For Lipps empathy is an "inner participation in foreign experiences,” and as long as "empathy is com- plete (exactly what we no longer recognize as empathy) there is no distinction between our own and the foreign "I,” that they are one." (Lipps 1909316) Dymond definition is ”...the imaginative tranSposing of oneself into the thinking, feeling, and acting of another and so structuring the world as he does." (Dymond 194832284233) Lerner's main concern is with this role-taking concept of empathy, and his measurement of it is linked to the individual's ability to describe his activities in terms of modern, high-status roles. Lerner postulates a net increase in human imaginativeness and greater cOgnitive flexibility. II. Empathy as Interpersonal PerSpectiveness: The view of empathy as interpersonal perspectiveness grew out of the psychology of perception and denotes differential ability in utiliza- tion of cues and others' internal states. This can lead to improved prediction of others' behavior and greater success in interpersonal relations. Some writers have suggested that this kind of empathy may be more characteristic of traditional or at least of primitive societies 117 than of modern ones. Deutsch believes that traditional men are more interpersonally perceptive because of their experience in the extended family. Having a need to differentiate carefully between behavior toward a large number of children and adults who are found in close and constant interaction in the family, the child develOps more capacity to size up individuals and behave accordingly. (Deutsch 1964) Margaret Mead, and Hurley (Mead 196a and Hurley 1965) also suggest that primitive man is already highly imaginative, involved in vicarious experiences, and empathic. Hurley believes that modernization wrings this out of primi— tive. It will be interesting to see empirically whether more traditional individuals are empathic or less traditional, and modern ones. III. Empathy as Interaction: Empathy has also been described as recipathy, as an interactive process. Stewart defined empathy as mutual transference. Empathy and role reversal have been considered as complementary processes, a process involving interaction, and convergence. Buchheimer stressed the inter- active component of the empathic process and referred to it by using the term confluence. (Stewart 1954:216-228, Speroff 1953:117-120, and Buchheimer 1963:61-70) Deutsch provides a brief discussion of the tOpic by distinguishing between understanding a person's situation and understanding his outlook. In the former we are able to put ourselves into someone else's place while in the latter we not only do this but also have in our imagination a model of his mind, with his memories and values, that is suffi- ciently accurate for us to predict--and perhaps experience emotion- ally by empathy--how he could act with his mind and his personality under conditions in which we ourselves might act differently. (Deutsch 1964312) 118 Later he makes further distinction between the two types: a rational reconstruction of the personality, culture, or cognitive map of the actors concerned versus an emotional simulation of their feelings by an imaginative mani- pulation of our own minds. (Deutsch 1964:13) The researches conducted on modernization and social change have suggested that individuals with more urban conttacts are more likely to develop both generalized and differentiated skills in dealing with strangers. This appears somewhat at variance with the Lerner's model but the divergence is only apparent. It was suggested there that the more likely to have urban contact. Urban contact leads to empathy. It is interesting to note, at this point, Roger's view that neither mass- media exposure nor trips to the city probably have much impact on the non-empathic person, because the absence of modicum of empathy to begin with would immunize the peasant from cosm0politan influence. (Rogers 1965853) Haisanen and others assert that trips to the city tend to bring about a modicum of empathy. (Lassey, Mendez, and Haisanen) The more empathic person is less rigidly attached to Convention and precedent at least in his imagination alternative courses of be- havior or alternative beliefs. Katz argues that because the more empathic person not only has stored a larger number of identifications from his past but is also able to move flexibly from one identification to another he finds himself less threatened by the strains of transition to a modern society. (Katz 1962:110) His self-image and world view are broad enough to include more of the variety the modern world presents. Not only does he arrive more rapidly and with less trouble in the modern institutions and roles, he also continues his adjustment with fewer 119 problems once there. According to Katz: everyone living in a mobile, mass society must be able to make rapid adjustments in attitude and to maintain self-esteem in the face of many threats. The poor empathizer is simply more vulnerable than the average citizen. He is less qualified to cOpe with conflicts and is less defended against the anxieties of living in a society of increasing alienation. (Katz 1963: 110) According to Whiting the poor empathizer can be indicted for (1) difficulty in communicating ideas and feelings, (2) misreading feed- back needed to assess his behavior's impact on others, (3) a consequent lack of a sense of mutuality required to maintain self-esteem, (4) being out-of-step with other group members in judgments, (5) erroneous inter- pretations of others' attitudes and evaluations, (6) a consequent feeling that others do not respond appropriately. (Whiting 1967:22-23) Thus, we see that empathy is a very important indicator of modernization. Rogers et. al. have presented a paradigm of the role of empathy in the modernization process. The paradigm clearly demonstrates that empathy generates innovativeness, achievement motivation, political knowledge, epinion leadership, self-confidence and aspirations for a better future life. The paradigm is as follows: PARADIGM OF THE ROLE OF EMPATHY IN THE MODERNIZATION PROCESS Intervening Antecedents Variable Consequents 1. Functional literacy\\\\.A '//;71. Innovativeness 2. Achievement 2. Mass media exposure-—§> ,/;7 Motivation 3. Political 3. Cosmopoliteness-—-——€> ”;7 Knowledgeability “:§4u Opinionatedness ;::;§5. Opinion Leadership 6. Aspirations Source: (Rogers et. a1. 1969:204) 120 Measuring_Empathy Attempts to measure empathy have been as varied as have the attempts to define the concept. There have been two main measurement approaches: (a) Predictive tests of empathy: Predictive test procedures are generally of two types--those involving predictions based on a specific other and those involving predictions based on a general other. In the generalized other approach subjects are required to Specify the likes, dislikes or other psycholo- gical characteristics of an average person in the general pOpulation or in some subgroup of the population. In using the specific other approach, empathy is measured by assessing the degree of similarity between a person's rating of a Specific other known to him through group inter- action and the other's actual self rating. (b) Situational tests of empathy: Situational approaches to empathy measurement provide subjects with some type of real-life or simulated real-life situations involving visual, auditory or a combination of both stimuli. Such stimuli give the subjects a standard experience to which they can attempt to respond empathically. Research of this nature can be divided into that using written or audio stimuli and that using a combination of audio and video stimuli. Lerner's empathy scale contained a set of nine "projective questions." Only the following three questions called for role-taking on the part of the respondent. (1) (2) (3) 121 If you were made editor of a newsPaper? If you were put in charge of a radio station? Suppose that you were made head of the government? The other six items in his scale asked about the respondent's Opinions. In order to measure the concept of empathy with others' roles in India predictive test was also used. The reSpondents were asked to take public roles, which varied from local to national. The predictive test questions contained: (1) (2) Here is a ladder. Let us say that the most powerful and influential men in this village/town are at the t0p of the ladder and the men with the least power and influence are at the bottom. Where would you place the Pradhan/Mayor on this ladder in terms of his power? Now consider this ladder again. Suppose the most powerful and influential men in village/tOwn are at the t0p of the ladder and the men with the least power and influence are at the bottom. Where would you place yourself on the ladder in terms of power? A five item scale was develOped on the basis of following questions asked from the reSpondents. They were asked to take five public roles and report as to what they would in their respective positions do to solve these problems. (1) (2) (3) (Lt) (5) If you were the Pradhan (President) of the Village Panchayat or Mayor of the town, what would you do for your community? If you were the Block DevelOpment officer, what would you do to improve your block? If you were police officer of your area, what would you do to improve police-community relations? If you were the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, what would you do for the peOple of the state? If you were the Prime Minister of India, what would you do to make people happy and prosperous? 122 The interviewers were instructed to judge whether or not the respondents placed themselves in the roles called for. A three point scale was formed on the following basis: (1) Low Empathy: If no answer or response related to the question. (2) Medium Empathy: If a general non-specific answer, with some relevance to the question was given. (3) High Empathy: If a specific and relevant answer given to all the five questions, and ability to take the role indicated. I. Empathy, mass-media and interpersonal communication: According to Lerner the media is "mobility multiplier.” It makes the expansion of imagination possible. The more empathic should be more capable of drawing modernization import from messages in the mass media. In addition, the more empathic should apply these message to themselves to a greater extent. The data reported here indicates that respondents who were exposed to interpersonal channels are less empathic than those exposed to the mass media. This may be due to the nature and quality of messages carried by these two types of media. Other researches have shown that mass media communication is more important in changing cognitions than interpersonal, word-of-mouth channels. The research reported here shows that h2% of the rural reSpon- dents who were highly exposed to the mass media channels were also found to be highly empathic, while only 27% were highly empathic exposed to interpersonal channels such as word-of-mouth communication. Same is found in the urban sample. 53% of the urban reSpondents who were highly 123 exPosed to mass media were also highly empathic, while only 36% were highly empathic who were exposed to only word-of-mouth channels. 33% of the rural respondents and 31% urban reSpondents possessed medium empathy though they were highly exposed to mass media channels. 25% rural respondents and 16% urban respondents were found to be high on media exposure but low on empathy. The difference between urban and rural reSpondents on all the three levels of media exposure and empathy is quite noteworthy. The urban respondents on both scales are far ahead to their rural counterparts. Looking at the eXposure to interpersonal channels of communica- tion and empathy we find that 22% of the rural respondents who are highly exposed to word-of-mouth and are highly empathic. This high relationship is also found about the urban respondents. 36% of the urbane were highly exposed to interpersonal channels and also possessed high empathy. It is noteworthy that the percentage of respondents who had low empathy is greater under this category-~exposure to interpersonal channels. 52% of the rural respondents reporting low empathy and high exposure. In the urban sample the percentage is 35. The remarkably low empathisers are in the rural sample. 70% rural respondents and 57% urban reSpondents are low empathisers, despite that they are moderately exposed to interpersonal channels. Those who are least exposed are the ones who make up the category of low empathisers--8% rural respondents, and 71%»urban reSpondents. Thus we find that the level of empathy is positively related to mass media exposure and interpersonal channels of communication. (Table I) 121+ oofi ooh ooH com com com 00H so“ see . ooH ooa cos ezmomma 44909 as om an on mm mm «m mm mm mm as mm aseeass mos me as as s“ cm «N mm mm mm on an mm aseeasm eases: as a em me on em om he as an mm m: agendas swam a a a a a a! m a. a, a“ at w» case: Hesse asses Hesse cape: Sham cape: Hesse case: Hesse cape: Hesse cos eases: seal sos scene: as; assesses mamfifidnu Hgomhmflhmpafi 0». 0.5.50me mHmQGBU $4.602 mmdz 0». among MO H0>QH see-z sass: Nfimuz Hamsm emouz mqmzfimo Ams HH @493. 129 empathise and to see in another's shoes. The data reported here indicates that those respondents, both rural and urban, male and female, who had higher education had also greater capacity to empathise. Female reSpon- dents, both urban and rural, were less empathisers than the male respondents. Education does not seem to have affected this difference. Also the difference between rural female respondents and their urban counterparts is not very striking. 50% of the rural females, with university education, were high on empathy, while 52% of their urban counterparts fell under that category. Thus urbanization does not seem to have made tremendous difference in this situation. “8% of the urban and rural females with university education reported to have moderate empathy, while only 1% rural female respondents with university degree were low on empathy. Same trend is found about the high school educated rural and urban females. In both cases 41% of them were highly empathic. The difference between low empathy and less than primary educated urban and rural respondents is also not very significant. 80% of the less than primary educated rural females were low on empathy, while in urban female sample it is 75%.1a difference of 5%. It is interesting to note that high school educated rural females were more highly empathic (#175) than their menfolks with the same educational background (39%), though the university education seems to make a lot of difference. 7#% of the university educated rural males were highly empathic in comparison to 77%iuniversity educated urban reSpondents. The difference between highly empathic university educated rural and urban males and females is quite noteworthy. In the rural sample this difference between university educated males (74%) and females (50%) is 2h%, while in the urban sample this difference is 25% (77% males and 130 52% females). Another noteworthy difference between rural males and rural females, urban males and females, is in the medium level of empathy and university education. 26% university educated rural males possess moderate empathy while this percentage leaps to 48% (22% gain for rural females) in the case of rural females. This is also true about the urban sample where only 23% university educated males have medium empathy while 48% females fall under that category (25% gain for urban females). The cutting point, where the level of empathy sinks real low, seems to be the primary education. In the rural sample 42% males and 60% females with primary education have low empathy. In the urban sample 38% males, and 55% females with primary education reported to possess low empathy. It is 65% and 75% reSpectively in the case of those urban respondents who had less than primary education. In the rural sample it is 69% and 80% respectively. The level of high school education seems to be a very important stage in this context. The percentage of high empathisers, and medium empathisers fall sharply after high school education. The data reported here clearly indicates that the high education is positively related with high empathy. Low education produces individuals with low empathy, individuals who are unable to imagine themselves in borrowed roles. (Table III) IV. Empaphy and cosmOpoliteness: The relationship between empathy and the variable of cosmOpoli- teness in the modernization process should be similar to that of the relationship between empathy and the mass media eXposure. Cosmopoliteness has been defined as a degree to which an individual is oriented outside his immediate social system. (Rogers and Svenning 1969:146) Those 131 ooH ooH oofi 00H cod ooH ooa oo« oo« ooH ooa oofl 00H co“ co“ OCH OCH OCH 00H 00“ HszQO we we or mm mm mm ow ms Ne OH m« cm s H a 0 mm em we mm mm mm mm mm as en es as as em as we Aass hnmsaum sane nnos agendas coapmoscm mun, mo Ho>oq dfislz seam: Namlz Hausa ammuz oneeusnm az< .mozmnHmmm semsm-zms HHH mqmmmv Ho>os .Hmoh m ad coax» no mono can» mmoq .HmOh m s« coax» Ho coco .hnm» m mosey O>Hm on 039 .hapcosvonm ones Ho xoo: m coco Ho>mhe .mmocmpaaomoswoo son Amy .mmo:ovaaomosmoo suave: ANV .mmmsovdaomosmoo :mwm,navw OCH see so“ see co“ ooH oofl OCH OCH ooH cos so“ ezmomsa gases mm as mm as am om ms mm as N me Q sarcasm :04 me we as ea as es an an am on mm an essence cameo: s “H N a on em am mm on we as on agendas see: a a a a a a m a a a mm a deEmh dez deEwh mad: deEmh 0H5; mafia—mm mHmz QHNEWMIWHMZ 0.”ng QHMZ sane: Hesse can»: sense some: sense son erase: swam sarcasm smasmpaaommsmoo mo Ho>oq sesaz case: msmuz Hausa smmaz *mmmszqumozmoo nz< mozmnHmmm AH mqmapoz ecoso>oaco< mo Ho>og sesaz ease: «Hm-z Assam owe-z xmm Qz< mozmQHmmm QHHoz ezmzm>meo< Qz< Mmemq > mqm<fi 139 VI. Empathy and Fatalism Fatalism is the belief that phenomena occur for no knowledgeable reason, and they cannot be controlled by the mortal individual. God or some moral order controls the destiny. With this kind of attitude the villager's fatalistic outlook on life results in failure to see a relationship between work and one's economic condition. Having enough is thought to be almost entirely due to luck (suerte) and is never believed to be brought about or furthered by personal initiative. (Riechel-Almatoff 1961:259) Kusum Nair has reported about the villagers of India who consider change and improvement as an immoral principle: ”But then" asks Kallatatiah with puckered eyebrows, ”how can we get other peOple's lands?" "If we are destined to be landless we must remain so." (Nair 1961:66) Fatalism has been considered to be an impediment in the process of modernization and directed social change. The causes of individual and community misfortunes are looked upon as visitations from gods or devil and evil Spirits. It kills individual initiative and a desire to achieve, promotes a pessimistic outlook towards life, a feeling of helplessness and a retreat from real life and issues. In a society which is rife with fatalistic outlook on life it is impossible to create a "revolution of rising expectations.” Fatalism results from old religious beliefs and authoritarian family structure. Hunt feels that religious beliefs are barriers to economic develOpment: The tradition-bound rigidity of Islam, the other-wordly emphasis of Buddhism, the asceticism of Hinduism and the fiesta-laden Catholicism of countries with Spanish tradition, may embody im- portant teachings, but their emphasis is not calculated to provide industrious workers, thrifty capitalists or daring promoters. (Hunt 1957:318) Fatalism also decreases empathy, cosmOpoliteness, and achievement motivation. 140 The research reported here shows that those respondents who were highly fatalistic were very low on the empathy scale. 83% of the rural male sample and 96% rural females were highly fatalistic and low on empathy; while only 1% highly empathic rural males were also highly fatalistic. No females, both in urban and rural sample, were found to be highly fatalistic and empathic. The urban male sample on these two indicators was also very low, only 1%. Here we see that both urban and rural respondents follow the similar patterns. In the urban sample 77% of the males, and 86% of the females were highly fatalistic but low on empathy. The difference between urban males and rural males was reported to be 6%, while in the female sample this difference reached to 10%. In both cases, though, the rural reSpondents were highly fatalistic and low empathic than their urban counterparts. Low level of fatalism and high degree of empathy were reported by both rural and urban reSpondents. In the rural sample 38% of the males, and 34% of the females were low on fatalistic scale but high on empathy. In the urban case 46% and 43% females were low on fatalism but high on empathy. Again the rural reSpondents had a slight edge (29% males, 27% females possessing low fatalism and low empathy) over the urban reSpondents (17% males and 25% females). Thus we see that high degree of fatalism results into low empathy and is thus dysfunctional to the develOpment of an active achievement oriented individual personality so essential to social change and modernization. (Table VI) VII. 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