ABSTRACT THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF GUATEMALA AND ITS RELATION TO GUATEMALAN EDUCATION: A DESCRIPTIVE CASE STUDY by Herbert Games Vaughan This case study describes the deveIOpment of the American School within a social context and shows how it relates to Guatemalan education. The unique 'laboratory status enables the School to undertake various activities that other schools could not in the areas of curriculum, teacher education and edu— cational research. Through these activities the School maintains its liaison with the Ministry, the Lniversity and technical assistance and regional organizations. The first chapter recounts the deveIOpment of Guatemalan education before the coming of the Spaniards when the mayan city states educated citizens for a hayan society. The mainobjectives of colonial educa— tion were to HiSpanize and evangelize the Indians. A social class structure deveIOped which excluded groups from formal education, and this persisted throughout the national period. Ideas from the eighteenth century Enlightenment or nineteenth century Independence did little to alter basic educational patterns. Education's Herbert Games Vaughan impact upon Guatemala during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries affected only a small part of the population. The second chapter discusses how change is viewed by six authorities who emphasize the political, socio-cultural and educational aspects. Diverse theoretical concepts are summarized and while they are not all directly used, all relate to the tOpic. The third chapter CXplores the political, socio- economic, religious and educational movements emanating from the 1944 Revolution. Political movements helped introduce the concept of Open-ended change. Religious elements established the first private university. And public education reacted and began to adapt to the changing social conditions. The fourth chapter examines the establishment of the School during the early stages of the Revolution. Diverse views of peeple connected with the School's growth and deveIOpment are summarized. The chapter con- cludes with a description of the School's bi-national statds in terms of organization, student population, academic personnel, curriculum, revenue and plant facilities. The fifth chapter defines in detail the various relations that the School has built with the Ministry Herbert Games Vaughan and other institutions. The relations which have evolved have enabled the School to undertake curriculum reform and deveIOpment of program materials; expand the ‘nowledge of child growth and deveIOpment and its rela- tionship to classroom learning; construct tests and related evaluative instruments used in measurement; and introduce the concept of in-service teacher training programs. This historical case study is not intended as a scientific or empirical investigation proving any particular theory. Rather it merely orders the events descriptively and suggests tentative conclusions. The Guatemalan government has recognized and expanded the School's legal status throughout its history. The School assisted the Guatemalan government in establish- ing public laboratory schools. Curriculum used in the public schools was largely developed by the School's efforts. The concept and use of objective tests for measuring student performance was introduced by the School and expanded by the Ministry, University and other institutions. And the School has created an awareness of in-service training in Guatemalan teacher education. The above conclusions reveal ways that the American School assists Guatemalan education. While numerous recommendations for further study can be made, Herbert Games Vaughan the following appear to have special significance. It appears that the School has had an effect on Guatemalan education and has influenced the Linistry's course of action. The School-~a bi-national, community—type, non-profit school--suggests that a laboratory school approach could be tried by similar schools in other Latin American countries. This would enable the American schools to give children of U.S. dependents a quality education and, in addition, contribute to the national system of education. The extent of such possibilities is presently unknown. 0 THE AMERICAN SCHOOL OF GUATEMALA AND ITS RELATION TO GUATEMALAN EDUCATION: A DESCRIPTIVE CASE STUDY By Herbert Games Vaughan A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Secondary Education and Curriculum 65/5 4/7 £77252? ' 7'7: "‘_,‘\"\/"7"_T‘T!r‘.‘."' ACnuOuLsmsnnniS The successful completion of the study neces- sitated the assistance and c00peration of many individuals. The author is especially indebted to the members of his doctoral committee: Dr. Cole S. Brembeck, Chairman, Dr. Charles C. Cumberland, Dr. Troy Stearns, and Dr. Stanley Hecker for their direction, support and encouragement. The author wishes to express his sincere appreciation to the following: Division of Overseas Schools, Department of State, washington, D.C., and the Institute of International Studies in Education, College of Education, hichigan State tniversity, for their financial assistance and support enabling the author to undertake an administrative internship and to collect the data in Guatemala during the summer of 1366; the American School of Guatemala and Mr. Robert B. hacVean, Director, for graciously making the School's resources and facilities available,permitting the author to gain valuable experience as an administrative intern, and enhancing the research process; and the numerous individuals who generously gave of their time so that the depth interviews would add insights otherwise unobtainable. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ILTRODLCTIOIJ o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Chapter I. HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS . . . . . . . . . Pre Columbian The Colonial Period The National Period II. A REV EW OF SELECTED LITERATURE ON CHANGE Cultural Components Westernization of Guatemala Cultural HeterOgeneity Education for Social Change Processes of Social Systems Democratic Ethics and Human Engineering I I I o l’tIODEI‘lI‘; I‘IIOVEIIIEN T S o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Political Movements Socio-Economic Religious IV. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE AMERICAN SCHOOL . . Backgrounds Status as a Bi—National School V. A DESCRIPTION OF THE RELATIONSHIP OF THE AEERICAN SCHOOL TO EDUCATION IN GLIATEIILALA o o o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 VI. SUIUHIIARY AITD COP‘ICLUSIOIJ o O o o o o o o 0 Implications and Recommendations for Further Study APPENDIX . BIBLIOGRAPHY.................. iii 52 76 118 180 234 240 243 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 3.1 School Enrollments . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 4.1 Enrollment by Nationality . . . . . . . . 146 4.2 The American School of Guatemala Salary Schedule for Teachers . . . . . . 154 4.3 The Relationship Between the Two Curricula Programs at the American School of Guatemala . . . . . . . . . . 159 4.4 A Comparison of the Eachillerato Program of the Guatemalan Secondary School and the American School . . . . . 160 4.5 Graduates of the American School . . . . . 164 4.6 Basic Curriculum Outline . . . . . . . . . 165 4.7 Average Per Pupil EXpenditure . . . . . . I70 iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Figure ' Page 1. Diagram of the School Plant of the American School of Guatemala . . . . . . . 176 INTRODUCTION The Setting The American School is an institution unique in all of Guatemala. Related, on one hand, to the national system of education and its many traditional practices, on the other, it is unconventionally a private, com- munity type, non-profit school. In a sense it is a hybrid institution, built upon a foundation basically Guatemalan, but different, having adOpted many educa- tional practices from the Lnited States. The historical antecedents of Guatemala help define the setting within which present—day Guatemalan society and its centralized educational system evolved. Educational ideas emanating from colonial times continued their influence when Guatemala became a nation. Private or church-related schools have continued to predominate and have hindered the develOpment of a public school System. Social class structures from the colonial age influenced the educational patterns. The coming of independence did not basically alter educational pat- terns or thought, nor could succeeding authoritarian govern- ments substantially change educational practices. Up to and including the period of Cbiguismo, which ended in l944, Guatemalan education was a product of its Hispanic past. While not part of Guatemala's long-term develop- ment, the American School has obviously been affected by the Hispanic past. The School was founded on a private basis, tuition fees being the major source of financial support. The secondary program includes the official Dachillerato which emphasizes university preparation; so the student body comes from that segment of the popula- tion where children eXpect and parents can afford univer- sity training. Today the School is obligated to follow the curriculum syllabus drawn up by the centralized ministry of Education: the School's calendar is ident- ical to the one used in the public schools. In other ways as well, the American School has been affected by Guatemala's Hispanic past and by certain conditions unique to that country. Yet the School has illustrated a new type of institution as it parted with traditional practices, introducing many innovations. Its establishment came dur- ing an auspicious period, as Guatemala was beginning to accept breaks with the past in order to try new ideas. The School is non-sectarian;and its student-body comes from diverse religious, national, and socio-economic back- grounds. This feature is novel in Guatemala, for most Private schools are oriented to a particular clientele and are not concerned with the community at large. Con— trary to customary practice,the School is organized as a non-profit organization and its board serves without compensation. The School was designated as the country's first laboratory school which permitted it to attempt a number of educational innovations. Some of these, noticed by certain influential Guatemalans, were later incorporated into the national system of education. Since it is bi-national, the American School serves both U.S. dependents and Guatemalan nationals; the latter group is by far the largest. The combination of American—Guatemalan curricula offered in the secondary school has generated a unique educational pregram. Bas- ically the School uses the official Guatemalan program, but it has also been able to make extensive modifications. American influences, such as co-education, a de-emphasis of school uniforms, extra-curricular activities, and student government, are generally absent in other schools; but even so, these features interest Guatemalan educators in the other types of schools. Whenever the School undertook educational innovations, it has had to be keenly aware of the country's national heritage, past and present. It has been careful not to introduce changes which could curtail its growth and acceptance. The School Operates under permission granted by the Guatemalan Ministry and is supervised by the Minister appointed by the President. The general characteristics of its educational program have resembled those of the centralized system, in which the executive branch of the government wields all authority over the schools. Various officials under the Ministry coordinate the activities of the departments of secondary education, elementary educa- tion, commercial education, adult education, rural educa- tion, art and music education, and personnel. Within each department are supervisors who visit the various schools, including the American School, and who are desig- nated to interpret the Minister's policy to individual directors. The ministry is responsible for educational activities throughout the country, employs and pays all the public teachers, regulates the curriculum and evalua- tion prOgram, and grants promotion and graduation certificates. Dgfinition of Terms There are several types of American Schools found in Latin America. Church related schools have been founded by churches or church-related organizations and are located in both rural and urban areas. Family or Individual enterprises are wholly owned and Operated by individuals or families. Compagy owned schools estab- lished by U. S. companies are operated on behalf of their employees' children in their foreign-based Operations. Bi-national, noneprofit, non-sectarian community schools are not Operated either for profit or for religious pur- poses. In addition they are "community-owned" private schools providing Americans and nationals with both U. S. and National types of curricula. The American School of Guatemala represents this last type. Bi-national schools deveIOped during World War II: they were not so much "founded" as they were "defined"; they are a category that (again exceptions aside) did not exist in nature, so to Speak; this category came into being when the IASS--On behalf of the U. S. Department of State--announced the criteria that would be followed in the process of determin- ing which American Schools in Latin America would be deemed eligible to receive grants-in—aid. Fifty-three schools have been adjudged officially to meet the criteria. Hence, by definition, there exist fifty-three "Bi—national schools".1 For the purposes of this dissertation, the terms "American" and "Bi-National," designating non-profit, community type schools, will be used interchangeably. Laboratory School is a designation implying that the school undertakes educational experimentation in addition to its regular duties. The original presidential decree granted the School this status, enabling it to modify curricula, hire foreign personnel, and change examinations. Since the Original decree, this laboratory status has been further elaborated and amplified. —_ 1Paul G. Orr, "Bi-National Schools in Latin America" (unpublished doctoral thesis, Michigan State University, 1960), p. 209. Ox Purpose and Delimitations. The purpose Of this historical case study is to describe the develOpment Of the American School within a social context, and show how it presently relates to Guatemalan education. Rather than attempting a scien~ tific study to prove or disprove a particular hypothesis, the study simply describes in orderly fashion the develOpment of the School. Its unique status as a lab- oratory school enables it to undertake various projects that a non-laboratory school could not. Hopefully the laboratory idea can be used in other schools in Guate- mala, thus further transmuting research and experimenta- tion into educational practice. Laboratory status implies permission to modify any curriculum. If a curriculum is to reflect changing social conditions, then the modifications should be made toward the end Of incorporating new pedagogical advances. Allied with curriculum evaluation, tests based on Objec- tive and standardized measurements can be develOped for .Guatemalan schools. This in turn will improve the curriculum and positively alter teaching methods. In- service teacher training experiences are an important means by which the teacher with insufficient training can keep abreast with new methods and materials currently being developed; here tOO the School can help. “3 one ‘ \ nt 1181‘ contac of the tilfit ' ' «'w‘ P 3086* .. 09 b rc . e ; c .. i o r .C .n T 0.; «mo Q E a u E G .C - . .C t a. i . r . ., . :1 V. C A. U Maw t a...“ 0 .~.\ EV N A While the School maintains its liaison with the hinistry, it also relates to other segments of Guatemalan education. One logical connection is with the University, as the majority of the student body is university-bound. Other technical assistance prOgrams and regional organi- zations engaged in similar educational endeavors collabo- rate with the School's program of research. As these contacts are develOped, the School can more directly affect Guatemalan education. The successful eXperience Of the American School as a bi-national school suggests that the laboratory school idea could be applied to simi- lar schools in Latin America. The School is able to blend traditional practices with new methods based on research: in one sense, then, a new type of educational institution has develOped in Guatemala. SO, although the purpose of the dissertation is only to state specific develOpments and relationships, it may be possible to suggest areas of further study for social scientis s. The study is limited to those aspects Of education in Guatemala that have a direct bearing on the American School. Although historical as well as descriptive material was introduced, a broad treatment of all facets of Guatemalan education has been avoided. methodology The writer has had previous experience in Latin America. Before undertaking graduate studies, he taught in several bi-national schools in Central America; through these eXperiences he learned Spanish. As part of his doctoral studies he took course work in various disciplines relating to Guatemala and the Caribbean region. The writer was selected as an administrative in— tern at the American School Of Guatemala during the summer of 1966. The objective of the internship was to Observe the day—by-day activities of the administration, to Obtain practice in various administrative functions and to ini- tiate special projects. He was able to make classroom visits, talk with school officials, and meet with the teachers of both academic prOgrams. During this time he collected the data here presented. Throughout the summer's internship, the writer held a number of depth interviews in Spanish and English. The majority of these interviews lasted an hour, some more. Efforts were made to Obtain suitable conditions for infor- mal, relaxed, uninterrupted conversation. While the writer had permission to take notes, they were deé emphasized to facilitate the flow of conversation. Special care was taken to maintain the interviewee's anonymity; the information obtained has been kept confi- dential. These interviews enabled the writer to gain much insight in different aspects of Guatemalan education and the activities of the School Which was not obtainable \0 from printed sources in Spanish or English. A complete record Of the interviews is available to the members Of the doctoral committee. Interviews were held with school officials, board members, founders, teachers, students, graduates, and Guatemalan government Officials involved in educational activities. Some technical assistance personnel, along with Officials connected with the diplomatic corps, were also included. (See Appendix for further details.) Another source Of data for the dissertation was published documents. Extensive use was made of the literature relating to societal and educational develOp- ments Of Guatemala, emphasizing descriptive historical accounts, in English and Spanish. As an example of the latter, Orellana's Historia de la Educacidn en Guatemala gave a helpful description of Guatemalan education from pre-Hispanic times to the present. Documents from the American School were especially useful. Two principle sources were used extensively in the thesis: the Ei-Annual Reports to the Inter-American Schools Service, from 1945 until 1963 when the organiza- tion was terminated, describe many administrative develOp- ments Of the school; and the Colegio Americano Como Escuela de Ensayg, a series Of annual reports in Spanish to the Ministry Of Education, emphasizes the laboratory school activities. In addition, other published and lO unpublished reports of special activities and projects are included. Publications Of the Ministry of Education are also cited. The planning office Of the Ministry (OPIE) contains much background information on recent educational develOpment: which was incorporated into the thesis. Various articles from Guatemalan and American newspapers and magazines have been included. Outline of the Dissertation The first chapter discusses the historical develOpment of Guatemalan education, beginning before the coming of the Spaniards when the various hayan city- states educated citizens for Mayan society. The main Objectives of colonial education were to Hispanicize and evangelize the Indians. While the Spaniards had good intentions, their lack of financial resources and man- power, and certain prevailing customs and traditions, prevented extensive establishment of schools throughout Guatemala. A social class structure develOped which excluded certain groups from formal education, a con- dition that has persisted throughout the national period. Ideas from the eighteenth century Enlightenment and the coming Of Independence in the nineteenth did little to alter basic educational patterns. Thus edu- cation remained quite limited during the latter par} of the nineteenth and part of the twentieth centuries, and 11 its impact upon Guatemala affected only a small part of the p0pulation. The second chapter discusses how change is viewed by six authorities who emphasize the political, socio- cultural and educational aspects. Such diverse theoret- ical concepts as the "Westernization Process," "Cultural heterogeneity," and "Cultural Components" are summarized. This discussion focuses on cultural influences in edu- cation, the systemic linxage between educational institu- tions, and human engineering in planned educational change. While not all these theories were directly utilized in the case study, all relate to the tOpic. The third chapter describes the political, socio- economic, religious and educational movements emanating from the 1944 Revolution. The political movements, some dramatic and not infrequently, disruptive, such as Communism, technical assistance programs, and other internal changes, all have played a role in determining the present situation in Guatemala. The 1944 Revolution helped introduce the concept of Open-ended change, created new institutions, and widened the degree of parti- cipation by the Guatemaltecos. Religious elements were active in establishing the country's first private and Catholic university, thus ending a monOpoly on higher education. Public education also began to react, adapting its institutions to better meet changing social conditions. 12 The fourth chapter describes the establishment of the American School during the early stages of the Revolution. While the School had no connection with the Hispanic past, it could not remain aloof from the country's historical heritage. Views of some people connected with the School's growth and develOpment are summarized, including their reasons for establishing it and what they think its objectives are. The chapter concludes with a description of the School's bi-national status in terms of organization, pOpulation, academic personnel, curriculum, revenue and plant facilities. The fifth chapter defines in detail the various relationships that the School has been able tobuild with the ministry and other institutions. With its legal permission to experiment, the School has sought to assist the national education system within its limited capacity. The relations which have evolved have enabled the School to undertake curriculum reform and develOpment of prOgram materials; to expand the knowledge of child growth and develOpment and its relationship to classroom learning; to construct texts and related evalu- ative instruments used in measurement; and to introduce the concept of in—service teacher training programs. The sixth chapter concludes the dissertation with a brief summary offering several conclusions, their implications, and some suggestions for further study. CHAPTER I HISTORICAL ANTECEDENTS Pre Colombian Guatemala's rich heritage dates from earliest pre-Colombian times, antedating the classic Maya. Until the coming of the Spanish, the various Maya city-states generated quite an advanced civilization which flourished throughout most of Guatemala. But 06rdoba landed in Yucatan in 1517. And in 1524, Pedro Alvarado founded the first permanent Spanish settlement, Santiago de los Caballeros de Guatemala. While in a military sense the Spanish conquered the Maya, the ancient civilization resisted absorption into the Spanish colonial life; and although Guatemala became independent in 1821, even today she displays clearly much of her pre-Colombian and Hispanic past. To view present events in their cultural context, we must first define their social, economic, religious and educational backgrounds with prOper his- torical perspective. Little is known of the origins of civilized society in Guatemala, beyond the fact that primitive l3 l4 peOple predated the Maya.1 They decorated pottery, grew maize, cultivated several varieties of fruits and made rope. Some authorities believe that the Mayan civiliza- tion developed in the Petén region, located in the north- eastern part of the country. But other scholars suggest that the Mayan civilization began in Veracruz state, Mexico, home of the Haustec kinfolk of the Maya. The classic Mayan civilization began approximately 317 A. D., and was profoundly altered in 987 when the Itzas settled Mayapén. The civilization continued until approximately 1441 when the destruction of Mayapan by the Xius termi- nated centralized authority.2 It spread from the Yucatan in Mexico through the Petén region in the northwest of Guatemala, reaching west to the El Salvadorian highlands and south to Capan in Honduras. The Mayan decline cannot be dated with a discrete event. Rather a series of factors-religious fatalism, soil exhaustion, and a pro- letarian revolution-all influenced the gradual decline. The zenith of the Mayan civilization was passed by the time Alvarado came and conquered in the name of Spain. Resistance by various Mayan city-states to the Spanish ¥ 13. 1. Shock and A. v. Kidder, "Mound E-III-3, Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala," contribution to American Anthro- 20105y and History, XI (1953). Do 53- 2 . Charles Gallenkamp, Ma a: The Riddle and gfidiscovery of a Lost Civilization {New YorE: Pyramid ca on, Co, ’ p. e l5 forces prolonged the conquest. Tasayal, the capital city of the Itzas, fell in 1697. Thus vanished the last major stronghold of a hayan society untrammeled and undefeated. From then on, the ancient Mayan tradition in religion and other areas became subservient to Spanish culture. The Maya did not smelt metals, use the wheel, domesticate animals, or rotate crOps. Yet they achieved tremendous feats in astronomy, mathematics, hieroglyphics, architecture and sculpture. Their calendar and their time units were more accurate than the Gregorian. Their architecture, exemplified by the acrOpolis of Tikal and COpan, ranks among the finest in the world. Their sculpture, recorded in surviving stalae, exhibits great artistic skill. Although they did not possess a written language as we know it, their hieroglyphics record notable literary works: Chilam Balam of Chumayel, the Chilam Balam of Ixil, and the POpul Vuh, Annals of the Cakchigueles. The Maya were farmers, growing chiefly maize for food and cotton for garments. They, or their Central American contemporaries, are responsible for the first cultivation of at least three food plants: the g§£§g_ tree, used in the making of chocolate; a a a, a general eating fruit; and the avocado.3 Agricultural holdings k 3Franklin D. Parker, The Central American Egpublics (London: Oxford University Press, 1964). P. 19. 16 were set up on a communal basis, with certain plots set aside for those crOps used for religious or other cere- monial purposes. Extensive trade linked the various city—states, and contacts extended to the Aztec in Mexico and south to Panama.4 All their monumental edifices-- terraces, acrOpolis, and pyramids--had religious over— tones; all were constructed by human labor. There is some evidence that a "triple alliance" governed the influential centers of Chichen Itza, Uxmal, and Mayapan in the Yucatan peninsula,5 but little con- crete evidence suggests an organization of city-states, nor was there a cohesive confederation united by political control; most of the city-states were autonomous.6 They were socially organized into four loose class divisions: priests, nobles, workers, and slaves. The most powerful were the priests, a special occupational class exercising such functions as prophecy, worship, sacrifices, and astronomical observations. The lower levels of this structure were set apart by caste and training. These peOple could only look forward to a life of servitude, filling the duties of —— 4Ibid., p. 20. sGallenkamp, Op. cit., pp. l66-l69. 6Carlos Gonzales Orellana, Historia de la Educa- Elfih.en Guatemala (Mexico: B. Costa Amic, Editor, 1960), P. 4. l7 farming and answering the demands of the priests. Morley points out that the priests' "ability to predict eclipses, their penetration into every phase of life made them feared and reapected and gave them a hold on the supersti- tions of the pe0p1es equalled by that of no other class."7 The nobility controlled the temporal government, ruled by the halach Eigig, supreme Chieftain, and the batabs, local administrators who had jurisdiction over all execu— tive and legal matters; each noble often commanded small bands of soldiers. Other officials of the nobility carried out duties of much lesser importance. Egyan Education While the priests received formal training, no public educational system existed during the Mayan rule. Each individual learned to serve his peOple, his religion, and his family. Thus all education began at home with the parents in charge. Each person growing up within the community went through three significant events to achieve adulthood and status. The first, ngl, was perhaps the Maya's greatest source of personal happiness: it signified the direct blessing of the divinities. Children were given childhood names by the priest. He also "devised a horoscoPe to aid in their upbringing. . . . From this ‘ 7Sylvanus G. Morley, The Ancient B%%_ (3rd ed. PBV’. by George W. Brainward; Caliiornia: Stanford University Press, 1956), p. 55- 18 could also be foretold which of the patron deities were likely to favor or malign the youth throughout his lifetime."8 The second event, Hetzmek, took place several- months later. "At four months [a number sacred which indicates the time for corn to fertilize], a handful of corn was placed into the boy's hand to signify that he would be a good farmer. The girls of three months were made to imitate the grinding of the corn on a grind stone."9 After the Hetzmek, the children freely passed their time by playing games with an indirect educational function: they imitated the future labors they would do. At the age of nine the boys helped their fathers in the fields with the crOps, and the girls assisted their mothers in household duties. The third significant ceremony, the puberty rite, Caputzihil, was carefully set so as not to fall on an unlucky day. Four elders were selected as Chggg to assist the priest. After the priest had purified the site where the ceremony was to take place and the evil spirits were driven away, the Chggg helped him annoint the children. The priest then cut off the white beads -—__ 8Gallenkamp, Op. cit., p. 96. ‘?Francisco Larroyo, Historia Comparada de la Eiucacion en Mexico (Cuarta Edicion, Corregida y Aumen- tada; Mexico: Editorial Porrua, S.A., 1956), p. 41. 19 which the boys had worn on their heads from the age of five, and the elders let the initiates smoke from their pipes. The girls had the red shells removed, symbols of virginity, and were now considered to be of marriable age.10 For most Mayan children this constituted the socialization process from childhood to adulthood. Most then entered marriage and began raising their families. While this was not institutionalized education, children were prepared by their parents for these ceremonies. The nobility received special attention after the ceremony of Caputzihil in special boarding establishments. "Preference was given to the teaching of liturgy, without overlooking the relation to astrology, scripture, calcu- .lations and geneology."ll In the later Mayan civilization, the Maya-Quiche, eniucational practices were very similar to those of the Cllessic Maya: education was directly related to the Ilemessities of life, agriculture and home; it was tradi- 1xional; education for men and women differed; and trans— Htission of the culture was oral. The Maya-Quiche also 1lad a type of boarding school organized primarily for 131s children of the nobility, demanding that while the Slindent was in attendance he lead a temperate life and 12 PIWDVide his own necessities. Mature adults, experienced ‘ loGallencamp, Op. cit., p. 98. llLarroyo, Op. cit., p. 41. lZOrellana, op. cit., p. 20. w -,‘ ACID 1 .... ‘ A. Al-lu forms "V‘ 4 Lu T th v ”9%.; 20 and of good morals, were placed in charge. In these special centers the children of the nobility were taught and trained in their future duties. All Mayan children furthermore learned to dance. This extremely pOpular adult institution occupied a sig- nificant place in all facets of life, mingling with all forms of public and private formalities, religious and civil. Its rhythms accompanied each social ceremony; Mayans danced at family fiestas, and the sacred ceremonies could not take place without them. The Spanish conquest exterminated much of Mayan civilization. Alvarado and other conquistadores had brought much wanton slaughter as Las Casas vividly describes;l3 many religious edifices and archives were tiestroyed in the process. The Spaniards achieved dominance éxnd ruled for nearly three centuries. But while the Spaniards destroyed much of the Mayan civilization, there Vvere outstanding individuals who preserved the records Crf the contributions of Mayan culture. Father Landa's Eflglaci6n de las Cosas de Yucatan written in 1549 contains <1etailed descriptions of Mayan life. Today this work represents one of the very few accurate documents avail- iible to help Mayanologists elucidate archaelogical ; l3Bartolomeo Las Casas, The Tears of the Indians (Stanford: Academic Reprints, 1953; from an originallin the Henry E. Huntin ton Museum and Art Gallery, San Marino, California.§ 21 findings. The Popul vul, carefully obtained orally from a Mayan in 1544 and then translated into Spanish by Father Ximenex, gives another view of this civilization now lost. The Spanish attempted to transplant a sixteenth European century in the Central American Isthmus. The Maya social organization was disrupted, its nobility disorganized, its agriculture all but_destroyed. Many of its cultural patterns remained intact, resisting integration into the Spanish colonial structure; but as the power of the priests waned, their formal and religious educational efforts once and for all terminated although ;parental supervision and education within the family continued for many years. The Colonial Period The Spaniards attempted to transplant the society idiey had known in their mother country, and all their Exfforts in New Spain were directed to that goal. The fkact that the colonial age lasted almost three centuries Eittests to the strength of the system they established. The Spanish colonial system depended on two tassential factors. First, a system of land holding by ILocal Spaniards was established. Land grants were given to soldiers in recognition of their services rendered in the conquering of the new land. Later generations of Oriollos and some well-born mestizos were expected to 22 continue the tradition by giving either military or civil service to the colonial authorities. but as time passed, the inducement of land failed to maintain a steady flow of farmers: "perhaps the greatest obstacle lay in the fact that the agricultural labor in the colonies was altogether servile. The Spanish immigrant refused to be identified with the Indian way of farming, and aspired 14 to become himself an exploiter of native labor." The encomienda system, which had been a temporary grant by the Spanish crown of jurisdiction and manorial rights over land conquered from the Moors, was tranSplanted to New Spain. Ideally its aim was to EurOpeanize the native ;p0pulation, but in practice it isolated the lgdig from the Spanish settlements, "As it develOped in the Indies, tflie encomienda was the patronage conferred by royal favor CTver a portion of the natives concentrated in settlements rusar those of the Spaniards; the obligation to instruct them in the Christian religion and the elements of Ci‘vilized life, and to defend them in their persons and PH?0perties coupled with the right to demand tribute or 1-abor in return for these privileges."15 The second factor was the diffusion of Christiane ityto all levels of society. The Christian Church brought k 140. H. Haring, The Spanish Empire in America (New York: Harcourt, brace and Woria,*IsE3), p. 268. l51bid., p. 40. 23 not only a new religion to redeem the infidels, or the "noble savages" as Colombus described them, but also new cultural concepts; these permeated the colonial society. The Indios and Spaniards together were obli- gated to turn to the Church for intellectual and relig- ious guidance throughout the colonial period. The Spaniard had two aims: to conquer the po- litical realm with the military, and the Spiritual realm with the Church. A new political order was established as converts were made to Christianity. both aims became highly interrelated, and sometimes *were identical, as the Church upheld the divinity of lcingship and the Church recognized the ecumenical author- :ity of the King. This policy became established in the ifiatronato Real, a right granted to the Castillian crown bar the Papacy. Later it develOped into a fixed policy, tfle chief tool with which Spanish sovereigns built their Vxersion of an absolute monarchy.16 During the sixteenth century, with the Counter- I:ifieformation, the power and influence of the Church grew IYipidly, heralded by the organization of the Jesuits ill 1534, the reorganization of the Inquisition under the a18gis of the Tribunal of the Holy Office, the reign of ZPOpe Paul IV, and the organization of the Council of Trent for the purpose of reunifying the Church. A k . 16Mary P. Holleran, Church and State in Guatemala (New York: Columbia University Press, 1949). pp- 25-28- .wu E a -2 1 l .w A A “a l .‘u .o.‘ o .- i w i O. 11 %. ta W V rrv .71 tive .Nu ,QU r. «v .. II. C «u 5‘ ‘ r‘ Us.“ 24 Tribunal of the Holy Office was established in Guatemala in 1572. It prosecuted all those guilty of a breach of religious orthodoxy and reviewed the reading material allowed in the colony. The Real céduia of August 14, 1560, states that "all books printed without the respec- tive licence . . . will be confiscated."l7 Thus books and materials available for educational purposes tended not to be anti-religious. As the influence of the Church grew throughout the colonial period, the regular clergy achieved more power than the secular clergy. Still, it was the activi- ties of religious orders which helped establish the Church throughout the region. The Dominicans, Franciscans émnd Augustines, in spite of numerous conflicts and jeal- r‘¥figher Education in Central Zmerica, Cecasional Pub- lxzations, Ho. 7, Center of Latin American Jtudies Iéiwrence, Kansas: The Lniversity of hansas, 1307), F). 38. 114 A professional apprenticeship of at least equivalent import- L. J L ance to their classroom studies."’ Cniversity enrollment at San Carlos has more than doubled between 1950 and 1362, yet the average number of students graduated re- mained the same: 2,175 were enrolled in 1250 with 112 graduating, and in 1952 there were 4,879 and only 115 graduated.56 This correSponds with IImE's research that the average length of time to complete a degree at San Carlos is 13.32 years.57 The introduction of the General Studies prOgram has contributed some university reform, but the traditional faculties of Economics and Law are generally Opposed to internal change and reform or any regional COOperative activity with other Central ramerican universities. The creation of the Faculties of Humanities, a lxong sought goal, had special implications for pedagog— iczal studies, as within this faculty was created the IHEpartment of Education. Historically, and today, teeacher education has been a specific function of the Ilcxrmal schools which Operate on the secondary level. Ckince 1945 teacher training has received university EStatus, but has produced only a few graduates. What is ‘ 551bid., p. 10. 5611ml. b7IILIB, A Case Study: Academic Progress of trliversity Students, University of San Carlos, 1553 Iaatemala: Universidad de San Carlos, 1964), p. 2. encouraging is the increasing number of teachers who have several years of professional and liberal arts training as part-time students at the various universities. Summary Differences within Guatemala's educational system are reflections of the existing social and cultural differences of the society at large. It is change in the socio-economic, political and religious spheres at the local and regional levels which precedes change in educational systems. The local school tends to operate as a conservative agent rather than as a radical instru- ment for social change. So formal education only assists processes of social change which are well under way. how that clear evidences of sociO-economic, political and religious value change are apparent to all, formal education is beginning to enter a significant period of transformation. This transformation is manifested in what the ministry calls the ”actual crisis in education."58 Guatemala, like many other develOping countries, has certain characteristics in common with its neighbors; but some, in the Opinion Of the Ministry, are unique to Guatemala. Their causes are found in the following factors: _ 58OPIE, o . cit., p. 1-3. 116 The educational philosophy of the country has never been clearly defined. In some documents may be found scattered attempts; yet there does not exist any- where a clear statement. Until one is found, "the ideals of the nation" are on fragile grounds. Conse- quently, a "national political education" which is "stable and fixed" is impossible. hot having clear ends and means, educational institutions as well as technology have drifted. Lack of school discipline, poor teaching methods, and the insufficient or deficient professional formation of teachers, all manifest the lack of a clearly defined philosophy. In strict sense, there has been no national system of education because of this fact. The past shows little or no evidence that the government desires to maintain a minimum educational standard for all the peOple; it has forgotten the actual c nditions of the Guatemalan social integration and its "low index of cultural development." Certainly the for- mal education system and its links with the peOple have been extremely poor, and in many cases, never existed. Finally, in Guatemala the techniques of educational planning have never been utilized. while there have been isolated attempts, no full scale plan has ever been implemented. when it comes, such national planning must 117. reOOgnize fully the social structure, the various ul- tural patterns, and the economic realities Of the country's resourc s. The present social structure of the country must I be reformed. In a country where 71.9 per cent are unable to read and write, social reform can only be initiated by establishing a plan that will educate all the popula- tion of school age.59 The Ministry of Education and the peOple now realize the need for universal participa- tion in education. With this awareness may come the actual processes of educational change. (I '\ . .q u p. SJUTIL, on. eit., p. a. CHAPTER IV ESTABLISHEEHT OF THE AmEhICAN SCHOOL Backgrounds The American School is a unique institution. While it relates to the national system of education and its traditional practices, the School is a private, community-type non-profit organization. Therefore, in a sense it is a hybrid institution, built upon a foun- dation basically Guatemalan, but different, having adOpted many educational practices from the United States. historical influences permeate present-day Guatemalan society, and these are reflected in the cen- tralized educational system. Educational ideas stemming :from the colonial times continued to exert influence vvhen Guatemala achieved nationhood. Throughout the Iiational period private and church-related schools have laeen more valued than the public schools. Social class EStructure from the colonial times influenced the educa- ‘tional patterns. The coming of independence did not tnisically change educational thought, nor could suc— Cleeding authoritarian governments substantially change 118 11‘; educational practices. Up to and including the period of Ubiquismo Guatemalan education was a product of its while not part of Guatemala's long-term develop- ment, the School has been affected by the hiSpanic past. The School began on a private basis, tuition fees being the major source of financial support. The secondary prOgram includes the official Eachillerato which empha- sizes university preparation; so the greater part of the student body comes from that segment of the popula- tion where children eXpect and parents can afford university training. Today the School is obligated to follow the curriculum syllabus drawn up by the hinistry of Education; the School's calendar is identical to the one used in the public schools. Yet the School has illustrated a new kind of institution as it parted with traditional practices, :introducing many innovations. Its establishment came (luring an auspicious period, as Guatemala was beginning ‘to break with the past and to try new ideas. The Almerican School is non-sectarian; and its student body (Domes from diverse religious, national and socio-economic tLackgrounds. This is novel in Guatemala for most private EJChOOlS are oriented to a particular clientele and are n0t concerned with the community at large. The School 1:: organized as a non-profit organization, and its board 120 serves without compensation; these are contrary to ustomary practice. Later in 1549 the School was designated as the country's first laboratory school, which permitted it to attempt a number of educational innovations.in addition to its regular duties. The original permission granted the School this status and enabled it to modify curricula, hire foreign per- sonnel and change examinations. This status has been renewed, elaborated and amplified several times since 1345. It will be discussed in detail in the following Chapter. Since it is bi—national, the American School serves both 1.3. dependents and Guat malan natiozials the latter group is by far the largest. The combinatiai of American-Guatemalan curricula offered in the second— r prorram has generated a unique educational prOgr'H basically the School uses the Oific ial Guatemalan pro- gjram, but it has been able to make many modifications. (See Table 4.3 and Jhaiter 5.) Whenever the School lindertook educational innovations, it has had to be enly aware of the country’s national heritage. It lzas been careful not to introduce changes which could Cfurtail its growth and acceptance. Furthermore, as a lei—national school it Operates u.der permission granted 13y the Guatemalan Ministry and is supervised by the 1xinister. In order to place the American School of Guatemala City in its prOper cultural context, we must understand the political, socio-economic, religious setting within which the School operates. The preced- ing chapters have attempted to develop this background. And the educational situation in Guatemala reflects changes in this background. To summarize, then, when one considers the American School in relation to Guatemalan education, one must remember: 1. The constitution affirms that education is a function of the state; 2. Education is highly centralized in the Office of the ministry of Education; 3. Although a program of universal education is on the statute booxs, the laws requiring school attendance are not yet enforced; 4. There is no historical tradition of teach— irmgas a profession in the public schools; 5. There is no adequate well-organized program (bf teacher preparation (especially for the secondary J_evel) or of upgrading teachers in-service; 6. There is no single central agency to which ‘teachers can look for professional assistance and inspi- V:tion, especially regarding Spanish language publica- 'tions; 7. Textbooks and other teaching materials are 122 not prepared locally in sufficient quantity and quality to meet requirements of a modern education curriculum; 8. There is no national (or departamento) organized and supported laboratory service where teach— ing materials, methods and principles can be demonstrated and tested by school officials. Lrief history The original idea of the parents who formed the School was to build an educational institution using the most advanced educational techniques in order to pre- pare their children in the best way to become good citizens. They conceived of an institution which was non-profit, non—sectarian and free of partisan political influence. This original idea has been amplified and enriched since the beginning years, especially along the lines of contributing to national education; the School has striven to organize itself as a laboratory school, offering the results of its experiences and :research to the hinistry with the possibility of appli- <3ation to national education. Of course the School (does not pretend that all of its work is completely Eipplicable without modification to all sectors of Elational education. It remains an urban school, con- ‘tributing wherever it can. 123 The American School of Guatemala was founded in hay, 1945, by a small group of Guatemalan and U.S. parents who wanted a bi—lingual school for their children. The Guatemalan government approved the original statutes on August 24, 1945, establishing the School as a non-profit, non-denominational, community- type organization. The governing body of the school, composed of the original group of parents, became the American School Association (ASA). From the very beginning, the AS was very much interested in giving the best education possible for their children, within the framework of Guatemalan needs and which comprehended the American cultures. The Guatemalan government in 1949 designated the School as a laboratory school for a period of ten years, the :first such institution in Latin America. As the re- :2ponsibilities of the School increased because of (:Xpanded enrollment and laboratory school status, the (Iriginal 1945 statutes were modified and the School I‘eincorporated under more adequate statutes. These Ixrovided a sounder financial base for the expanding fSchcol, permitted the issuance of bonds to finance the tnlilding program, and provided for a board of directors (31‘ five members instead of three. The year 1949 proved to be very eventful in the EhBhool's develOpment. It infliated a complete academiC'pbgnzn, 124 kindergarten through high school. The hachillerato prOgram, the Guatemalan equivalent to the Lnited States high school, was introduced. The Lenshen high hool (J School, a private English language secondary 3 combined with the American School. Ly combining facilities and thus avoiding duplication a larger stu— dent body and faculty gave greater stability to the American School. This growth made a larger site necessary. An active financial campaign raised funds to purchase prOperty and erect temporary buildings. The School moved to a seventeen-acre site, -as Conchas Finca, located in the residential part of Lona 13 on the out- skirts of the city. Classes began with over 400 students in attendance. The School continued there until lSEl when it moved to its present location. 'nhile it was not possible to take up a permanent build- ing program in the early 1950's, the School concentrated its energies on improving its academic activities. During this twelve-year period, preliminary discussions ‘Were held with architectural and construction consult— ants concerning the future and permanent buildings to ‘be erected. while the School had received permission to ennploy up to 50 per cent of foreign teaching personnel, :it never used the full amount. In fact, as time went 125 on the Guatemalan staff was improved by various means, enabling the School in 1958 to request a decrease from 50 per cent to 40 per cent of the foreign personnel hired, a request granted in early 1959. This was followed by a twenty-year extension of its laboratory status by the Guatemalan government. by 1960 the School was ready to begin the building plan. It exchanged the Las Conchas site for one in Vista Hermosa III. With the assistance of local banks, donations and a long- term loan from the U.S. government, the School began the construction of permanent buildings. The first phase was completed in 1961; the second and third are scheduled for 196?. Reasons for Its Establishment Generally, Guatemalan public educational insti- tutions have not met the needs of the Euro-Americans, the Cosmopolites, the local upper middle classes and elements of the middle class. Their educational needs liave historically been met by private institutions of ciifferent types: schools established for the various (Satholic orders, several English-type schools run by Cnie or two individuals, and schools which were basically IJrofit-making adventures. As long as these schools fhxnctioned there was no apparent need for an American Clommunity—type school. The need for quality education and the idea of a bi-lingual school hastened the establishment of the American School in 1945; but events prior to the School's establishment were equally as significant. ihe German School had established a long tradition of academic excellence and conducted part of the instruc- tion program in English. However, during world war II the German School became exceedingly pro-Nazi in its prOgram and the british and Lnited States governments influenced its closing in 1942. To fill the above gap and also to provide a school with a greater U.S. orien- tation, the Lowman School became quite interesting to a certain group of parents. The school was very small and offered a Calvert-type instruction. It was owned and Operated by -ne individual, hiss Larbara bowman. Towards the end of world war 11, however, hiss Bowman closed the school, sold the equipment and returned to the States. with its closing there was no other school offering U.S.-type instruction within Guatemala City. Also, the number of United States citizens residing in Guatemala increased due to peOple connected with technical tss stance prOgrams, attached to the diplo— . tic corps, and enraged in various business under— tanings. when these peeple came to Guatemala, they wanted an education for their children which would be comparable to L.S. standards. The above factors helped establish the need for an American School. The group of American and Guatemalan parents, who now had no way to give their children a bi-lingual education, contacted hiss Bowman; and she agreed to return to Guatemala. tpon her arrival in Lay, 1945, plans were hastily made; and by June fifty stu- dents and Miss Bowman with two teachers, hrs. Marta de Lusky and hr. Robert L. MacVean, Opened the American School. Even though the school year had started in hay, many families who had already enrolled their children in other schools transferred them to the American School, so that enrollment at the end of 1945 was about 75. The school continued to grow rapidly in attendance and the teaching staff was soon eXpanded. hiss bowman did not want to undertake the growing admin— istrative responsibilities, and so Mr. hacVean was named director. During this same period, the country was ex- periencing its social—political revolution felt by all sectors. Institutions and new laws were being created to meet the expanding needs. The new Labor Code of 1947 directly affected the establishment and Operation of the American School, stating that only 13 per cent of the personnel of an institution could be extra- nationals. This provision placed the future of the recently established school on precarious grounds: 128 either the School had to overcome the restrictive pro- visions or it would have to close. This period of Arévalismo was unique in com— parison to Guatemala's past: new ideas were tried which influenced various sectors of the country and its social strata; the Ministry of Education became aware of neglected and isolated peOples, and programs were initiated in remote areas; the welfare concept was being accepted and institutionalized, such as the Institute of Social Security (IGSS). A definite ambient prevailed, stimulating the process of Open- ended change and the acceptance of new ideas. Another aspect of this period was a correSponding degree of intense national and political feelings which mani- fested themselves in anti-Gringo feelings. One United States citizen, who was closely associated with the School's founding and early develOpment, summed up the situation: , You must realize that because of Arevalo Guatemala was going through a very distinct political change. Also at that time, due to the Labor Code, American per— sonnel beyond 10 per cent could not be permitted into the country to work at the School. It was at this point that the School either had to decide what it was going to do and decide drastically or the school would, for almost all practical purposes, be closed. Then the idea of "swapping horses" was suggested. First that they get per— mission for more than 10 per cent Americans to be permitted in the country and to work at the school. 129 In exchange, the American School would promise to serve as the Guatemalan experimental school so that the country (i.e., the Ministry Of Lducation) could save money. It was an even "swap" and both points were accepted. One reason why this was possible was because it occurred in a definite context-- a political context in which the ambiente was extremely favorable. While the political climate encouraged change and eXperimentation, there remained an anti-gringo feeling within the hinistry Of Education. They felt that the School represented a profit-making adventure that was contrary to the best interests Of Guatemala. Lntil the hinister Of Lducation visited the School the Einistry tended to ignore the existence Of the School. however, shortly after one visit the hinistry changed its Opinion. One Guatemalan closely connected to the School's early develOpments relates his experience with the hinister's visit: T‘he iuinistry Of Lducation was definitely in the camp Of Arévalo. The Minister, hanuel Galich, was very much anti-American and against the Lnited States. Therefore, he did not think tOO much of the founding, or the need, or even the existence Of the American School. . . . Any- thing that smelled American was labeled anti- *rin O to the Guatemalan mind, especially during é.revalo's time, was not considered tO be necessary or even good . . "why don't you LGalich] come out to the American School and see it for yourself that it is not necessarily pro-gringo, ni lujoso y no es lucrativo." Oneiday he brought Galich tO the School. There sitting.outside in front Of the School were three clergy--a rabbi, a Mary- knoll priest, and a protestant minister. They 1Taken from Interview Schedule, ho. 17. 130 had come there to give their religious classes. Then the clergymen were presented to the hinister. Naturally they continued talking and had a very informal discussion. Afterwards, they went inside and met Kiss Bowman who showed them the School . . . The minister was very much impressed and very moved. Soon afterwards the govern— mental document allowing the American School tO become an sscuela de Ensayo was made. This visit to the School by the hinister was directly related to the subse- quent document (10., which granted Labora- tory Status). It certainly changed the Opinion Of the hinistry of Education, and” everything could proceed from that point. The School, since it is a private institution supported by tuition, has a definite social class orien- tation. Children Of low income families are generally :nable to attend. The School has to maintain its tuition level so that it can continue tO provide the student body with the best education possible. There- fore, it is the economic realities, rather than any philOSOphical considerations, that limit who is served by the School. To counteract this, the School has maintained an active scholarship program, creating Opportunities for deserving poor students tO get an education. Parents of such students have made great sacrifices so their children may attend; and the School itself is most inter sted in having a general cross section. The School firmly believes that: 2 . H Taken from Interv1ew Schedule, no. 21. 131 students from middle class and lover middle- 1 s families who graduate from the American School will have a chance to .ake a contribu- tion in business and the professions in Guatemala. lhe School is interested in having a cross section rather than exclusively students from families who can fford to pay the tuition. At the same time, the :chool has no real need for the studen s, from another point Of view, for there are plenty of applications for the admission of students from families who could easily pay the tuition charges Of the American School . . . The increas ir g cost of Operating the American School makes it constantly more dif— ficult for many families to aff01a the tuition charged. The only counterbalancing effect is the granting Of scholarships to ogtstanding students frorn des e1 Vingj families. Even while there is a built-in factor of class orientltion which limits the student population, its laboratory school experiences are widely known. Per— haps while the influence is not proven in one sense, in another it has at least been recognized. One L.S. technical assistant advisor s mned it up in the following way: . . . the influence Of the American School is widespread. It is not public knowledge, and it alwa s has been that way. but everyone nows. lou cannot always prove the influence Oi the School, but it won't be too far in the distant future that we will be able to use scientific instruments to prove the influence. 4 3"lmportant Points Concerning the Scholarship Program Of the American School of Guatemala," Second _. f. ‘ —-..--—---|- 11-knnual Report to the Inter—American Schools Serv1ce, wash1ngton, 3.0., lgoO (Suatémala: The american School, 1:00), fo11ow1nv p. 7. (hereinafter referred to as deport to léSS. 4 .. . a, 1a1zen from Interview Schedule, ho. c2. 132 Objectives as Seen by_pifferent People The stated objectives of the American School in 1245, 1948 and today have remained essentially the same: first, to give students the best education possible utilizing the most advanced techniques and methods available; second, to share its experiences for application to Guatemalan education. The ASA, the board of Directors and the parents have maintained these basic objectives without any major deviation since the found— ing of the School. Even though the national system of education has undergone significant changes, neverthe- less its structure and philosophical orientation reflect the traditional values of Guatemalan society. The American School represents a drastic departure from the average Guatemalan educational institution. And in its twenty years of experience the School's objectives have become generally known and accepted by the community at large. Lnfortunately for some peOple the School's stated purposes are distorted and deliberately misrep- resented for several reasons. This uninformed sector is significant not only because it exists but also because influential individuals are Often involved. The follow- ing represent the major misunderstandings (note that some conflict with others): 133 l. The American Sch 001 is a profit-making institution. before the School existed the concept of a non-profit community-type private school did not exist in Guatemala. host private schools were based on tuition fees and Operated on a profit—hazing basis. Lven today there are peOple who believe that the Schoo board members get paid for their services; they cannot imagine that board members freely devote th1eir time and energies. 2. The American School is only for the "rich, Jews and foreigners;" conservative and traditional Guatemalans often express such thoughts. Ed cation which is not Catholic is not considered "correct," especially since the School does not maintain the traditional doctrine . hany believe the nmerican School is not a real Guatemalan institution because it is non- sectarian and adm'ts any ne, regardless of race, creed or religion. ,. The School is only a Grinpo School, a comment made by tr e person whose Knowledge of the school is quite limited. The name ”American" suggests to some that only pr ngo attend. This attitude has persisted since the School was established. 4. The School is a Guatemalan institution. 1his impression usually comes from the Luro—American community, and especially from those Americans who are 134 in Guatemala for a short time only. There are some Americans who believe that the School should be for Americans only, and object to the percentage of Guate- malans in the School; other Americans feel that their children should be educated in a completely American environment. Such peOple have been influencial in the establishment of the Mayan School, a private English- speaking school for Americans only. This school is not recognized by the U.S. Embassy or by the Guatemalan Kinistry of Education. Those who are familiar with the American School see it quite differently. While the twin objectives of quality education and eXperimentation are FECOgniZCd by all, however, interpretations of them differ. American and Guatemalan officials, founders and members of the ASA and the board, and former students-—all have their own viewpoints. Governmental Officials Both Guatemalan and U.S. governmental officials differ in their views of the School. Those involved with technical assistance, especially those whose tour of duty is short, are limited in their knowledge and direct association with the School. Certainly there is no unified view among these officials. While one U.S. official will say 115 a The direct purpose of the American School is focusing the American image abroad in technology and methods. . . . if we could have a broader base for the financial status then the American School would be achieving its objectives of providing an aca- demically sound program and to function as a laboratory school./ but another U.S. official comments: that the American School is basically a Guatemalan institution serving Guatemalan needs . . . If you have money you can do what you want and this is true of the American School. The American School is apart from the main stream of education and its effect on Guatemalan education is extremely small, even if it can be seen. The hinister of Education has to work with the limited resources that he has. The American School and other private schools can draw on resources from foundations and any- where else to get money to put forth the edu- cation that it wants. but the Minister 0 Education does not have this alternative. The principal objective of the School, as seen by a significant Guatemalan official, is directly to assist education in Guatemala. "The administration of the School is the greatest ongoing contribution," especially "in comparison with a great many schools where there is a great lack of organization of any kind." This official felt that the average Guatemalan teacher would learn a great deal just by observing the School in action, which in itself would be helping 7 Guatemala's educational develOpment. \j‘l Taken from Interview Schedule, No. 14. T ken from Interview Schedule, No. 29. 9 NO P! 1aken from Interview Schedule, 50. 36. 136 Former Students The basic reason for the existence of the American school is to give a quality education to its students. As the student succeeds, so does the School; graduates are the best evidence of prOgress. while the following student comments do not necessarily reflect the views of all students who have attended the School, they give a fair picture of their variety. while often students compare the American School to other schools in the capital because many of their family and friends have attended these other schools, as one Guatemalan student said: The purpose of the American School is to give a piece of your mind-—in the sense to think independently and to work by yourself. At E school they don't teach the students to think independently as they do in the American School. At é school it seemed to depend more upon what the teacher said, that the teacher is God, and there is no discussion . . x 1 In Guatemala there is a closed mind in the schools. The schools don't change. They are conservative, afraid of change and know nothing else.0 hany times while the students could not exactly state the School's objectives, they perceived them through the instructional methods used, comparing these to methods used in other schools. Another Guatemalan felt that: fl d“ . h 1 Taken from InterV1ew Schedule, no. 6. 137 The methods at the American School are distinctive and different from the regular public school. One never memorizes. In other schools there is a great tendency to treat the pupils uniformly and the individual differences are not noted. Another objective of the American School is to teach English as a second language. here the influence of the United States is \ very great. . . .1 Other students did not note the laboratory school aspect, nor did they seem to be aware of the special nature of the School and its concern with the community at large. what they wanted was a good education. In the School they were able to learn English and to have association with U.S. ways; if that could be done, then their ob- jectives were achieved. One former Guatemalan scholar- ship student expressed it in the following way: The objective of the American School is to learn English, and to receive a good education. Another objective is to learn about some U.S. ways, as many do not have the Opportunity to go there. . .1' one particular comment appeared many times from Guatemalan students (often those who had graduated and had been working for several years). It was eXpressed simplv in the following way: "the objective of the American School is helping with Guatemalan education." ihis c mment, in itself, shows a significant perception of the School's stated objectives. Y ;"Taken from Interview Schedule, no. 7. 10, . m t . Taken from Interv1ew acnedule, no. 47. 135 Founders, the board of Firectors and the American School Association when these men speak of the School's objectives, they reflect their own personal backgrounds. Their backgrounds include british, American and Guatemalan educational experiences in both private and public schools. Some see the objectives as pure ideals, while others are more concerned with methods and practices. when a particular objective has not been met, all have generally admitted it. And all of them blend their own personal backgrounds into their present feelings of what the needs of Guatemalan education are and how the American School can assist. here is one man's view: The School's efforts to reform the Guatemalan bachillerato prOgram has been a real contribution. Frior to this the bachil- lerato program was in a mess. with our special course of study here, we've been able to act as a pilot school to help guide public education in Guatemala. The lower-middle class person is the one we want. This the American School can do: it can train the managerial type of person who speaks two languages and who is not going to be university trained. Guatemala needs this type very much. we want the lower-middle class, or Jhat is called the artisan class, if they have the necessary Q, especially the student who is not going to a university. This type of person will make the greatest impact on the community and the School can be part of this through the scholarship progran. The above idea does not imply that the American School should become a trade school. However, the above emphasis will change the school in the sense that the curriculum will eventually include perito mercantil (accounting) and similar subjects. }_J k;) \ , This must be explored by the School very soon and it will not be difficult to initiate into the present curriculum although there will be some adjustment.H Another felt that the education of the School should be modeled after a particular private school in the tnited States. While this would necessitate a wider financial base (he did not suggest how this was to be achieved), it would enable the-School to have a definite cross section from society in the student body: The objective of the School is to give the Guatemalan kid the Opportunity to learn some of the t.3. ideas and have exposure to the L.S. type of life. We want a cross section of kids here, divided equally. Je don't want the School to be limited just because of the economic factor. we want, although we cannot bring as many deserving types to the School. what our graduates do and what we want them to become is a great difference. Even though the School is not 3 school (a private school in the Lnited States) it can do the same: give every deserving student a good quality education. The School's objectives,to give a quality education to the students and to oper- ate as a laboratory school, must be met. at no time can these be unbalanced. I believe that the School is working at its capacity in doing what it can for Guatemalan education and serving both objectives very well. 4 One member of the ASA saw the School's objec- tives in relation to historical perspective compared with present-day condifions: the simple fact that the school existed in 1945 was significant because of what 11V . . H r laken from InterView schedule, no. 3o. r\ ]/ L—x" faken from Interview Schedule, no. 16. 14.0 it attempted. he appreciated the type of education offered at the School and saw this reflected in his children's successful adjustment. And he felt that the School's being a non-profit organization was a sig- nificant achievement. 4 In the past, twenty years ago and before then, the Catholic had his life, the Protestant had his life and the Jew had his life——they all kept everything separated including education. Therefore, to have the American School existing, and being coeduca- tional at the same time, and bringing these religious groups tOgether-—was quite avant garde and dramatic. My children, who attended the School, were well prepared with an education that was adapted to Guatemalan needs and yet had the American philosOphical points that were indeed necessary. Another objective of the School lies in the fact that it“is non-profit, or non lucrativo. To realize that the board 5335 not receive one cent for the time and energy that they put into the School is a revolu- tionary idea itself here in Guatemala. hany of my friends have had the misunderstanding that I get paid and take a profit home. Most of the private schools all have a particular point of view to put across, and financially they pay. So this concept of serving and not getting paid is tremendous. Status as a Bi—National School School Organization and Operation The School currently Operates under statutes (articles of incorporation) approved in 1949 when the Guatemalan government granted it laboratory school 13 Taken from Interview Schedule, No. 21. 141 status: the original statutes were inadequate for the School's expanding plant and prOgram. The 1849 statutes are still in force with only minor modifications made since then. The American School is owned and Operated by a non—profit corporation called the American School Associ- ation (ASA) which holds legal title to the School's property; the ASA is reSponsible for general policy and education personnel. Seventeen individuals comprise the current membership of the ASA; new members are admitted by invitation. Since the School is a non—profit association, ASA members perform their function ad—honorum. The ASA members buy qualifying shares of Q 100 (one hundred dollars) dominations which pay no dividends nor do they increase in value. In fact, the statutes specifically provide that no individual may profit from the organiza- tion, even if the School should be closed and its assets liquidated. If any revenue is received by the ASA, it is used for urgent needs or in accordance with the board's decisions regarding the School's development. Out of the membership of the ASA, five individuals are elected to form the board of Directors. The direction and administration of the ASA is in the hands of the board. It is responsible for general school policy and reports bi-annually to the ASA. The five members are elected for a period of two years, and each member serves a term of five months as president. The functions of the board, described in Article m O p H o the following: a. Execute the resolutions and recommendations adopted in the General heetings. b. Authorize the transfer of shares. Resolve to acquire the same when they receive word of a transfer. c. Control the expenses and dictate all the dis- positions and rules necessary for tne govern- ment of the administration of the Association and the establishment. Designate the director and staff of the school and their separation when it is necessary. e. Prepare the agenda for the General Meeting; approve the programs and rules presented by the Technical Director of the School. f. Fix the fees to be paid by pupils. g. Irepare the agenda, balances and general accounting of expenses in order to account for them at the General Meetings. h. Supervise the conservation and maintenance of all the installations of the School. i. Approve or not the plans of construction, estimates, financing, contracting of architects, purchase of materials. j. Start and continue construction nee ssary so that the pupils will have the best possible accomodation. k. Accept the presentation of assets, whatever they may be, and authorize the Chairman to accept them for the Association. Such authori— zation implies the power of signing legal papers, etc. 1. Authorize the Chairman to make payments exceed- ing g3,000,00. Q: . The director of the School is responsible to the board for the administration of the School. Assisting him in the daily functioning of the School, the Lirective Council consists of the following individuals: the director, the sub-director, elementary and secondary l43 principals, and elementary and secondary curriculum coordinators. They discuss all the plans together, coordinate programs, and exchange views on all phases Of the School's Operation. In this way, with the Council meeting weekly, each member Of the administra- tive staff is aware Of all the current activities and problems confronted by each department and by the School as a whole. The School began with 50 students in 1945; by 1957 it had over 650 students. This growth had placed new burdens on the adninistration. Dr. Ralph hoyers, Dean Emeritus of Ball State University, Indiana, visited the School in 1856 and made a study Of its ad- ministration and executive functions. he concluded by saying: It is recommended that a clear distinc- tion be maintained between administration and executive functions; that more time be taken for strictly administrative consideration and there- fore more deputizing of persons on the staff for executive responsibilities, thus relieving the administrative Officer (or officers) for strictly administrative and supervisory duty. The board and Directive Council took into con- sideration Dr. Noyer's recommendations. They decided that an executive secretary be added to the Board and Council. This change relieved the Director and the elementary and secondary school principals of certain 14First bi—Annual Report to IASS, 10:7 p. 16. 1 1'___ ’ 144 executive responsibilities, thus increasing the time m mbers of the Council had available for administrative and policy considerations. The study,'Bi-hational Schools in Latin America? . . 1V ,, . i examines tnese schools. ) The American School, when (14 lace alongside other bi-national schools, compares *d H: avorably in regard to school function and organization: the board is bi-national; the executive officer has the necessary authority and there are written statements of policy; the director is a qualified professional; and the School is aware of the problems of cross-cultural education. School Ponulation The School's pOpulation, especially in relation to the secondary prOgram, comes from the segment of the pOpulation where children expect and parents can afford university education. Furthermore, the School is or- ganized on a private basis and is able to develop its own criteria for selecting the student body. lt is different for public schools. Guatemalan law and statutes guarantee a program of universal education for all. however, economic and educational realities prevent 15Paul G. Orr, "Bi-National Schools in Latin America" (unpublished doctoral thesis, Michigan State University, 1960), pp. 88—89. (Hereinafter referred to as "Li—national Study") attaining this guarantee, and as a result many are denied the opportunity for a formal education. The American School recognizes this, and within its limited capacity has established a policy to admit every deserv- ing Guatemalan. Also, the composition of the School's popilation reflects its dual objectives: to give quality education and to aid Guatemalan education. Even since the School began in 1945 the percentages of Guatemalan, American and other nationals have remain d constant. Jhile there have been minor fluctuations, the percentages have been about 85 per cent Guatemalan, 12 per cent American and 3 per cent other nationals. Table 4.1 shows the School's pOpulation from 1245 through 1955 with respect to the percentages of each nationality represented. The policy has been to admit deserving Guate- malans and as many Americans as possible. because of the very large and growing smerican community, it is impossible for the School to include all American depen- dents of school age. Equally, it is impossible to provide an Opportunity for all the deserving Guatemalans that the School wishes to enroll. The present ratio of Guatemalan to American was established early in the School's history and has been maintained, as a policy, 146 r... :6 Ommr—i ’DCU“Q'<:'CD> A e HKDNKOQ'MKOPJMUb—H’XD‘OHMQONO $1 I I IMO Jommco (~35) ray—41mm s\.Q{\-:\OC\J 8 r+HHHHHHH \1.‘JC‘JCVL‘UV‘JCJGarfir‘fl (D (f) is $4 (13 OmMOOOOOmthwf Krrflmmtnhvtn E? 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