ABSTRACT A TEXTUAL EDITION OF THE FIRST QUARTO OF HENRY V BY Jonathan Harold Spinner For the past half-century, the term "bad quarto" has been used to define and describe a number of editions of some of Shakespeare's plays. One of the editions so named is the first quarto of Henry . However, the quarto has been labeled "bad" without any close study of the print- ing procedures used or the press and textual variants re- sulting from these procedures. The major part of my thesis is an investigation of the first quarto to determine how it was printed and what were the consequences of this printing textually. In addition, a study is made of what consti- tutes "bad quartos," and how and why such editions might have come into existence. Besides the first quarto (Ql), printed in 1600, two other quartos were published: the second quarto, Q2 (1602), and the third quarto, QB (a Pavier quarto of 1619, title- page 1608). Additionally, there is the Folio text of 1623, l Jonathan Harold Spinner 'which differs substantially from the quartos. I have col- lated all available copies of 01, one copy of 02, and two copies of Q3, in order to establish whether Q2 and Q3 are reprints of the first quarto as is generally assumed, and if so, how they differ from Q1. With regard to the third quarto, I have made a study of the kinds and types of changes in that edition. No full textual comparison has been made between the Folio and Q1, nor between QZ and Q3 and the Folio, since both of these studies have already been done, but I have presented the dramatic elements abridged or removed in Henry V Ql as compared to F1. The bulk of the thesis is the text itself; print- ing variations found in the copies of Ql, in the second and third quartos, and the first Folio are footnoted or indi- cated marginally. The introduction deals with the problems I have already raised, as well as with some other aspects of the printing of the quarto, their relation to Q2 and Q3, to the Folio, and to "bad quartos" in general. The first section of the introductory essay is con- cerned with the printing of all three quartos, beginning with Q1. I have started with a study of the publisher's and printer's professional records, in order to examine the possibility of a relationship between their general Jonathan Harold Spinner practices and their handling of the text. I have found that the men responsible for the publishing and printing of the play (Busby, Millington, and Creede) were not unusual in their methods of obtaining the play, even though their copyright was challenged by Pavier. Their actions were not considered criminal either by their fellow Stationers or by English law. Aside from questioning the ethics of the publisher and printer, an examination of professional methodology is necessary since it sheds some light on how the text was dealt with in the print shop. From this, a deeper discus- sion of the composition, press-work, variants in the edi- tion, and size of the edition follows. Regarding the composition of the text, I have con- sidered whether or not the cast-off copy/printing by formes method was utilized, have suggested two theories, one based on spelling evidence, the other on typographical findings. The first indicates that only one compositor is responsible for the text; the second that the cast-off copy/printing by formes method was used, and that two compositors worked on the edition. The general question of the numbers and kinds of variants has been examined. Both the second and third quartos have been approached in a similar, though less Jonathan Harold Spinner exhaustive, manner. Further questions concerning composi- tion, such as proof of reprinting from 01 and the extent to which it was carried out, or the amount and significance of variants in these editions have been studied. The second part of the essay is a survey of the theories of the relation of the quartos to the first Folio. Using findings based upon my own studies and those of var- ious critics and scholars, I have concluded that the quarto is based on the same manuscript used for the Folio, and that memorial reconstruction best explains the discrepancies between the two editions. A study of the various theories of "bad quartos" in relation to the first quarto of Henry V follows. Since the phrase (used by Heminge and Condell, the editors of the first Folio) "stolne and surreptitious copies" is one of the bases for the concept of "bad quartos," its meaning and its possible relation to Q1 have been investigated. I believe I have shown that the phrase refers only to the Pavier quartos of 1619 and not to any other edition. Having discussed the "how" of "bad quartos" produc- tion, I have touched on the "why," that is, some reasons that have been suggested as to why such editions were Jonathan Harold Spinner printed. Of especial interest to me have been the theories about abridged copy for provincial companies. The origin of such companies, the main features of their usual and known copy, and the abridged versions previously subjected to scholars' study have been reviewed. Consideration has been given as to the possibilities of Henry V Q1 being such an abridgement. Beyond these general examinations of the practices of provincial companies, more specific studies have been made in regard to this edition and its possible use away from the London stage. Dramatic elements found in F1 and missing in the first quarto have been scrutinized as to their abridgement or suppression for utilization outside of London. Finally, a history of the Lord Chamberlain's Men for the years 1599-1602, as it is relevant to Q1 and Q2, has been presented. Since these were the years in which the Plague was prevalent in London, and the stages were closed, companies were sometimes forced to go "on the road" with their productions. An examination of the Lord Chamber- lain's Men's company history for these years is obviously valuable in assessing what possible effects, if any, this had on the printing of the first two quartos. Jonathan Harold Spinner I have tried to outline the goals of this textual edition of the first quarto of Henry . I have presented a survey of scholarly opinion on what constitutes a "bad quarto" (and whether the term itself is defensible, since it is so variable in content), why and how such quartos came into existence, and how 01 of Henry V relates to a theory of "bad quartos." In addition, I have attempted to account for the corruption of the text, both through abridgement and compositorial error. A TEXTUAL EDITION OF THE FIRST QUARTO OF HENRY V BY Jonathan Harold Spinner A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of English 1973 *5 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS No thesis is ever the work of one person. I wish to give especial thanks to Professor George R. Price, without whose interest, help, and effort this dissertation could not have been begun, much less completed, and to Professor John Yunck for his aid and comfort during the writing of the thesis and throughout most of my doctoral career. Apprecia- tion is also extended to Professor Randall Robinson for his valuable assistance as a member of my doctoral committee, to Professor Harry Hoppe for his small but significant sugges- tions for changes in the text, and to Howard Shapiro for his help in gathering research data. Beyond this professional support, there is the per— sonal support of relatives, friends, and loved ones. I thank my parents, Irving and Lee Spinner, for their love and con- cern. I also extend my warmest thanks to my friends, par- ticularly Michael Jones, David Anderson, Jane Wilcox, and Betty Brown, for their support during difficult times. Finally, as the only possible expression of the thanks I can give her, I dedicate this thesis to my wife Sydell, ii without whose continuing affection, encouragement, and interest I would have surely given up long ago. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF CHARTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V INTRODUCTORY ESSAY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l Introduction--The-Problem. . . . . . . . . . . . l The Publishers and Printer of the First Quarto . 5 Composition and Presswork. . . . . . . . . . . . 12 The Second Quarto. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 The Pavier Quarto. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 The Relation of the Quartos to the Folio . . . . 39 "Bad Quarto" Theories and 01 . . . . . . . . . . 58 Abridged Copy for Provincial Companies . . . .i. 69 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 THE TEXT OF THE PLAY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 BIBLIOGRAPHY O O O I O O O O O O O O I O C O O O O O 142 iv LIST OF CHARTS Chart Page 1. Noun, Verb, and Adjective Endings. . . . . . . . l4 2. Type Anomalies--D, E, F, and G Quires. . . . . . l9 3. Line Averages for Outer and Inner Formes . . . . 22 4. Memorial Reconstruction in Q1. . . . . . . . . . 49 INTRODUCTORY ESSAY Introduction--The Problem For the past half-century, the term "bad quarto" has been used to define and describe a number of editions (:15 some of Shakespeare's plays. One of the editions so named is the first quarto of Henry . However, the quarto lasts.been labeled “bad" without any close study of theprint- .irig'procedures used or the press and textual variants re- smllting from these procedures. The major part of my thesis .153 an investigation of the first quarto to determine how it was printed and what were the consequences of this printing textually. In addition, a study is made of what consti- tutes "bad quartos," and how and why such editions might have come into existence. The first section of the introductory essay is con- cerned with the printing of all three quartos, beginning with Ql. I have started with a study of the publisher's 34151 printer's professional records, in order to examine the possibility of a relationship between their general prac- tices and their handling of the text. Aside from question- ing the ethics of the publisher and printer, an examination of professional methodology is necessary since it sheds some light on how the text was dealt with in the print shop. From this, a deeper discussion of the composition, press- work, variants in the edition, and size of the edition follows. Regarding the composition of the text, I have con- sidered whether or not the cast-off copy/printing by formes method was utilized, based on spelling evidence and on typo- graphical findings. The general question of the numbers and kinds of variants has been examined. Both the second and third quartos have been approached in a similar, though less exhaustive, manner. Further questions concerning composi- tion, such as proof of reprinting from Ql and the extent to Which it was carried out, or the amount and significance of Variants in these editions have been studied. Besides the first quarto (Ql), printed in 1600, two otrier quartos were published: the second quarto, Q2 (1602), and the third quarto, Q3 (a Pavier quarto of 1619, title- Page 1608). Additionally, there is the Folio text of 1623, which differs substantially from the quartos. I have col- la”ted all available copies of Ql, one copy of Q2, and two copies of QB, in order to establish whether Q2 and Q3 are rePrints of the first quarto as is generally assumed, and if so, how they differ from Ql. With regard to the third quarto, I have made a study of the kinds and types of changes in that edition. No full textual comparison has been made between the Folio and Q1, nor between Q2 and Q3 and the Folio, since both of these studies have already been done, but I have presented the dramatic elements abridged or removed in Henry V Ql as compared to F1. The second part of the essay is a survey of the theories of the relation of the quartos to the first Folio. I have attempted to state some of my conclusions of the re- la tion based upon my own studies and those of various critics and scholars. A study of the various theories of "bad quartos" in relation to the first quarto of Henry V follows. Since the Phrase (used by Heminge and Condell, the editors of the first Folio) "stolne and surreptitious copies" is one of the bases for the concept of "bad quartos," its meaning and its possible relation to Q1 have been investigated. Having discussed the "how" of "bad quartos" produc- tion, I have touched on the "why," that is, some reasons that have been suggested as to why such editions were p“Tinted. Of especial interest to me have been the theories about abridged copy for provincial companies. The origin of such companies, the main features of their usual and known copy, and the abridged versions previously subjected to scholars' study have been reviewed. Consideration has been given as to the possibilities of Henry V Ql being such an abridgement . Beyond these general examinations of the practices of provincial companies, more specific studies have been made in regard to this edition and its possible use away from the London stage. Dramatic elements found in F1 and missing in the first quarto have been scrutinized as to their abridgement or suppression for utilization outside of London. Finally, a history of the Lord Chamberlain's Men for the years 1599-1602, as it is relevant to Q1 and 02, has been presented. Since these were the years in which the Plague was prevalent in London, and the stages were Closed, companies were sometimes forced to go "on the road" Wi th their productions. An examination of the Lord Cham- berrlain's Men's company history for these years is obvi- o“Sly valuable in assessing what possible effects, if any, this had on the printing of the first two quartos. The Publishers and Printer of the First Quarto The play entitled The Life of Henry the Fift in the fiirst folio of 1623 first appeared in quarto form in 1600 under the title The Chronicle Historie of Henry the fift. Titus first quarto of Henry V was printed by Thomas Creede :Ekor Thomas Millington and John Busby. Two of the three men aalppear to have been well-established printers and fairly Jurormal in their methods and practices. Nothing would seem 'tro indicate any foul play by any of the three in the ob- ttaining and printing of the play, although Millington did have some fines levied against him by the Stationers' Com- Pany; however, neither the amounts nor the offenses appear ul'lusual.1 John Busby began his apprenticeship on Michaelmas, 157 6, "but was allowed to serve his time with Andrew Maun— s€33_l, draper, exercising the art of a stationer."2 The \ 1E. Arber, ed., Registers of the Company of Sta- ‘8'-i\<>rlg£s (five volumes, 1875-1894), Vol. ii, pp. 710, 822, 26, 836; W. W. Greg and Boswell, Records of the Court of th\e Stationers' Company, 1576-1602 (London, 1930), p. 55. 2R. B. McKerrow, Dictionary of Printers and Book- se\llers, 1557-1640 (London, 1910), p. 57. 5 early years of the seventeenth century seemed to have been the time of Busby's greatest involvement with the theatre, since the Stationers' Register indicate four plays produced by his shop during this period.3 Of special interest, as McKerrow points out, is his having been the "procurer of Shakespeare's Merry Wives and as having had a share in Henry V and apparently in King Lear." Busby's part as "procurer" of Merry Wives sheds some light on the method possibly used to register questionably gained material, since, as Arber notes, the play was entered by Busby and transferred to his partner, Arthur Johnson. However, there does not appear to be anything illegal in Busby's actions, and neither the Stationers' Company nor any other agency or individual protested. Busby must be seen then as being a model of the average stationer. Compared to the records of fines of Thomas Millington, he must be seen as an ideal stationer in his avoidance of legal entanglements. \ 3Arber, iii, pp. 199, 333, 354, 366. 4McKerrow, Dictionary, p. 58. 5Arber, iii, 199. A similar method was used re- ga-J'Sding the "Pied Bull" Lear, with the proviso added under John Wright's assignment of the play that "Simon Stafford shall have the printing of this book" (Arber, iii, p. 289) . Millington became a freeman of the Company on No- vember 8, 1591, after serving as apprentice to Harry Carre for eight years.6 A sometime partner of John Busby, Nicholas Ling, and Thomas Gosson, his involvement in the printing of dramas began with his very first entry, The First ParAtAof the Contention of the Two Famous @uses of York and Lancaster. However, except for the assignment of Titus Andronicus to Thomas Pavier, Millington seems to have entered only one other drama, The Rich Jew of Malta in May, 1594.8 Millington was before the Wardens of the COIIIIE>any a number of times, both as plaintiff and defendant.9 Some of Millington's troubles seemed to stem from his E>i'5‘ir1ting of ballads "and other ephemeral literature."lo Since such material depended on a quick sale to a fickle E3‘3l131ic, printers probably were tempted to produce such 13a~11ads too hastily, and occasionally were fined for \ 6Arber, ii, pp. 123, 710. 7McKerrow, Dictionary, p. 194. 8Arber, ii, 650 and iii, 204. 9Arber, ii, 710, 822, 826, 836. Greg and Boswell, ];’~ 55. Interestingly, on February 7, 1597, Millington was fined for printing a ballad assigned to Creede, but was t0 enjoye the ballad" once the fine was paid. 10McKerrow, Dictionary, p. 194. infringement of the rights of other Stationers. Certainly ‘these actions against Millington did not affect his stand- iJng within the Company. He was an active printer through- cptit his ten years of freedom in the Stationers' ranks, and at his death his business passed in the usual way to his wi £6.11 Like Busby, Creede seemed to be able to conduct his business without becoming embroiled in court cases. Thomas Creede seems to have gained an early reputation for " Superior workmanship" as a journeyman printer, for upon Eliidiruing freeman status in the Company, he was immediately favored by William Ponsonby.l3 His abilities appear to have attracted a large and admiring following, for the Sta- tioners' Records show a variety and quantity of works pro- duced in his shop, including the "preparation of many vol- umes of importance in English literature."14 Further \ lMcKerrow, Dictionary, p. 193. 12However, Creede was charged a 2£ 6sh fine for not r?Porting Henry Vawse's apprenticeship, for as G. W. Wil- lf—ams points out, "the printers continually and knowingly lolated the ordinances" (G. W. Williams, Unpubl. diss., \7tPhe 'Good' Quarto of Romeo and Juliet," University of lrginia, 1957). - 13McKerrow, Dictionary, p. 80. Ponsonby is con- :fdered by McKerrow to have been "the most important pub- :l-Sher of the Elizabethan period" (pp. 217-18) . l4Williams, p. 2. examination of the Stationers' Register seems to indicate 'that Creede's printing shop was a "modestly substantial (311e,"15 with at least one apprentice indentured at any time. Unlike Busby's and Millington's irregular associa- t;jLjE' dramatic output by the London press. From 1593 to 1606, 11(52 was responsible for the printing of 21 new plays and ea;i.§Jht reprints, thus accounting for 16.7% of the published Plays of those fourteen years.16 As was the case with the Eiseluary V quarto, Creede joined with Busby and Millington in tlrlee publishing of other Shakespearian "bad" quartos or 55C>Illrce plays. Busby's Merry Wives of Windsor and Milling- t2<311' s The First Part of the Contention Between the Two Eifilflggus Houses of York and Lancaster were both printed in Creede's shop, as were other plays owned by other Sta- tsz . . 17 <3hers and usually placed in these categorles. However, c31‘eede's dramatic printing was not limited to "bad" quartos €39r1€1 source plays; he printed editions of plays by Lodge, tr§§§~‘_ 15Williams, p. 4. S? 16Williams notes (p. 5) that in this same fourteen- ear period, Creede produced such notable non-dramatic (”lfiks as Machiavelli's Florentine History (1594), Sidney's Essééagnse of Poesie (1595), Spenser's Colin Clout's Come Home 6&1; (1595), and Shepherds Calendar (1597). 17Williams, p. 5. 10 Iqu, Peele, and Greene and put himself in the 1590's "in the forefront of dramatic printing.“]'8 After 1606, Creede's production ofplays dropped abruptly. It would appear from this short review of the careers of Busby, Millington, and Creede, that they were neither nefarious nor unusual in either their business methods or procedures for obtaining works to be printed. Their fines were not excessive nor does it appear that they were at any time severely consured for their practices re- garding the printing of plays. Whatever difficulties they had that brought them to the attention of the Wardens of the Company or under the scrutiny of higher authority seem to have been a normal occurrence in the life of a book- Seller and stationer. Although the first quarto of Henry V has been labeled "bad," this appellation applies to its ’ tektual quality and should not prejudice a view of its .‘pt‘inter and publishers. Not only were the three men responsible for the E3Itinting and publication of the first edition of Henry V in good standing with their fellow Stationers, but Thomas Qreede appears to have been held in esteem due to his superior abilities and workmanship as a printer. George \ 18Williams, p. 6. ll Walton Williams, in his dissertation on the "good" quarto of Romeo and Juliet, includes a study of the printing pro- cedures used in Creede's shop in the production of dramatic works for the years 1594 through 1602.19 Although the first quarto of Henry V was printed in Creede's shop within ' these years, Williams is mainly concerned with the 1602 re- print of the play. However, Williams does provide a start- ing point for a study of the printing methods used during the composition of this text. 19See chapter 1, "Dramatic Prints and Reprints From the Shop of Thomas Creede," pp. 2-88, from George Walton Williams' unpub. diss. "The 'Good' Quarto of Romeo and W," Univ. of Virginia. Composition and Presswork Beginning with an examination of The Contention, Williams outlines the basic procedural habits of a workman he has termed Compositor A.20 Williams notes that, as a general pattern, Compositor A set proper names in distin- guishing type in stage directions. Furthermore, regarding Spelling: Compositor A preferred the :ig endings for nouns, verbs, and adjectives. For adverbs he seems to have preferred the :1y_ending; this trait is evidenced also in some other forms ending in :1: but the line of demar- cation is not clear . . . . Some specific spellings may be mentioned . . . "bene," "do," "here," "ile" seem to be the pre- ferred forms. Occasional variants occur.21 However, in his quick review of the first quarto of Henry V, Williams states that some of Compositor A's h§ bits have changed considerably: Proper names are irregularly distinguished in stage directions, and on four signatures (Blv, D3v, Elv, E3v) both distinguished and \ 20Williams, p. 11. 21Williams, p. 12. 12 13 non-distinguished settings occur. The customary preference of this compositor for the -ie termi- nations of nouns, verbs, and adjectives is simi- larly upset in this play. In nearly every sheet there are more :y forms than -ie. On the other hand, the preference for the adverb in -ly is strictly maintained. The spellings "bene" and "here" are consistent with only two exceptions: "bin" A3, "heeres" Blv.22 Williams, taking a conservative approach, argues that the quarto "is the work of Compositor A whose practices are changing" and refuses to "hypothecate a third compositor if<=>zrr the shop sharing many of the habits of A."23 Using Williams' study as a guideline, my own inves- 1tlli—Ggaation of spelling evidence alone seems to bear out his 1:>us Roman K in quire A, beginning in D quire and continu- ing through the remaining registers, various consistent t3fPe anomalies involving Roman K, Roman S, and italic _I_ \_ 24Williams, p. 87. 16 cpczcur. Generally, in King. speech heads, Roman capital K replaces the preferred italic capital, while the italic I replaces the preferred Roman capital I in the text, and in Sol. speech heads, Roman capital S replaces the preferred i talic capital _S_. Other anomalies, such as the _L_0£c_1_. and L .. speech heads and catchword on D4v, where Sol. or its Speech head variants are expected, the missigned G2r leaf, the dropped speech head on A2v, and the "h" anomaly in the running title on A4r (see below), present difficulties in a Ssigning positive compositor identification. Line counts introduce additional difficulties in determining compositor responsibilities. Quires A, D, and G are remarkably consistent in line count, while the other quires, excepting F quire, vary greatly from page to page. A Visual examination of the quarto reveals that the A quire i 8 Well set up, with almost no spacing and very little Qwading of lines; this is also true of G quire, although ste spacing appears on Glr and G2v around the stage direc- tions. D quire is also remarkably well set up, with the thy spacing occurring on D4r, again around a stage direc- ~t:LOn ("Enter three Souldiers") . Watermarks and running title evidence also present S"3Itle problems for a one-compositor theory. A study of the l7 Elizabethan Club‘s copy of the quarto reveals that three different stocks of paper seem to have been used in the printing of the edition. Quires A, D, and G all have a large fleur de lis watermark pattern, while C and F quires have a small fleur de lis and B and E a different but un— determined watermark, possibly a bell. Regarding head- :L ines, the running title on A4r ("of Henry the fifth.") i S the only anomalous one in the edition, and is not re- peated elsewhere. Some situations can be postulated where two com- pOsitors having little or no variation in their spelling habits might work on a text together, and thus possibly a*CT—Czcunt for these unusual findings in typography, water- marks, and line counts. It is possible that compositor A fell behind and was given some assistance in setting up ste quires. Or perhaps his helper was an apprentice25 who was being given an opportunity to compose some part of a text, but under the supervision of compositor A. In an Q ffort to teach without slowing down the printing too much, \ 25Williams (p. 4) notes that a Daniel Duxfield was El£>I>renticed to Creede on February 2, 1595. Although Dux- Eield does not appear to have taken up his freedom, since <>thing more is heard about him officially, he remains a QSsibility as a third compositor in the shop. 18 the new man might have been allowed to help set certain quires or either the inner or outer forme, probably with the order to follow compositor A's style and spelling habits closely.26 Under such conditions, a study of spell- ing evidence would not indicate the presence of this com- positor. Following Charlton Hinman's demdnstration that first the inner forme of a quire was usually set and imposed, and then the outer forme, an investigation of the type shortage e-Vidence shows that this quarto was set by formes (Chart 2). EDiasmination of Roman and italic capital I indicates that as Roman I was exhausted as the inner forme was set, the com- positor switched to italic I in D4r and the inner forme was imposed. The same case must have been used for the outer f0th‘me, since such type shortages continued, and another QQIupositor then set the outer forme and it was impressed. The inner forme of E was then set, and a return was made at Eqr. The outer forme was then set and imposed, with the exhaustion of Roman I coming at E3r. This pattern con- tinued, with returns at Flv, F4 (inner), F2v, F4v (outer), \ i 26This would not be unusual for Creede's shop since, as Williams remarks, Compositor B had been "well and closely trained, and he followed his master in many etails of style and spelling." (P. 88) 19 Chart 2 Type Anomalies--D, E, F, and G Quires Outer Forme Inner Forme D1 DZV D3 D4V DlV D2 D3V D4 I_<_ 1 o 3 6 2 11 0 K o o o o 1 1 2 4 g o o o o o o 3 s 2 1 1 o 2 o 8 I 6 14 11 9 5 9 10 8 i o o o o o o 2 Q9. 3 El E2v E3 E4v Elv E2 E3v E4 \ 5 6 1 o 4 2 2 2 K o 1 o 1 1 o o \ §. 0 o o o 1 o o 5 S 5 1 1 1 2 6 1 o \ I 7 4 3 6 6 2 9 7 i o o 3 4 o o 2 o ‘ e _________________________________________ Fl F2v F3 F4v Flv F2 F3v F4 \ K 2 3 2 7 7 4 2 R 3 o 1 1 o o o 1 \ § 0 4 o o 1 o 2 o S 1 2 o 3 1 o \ I 11 14 11 14 9 3 2 14 § 3 o 1 o o 6 1 o - - - -'- - - -'- --- — - - - - - -.- - - - h - - - - - 20 Chart 2 (cont.) Outer Forme Inner Forme G1 GZv G3 G4v le G2 G3v G4 5' 4 4 3 12 2 f. K 2 0 0 0 12 l g o o o o o E 0 1 0 3 l 6 l l 10 10 £_ 0 O 0 0 0 81nd. le (inner). A similar analysis of the other anomalous Capitals yields the same conclusion. Another anomaly in typography more clearly indi- cBates a setting by formes by two compositors. The anom- a101.18 E. and Lo_1d_. speech heads on D4v (outer forme) must ha‘Ve been set by another compositor than the one that set I34 (inner forme), since it is on this page that the three =3Oldiers are introduced. The same compositor would have IPrObably corrected such a speech head error written into ‘the manuscript based on his knowledge gained from his workr 4in9¢3n D4. Thus, I think it can be assumed that two com- POSitors worked on the quarto. Further evidence of setting by formes is found in the crowding of type at various places in some quires, 21 indicated by ampersands, barred vowels, and run-over words dropped or raised a line. While some of these phenomena occur in other places in the quarto and can be explained by simple line justification, where they occur en masse, they are evidence of cast-off copy. Such evidence is found on C4]: (inner forme) and C4v (outer), and D4r (inner), and D4v (outer). I have mentioned how uneven some line counts of various quires are. Such line counts appear to be too random and haphazard to indicate setting either by formes or seriatim. However, by averaging the line counts of each quire B through G, it is found that the inner forme average line count per page is 34.5, while the outer forme average line count per page is 33.76 (Chart 3). This difference indicates that the quarto was set by formes, since with Seriatim setting, little difference would be detected be- tWeen formes or pages in each quire, or from quire to quire. The crowding of lines of C4 and C4v and D4 and D4v, as Well as the typographical anomalies that become evident in D quire, can be explained in part not only by the set- ting by formes of the quarto, but also by examining the time confusion found in D2v-D3. Burbon, on D2v. asks: Will it neuer be morning? (line 33) 22 Chart 3 Line Averages for Outer and Inner Formes Outer Inner B 34 36 33 37 36 36 34 32 4/‘137 = 34.2 4/141 = 35.2 33 35 35 35 30 33 33 34 4/131 = 32.7 4/137 = 34.2 ID 35 35 35 35 35 34 35 33 4/140 = 35 4/137 = 34.2 13 35 35 35 35 31 35 32 32 4/133 = 33.2 4/137 = 34.2 F‘ 35 34 35 34 34 34 34 - 35 4/138 = 34.5 4/137 = 34.2 <3 33 35 EVerage average for 2 for 2 Pages pages Outer formes h. 34.2 32.7 35 5 33.2 1. 34.5 33 6/202.6 = 33.76 £; average per page Inner formes 35.2 34.2 34.2 34.2 34.2 35 6/207.0 = 34.5 average per page 23 Yet in the same scene on D3r, the Constable states: Come, come away: The Sun is hie, and we weare out the day. (lines 34-35) The mistake in time sense is obvious, and has been attri- 1?" 27 (El buted to the telescoping of two scenes into one. Pos- - sibly, the actors abridging the play fell behind in getting this section of it to the print shop in time, and a hasty I error was made in time reference. .12" This possibility of the text being brought to the print shop as it was being written down is bolstered by the unusual way in which the quarto was registered. The Sta- tioners' Register shows that the quarto was "Staied" on August 4, 1600. and entered to Thomas Pavier on August 14. I believe that Pavier disputed Busby and Millington's regis- tration of the play, and so forced them to ask Creede to quiCken his printing of the play. Only another Stationer 0011143 have challenged Busby and Millington's claim of W within the rules of the Company. Thus, the \ 27See H. T. Price, The Text of "Henry V“; G. I. D“liliie, "The Quarto of Shakespeare's Henry ," in Papers M&Y_Shakespearean; R. E. Burkhart, "Shakespeare's Bad Quarto; Deliberate Abridgements Designed for a Performance Y a Reduced Cast" (unpubl. diss.);- P. A. Daniel, "Intro- dEICtiOn," King Henry V (ed. Nicholson); et al. I will deal wlth this aspect of the play in greater detail below. 24 compositors began casting off copy and setting types by formes in quire B, using Roman letters initially, but switching to italic when the Roman case was exhausted. This was a normal procedure with this type of text. The compositors corrected any mistakes they found, such as the anomalous dropped speech head in the Bodleian copy on C2v (which was corrected in all other copies), after examining the page proofs. However, with the pressure put on the entire Operation by Pavier's challenge, the compositors soon found themselves forced to wait for the scene involv- ing the four French lords, after finishing quires B through D2v. Pavier's challenge affected the players abridging the play, too. Pressed for time, the players probably sent each page of their abridgement to Creede's shop as fast as they could remember scenes and lines and write them down. The possibility exists that the players had more than a little trouble with this part of the play, perhaps because they were not on stage during this scene, thus unfamiliar With the lines, and could not deliver the required pages. Faced with this late delivery of these pages, the compositors set the' remainder of D quire aside, and prob- ably turned to some other tasks in the shop. When the 25 missing scene was finally given to the compositors, they rapidly proceeded to compose the rest of D quire; the use of Lord. instead of Soul. on D4v may be the result of con- fusion due to haste, either on the compositors' part or on the part of the scribe writing down the actors' account of the play. Quires E, F, and G were then set by formes while A was set, as usual, after the rest of the play was in the press. The anomalous running title on A3v indicates that the compositors were not able to examine page proofs at this point in the printing process because of the time factor introduced by Pavier's challenge. It is obvious that Busby and Millington's attempts to retain their claim on the play failed, or were only Partially successful. While their names were shown on the title page, Pavier was granted the rights to Henry V, as indicated by the August 14 entry. Pavier, having obtained the rights to the play, held it through Quarto 2, although his claim was challenged and disallowed in Q3. My theory of compositors setting from cast-off c0py While under pressure of haste cannot be regarded as proved entirely by the evidence I have cited. Nevertheless, the anomalies I have discovered in the text cannot be dis- counted and they present difficult textual questions. 26 These difficulties are not made easier by the scarcity of surviving copies; only five full copies plus a fragment are in existence.28 Most probably the press run was around fifteen hundred copies, the usual amount for a drama.29 This may seem too small a number to make the sale of the play profitable, but enough interest must have been shown in the play to warrant a reprint in 1602. 28British Museum (C.12 g.22: George III); Bodleian Library (Malone); Trinity College, Cambridge (Capell); Huntington Library (Stevens-Kemble-Devonshire); Yale, Elizabethan Club Library (Heber-Daniel-Huth) . Folger Shakespeare Library (Locker-Church-Huntington) is a frag- ment containing the first seven leaves. I was fortunate enough to examine the Elizabethan Club copy first-hand, but. was unable to obtain a microfilm or reprint of the Trinity College, Cambridge copy. 29A. Stevenson, "New Uses of Watermarks as Biblio- graphic Evidence," Papers of the Bibliographic Society, University of Virginia, Volume I (1948/49) , pp. 158-159, and R. B. McKerrow, An Introduction to Bibliography (Oxford, 1927), pp. 130-133 on the length of editions. The Second Quarto Much of the 1602 reprint has been dealt with quite thoroughly in George Walton Williams' study of Creede's sh0p. Before reviewing some aspects of Williams' work, I would like to deal with the publisher of the second quarto, Thomas Pavier. Although the quarto was printed at Creede's shop, Thomas Pavier's methods and history must be studied in order to determine what part he played in the production Of the text. Since Pavier had gained the copyright to the Play, and would make it one of the dramas collected in his 1619 edition of Shakespeare's plays, his role vis—a-vis this reprint obviously grows in importance. Other than the infamous copyright battle of 1619, nOthing else in Pavier's history as a Stationer would indi- cate anything especially villainous about him or his busi- ness methods. The fines charged against him do not seem to haVe been very different from those charged against others in the Company.30 \ His reputation certainly could not have 30Arber records fines brought against Pavier on I”larch 4, 1601, September or October, 1602, June 27, 1603, and June 17, 1604. The last fine was placed against 27 27 28 been damaged within the Company because of the 1619 contro- versy, since, as McKerrow notes, "he was elected Junior "31 Like a number of other Warden of the Company in 1622. Stationers, he was sworn and translated into the Stationers' Company from the Drapers.32 Aside from holding the copy- rights for Henry V, he obtained some other copyrights to Shakespeare's plays. The First and Second Parts of Henry\u2 and Titus Andronicus were assigned to him by Thomas Milling- ton, and he published Pericles in 1619. Since the third quarto of Henry V was a part of the set of Shakespeare's plays published by Pavier, I will deal with the problems of copyright later in this introduction. Excepting the copyright fight of 1619, Pavier's history as a Stationer. reveals a publisher not much different from any other. Turning to the bibliographic examination of the second quarto, my own study of one copy of the text does not allow me to come to conclusions differing from the re- sults of Williams' investigation. The second quarto is a reprint of the first and as Williams says: ¥ other Stationers for selling a book forbidden and burned by the Star Chamber. Pavier also received money for copyright damages from a Mr. Waterson (Greg and Boswell, p. 85). 31McKerrow, A Dictionary, p. 212. 32Arber, ii, 725. Ten other Drapers were sworn itho the Company with Pavier. 29 The evidence for this statement will be found in such bibliographical links as the exact fidelity to the verse lineation of the prose speeches of the comic scenes and the virtual literatim copying of the French orthograph- ical peculiarities in the scenes in which that language is spoken by Frenchmen and Eng— lishmen alike.33 Regarding the machining of the text, Williams states: The second quarto is printed with two skele- tons that alternate with perfect regularity in sheets B through E. In sheet F, the skel- eton that has been imposing the outer formes imposes both outer and inner. The inner- forme skeleton imposes G half-sheet. This pattern need signify nothing more than that half-sheet G was ready for the press as F inner came from it, a normal situation in seriatim setting.3 While I have no argument with Williams based on my own studies of one quarto copy, considering Hinman's findings concerning presswork, further study is needed to verify Williams' findings. Williams continues his study with a comparison of speech prefixes, stage directions, capitals, punctuation, and italics; in all of these items, 02 follows Ql closely. In order to avoid too great a repetition of Williams' work, * 33Williams, p. 83. 34Williams, p. 84. 30 I will summarize his findings without reproducing his ex- tensive and valuable tables and charts. The second quarto holds to the first quarto's use of speech prefixes with a fidelity of 84.6%, with only four prefixes added, and just 78 of the 473 changed. Regarding stage directions, "the great majority of Ql directions is copied exactly," but almost all proper names set in roman in Q1 are put into italic in Q2. Most importantly, the text has been con- densed in Q2 in order to save two leaves. Consequently, "35 blank lines above and below 01 directions have been filled." The reprint is very faithful in the use of cap- itals, with a fidelity of 76% to Q1. In the matter of punctuation, Williams notes that the text is strengthened in 41 instances, while being reduced in 37 places. Fi- nally, Q2 closely follows Ql in the use of italics and so "is good proof that Q2 was indeed set directly from the earlier print."35 a“ As I have stated earlier, Williams concludes that only one compositor was responsible for the setting of the reprint. Since I have already dealt with this question in the investigation of the possible compositors of Q1, I will * 35Williams. pp. 85-86. 31 not restate Williams' findings. Williams' final analysis on both quartos is that: Conservative judgement would most wisely attri- bute the play to Compositor A throughout, with the consciousness that by the date of the re- print many familiar practices had become less habitual and characteristic. Compositors B and A have many traits in common, and the distinc- tion between them is not always obvious. Surely it would be straining coincidence to suppose a third compositor, sharing some of the peculiar- ities of both and exhibiting no new ones of his own.36 I believe Williams' underlying conservatism,based as it is on spelling evidence for the most part, to be justified; my somewhat liberal presentation concerning Q1 is a re- sponse to some of the conflicting typographical evidence found in the text. 36Williams, p. 87. The Pavier Quarto The third quarto of Henry V is one of the plays that was included in the 1619 Pavier Quartos. The story of the discovery of the true nature of the Pavier Quartos is as fascinating as the publishing history of the Quartos as reconstructed by various scholars.37 As supposed by Greg, the Pavier Quartos were originally intended to be "a perfectly regular collection of ten plays that had at one time or another been ascribed to Shakespeare."38 Included in the collection was Henry V, to which Pavier had the copyright. During the printing of The Merchant of Venice, as indicated by the first use of the false 1608 dating on the title-page, Greg supposes that the King‘s Men, the 37See P. W. Miller, "The 1619 Pavier Quartos of Shakespeare: A Recapitulation," Michigan Academician, Vbl. III, no. 1 (1970), pp. 95-99, for a summary of Pol- lard's, Greg's, and Neidig‘s efforts to bring to light how the Quartos were published. See also W. W. Greg, "The First Folio and Its Publishers," Studies in the First Folio, M. H. Spielman (ed.), et a1. (London, 1924), pp. 139-145, and Richard Altick's brief summary in The Scholar Adventurers (New York, 1951), pp. 189-195. 38 Miller, p. 96. 32 33 company to which Shakespeare had belonged, heard of the project and moved to stop production of the collection. Since they had done business with Jaggard in the past, they approached him and persuaded him to give up his project. Possibly they offered him the printing job of the 1623 folio as compensation.39 Evidently, Jaggard then persuaded Pavier to cease publication of the collection, but worked out an arrangement in which the five remaining unprinted plays were to be produced, backdated, and sold as quartos. At this time (May 3, 1619), the Stationers' Company was ordered by the Lord Chamberlain not to allow the printing of any plays belonging to the King's Men without consent. However, this order was evidently circumvented by the use of false dates in the Pavier Quartos and so the plays were released and sold. Obviously, such a convoluted story of publishing intrigue would seem to tarnish the reputations of the men involved. Yet Pavier's and Jaggard's contemporaries and peers did not appear to see anything reprehensible in their actions. I have already pointed out Pavier's election to the position of Junior Warden of the Stationers' Company ¥ 39Greg, p. 142. 34 after the 1619 controversy. Aside from his involvement in the printing of the First Folio, William Jaggard's career as a Stationer does not reveal anything unusual or unortho- dox in his business methods, although he effected some change in printing procedures. William Jaggard obtained his freedom from Henry Denham on December 6, 1591 after having been apprenticed for eight years.40 McKerrow notes that "he emulated and surpassed the methods of his contemporaries in the art of book production."41 Certainly he produced a wide range of material, from contemporary works like Hero and Leander and The Passionate Pilgrim to classical authors like Sallust and Thucydides,42 plus a great many religious and political works. He became printer to the City of London in 1608, after buying James Roberts' printing business.43 Except for being fined in 1600 for printing a work "without Ii- 44 . cense and contrary to order," it seems he was not 4oArber, ii, 126, 710. lMcKerrow, Dictionary, p. 153._ 2Hero and Leander, 1616; The Passionate Pilgrim, 1599, Sallust and Thucydides, 1608. 3McKerrow, Dictionary, p. 153. 44October 23, 1600 (Arber, ii). 35 involved in disputes before the Wardens of the Company. From the records of the Stationers', Jaggard took in a number of apprentices in the years 1595-1604, only two of which gained their freedom.45 Jaggard died in November, 1623, around the time the First Folio was entered by his son Isaac and Edward Blount.46 From the standpoint of Shakespearian scholarship, the work habits of the compositors in Jaggard's shop are of great importance, since the First Folio was printed there. Charlton Hinman's detailed study of the printing of the folio presents the most complete investigation of the work practices used in Jaggard's shop,47 while W. S. Kable's study of the spelling habits of the Pavier Quartos' Compositor B focuses on one aspect of these quartos and the printing shop.48 For the purposes of this study, I 450f the five men apprenticed, Francis Langeley and Thomas Cotes gained their freedom. Nothing is found con- cerning the others. Thomas Cotes, with his_brother Richard, was assigned Isaac Jaggard's (William's son) copyrights, and so succeeded to the Jaggard business in_June, 1627 (Arber, iv, 182). 46McKerrow, Dictionary, pp. 153-154. 47Char1ton Hinman, The Printing and Proof-reading of the First Folio, Clarendon Press, 1963. 48Unpubl. diss., W. S. Kable, "A Comprehensive Analysis of the Spelling of Jaggard's Compositor B in the Pavier Quartos," University of Virginia, 1967. See also 36 will concentrate on the similarities and differences in the two quartos, with only a cursory glance at the possible compositor or compositor of Q3. Therefore, spelling and punctuation comparisons will not be investigated, since these are the usual indicators of compositorial differences. The most apparent change between the first and third quartos is the increase in the number of pages. An entire page has been added through the relineation of prose, poetry, and stage directions toward the end of the text. The effects of lengthening on various textual phenomena are noticeable. Additionally, an investigation of speech pre- fixes, stage directions, typography, and capitalization shows to some extent how closely Q3 follows the first quarto. There is a 78% fidelity to first quarto speech prefixes, with three additions and one deletion all cor- rectly made. This is somewhat less true to the first quarto than QZ is,49 but reveals more of a need for line justification than for any great editing changes. While the third quarto follows Ql's stage directions either fully or partially 65% of the time, some significant changes have W. S. Kable, "The Influence of Justification on Spelling in Jaggard's Compositor B," Studies in Bibliography (1967), v. 20, pp. 235-239, and "Compositor B, the Pavier Quartos, and Copy Spellings," Studies in Bibliography (1968), v. 21. 49Williams, p. 85. 37 been made. Generally, all directions are put into italic, although some that were italicized in Q2 follow the first quarto's use of Roman. One direction has been added in Roman type. While one line is saved in Q3, nine lines are added in the directions, one indication of the attempt to lengthen the play. This is in contrast to the second quarto, in which the number of pages have been shortened. While the stage directions are generally italicized, the typographical changes indicate an attempt to put into Roman type many of the proper names in the text. Combined with this phenomenon is a general capitalization of nouns. Toward the end of the quarto, however, as a general result of the increase of the number of pages, and the attempted editing of lines into more acceptable blank verse, the number of letters capitalized or reduced tends to be the same. The substantive changes which appear in the third quarto, like the other textual phenomena, show how closely Q3 follows the first edition. None of the changes are the same as those made in Q2, and one of the second quarto's corrections of an obvious mistake in Ql ("your a nasse goe"-D4v) is completely disregarded. Since Pavier owned Q2, and presumably had a copy of it, it is difficult to explain w- 9 \l‘ .Ao. 38 why the second quarto was used so infrequently in the re- editing of the text. A possible explanation is that Q2 was avoided because the Pavier quarto was meant to be part of a larger edition. Hence, the shorter second quarto would not be useful to a printer attempting to increase the number of pages, and so make the larger edition it belonged to more saleable. Based on textual evidence, I believe that the third quarto is an edited, lengthened (in number of pages) version of the first quarto, and that the second quarto played a small part in the creation of Q3. Since both the 1602 and the 1619 quartos are based on the first quarto, Ql's importance and how it was obtained increases. The Relation of the Quartos to the Folio Since the beginnings of Shakespearian textual study, two basic theories have dominated thinking about the rela- tionship between the quarto and folio texts of Henry . The first holds that the quarto is a genuine text of a dis- tinct and earlier play upon which the folio text is based-- the "first sketch" theory. The second, the "abridgement" theory, maintains that the quarto is derived from the manu- script upon which the folio is also based and was obtained in some surreptitious manner. Pope, Johnson, Knight, Col- lier, and Fleay support the first theory, while Upton, Capell, Steevens, Malone, Boswell, and Halliwell are of the second opinion.50 The New Shakspere Society reprints of the quarto and folio texts in 1875 continued the controversy in a rather unusual way. Brinsley Nicholson began a parallel text edition, but could not complete it due to illness. 506. I. Duthie, "The Quarto of Shakespeare's Henry V," Papers Mainly Shakespearian (ed., Duthie) Edin- burgh (1964): p. 106. 39 40 His successor, P. A. Daniel, presented his views in his introduction: The opinion I have formed from a careful exami- nation, line for line, of both texts is, that the play of 1599 (the F0) was shortened for stage representation; the abridgement done with little care, and printed in the Q0 edition with less: probably from an imperfect manuscript surreptitiously obtained and vamped up from notes taken during the performance, as we know was frequently done. Indeed it is quite pos- sible that the whole of the quarto edition was obtained in this manner; and the fact that it is printed from beginning to end as verse, would seem to lend some support to this conjecture. The fact, also, that the publishers of the 005 were Millington and Busbie, and their successor Pavier, may of itself be taken as evidence that these editions are of doubtful authenticity.51 Thus, Daniel aligned himself with the "abridgement" theory camp, while Nicholson, whose work he had taken over, in a later lecture52 held to the "first draft" theory. Most critics since Daniel and Nicholson have sided with Daniel. H. T. Price, in his monograph, The Text of "Henry V,"53 believes that the quarto was obtained from the folio by shorthand, with additional material filled in by a 51P. A. Daniel, "Introduction," Parallel Texts of Shakespeare's "Henry V" (ed. Nicholson), New Shakspere Society Reprint, 1877, p. x. 52 Duthie, p. 106. 53H. T. Price, The Text of "Henry V,"-Mandley and Unett, Newcastle-under-Lyme, 1920. 41 traitor-actor. E. K. Chambers also holds the folio text anterior to the quarto, and considers the Q1 text to be "a continual perversion“54 of the F text. Hardin Craig, how- ever, takes the opposite View and presents the argument "that the manuscript from which the Quarto was printed was a genuine manuscript of the play, illegible in places and probably torn, but not the product of shorthand reporting and not showing the unmistakable characteristics of the work of a pirate-actor."55 Yet in a more recent book, Craig tempers this statement with the observation that "it is at least possible that the quarto is based on an earlier version of Henry V than that of the folio of 1623."56 G. I. Duthie, in a 1964 article, rejects both of Craig's hypotheses, as well as Price's belief in a shorthand method 57 that could be used in a theatre to copy down a play. He makes use of the memorial reconstruction theory, and finds 54E. K. Chambers, William Shakespeare (Oxford, 1930), Vbl. l, p. 391. ' 55H. Craig, "The Relation of the First Quarto Ver- sion to the First Folio of Shakespeare's Henry V," Philo— logical Quarterly (1927), Vol. 6, pp. 225-234. 56H. Craig, A New Look at Shakespeare's Quartos, Stanford University Press, 1961, p. 83. 57 Duthie, p. 108. 42 "in the 'anticipations' and 'recollections' with which Q abounds" the explanation for the play's creation, thus putting him firmly in the "abridgement“ theory camp.58 A further twist to the "abridgement" theory is that put for- ward by R. E. Burkhart, who holds that Henry V Q1 is among those quartos which "are the result of deliberate abridge- ments, made by a member of the acting company, for the pur- pose of permitting a play to be performed in the provinces by a smaller-than-normal company."59 Finally, there is another theory of the relationship between the quartos and the folio; however, this concept is an attempt to explain the effect of the quartos on the printing of the folio. A. S. Cairncross has suggested that the "First Folio text of Henry V was set up . . . from one or more corrected exemplars of the bad quarto."60 In terms of how the quarto 8Duthie, p. 108. The memorial reconstruction theory was first proposed by W. W. Greg in his Shakes- peare's "Merry Wives of Windsor," 1602 (Oxford, 1910). 59R. E. Burkhart, "Shakespeare's Bad Quartos: De- liberate Abridgements Designed for Performance by a Reduced Cast" (Unpub. diss.), University of Cincinnati, 1967, pp. 17-18. 60A. S. Cairncross, "Quarto Copy for Folio Henry fl' Studies in Bibliography, Vol. 8 (1956). p. 67. 43 came into existence, however, Cairncross believes that it is an abridged text of the one used for the folio. There are obvious differences between the folio and the quarto. The folio is longer than the quarto (3381 lines as compared to 1623 in the quarto), and has a pro- logue andychoruses before Acts II-V, as well as a final chorus. Additionally, the folio has more characters, has a higher style and language, and is more complete in speeches and dialogue than the quarto. A good deal of the folio is in prose, but much of the blank verse of the quarto comes out of a compositor's need to fill space rather than out of a dramatist's desire to write poetry. The folio also has certain characteristics that indicate that it was set up from a manuscript.61 As J. H. Walter points out: One or two unusually descriptive stage direc- tions, "scaling ladders at Harfleur," "the king with his poore soldiers," together with some unusual spellings fmervaillous," II.i.46; "Deules," II.iii.32; "Deule," II.iii.36; "aunchiant," III.ii.82; "moth," IV.i.186; "vawting," V.ii.l39, etc.) are presumably the work of the author, since a professional play- house scribe would tend to simplify unusual spellings in his copy for the sake of clarity. 61C. Hinman, The Printingand Proof-Reading of the First Folio of Shakespeare (Oxford, 1963), Vol. 2, p. 14. 44 Finally, there are a number of misprints and errors which can be corrected by reference to Shakespeare's style of letter formation ["mare" (name), II.i.25; "here" (hewne), II.i.36; "pasterns" (postures), III.vii.12]. 62 Beside these manuscript indications, two printing anomalies found in the folio are the interchanging of scenes iv and v in Act IV, and the unusual position of the heading Agtgs Quartus between scenes vi and vii. Despite these differ- ences, I believe the Q text is based on the same text that was later printed in the folio. In spite of Craig's contention that "the folio in passage after passage seems actually and consciously a re— vision of the quarto, and the quarto, when considered in detail, does not seem to be either merely an abridgement of the folio, much less a revision of that text, or the result of bad reporting,"63 there is very little evidence that the manuscript for the quarto was transcribed earlier than that of the folio. Craig's conclusions, many of which are dependent upon textual differences that are now known to have been caused by problems in the printing house, do 62J. H. Walter, ed., Shakespeare's "Kinngenry V," The Arden Shakespeare Edition, Methuen and Co., Ltd. (London, 1965), introduction, p. xxxv. 63Craig, p. 226. 45 not seem strong enough to prove his argument. While I agree with Craig that some of the language in the quarto is more theatrical, more “action-filled" than that in the folio, it does not follow that this makes the quarto better than the folio. In certain places, such as in Act IV, too much comprehension is lost in a possible effort for thea- tricality through cutting and rearrangement of scenes. Craig also believes that because the folio is better than the quarto in various common passages, such as Flewellen's pedantic description of war, the account of Falstaff's death due to his rejection by the king, and Kate's actions while being courted by Henry, we have evidence of an im- provement made from quarto to folio. He discounts the pos- sibility of a loss of quality from folio to quarto because of some sort of abridgement. Craig is on stronger ground when he points out that the quarto is based on an authentic manuscript of the play; how such a manuscript came into being is a difficult problem, one that I do not think can be answered by such a "first draft" theory as Craig pro- poses. One "abridgement" supporter, H. T. Price, believes the quarto manuscript came into existence through the ef- forts of a stenographer in the audience. Price, like other 46 critics, largely based his belief in an audience stenog- rapher on Thomas Heywood's couplet that: . . . Some by stenography drew The plot: put it in print: (scarce one word true:). However, verbatim stenography has been shown to be infeas- ible by Duthie in his book on various Elizabethan shorthand theories.64 Duthie demonstrates that the only shorthand systems known to have been available before 1600 were those of Bright and Bales, both primitive and very cumbersome. Neither would have been of much use for a word-for-word reporting of a theatrical performance. If verbatim reporting of dialogue is not feasible with shorthand, one possible use of stenography in the ob- taining of a text has been suggested that accounts for such an inadequacy. I. A. Shapiro has stated that perhaps Hey- wood meant that the scenario, not the play in toto, had been taken down by shorthand, and then, with the aid of a traitor-actor, expanded into a bad quarto, thus preserving all the earmarks of memorial reconstruction. The rewriting of a scenario "would be simple and easy to organize, and would avoid the personal or legal consequences that might 64G. I. Duthie, Elizabethan Shorthand and the First Quarto of "King Lear," Basil Blackwell, Oxford, 1949. 47 attend a breach of faith or contract by actors tempted to participate in memorial reconstruction."65 This theory is attractive, but it only tries to make stenography a work- able concept while admitting how much a play such as Henry V 01 appears to have been reconstructed memorially. Since Greg's presentation of the memorial recon- struction theory, most scholars have come to accept it as . the method used to create various bad quartos. Such an argument has been made for Henry V 01 by G. I. Duthie. Duthie begins his investigation of Henry V Q1 and the pos- sibilities of its having been memorially reconstructed with a basic question that should be asked of any play thought to be a "first sketch." "Why suppose that in an authentic first draft Shakespeare, having written perfectly regular verse for some time, should suddenly lapse into prosodic 66 Using this uncertainty or even clumsy irregularity?" question as a base from which to explore the possibilities for memorial reconstruction in 01 Henry V, Duthie has dis- covered what appear to be a number of prosodic uncertainties 651. A. Shapiro, "Stenography and 'Bad Quartos,‘" Times Literarnyupplement, May 13, 1960, p. 305. The "Enter Erpingham" stage direction (Elr) might be due to such stenographic practices. 66 Duthie, p. 108. 48 and clumsy irregularities in the Q1 text (Chart 4).67 Duthie concludes that not only is the quarto manuscript dependent on the folio manuscript, and that this dependency produces a great many errors attributable only to memorial transmission, but that "the Q text suggests . . . a memor- ial reconstruction made by actors who had taken part in performances of F or of a stage version based on F."68 Duthie considers the Gower and Exeter players to be the traitor-actors responsible in large part for the recon- struction of the play. Furthermore, Duthie believes that there is evidence that Ql is the printed version of the original manuscript of an abridgement of the memorially reconstructed text, an abridgement carried out by actors trying to produce "a prompt-book for provincial perfor- mances of the play."69 67A large amount of Duthie's findings cannot be easily condensed and presented because of the scattering of anticipations and recollections of lines that indicate the erratic memory of a reporter. Therefore, I present the major proofs compiled by Duthie (Chart 4). Shorter or less important passages cited by Duthie in his Appendix A as proof of anticipations and recollections in Ql indicating memorial reconstruction have not been included; I refer the reader to Duthie's article for further study. Additionally, I have not included any mention of Appendix B, which pre- sents, to my mind, an unnecessarily SOphisticated argument for the "Enter Erpingham" stage direction (Elr). 68Duthie, p. 117. 69Duthie, p. 124. 49 Chart 4 Memorial Reconstruction in 01 recollections and defective meter: anticipations: Q, I, ii, 37-40 Q, I, ii, 81-87 F, I, ii, 52-55 F, I, ii, 138-146 C Q, II, iv, 1‘10 Q, I, ii, 108-110 F, II, iv, 1-26 F, I, ii, 171-174 Q, IV, i, 81-87 Q: I. ii, 165-182 F, I, i, 91-97, memorial paraphrase: ii, 251-260 Q, II, iii, 3ff F, II, iii, 7ff Q, II, 1, 38ff F, II, 1, 44ff Q, III, ii, 23-24 F, III, ii, 51-53 Q, II, iv, 16-22 F, I, i, 22-27 Q, IV, i, 65-74 F, IV, i, 65-74 Q, III, Vi, 8'17 F, III, vi, 10-11, phonetic memorization: vii, 101, Q, V, ii, 52-70 IV, vii, 22ff , F, V, ii, 179-190 Q, III, vi, 51-57 missed cue: Q! IV, Vi, 25-29 F, III, i, 18-23 scenes completely IV, vi, 27-31 missing from Q: I, i III, ii prologue and all choruses 50 While the memorial reconstruction theory of abridge- ment put forward by Duthie appears powerful, it has its de- tractors. R. E. Burkhart suggests that Q1 of Henry V "can be shown to require fewer actors than F and to make appro- priate adjustments in its text."70 Some aspects of Burk- hart's contention that the text was changed as characters were numerically reduced seem quite correct, such as in I.i. and iv; II.ii; III.i. and iii; and IV.i. However, Burkhart's explanations of obvious instances of memorial reconstruction, such as III.v. and V.ii., as well as most scenes in which lines are dramatically reduced without any change in the numbers of characters I find to be weak or obscure. However, Burkhart presents strong evidence for the Lord Chamberlain's Men's possible consideration of a provincial tour in 1600 in the form of a Privy Council order dated June 22, 1600,71 which limited the number of .70Burkhart, p. 76. 71Burkhart, p. 93. The order reads in part: "Secondlie, forasmuche as these stage plaies, by the mul- titude of houses and Companie of players, have been too frequent, not serving for recreation but inviting and Callinge the peOple daily from there trad and worke to mispend there time, It is likewise ordered that the two severall Companies of Plaiers (Lord Admiral's and Lord Chamberlain's) assigned unto the two howses allowed maie play each of them in there severall howse twice a weeke and noe oftener, and especially that they shall refraine to plaie on the Sabboth daie, uppon pains of imprisonment 51 performances permitted in London. Although Burkhart's theory about the effect of the Council order is a tempting one, I do not think the order was enough reason for the Lord Chamberlain's Company to make a hasty departure from London. I will discuss the order in relation to a possible provincial tour later in the introduction. Before a fuller understanding of the relationship between the folio and the quarto can be gained, Cairncross' exploration of the possibilities of the use of the quartos in the printing of the folio must be examined. There are enough correspondences between the texts so that serious consideration must be given to the idea. Cairncross argues that: . . . two editions of the quarto, Q2 and Q3, were used as basis for F, and--though this is independent of the use of Q copy in general, and much more tentative--that such use was due to the printers, and not to Heminge and Condell, or the theatre; that the use of OZ at irregular intervals occurred at those points where correction of Q3--the main copy or basis--proved to be so heavy or compli- cated that some technique requiring the in- dependent use of both sides of a quarto leaf-- one from each quarto--was desirable; and that transcription, while not used for the whole of the "copy," was used, probably in the form of and further penaltie, and that they shall forbeare alto- gether in the time of Lent, and likewise at such time and times as anie extraordinarie sicknes or infeccion of di- sease shall appeare to be in and about the Cittie." 52 attached pieces of paper, to supply the gaps, or "cuts," in the Q text, and perhaps (exception- ally) where a complicated rearrangement of Q material, especially from one Q page to another, made it necessary or convenient. Cairncross' evidence of F dependency on the second and third quartos is made up of spellings, speech headings, punctuation, and distinctive readings corresponding exclu- sively in either quarto with the folio. Regarding the link between Q2 and F, J. H. Walter has noted that, aside from the common reading of "world“ instead of the apparently more correct reading in Qs l and 3 of "word" in "the word is 'Pitch and pay'" (II.iii.50), the correspondences are "very doubtful."73 While I agree with Walter's conclusions regarding 02, I am at odds with his belief that the evi- dence of mislineation in both F and Q3 presents "more sig- nificant"74 proof of a possible connection between these two texts. I think the argument for common Q/F mislineation at II.iv. 127-132, IV.i.295-298, and IV.viii.38-4l is tenuous. 2 . . . Cairncross, p. 68. Since Cairncross presents a long list of verbal links and stage directions between the quarto and folio, I refer the reader to his article for ' particular proofs in this area (pp. 69-71). 73Walter, Appendix IV, pp. 168-170. 74Wa1ter, p. 172. 53 Given the variations of and possibilities for compositorial error in the printing house, I believe it is doubtful that compositors would follow a quarto lineation for only four- teen or fifteen lines, and then turn to a manuscript to complete the job. Assuming that it was easier to set from a printed text, that compositors might prefer such an avail- able printed copy instead of a manuscript, and that a manu- script might be needed back at the theatre very quickly, I think that the loss of time and speed in setting the text by the cut-and-paste procedure suggested by Cairncross would offset any possible gain from the use of such a method. All other evidence that Cairncross presents is of equally doubtful value. A comparison of spelling, speech headings, and punctuation in the four texts (three quartos and the folio) reveals the compositional habits of two different print shops, not a copying of one somewhat inferior text in the production of a superior one. Fi- nally, the distinctive readings presented by Cairncross, while "very ingenious“ as Walter points out, "can bear alternative interpretation and need carefulsifting."75 In my view, like those theories supporting the "first draft" concept of how the quartos came into 75Walter, p. 173. 54 existence, Cairncross' suggestion is an attempt to deal with the textual problems found in all four texts without having to depend on the memorial reconstruction-abridgement theory. Yet, as Harold Jenkins has noted, some plays in the First Folio have "some of the characteristics of a re- ported text.".76 Jenkins ascribes these characteristics to additions made by actors while the manuscript was in the theatre and was being used in everyday production. The possibility exists, then, that the folio Henry V might have been used in the same way and that some of the textual idiosyncrasies can be explained in a like manner. These include the interchanging of IV.iv. and v., and the unusual position of Actus Quartus, as well as some of the stage di- rection, mislineation, and spelling problems found by Cairncross. I believe that the history of the text might follow this order. The folio version of the play is completed around 1599, based upon the prologue and choruses praising the Earl of Essex, who was just embarking on his Irish ex- pedition. This text includes Falstaff in some scenes, but _ 76H. Jenkins, "Playhouse Interpolation in the F 'Text.of Hamlet," Studies in Bibliography, Vol. 13 (1960), PP . 31-47 . Iva: iovl . . ag- vuv “be A 'Ol‘ In v 3.: «a, it bu “v .ll ('0 55 he is hastily removed before the play is presented publicly presumably because of pressure from the Oldcastle family.77 Around this time, the play is stolen, either by the shorthand-memorial reconstruction method put forward by Shapiro, or with the aid of one or two traitor-actors as supposed by Duthie. Perhaps the play was to be presented outside of London by an unauthorized traveling company, and then printed, or possibly it was obtained for the immediate profit to be made through selling a published version on the London streets. Whatever the reason, and however it was obtained, a strong possibility exists that the manu- script might have been examined by the Chamberlain's office for treasonable material before publication, even though the licensing of plays for printing by the Master of Revels did not begin until 1606, when George Buc, as de facto Master, began the practice. E. M. Albright has pointed out that all subjects that were "unsafe" politically in 1600 have been omitted from the quarto.78 This includes the prologue, choruses, ‘ 77Walter, pp. xxxvi-xl. I have not dealt with the Falstaff link because it is peripheral to this particular study. . 78E. M. Albright, "Folio Version of Henry V in Re- 1ation to Shakespeare's Time," PMLA, Vol. 43 (1928) , pp. 72 2-756. ‘ 56 and epilogue, as well as other material in the folio ver- sion. These subjects included the problems of succession and kingship, arguments which might support the Earl of Essex (who was by this time out of favor with the Queen), and any suggestions concerning foreign policy. Since the prologue and choruses of the folio are quite strong in these areas, it is possible that such politically sensitive sections were removed from the quarto text prior to publi- cation. By 1623, most of these subjects were no longer considered dangerous, and so the full play could be printed in the folio. I think the quarto is in part or wholly a memor- ially reconstructed text, which, following the pattern of such editions, was shortened in length from the manuscript that later would appear in the folio, and might have been further reduced by the excisions made by the Chamberlain's office probably for political reasons. The copy for the folio text is the manuscript kept by the company, perhaps its prompt copy; a remote possibility is that additions were made over the years by actors, thus giving rise to some characteristics usually associated with memorial reconstruction; Any suggestions of correspondence between the folio text and some of the quartos can, I believe, 57 either be ascribed to this accretion of memorial- reconstruction characteristics, or to the folio being printed in the same print shop by some of the same com- positors with the same habits as was the third quarto. "Bad Quarto" Theories and Q1 Since I have discussed what I consider to be the probably relationship between the folio and the quarto, that of an inferior or "bad" quarto illicitly obtained from a superior manuscript later printed in the folio, some ex- ploration of the nature of "bad" quartos in relation to Ql of Henry V is in order. I will also present in greater detail some further explorations of the "traitor-actor," memorial reconstruction, and stenography theories. H. R. Hoppe has properly noted that "bad" quartos are a "vexing problem";79 certainly they have vexed twen- tieth century scholars. Aside from the obvious textual differences between the "bad" quartos and the first folio, much of the controversy stems from the reference made in Heminge and Condell's preface to the 1623 folio about "stolne and surreptitious copies" that were "cur'd and perfect of their limbes" before publication. A. W. 79H. R. Hoppe, "John of Bordeaux: A Bad Quarto that Never Reached Print," Studies in Honor of A. H. R. Eairchild, University of Missouri, Studies, Vol. 11, 1946, p. 119. 58 59 Pollard and J. D. Wilson were among the first to attempt an investigation of such plays.80 Their studies led them to several conclusions on various aspects of the problem. First, the deliberate shortenings of four plays in quarto form indicate that there must have been longer originals, and that these abridgements could only have been made for audiences in the provinces, since the conditions of performance and the smaller number of actors available "compelled drastic ex- cisions." Reasoning that Shakespeare's company did not usually go on tour, Pollard and Wilson argue that the four questionable plays date back very early or were preceded by some other plays on the same subjects. Thus, 1593 is settled on as the probable date for the provincial tour, and all four "bad" quartos are seen as based on abridge- ments of transcripts from Shakespeare's first rehandling of earlier versions of the plays, the abridgements made subsequent to the plays' return to the company of London.81 80A. W. Pollard and J. D. Wilson, "The 'stolne and surreptitious' Shakespeare Texts," Times Literary Supple- ment, January 9, 1919, p. 18; January 16, p. 30; March 13, p. 134. 81Pollard and Wilson, January 9, p. 18 ff. 60 Regarding the actual obtaining of the texts, Pol- lard and Wilson discount the stenographic theory, as well as a "traitor-actor who would report his own part well and the parts of those playing with him badly." The steno- graphic theory is discarded because it can not explain the fluctuating quality in the text, the uneven verse lining, and the variation within the same scene from character to character. The "traitor-actor" theory is questioned be- cause it ignores the large amount of the pirated play that is frequently linked by punctuation, misprints, capital letters, or spelling with parallels in the better text, the identity of a misprint that can only be a misreading of words written by the same hand, and the identity in line arrangement. Pollard and Wilson's alternative is that these bibliographic links between good and bad texts prove that the "bad" quartos are to some extent derived from provin- cial playhouse manuscripts, manuscripts which were usually connected to good texts held by the London company. The resultant shortened texts of these provincial manuscripts might need "touching up" by small-part actors, since those actors holding longer parts could not be induced to help 61 in such an enterprise. Small-part actors might also have surreptitiously procured the play copies. While this pro- cedure explains all phenomena in the "bad" quartos, as Pollard and Wilson themselves note, it does not clarify all the textual complexities of the quartos.8 Applying their theory of the "bad" quartos speci- fically to 01 of Henry V, Pollard and Wilson point out that a stenographer would not have omitted the prologue. A traitor-actor not on stage at the time would not know the prologue, however, and in any event, Pollard and Wilson postulate that it and the choruses would be cut for a pro- vincial tour. Concerning line cuts in Act I, they hold that all the cuts made are treated in a manner similar to the prologue and choruses, that is, the abridgements for a provincial touring company. Act II, however, Pollard and Wilson feel is a more complicated matter, and they explain it thus:' the pirate could not construct the prologue since he did not know it; the two historical scenes were in the abridged transcript and he tried to augment them by \ memory; the two humorous scenes are based almost completely on memory since he had little or no text of these scenes from the stolen provincial playhouse transcript to work 82Pollard and Wilson, January 16, p. 30 ff. 62 from. For the rest of the play, Pollard and Wilson suppose that the traitor-actor performed the role of Gower, and so augmented much of the stolen manuscript from memory.8 It is obvious from this compressed review of Pol- lard and Wilson's supposition on the development of the "bad" quartos that much of it depends on the “traitor-actor" and memorial reconstruction. Additionally, the impetus for the theory is partially derived from the phrase "stolne and surreptitious copies," first used by Heminge and Condell. There is some dispute concerning the meaning of Heminge and Condell's statement, but the memorial reconstruction theory is in large part the creation of W. W. Greg, who first pre- sented it in his edition of The Merry Wives of Windsor84 and expanded upon it in his Two Elizabethan Stage Abridge- ments.85 Essentially, Greg introduces the idea that the text for the first quarto of The Merry Wives of Windsor "might have been supplied by one of the actors from what he 83Pollard and Wilson, March 13, p. 134 ff. ‘ 84W. W. Greg, Shakespeare's "The Merrnyives of Windsor," 1602, Oxford, 1910. 85W. W. Greg, Two Elizabethan Stage Abridgements, Oxford, 1923. Lu 63 remembered of the play."86 In Two Elizabethan Stage Abridgements, Greg examines the extant "plot" of the Battle of Alcazar and extant "part" of the actor who played Or- lando in Orlando Furioso, and "concludes that the former play represents a normal abridgement (p. 5) and the latter a memorial reconstruction by a 'piratical reporter' (PP. 133-134; 349-352)."87 As Burkhart points out, however, it is the extent of the corruption in Orlando that cauSes Greg to reach different conclusions; the differences between these two plays are "a matter of degree rather than of kind."88 While other critics have contributed to the memor- ial reconstruction theory,89 only H. R. HOppe has provided a systematic method by which a play may be examined to see if it was composed by memorial reconstruction.90 86W. C. Rubinstein, "Shakespearen Bad Quartos" (Un- pub. diss.), Yale, 1950, p. 3. 87Burkhart, p. 5. 88Burkhart, p. 5. 89See E. K. Chambers' William Shakespeare, Alfred Hart's Stolne and Surreptitious Copies, Greg again in 233 Shakespeare First Folio and The Editorial Problem in Shakespeare, and Leo Kirschbaum's Shakespeare and the Stationers. 90H. R. Hoppe, The Bad Quarto of "Romeo and Julietfl' Ithaca, New York, 1948, pp. 74-190. 64 Hoppe divides the various "stigmata" of this kind of trans- mission into two basic groupings, "external“ and "internal" evidence. The "external" signs are "those which would be immediately evident to an educated person conversant with Elizabethan dramatic literature if he had copies of the texts before him for inspection," while the "internal" signs are "those which would be manifest to him only after prolonged reading and examination." In the first classification are such indications as stage directions, obvious mistakes in versification, omitted scenes or lengthy passages, and speeches attributed to wrong characters. Only when parallel texts exist of both good and bad quartos or folios can most of these man- ifestations be positively noted, although inference is possible even when a parallel text is lacking. Regarding the second classification, it is based primarily on textual evidence which Hoppe further subdivides into shiftings and substitutions. Shiftings include transpositions, antici- pations, and recollections from within the play, and bor- rowings from other plays. Substitutions include such phe- nomena as repetitions, equivalent expressions (including synonyms), paraphrases, summaries, expansions, misunder- standings, and mishearings. 65 Professor Hoppe warns that some of these phenomena in both the external and internal categories are difficult to discern at times and that not all are peculiar to "bad" quartos,91 further complicating the problem. However, Hoppe believes that the discovery of a steady accretion and accumulation of such stigmata in a play must eventually lead to the conclusion that one or more "traitor-actors" have had a hand in the preparation of a memorially recon- structed text.92 Of course, it is upon such a discovery that G. I. Duthie bases his argument for the memorial re- construction of Henry V Ql. Just as important to the con- cept of "bad" quartos as the memorial reconstruction theory is the phrase of Heminge and Condell, "stolne and surrep- titious copies." As I have shown earlier, much of the impetus for the study of "bad" quartos by Pollard and Wilson and others comes from attempts to understand the full meaning of the statement. Almost all other scholars who have worked with the Pollard-Wilson "bad" quarto theory have agreed with their interpretation that the "bad" quartos are what 91Hoppe, p. 81. 92Hoppe, p. 76. 66 Heminge and Condell considered "stolne and surreptitious." Another theory has been proposed by K. B. Danks, who be- lieves that Heminge and Condell were referring only to the Pavier Quartos, and not to any quarto printed earlier.93 Danks bases his argument on two strong points. First, only the Pavier Quartos, of all of the “bad" quartos, were brought before the Stationers' Company and banned. Secondly, that the Lord Chamberlain who prosecuted Pavier, William Earl of Pembroke, in 1619, was still Chamberlain in 1623 when the folio was brought out. Possibly, Danks suggests, since the folio was dedicated to him, the editors thought it politic to make reference to the Pavier case. Finally, although Pollard and Wilson base much of the argu- ment on the fact that the "bad" quartos were never entered in the Stationers' Register prior to publication, and so gave further indication that they were stolen, Danks notes that over one hundred other books of the period were not registered prior to publication. This includes Volpone, which was closely watched by Jonson during its printing and most assuredly was not published surreptitiously. Danks' conclusion is that Heminge and Condell's address 93K. B. Danks, "What Heminges and Condell Really Meant," Notes and Queries (n.s.), vol. 3 (1956), pp. 11—13. 67 was topical and so specifically referred to the Pavier case, and not back to texts printed in 1600 and earlier.94 Yet another approach to what Heminge and Condell meant has been offered by William Rubinstein.95 Like Danks, Rubinstein reminds us that modern critics sometimes over- estimate the ability of the Jacobean audience to "fully" comprehend the preface: The contemporaries of Heminge and Condell were accustomed to hearing from their publishers that previous editions were mangled and that the one offered for sale was superior. They probably took the same attitude toward these claims that we take toward our own advertis- ing.96 I have not been able to find any response to either Rubinstein's or Danks' hypotheses. Certainly Danks makes a 94In another article ("A Notable Copyright Award," Notes and Queries, vol. 201 (1956), p. 283), Danks further notes that Laurence Hayes claimed and was awarded copyright to The Merchant of Venice during the Pavier-Jaggard scandal of 1619, because his father never disposed of the copyright. Danks argues that since Hayes was a child during the time Pollard believes the plays were stolen (1597-1603), he could not know of any piracy except that of Pavier's in 1619. Thus, Heminge and Condell would only be referring to the Pavier Quartos when speaking of "stolne and surrep- titious copies," since their audience would not have under- stood references to piracies in the 1590's and 1600. 95W. Rubinstein, "Shakespearean Bad Quartos: A Critical Study," Yale, 1950 (Unpub. diss.). 96Rubinstein, p. 73. 68 strong case against Heminge and Condell's “stolne and sur- reptitious copies" as referring to plays printed around 1600, and Rubinstein shows, I believe, a good understanding of the uses of prefaces in Jacobean texts for advertising purposes. However, this does not nullify the arguments about how the copies for the "bad" quartos were obtained. Pollard and Wilson only use Heminge and Condell's phrase as a stimulus for their thoughts on the problems inherent in these editions, and not as any proof positive that all Jacobean readers were familiar with events involving the obtaining and printing of plays produced some twenty years before publication. I believe both Danks and Rubinstein may be entirely correct about the preface to the 1623 edi- tion, but it does not affect in any way the general theory of the why and how of bad quartos. What might affect this theory are suggestions first presented by Pollard and Wil- son in their original articles, suggestions reviewed and expanded by a number of scholars on the possibilities of bad quartos being used as abridged copy for provincial companies. .7 Abridged Copy for Provincial Companies Twentieth century readers usually associate one type of adult acting company with the Elizabethan period, the companies of the London public stage. Best well known is the company that Shakespeare belonged to, the Lord Cham- berlain's Men, which was based at the Globe Playhouse. However, two other kinds of companies existed, Court asso- ciated companies, and provincial companies.97 Of course, the distinctions were not always so fine. Some provincial companies appeared at Court and were eventually made Court companies, as were some London companies, while London troupes occasionally toured the hinterlands in search of a friendly audience, especially when the plague made the capitol uninhabitable. All were under patronage to one nobleman or another, or to Queen Elizabeth. The provincial companies were not fly-by-night operations, as might be supposed. By Elizabeth's time, 97A11 material on playing companies is based on Chambers' The Elizabethan Stage, Murray's English Dramatic Companies, 1558-1642, and Chambers' William Shakespeare. 69 70 all were patented, although attempts were made to circum- vent such patents from time to time. Nor were such com- panies the theatrical exception. Until the establishment of a permanent theatre in London in 1576, the London based companies were at best sporadic in activity,98 while some provincial troupes were performing under patronage as far back as 1475.99 With the construction of permanent struc- tures, the London public companies began a professional ascendency, only rarely superseded by the Court orprivate theatres. Some of the provincial companies tried to move to London and dropped all or most provincial connections. However, the remaining provincial companies, having lost their best actors to the London theatres, tried to survive as best they could. The material used by the provincial companies was much the same as was utilized by the London organizations until the "university wits" began writing for the public theatre.100 The usual fare, until the 1580's,101 was the 98Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 2, p. 4. 99Murray, Vol. 2, p. 20. 100Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 2, p. 5. 101Ward Williamson, in his article, "Notes on the Decline of Provincial Drama in England, 1530-1642," Edu- cational Theatre Journal, Vol. 13 (1961), pp. 280-288, 0‘, D f” 33.: to 0" (I) {0' _‘ll ’1] .-- 71 Morality play, laced with a hard shot of broad folk humor. As more plays of a finer quality were produced in London, however, companies outside the capitol attempted to perform plays of a similar nature. Although the slap-stick brand of comedy enjoyed great success, like their London counter- parts, the provincial companies found the chronicle history to be the most popular type of production.102 A glance at fourteen Elizabethan non-Shakespearean plays designated as "bad" quartos, reveals seven histories, four comedies, and three tragedies, indicating the popularity of the history play.103 Since the history play was popular throughout Eng- land during Elizabeth's time, and given the large number of provincial companies,104 the question of where and how states that while religious provincial drama died out in the 1580's due to pressure from the Anglican Church, secu- lar traveling acting companies expanded. 102Chambers, Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 2, p. 5. 103D. J. Ashe, "The Non-Shakespearean Bad Quartos as Provincial Acting Versions," Renaissance Papers, 1954, pp. 57-62. 104 Murray, V01. 1, p. xi. Murray notes 144 pro- vincial companies of all types (Men's and Children's com- panies under royal patronage, noblemen and commoners' companies, players' companies, and town companies) for the years 1558-1642. This does not include the provincial tours made by London companies. 72 plays might have been obtained naturally comes to mind. Certainly, some small number must have been created by provincial companies themselves, especially comedies and interludes,105 and those morality and folk-comedy plays in existence for a long period of time must have provided some still usable dramatic material. Given the number of dissolutions, regroupings, and reorganizations of so many of the companies, and their generally unsteady nature, it is not surprising that a good deal of the provincial orga- nizations' material came from the more stable, better orga- nized, and better scripted London-based public companies. The difficulty has been to ascertain whether the copy for provincial companies was stolen, and if so, to what extent it was corrupt and the nature of such corruptions. W. W. Greg, in his study of the abridgements of Orlando Furioso and The Battle of Alcazar, suggests two routes by which provincial companies might have received shortened texts of London-scripted plays.106 The first 105As indicated in both Chambers' Elizabethan Stage and in Murray, a number of times various provincial orga- nizations were involved in unlawful presentations of "En- terludes (and) Common Playes." 106 . . W. W. Greg, Two Elizabethan Stage Abridgements: "Orlando Furioso" and "The Battle of Alcazar," London, 1922. 73 was the legitimate use of an authorized adaptation taken directly from an authentic prompt book, as was the case with The Battle of Alcazar, while the second was an adap- tation based on memorial reconstruction by actors of a manuscript, of which Orlando Furioso is an example. The basic differences that Greg saw between the two adapta- tions were, as Burkhart notes, "a matter of degree rather than of kind."107 Greg felt that the extent of corruption found in Orlando indicated how it was obtained, since both plays have speeches shortened or omitted, are compressed, and eliminate characters. Additionally, Greg noted some of the possibilities concerning such unauthorized provincial texts. First, memorially reconstructed texts like Orlando were adapted and deliberately tailored to the tastes of provincial audi- ences, just as authorized abridgements were. Another sug- gestion of Greg's is that the changes made in memorially reconstructed plays developed gradually, as the plays were performed on various provincial stages without any prompt book until the altered version was transcribed. Finally, Greg theorized that the copy used as a basis for the 9E7 lando bad quarto, and other bad quartos, was utilized for 107Burkhart, p. 5. 74 prompt-book use by the same provincial company accountable for the gradual adaptation of the memorially reconstructed play. Having already noted earlier the textual peculiar- ities of memorially reconstructed provincial texts, I turn now to other aspects of such copy. As both Ashe and Burk- hart point out, in both Shakespearean and non-Shakespearean bad quartos, there is economy in casting and staging, and textual brevity. Regarding casting and staging in non- Shakespearean bad quartos, Ashe states that ten of the fourteen plays "could be acted by from 7 to 9 men, plus 2 or 3 boys; and . . . the staging seldom requires the use of inner or upper stages."108 Burkhart, in his study of Shakespearean bad quartos, concludes that "the maximum number of actors required in any one scene . . . is gener-,. ally about thirteen. Three of the six long or 'good' ver- sions, on the other hand, have scenes requiring seventeen "109 In addition, both types of bad quartos to twenty-four. are short. Ashe notes that "eleven of the plays range in length from 1229 lines of print (excluding stage directions) 108Ashe, p. 60. 109Burkhart, p. 141. 75 up to 1656,"110 while Burkhart reports that the six Shake- spearean bad quartos he is considering vary in length from 1620 lines to 2232.111 A number of abridged versions of Shakespeare's plays have been examined individually by various scholars. Both Madeleine Doran112 and Peter Alexander113 have studied the First Part of the Contention and the True Tragedy of Richard Duke of York, and both hold to the notion that these are abridged and reported versions of the folio plays, 2 and 3 Henry VI. However, Charles T. Prouty, writing some thirty years later about the Contention, disagrees, and be- lieves that while the material found in the folio version indicates revision might be a possibility, "Q cannot have 114 been derived from F," because the style of the material found in the folio is unique. 110Ashe, p. 60. 111 Burkhart, pp. 28, 42, 58, 76, 98, and 115. 112 ‘M. Doran, Henry VI, Parts II and III: Their Relation to the Cpntention and True Tragedy, University of Iowa Humanities Studies, IV, Iowa City, 1928. 113P. Alexander, Shakespeare's Henry VI and Richard III, Cambridge, 1929. 114 . , C. T. Prouty, The Contention and Shakespeare s 2 Henry VI, New Haven, 1954, p. 120. 76 While there is some argument between those scholars who have studied the Contention and True Tragedy whether the quarto is derived from the folio material or vice versa, there is very little disagreement among scholars as to how one Shakespearean bad quarto, Romeo and Juliet, was as- sembled. Harry R. Hoppe firmly states that his study of the bad quarto of Romeo and Juliet is an attempt "to demon- strate that Q1 of Romeo and Juliet is a memorial reconstruc- tion of a version that 02 represents in substantially cor- rect form."115 G. W. Williams, in the preface to his edi- tion of OZ, completely accepts the memorial reconstruction 16 theory for Ql.l However, there is disagreement about the bad quartos of both Hamlet and MerryWives of Windsor, dis- agreement specifically centered on the memorial reconstruc- tion theory. William Bracy, in his The Merry Wives of Windsor: The History and Transmission of Shakespeare's Text, holds that the quarto "presents a version of the play effectively 115Hoppe,p. 57. 116G. W. Williams, ed., The Most Excellent and Lamentable Tragedie of Romeo and Juliet, Durham, North Carolina, 1964, p. xi. 77 abridged and adapted for some special purpose of acting."117 This, of course, is in clear opposition to Greg's presenta- tion of the memorial reconstruction theory in his edition of The Merry Wives of WindSor.' Standing with Greg and against Bracy is William Green, who is a firm advocate of the idea that the quarto is a "memorial reconstruction by . "118 and for an unauthorized party. A similar schism exists between_those scholars who have examined the bad quarto of Hamlet. On the memorial reconstruction side of the dispute is G. I. Duthie, who is rather positive as to the nature of Ql of Hamlet and who concludes that the text is an example of “memorial recon- . . . n119 struction, made for prov1nCial performance. In a re— cent edition of Ql, however, A. B. Weiner states that in his view, "01 Hamlet is . . . consistently and methodically cut."120 Denying the inherent idea in the memorial 117W. Bracy, The Merry Wives of Windsor: The His- tory and Transmission of Shakespeare's Text, University of Missouri Studies, XXV, Columbia, Missouri, 1952, p. 141. 118W. Green, Shakespeare's Merry Wives of Windsor, Princeton, 1962, p. 85. 11 9 ' II II G. I. Duthie, The Bad Quarto of Hamlet, Cam- bridge, 1941, p. 273. 120 . . A. B. Weiner, ed., Hamlet: The First Quarto 1603, Great Neck, New York, 1962, p. 48. 78 reconstruction theory that the abridged quarto was surrep- titiously obtained, Weiner holds that the cuts, made for a touring company, were done sometime between 1600 and 1602 "in order to accomodate [sic] a small and economical troupe of actors."121 Thus, the same controversy that has surrounded Henry V Q1 has embraced the other "bad" quartos; that is, granted that these quartos are abridged versions of longer, more complex, and more complete texts (and this is not al- ways granted), were these texts abridged for a provincial tour that would require fewer actors? A study of the his- tory of the Lord Chamberlain's Men for the years 1599-1602, suggests some possibilities. Since, as I have shown ear- lier, 01 of Henry V was based on the copy found in the folio, and the cuts made had to be made sometime in 1600, it is obvious that the 1600-1602 period is the one that must be considered, and not the 1592-1593 span supposed by Pollard and Wilson. I consider it somewhat ironic that the-Earl of Essex (spoken of so grandly in the folio choruses) and the involvement of the Lord Chamberlain's Men with his party through their presentation of Richard II to him, 121Weiner, p. 58. 79 should be the cause, as some critics have supposed, of the company's possible provincial tour in this period.122 Chambers lists visits to Oxford during 1599-1600 and 1600- 1601, although Murray gives none; it is difficult to see from the proof given that the Lord Chamberlain's Men was necessarily the performing company in the first instance, 123 In addi- or one of the three mentioned in the second. tion, Burkhart, as I mentioned earlier, presents a Privy Council order that limited the number of performances allowed the company in London and suggests this as a reason for a provincial tour. I do not think the two possible provincial visits noted by Chambers are responses to this order, since only one town, Oxford, is listed, and it would hardly be worth a well-established company's time to visit one town for so little money. Given this rather doubtful . 122E. K. Chambers, William Shakespeare, Vol. 2, pp. 322-328. But see Chambers' Elizabethan Stage, Vol. 2, pp. 205-211 for a refutation of this thesis. 1231599-1600 "(Oxford). to Baldwyn Hedges to geve the players x3." Chambers, William Shakespeare, V. 2, p. 323. Chambers lists F. S. Boas' Shakespeare and the Universities (1923), V. 14 as his source for Oxford pro- ductions. Of course, since the Essex incident did not occur until February, 1601, it could not have been the cause for this possible provincial tour. 1600-1601 "(Oxford). to three companies of players xxxs." Chambers, ES, V. 2, p. 327. 80 evidence of the Lord Chamberlain's Men's possible provin- cial tours in this period, I find it hard to accept some of the theories concerning legitimate adaptation by a company such as Shakespeare's of one of their own plays for a . 124 short run outSide London. Although the period might have been an uneasy one for the company because of their presentation to Essex's party of Richard II prior to his rebellion, all the accounts of confessions of Essex's followers given by Chambers make it apparent that the Lord Chamberlain's Men were forced I i into performing the play, and did so against their own wishes. I believe these confessions would have been suffi- cient to clear the company and save them the need for a hastily organized tour. And why make a tour ostensibly set up in order to avert suspicion with a play, even in a cut-‘ down version, that was known for its praises of Essex, the leader of the rebellion? Would it not have been wiser to avoid any suggestion of a relationship in any way with Essex, a suggestion that would be understood certainly by their own patron at the very least, even with a play 124See Burkhart, pp. 17-21. Also, see Weiner's introductory essay for a possible tour in 1603-1604 in- volving Q1 ovaamlet. 81 stripped of any hint of contemporary politics? Aside from any textual proof, these probabilities have been missed by those who support the deliberate abridgement theory of Henry V Ql. The possible provincial tour in 1600 is more diffi- cult to dispose of if the Privy Council order of June 22, 1600,quoted by Burkhart is correlated with the August 4, 1600,notation of Henry V Ql in the Stationers' Records. The possibility exists that the company took the order as an unfavorable sign that required an immediate provincial tour; since the Essex rebellion had not yet occurred, it is possible they wished to present the play outside of London and so cut it down deliberately, as Burkhart sug- gests. However, the textual evidence I have discovered and the proof of memorial reconstruction found by Duthie refutes this notion. If the play had been abridged by Shakespeare's own company, then I doubt if the time error made in D quire (III, vii-IV, ii) would have appeared. It is only because of a break in the printing procedure, as I have postulated, or a mistake in the original trans- mission of the text via memorial reconstruction, as Duthie has supposed, or both, that such an error could have hap- pened. Undoubtedly, the Lord Chamberlain's Men would have 82 taken more care with one of their own valuable manuscripts in making it more suitable for provincial production. The other possible reason for a provincial tour suggested by the Privy Council order is an outbreak of plague, which would result in the official closing of the theatres and a forced visit to smaller English cities. However, this avenue is closed as well, because no serious outbreak of plague is reported in London for the years 125 1599-1602, although the disease was present. J. F. D. Shrewsbury, in his book A History of the Bubonic Plague in the British Isles (Cambridge, 1970), points out that while "London was the principal focus for the outburst of 1603 and suffered grievously for it" (p. 266), no "official attention" was paid to any outbreaks until April, 1602. However, the number of deaths duringmost of 1602 was small compared to the thousands destroyed in 1603.126 Thus, both 125F. P. Wilson, The Plague in Shakespeare's London (Oxford University Press, 1927), notes that although "the four years from 1597 to 1600 were commonly supposed to have been 'clear' . . . 48 plague-deaths were recorded in 1597, 18 in 1598, 16 in 1599, and 4 in 1600." (p. 85) . 126Shrewsbury presents a graph showing the "weekly percentage of mortality rates of bubonic plague in London for the weeks ending 23 December 1602 to 22 December 1603." From the beginning of July, 1603 to the end of October of the same year, the total number of plague-deaths was 32,754. ‘ 83 'possible tours listed by Chambers were made in years fairly clear of plague (1599-1600, 1600-1601). Even with the Privy Council order concerning the players' actions during an outbreak of plague, the probabilities for a provincial tour decrease to almost zero, as do the possibilities for a deliberate abridgement of Henry V by the Lord Chamber- lain's Men. Conclusion I have attempted to outline the pertinent textual aspects of the first quarto of Henry V, as well as provide a short history of the controversy still surrounding bad quartos and how the theories concerning such editions might affect an understanding of this particular text. Although there are some bad marks against Busby, Millington, and Creede, the men responsible for the pub- lishing and printing of the play, they are of the usual nature recorded against Stationers of this period. Thus, their obtaining of the bad quarto cannot be considered crimdnal, nor was it seen to be so by either their fellow Stationers or by then-existing English laws. Pavier's challenge was based on his holding a patent on a similar play, and was not an attack on Busby and Millington's methods of obtaining the play. Two theories, one based on spelling evidence, the other on typographical.evidence, can be put forward as probable explanations of how the play was printed. The first theory, based on spelling evidence in agreement with 84 85 George Walton Williams' findings concerning Q2, admits only one compositor as being responsible for the text being com- posed seriatim. The second, based on typographical clues involving anomalous letters, watermarks, running titles, and Charlton Hinman's findings regarding presswork allows for two compositors casting off copy and setting by formes. Even though Thomas Pavier owned the rights outright to both the first and second quartos, the printing evidence found in Q3 suggests that Jaggard followed 01 for the Q3 edition, with the second quarto being used little if at all. The evidence is quite strong in pages Elr (line 4) and F3v (line 11), both of which are changed or missing in 02. As for the relationship between the quarto and the first folio, and between the quarto and the whole question of bad quartos in general, I have reached the following I conclusions. First, that the quarto is based on the same manuscript used for the folio, and that the discrepancies between quarto and folio can be best explained by the memorial reconstruction theory as put forward by Duthie in regard to Henry V. Secondly, that Cairncross' theory that the folio was set from a combined use of Q2, Q3, and the manuscript is incorrect because of the loss of time 86 resulting from using such a procedure. I suspect that the parallels found in both texts come from the manuscript upon which both are based. Thirdly, I believe I have shown that the "stolne and surreptitious copies" mentioned in Heminge and Con- dell's preface to the 1623 folio do not refer to any edi- tions except the Pavier Quartos of 1619. The evidence presented by Danks is quite strong in this area, and Rubinstein's arguments regarding modern over-estimations of the Jacobean audience's sophistication in printing matters I find quite persuasive. Finally, while Burk- hart's, Werner's, and Bracy's arguments at first appear convincing, a closer study reveals that their, and similar contentions, that the first quarto is among those plays cut down by the Lord Chamberlain's Men themselves for their own provincial tour,do not bear up. Various incon- sistencies in textual evidence, especially the repetitious aaspect of the quarto, and the missed time reference in D (Juire, as well as the lack of any reason such as plague for the Company to go on provincial tour, do not allow me ‘UD support this theory. A final word concerning this quarto. No reader of the: text would be foolish enough to claim that it matches 87 in poetry or dramatic scope the folio version printed in 1623. In defense of Ql, however, I believe that it does have its own rough-and-tumble charms. In certain scenes and passages, it is clearer and more comprehensible than its larger, more ponderous cousin, although as critics since Theobald have pointed out, the folio's errors are due more to compositorial error in Jaggard's print shop than to writer's block in Shakespeare's mind. This first quarto is certainly no masterpiece, but I believe that it provides an important bit of evidence as to how plays were looked upon and handled in Shakespeare's time, that is, roughly. It was not until Jonson showed that an audience existed for plays carefully printed in folio-sized volumes, that quartos of the nature of Henry V Q1 were forced off the market, allowing for various playwrights' full-sized works, Shakespeare's among them, to be printed in folios for the first time. If not for Jonson's boldness, this cquarto would, of necessity, be considered Shakespeare's Ihenry , instead of being known as the misshapen curiosity it is. THE TEXT OF THE PLAY Prefiace Since this edition of the first quarto of Henry V m: _ is primarily a textual study, I have kept the original i spelling and typography as much as possible. Thus, "u" I and "i," which are usually converted to "v" and "j"_in 5 most modern editions, have been kept in all instances, as have all spacings, added and dropped speech heads, and punctuation. However, long “s" has been changed in all instances to round "3." Unusual changes in typography and spelling in QZ and Q3 have been noted. I have chosen to indicate typo- graphical changes more consistently than spelling changes, especially in instances of line justification and changes in line arrangement and speech heads. Furthermore, changes in capitalization and italicization from the first quarto to Q2 and Q3 have been noted, depending on the unusualness of the changes. Movement and additions or deletions of Lines within Q2 and Q3 have also been indicated. Regarding footnotes, where no source is indicated fol: a given definition, I have used the Oxford English [fixationary. Onions' Shakespeare Glossary has been 88 89 x utilized where necessary. I have also made extensive use of J. H. Walters' excellent Arden edition of the play, as well as lesser use of the Blackfriars edition (editor, C.IL Forker), the Penguin edition (editor, A. R. Humphreys), and hi the Yale edition (editor, R. J. Dorius). Consequently, I have given only limited explanations concerning particularly E 1‘ unusual phrases, and have urged the reader to turn to these J editors' more lengthy notes. In certain cases, First Folio spellings are given to show the extensiveness of memorial corruption in Ql. Be- cause of the unavailability of the Hinman Norton edition, I have used the New Shakespeare Society's edition, edited by P. A. Daniels. Folio act and scene divisions are bracketed when different from the divisions I have made for the quarto. 90 , THE CRONICLE History of Henry the fift, With his battell fought at Agin Court in France. Togither with Auntient Pistoll. As it hath bene sundry times playd by the Right honorable the Lord Chamberlaine his seruants. (Emblem device of Thomas Creede) LONDON Printed by Thomas Creede, for Tho. Milling- ton, and Iohn Busby. And are to be sold at his house in Carter Lane, next the Powle head. 1600. Emblem device-"(50 x 40.5 mm.) Framed device of Truth being scourged by a hand from the clouds. Between her feet the initials T.C. The motto Viressit vulnere veritas." R. B. McKerrow, Printers and Book- sellers Devices, p. 117. house in Carter Lane- "It is not known to whom the house in Carter Lane belonged." W. W. Greg, Bibliography of the English Printed Drama, I, 1939-1959 (London), p. 268. 91 The Chronicle Historie of Henry the fift: with his battel fought at Agin Court in France. Togither with Auncient Pistoll. . I.1(I.2) Enter Kinngenry, Exeter, 2. Bishops, Clarence, and other 1 Attendants. Exeter. Shall I call in Thambassadors my Liege? King. Not yet my Cousin, til we be resolude Of some serious matters touching vs and France. 5 23, God and his Angels guard your sacred throne, And make you long become it. King. Shure we thank you. And good my Lord proceed Why the Lawe Salicke which they haue in France, Or should or should not, stop vs in our clayme: 10 And God forbid my wise and learned Lord, That you should fashion, frame, or wrest the same. For God doth know how many now in health, Shall drop their blood in approbation, Of what your reuerence shall incite vs too. 15 Therefore take heed how you impawne our person, How you awake the sleeping sword of warre: We charge you in the name of God take heed. After this coniuration, Speaks my Lord: And we will iudge, note, and beleeue in heart, 20 That what you speake, is washt as pure As sin in baptisme. A2 Bish. Headline Henry Q3. 1. all in italics; two Q3; F.I.ii begins here. 3. Th'ambassadors Q2; th'Ambassadors Q3; resolu'd Q3. 6. Bysh. Q3. 9. Saligue Q3. catchword Bysh. Q3. 9. Salicke] ". . . a collection of folk laws and customs . . . (having) nothing to do with the right of succession" Walter, Arden edition of King Henry V, p. 15. But see the Blackfriars edition (ed. C. R. Forker), 1971, Penguin edition (ed. A. R. Humphreys), 1968, and Yale edition (ed. R. J. Dorius), 1955, all of whom hold that the salique laws was a "specific law forbidding descent of the French crown through the female" (Forker). Shakespeare quotes Holinshead almost verbatim in this passage. 92 The Chronicle Historie Then heare me gracious soueraigne, and you peeres, Which owe your liues, your faith and seruices To this imperiall throne. - 25 There is no bar to stay your highnesse claims to France But one, which they produce from Faramount, . No female shall succeed in salicke land, - Which salicke land the French vniustly gloze F: To be the realme of France: 30 "1‘ And Faramont the founder of this law and female barre: Yet their owne writers faithfully affirms That the land salicke lyes in Germany, Betweene the flouds of Sabeck and of Elme, . -4 Where Charles the fift hauing subdude the Saxons, 35 There left behind, and setled certaine French, ;; Who holding in disdaine the Germaine wonen, For some dishonest maners of their lines, Establisht there this lawe. To wit, _ No female shall succeed in salicke land: 40 Which salicke land as I said before, Is at this time in Germany called Mesene: Thus doth it well appeare the salicke lawe Was not deuised for the realme of France, Nor did the French possesse the salicke land, 45 Vntill 400. one and twentie yeares After the function of king Faramont, Godly supposed the founder of this lawe: Hugh Capet also that vsurpt the crowne, To fine his title with some showe of truth, 50 When in pure truth it was corrupt and naught: Conuaid himselfe as heirs to the Lady Inger, Daughter to Charles, the foresaid Duke of Lorain, So that as cleare as is the sommers Sun, King Pippins title and Hugh Capets claime, 55 King Charles his satisfaction all appeare, To hold in right and title of the female: So do the Lords of France vntil this day, Howbeit they would hold vp this salick lawe To 23. Bish. Q2-3; & Q3. 28,29. Salicke Q2, Saligue Q3. 31. Faramount Q3. 33, 40, 41, 43, 45, 59. Salicke Q2, Saligue Q3. 37. Germane Q3. 42. call'd Q3. 46. foure hundred Q3; twenty Q3. 47. Faramount Q2-3. 52. Couai'd Q2, Conuey'd Q3. 53. Charls Q2. 55. Pipins Q3. 29. gloze] gloss, intrepret. 56. satisfaction] fulfillment of a claim. 93 of Henry the fift. To bar your highnesse claiming from the female, 60 And rather choose to hide them in a net, Then amply to imbace their crooked causes, Vsurpt from you and your progenitors. (claime? 5, May we with right & conscience make this Bi, The sin vpon my head dread soueraigne. 65 For in the booke of Numbers is it writ, When the sonne dies, let the inheritance “‘ Descend vnto the daughter. Noble Lord stand for your owne, vnwinde your bloody flagge, 7O 1 Go my dread Lord to your great graunsirs graue, ' ,'- Fronlwhom.you clayme: And your great Vncle Edward the blacke Prince, .# Who on the French ground playd a Tragedy ’ Making defeat on the full power of France, 75 Whilest his most mighty father on a hill, Stood smiling to behold his Lyons whelpe, Foraging blood of French Nobilitie. O Noble English that could entertaine With halfe their Forces the full power of France: 80 And let an other halfe stand laughing by, All out of worke, and cold for action. King. We must not onely arme vs against the French, But lay downe our proportion for the Scot, Who will make rode vpon vs with all aduantages. 85 gr, The Marches gracious soueraigne, shalbe sufficient To guardyour England from the pilfering borderers. King. We do not meane the coursing sneakers onely, But feare the mayne entendement of the Scot, For you shall read, neuer my great grandfather 9O Vnmaskt his power for France, But that the Scot on his vnfurnisht Kingdome, Came pouring like the Tide into a breach, That England being empty of defences, "TI . ‘fl. Hath shooke and trembled at the brute hereof. 95 g}, She hath bin then more feared then hurt my Lord: A3 For 62. embrace Q3. 64. and Q3. 66. it is Q3. 78. Foraging the blood Q3. 83. gainst Q3. 84. against Q2. 92. Scot Q3. 96. Bish. Q3. 62. imbace] embrace. 66-68. Numbers. xxvii. 8. 71. great graunsirs] Edward III. 75. defeat] Battle of Cressey, 1346. 89. entendement] hostile purpose. 94 The Chronicle Historie For heare her but exemplified by her selfe, When all her chiualry hath bene in France And she a mourning widow of her Nobles, She hath her selfe not only well defended, But taken and impounded as a stray, the king of Scots, Whom like a caytiffe she did leade to France, Filling your Chronicles as rich with praise As is the owse and bottome of the sea With sunken wrack and shiplesse treasurie. Lord. There is a saying very old and true, If you will France win, Then with Scotland first begin: For once the Eagle, England being in pray, To his vnfurnish nest the weazel Scot Would suck her egs, playing the mouse in absence of the To spoyle and hauock more then she can eat. (cat: Ere; It followes then, the cat must stay at home, Yet that is but a curst necessitie, Since we haue trappes to catch the petty theeues: Whilste that the armed hand doth fight abroad The aduised head controlles at home: For gouernment though high or lowe, being put into parts, Congrueth with a mutuall consent like musicke. Bi, True: therefore doth heauen diuide the fate of man in diuers functions. Whereto is added as an ayms or but, obedience: For so line the honey Bees, creatures that by awe Ordaine an act of order to a peopeld Kingdoms: They haue a King and officers of sort, Where some like Magistrates correct at home: Others like Marchants venture trade abroad: Others like souldiers armed in their stings, Make boote vpon the sommers veluet bud: Which pillage they with mery march bring home To the tent royall of their Emperour, Who busied in his maiestie, behold The singing masons building roofes of gold: The 101. (as a stray) Q3; Scottes Q3. 109. England Q3. 110. Scot Q3. 119. in Q3. 132. Tent-royall Q3. 100 105 110 115 120 125 130 101-102. David II, captured at Nevill's Cross, October 17, 1346, while Edward III was in France. However, he was not taken overseas (Walter, Humphreys). 104. owse] ooze. 106. Lord.] Ely is given this speech in F, but Holinshed attributes it to Westmorland (Walter, Humphreys). 95 of Henry the fifth. The ciuell citizens lading vp the honey, The sad eyde Iustice with his surly humme, Deliuering vp to executors pale, the lazy caning Drone. This I infer, that 20. actions once a foote, May all end in one moment. As many Arrowes losed seuerall wayes, flye to one marke: As many seuerall wayes meets in one towns: ' As many fresh streames run in one selfe sea: As many lines close in the dyall center: So may a thousand actions once a foote, End in one moment, and be all well borne without defect. Therefore my Liege to France, Diuide your happy England into foure, Of which take you one quarter into France, And you withall, shall make all Gallia shake. If we with thrice that power left at home, Cannot defend our owne doore from the dogge, Let vs be beaten, and from henceforth lose The name of pollicy and hardinesse. Ki, Call in the messenger sent fro the Dolphin, And by your ayde, the noble sinewes of our land, France being ours, weele bring it to our awe, Or breaks it all in peeces: Eyther our Chronicles shal with full mouth speak Freely of our acts, Or else like toonglesse mutes Not worshipt with a paper Epitaph:. Enter Thambassadors from France. Now are we well prepared to know the Dolphins pleasure, For we heare your comming is from him. Ambassa. Pleaseth your Maiestie to giue vs leaue Freely to render what we haue in charge: Or shall I sparingly shew a farre off, The Dolphins pleasure and our Embassage? REESE We are no tyrant, but a Christian King, To whom our Spirit is as subiectg As are our wretches fettered in our prisons. There- Running title fift. Q2-3. 135. sad-ey'd Q3.' 137. twenty Q3. 141. twenty Q3. 153. Kin. Q3; from Q3. 159. tonguelesse Q3. 1160. ... Epitaph? Q2. 161. Th'ambassadors Q2, the Ambassadors 164. Ambas. Q3. . ‘ ‘ 142. dyall] sundial. Q3. 135 140 145 150 155 160 165 170 —J 11".” ‘ 96 The Chronicle Historie Therefore freely and with vncurbsd boldnesse Tell vs the Dolphins minds. Ambas. Then this in fine the Dolphin saith, Whereas you clayms certaine Townes in France, From your predecessor king Edward the third, This he rsturnss. He saith, thsrss nought in France that can be with a nimble Galliard wonns: you cannot reuel into Dukedomss there: Therefore he sendeth msster for your study, This tunns of treasure: and in lieu of this, Desires to let the Dukedomss that you craus Hears no more from you: This the Dolphin saith. King. What treasure thle? Exe. Tennis balles my Liege. E339. We are glad the Dolphin is so pleasant with vs, Your message and his present we accept: When we haue matched our rackets to these balles, we will by Gods grace play such a set, Shall strike his fathers crowns into the hazard. Tell him he hath made a match with such a wrangler, That all the Courts of France shall be disturbd with chases. And we vndsrstand him well, how he comes ore vs With our wilder dayss, not measuring what vse we made of them. We neuer valued this poore seats of England. And therefore gaue our ssluss to barbarous licence: As tis common ssens that men are msrriest when they are from home. But tell the Dolphin we will keeps our state, Be like a King, mightie and commaund, When we do rowse vs in throne of France: Ferthis haue we laid by our Maiestie And plodded lids a man for working dayss. But we will rise there with so full of glory, That we will dazsll all the eyes of France, I strike the Dolphin blinds to looks on vs, (stones, And tell him this, his mock hath turnd his balles to gun And 188. play him such Q3. 191. shalbe Q3. 195. valsw'd Q3. 201. in the throne Q3. 202. we haue Q3. 204. there so Q2. 205. France Q3. 207. line moved to top of Blr in Q3. 189. hazard] In Elizabethan lawn tennis, a hazard was a winning open hole in a tennis-court. 191. Chases] In lawn tennis, a point was scored when a ball struck the ground twice without being returned. 175 180 185 190 195 200 97 of Henry the fift. And his souls shall sit sore Charged for the wastfull (vengeance That shall flye from them. For this his mocks . 210 Shall mocks many a wife out of their deare husbands. Mocks mothers from their sonnes, mocks Castles downs, I some are yet vngotten and vnborne, That shall haue cause to curse the Dolphins scorne. But this lyes all within the will of God, to whom we doo 215 (appe ale . And in whose name tel you the Dolphin we are coming on To venge vs as we may, and to put ferth our hand In a rightfull cause: so get you hence, and tell your Prince, His Iest will sauour but of shallow wit, 220 When thousands weeps, more then did laugh at it. Conuey them with safe conduct: see them hence. Ere, This was a merry message. King. we hOpe to make the sender blush at it: Therfors let our collecti5 for the wars be soone prouided: 225 For God before, wssll check the Dolphin at his fathers (doore. Therefore 1st eusry man now tasks his thought, That this fairs action may on foote be brought. Exsunt omnes. 230 Enter Nim an§_Bardolfe. II.1 _B_a_r_. Godmorrow Corporall Nim. Nim, Godmorrow Lieftenant Bardolfe. tn ar. What is antient Pistoll and thee friends yet? im. I cannot tell, things must be as they may: 5 I dare not fight, but I will winks and hold out mine Iron: It is a simple one, but what tho; it will serus to toste cheese, And it will endure cold as an other mans sword will, And thsrss the humor of it. Ear, Yfaith mistresse quickly did thee great wrong, 10 For thou weart troth plight to her. B Nim, I Z 217. comming Q3. 219. right Q3. 225. collection Q3. 1. F.II.i begins here; all in italic Q2-3. 2,3. Good morrow Q3. 7. Tis Q3; twil Q3. 10. mistresse Quickly Q2, Mistresse Quickly Q3; Ifaith Q3. 11. troath Q2, troth-plight Q3. catchword Nim, 98 The Chronicle Historis Nim. I must do as I may, tho patience be a tyred mare, Yet shsel plod, and some say kniuss haue edges, And men may sleeps and haue their throtes about them At that time, and there is the humour of it. 15 Bar, Come yfaith, Ile bestow a breakfast to make Pistoll And thee friendes. What a plague should we carris kniuss To cut our owns throatss. Nim, Yfaith Ile liue as long as I may, thats the certaine of it. And when I cannot liue any longer, Ile do as I may, 20 And thsrss my rest, and the randeuous of it. Enter Pistoll and Hostss Quickly, his wife. Bar, Godmorrow ancient Pistoll. ‘ Here comes ancient Pistoll, I prithss Nim_be quiet. Nim, How do you my Hosts? 25 Pist. Bass slaue, callsst thou ms hosts? Mow by gads lugges I swears, I scorne the title, Nor shall my Nell keeps lodging. Host. No by my troath not I, For we canot bed nor boord half a score honest gétlswome 30 That lius honestly by the prick of their needle, But it is thought straight we keeps a bawdy-house. O Lord heeres Corporall Nims, now shall we haue wilful adultry and murther committed: Good Corporall Nim shew the valour of a man, 35 And put vp your sword. Nim. Push. Pist. What dost thou push, thou prickeard our of Iseland? Nim. Will you shog off? I would haue you solus. Pist. Solus egregious dog, that solus in thy throte, 40 And in thy lungs, and which is worse, within Thy mssfull mouth, I do retort that solus in thy Bowels, and in thy Iaw, perdie: for I can talks, And Pistolls flashing firy cock is vp. Nim, I am not Barbasom, you cannot coniure me: 45 I have an humour Pistoll to knock you indifferently well, And you fall fouls with me Pistoll, Ile scours you with my Rapier 12-14. Moved to last three lines of Blr Q2. 15. there's Q3. 16. ifaith Q3. 19. Ifaith Q3. 21. there's Q3; the Q3. 22. all in italics Q2-3. 23. Good Morrow Q3. 25. host Q3. 26. Hosts Q2. 30. cannot Q2-3; gsntlewomsn Q2-3; "honest" deleted Q3. 33. m Q2-3. catchword The Q2; If Q3. 21. randeuous] rendezvous. 37. push] pish (F)--Exc1amation of contempt. 38. prickeard our of ISeland] pointsd-sarsd, long-haired lap dog. 39. shog off] move off, go away (Onions, Shakespeare Glossary). 42. mssfull] nastie (F). 45. Barbasom] Walter suggests a cross between Barbas, a fiend in lion form, and the French knight Barbason who fought King Henry. 99 of Henry the fift. Rapier in fairs termss. If you will walks off a little, Ile prick your guts a litle in good terms, And thsrss the humour of it. 50 Pist. O braggard vile, and damned furious wight, The Graue doth gaps, and groaning Death is nears, therefore sxall. They draws. Ear, Hears me, he that strikes the first blow, 55 Ile kill him, as I am a souldier. Pist. An oath of mickle might, and fury shall abate. Nim. Ile cut your throats at one time or an other in fairs And thsrss the humor of it. (termes, Pist. Couple gorge is the word, I thee defie agen: 60 A damned hound, thinkst thou my spouse to get? No, to the powdering tub of infamy, Fetch forth the lazar kits of Crssidss kinds, Doll Tear-sheets, she by name, and her sspowse I haue, and I will hold, the quandom quickly, 65 For the onely she and Paco, there it is inough. Enter the Boy. Bey, Hostes you must come straight to my maister, And you Host Pistoll. Good Bardolfe Put thy nose betwesne the sheetss, and do the office of a 70 (warming pan. Host. By my troath hesle yesld the crow a pudding one (of these dayss, Ile go to him, husband youle come? Bar, Come Pistoll be friends. 75 Nrm_prithee be friends, and if thou wilt not be Enemies with me too. Ni, I shal haue my sight shillings I woon of you at beating? Pist. Base is the slaue that payss. Nim. That now I will haue, and theres the humor of it. 80 Pist. As manhood shall compound. They draw. Bar. He that strikes the first blow, Ile kill him by this sword. Pist. Sword is an oath, and oathss must haue their course. B2 Nim. 48-52. Moved to bottom of Blv, Q2. 72. hse'l Q3. 74. you'l Q3. 78. betting Q3. 84. BE: Q3. catchword And Q2. 54. sxall] Draw! (Onions). 60. couple gorge] Corrupt French for "coup lagorge." See E3v, 14-15; E4r, 35. 63. lazar kits of Crssides kinds] a leprous whore. See Henryson's Testament of Cresseid. 66. Paco] Pauca F ("few words"). 72. yesld the crow a pudding] he (the Boy) will become food for crows on the gallows. 81. compound] to settle a money-matter by compromise. 84. course] way, run; also, to chase with blows, to thrash. 100 The Chronicle Historis Nim. I shall haue my sight shillings I wonne of you at~ 85 ___- beating? Pist. A noble shalt thou haue, and readie pay, And liquor likewise will I giue to thee, And friendship shall combind and brotherhood: Ile liue by Nim as Nim shall line by me: 90 Is not this iust? for I shall Sutlsr be Vnto the Camps, and profit will occrue. Nim, I shall haue my noble? Pist. In cash most truly paid. . 52E? Why thsrss the humor of it. 95 Enter Hostes } Hostes. As susr you came of men come in, Sir Iohn poore souls is so troubled With a burning tashan contigian fsusr, tis wonderfull. Pist. Let vs condoll the knight: for lamkins we will lius. 100 Exsunt omnes . Enter Exeter and Gloster. II.2 Glost. Before God my Lord, his Grace is too bold to trust these traytors. Ere, They shalbe apprehended by and by. Glost. I but the man that was his bedfsllow 5 Whom he hath cloyed and graced with princely fauours That he should for a forraine purse, to sell His Soueraignes life to death and trechery. Eggs 0 the Lord of Massham. Enter the King and three Lords. 10 King. Now sirs the windes fairer and we wil aboord; My Lord of Cambridge, and my Lord of Massham, And you my gentle Knight, gius me your thoughts, Do you not thinks the power we bears with vs, Will make vs conquerors in the field of France? 15 Masha. No doubt my Liege, if each man do his best. 2am. Neuer rm an." _DM.J ‘ II .M 85-88. Moved to bottom of B2r Q2. 86. betting Q3. 89. but Q3. 91. Butler Q2. 4. shall be Q3. 7. forrsigne Q3. 11. winds is Q3. 16. Massham. Q3. catchword Masha. Q2, Cam. Q3. 85-86. Missing in F. 87. readie] present, immediate currency; "present pay" F. 99. tashan] tsrtian; a fever with recurring symptoms every third day. 99. contigian] a corruption of "quotidian," a fever whose symptoms recur daily; "quotidian Tertian" F. 5. bedfsllow] Henry Lord Scroop of Masham. 101 of Henry the fift. 9am, Neuer was Monarch better feared and lousd then is your maiestis. Gray. Euen those that were your fathers enemies Haus steeped their gallss in honey for your sake. King. We therefore haue great cause of thankfulnssss, And shall forget the office of our hands: Sooner then reward and merit, According to their cause and worthinesss. Masha. So service shall with steeled sinewes shins, And labour shall refresh it selfe with hope To do your Grace incessant seruice. King. Vncle of Exeter, enlarge the man Committed yesterday, that rayled against our person, We consider it was the heats of wine that set him on, And on his more aduics we pardon him. Masha. That is mercie, but too much sscuritie: Let hintbse punisht Soueraigne, least the example of (him, Breed more of such a kinds. King. 0 let vs yet be msrcifull. 929: So may your highnesse, and punish too. Gray. You shew great mercie if you giue him life, After the taste of his correction. 2 King. Alas your too mush cars and loue of me Are heauy orisons gainst the poore wretch, If litle faults proceeding on distemper should not bee (winked at, How should we stretch our eye, when capitall crimes, Chewed, swallowed and disgested, appears before vs: Well yet enlarge the man, tho Cambridge and the rest In their deare louss, and tender pressruation of our state, Would haue him punisht. Now to our French causes. Who are the late Commissioners? gag, Ms one my Lord, your highnesse had me asks for it to day. B3 Masha. So 17-24. Moved to bottom of B2v, Q2. 23. Line omitted Q3. 41. against Q3. 45. digested Q3. catchword That Q2, King. Q3. 31. on his more aduics] after matursr reflection (Onions). 46. Well] Wee'l F. 51. Me] I F. 20 25 30 35 40 45 50 .- Al- 102 The Chronicle Historis Mash. So did you me my Sousraigns. Gray. And me my Lord. King. Then Richard Earle of Cambridge there is yours. There is yours my Lord of Masham. And sir Thomas Gray knight of Northumberland, this same is Read them, and know we know your worthinesss. Vnckle Exeter I will aboord to night. Why how now Gentlemen, why change yo What see you in those papers That hath so chased your blood out of apparancs? 9am, I do confesse my fault, and do To your highnesse mercie. Mash. To which we all appeals. King. The mercy which was quit in vs u colour? submit me but late, By your owne reasons is forestald and done: You must not dare for shame to asks For your owne conscience turns vpon your bosomss, for mercy, As dogs vpon their maisters worrying them. See you my Princes, and my noble Pee These English monsters: My Lord of gambridgs here, You know how apt we were to grace hi res, m! In all things belonging to his honour: And this vilde man hath for a fsws light crownss, (yours: Lightly conspired and sworne vnto the practises of France: To kill vs here in Hampton. To the which, This knight no lesse in bountie bound to vs Then Cambridge is, haah likewise sworne. But oh what shall I say to thee fals e man, Thou crusll ingratsfull and inhumane creature, Thou that didst bears the key of all my counsell, That knewst the very secrets of my heart, That almost mightest a coynsd me into gold, Wouldest thou a practisde on me for Can it be possible that out of thee thy vse: Should proceed one sparks that might annoy my finger? 53-54. Moved to bottom of B3r, Q3. 87. Wouldst Q3; haue Q3. catchword Mash. Q2, As Q3. 66. quit] free, clear (Onions); "qui Tis 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 53-61. Moved to bottom of B3r, Q2. 67. fore-stald Q3. 77. vile Q2. 78. conspir'd Q3; & Q2. QZ-3. 85. knew'st Q2. 86. mightst Q3; haue Q2-3; coyn'd Q3. cks" F. 67. forestald] barred by previous action, intercepted. 86. Massham was treasurer until 1141 (Walter). 81. hath 103 of Henry the fift. Tis so strange, that tho the truth doth shows as gross 90 As black froniwhite, mine eye wil scarcely see it. Their faults are open, arrest them to the answer of the laws, And God acquit them of their practises. Ere, I arrest thee of high treason, By the name of Richard, Earle of Cambridge. 95 I arest thee of high treason, By the name of Henry, Lord of Masham. I arest thee of high treason, By the name of Thomas Gray, knight of Northumbsrland. Mash. Our purposes God iustly hath discousred, - 100 And I repent my fault more then my death, Which I beseech your maisstie forgius, Altho my body pay the price of it. King. God quit you in his mercy. Hears your sentence. You haue conspired against our royall person, 105 onned with an enemy proclaimed and fixed. And fro his coffers receiued the golden earnest of our death Touching our person we seeks no redresss. But we our kingdomss safetis must so tender Whose ruins you haue sought, 110 That to our lawes we do deliuer you. (death, Get ye therefore hence: poore miserable creatures to your The taste whereof, God in his mercy giue you (amisss: Patience to endure, and true repentance of all your deeds Bears them hence. 115 Exit three Lords. Now Lords to Francsu The enterprise whereof, Shall be to you as vs, successiuely. Since God cut off this dangerous treason lurking in our way. Cheerly to sea, the signes of war aduance: 120 No King of England, if not King of France. Exit omnes. Enter 90. Moved to bottom of B3v, Q3; shew QB. 90-99. Moved to bottom of 83v, Q2. 103. Although Q3. 105. conspir'd Q3. 106. proclaim'd Q3. 107. from Q3. 112. you Q3. 121. England Q2-3. catchword How Q2. 97. Henry] F has "Thomas" probably picked up from line 99. “T 104 The Chronicle Historis Enter Nim, Pistoll, Bardolfe, Hostes and a Boy. II.3 Host. I prethy sweets heart, let me bring thee so farre as ' (Stanes. Pist. No fur, no fur. Bar, Well sir Iohn is gone. God be with him. 5 Host. I, he is in Arthors bosom, if susr any were: He went away as if it were a crysombd childe, Betweene twelue and one, Iust at turning of the tide: His nose was as sharps as a pen: 10 For when I saw him fumble with the sheetss, And talk of floures, and smile vp5 his fingers ends I knew there was no way but one. How now sir Iohn quoth I? And he crysd three times, God, God, God, 15 Now I to comfort him, bad him not think ofGod, I hope there was no such need. Then he had me put more cloathes at his fests: And I felt to them, and they were as cold as any stone: And to his knees, and they were as cold as any stone. 20 And so vaard, and vaard, and all was as cold as any stone. Nim. They say he cride out on Sack. Host. I that he did. _gy, And of women. Host. No that he did not. 25 E21: Yes that he did: and he sed they were diuels incarnat. Host. Indeed carnation was a colour he neuer lousd. Nim, well he did cry out on women. Host. Indeed he did in some sort handle women, But then he was rumaticke, and talkt of the whore of 30 (Babylon. E22: Hostes do you remember he saw a Flea stand Vpon Bardolfss Nose, and sed it was a black souls Burning in hell firs? w Bar. 1-13. Moved to bottom of B4r, Q2. 1. Hostsr Q3. 2. sweetheart Q2. 7. chrisombed Q2. 12. flowres Q2, flowers Q3; & Q2; vpon Q3. 18. cloathes on Q3. 21. & Q3; "any" deleted Q3. 22. crysd Q2. 26. & Q3; "he" deleted Q3. 31. Babilon Q3. 34. "fire" deleted Q3. catchword Enter Q2, Bard. Q3. 3. Stanes] Stainss. 12-13. "and a Table of greens fields" omitted in the Quartos. 105 of Henry the fift. Bar, Well, God be with him, 35 That was all the wealth I got in his seruice. Nim. Shall we shog off? $63 king wil be gone from Southampton. Pist. Clears vp thy cristallss, Looks to my chattels and my moueables. 40 K Trust none: the word is pitch and pay: i Mens words are wafer cakes, And holdfast is the only dog my deare- Therefore cophetua be thy counsellor, Touch her soft lips and part. 45 22$: Farewell hostes. 53E: I cannot kis: and thsrss the humor of it. But adieu. "F Pist. Keeps fast thy buggle bos. Exit omnes. 50 Enter King of France, Bourbon, Dolphin, 11.4 and others. King. Now you Lords of Orleance, Of Bourbon, and of Berry, You see the King of England is not slack, 5 For he is footed on this land alreadie. Dolphin. My gratious Lord, tis meet we all goe And arms vs against the foe: (foorth, And view the weak & sickly parts of France: But let vs do it with no show of fears, 10 No with no more, then if we heard England were busied with a Moris dance- For my good Lord, she is so idely kingd, Her scepter so fantastically borne, So guided by a shallow humorous youth, 15 That fears attends her not. 922, 0 peace Prince Dglphin, you deceiue your selfe, C Question 35-50. Moved to bottom of B4v, Q2. 39. christalles Q2, cristals Q3. 41. none the Q2. 51-52. Enter Q2, rest in italics Q2; all in italics Q3. 7. gracious Q2-3. 9. and Q2-3. 10. shewe Q2, shew Q3. 12. troubled Q3. 13. Kingd Q2. 14. phantastically Q2. 17. Dolphin Q3. catchword Ere, Q2. 41. pitch and pay] cash only. 44. cophetua] Corruption of "caveto" (F) beware. 49. buggle boe] a glass beaded adornment worn around the waist. 17. 992:] The Constable of France is among the "others," 18. In F, the Duke of Brittany replaces Bourbon, l7. 106 The Chronicle Historis Question your grace the late Embassador, With what regard he heard his Embassage, How well supplied with aged Counsellours, 20 And how his resolution andswered him, You then would say that HarEZ was not wilds. King. Well thinks we Harry strong: And strongly arms vs to preuent the foe. Con. My Lord here is an Embassador 25 EESH the King of England. Kin. Bid him come in. ISE see this chase is hotly followed Lords. 29;, My gracious father, cut vp this English short, Selfeloue my Liege is not so vile a thing, 30 As self neglecting. ' Enter Exeter. King. From our brother England? Ere, From him, and thus he greets your Maiestie: He wils you in the name of God Almightie, 35 That you dsuest your selfe and lay apart That borrowed tytle, which by gift of heauen, Of laws of nature, and of nations, longs To him and to his heires, namely the crowns And all wide stretched titles that belongs 4O Vnto the Crowne of France, that you may know Tis no sinister, nor no awkward claime, Pickt from the wormeholes of old vanisht dayss, Nor from the dust of old obliuion rackte,. He sends you these most memorable lynes, 45 In eusry branch truly demonstrated: Willing you ouerlooks this pedigree, And when you finds him euenly deriusd From his most famed and famous ancestors, Edward the third, he bids you then resigns 50 Your crowns and kingdoms, indirectly held From him, the natiue and true challenger. King. 18-33. Moved to bottom of Clr, Q2. 21. answer'd Q3. 25. Ambassador Q3. 30. selfe-loue Q3. 31. selfe-neglecting Q3. 33. brother of England Q3. catchword Exs. Q2. 18. late] recently returned. 28. chase] See A4v, 21. 42. sinister] irregular. . 42. awkward] not straightforward. 44. rackte] raked, that is, searched for. 6 1.13] "to .1 ‘1 107 of Henry_ths fift. King. If not, what followes? Exe. Bloody castraint, for if you hide the crown EEEh in your hearts, there will he rake for it: Therefore in fierce tempest is he comming, In thunder, and in earthquake, like a Ioue, That if requiring fails, he will compsll it: And on your heads turnes he the widowes teares, The Orphanes cries, the dead mens bones, The pining maydens grones. For husbands, fathers, and distressed louers, Which shall be swallowed in this controuersie. This is his claims, his threatning, and my message. Vhles the Dolphin-be in presence here, To whom expresly we bring greeting too. 22$, For the Dolphin? I stand here for him, What to heare from England. Ere, Scorn & defiance, slight regard, contempt, And any thing that may not misbecome The mightie sender, doth he prise you at: . Thus saith my king. anes your fathers highnesse Sweeten the bitter mocks you sent his Maiestie, Heels call you to so loud an answers for it, That caues and wombely vaultes of France Shall chide your trespasse, and return your mock, In second accent of his ordsnance. 29;,'Say that my father render fairs reply, It is against my will: For I desire nothing so much, As oddss with England. And for that cause according to his youth I did present him with those Paris balles. Ere, Heels make your Paris Louer shake for it, Were it the mistresse Court of mightie Europe. And be assured, youle finds a difference As we his subiscts haue in wonder found: C2 Betweene 53-68. Moved to bottom of Clv, Q2. 60. orphants Q3; boens Q2. 64. the claims Q2; & Q3. 65. Dolphin Q3. 67. Dolphin Q3. 68. England Q2., 70. mis-becOms Q3. 71. prize Q3. 74. Hse'l Q3. 76. & Q3. 84. Hee'l Q3. 86. you'l Q3. catchword Enter Q2, Now Q3. 75. wombely] hollow; Wombis F. 77. second accent] echo. . ' 83. Paris balles] tennis balls. Also, possible play on "Paris Louer," 84. . 84. Louer] Louvre. Also, pun on lover and "mistresse Court," 85. 55 60 65 70 75 80 85 108 The Chronicle Historis Betweene his yonger dayss and these he musters now, Now he wayes time euen to the latest grains, Which you shall finds in your owne losses If he stay in France. King. Well for vs, you shall returns our answers backs To our brother England. Exit omnes. 90 Enter Nim, Bardolfe, Pistoll, Boy. III.1(III.2) Nim. Before God here is hots seruice. Pist. Tis hot indeed, blowss go and come, Gods vassals drop and die. Nim. Tis honor, and theres the humor of it. §6§1 Would I were in London: 352 giue all my honor for a pot of Ale. Pist. And I. If wishes would prsuaile, I would not stay, but thither would I his. Enter Flewellen and beatss'them in. Flew. Godes plud vp to the breaches You rascals, will you not vp to the breaches? Nim, Abate thy ragesweete knight, ' Abate thy rage. 29y, Well I would I were once from them: They would haue me as familiar With mens pockets, as their glouss, and their Handkerchers, they will steals any thing. Bardolfe stole a Lute case, carryed it three mile, And sold it for three hapsnce. Nim stole a fier shouell. I knew by that, they meant to carry coales: Well, if they will not leaus me, I means to leaus them. Exit Nim, Bardolfe, Pistoll, and the Boy. Enter Gower. Gower. Gaptain Flewellen, you must come strait To the Mines, to the Duke of Gloster. Looks 88-9. Moved to bottom of C2r, Q2. 88. Moved to bottom of C2r, Q3. 89. weighss Q3. 91. we Q2-3. 93. brother of England Q3. 1. all in italics Q2—3; Pistoll and Boy Q3. 2. heeres Q3. 5. there's Q3. 10. all in italics Q2-3. l9. Lute-case Q3; carried Q2-3. 20. halfepsnce Q3. 21. fire-shousll Q3. 25. all in italics Q2-3; Bar., Pist. Q2; and Boy Q3; & Q2. 26. all in italics Q2—3. 27. Captains Q3. catchword The Q2, Flew. Q3. 10 '15 20 25 88. musters] "masters" (F); Onions states that the original meaning in French was "to show" from the Latin monstrare. 89. latest] last. 92. King. speech head missing, line flush with left margin in Bodleian (Malone) c0py only. 1. F III. ii. begins here; F III. i. missing in quarto. 22. meant to carry coalss] "(a) do degrading service (b) show cowardice," Walter, p. 62. 109 of Henry the fift. Flsu. Looks you, tell the Duke it is not so good To come to the mines: the concuaueties is otherwise. 30 You may discusse to the Duke, the enemy is digd Himselfe fiue yardss vndsr the countermines: By Issus II thinks heels blows vp all If there be no better direction. Enter the Kingyand his Lords alarum. III.2(III.3) King. How yet resolues the Gousrnour of the Towns? This is the latest parley weele admit: Therefore to our best mercie giue your ssluss, Or like to men proud of destruction, defie vs to our worst, 5 For as I am a souldier, a name that in my thoughts Becomes me best, if we begin the battery once againe I will not leaus the halfe atchieued Harflew, Till in her ashes she be buried, The gates of mercie are all shut vp. 10 What say you, will you yesld and this auoyd, Or guiltie in defence be thus destroyd? Enter Gousrnour. Gousr. Our expectation hath this day an end: The Dolphin whom of succour we entreated, 15 Returnss vs word, his powers are not yet ready, To raise so great a siege: therefore dread King, We yesld our towns and lines to thy soft mercie: Enter our gates, dispose of vs and ours, For we no longer are defensiue now. ' 20 Enter Katherine, Allice. III.3(III.4) Kate. Allice venecia, vous aues catos en, Vou parts fort bon Angloys snglatara, Coman sae palla vou la main en francoy. C3 Allice. La 29-9. Moved to bottom of C2v, Q2. 29. Flew. Q2-3. 31. dig'd Q2. 33. Issus Q2, Isshu Q3. 11. auoid Q3. 12. destroid Q3. 15. succout Q3. 1. all in italics Q2—3; Katherine and Alice Q3. 4, Comen Q2. catchword Kate. Q2, Alice. Q3. 30. concuaueties] mine shafts, caves. 1. F III. iii. begins here. Flewellen-Gower-MacMorris-Jamy debate missing in Q. 2. venecia] venez ici. 4. sae palla] s'appelle. . 4. Katherine means to ask "What do you call the hand in English?" 110 The Chronicle Historis Allice. La main madam de ban. 5 Kate. E da bras. Allice. De arma madam. Kate. Le main da han 1a bras do arma. Allice. Owye madam. Kate. E Coman sa pella vow 1a menton a la coll. 10 E? Allice. De neck, e ds cin, madam. 2 Kate. E de neck, e de cin, s ds code. 5 Allice. De cudis ma fey Is oblye, mais Ie rsmsmbre, f Ls tude, 0 ds elbo madam. Kate. Ecowte Ie rehsrsera, towt cella que Iac apoandrs, 15 De han, de arma, de neck, du cin, e de bilbo. Allice. De elbo madam. i Kate. 0 Issu, Ioa obloye ma foy, scouts Is recontera a? De han, de arma, ds neck, de cin, s ds elbo, s ca bon. Allice. Ma foy madam, vow parla au se bon Angloys 20 Asie vous auss sttue en Englatara. Kate. Par 1a grace de deu an pettie tanes, Ie parls millsur Coman se pella vou 1e paid e 1e robe. Allice. Le foot, e 1e con. Kate. Le fet, e 1e con, 5 Issu! Is ne vew poinct parls. 25 Sis plus deuant 1e che cheualires de franca, Pur one million ma foy. Allice. Madam, de foote, e 1e con. Kate. 0 st ill ausis, ecowts Allice, ds han, de arma, De neck, de cin, 1e foote, e de con. 30 Allice. Cet fort bon madam. Kate. Aloues a diner. ' Exit omnes. Enter King of France Lord Constable, the Dolphin, III.4[III.5] apg_Burbon. King. Tis certaine he is past the Riuer Some. 922, Mordeu ma via: Shall a few spranes of vs, The 5-24. Moved to bottom of C3r, Q2. 5. Alice. Q3. 15. rshearsera Q2. .20. May Q3; Angloy Q3; vou Q3. 25. O Iesul Q3; vou Q3. 29. scouts Q3; Alice Q3. 32. dinner Q2. 1. all in italics Q2-3; Fntsr Q2. 2. all in italics Q2-3; Bourbon Q3. 3. Some Q3. catchword Enter Q2, Out- Q3. 10. sa pella] s'appslls.' l4. tude] cuds. 4. Mordeu] Mort du (F). 18. Isa] Je. 4. Spranes] Sprayss (F). 20. vow] vous. 22. tanes] temps. 25. vew] veux. _ 25. "Katherine mistakes these for the salacious 'foutre' and 'con'" (Forker). 2. Burbon] not in F nor in Holinshed as a Council member. 111 of Henry the fift. The emptying of our fathers luxeris, 5 Outgrow their graftsrs. Bur. Normanes, basterd Normanes, mor du REE if they passe vnfoughtwithall,’ Ile sell my Dukedome for a foggy farms In that short nooks Ile of England. 10 Const. Why whence haue they this metall? Is not their clymats raw, foggy and colds. On whom as in disdaine, the Sunne lookss pale? Can barley broath, a drench for swolne Iades Their soddsn water decockt such liuely blood? 15 And shall our quick blood spirited with wins Seems frosty? O for honour of our names, Let vs not hang like forzsn Iicssickles Vpon our houses tOps, while they a more frosty clymats Sweats drops of youthfull blood. 20 King. Constable diSpatch, send Montioy forth, To know what willing raunsoms he will giue? Sonne Dolphin you shall stay in Rons with me. 29$, Not so I do beseech your Maiestie. King. Well, I say it shalbe so. 25 Exeunt omnes. III.5[III.6] ' 7* 1-3%.." hi Enter Gower. E9, How now Captain Flewellen, come you fr6 the bridge? Flew. By Issus thers excellét seruics comittsd at y8 bridge. Gour. Is the Duke of Exeter safe? Flew. The duke of Exeter is a ma whom I loue, & I honor, 5 And I worship, with my souls, and my heart, and my life, And my lands and my linings, And my vttermost powers. The Duke is looks you, God be praised and pleased for it, no harne in the worsll. 10 He is maintain the bridge very gallsntly: there is an Ensigne There, 5-26. Moved to bottom of C3v, Q2. 5. Moved to bottom of C3v, Q3. 9. lessll Q3. 18. Epssicklss Q2, Icssickles Q3. 21. Montioy Q2-3. 23. Rhone Q3. 25. shall be Q3. 1. all in italics Q2-3; apg_Flswellsn Q3. 2. from Q3. 3. thsrss Q2, there's Q3; excellent Q2, excellent Q3; c6mmitted Q2, committed Q3; the Q2-3. 5. man Q3. 11. Moved to top of first two lines, C4v, Q3. catchword Which Q2, He Q3. 15. decockt] "warm, or perhaps infuse" (Walter, p. 73). 23. Rons] Rouen. 112 The Chronicle Historis There,'I do not know how you call him, but by Issus I think He is as valisnt a man as Marks Anthonie, he doth maintain the bridge most gallsntly: yet he is a man of no reckoning: But I did see him do gallant seruics. 15 Gousr. How do you call him. Flew. His name is ancient Pistoll. Gousr. I know him not. Enter Ancient Pistoll. Flew. Do you not know him, here comes the man. 20 Pist. Captains, I thee beseech to do me fauour, The Duke of Exeter doth loue thee well. Flew. I, and I praise God I haue msrrited some loue at (his hands. Pist. Bardolfe a souldier, one of buxsome valour, 25 Hath by furious fate And giddy Fortunes fickle wheels, That Godes blinds that stands vpon the rowling restlesse (stone. Flew. By your patience ancient Pistoll, 30 Fortune, looks you is painted, Plind with a mufler before her eyes, To signifis to you, that Fortune is plind: And she is moreouer painted with a wheels, Which is the morall that Fortune is turning, 35 And inconstant, and variation; and mutabilities: And her fate is fixed at a sphericall stone Which roules, and roules, and roules: Surely the Post is make an excellet descriptio of Fortune. Fortune looks you is and excellent morall. 40 Pist. Fortune is Bardolfes foe, and frownes on him, For he hath stolns a packs, and hanged must he be: A damned death, let gallowes gaps for dogs, Let man go free, and let not death his windpipe stop. But 12-34. Moved to bottom of C4r, Q2. 12. Isshu Q3. 13. valiant Q2-3. 19. all in italics Q2-3. 20. man? Q2. 28. God's Q3. 38. rowlss Q2, rollss Q3. 39. sxcellént Q2, excellent Q3; description Q3. 40. an Q2. 44. Moved to top of Dlr, Q3. catchword Onely Q2, Let Q3. 25. buxsome] a) full chested b) womanly. 27-40. See Walter, pp. 76-77 on Fortune. 42. packs] "Tablet with a projecting handle behind, bearing a represen— tation of the Cruxifixion or other sacred subject, which was kissed by the priest and then by the people at mass" (Onions). 113 of Henry the fift. But Exeter hath giuen the dooms of death, For packs of pettie price: Therefore go speaks, the Duke will heare thy voyce, And let not Bardolfes vitall thresd be cut, With edge of penny cord, and vile approach. Speaks Captains for his life, and I will thee requits. Flew. Captain Pistoll, I partly vndsrstand your meaning. Pist. Why then reioyce therefore. Flew. Certainly Antisnt Pistol, tis not a thing to reioyce at, For if he were my owne brother, I would wish the Duke To do his pleasure, and put him to executions: for look you, Disciplines ought to be kept, they ought to be kept. Pist. Die and be damned, and figa for thy friendship. Flew. That is good. Pist. The figge of Spaine within thy laws. Flew. That is very well. Pist. I say the fig within thy bowels and thy durty maw. Exit Pistoll. Elf: Captain Gour, cannot you hear it lighten & thunder? Gour. Why is this the Ancient you told me of? I remember him now, he is a bawd, a cutpurse. Flew. By Issus hesis vtter as praue words vpon the bridge As you shall desire to see in a sommers day, but its all one, What he hath sed to me, looks you, is all one. 99, Why this is a gull, a fools, a rogue that goes.to the wars Onely to grace himselfe at his returns to London: And such fellowes as he, Are perfect in great Commaunders names. They will learns by rote where seruices were done, At such and such a sconce, at such a breach, At such a conuoy: who came off brauely, who was shot, Who disgraced, what termes the enemis stood on. And this they con perfectly in phrase of warre, Which they trick vp with new tuned oathss, & what a herd Of the Generalls cut, and a horid shout of the camps . D Will 45-69. Moved to bottom of C4v, QZ. 48. thred Q3. 57. a fig Q3. 61. & thy Q3. 63. Gower Q2-3; and Q3. 64. Gow. Q2, Gower. Q3. 45 50 55 60 65 70 75 65. cut-purse Q3. 66. vpo Q2. 67. tis Q3. 77. can Q2. 78. tun'd Q3; And Q3. 75-79. Moved to top of Dlv, Q3. catchword Or Q2, At Q3. 59. figge of Spaine] expletive, accompanied by an obscene gesture. 74. sconce] fort, earthwork. ‘q'.m..7u_~l .n. In"? ‘I 114 The Chronicle Historis Will do among the foming bottles and alewasht wits 80 Is wonderfull to be thought on: but you must learns To know such slaunders of this age, Or else you may maruellously be mistooke. Flew. Certain captain Gower, it is not the man, looks you, That I did take him to be: but when time shall serus, 85 (H I shall tell him a litle of my desires: here comes his Maiestie. I Enter King, Clarence, Gloster. and others. . How now Flewellen, come you from the bridge? Flew. I and it shall please your Maiestie, There is excellent seruics at the bridge. 90 I Kin . What men haue you lost Flewellen? i Flew. And it shall please your Maiestie, ‘ The partition of the aduersarie hath bene great, y Very reasonably great: but for our parts, like you now, ' I thinks we haue lost neuer a man, vnlesse it be one 95 For robbing of a church, one Bardolfe, if your Maiestie Know the man, his face is full of whelkes and knubs, And pumplss, and his breath blowss at his nose Like a cole, sometimes red, sometimes plew: But god be praised, now his nose is executed, & his fire out. 100 King. We would haue all offenders so cut off, And we here giue expresse commaundmsnt, That there be nothing taken from the villages but paid for, None of the French abused, Or abraided with disdainfull language: 105 For when cruelty and lenitie play for a Kingdoms, The gentlest gamester is the sooner winner. Enter French Herauld. Hera. You know me by my habit. K}, well the, we know thee, what shuld we know of thee? 110 Hera. My maisters minds. King. anold it. Heral. Go thee vnto Harry of Englan , and tell him, Aduantage is a better souldier then rashnesse: l: P“ 23 l. Altho 80-101. Moved to bottom of Dlr, Q2. 80. ale-washt Q2. 87. all in italics Q2-3. 94. like you now (deleted Q3). 100. And Q3. 102. here we Q3. 105. vpbraided Q3. 106. & Q2. 108. rhe_Q3. 110. then Q2-3; should Q2-3. 111. Masters Q3. 113. England Q2-3. 105-114. Moved to top of D2r, Q3. catchword I must Q2, Enter Q3. 93. partition] perdition (F); perhaps "division." 105. abraided] vpbrayded (F). 115 of Henry the fift. Altho we did seems dead, we did but slumber. Now we speaks vpon our kue, and our voyce is imperiall, England shall repent her folly: see her rashnesse, And admire our sufferance. Which to raunsoms, His pettinssse would bow vndsr: For the effusion of our blood, his aray is too weake: For the disgrace we haue borne, himselfe Kneeling at our feete, a weake and worthlesse satisfaction. To this, adds defyance. So much from the king my maister. King. What is thy name? we know thy qualitie. Herald. Montioy, King. Thou dost thy office fairs, returns thee backs, And tell thy King, I do not seeks him now: But could be well content, without impeach, To march on to Callis: for to say the sooth, Though tis no wisdoms to confesse so much vnto an enemis of craft and vantage. My souldiers are with sicknesse much infesbled, My Army lessonsd, and those fewe I haue, Almost no better then so many French: Who when they were in heart, I tell thee Herauld, I thought vpon one pairs of English legges, Did march three Frenchmens. Yet forgiue me God, that I do brag thus: This your heirs of France hath blowne this vice in me. I must repent, go tell thy maister here I am, My raunsoms is this frayle and worthlesse body, My Army but a weake and sickly guards. Yet God before, we will come on, If France and such an other neighbor stood in our way: If we may passe, we will: if we be hindered, We shal your tawny ground with you red blood discolour. So Montioy get you gone, there is fer your paines: The sum of all our answers is but this, We would not seeks a battle as we are: D2 Nor 115-139. Moved to bottom of Dlv, Q2. 115. Although Q3. 116. & Q3. 117. our Q2. 130-131. In Parenthesis, Q3. 133. lessened Q2-3. 138. Yet God forgiue ms Q3. 139. airs Q3; This (deleted) Q3. 144-149. Moved to top of D2v, Q3. 146. grofid Q3. 147. there's Q3. 148. your Q2. catchword Your Q2, Yet Q3. 118. Which] As. 128. impeach] hindrance. 139. heirs] ayrs F. 115 120 125 130 135 140 145 I! - 'K'ull-IMIL ‘1 " 116 The Chronicle Historis Nor as we are, we say we will not shun it. Herauld. I shall deliuer so: thanks to your Maiestie. Glos. My Liege, I hope they will not come vpon vs now. King. We are in Gods hand brother, not in theirs: To night we will encampe beyond the bridge, And on to morrow bid them march away. 150 155 Enter Burbon, Constable, Orleance, Gabon. III.6[III.7] Const. Tut I haue the best armour in the world. Orleance. You haue an excellent armour, But let my horse haue his due. Burbon. Now you talks of a horse, I haue a steed like the Palfrey of the sun nothing but pure ayrs and fire, And hath none of this dull element of earth within him. Orleance. He is of the colour of the Nutmeg. Err. And of the heats, a the Ginger. Turns all the sands into eloquent tongues, And my horse is argument for them all: I once writ a Sonnet in the praise of my horse, And began thus. Wonder of nature. 999, I haue heard a Sonnet begin so, In the praise of ones Mistresse. Burb. Why then did they immitate that Which I writ in praise of my horse, For my horse is my mistresse. (Egg. Ma foy the other day, ms thought Your mistresse shooke you shrewdly. gar, I bearing me. I tell thee Lord Constable, My mistresse weares her owne hairs. Egg, I could make as good a boast of that, If I had had a sow to my mistresse. gar, Tut thou wilt make vse of any thing. Egg, Yet I do not vse my horse for my mistresse. Ear, Will it neuer be morning? Ile ride too morrow a mile, And my way shalbe pausd with English faces. 9251.- By 150-19. Moved to bottom of D2r, Q2. 150. shall Q2. 152. now? Q2. 1. all in italics Q2-3; and Q3. 9. of Q3. 12. in praise of Q2. 10 15 20 25 13. Wonder of nature Q2. 19. me-thought Q3. 24. If I had a sow Q2-3. 29. shall be Q3. 21-29. Moved to tOp of D3r, Q3. catchword Con. Q2, Bur. Q3. Burbon, Gsbon] Dauphin, Rambures in F. . Palfrey of the sun] Pegasus, although "Palfrey," a lady's horse, suggests effeminacy. ' 0"!“ 8. colour of the Nutmeg] a bay in color, symbolizing the element air. 9. heats, a the Ginger] a bright sorrel, indicating the element fire. 117 of Henry the fift. Egg, By my faith so will not I, For fears I be outfaced of my way. Bur. Well ile go arme my selfe, hay. EEan. The Duke of Burbon longs for morning Or. I he longs to eats the English. Egg, I thinks heels eats all he killes. Orle. 0 peace, ill will neuer said well. Egg, Ile cap that prouerbe, With there is flattery in friendship. Er. O sir, I can answers that With giue the diuel his due. Egg, Haue at the eye of that prouerbe, With a Iogge of the diuel. Er, Well the Duke of Burbon, is simply, The most actiue Gentleman of France. Egg, Doing his actiuitie, and heels stil be doing. Er, He neuer did hurt as I heard off. Egg, No I warrant you, nor neuer will. Er, I hold him to be exceeding valiant. Con. I was told so by one that knows him better the you. Er, Whose that? Egg, Why he told me so himself: And said he cared not who knew it. Er, Well who will go with me to hazard, For a hundred English prisoners? Egg, You must go to hazard your selfe, Before you haue them. Enter a Messenger. Mess. My Lords, the English lye within a hundred Paces of your Tent. Egg, Who hath measured the ground? Mass. The Lord Granpeere. Egg, A valiant man, a. an expert Gentleman. Come, come away: The Sun is his, and we wears out the day. Exit omnes. D3 Enter 30—54. Moved to bottom of D2v, Q2. 31. out-faced Q3. 35. hee'l Q3. 36. neuer neuer Q2. 38. thsrss Q2, there's Q3. 45. & Q2; hse'l Q3. 30 35 40 45 50 55 60 49. then Q2-3. 62. & Q2, man, an Q3. 56-64. Moved to top of D3v, Q3. 63-64. From F Iv. ii. 62-63. catchword King. Q2,‘Before Q3. 42. Iogge] pox (F). 53. hazard] wager. 118 The Chronicle Historis Enter the King disguised, to him Pistoll. ' IV.1 Pist. Ks ve la? King. A friend. Pist. Discus vnto me, art thou Gentleman? Or art thou common, base, and popeler? . 5 Kin . No sir, I am a Gentleman of a Company. Pist. Trailes thou the puissant pike? ' Euen so sir. What are you? Pist. As good a gentleman as the Emperour. ' 0 then thou art better then the King? 10 Pist. The kings a bago, and a hart of gold. Pist. A lad of life, an impe of fame: Of parents good, of fist most valiant: I kis his durtie shoe: and from my hart strings I loue the lonely bully. What is thy name? 15 King, Harry 1e Roy. ' ' Pist. Le Roy, a Cornish man: Art thou of Cornish crew? 532: No sir, I am a Wealchman. Pist. A Wealchman: knowst thou Flewellen? 20 gig, I sir, he is my kinsman. Pist Art thou his friend? L L: l~‘ :3 W H La Kin. It sorts well with your fiercenesse. 25 Pist. Pistoll is my name. Exit Pistoll. Enter Gower and Flewellen. ' Gour. Captains Flewellen. Flew. In the name of Iesu speaks lewer. 30 It is the greatest folly in the worell, when the auntient Prerogatiues of the warres be not kept. I warrant you, if you looks into the warres of the Romanes, You shall finds no tittle tattle, nor bible bable there: But 1-25. Moved to bottom of D3r, Q2. 1. Erpingham scene (F IV.i. 1-34) missing. 1. Enter King Q2; all in italic Q2-3. 4. thou a Q3. 6. Knig. Q2. 10. the King, Q3. 16. all in italic Q3. 17. Le Roy Q3. 27. all in italic Q2-3. 30. lower Q3. 33. Romanes Q3. 26-34. Moved to top of D4r, Q3. catchword Therefore Q2, Pist. Q3. 5. popeler] popular, common, low. 10. bago] fine fellow (Onions); "Bawcock" F. 11. Pist. Speech head removed Q2-3. l4. bully] fine fellow. 30. lewer] fewer (F); See Walter, p. 96. 32. Prerogatiues] superior principles. 119 of Henry the fift. But you shall finds the cares, and the fsarss, And the ceremonies, to be otherwise. Gour. Why the enemy is loud: you heard him all night. Flew. Godes sollud, if the enemy be an Asse & a Fools, And a prating cocks-come, is it meet that we be also a fools, And a prating cocks-come, in your conscience now? Gour. Ile speaks lower. Flew. I beseech you do, good Captains Gower. Exit Gower, and Flewellen. Krg, Tho it appears a litle out of fashion, Yet thsrss much care in this. Enter three Souldiers. 1. Soul. Is not that the morning yonder? 2. Soul. I we see the beginning, God knowes whether we shall see the end or no. 3. Sggl, Well I thinke the king could wish himselfe Vp to the necks in the middle of the Thames, And so I would he were, at all aduentures, and I with him. Krg, Now masters god morrow, what chears? 3. S. I faith small cheer some of vs is like to haue, Ere this day ends. Krg, Why fear nothing man, the king is froliks. 2. S. I he may be, for he hath no such cause as we Krg, Nay say not so, he is a man as we are. The Violet smels to him as to vs: Therefore if he see reasons, he feares as we do. 2. Sgl, But the king hath a heauy reckoning to make, if his cause be not good: when all those soules Whose bodies shall be slaughtered here, Shall ioyne together at the latter day, And say E_dyed at such a place. Some swearing: Some their wiuss rawly left: Some leauing their children poore behind them. Now 35-59. Moved to bottom of D3v, Q2. 44. there's Q2-3. 53. good Q3. 55. day to an end Q3. 57. he may, for Q2. 59. vnto Q3. 61-67. Moved to top of D4v, Q3. catchword Euery Q2, 2. Soul. Q3. 38. Godes sollud] Not in F. I have been unable to find any reference to its possible meaning, but I presume it is a euphemistically phrased expletive. 35 40 45 50 55 60 65 12C) The Chronicle Historis Now if his cause be bad, I think it will be a greeuous matter (to him: King. Why so you may say, if a man send his ssruant 70 As Factor into another Countrey, And he by any meanes miscarry, You may say the businesse of the maister, Was the author of his seruants misfortune. Or if a sonne be imployd by his father, 75 And he fall into any leaud action, you may say the father Was the author of his sonnes damnation. But the master is not to answers for his seruants, The father for his sonne, nor the king for his subiscts: For they purpose not their deaths, whe they craus their ssr- 80 Some there are that haue the gift of premeditated (uices: Murder on them: Others the broken seals of Forgery, in beguiling maydens. Now if these outstrip the laws, Yet they cannot escape Gods punishment. 85 War is Gods Beadel. War is Gods vengeance: Euery mans seruics is the kings: But eusry mans souls is his owns. Therfors I would haue eusry souldier examine himselfe, And wash eusry moath out of his conscience: 90 That in so doing, he may be the readier for death: Or not dying, why the time was well spent, Wherein such preparation was made. 3. Lord. Yfaith he saies true: Euery mans fault on his owne head, 95 I would not haue the king answers for me. Yet I intend to fight lustily for him. King. Well, I heard the king, he wold not be ransomds. 2. E, I he said so, to make vs fight: But when our throates be cut, he may be ransomde, 100 And we neuer the wiser. King. If I line to see that, Ile neuer trust his word againe. 2. Lord, 68—94. Moved to bottom of D4r, Q2. 74. mis-fortune Q3. 76. leud Q3. 80. When Q3, seruices Q3. 84. out-strip Q3. 94. Soul. Q2-3. 95. fault is on Q3. 98. king wold Q3. 99. Egl, Q2-3. 96-102. Moved to top of Elr, Q3. catchword In Q2, I Q3. 81. gift] guilt F. 84. broken seals of Forgery] broken Seales of Periurie F. 84. outstrip] outrun, avoid. 90. moath] mote; Moth F. 121 of Henryythe fift. 2. Sol. Mas youle pay him then, tis a great diSpleasure That—ah elder gun, can do against a cannon, Or a subiect against a monarke. Youle nere take his word again, your a nasse goe. King. Your reproofe is somewhat too bitter: Were it not at this time I could be angry. 2. Sgl, Why let it be a quarrell if thou wilt. King. How shall I know thee? 2. 591: Here is my gloue, which if susr I see in thy hat, Ile challenge thee, and strike thee. grg, Here is likewise another of mine, And assure thee ile weare it. 2. Sgr, Thou dar'st as well be hangd. 3. Sgr, Be friends you fooles, We haue French quarrels anow in hand: We haue no need of English broyles. Erg, Tis no treason to cut French crownss, For to morrow the king himselfe wil be a clipper. Exit the souldiers. Enter the King, Gloster, Epingam, ang» Attendants. E, O God of battels steels my souldiers harts, Take from them now the sence of rekconing, That the apposed multitudes which stand before them, May not appall their courage. 0 not to day, not to day 6 God, Thinks on the fault my father made, In compassing the crowns. I Richards bodie haue interred new, And on it hath bestowd more contrite tearss, Then from it issued forced drops of blood: A hundred men haue I in yearly pay, E .Which 103-129. Moved to bottom of D4v, Q2. 106. You'l Q3; you are an asse goe Q2. 111. Here's Q3. 113. Kere Q2. 114. And ile assure Q2. 115. hang'd Q2. 117. snow Q3. 122. Enter to the Q3, Glocester Q3, Epingham Q3. 125. reckoning Q2-3. 126. opposed Q2. 128. 0 Q3. 132. bestow'd Q3. 129-134. Moved to top of Elv, Q3. catchword No Q2, Thinks Q3. 104. elder gunlpop-gun made of eldsrwood. 122-123. Erpingham alone enters in F, speaks two lines, and exits before Henry begins "0 God of battles." The "Upon the King!" soliloquy is missing in Q. 105' 110 115 120 125 130 122 The Chronicle Historis Which eusry day their withered hands hold Vp 135 To heauen to pardon blood, And I haue built two chanceries, more wil I do: Tho all that I can do, is all too litle. Enter Gloster. Glost. My Lord. 140 King. My brother Glosters voyce. Glost. My Lord, the Army stayes vpon your presence. King. Stay Glostsr stay, and I will go with thee, The day my friends, and all things stayes for me. Enter Clarence, Glostsr, Exeter, and Salisburie. IV.2[IV.3] ar. My Lords the French are very strong. xe. There is fiue to one, and yet they all are fresh. ar. Of fighting men they haue full fertis thousand. Ear, The oddss is all too great. Farewell kind Lords: 5 Braue Clarence, and my Lord of Gloster, My Lord of Warwicke, and to all farewell. Clar. Farewell kind Lord, fight valiantly to day, And yet in truth, I do thee wrong, For thou art made on the rrue sparkes of honour. 10 Enter King. war, 0 would we had but ten thousand men Now at this instant, that doth not works in England. n . Whose that, that wishes so, my Cousen Warwick? Gods will, I would not loose the honour 15 One man would share from me, Not for my Kingdoms. No faith my Cousen, wish not one man more, Rather proclaims it presently through our camps, That he that hath no stomacke to this feast, 20 Let him depart, his paSport shall bee drawne, And crownss for conuoy put into his purse, 2: til I S. E. We 135-17. Moved to bottom of Elr, Q2. 138. Though Q3. 141. Glosters Q3. 143. Glostsr Q3. 1. all in italics Q2-3; & Q3. 3. There's; are all Q3. 10. true Q2-3. 11. Enter the King. Q2. 18-22. Moved to top of E2r, Q3. catchword King. Q2, No Q3. 2. war,] Westmorland in F. 4. full fortie thousand] "full threescore thousand" F. 12. Ear,] Westmorland F. 15. Gods will] Gods peace F. 123 of Henry the fift. We would not die in that mans company, That feares his fellowship to die with vs. This day is called the day of Cryspin, 25 He that outliues this day, and sees old age, Shall stand a tiptoe when this day is named, And rowse him at the name of CrySpin. He that outliues this day, and comes safe home, Shall yearely on the vygill feast his friends, 30 And say, to morrow is S. Cryspines day: Then shall we in their flowing bowles Be newly remembred. Harry the King, Bedford and Exeter, Clarence and Gloster, Warwick and Yorke. 35 Familiar in their mouthes as houshold words. This story shall the good man tell his sonne, And from this day, vnto the generall dooms: But we in it shall be remembred. We fewe, we happie fewe, we bond of brothers, 40 For he to day that shsads his blood by mine, Shalbe my brother: be he nere so base, This day shall gentle his condition. Then shall he strip his sleeues, and shew his skars, And say, these wounds I had on CriSpines day: 45 And Gentlemen in England now a bed, Shall thinks themsslues accurst, And hold their manhood cheape, "While any speaks that fought with vs vpon Saint Crispines day. 50 Glost. My gracious Lord, The French is in the field. gig. Why all things are ready, if our minds be so. Ear, Perish the man whose mind is backward now. King. Thou dost not wish more help fr6 England cousen? 55 flgr, Gods will by Liege, would you and I alone, Without more helps, might fight this battle out. E2 King. Why 23-52. Moved to bottom of Elv, Q2. 26. out-lines Q3. 29. out-lines Q3. 42. Shall be Q3. 44. sleeues & Q3. 55. from Q3. 55-57. Moved to top of E2v, Q3. catchword Thayle Q2, King. QB. 40. bond of brothers] band of brothers F. 48-50. "They were not there, when any Speakes/ That fought with vs vpon S. Crispines day." (Q3) \“ LES ‘VVIJ 3" fl 124 The Chronicle Historis Why well said. That doth please me better, Then to wish me one. You know your charge, God be with you all. ' Enter the Herald from the French. Herald. Once more I come to know of thee king Henry, What thou wilt giue for raunsoms? Egg, Who hath sent thee now? flgr, The Constable of France. $12: I prethy bears my former answer backs: Bid them atchieus me, and then sell my bones. Good God, why should they mock good fellows The man that once did sell the_Lions skin, (thus? While the beast liued, was kild with hunting him. A many of our bodies shall no doubt Finds grauss within your realms of France: Tho buried in your dunghills, we shalbe famed, For there the Sun shall greets them, And draw vp their honors reaking vp to heauen, Leauing their earthly parts to choke your clyme: Tho smsl wherof, shall breed a plague in France: Marks then abundant valour in our English, That being dead, like to the bullets erasing, Breakes forth into a second course of mischiefe, Killing in relaps of mortalitie: Let me speaks proudly, Ther's not a peece of feather in our camps, Good argument I hope we shall not flye: And time hath worne vs into flouendry. But by the mas, our hearts are in the trim, And my souldiers tel me, yet ere night Thayle be in fresher robes, or they will plucke The gay new cloathes or your French souldiers eares, And turns them out of seruice. If they do this, As if it please God they shall, Then shall our ransome soone be leuied. Saue 58-87. Moved to bottom of E2r, Q2. 73. Though Q3; shall be Q2-3. 86. are trim Q2. 88. They'l Q3. 92. rausome be leuied Q2. 88-92. Moved to top of E3r, QB. catchword Come Q2, They'l Q3. 67. atchieus] overcome, capture. 69-70. sell the Lions skin . . . hunting him] Aesop's fable of the Hunter and the Countryman (Walter, pp. 114-115 and Humphreys, p. 207). 74-76. For there the Sun . . . your clyme] Honor, whose element is fire, will be attracted to the Sun, although the bodies will remain on earth and pollute the air (Walter, p. 115). 79. erasing] grazing, ricocheting; Humphreys suggests "shattering.” 81. relaps] decomposition. 85. flouendry] slovenrie (F). 60 65 70 75 80 85 90 125 of Henryrthe fift. Saue thou thy labour Herauld: Come thou no more for ransom, gentle Herauld. They shall haue nought I swears, but these my bones: ' 95 Which if they haue, as r_wil leaus am them, Will yesld them litle, tell the Constable. Egr, I shall deliuer so. " Exit Herauld. Yorke. My gracious Lord, vpon my knee $_craus, 100 The leading of the vaward. Elfin Take it braue Yorke. Come souldiers lets away: And as thou pleasest God, dispose the day. Exit. Enter the foure French Lords. IV.3[IV.2] Eg, O diabello. Const. Mor du ma vie. Er, 0 what a day is this! Egr, O Iour dei houte all is gone, all is lost. 5 Egg, We are inough yet lining in the field, To smother vp the English, If any order might be thought vpon. Egr, A plague of order, once more to the field, And he that will not follow Burbon now, 10 Let him go home, and with his cap in hand, Like a bace leno hold the chamber doors, Why least by a slaue no gentler then my dog, His fairest daughter is contamuracke. Egg, Disorder that hath spoyld vs, right vs now, , 15 Come we in heapes, weele offer vp our liuss vnto these English, or else die with fame. Come, come along, Lets dye with honour, our shame doth last too long. Exit omnes. 20 Enter 93-17. Moved to bottom of E2v, Q2. 96. vm QB. 102. let's Q3. 3. Mordu Q2. 6. snow Q3. 9. more to field Q2. 12. base Q2-3. 16. wee'l QB. 18-20. Moved to top of EBV, Q3. catchword Follow Q2, Come QB. 1. This scene fellows the Pistoll-Frenchman scene (E3v, Q1) in F. 5. O Iour dei houte] corruption of O jour de honte; F has "0 signeur 1e iour st psrdia, touts et perdie." 12. bace leno] "leno" possibly from "lenonian" from Latin "lenonius," that is, belonging to a bawd; "base Pander" F. 13. Why least] Whilst (F). 14. contamuracke] contaminated (F). 126 The Chronicle Historis Enter Pistoll, the French mag, and the Bgy. IV.3[IV.4] Pist. Eyld cur, eyld cur. ‘ French. 0 Monsire, is vous en pres auss petie de moy. Pist. Moy shall not serus. E_wi11 haue fortie moys. Boy asks him his name. 5 Egy, Comant ettes vous apelles? French. Monsier Fer. Egy, He saies his name is Master Egr, Pist. ile Fer him, and fsrit him, and forks him: Boy discus the same in French. 10 Egy, Sir I do not know, whats French For fer, ferit, and fearkt. Pist. Bid him prepare, for I wil cut his throats. Egy, Feats, vou preat, ill voullss coupele votre gage. Pist. Onye ma foy couple la gorge. 15 anssse thou giue to me egregious raunsoms, dye. One poynt of a foxe. French. Qui dit ill monsiere, Ill ditye si vou ny vouly pa domy luy. 32y. La gran ransoms, ill vou tusres. 20 French. 0 Ies vous en pri pettit gentelhoms, parls A cee, gran capataine, pour auez mercie A moy, ey Iee donerees pour mon ransoms Cinquante ocios, Is suyes vngentelhome de France. Pist. What sayes he boy? ’ 25 Egy, Marry sir he sayes, he is a Gentleman of a great House, of France: and for his ransoms, He will giue you 500. crownss. Pist. My fury shall abate, And I the Crownes will take. - 30 And as I suck blood, I will some mercie show. Follow me our. Exit omnes. Enter the King and his Nobles, Pistoll. ‘ IV.4[IV.6]' King. What the French retire? Yet 1-31. Moved to bottom of E3r, Q2. 3. Monsieur Q3.‘ 5. asks his name Q3. 7._Monsisur Q3. 8. Fer QB. 12. ferks Q2, fearke QB. 14. gorge QB. 17. One point of a Foxe Q2, point; fOx Q3. 18. monsieur Q3. 22. Captains Q3. 1. all in italics Q2-3; Kingywith his Q2, Nobles and Q2-3. 32-2. Moved to top of E4r, Q3. catchword I must Q2, Folow Q3. 2. Eyld cur] Yeeld cur (F); "eyld" is obscure Spelling of "yield." 9. ferit him] worry him like a ferret. 9. ferks] firk, whip. 14. Feats, vou prest . . . gage] faites vous prest . . . gorge (F). 15. Onye] Owy (F). 17. One poynt of a foxe] on point of fox (F); f0x] short sword. 19-20. Egy speech head should begin at 19. The French should possibly be understood as: "11 dit que Si vous ne vouliez pas donner lui 1a rancon, i1 vous tuerez." 24. ocios] esous (F). 127 of Henry the fift. Yet all is not done, yet keeps the French the field. Egg, The Duke of Yorke commends him to your Grace. King. Liues he good thkle, twise I saws him downs, Twise vp againe: From helmet to the Spurre, all bleeding ore. Egg, In which aray, braue souldier doth he dye, Larding the plainss, and by his bloody side, Yoake fellow to his honour dying wounds, The noble Earle of Suffolke also lyes. Suffblke first dyde, and Yorke all hasted ore, Comes to him where in blood he lay steept, And takes hintby the beard, kisses the gashes That bloodily did yans vpon his face, And cryde aloud, tary deare cousin Suffolke: My souls shall thine keep company in heauen: Tary deare souls awhile, then flie to rest: And in this glorious and well foughten field, We kept togither in our chiualdry. vpon Qhese words I came and cheerd them vp, He tooke me by the hand, said deare my Lord, Commend my seruics to my soueraigne. E9 did he turns, and ouer Suffo1kes necks He threw his wounded arms, and so espoused to death, With blood he sealed. An argument Of neuer ending loue. The pretis and sweet maner of it, Forst those waters from.ms, which I wound haue stopt, But I not so much of man in me, ' But all my mother came into my eyes, And gaue me vp to tsares. gig, I blame you not: for hearing you, I must conusrt to teares. ‘ Alarum soundes. What new alarum is this? Bid eusry souldier kill his prisoner. Pist. Couple gorge. Exit omnes. Enter 3-32. Moved to bottom of EBV, Q2. 3. als Q3. 10. Yoake-fellow; honour-dying Q3. 11. Suffolke lyes Q2. 12. all wounded ore QB.‘ 13. lay all steept QB. 19. well-foughten QB. 27. neuer-ending Q3; pretis & sweet Q2. 28. Forc'd Q3. 29. I had not Q3. 34-37. Moved to tOp of E4v, Q3; catchword In Q2, Alarum Q3. 3. the French keepes still the field] Q3. 12. hasted] hagled [hacked] (F). Cf. Hamlet, II. ii. 481 "impasted." 15. yans] yawn. .’ ""’ 21. nhese] "t" not inverted in both Q2 and Q3. 10 15 20 25 30 35 “a! 7..-..1' u u v . 128 The Chronicle Historis Enter Flewellen, and Captains Gower. IV.5[IV.7] Flew. Godes plud kil the boyss and the lugyge, Tis the arrants peecs of knauery as can be desired, In the worell now, in your conscience now. Gour. This certaine, there is not a Boy left aliue. And the cowerdly rascals that ran from the battell, Themselues haue done this slaughter: Beside, they haue carried away and burnt, All that was in the kings Tent: Whervpon the king caused eusry prisoners Threat to be cut. 0 he is a worthy king. Flew. I he was born at Monmorth. Captain Gower, what call you the place where Alexander the big was borne? Gour. Alexander the great. Flew. Why I pray, is nat big great? As if I say, big or great, or magnanimous, I hope it is all one reconing, Saue the frase is a litle varation. Gour. I thinks Alexander the great Was borne at Macedon. His father was called Philip of Macedon, As £_take it. Flew. l_thinks it was Macedon indeed where Alexander Was borne: looks you captains Gower, And if you looks into the mappes of the worell well, You shall finds litle difference betweene Macedon and Monmorth. Looks you, there is A Riuer in Macedon, and there is also a Riuer En Monmorth, the Riuers name at Monmorth, is called Wye. But tis out of my brains, what is the name of the other: But tis all one, tis so like, as my fingers is to my fingers, And there is Samons in both. Looks you captains Gower, and you marks it, You 1-29. Moved to bottom of E4r, Q2. 5. there's Q3. 6. fro Q2. 11. Oh Q3. 12. Monmouth Q3. 15. great? Q2. 16. not Q3. 18. tis 20. Mscedon Q2. 33. to fingers Q3. 29-35. Moved top of Flr, Q3. catchword That Q2, A Q3. 34. Samons] salmon. 10 15 20 25 30 35 Q3. 129 of Henry the fift. You shall finds our King is come after Alexander. God knowes, and you know, that Alexander in his Bowles, and his alles, and his wrath, and his displeasures, And indignations, was kill his friend Clitus. Gower. E_but our King is not like him in that, For he neuer killd any of his friends. Flew. Looks you, tis not well done to take the tale out Of a mans mouth, ere it is made an end and finished: ,I speaks in the comparisons, as Alexander is kill His friend Clitus: so our King being in his ripe Wits and iudgsments, is turns away, the fate knits With the great belly doublet: I am forget his name.v Gower. Sir Iohn Falstaffe. Flew. I, I thinks it is Sir Iohn Falstaffe indeed, I can tell you, thsrss good men borne at Monmorth. Enter Kigg_and the Lords. King. I was not angry since E_came into France, Vhtill this hours. Take a trumpet Herauld, And ride vnto the horsmen on yon hill: If they will fight with vs bid them come downs, Or leaus the field, they do offend our Sight: Will they do neither, we will come to them, And make them skyr away, as fast As stones snforst from the old Assirian slings. Besides, weele cut the throats of those we haue, And not one aliue shall taste our mercy. Enter the Herauld. Gods will what meanes this? knowst thou not That we haue fined these bones of ours for ransoms? Herald. I come great king fer charitable fauour, To sort our Nobles from our common men, We may haue leaus to bury all our dead, Which in the field lye spoyled and troden on. gig, I tell thee truly Herauld, I do not know whether F The 36-64. Moved to bottom of E4v, Q2. 38. his wrath, his Q3. 50. there's Q2-3. 51. Enter the King and Lords Q2, Enter the Kigg 4O 45 50 55 60 65 70 and his Lords Q3. 63-70. Moved to top of Flv, Q3. catchword Flew. Q2, Enter Q3. 38. alles] ales. 37-50. See Walter, p. 124 on Flewellen's comparison of Alexander and Henry. 59. skyr] sker (F)] scurry. 60. As stones . . . Slings] Book of Judith. ix. 7. 65. fined] wagered. 130 The Chronicle Historis The day be ours or no: For yet a many of your French do keep the field. Hera. The day is yours. Egg, Praised be God therefOre. What Castle call you that? 75 Hera. We call it Agincourt. Egg, Then call we this the field of Agincourt. Fought on the day of Cryspin, Cryspin. Flew. Your grandfather of famous msmorie, If your grace be remembred, 80 Is do good seruics in France. Egg, Tis true Flewellen. Flew. Your Maiestie sayes verie true. And it please your Maiestie, The Wealchmen there was do good seruics, 85 In a garden where Leekes did grow. And I thinks your Maiestie wil take no scorne, To wears a Leaks in your cap vpon S. Dauies day. Egg, No Flewellen, for I ammwsalch as well as you. Flew. All the water in Eyg_wi1 not wash your wealch 90 Blood out of you, God keep it, and preserue it, To his graces will and pleasure. gig. Thankes good countryman. Flew. By Issus I am your Maiesties countryman: I care not who know it, so long as your maiesty is an honest 95 5, God keep me so. Our Herald go with him, (man. And bring vs the number of the scattred French. Exit Heralds. Call yonder souldier hither. Flew. You fellow come to the king. 100 Eiflr Fellow why doost thou weare that glous in thy hat? Soul. And please your maiestie, this a rascals that swagard With me the other day: and he hath one of mine, Which if susr I see, I haue sworne to strike him. So 71-99. Moved to bottom of Flr, Q2. 72. yet many Q2. 78. CriSpin, Crispianus QB.' 87. wil no Q2. 93. Countrey-man QB. 95. kno Q3. 102. swag-gard Q3. 103. mine, the Q3. 99-104. Moved to t0p of F2r, Q3. catchword Flew. Q2, Call QB. 79. grandfather] Edward III, Henry's great-grandfather, since John of Gaunt, Henry's grandfather, was six-years-old at the time of the battle of Cressy. 85-88. The leek was worn on St. David's Day (March 1) to commemorate a British victory over the Saxons in 540 C. E. Walter states that there is no proof other than Flewellen's statenent concerning service done by Welshmsn in a garden of leeks. 102. swagard] bandied insolently. 131 of Henry the fift. So hath he sworne the like to me. K. How think you Flewellen, is it lawfull he keep his oath? E}, And it please your maiesty, tis lawful he keep his vow. If he be periur'd once, he is as arrant a beggerly knaue, As treads vpon too blacke shues. Egg, His enemy may be a gentleman of worth. Flew. And if he be as good a gentleman as Lucifer And Belzebub, and the diuel himselfe, Tis meets he keeps his vows. Kin. Well Sirrha keep your word. Vnder what Captain seruest thou? Soul. vndsr Captains Gower. Flew. Captains Gower is a ”good Captains: And ”hath good littrature in the warres. Erg, Go call him hither. Sggr, I will my Lord. Exit souldier. gig, Captain Flewellen, when Alonson and I was Downs together, E_tooke this glous off from his helmet, Here Flewellen, weare it. if any do challenge it, He is a friend of Alonsons, And an enemy to mes. gig, Your maiestie doth me as great a fauour As can be desired in the harts of his subiscts. E_would see that man now that should chalenge this glous: And it please God of his grace. E_would but see him, That is all. ‘ Kin. Flewellen knowst thou Captains Gower? €12: Captains Gower is my friend. And if it like your maiestie, £_know him very well. Egg, Go call him hither. Flew. E will and it shall please your maiestie. Egg, Follow Flewellen closely at the heeles, The glous he weares, it was the souldiers: F2 It 105-135. Moved to bottom of Flv, Q2. 105. hath he the like Q3. 107. lawful to keep Q3. 122. and I Q3. 123. glous from's Q3. 124. were Q2; any challenge Q3. 129. wold Q3. 134-138. Moved to top of F2v, QB. catchword King. Q2, And Q3. 105 110 115 120 125 130 135 132 The Chronicle Historis It may be there will be harms betweene them, For I do know Flewellen valiant, 140 And being toucht, as hot as gunpowder: ~ And quickly will returns an iniury. Go see there be no harme betweene them. Enter Gower, Flewellen, and the Souldier. _ Flew. Captain Gower, in the name of Issu, 145 Come to his Maiestie, there is more good toward you, .- Then you can dreams off. Soul. Do you heare you sir? do you know this glous? Flew. I know the the glous is a glous. Soul. Sir I know this, and thus I challenge it. 150 I I-» . He strikes him. by Elsa, Gods plut, and his. Captain Gower stand away: . Ile giue treason his due presently. Enter the King, Warwicke, Clarence, and Exeter. Kin, How now, what is the matter? ‘ 155 Flew. And it shall please your Maiestie, ' Here is the notablest peecs of treason come to light, As you shall desire to see in a sommers day. Here is a rascall, beggerly rascall, is strike the glous, Which your Maiestie tooke out of the helmet of Alonson: 160 And your Maiestie will bears me witnes, and testimony, And Auouchments, that this is the glous. Soul. And it please your Maiestie, that was my glous. He that I gaue it too in the night, Promised ms to weare it in his hat: 165 I promised to strike him if he did. 7 I met that Gentleman, with my glous in his hat, And I thinks I haue bene as good as my word. Flew. Your Maiestie heares, vndsr your Maiesties Manhood, what a beggerly lowsie knaue it is. 170 Kin, Let me see thy glous. Looks you, This is the fellow of it. It was I indeed you promised to strike. And 139-169. Moved to bottom of F2r, Q2. 141. Gun-powder Q3. 146. towards Q3. 148. Flew. Q2; sir, Q3. 149. the glous Q2-3. 152. Gods Q3. 155. now? Q3; Whats Q3. 159. rascll Q2. 160. maiesty in person Q3. 161. witnesses Q3; testimonies Q3. 165. in's Q3. 170. man-hoods Q3. 161-173. Moved to top of F3r, Q3. catchword French Q2. 153. Gods plut] 'Sblud (F). 133 of Henry the fift. And thou thou hast giuen me most bitter words. How canst thou make vs amends? 175 Flew. Let his necks answers it, If there be any marshals laws in the worsll. Soul, My liege, all offences come from the heart: Neuer came any from mine to offend your Maiestie. You appeard to me as a common man: 180 Witnesse the night, your garments, your lowlinesse, And whatsoeuer you received vndsr that habit, I beseech your Maiestie impute it to your owne fault And not mine. For your selfe came not like your selfe: Had you bene as you seemed, I had made no offence. . 185 Therefore I beseech your grace to pardon me. Kin, Vnckle, fill the glous with crownss, And giue it to the souldier. Wears it fellow, As an honour in thy cap, till I do challenge it. Giue him the crownss. Come Captains Flewellen, 190 I must needs haue you friends. Flew, By Issus, the fellow hath mettall enough In his belly. Harke you souldier, there is a shilling for you, And keep your selfe out of brawles & brables, & dissentios, And looks you, it shall be the better for you. 195 $221, Ile none of your money sir, not I. Flew. Why tis a good shilling man. Why should you be queamish? Y our shoes are not so good: It will serus you to mend your shoes. Kin, What men ofsort are taken vnckle? 200 Exe. Charles Duke of Orleance, Nephew to the King, Iohn Duke of Burbon, and Lord Bowchguall, Of other Lords and Barrons, Knights and Squiers, Full fifteene hundred, besides common men. This note doth tell me of ten thousand 205 French, that in the field lyes slaine. Of Nobles bearing banners in the field, F3 Charles 174-205. Moved to bottom of F2v, Q2. 174. And thou hast Q2-3. 180. me but as Q3. 184. not to mine Q3. 185. seemed then to me Q3; offence, my gracious Lord Q3. 193. silling Q3. 194. & keep Q3; prabbles Q3; dissenti5ns QZ; and dissentions QB. 197. silling Q3. 198. sqeamish Q2. 199. serus to Q2. 202. Bouchquall Q2-3. 203. Squires Q3. 189-207. Moved to top of F3v, Q3. catchword Gog, Q2, And Q3. 198. queamish] pashfull (F). 202. brables] squabbles. 202. Bowchqualll Bouchiquald (F)] Bouciqualt. 134 The Chronicle Historis Charles de le Brute, his Constable of France. Iagues of Chattillian, Admirall of France. ,The Maister of the crosbows, Iohn Duke Aloson. Lord Ranbisres, his Maister of France. The braue sir Gwigzard, Dolphin. Of Nobells Charillas, Gran Pris, and Rosse, Fawconbridge and F22, Gerard and Verton. Vandemant and Lestra. Here was a royall fellowship of death. Where is the nunber of our English dead? Edward the Duke of Yorke, the Earle of Suffolke, Sir Richard Ketly, Dauy Gam Esquier: And of all other, but fiue and twentie. O God thy arms was here, And vnto thee alone, ascribe we praise. When without strategem, And in euen shock of battle, was susr heard So great, and litle losse, on one part and an other. Take it God, for it is onely thine. Egg, Tis wonderfull. King. Come let vs‘go on procession through the camp: Let it be death proclaimed to any man, To boast hereof, or take the praise from God, Which is his due. Flew. Is it lawful, and it please your Maiestie, To tell how many is kild? King. Yes Flewellen, but with this acknowledgement, That God fought for vs. Flew. Yes in my conscience, he did vs great good. King. Let there be sung,Nououes and te Deum. The dead with charitie enterred in clay: Weele then to Calice, and to England then, Where nere from France, arriude more happier men. Exit omnes. Enter Gower, and Flewellen. Gower. But why do you weare your Leeks to day? Saint 208-1. Moved to bottom of F3r, Q2. 208. Constable Q3. 210 215 220 225 230 235 210. Crossebowes Q3; A15nson Q2, Alonson Q3. 211. Rambieres Q3. 215. Heeres Q3; King. speech head in Q2-3. 217. Exe. speech head in Q2—3. 218. line deleted Q2; Esquire Q3. 219. all the other Q3. 220. King. speech head in Q2-3. 223. euen in Q3. 224. another? Q3. 225. it 0 God Q3. 228. proclaim'd Q3. 237. enter'd Q3. 239. arriu'd Q3. 222-2. Moved to top of F4r, Q3. catchword Flew. QZ, When Q3. 208. ds 1e Brute] Delabrésh (F). 213. Fox] Foycs (F). 236. Nououss] Non nobis (F). 209. Chattillian] Chatillon. 211. Ranbisres] Rambures (F). 212. Gwigzard, Dolphin] Guichard Dolphin (F). 212. Nobells Charillas] Not in F, memorial reconstruction of "of lusty earls." 135 of Henrykthe fift. Saint Dauies day is past? Flew. There is occasion Captains Gower, Looks you why, and wherefore, 5 The other day looks you, Pistolles Which you know is a man of no merites In the worell, is cone where I was the other day, And brings bread and sault, and bids me Eats my Leeks: twas in a place, looks you, 10 Where I_could moue no discentions: But if I_can see him, I_shall tell him, A litle of my desires. 92!: Here a comes, swelling like a Turkecocke. Enter Pistoll. 15 Flew. Tis no matter fer his swelling, and his turkecocks. God plesse you.Antient Pistoll, you scall, Beggerly, lowsie knaue, God plesse you. Pist. Ha, art thou bedlem? Dost thou thurst base Troyan, 20 To haue me folds vp Parcas fatall web? ' Hence, I_am qualmish at the smell of Leeks. Flew. Antisnt Pistoll. I would desire you because It doth not agree with your stomacke, and your appetite, And your disgestions, to sate this Leeks. 25 Pist. Not for Cadwalleder and all his goates. Flew. There is one goats for you Antisnt Pistol. He strikes him. Pist. Bace Troyan, thou shall dye. Flew. I, I know I shall dye, meane time, I would ’ 30 Desire you to liue and eats this Leeks. Gower. Inough Captains, you haue astonisht him. Flew. Astonisht him, by Issu, Ile beats his head Fours dayss, and foure nights, but Ile Make him sate some part of my Leeks. 35 Pist. Well must I byte? 5131.: 3—36. Whole page moved to F3v, Q2. 3. Dauies is Q3. 11. would Q2; dissentions Q3. 14. Heere he comes Q3; Turky-cocke Q3. 15. all in italics Q2-3. l6. turki-cockes Q3. 24. stomackes QB; appetites Q3. 26. Cadwallader Q3. ‘29. Base Q2-3; shalt Q3. 32. him, it is enough Q3. 34. nights too Q3. 15-36. Moved to top of F4v, Q3. catchWOrd Flew. Q2, Enter Q3. l7. scalllscurvy, scab-like. 20. TroyanJSlang expression referring to a person of low character. 21. Parcas fatall weblReference to the Parcas, the Fates, who wove a web of a person's like and ended by cutting a thread. 26. Cadwalleder] Last Celtic (British) king. 26. goates]Contemptuous remark about the Welsh, a mountain people. 30-31. But in the means time, I would desire you/ To liue and eats this Leeks (Q3). 136 The Chronicle Historis Flew. I out of question or doubt, or ambiguities You must byte. Pist. Good good. Flew. I Leekes are good, Antisnt Pistoll. There is a shilling for you to heals your bloody coxkome. Pist. Me a shilling. Flew. If you will not take it, I haue an other Leeks for you. Pist. I take thy shilling in earnest of reconing. Flew. If I owe you any thing, ile pay you in cudgels, You shalbe a woodmonger, And by cudgels, God bwy you, Antisnt Pistoll, God blesse you,. And heale your broken pate. Antisnt Pistoll, if you see Leekes an other time, Mocks at them, that is all: God bwy you. Exit Flewellen. Pist. All hell shall stir for this. Doth Fortune play the huswye with me now? Is honour cudgeld from my warlike lines? Well France farwell, newes haue I certainly That Doll is sicke. One mallydie of France, The warres affordeth nought, home will I trug. Bawd will I turns, and vse the slyte of hand: To England will I steals, And there Ile steals, And patches will I get vnto these skarres, And swears I gat them in the Gallia warres. Exit Pistoll. Enter at one doors, the King of England and his Lords. And at the other doors, the King of France, Queens Katherine, th§_ Duke of Burbon, and others Hargy. Peace to this meeting, wherefore we are met. And 42. shilling? Q2. 46. I will Q3. 47. shall be Q3; Wood-monger Q3. 48. buy Q3. 49. plesse Q3. 55. huswife Q3. 56. loynes Q3. 58. mallady Q2, malady Q3. 60. slight Q3. 64. got Q2. 1-3. all in italics Q3. 40-3. Moved to Glr (whole page) and lines 1-2, le, Q3. catchword Flewel. (F4v) Q3, ESE: (Glr) Q3. 37-38. He makes Ancient Pistoll bit of the Leeks. (Q3). 41. Looks you now, there is a silling for you/ To heals your bloody coxcombe (Q3). 41,42,45. shilling] groat (F). 48. And so God be with you (Q3). 55 . huswye] hussy . 56. lines] limbes (F). 137 of Henry the fift. And to our brother France, Fairs time of day. Faire health vnto our louely cousen Katherine. And as a branch, and member of this.stock: We do salute you Duke of Burgondie. Fran. Brother of England, right ioyous are we to behold Your face, so are we Princes English eusry one. 22k, With pardon vnto both your mightines. Let it not displease you, if I demaund What rub or bar hath thus far hindred you, To keeps you from the gentle speech of peace? 1111;. If Duke of Burgong, youwold haue peace, You must buy that peace, According as we haue drawne our articles. Fran. We haue but with a cursenary eye, Oreviewd them pleaseth your Grace, To let some of your Counsell sit with vs, We shall returns our peremptory answers. §a_r;. Go Lords, and sit with them, And bring vs answers backs. Yet leaus our cousen Katherine here behind. IFrance. Withall our hearts. Exit King and the Lords. Manet, Hrry, Kathe- rine, and the Gentlewoman. Hate. Now Kate, you haue a blunt wooer here Left with you. If’I could win thee at leapfrog, Or with vawting with my armour on my backs, Into my saddle, Without brag be it spoken, Ids make compare with any. But leauing that Kate, If thou takest me now, Thou shalt haue me at the worst: G And 10 15 20 25 30 35 5-6. Moved to bottom of F4r, Q2. 18. cursorary QB. 19. Ore-view'd Q3. 26. all in italic Q2; Hargy QZ. 27. all in italic Q2. 28. Kate. Q2. 30. Leaps-frog Q3. 35-37. moved to top of G2r, QB. catchword That Q2, But Q3. 13. rub] obstacle; from the game of bowls (see Walter, p. 45). 18. cursenary] cursory» (curselarie, F). 26-27. Exit French King and the Lords./ Manet, king Henry, Katherine, and the Gentlewoman. (Q3). 28ff. The entire fbllowing scene is a very confused mixture cf lines due to faulty memorial reconstruction. .‘T I 138 The Chronicle Historis And in wearing, thou shalt haue me better and better, Thou shalt haue a face that is not worth sun-burning. But doost thou thinks, that thou and I, Betweene Saint Denis, And Saint George, shall get a boy, That shall goe to Constantinople, And take the great Turks by the beard, ha Kate? Kate. Is it possible dat me sall Loue de enemis de France. Hargy. No Kate, tis vnpossible You should loue the enemis of France: For Kate, I loue France so well, That Ile not leaus a Village, Ile haue it all mine: then Kate, When France is mine, And I am yours, Then France is yours, And you are mine. Kate. I vannot tell what is dat. Harry. No Kate, Why Ile tell it you in French, Which will hang vpon my tongue, like a bride On her new married Husband. Let me see, Saint Dennis be my speed. Quan France et mon. Kate. Dat is, when France is yours. Harry. Et vous ettes anoy. Kate. And I am to you. Hargy. Douck France ettes a vous: Kate. Den France sall be mine. Harry. Et Ie suyues a vous. Kate. And you will be to me. H25, Wilt beleeue me Kate? tis easier for me To conquer the kingdoms, the to speak so much More French. A 40 45 50 55 6O 65 70 38-42. Moved to bottom of F4v, Q2. 39. sun bur(ning Q2. 44. beard? Q3; Kate. Q3. 46. France? Q2. 47. It is Q3. 57. Kate? Q2. 58. tell you Q3. 62. & mon Q3. 71. thén Q2, Then QB. 71-72. Moved to top of 62v, Q3. catchword Come Q2, To QB. 39. not worth sun-burning] "so ugly that the sun cannot make it more so" (Dover Wilson, as quoted by Walter, p. 148). 43. Constantinople] The city did not fall to the Turks until 1453, 31 years after Henry's death. 66. Douck] Donc (F). ,1...‘ 139 of Henry the fift. Kate. A your Maiesty has false France inough To deceiue de best Lady in France. Harry. No faith Kate not I. But K233, 75 In plains termes, do you loue me? K223: I cannot tell. Harry. No, can any of your neighbours tell? Ile asks them. Come REES! I know you loue me. 80 And soone when you are in your closset, Youle question this Lady of me. But I pray thee sweets K233, vse me mercifully, Because I loue thee cruelly. That I shall dye K332, is sure: 85 But fOr thy loue, by the Lord neuer. What Wench, A straight backs will grows crooked. A round eye will grows hollows. A great leg will waxe small, 90 A curld pate proue balde: But a good heart Kate, is the sun and the moons, And rather the Sun and not the Moons: And therefore Kggg_take me, Take a souldier: take a souldier, 95 Take a King. Therefore tell me Kate, wilt thou haue me? K253, Dat is as please the King my father. Harry. Nay it will please him: Nay it shall please him Kate. 100 And vpon that condition Kate Ile kisse you. Ka. 0 mon du Ie ne voudroy fairs quelks chosse Pour touts 1e monde; Ce ne poynt votree fachion en_fouor. Harry. What saies she Lady? 105 La y. Dat it is not de fasion en France, For de maides, befOre da be married to GB Ma 73-79. Moved to bottom of Glr, Q2. 75. Kate, prethee tell me Q3. 76. Dost thou Q3. 78. tel, Q3. 101 thee Q3. 105-107. Moved to tOp of GBr, Q3. catchword And Q2, Harry Q3. 87-93. This speech precedes lines 40-44, le (Ql), but succeeds 45-72, le (Ql), in F. 91—92. The missing lines complete and make sense of the paradoxical comparison] "for it shines bright, and neuer changes but keepes his course truly." (F). 104. votree . . . feuer] Probably notre . . . favor is intended. The line does not occur in F. 140 The Chronicle Historis May foy is oblye, what is to bassis? ESE: To kis, to kis. O that this not the Fashion in Frannce, for the maydss to kis Before they are married. Lady. Owye see votree grace. ESE: Well, weele breaks that customs. TherefOre Kate patience perforce and yesld. Before God Kate, you haue witdhcraft In your kisses: And may perswade with me more, Then all the French Councsll. Your father is returned. Enter the King of France, and the Lordss. How now my Lords? France. Brother of England, We haue orered the Articles, And haue agreed to all that we in ssdule had. Ere, Only he hath not subscribed this, Where your maiestie demaunds, That the king of France hauing any occasion To write fer matter of graunt, Shall name your highnesse, in this forms: And with this addition in French. Nostre trssher filz, Henry Roy D'anglaterre, E heare ds France. And thus in Latin: Preclarissimus filius noster Henricus Rex Anglie, Et herss Francis. Fran. Nor this haue we so nicely stood vpon, But you fairs brother may entrsat the same. ESE: Why then let this among the rest, Haue his full course: And withall, Your daughter Katherine in mariags. 108-116. Moved to bottom of le, Q2. 110. France Q2, Francs Q3. 120. Kings Q3- 132. d'Anglstsrrs Q3. 134. Anglia Q3. Q3. 139. recourse Q2. 138-140. Moved to top of G3v, Q3. catchword Harry Q3. 125. ssdule] sequels (F). 129. graunt] grants of lands and titles. 110 115 120 125 130 135 140 135. Franciae 141 of Henry the fift. Fran. This and what elseJ Your maiestie shall craus. God that dispossth all, giue you much ioy. gar, Why then fairs Katherine, Come giue me thy hand: 145 Our mariags will we present solsmnise, And end our hatred by a bond of loue. Then will I swears to Kate, and Kate to mes: And may our vowes once made, vnbroksn bee. FINIS. DIAMOND TYPE DEVICE. 141-149. Moved to bottom of G2r, Q2. 146. matriags Q3. FINIS Q2-3. No device at end of Q2; semi-heart shaped device, Q3. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1'... .“VII K BIBLIOGRAPHY Albright, E. M. "F Version of Henry V in Relation to Shakespeare's Times," Publications of the Modern Language Association, Volume 43 (1928), pp. 722- 756. Arber, E. (Ed.) Registers of the Company of Stationers. New York: P. Smith, 1950 (reprint). Ashe, D. J. "The Non-Shakespearean Bad Quartos as Pro- vincial Acting Versions," Renaissance Papers Basder, P. "The Meaning of COpy-Text," Studies in Bib- liography, Volume 22 (1969), pp. 311-318. Bartlett, H. C. 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