AGNES REPPLIER: SOCIAL CRITIC By Sister Ann Carol, Vaughn, O.P. AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and.Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of English Year 1957 Approved {lg/@4464 777 flea/4:“ Agnes Repplier: Social Critic The purpose of this thesis is to establish Agnes Repplier as a social critic. Previous estimates of her work have tended to em- phasize her literary proficiency and to exclude her contemporary 'boservations of the.American scene. The procedure followed consisted in an examination of Miss Repplier's contributions to _L_i_f_e_, the former satirical weekly, published from January, 1883, to November, 1936. In round numbers these essays are two hundred. Miss Repplier's contributions began in 1893 and continued until 1925. Chapter I, "The Introduction," limits the scope of the study and points out that such an investigation will yield three things: first, that as a social critic Miss Repplier's work now constitutes a primary source as a gauge of the conservative temper of her time; second, that she was the last and greatest American exemplar of the genuine essay as distinguished from the article; third, that while seldom touching explicitly upon Catholic themes, she nevertheless brought the message of Catholic wisdom, combined with exquisite art, before the modern world. Chapter II, entitled fiEifg," is a brief history of the weekly, given in order to establish the temper of Miss Repplier's writing. Throughout its era Eifg was noted as an outstanding organ of social satire. Chapter III, "Social and Political Views," is set against the 'background of‘Mark Sullivan's 923 Times and attempts to point out, not only Miss Repplier's vital concern, but also her interest in the amelioration of the many dislocations that beset the United States of .America from 1900-1925. Chapter IV, "Education," traces Miss Repplier's reaction against the excesses and defects of Pragmatism in its application to educational theories. Chapter V, "Woman's Sphere," traces, through the eyes of Miss Repplier, the history of-the feminist movement from 1896 up to its successful culmination in women franchise. Chapter VI, entitled "The Color of Life," deals with Miss Repplier's comments anent the varied and lighter aspects of the passing American scene. It includes such topics as modern inventions, the Observance of national holidays, and literary and dramatic achievements. Chapter VIII, "The Conclusion," is an assessment of the entire study. It includes also biographical data of Miss Repplier not found elsewhere in this study and evaluates her literary reputation. AGNES REPPLIER: SOCIAL CRITIC By SISTER ANN CAROL VAUGHN, o. P. A THdSIS Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of English 1957 FOR MOTHER MARY GERALD BARRY, O. P. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Vita O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 iii Preface O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 iv CWER I mTRomCTIm O O O O C O 0 O O O C O O O 0 C O 1- CWTER II IJIFE O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 8 CHAPTER III POLITICAL AND SOCIAL VIEWS . . . . . . . . . . 15 CHAPTERIVEUJCATION................... 33 CHAPTER vdeNtSSPHSRE................ 143 CHAPTERVITHECOLOROFLIFE............... 58 CHAPTmVIICCNCLUSION................... 77 BIB III mRAPm O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O 85 VITA Sister.Ann Carol Vaughn, 0. P. candidate for the degree of Doctor of PhiIOSOphy Final Examination: Dissertation: Agnes Repplier: Social Critic Outline of Studies: Major Subject: American Literature Minor Subject: ‘English Literature Biographical Items: Born, August 17, l92h, Detroit, Michigan. Undergraduate Studies, Bachelor of Arts, Siena Heights College, Adrian, Michigan, l9hl-l9h5. Graduate Studies, Master of.Arts in English Literature, Loyola University, Chicago, Illinois, l9h5-l950. Experience: Elementary School teacher in Illinois parochial school. High school teacher of English at.Aquinas Dominican High School, Chicago, and Resurrection High School, Lansing. iii PREFACE My first acknowledgment is to Mother Mary Gerald.Barry, O.P., Prioress General of the Sisters of the Third Order of Saint Dominic, Adrian, Michigan. I am grateful to Mother Mary Gerald for the privilege that has been mine in pursuing graduate study at Michigan State University and for the Opportunity of making this investiga- tion of Miss Repplier's work. Next, I would like to acknowledge my indebtedness to Dr. Russell B. Nye, Head of the English Department; Dr. Rdbert J. Geist; Dr. John A. Yunck; and‘the members of my committee, for their interb est and constructive criticisms. A particular and large measure of gratitude belongs to Dr. Claude M; Newlin, the head of my committee for his encourage- ment and his kindly interest. The breadth of his scholarship marks all his work and it has been a rare and fine privilege to study un- der his direction. In much the same manner, I should like to acknowledge a similar debt to Associate Professor, John A. Clark, consultant, congenial critic, and friend. I extend, also, my deepest appreciation to Dr..Anders orbeck, Professor Emeritus, for his solicitude and kindness in proof-reading this manuscript. I must thank Sister Matthew Ann, O.P., and all the Sisters at Resurrection Convent for their patience, prayers, and many acts of kindness during the years I have been engaged on this study. iv To Sister Paul Christine, O.P., Sister Thomas Catherine, O.P., and Sister Thomas More, O.P., my typists, I am indebted for their long hours of tedious work. Finally, I wish to thank the library staff at Michigan State University for their helpfulness and efficiency in placing materials at my disposal. CHAPTER I IN TRODU CTI 3‘] Agnes Repplier was a minor writer and no critic was ever more aware of her role than she was. "My niche may be very small," she once wrote, "but I made it by myself."1 The present study does not seek to refute this estimate. What it does intend to do, is to Show that she was an important writer, and this for three reasons: (1) As a social critic her work constitutes a primary source as a gauge of the conservative temper of her time. (For the wry reader, this point of view, however conservative, was never dull.) (2) She was, as Kunitz and Haycraft point out in Twentieth Century.Authors, "the last American exemplar of the genuine essay as distinguiShed from the article."2 .And (3) while seldom touching explicitly upon Catholic themes, she nevertheless brought the message 0f Catholic wisdom, combined with exquisite art, before the modern 'world. "In her Catholicism she stood clear of contemporary.American adjuncts: a kind of ghetto complex and the worst artistic taste since Prussian baroque."3 This stucty' will consider her position as a social Critic. ‘m 1George Stewart Stokes, Agnes Repplier: Lady of Letters, 1. 115 2Stanley Kunitz and.Howard Haycraft, Twentieth Centgay.Authors, ll. 3Francis Sweeney, S. J., “Miss Repplier of Philadelphia," The Catholic World, CLXXIII (July, 1951), 281. - 1. -2- The scope of this study will be limited, for the most part, to an analysis of the essays written by Miss Repplier for Life, the former satirical weekly, published from January 1883 to November 1936. Her contributions began in 1893 and ended in 1925. During this period she wrote approximately two hundred articles for this weekly. At the present time some of these still remain uncallected. However, through the cooperation of Mr. James Sweet of the Library of Congress and the generosity of Mr. Edward Garvey of Chicago, most of then are now in NW possession. Literary critics, often overlooking these "bread and butter pieces," as indeed did Miss Repplier herself, have tended in general to select as more representative Miss Repplier's longer and more scholarly essays; for example, those which made their‘appearance in The Atlantic Monthly or Hmr's w. Early in her career she began to collect and publish in book form those of her essays which pleased her most. Mary Ellen Chase recalls this fondness for her own writing in her record of an interview held some twenty years ago with the author. "She gave me tea in her Library and charmed me by saying that she loved and read her om books! I have never met a more acute or charming mind.“4 These-volumes of essays are seventeen in number and have been evaluated by Mr. George Stokes of Temple University in his doctoral dissertation which is on deposit at the University of Pennsylvania. A More informal presentation is available in his biographical sketch en- titled m Repplier, published in 19119. I am grateful to Mr. Stokes f or his excellent bibliography. These longer essays, often the fruition of the shorter ones, L‘In a letter from Mary Ellen Chase of October 28, 1956. l—o -3- which Miss Repplier wrote for Life, have been appraised primarily for the excellence of their literary precision, and have earned for their author the title of "Dean of American Essayists.‘ She herself once said that every sentence was a matter of supreme importance to her, and Francis Sweeney, S. J., has confirmed this. She held her phrases in her hand like send-precious jewels, letting the sunlight engage fleck and flaw. She utilised the re- sources of language without embarrassment, holding her course mid- way between a skittish fear of the commonplace and weakness for the fossilized ban-mot. She never stuffed a fuzzy idea into the mold of a cliche. It was an exacting genre, this summoning of a thought, a content Q1 loss or change, a comparison of old ways and new, casting it like a stone into the pool of history and surrounding it with the widening circles of incident. Agnes Repplier was a racon- tsur straight out of Augustan times. It was her method of measur- ing the present on the yardstick of the past for it is with the help of history, she wrote, "that we balance our mental accounts."5 However, ironically enough, it was these same essays which led mmthetic critics to insist that her work was often more English than American. (Were these critics aware of her contributions to Life, or is their critical estimate based on impartial evidence?) As early as 1888 critics such as Brander Matthews began to con- aisn Miss Repplier to the role of a Victorian spinster and to placeher in the English literary tradition of the first half of the nineteenth century.6 Unfortunately, this view has been the most influential and 1mg lasting. Even though Van Wyck Brooks in 1112 Confident Tears dis- sents, his own opinion, which will be discussed later, also seems to be very wide of the mrk and hardly less subjective: She [Agnes Repplier] had published her first collection of essays, and Matthews, 8. stickler for Americanism, observed that her loyalty 5Sweeney, _ 22. gt” 283. 6The term Amricanism is not to be understood in its narrower, linguistic sense, but in its cultural meaning. to British authors embraced even the third-rate while she totally ignored the first rate in her own country.7 Needless to say, the indictment was premature (the author was not yet 30) and certainly it was unwarranted. A careful 30th of the American magazines of that era reveals that they all catered, at least in son masure, to European interests and tastes. Furthermore, a preference for English and cmtinental writers was a predominant note in the Belles-Lettres of this period. In 1881, the year which was marked for Miss Repplier by the first acceptance of her work for publi- cation, the editor, J. G. Holland of Scribner's, one of America's then outstanding periodicals, admonished his staff: All Americans are by nature "Passionate Pilgrims"....The Old World - 13 a lodestone that is always drawing them to it....An American negasins...mst, if it wishes to keep its hold a: the public atten- tion at home, satisfy the appetite 80f its readers for knowledge of past and present of the Old World. Father Hacker, founder of The Catholic World, advised Agnes, the young neophyte, in that same year, on what to write in an interview which is now familiar enough to most readers to be comidered an anec- dote. She recorded it thus: The first cheque for fifty dollars that I ever received (and a lordly sum it seemed) came from The Catholic world (1881) for a story which I am inclined to think now (19097 was’not worth money. The first criticism I ever wrote was an essay on Mr. Ruskin (has my years has it been since essays on Ruskin had a market?) which was undertaken on the advice of Father Hacker and was also published in The Catholic World...."What author do you read most?“ (he had asks-37.777? o d "TTI'Eim' , "Ruskin;" an answer which nine out of ten studious girls would have given at that date. "Then," said he, "write me something about Ruskin, and make it it brief." 7Brooks, The Confident Tears______:_ 1885-19l5, 32. 88 ) 8Holland, ”Passionate Pilgrims," Scribner's Mon th,_l_y XXII (May, 1 l , 1h6. _ Q ‘ ‘9‘. 0...- 'J I r C C... That essay turged my feet into the path which I have trod labour- icusly ever since. Van Wyck Brooks admits that this colonial note to which Matthews objected in her writing grew less apparent as time went on, but writing as late as 1938 he himself placed her in that staid, static, cultivated Philadelphian society which he felt had belonged to an "Anglo-Sakai World.“ ...it had no instinctive part or lot in the rising American intel- lectual life that was largely democratic...the old English culture survived in force under the surface of the national life, untroubled by the vital currents that flowed over and about it, and home-loving Americans who were whole-hearted in every other way could remain entirely English in the texture of their minds. They could main. tain a literary life that was in America but no more of it than if it were actually lived in the British Isles, though they had to pay the penalty of all colonials when they wrote, for colonial writers fall between two stools. They are seldom remembered in the mother- country, where they are as alien as anyone else, and having a somewhat evasive relation to the life of their own country people, they are read by an ever-diminishing public at home. Of these writers, Agnes Repplier was in certain ways the type.10 Miss Repplier's own personal view written for The Atlantic Monthly is pertinent here. In 1916 in an essay, she made a plea for the right interpretation and employment of the term "Americanismd' The essay is as timely today as it was then, even though the portion given below is quoted primarily for its historical accuracy. The expansion of national life, fed by the great emotions of the Civil War, and revealed to the world by the Centennial Exhibi- tion, (1893) found expression in education, art and letters. Then it was that Americanism took a new and disconcerting turn - Pleased with our progress, stunned by finding that we had poets, and print- ers and novelists, and magazines, and a history, all of our own, we began to say, and say very loudly, that we had no need of the poets, and painters, and novelists and magazines, and histories of other lands....So far had American patriotism encroached upon matters of 9Repplier, "Catholicism and Authorship," Th__e_ Catholic World XC (November, 1909), 173. loBrOOkS, £20 Cito, 330 'vfio taste, that by 1892 there was a critical embargo placed upon foreign literature. "Every nation," we were told, "ought to supply its own second-rate books," like domestic sheeting and ginghams. An acquaintance with English authors was held to be a misdemeanour. Why quote Mr. Matthew Arnold, when you might quote Mr. Lowell? Why write about Becky Sharp, when you might write about Hester Prynne? Why laugh over Dickens, when you might laugh over Mark Twain? Why eat artichokes, when you might eat corn? American schoolboys, we were told, must be guarded from the feudalism of Scott. American speech must be guarded from the insularities of England's English. ”That failure in good sense which course from too warm a-self satis- faction" (Mr. Arnold does sonetimes say a thing very well) robbed us for years of mental poise of adjusted standards, of an unen- cunbered outlook upon life.:L1 Another judgment of Miss Repplier is to be found in Twentieth Centfl Authors: Because of the era of her youth, and because she was an inti- mate. of men older than herself - Oliver Wendell Holmes, first of all - she has been in the past grouped with such innocuous writers of familiar essays as Henry Van Dyke, and Handlton Wright Mabie. She does not belong in their company; she does not cmdescend to her readers, she does not 'date"...Mason Wade praised her "very real gifts of style, wit, wisdom, and urbane tolerance. Add to these the gayety which is the obverse of a natural melancholy, forthrightness, and insistence on "going her own way“ in solitude, and one has the background of the making of some of the most pol- ished and brilliant essays in English....A scholarly intelligence is warmed in her works by a delightful informality and an insati- able interest in life.12 Agreeing with this latter statement that Miss Repplier's work betrays "an insatiable interest in life,‘ I shall attempt to establish, on the basis of her contributions to _1_._i_fg mentioned earlier, that she was primarily a social critic, interested in the contemporary Anerican scene and contemporary Americans, and that, moreover, her work manifested 8 contemporary American, albeit conservative, point of view. In order to do this it will be necessary to give a brief history llRepplier, "Amricanism,' Counter-Currents, 268. l2Kunits and Haycraft, 3p: cit. , 1612. O... of the former Lif__e_ magazine to which she contributed, in round numbers, two hundred essays. The only available source is the article by Frank Luther Mott, to whom I an greatly indebted not only for the use of his material but also for his encouragement in the development of this topic. After I have clearly established the scope and nature of this magazine, I shall in ensuing chapters treat in detail several of the more salient issues with which the weekly concerned itself, and which were discussed in its pages by Miss Repplier. These include political and social issues, education, feminism, and contemporary morals and mnners. CHAPTER II LIFE .Eifg was born in 1883 as a weekly in the Broadway studio of a New York artist, John Amos Mitchell.l Although Eugen and EEQEE were already well established, Mitchell felt that a field was Open for a light satirical weekly and he was willp ing to risk a $10,000 legacy in the project. Seeking a partner who would attend to the literary side of the weekly, while he devoted himself to its art, Mitchell finally discovered Edward Sanford Martin who had been the founder of the Harvard Lampoon. Another Harvard Man, Andrew Miller, joined them as business manager. Arrangements were completed for quarter interests, and plans went for- ward. After much difficulty the Gillia Brothers were secured as partners. Volume one, number one of the new weekly set forth its princi- ples and policies. we wish to have some fun in this paper. ...We shall try to domes- ticate as much as possible of the casual cheerfulness that is drift- ing about in an unfriendly world. ...We shall have something to say about religion, about politics, fashion, society, literature, the stage, the stock exchange, and the police station? and we will speak out what is in our mind as fairly as we know how. ‘lFrank Luther Mott, "Fifty Years of Life: The Story of a Satirical 'Weekly," Journalism.Quarterly, XXV (September, 19h8), 22h~232. 2Time, "Life: Dead and Alive," October 19, 1936, 61. -8- -9- Throughout its early years £21.33 distinguished itself through the editorship of Mitchell, who often wrote impulsive, quixotic, but always warn-hearted editorials about his favorite crusades. Among these were apposition to vivisection, vaccination, heckling attacks at J. P. Morgan, Sr. , and John D. Rockefeller, satirical thrusts against bobble skirts, the closing of the Metropolitan Museum on Sundays, marriage of U. S. girls to foreign fortune-hunters, and loveless marriages in general. For months the brave little weekly was ignored by the public. Gradually, however, the circulation increased until in September of its first year, it reached a point of where it broke even financially. "93:52, the new comic paper, is real, 9:59. is earnest, and the grave is not its goal," so prophesied the kindly Critic. By the second year L153 had reached the 20,000 nrk. Shortly after this first success, Martin was forced to retire because of poor health, leaving Mitchell am Miller partners. They se- cured Henry Guy Carleton who became famous through his clever Negro and poker sketches. Carleton stayed on until John Kendrick Bangs was avail- able in the spring of 18814. After Bang's arrival Life began to flourish. Its circulation continued to increase. The little weekly was soon well- known, and distinguished artists and writers eagerly contributed to it. Bangs, himself, proved to be not only an able and responsible editor but a brilliant writer as well. He produced editorials, long and short pieces of prose and verse, and conducted the often quoted "By the Way" page. During the eighties and nineties Life acquired a quality distinct from any other publication of its day. Frank Luther Mott sumarized it well, when he said: It was a wedding of delicacy to force that made the Life of the -10- eighties and nineties the distinctive magazine that it was...it had something of what Meredith called 'the comic spirit' - "the silvery laughter of the mind." It had standards and backgrounds and culture which its predecessors and contemporaries wot not of...the paper kept abreast of current events, of deveIOpments in morals and manners, of politics, of drama, literature and the arts.3 The weekly showed particular interest in the arts and manners exhibited in the Exposition at Chicago in 1893. It maintained a constant testimony against the Prohibitionists and always displayed strong anti- Semitic feelings. It refused partisan allegiance in political issues but it had its favorite leaders and its principles. For example it never ceased to harass the Republican.Party about the protective tariff. The little weekly also took delight in poking fun.at Boston and in stirring up a pretty quarrel with Dana and the Sun. It satirized ward McAllister and his "four huna dred' along with all "dudes" and.Anglomaniacs, and it hammered at Ben Butler. In a gentler manner £i£g_ridiculed the flirtatious summer girl, the vagaries of the rich, the expensiveness of marriage, the Thomas Street Poker Club, Calf-love, and the wistful humors of the poor. In 3887 Mitchell instituted a Fresh Air Fund which.annually sent thousands of children from the slums .to the country each simmer. In that same year Charles Dana Gibson introduced his famous Gib- son girl, Ishining like a bride," to the readers ofhéifg and for the next twenty years she was an American favorite. During the wall Street panic of 1907 the magazine continued its Circulation of 65,000. In the following decade the newly arrived automobile provided a *0tt, m Cite, 229. r1 -11- great boon to artists and writers. By l91h, life was the most successful ten-cent weekly on the market. Then came the‘World'War. Ardent Francophiles, Repplier, Mitchell, and Gibson took it as a personal affront when Germany invaded Belgium. Ignoring neutrality, Gibson savagely depicted the Kaiser as a bloody, wild, boar insulting Uncle Sam, sneering at war Cripples, and shooting‘Red Cross Nurses. It was his personal belief that humor was the only way in the world to kill war, envy, spite and ignorences, but the Germans, he felt, lacked this quality. "Der Tag" had dawned with its brutal.attack of the strong on the weak. Poison gas, unrestrictive sub- marine warfare--one alienating desperate German expedient followed another. Gibson rose in righteous wrath. No cartoonist ever drew a prouder or grander Uncle Sam.than did Gibsonp-tall, stalwart, muscular, in.his starry coat and striped breaches, a figure of homely, Lincolnesque dignity. . By 1916 the only trouble with this venerable old gentleman, accor- ding to Elf: was his lack of decision to fight. However, "Not so deaf as he used to be” read the caption of the Gibson cover on the "Lusitania" number of £i£g_which showed Columbia pointing to the sinking liner while she spoke earnestly into the ear of Uncle Sam whose face was darkening ‘with.anger. In another picture the lonely lady offered him the musical score of "My Country 'Tis of Thee" and asked, "Has he forgotten how to sing it?" In a third.drawing she gave him an eye examination and asked him to read the last line which read "Preparation." But often sentiment gave way to savage satire when Gibson portrayed the German leaders. Sternly he marched the German war lords across his drawing board at the pen's point. Ludendorff, cold and ruthless; Hindenburg, heavy- featured and gross; the Crown-Prince, with a thin, cruel hauteur; and the Kaiser, hollow-eyed and despicable, with cringing bravado, his hands bloody; the mark of Cain upon his forehead. "Democracy" with a smashing right to the jaw knocked him into an open grave. Egg welcomed the stirring Gibson pictures with Open pages. Nothing was more acceptable to Agnes Repplier or editor Mitchell who lived just long enough to see life's last great Crusade victorious in the U. S. declaration of War in 1917. With a thrill of exaltation, evi- dent in every line, Gibson drew a proud Liberty with her head held high, bearing her torch like a banner, while Columbia waded into the Atlantic towing the American fleet and leading her khaki-clad legions into battle toward victory. After the war years Gibson bought Life and the little weekly re- sumed its peace-time pursuits. Motion pictures became a serious and important department con- ducted by Robert E. Sherwood who became editor in 1921;. Another addition was Ring Lardner who wrote the new Neighborhood News Column which con- tained personal gossip from various cities, written after the manner of the old style country newspaper. Walter W‘inchell's "Along the Main Stem" was also a gossip page. However, Life's most spectacular feature was its nomination of Will Rogers for President in 1928. By this time the magazine decidedly had more variety than for- merly, but it had lost its original isolated distinctiveness. -13- Norman Anthony, former editor of gudge, became the editor of life in 1929, and under him a new E222 kicked up its heels, forgetful of the old delicacy, and not‘averse to a bit of ribaldry now and then. Between 1929 and 1932 the weekly once more'became a crusader against Prohibition. sitby 1933 the little weekly had several competi- tors, The New Yorker and Esguire led the field, setting the pace for the flaw Humor" and crude periodicals such as 1381111300 and 529157 with their backhouse atmosphere at a later date. In 1936, with its November issue in the press, life decided to give up the battle. It turned over its subscription list to 22952 and sold its name to Time, Inc., which was then launching a new picture magazine. For life's final issue in its original vein, Edward Sanford Martin, then 80, was recalled from editorial.retirement to compose its obituary. He wrote, That Life should be passing into the hands of new owners and directors—{E-of the liveliest interest to the sole survivor of the little group that saw it born at 1115 Broadway in January, 1883.... .As for me, I wish it all good fortune, grace, mercy and peace and usefulness to a distracted world that does not know which way to turn nor what will happen to it next. A wond rful time for a new voice to make a noise that needs to be heard. Miss Repplier's initial contribution to the famous weekly was made during the famous decade of the 1890's. ‘With shrewd business acumen, the first essay she submitted was one on the favorite crusade of the editor--vivisection. Her approach.was unique, with one decisive blow she used the stiletto of her pen to main not only the advocates of the new science, but the advocates of progressive education--a topic she L‘Time, 12;»; cit., 63. f‘ -11.. never tired of lambasting. However, there were also other persistent and significant con- temporary forces at work which made the times ripe for criticism, and it was to these issues, which loomed so largely on the American scene, that Miss Repplier turned her attention and a facile pen. CHAPTER III SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS Mark Sillivan, in 9113: Times, has pointed out several of the im- portant causes that gave rise to that social and political turmoil which began during the early nineties and continued to gather momentum until about 19114, the period when Agnes Repplier was writing her most significant essays of social criticism for _I_i_i_f;g.1 The first of these contributory factors mentioned by Mr. sullivan as a gauge of the social unrest was the termination of free land that for a hundred years had been the outlet for ambition and restlessness. So long as the land had been available the common man had the Opportunity to create his own prosperity, but with its ultimate decline, there was an emloitation not only of natural resources but of labor as well, by the owners of wealth. The common man became the victim of aggrandizement in industry and politics. And what is more, he was locked in an iron vise by the rise of the monopolies and trusts. A second danger closely related to the closing of the frontier was the possible depletion of our natural resources as a consequence of the exploitation of then by those who controlled the nation's wealth. But formnately this danger was averted later by Theodore Roosevelt's wise policy of conservation. 1Mark Sullivan, 93: Times, _I_: The Turn of the Century, 1119. -15- -16- The increase of population, especially by the large waves of imp migration that continued to come, especially after the exhaustion of free land, created a further grave peril. These immigrations which began in the last quarter of the nineteenth century and lasted until their restric- tion by an.Act of Congress in 192h, were marked by a heavy flow from the south and east of EurOpe, from Latin.and Slavic countries and from.Hebrew centers. They represented a change in the fundamental composition of the American stock and caused a great deal of apprehension.and doubt in the minds of the.American peOple at that time about the desirability of be- coming the ”melting pot' of the world. The decision of the American people to restrict the number from each country to two per cent of the natives of that country already in America in 1890, was put into effect by Congress with the intention of exercising a deliberate control over the additions to their stock and to keep those additions in conformity to the prOportions already here by at- tempting to maintain the degree of homogeneity already existing. As in the case of Johnny Chinaman in the preceding century, the attitude once more became ”Immerky fur Immerkens, be jabers." Mark Sullivan believes that this decision.may reasonably be called the most far-reaching change that occurred in.America during the first quarter of the century because it went to the roots of the composition of the people.2 Agnes Repplier's view conformed to that of the general opinion of the day for substantially the same reason-a refusal by many of these in- migrants to be absorbed into.American society; 20f., Sullivan, ibid., 376. -17- Several essays state her position clearly and their substance can be gleaned from the following selection. Enthusiastic promoters of the "National.Americanization Committee" --a crusade full of promise for the future-have talked to us so much and so sternly about our duty to the immigrant, our neglect of the immigrant, our debt to the inmigrant, that we have been no less humi- liated than bewildered by their eloquence. Mr. Roosevelt alone, of aILtheir orators, has had the hardihood to say bluntly that citizen- ship implies service as well.as protection...and that all who seek the franchise should be compelled to accept without demur our laws, our language, our national policy, our requisitions, civil and mili- tary....It behooves the men and women who have been well nceived, and who have responded ably to the opportunities offered them by our country's superb liberality, to be a little more lenient of our shortcomings. 'we confess them readily enough; but we feel that those whom we have befriended should not be the ones to dwell on them.3 Aside from the serious problem.of assimilation, the immigrants created still another hazard, this time along economic lines. Their vast influx was out of proportion to the slow increase in the gold supply. The volume of currency was cut in half, and there was an immense increase in the production of the silver mines which ecceeded both the increase in population and the trickling increase in the gold supply. A preposal in 189h, not directly within the field of currency and government finance, but related to it, was the "graduated income tax" en- gineered by the farmers of the‘west and South, many of them immigrants, whose argument was expressed in the platform of one of the third parties: FA graduated income tax is the most equitable system of taxation, placing the burden of government upon those who can best afford to pay, instead of laying it upon the farmers and producers and exempting millionaire bondholders and corporations."h .After the measure became law, test cases to determine its constitutionality were brought before the Supreme Court. 3Repplier, "The Modest Immigrant,” loc. cit., 226. 1‘Sullivan, hop. cit., 172. -18- The Court, after two hearings, declared the law unconstitutional on May 20, 1895, by a five to four decision. The invalidation was fresh fuel to the popular discontent which flamed up in the shape of the Bryan campaign one year later. Agnes Repplier was in no way a supporter of the silver-tongued orator. Then there is Mr. William Jennings Bryan. He knows all about his own brand of Democracy, a very particular brand given to the world in 1896, as rich in sentiment and sonorous phrases as it is indigent insense and meaning. Its popularity was so great t t it enabled its eXpositor tote twice defeated for the presidency. She was quick to discern that he was not a profound thinker, and her main objection to the man was not so much against the things he re- presented (except perhaps popular rule), but rather against his undis- guised ambition and his iron-clad determination to become president, in spite of his obvious limitations. Nevertheless, she was always non-partisan enough to follow freely what she held to be the right course, in spite of her membership in the Republican Party. George Stokes relates that Roosevelt once told her, "You're no good as a partisan for you never go the whole way."6 In this case, like Bryan, she felt the keen injustice of such measures as the income tax and the protective tariff supported by Republican Party leaders, and she de- nounced them soundly. In one of George Birmingham's ingenious stories an American mag- SRepplier, "Our Counsellors," Life, LXXX (August 2h, 1922), 5. (All other references to Miss Repplier's essays appearing in Life will be indicated without the title of the publication.) 6Stokes, 22: cit., 168. p. -l9 nate, kind, clever and corrupt, gives it as his Opinion that a titled aristocracy is a great safeguard to a country. Party lead- ers, he points out, must make some return for the money which has been spent on them; and it is better and cheaper to grant titles than to alter tariffs. There is a good deal to be said for this undemocratic point of view; .A few new.American baronets with every change of adminis- ~tration, or even an added earl or two, with ancestral acres in Oklahoma, would cost the taxpayer nothing; whereas a new tariff, if it is to be really profitable to its promoters, may so increase the cost of living as to make it a trifle difficult for some of us to livee To be supported by the tax list is the laudable ambition of every free-born American. The soldier clamors for a bonus, the engine-driver for nationalized railroads, the seamen for a subsi- dized merchant marine, the farmer for especial legislation, the manufacturer for a protective tariff. The great principle of running a business at a loss, and letting the taxpayer make up the deficit, is the dream Of the wage-earner who regards the public revenue as a sort Of manna upon which he has a sacred right to feed.... .And between two predatory armies moves apprehensively the lean Citizen Who pays for alleeee Like all the rest oanmerica, Miss Repplier knew that "the patriots of the ticker,"were forced to protect their investments by exerting a decisive influence in.politics, by subsidizing candidates and parties, and by buying legislation. .And so for them she reserved a special brand of asperity. It was mainly on the point of appropriating public wealth that she condemned philanthropy and the autonomy of money as it was preached by Carnegie, Astor, and the other ”High.Priests" of the new gos- ‘ pel of wealth doctrine. Such heresies she recognized as being diametri- cally opposed to the ideal of that very democracy which made possible their existence. ‘When the Laymen's Missionary Movement announced the cheering news that the world would be evangelized in twenty-five years, "or at the long- est within a generation," Miss Repplier took occasion to remark IRepplier, "Titles or Tariffs," LXXVIII (September 1, 1921), 13. .00. Several millionaires and scores Of prominent business men are interested, and to millionaires and business men Heaven is not likely to refuse its aid.... The records Of history show how full of promise is this business- like scheme Of evangelization. It was the assured wealth, the sound financial standing Of the Apostles which gave them their astonishing success, and every great religious movement the world has witnessed since has rested on the same secure foundation. The acute business sense, the admirable acquisitiveness of St. Francis of Assisi quick- ened the hearts of men. Charles‘wesley was enabled by the aid of millionaires and public dinners to evangelize the length and breadth Of England. There can be no reasonable doubt that the "layman's Missionary Movement," if strongly financed, will at least, as its stockholders claim, give to the people of all lands "an Opportunity of knowing what Christiani stands for." It will, alas! It will. A year later in an essay entitled "Our Beacon Lights," she de- nounced the "Literature of Success" by noting that the hagiologists Of wealth were now assuming the same tone which the hagiologists of the Church had once used to encourage Christians to imitate the examples of the Saints. "we cannot,” wrote a devout worshipper of Mr. Vanderbilt, "all follow in the lead of this great railway monarch, but in our own sphere, and in our own circumstances, we can pursue his generalmethods."9 Unfortunately, this aristocracy Of Power did not culminate in that culture which we are usually wont to associate with the possessors of great wealth and nowhere was it betrayed so concretely as in the archi- tectural vagaries of the day. Louis Sullivan, whose Transportation Building had aroused excited admiration at the'world's Fair in 1893, saw more clearly than any archi- tect this conneetion between architecture and society and his interpreta- tion of the functional character Of architecture was not flattering to the new "lords'I Of industry. He Observed somewhat acrimoniously that the 8Repplier, "Foundations of Faith," xxxn (February 18, 1907), 303. 9Repplier, "Our Beacon Lights," LI (January 23, 1908), 9h. l‘d -21- unhappy, irrational, heedless, pessimistic, unlOvely, distracted, and de- cadent structures which make up the great bulk Of our contemporaneous architecture, point with infallible accuracy to qualities in the heart and mind and soul of the.American people. The error, as Miss Repplier saw it, was one of passive imitation, and importation with assimilation. It is an ornate age in which we live, and the aesthetic.American architect has apared us nothing in the way Of decoration....He has put a little bit of Venice in Boston, a little Of Seville in Chicago. He has rebuilt Windsor Castle, and the Doge's Palace, and the Alhambra for the benefit of.American millionaires. He has laid out Spanish gardens on the chill New England coast, and has erected frowning Norman keep to guard the peaceful tennis courts of Pennsylvania. .And he has promised to remodel‘West Point into a faithful.resemblance of a robber fortress on the Rhine....What is the startled pedestrian to think when he sees the lilies of France neatly carved over the lintel Of one house, the lion of Norway over a second, and---save the mark------the Papal keys over a third? Have these devices no connection in the architect's mind with kingdoms and with creeds, and do the tenants fancy them to be pretty improvisations on the part of the stone-cutter? Think of a devout Presbyterian or a good hard- shell Baptist sleeping nightly behind the protection Of St. Peter's keys; Of a fat Teuton flaunting the fleurige-lis....Why go so far afield to search for what we do not need? It was, indeed, a strange new American scene and the very sight of it engendered a strange nequmerican patriotism. Mr. Dooley, for one, the congenial contemporary Of Miss Repplier's, was completely bewildered: ”Manny people'd rather be kilt at Newport thin at Bunker Hill," he thought- fully observed. However, a more direct attack on this absence of culture is to be found in Miss‘Repplier's review of an essay she had read in.a leading Emglish periodical by a very earnest gentleman who came forward to point out the disadvantages of education: He does us Americans the somewhat doubtful.honor Of drawing most 1ORepplier, "Architectural Vagaries," XXXXV (January 5, 1905), ll. fie {- COG. -22- of his illustrations from our soil--thrilling with pride over Presi- dent Jackson's misspelled letters, and putting forward “Commodore" Vanderbilt, Mr. Rockefeller, Mr. Carnegie, and Mr. Schwab, as splen- did examples Of accomplishment, unretarded by early erudition...it is amusing to watch Mr. Carnegie thrusting a surfeit of books upon the American people, and to see him at the same time held up to English.eyes as a shining example of what may be achieved by letting books alone.l Contemporary writers such as the Professor E. A. Ross ventured to question the wisdom of those who sought to ameliorate these same condi- tions by applying the doctrine of struggle and survival Of the fittest to economic and social issues. In a letter to his sociological friend Ward, in 1891;, he spoke of denouncing the Social Darwinists who seemed to link up the "repulsive dog-eat—dog practices of current business and politics with that 'struggle for existence' which evoked the higher form of life."12 He pointed out that this wasteful "fight for the spoil" was not helping the abler strains to multiply faster than others, and that it was the systems Of social control rather than the social natures of their members that were being tested when groups struggle. He took issue with this maleficence in his outspoken book Sin and Society which attracted mamr readers: The spread Of fiduciary relations, the enmeshing Of industry in law, the interlacing of government and business, the multiplication of boards and inspectors all invite to sin. What gateways they open to greed! What fresh parasites they let in on us! How idle in our new situation to intone the old litanies...unlike the Old time villain the latter-day malefactor does not wear a slouch hat and a comforter, breathe forth curses and an odor Of gin, go about his nefarious work with clenched teeth and an evil scowl--the modern highpowered dealer of woes wears immaculate linen, carries a silk hat and a lighted cigar, sins with calm countenance and a serene soul, leagues or months from the evil he causes. Upon his gentlemanly presence the eventual blood and tears do not obtrude themselves. lJ-Repplier, "A Plea for Ignorance," X10001 (June 25, 1903), 59h. 38 12American Sociological Review, "Ward-Ross Correspondence," III, 7, 391. 13Ross, _S_i_n and Society, 11. -23- Such was the ~ituation when Theodore Roosevelt became the presi- dent elect. To all appearances (which later proved misleading) he seemed acutely disturbed with these existing abuses in business and politics, and set about to right all wrongs with such vengeance that Elihu Root, Secre- tary of war and Roosevelt's personal friend, went so far as to accuse him of inagining that he had discovered the Ten Commandments because he tended to see all questions as moral issues and as refractions of that ethical confusion which abounded everywhere. Nevertheless, says Commager: He dramatized popular issues and avoided dangerous ones, such as tariff and banking reform...and even those issues to which he had committed himself, like trust and railway regulation, pure food and child labor, he was always ready to compromise on "half alfioaf" rather than risk a break with the Old Guard of hls party. The trusts were more powerfully entrenched when he left office than they were when he entered it. For if he seemed to espouse more ef- fective railway regulation, he did not support the measures which might have made such regulation possible. If he denounced the "malefactors of great wealth," he, nevertheless, remained critical of the "muckrakers" who exposed them. Likewise, if he demanded a "square deal" for labor, he remained vitriolic in his denunciation of men like Bryan who sincerely tried to inaugurate it. Finally, he took no positive or decisive steps to curtail individual fortunes, or to secure through taxation, an equit- able distribution of wealth. Agnes Repplier found him "blundering, perhaps, but as honest as 'the sun." Her early convictions were premature and prObably based on ESuch newspaper reports as the following one which appeared in the New York Times. ‘ I 8 lLilienry Steele Commager, The Growth of the American Republic, 1,38. _ -gh- Mr. Roosevelt has a most refreshing habit of calling men and things by their right names, and in these days of judicial, ecclesi- stical and journalistic subserviency to the robber barons of the Street, it needs some little courage in any public man to charac- terize them and their acts in fitting terms. There is a splendid career open for a yougg man of position, character and independence like Mr. Roosevelt. Mark Sullivan reports that.America at the turn of the century saw Roosevelt as an ineffectual amateur trying to introduce ideas so far in advance of the time as to seem Utopian. In their eyes he was no match for men like Senator Foraker of the Old Guard who seemed secure in their seats of power. However, alarmed in 1908, when it was discovered that these same men were agents of a system that had grown to seem.monstrous, the American people saw the ideas of Roosevelt as the people's salvation, and Roosevelt himself as St. George fighting the dragon. When Senator Foraker ran as a candidate for re-election in 1908 after an exposure by Randolph Hearst, concerning large sums of money he had received from the Standard Oil Company in exchange for looking after proposed legislation, Roosevelt inspired a newspaper dispatch telling the people of Ohio that in "the opinion of President Roosevelt, to support Foraker is an act of treason against the Republican.Party." Consequently, IForaker was dashed on the rocks of public odium, defeated, and carried into a backwater of retirement. Perhaps it was at this time that Agnes Repplier began to see .through.Roosevelt, for the incident inspired her to comment that If any country is happy enough to possess a good old-fashioned, flame-breathing, tail-lashing, virgin-eating dragon, the United States has got the man to hunt him...the distinguished Nimrod who now re- counts for us his slaying of bears and wolves must sigh at heart for deadlier beasts to conquer....It is enough to disgust one with 15The New York Times, April 6, 1882, as quoted in Sullivan, 0p.. 935;. 362. “"‘ "‘" OF. -25- modernity. Its limitations are so obvious. Combine 2 good dragon ‘with a printing press, and what might we not obtain?1 Over the years that marked his presidency, she steadily bantered his careful avoidance of the tariff issue, his own sturdy brand of demo- cracy, and his quixotic attempts at destroying the very real windmills of big business. She often used a seemingly playful, good-natured, raillery when commenting upon his activities. Actually, however, she saw inrRoosevelt, the semblance of a benevolent monarch, but a monarch, nevertheless, who was nothing more than a mere figure-head when it came to protecting the nation.against the encroachments of the great lords of industry. "The King has abdicated. Spare us another Royal Family" she wrote in Nbvember of 1908 in a telling article whose title betrayed her feeling--"For This Relief Much Thanks..17 It is not likely that she would have agreed with the statement of the anonymous writer who said, "Hr. Roosevelt is easily the most aston- ishing event in.American History." If anything, she found him, as did iHenry'Adams "all act" and "quite a bore.” His insistence upon always be- ing in the public eye never ceased to irritate her. An.article by Jacob Riis on Roosevelt caused her to comment that there was something radically indecent in writing biographies of living men. To her mind nothing was comparable to the haunting horror of knowing that because you are the President of the United States, your feeblest remarks will be saved up for copy; and that you cannot tell a little boy that you like to ride in a hotel lift, without, months afterwards, reading this harmless 16Repplier, "wanted a Dragon, " XXXXVI (November 1, 1908), 522. 17Repplier, ”For This'Relief Much Thanks," LII (November 19, 1908), 552. -26— statement in the columns of a magazine....Has our sense of humor de- parted in company with gur lost reticence, and our misconception of the dignity of office71 Roosevelt's own modest appraisal of himself would also have left her quite unimpressed. If I am somewhat popular it is because my compatriots consider me almost a complete specimen of the national type. I was a civil magistrate. I am again a civil magistrate. I have six children. In every way I am a good.American and all my country- men know it.19 Nevertheless, in April, l909, Miss Repplier had to ruefully admit that there wasn't likely to be any dearth of information concerning the new president, Mr. Taft, either. She noted that the newspapers were aL- ready chronicling his uneventful days, and giving a candid account of his every waking hour. Playfully she confessed that there was something tame about the record, after the more vivid history of Mr. Roosevelt's activities. we miss the old familiar headlines, "President braves the storml" and the thrilling paragraph telling how the head of the nation walked home at night from the Gridiron Club, through snow two inches deep, and how he shook the flakes from his broad shoulders, and stamped them from.his boots at the'White House door....There was a "Napoleon crossing the Alps" flavor about all this which set our blood tingling and which.Mr. Taft, paddling along in his new motor, can hardly hope to rivalIZO .Almost from the first year that Roosevelt was in the White House she made light of his own personal, sturdy brand of democracy. In an article entitled "Juvenilia,"21 she paused over the state- ment of one enterprising reporter, who assured the public that the Presi- dent's sons shared their daily luncheon with the coachman's children. Such laRepplier, "The Baneful.Biographer," XXXXIII (March l0, 19oh), hl. 19’I'homas Gross, The Cartoonist and T.R., 353. 20Repplier, "The Color of Life," LIII (April 11, 1909), SL6. ZlRepplier, "Juvenilia," XXXVIII (October b, 1901), 328. -27- an extraordinary revelation she knew would rejoice a democratic country, and so she proceeded to recommend the topic to future purveyors of nur- sery anecdotes. Mrs. Roosevelt's methods of shopping also gave her occasion to pursue this same topic. It is something to know that she has "no specia1.business-paper" when she writes to an upholsterer or to a shoemaker; but uses her ”ordinary note-paper," with the Sagamore Hill stamp on it, while she is at Oyster Bay. It is a relief to our minds to hear that she does not say "My dear Mr. Jones" to the upholsterer, nor "Dear Friend“ to the shoemaker; but writes formally in the third person.... What quality was the sample enclosed? How much do the handker- chiefs cost? How are they marked?...why does Mrs. Roosevelt order two dozen at a time? How long does it take to lose that number in the‘White House laundry?22 A third opportunity to call attention to Roosevelt's democracy came in 1905 when.Miss Alice Roosevelt was returning from EurOpe. 'Wbuld she be permitted to enter the country in possession of her untaxed pack- ing cases? WOuld the law be softened for the President's daughter? If so, then other women would likewise want to smuggle in their finery through the Custom House and say, "It canlt be any harm because Miss Roosevelt's boxes came in free of duties." Such a course would be for them a sort of justification by faith with hope centered in the White House packing cases. However, ordinarily Miss Repplier's attacks on the protective tariff were general rather than personal, and charges against the admin- istration itself rather than against the President, although he continued to come in for his full share of castigation. The history of the tariff had been a long and turbulent one. The leaders of the‘Republican Party used the party immediately 2ZRepplier, "Information'wanted," XXXXIV (October 27, l90h), 397. -28— after the Civil'War as an instrument for getting and keeping a high pro- tective tariff on manufactured goods. The farmers, who in the senenties held a political majority, and who thought of the Republican party in terms of moral leadership, voted to endow and nourish "infant industries." Early in the new century when the farmers were a definite minority, subor- dinated politically and economically, they tried unsuccessfully to arrest and reverse the tariff, but they were too late. The "Common Man" com- plained, too, of the high cost of living, but to no avail. No downward revision of the tariff became evident. Roosevelt had toyed with the idea. Once in a preliminary draft to Congress, sent to the newspapers, he impulsively incorporated a vague suggestion that at some future time he would send another message recome mending a tariff revision. However, an urgent warning from the hard4boiled "Standpatter," "Uncle Joe Cannon," insistent to know "whence comes this so-called demand for tariff tinkering? Aren't all our fellows happy?"23 made Roosevelt quickly delete the message by telegraph before it became public. The issue was one Miss Repplier never tired of placing before the public. In 1908 when the election trends indicated a Republican victory, she took occasion to comment upon Roosevelt's remissness in the matter. "It is to be hoped," she wrote, "that the elusive generality 'tariff re- form,‘ which glitters on the political horizon, will crystallize during the next administration into some measure of relief for the unhappy citizens of the United States who are compelled to run the guantlet of the New York Custom House."2h However, by 1910 upon her return from Europe, 23Sullivan, IV, 362. 2hRepplier, "Pity the Persecuted," LII (August 13, 1908), 17h. -29- her hopes were once again dashed to the rocks. After a careful perusal of a circular issued to tourists concerning custom duties, with an asperity tantamount to scorn, she lashed out vindictively: ...the circular blandly explains that the returning tourist will be called upon to make a declaration of all that he has purchased in Europe; and that, as no one will believe this declaration when made, the contents of his trunks and packages will be "carefully examined" on the docks. He is bidden--regardless of the exigencies of packing-- to put all.dutiable articles where they can at once be seen, and he is given a heart-breaking list of the taxes imposed upon everything he may have bought, from.a handkerchief to a pen-and-ink drawing,with ominous hints as to the character of the retribution which.will over- take him.should he hide the handkerchief or the pen-and-ink drawing from the inspector's eye. ...then follows a priceless paragraph.... "Any personal effects taken.with you as baggage, which are brought back with you in the same condition as when taken.abroad, will be ad- mitted free, if the identification can be established." This seems almost too liberal. To allow the citizens of the United States to bring”5§ck their old clothes untaxed is an excess of munificence which may yet reduce the nation to bankruptcy. The more the tourist thinks of it, the oftener he contemplates the time-worn garments he has not dared to replace, and realizes that he will not be called upon to pay sixty per cent duty on thgir original cost, the more affecting such generosity appears....2 She was equally as adamant in the case of prohibition which she opposed strenuously on the grounds that it meant a lessening of revenue, an added burden of taxation, and the spelling of’ruin for the breweries and grape growers. A bottle of California wine, she held, was much more useful and pleasant (even to contemplate!) than the thousand of gimcracks exposed for sale by shopkeepers at Christmas. She likewise thought the absurd belief that it was more moral to drink ice-water than wine to be a genuine heresy, and liked to reinforce her argument by quoting the early Fathers of the Church, who recommended a cup of wine occasionally as a positive aid to holiness. However, all such domestic issues were dwarfed or even forgotten 25Repp11er, "The Common meal," LVI (August, 11, 1910), 111;. -30- for the time being by the events which led up to our nation's entrance into'World war I. As early as 1896 Life was unfriendly to the Kaiser because of his arrogant conceit and overweening ambition. Charles Dana Gibson, giggle artist, had caricatured him.mildly during the Spanish.American war, but for the artist, and a great many other.Americans, including Agnes Repplier, the German invasion of Belgium unbalanced the scales of neutral- ity. Other German tactics such as the sinking of the Lusitania, the use of poison gas, unrestricted submarine warfare, one alienating desperate expedient followed another while America looked on. "Not yet but soon," muttered the Gibson Uncle Sam drawn for Lil's. Although her own views were identical with those of the brave little weekly, when the war came, Miss Repplier found Life too confining for the many things she had to say. Instead, the burden of her thoughts found expression in much longer essays which made their way into periodi- cals such as The Atlantic Monthly. Although Miss Repplier's war essays do not fall.within the scope of the present study, it is well to point out to the interested student of this phase of Miss Repplier's work that these essays when studied should be investigated as a segment of the general war literature of the period.and not as a separate entity. At the conclusion of the war, Miss Repplier once more resumed her articles for Life, but much of her old zest and hearty Optimism.were gone. Is it possible to avert war by cultivating sentimentalities in times of peace? Is it possible that "No'War" days and "No'war" meet- ings and "No‘war" posters can remake the human heart, even the.Ameri- can heart, which is susceptible to such influences?...The pacifists have made patriotism a discredited virtue. "We should love all na- tions in such a way that it would be barely possible to love our own more than another." It is a large order, and its practical utility -31 depends upon all nations loving us as well as they do themselves. They give no present indication of this universality of affection.26 In 1921 she noted that while the gentle Quakers were feeding the children and students of Germany, that single-tracked nation.was deve10ping a gun which would fire two thousand bullets a minute and which would be operable by'a gunner a half-mile away. She noted, too,that France con- templated this "peacefhl product" with a sour disposition, wounding to the pacifist's soul, and that Russia was feeding its own Army while allow- ing a benevolent world to feed its women.and children because "she zfinssi§7 is not by way of permitting a sleppy sentiment to mar her sense of values."27 A year later in the same stringent mood she questioned why Russia should be spending its money on Soviet prepaganda in the United States, while the United States was still sperrling its money on food for Russia. She pointed out that the money Russia was then lavishing on Bolshevist literature and on National Communist Conventions in this country would go a long way towards feeding the starving children in its own land--but her plea went unheeded.28 She blamed no one in particular for these conditions in the early days of the twenties, but there was something of a pro-war flavor in her forecast of the 1920 presidential election. Not one of the gentlemen stung by the over-driven presidential bee seems daunted by the outlook, or doubtful of his own ability to 26Repplier, "Uncle Samson and Delilah," LKXX (November 9, 1922), 3. 27Repplier, "To Men of Good Will," LXKVIII (December 5, 1921), 35. 280f., Repplier, "Russia Gives and Gets," LXXXI (April 26, 1923), 11. -32- perform the necessary miracles. The arrears of work piled up by an administration which has functioned too languidly to set its house in order, the arrears of ill-will piled up by cordial and animating hostilities, the dilemmas which no one has met, the obstacles which no one has tried to remove--these things might give pause even to a candidate. Yet never was there a time when so many would-be Presi- dents offered the benefit of their inexperience to the land. well, one of the aspiring group will know the vanity of compass- ing his ambitions. One will be presented to the seething mob in washington (which would turn out as cheerfully to his funeral), and when thggtumult and the shouting dies," the Augean stables await About election time, she recalled, the public hears itself spoken of in terms of respect and affection which do not mean anything at all be- cause the public, unorganized, unconsolidated, without unions, or brother- hoods, or delegates, must pay the profiteering producer, the profiteering laborers, the profiteering landlord, the profiteering plumber and the profiteering cook. It works for long hours for meager salaries in stuffy office buildings and is dynamited whenever "our Bolshevist immigrants consider that financiers have too much money." "Years ago," she concluded, "a railroad magnate put himself on re- cord as saying a true word, 'The public be damned.' It is damned. To be damned is one of its functions....It always pays the piper, but it never calls the tune."30 2gRepplier, "Courage of the Candidate," LXXV (June 10, 1920), 1091. 30Repplier, "What Is The Public," Lxm (October 28, 1920), 76. CHAPTER IV EDUCATION During her lifetime Agnes Repplier often noted in her essays the pragmatic tendencies in educational theory and practice with genuine re- gret, for Pragmatism, with its humanist-derived Protagorean principle, "man is the measure of all things," was an attempt to establish the cult of science as a new means of salvation. Its advocates were William.James and his disciple John Dewey. Its devotees were many, but Agnes Repplier was not among those who worshipped at its shrine. Commager, and many other historians, are of the opinion that Evolution was chiefly responsible for the formulation of Pragmatism as it was also responsible for the abandonment of Transcendentalism. Darwin's Origin 2f the Species had been published in 1859 and as a re- Sult, Commager says, it was necessary to elaborate a new philosophy which would conform to and explain an organic world and a dynamic society. Truth could no longer be intuitive, plucked from the inner consciousness of man and beyond.proof or disproof, nor yet what God revealed to man; but a hypothesis that could stand laboratory tests.1 At best, and under the impetus of John Dewey, whose chief contri- bution was to split the practical function of the mind from its specula- tive power, Pragmatism became in educational theory a philosophy of expe- diency, and as such, it.met the challenge of our rapidly changing social __ 1Commager, II, 271. -3h- order at the beginning of the twentieth century. Or perhaps, one might say, it accommodated this social order by condoning its anxious concern for the here and now to the utter exclusion of any concern for the here- after. To achieve this goal it became imperative in education to place an emphasis on vocational rather than on intellectual training. Cognizant that this trend in education could only result in "passive barbarians-in sense of drift, a schism of soul, a loss of moral fiber and a nemesis of mediocrity due to a loss of an Absolute such as Infinite Life, Truth and Love"2 Agnes Repplier attempted to ward off the impending doom. In l92h she wrote: a curious symptom of our own day is that we have on one hand a strong and deep dissatisfaction with the mental equipment of young Americans, and on the other an everbincreasing demand for freedom, for self-development, for doing away with serious and severe study. ...The ideal college is one which prepares its stup dents for remunerative positions, which teaches them.how to answer the kind of questions that the captains of industry may ask. ... When I see it asserted that vocational training is necessary for the safety of democracy (that lusty nursling which we persist in feeding from the bottle)... I know that I am.asked to credit an absurdity. ‘When the reason given for this dependence is the al- truism of labor,--'In a democracy the activity of the people is directed towards the good of the whole number,'--I know that com- mon sense has been violated and that I have been asked to credit an absurdity, which no one is expected to take seriously. ...We stand today on an educational no man's land, exposed to double fires and uncertain safety...we are content to rest our security upon oratorical platitudes and generalities...it shows that the country does not feel itself rich enough for intellectual luxuries.3 The challenge, as she saw it, was to liberate human reason from the very threat of anti-intellectualism.with which the educational theories of the day, derived as they were from.Pragmatism, engulfed it. 2Fulton J. Sheen, "Education in.America," Address delivered at the National Catholic Educational.Association's Convention, St. Louis, April, 1955. ‘ 3Repplier, "The Battlefield of Education," Under Dispute, 282. -35.. Against the subtle and pernicious danger of identifying a single philosophy of education with democracy, or of imposing one acceptable form of standardization on all schools, or one group or one class on one mentality by a single control, she spoke sharply. She realized clearly that the democratic educational ideal is unity but not uniformity because unity allows for diversity of points of view regarding the right means to the right end, while uniformity denies it. Democracy, she held, de- cays when everyone has the same knowledge, looks at civilization through the same books under the tutelage of the same standardization. She fore- saw that if universalized, the secularistic, the materialistic or the ag- nostic point of view would produce in.America not intellectual and en- lightened citizens but "conditioned puppets,“ and so she protested. For example, recognizing in Socialism an inherent threat to demo- cracy, she took occasion to review Colin.A. Scott's Social Education. In a passage superb for its restraint of irony, she used soft words of praise to imply her hard contempt: Colin.A. Scott's careful study...leaves its readers duly impressed with the supreme and overwhelming importance of understanding the child at every step of his career, of making his citizenship date from his schooldays, or moulding him, through the principle of or- ganization, into an active and intelligent member of the state. The book is sincere, earnest, ardent. There is no flaw to be found in its reasoning. 'we wish Dr. Keats could have had the advantages of reading it before he became Head Master of Eton School.and ham- mered out good scholars and Brave men by the help of processes we hardly like now to consider. Socialism.was not new in this country. True, for the most part the American soil remained barren of its impress, but nevertheless, in its long history, it succeeded in.alienating large groups of immigrants ‘Who ndght otherwise have become absorbed through education or at least _ L‘Repplier, LIII (January 28, 1909), 131;. -36- acclimated to the American way of life. This became apparent at the precipitation of‘world‘war I when the Socialists in this country pledged themselves not to take up arms. As nationalistic fervor rose, feeling against the socialists in- creased and many.Americans, Agnes Repplier among them, deplored this edu- cational defect. After the war the teaching of "Americanismfl became an urgent necessity and a renewed national effort in education. Once again the ideas took classic form from the writings of John Dewey who gave systematic philosOphical expression to the belief that the more exclusive types of nationalism and patriotism were no longer adequate instruments to test plans for the solution of pressing problems. Influenced by Dewey, and regarding themselves as an advance guard, a group of educators began to insist on a civic as Opposed to a military patriotism. The point of departure was the small group, family, school, church, community, since each of these pointed concretely to the actual meaning of sacrifice for the common good. Emphasis on the achievements of the United States in promoting the well-being of all people replaced the stressing of war. And the teachers were not allowed to neglect point- ing out the virtues of other lands. This aspect of the program was a carry-over from.an earlier move- ment at the turn of the century which had employed the same method for a different purpose-~catering to public sentiment. In 19ObHAgnes‘Repplier wrote: we have books on old Japan, and books on new Japan, and books, I have no doubt on the false Japan, though their writers are too un- candid to admit it....It all seems a trifle overdone. The sympathy of one nation for another is based on its hostility for a third, and the recognized duty of authors is to cater to public sentiment.... Perhaps when we have clapsed Japan closer to our bosom, we may not a... love her quite so well.5 Here was a prophetic voice. The task as Dewey saw it in terms of education, was to develop the desirable aspects of nationalism. He believed that such constructive patriotism would enable people to prevent self—seeking politicians from cleverly playing on the emotion of national loyalty and the ignorance of other lands to-advance their own interests. But, in spite of such highly altruistic thinking, American textbooks continued to interpret world events in the light of American expediency. For example, the propaganda which made its way into our school books during the years following the Spanish Civil'war served not only to revive but also to accentuate certain no- tions about Spaniards, which had long been dormant among English-speaking people--notions so deeply rooted that even today the majority of.Anglo- Americans find in them.an.adequate explanation of the Spanish Civil‘war and of the present regime in Spain without any further investigation or regard for truth. Dewey believed, too, that the integral emphasis in nationalism was ill-suited. He held that the uniqueness and greatness of the Ameri- can nation was the richness and variety of its people, and he advocated 'respect for those elements of diversification in culturaliraits which differentiate our national life." Even in regard to the war he had ob- jected to the insistence on nationdwide conformity to conventional ideas of national loyalty and patriotism. Desirable and necessary as unity was in the crisis, he held it could best be obtained through intelligence and education. He called upon the schools not to foster mere veneration and blind devotion to our country, but also to engender an intelligent 5Repp1ier, "A Rising Tide," XXXXIV (August 11, l90h), lbh. -38. understanding of its laws, institutions, its spirit of freedom, and its "triumphant march onward" in the sphere of democracy and human values. Only thus, he held, could "progressive patriotism" manifest itself. Agnes Repplier considered these same values but with a different perspective. "Democracy," she pointed out in her very fine essay on amcricanism, "forever teases us with the contrast between its ideals and its realities, 6 between its heroic possibilities and its sorry achievements." The con- nerstone of civilization, as she saw it, is man’s dependence for protec- tection on the state which he has reared for his own support and safety. Therefore, the primary concern of Americans must be a deep and loyal sen- timent which brooks no injustice and no insult. Fidelity is our first and foremost need. The real significance of the “Americanization" movement, the summoning of conferences, the promoting of exhibitions, the be- stowing of prizes, is the need we all feel of unification...we could make shift to do without the posters and the symbolic statuary; we could read fewer poems and listen to fewer speeches; but we cannot possibly dowwithout the loyalty which we have a right to demand, and which is needful to the safety of the Republic.7 It was strange, she reflected, toggalnce back upon the day when we could-~in the absence of serious prdblems--raise pronunciation or spelling into a national issue. Americanism, which she defined as civic loyalty founded on civic intelligence, was done with trivialities and patriotism with matters of taste. Of all the countries in the world, we and we only have any need to create artificially the patriotism which is the birthright of other nations....Americans will never weld a mass of heterogeneous humanity into a nation, until they are able to say what they want 6 . . . . Repplier, “Americanism," Counter—Currents, 288. 7Ibid., 271 -39- that nation to be, and until they are prepared to follow a policy intelligently outlined. In other words, Americanism is not a med- ley of individual theories, partial philanthropies, and fluid sen- timent. A consistent nationalism is essential to civic life, and we are not dispensed frog achieving consistent nationalism by the difficulties in our way. Yet, the breadth of her own learning precluded any false illusions concerning the achievements of America. In 1932, when Arthur Hobson Quinn's book entitled The Spa} g£.America was released for publication, she took occasion to comment: The second half of The Soul of.America grows thin because the author feels the necessity of sayihg a civil word about all poets, novelists and dramatists whose Americanism pleases him...."we owe Europe nothing," is Mr. Quinn's final summing up of the situation. If he means money, we do not. Europe owes us money. If he means anything else, we do. The civilized world is an intricate network of debts which everyone owes to its neighbors, which it acknowledges and strives to pay in kind. This is,indeed, the essence of civilization.9 The effects of scientific revolution and the complex growth of American economic life contributed greatly to a demand for the "practi- cal" education Dewey advocated. One result was the relative decline of classical and humanistic studies. The ideal college, Agnes Repplier acutely observed, is the one which prepares its students for remunerative positions and teaches them how to answer the kind of questions that indus- trial captains may ask. The repetition of this thought is to reaffirm her belief that learning and wealth have never run in harness since Cadmus taught Thebes the alphabet...but one thing is sure: unless we are pre- pared to grant the full.value of scholarship which.adds nothing to the wealth of nations, or to the practical utilities of life, we shall have only partial.results from.education....Vocational train- ing and vocational guidance are a little like intensive farming. They are obvious measures for obvious results; they economize effort; 81bid. 9Repplier, book review of'Thg Soul of America by Quinn, Commonweal, XVI, 250. ...! -ho. they keep their goal in view. If they "pander to cabbages," they produce as many and as fine cabbages the soil they till can yield.... But the mere reader, who is not an educational economist, asks him- self now and then in what fashion Milton and Dryden would have writ- ten, if vocational training had supplanted the classics in their day....In the United States we have never been kindly disposed to- wards extravagance of this order....it is universally understood that Americans cannot afford to spend money on the study of the "best that has been known and thought in the world."10 She insisted, too, that our vast heterogeneous population con- stantly provides problems which call for an historical solution, and that our foreign relations would be clarified by a greater accuracy of knowledge. This truth paved the way for her assertion that of all the direct Products of education (of education as an end in itself, and not as an approach to something else) the most essential is a knowledge of history. "Every now and then," she lamented, "some educator or some politician who controls educators, makes the 'practical' suggestion that no history prior to the American Revolution shall be taught in the public schools. Every now and then some able financier affirms that he would not give a fig for any history, and marshalls the figures of his income topprove its useless- ness." To this fundamental lack of knowledge she attributed many of the dislocations in American society. And concerning those who sought to ameliorate existing conditions, she remarked: ... the neglect of history practiced by educators who would escape its authority, stands responsible for much mental confusion. American boys and girls go to school six, eight or ten years, as the case may be, and emerge with a misunderstanding of their own country and a comprehensive ignorance of all others.... I used to think that ignorance of history meant only a lack of cultivation and a loss of pleasure. Now I am sure that such ignor- ance impairs our judgment by impairing our understanding, by de- priving us of standards, of the power to contrast, and the right to estimate. 10Repplier, "The Battlefield of Education," Under-Dispute, 278. llIbid. -hl- A volume on "child culture" (a phrase as reprehensible to her as "Child-material") which spoke of naughty children as "patients," implying that their unfortunate condition was involuntary, and must be cured from without, not from.within, led her to observe that often "our feverish fear lest we offend against the helplessness of childhood, our feverish concern lest it should be denied its full measure of content, drive us, burdened as we are with good intentions, past the border line of wisdom." She noted the emphatic voice of protest against such well-meant but enfeebling educational methods struck by William James in his "Talks to Teachers," published in 1899. The phrase, "Economy of Effort," so dear to the kindly hearts of \ Frobel's followers, had no meaning for Dr. James. The ingenious system by which the child's tasks, as well as the child's responsie bilities, are shifted to the shoulders of the teacher, made no appeal to his incisive intelligence. He stoutly asserted that effort is oxygen to the lungs of youth, and that it is sheer nonsense to suppose that every step of education can possibly be made inter- esting. The Shild, like the man, must meet his difficulties and master them.1 She was aware that it is a dangerous thing to call kindness senti- mental, but she felt, nevertheless, that the notion that children have a right to happiness, add the sincere effort to protect them from any approach to pain, would lead imperceptibly to the elimination from their lives of many strength-giving influences. Closely allied to this thought was her conviction that the water- ing down of the great classics, to the "supposed understanding" of the child, had been carried so far that there was no opportunity for the child to exert what mind he possessed, or to grasp a single thought above the nursery level. A short study of guvenile literature which has been printed this 12Repplier, "Popular Education," Counter-Currents, 188. -h2- past season for the undermining of infant intellects leaves us in a state of painful doubt as to whether little boys and girls have grown ~ hopelessly stupid, or whether theyaare merely being trained into- habits of early vacuity. It is assumed that they have not sense enough to read "David Copperfield" or "Nicholas Nickleby"--those true and lasting friends-- so little David, torn from his context, is served up like a sort of rice pudding at the nurseryttable....Even poor little Eva has been dragged from the retirement of "Uncle Tom's cabin" to.expire linger- ingly for the edification of the nursery. "There's sore decline in Adam's line" if our young people can no longer set their minds to work upon real books, but must be spoon-fed with the weak and scanty nourishment their nursery shelves afford.13 In later life she liked to think back upon her own childhood which lay very far away, "a blissful period of intermission" when education was embryonic rather than exhaustive, and the new era of child-study and mothers' congresses lay darkly in the future. "Symbolic education," "symbolic play," were phrases all unknown. The revolutionary "discoveries" of Karl Gnoos had not yet overshadowed the innocent diversions of infancy. Nobody drew scientific deduc- tions from jackstones, or balls, or gracehoops, save only when we assailed the wealth of nations by breaking a windowhpane. Nobody was even aware that the impulses which sent us speeding and kicking up our heels like lyoung colts were "vestigial organs of the soul." ...How we grasped our "objective relationship" to our mothers without the help of bird's-nest games, I do not know....But as I look back, I can now see plainly that the few things little girls learned were admirably adapted for one purpose,--to make us parts of a whole, which whole was the family. 13Repp11er, WBooks for Babes," XXXXIII (February 11, 19oh), 1h. 1hRepplier, "Popular Education," Counter-Currents, 171. CHAPTER V "WOMAN'S SPHERE" "Heman's Sphere," a phrase which in this day and age has come to mean the entire universe, was still an inexplicable phenomenon in the year 1900 that shook the very ramparts of credulity in even the most scientific Pragmatic soul. No one was really quite sure about the new little orbit. From where had it come? To where would it go? What‘was its composition? was it a shooting star? Its speed suggested that. Or was it a comet?-- a nucleus swarm of relatively small bodies. Speculation and male panic increased as women's activities con- tinued to multiply and gather momentum in the first quarter of the new century. Agnes Repplier was a bit sardonic about it all. In jest she liked to quote George Meredith's statement that woman would be the last 'thing civilized by man. To his statement she liked to add, too, her own ‘View that men would never make any great headway with women because wo- Inen instinctively reject the processes which.are intended to ensnare them. Man has never known a dull hour since woman, apple in hand, pick- eted him in the Garden of Eden, dictating terms of surrender. Her versatility and resourcefulness have kept him dodging reefs and scrambling out of quicksands, to the preservation of his wits and: agility. He is still hard at work, inventing excuses when she burns an ally's flag, inviting her to tea when she flaunts defamatory ban- ners at his doors, applauding politely when she interrupts his sena- torial eloquence, and promising heaven and earth when she demands -h3- 4,1,- them of presidential candidates.1 She considered it a waste of words when a gentleman from a Union Theological Seminary assured the graduates of Wellesley that they were slaves, and what was worse-~contented slaves, with a preference for a con- fined, restricted life. That any man should feel himself called upon in the twentieth century to liberate American women from bondage, seemed to her, as a dispassionate observer, the some of a fine, unconscious humor. Such a man was out of step with the times, and in her opinion, knew precious little about women. It was a cause of irritation to her that from all sides women were being just a trifle over-counseled by men, and that they were the recipients of more advice than they could possibly hope to follow. Never before, she recalled when Theodore Roosevelt was in office, had a Presi- dent of the United States chided women publicly about their most intimate concerns; never before, she lamented, had an Emperor of Germany prescribed their course of action; and never before had periodical literature been so bewilderingly full of exhortations and expostulations concerning them by men. If the twentieth century women didn't know how to conduct them- selves, she concluded, it was not for want of cheap and cOpious instruction. Her conviction.was that sometimes women rushed upon their fate-- in such cases they deserved what they received; but she felt it was rather difficult when a woman lay her unsuspecting hands on a non-partisan magazine and was confronted with pages of semi-reproachful, nursery- governess advice. For example, in 1905 writing in the.April issue of The Ladies Home Journal, Grover Cleveland admonished women not to join clubs, except 1Repplier, ”Eve," LXKVI (July 27, 1920), 1&8. -55- those with "purposes of charity, religious enterprise or intellectual improvement," because "her best and safest club is her home."2 Her own solution to the vexing problem was simple. With quiet humor she liked to quote an acute critic who pointed out that whenever Milton's Adam grew too discursive and didactic, Eve always slipped away and took a refreshing nap. To this Observation she added, "And the wis- dom of our first great mother enlightens us today."3 But her displeasure was not all on the side of the men. A typical Repplierian reaction to the Women's Clubs of the pe-iod can be summed up in the witticism of an unknown critic concerning one of Edith Wharton's Characters: "Mrs. Ballinger is one of the ladies who pursue culture in bands as though it were dangerous to meet it alone." The Women's Club movement was a large, wide and rather astonishing social innovation of the latter part of the Nineteenth Century and the first quarter of the Twentieth Century. In general the clubs fell into two distinct classifications. The first was the strictly cultural variety with intellectual self-improvement for its aim. Prior to the Civil‘War such clubs had a modest beginning in Hannah Adam's little circle of learned women, and in Margaret Fuller's conversa- tion groups. The Cozy Club of Bridgeport, Connecticut, and the Fenelon Street Circle of Dubuque, Iowa, both of which came into existence during the late fifties, seem also tohhave been small but amorphic examples of this type. After the Civil War the new leisure, consequent upon rapid scientific progress, made it possible for such clubs to flourish, and 2Sullivan, II, 637. 3Repplier, "Exhortation," XXXXVI (December 7, 1905), 685. we. coupled with the leisure, was the newly evolved concept of education for women which made such organizations desirable. The history of these clubs is treated quite systematically by Inez Haynes Irwin in §E§§l§ and Amazons, who points out that by the first quarter of the Twentieth Century the "high society" of the East tended to scorn the Woman's Club, but that in the West, the term."prominent club- woman" became eventually synonymous with social leadership. Early in the new century such clubs came to the attention of the satirists, Agnes Repplier among them. A younger generation...now looking back over a national past which appeals only to their sense of humor, have left in many minds the impression that the earlywwoman's club dealt not in culture but in "culturine," that its main activity was the reading and discussion of dull little papers-~futilely abstract cribbed from the encyclopedia.h Mrs. Irwin goes on to relate that one club, particularky‘ambitious, surveyed in five years the entire history of the Christian period; that done, it plunged on courageously into philosophy. Other groups reviewed all world literature in translation, Greek, Latin, French, German, and Spanish, and often such groups offered supplementary courses in these languages. Still other groups specialized in music and the arts. This mail-order catalog type of education in place of solid learning found little sympathy with Miss Repplier, who deplored such clubs along with Dr. Eliot's attempt "to measure our mentality with a five—foot rule, and set the critics a-measuring after him,"5 when he initiated his fore- runner of our own present-day Great Books movement. ‘With telling humor she marked the eventual merger of the culture club into that of the Bridge hIrwin, Angels and.Amazons, p. 212. SRepplier, "Lists," LKXX (Octdber 11, 1911), 9. club, and set forth the merits of the latter as a chastener of society. ...where is the priceless discipline of life so enforced as at the Bridge table? There we are compelled to practice the Pagan virtue of fortitude and the Christian virtue of charity. There we learn the composure of the stoic and the patience of the saint. ...There we are trained to support the assaults of fortune and the swift re- versals so proverbially trying to the female heart. ... There are Bridge plays destitute of Bridge virtues, players who commit the pardonable sin of grumbling at defeat and the unpardonable sin of chortling over victory; players who are guilty of unkindness in correcting their partners' errors, and of folly in bewailing their own. ...What every woman needs to know, (and, knowing, to cherish) are the calm philosophy, the large and logical outlook, Zhe disci- plined heroism, which are the perfected fruits of Bridge. The second type of organization was the purposeful variety of clubs which fostered the betterment of society and held the welfare of the community as its primary objective. These clubs were foreshadowed in the pre-war days by the Anti— Slavery groups, the early women's temperance organizations and the suf- frage societies. After the war the last two causes became national in scape. In 190h‘WOman Suffrage was a topic that ran through the news in the manner of a novelty, along with the growth of divorce and installment buying, especially of diamond rings. In 1905 Mr. Cleveland once more took occasion to counsel women. This time in.the October issue of The Ladies Home Journal he told them that "sensible and responsible women do not want to vote" and that “the relative positions to be assumed by men and women were assigned long ago by a higher intelligence than ours." By 1909 the agitation had increased and Miss Repplier wrote with some asperity: If women obtain the suffrage which some of them.covet, and so become directly responsible for their share of legislative blunders, 6Repplier, "Bridge, the Chastenerr LIX (February 18, 1912), 303. -ua- it is to be hoped that they will cease holding themselves indirectly responsible for all that happens to the nation. we shall at least have a respite from the timeaworn sentiment about rocking the cradle and ruling the world; for even the full-blown egotism of the Ameri- can woman can hardly claim.the prerogatives of both sexes. There are few things more flattering to human vanity than the assumption of boundless influence. ‘When Mrs..Armor, ”the Georgia cyclone,n assures her female audience that "there was never a soul went to perdition but some woman was responsible for it,” the audi- ence, oblivious to the difference between a statement and a fact, dilates with pleasurable awe. It is gratifying to think that a man cannot reach either heaven or hell (strict theologians hold that he is bound to go to one or the other) unless personally conducted up or down the road. So few women get a reasonable chance to sin on their own account that there is compensation in.believing--or in pretending to believe--that the copious misdemeanors of men.may be laid at their doors. It saves them from.being a negligible quantity.7 An.artic1e in Harper's B33233 concerning English.women by Marie Corelli, the British novelist, then at the height of her fame, provoked Miss Repplier to a caustic reply. The point of view expressed by Miss Corelli was that women who attempted to play an open game in politics and who sought the franchise were l'libelous caricatures of effeminate men." The clever woman, she held, "sits at home and like a meadow spi- der, spreads a pretty web of rose and gold, spangled with diamond dew. F1ies—-or men-~tumble in by scores, and she holds them all prisoners at her pleasure with a silken strand as fine as a hair." Her conclusion was that one vote apiece granted to women would be no great thing when, as matters now stood, a woman often had forty or I fifty male voters at her beck and call to do precisely as she bid. Na- ture, she claimed, gave woman this right at birth and if she managed to do it well, her web would always be full. To all this Miss Repplier re- plied in her usual forthright manner. It is very interesting, especially when one remembers that the meadow spider eats her flies, and, later on, eats her spider husband, (Repplier, "Vanity of Vanities," LIII (April ll, 1909), Shé. ,1 -hg- too. ... It is the novelist's outlook upon our simple workaday world. Does it ever occur to Miss Corelli that an unpretending woman might feel herself entitled to her own vote, without having the faintest ambition to control fifty male voters; or that a woman of . ordinary parts might find captive flies the least inspiring of com- panions?8 When the mouthpiece of British progress, Votes for'Women, pub- lished an advertisement entitled "God's'Word to Womenn which offered Bible lessons by correspondence that would demonstrate how the Scriptures teach the perfect equality of the sexes, Miss Repplier queried: Now why, one wonders, should the suffragist seek to shelter her- self under the skirts of Judith or of Joel? ... Whatever the situa- tion may be, there is always a text to fit it...surely seven pence could never be better expended than in demolishing the doctrine of subordination--a doctrine which in the United States is not at present a recognizable quality. ... It is a harmless word, /Equality7 and always effective for oratory. 'Whether Jeremiah or Ezekiel—quite understood its modern significance is little to the purpose. They are not the controlling factors in English politics. Ten.years later, shortly before suffrage was granted to women in this country, Miss Repplier noted that the New York Times quoted what she termed a ”comprehensive statement" by.Alice Meynell, the English poet and precieuse, to the effect that Lady'Astor's election to Parliament was the greatest event in the last three hundred years of England's Constitutional history. From here Miss Meynell went on to add.a characteristic story of a brilliant American, who, when addressing a "League of Nations" meeting in London, said smilingly that the woman's league was as yet only a be- ginning, only a little league, only a "half a league" but it was'bnward." Whereupon the huge audience, the Times reported, took up the familiar words with delight. 8Repplier, "A Point of View," L (July 18, 1907), 83. 9Repp11er, "Authority," LVI (August 18, 1910), 275. -50- "One wonders," commented Miss Repplier, "if the huge audience re- membered where the 'half a league' ended and if it meant to imply its chivalrous readiness to ride to that goal under woman's compelling lead- ership."10 Her meaningful reference, of course, was to the announcement in the New York flgzgld of April 2, 1870, of Victoria C.‘Woodhull's candidacy for the presidency of the United States. In order to promote her cause, Miss‘Wbodhull established the‘woodhull and Claflin's‘weekly, a small, welldprinted folio of sixteen pages, each containing four columns. Under the name plate was the motto nOnward and Upwardn which was soon replaced by "Progress! Free thought: Untrammeled Lines! Breaking the way for Fu- ture Generations!" In its pages Victoria was supported for the presi- dency, the cause of suffrage was promoted, and the discussion of the “woman question" was extended to include the realms of prostitution, marriage relations, and free love. Ultimately the paper became flagrantly sensational and met a well-deserved end in June, 1876. However, during the six years of its existence, the 333E}! did much to damage the pres- tige of the women's movement, and, no doubt, the remembrance of it was one of the reasons for Miss Repplier's qynical.attitude towards the prominence of women in the public eye. In 1931 Miss Repplier reviewed Lug Stone, Pioneer _o_f_‘_ Woman's Rights written by Mrs. Stone's daughter, Alice Stone Blackwell. She found the volume heavy to hold "after the fashion of American books which need a derrick to hoist them," but easy and light to read. In her review Miss Repplier'remarks that the workers for equal suffrage had a hard fight 19Repplier, "Eve," LXXVI (July 22, 1920), 178. -51- and many discouragements, but "that there is not a shadow of doubt that they enjoyed the struggle." She noted ryly that the strongest proof of Lucy Stone's capacity for enjoyment was the pleasure she derived from the flurry she created by keeping her maiden name after marriage--"The only person who appears to have been indifferent on the subject was Mr. Blackwell. The matter seemed to him.of no especial importance."1l However, the main purpose of Miss Repplier's review was to point out the common inconsistency of advocates such as Lucy Stone who‘vere, in her own.mind at least, often one-sided in their patriotism. In the book, for example, the whole of the Civil'War, and Miss Stone's part in it, were dismissed in one brief paragraph. The war was a sad time for Mrs. Stone, as for thousands of others. Its whole atmosphere of bloodshed and political corruption was alien to her, and intensified her sense of the wrong of shutting women out of the franchise. She said the government could take any mother's son away tole shot, "and.afterwards put its bloody hand in her pocket to help pay the b1113.~12 The response of Miss Repplier was neatly to the point: "And that was all that Lincoln, and Lee, and the 600,000 men who died for the cause they believed in, and for the land they loved, meant to Ludy Stone." Succinctly, Miss Repplier's whole attitude towards woman suffrage might be summed up in her paradoxical statement, "only a very wise woman doubts her equality; only a very foolish man denies it."13 She looked upon her own timeaas the "golden.age of spinsters," and frequently took occasion to point out the advantages of the.American 1lilepplier, book review of Lucy Stone, Pioneer gf‘WOman's Rights by.Alice Stone Blackwell, Commonweal, XIII (April’l,gl931),*612. 121818. 13Repp11er, "Authority," LVI (August 18, 1910), 275. -52- spinster which included the opportunity of making her own mark in the world. She liked to reiterate that a woman who remained in the single state was not necessarily frustrated in love, but often had no inclination to marry and enjoyed retaining her independence-~a quite incomprehensible attitude to many people--the Right Honorable John Burns, a labor leader and champion of the poor, for one. Reading in the Saturday Review that he advocated the legal restriction of woman's work, and stood ready to drive it from the field, Miss Repplier denounced him soundly in a manner reminiscent of Swift. The woman's reasonable desire to be fed, clothed, and sheltered, and her reasonable conviction that she ought to be allowed to pro- vide food, clothes and shelter for herselfgtrather than go without, are points which the Saturday Review does not pause to consider. Of course, her battling for these things is a social inconvenience to the men who are battling for them, too. The only way to prevent superfluous women from inconveniencing men is to drown them at birth. A flabby sentimentalism forbids this straight-forward method of deal- ing with the difficulty; but it would be far more humane iflan.driving them from work because they interfere with their betters. Another facet of the "WOmen's Sphere" that often held the atten- tion of Miss Repplier was what she liked to call "financial fiction" or ”experimental economy." In the first of several essays written on this tepic, as early as 1899, she brought to the notice of her readers the fact that there was a subdued murmur of resentment which was gradually becoming more audible from a very large class of women who spent their days in making narrow incomes cover the cruel cost of living--an art in which it was presumed femininity excelled ever since Eve exchanged the simple house- keeping and simpler costume of Paradise for the great grim world of toil. Only now the daughters of me were expected to ccomplish miracles 1hRepplier, nIn the‘way," LI (June h, 1908), 708. -53.. of refined thrift because experts (all of them male) were writing columns of counsel in the daily press and current periodicals. In Philadelphia "an expert of experts" was showing the workingman's wife how a model home should be run and attempting to prove, at least to his own and the public's satisfaction, that the workingman could enjoy all of the comforts and many of the luxuries of life, such as his dinner in three courses, his cup of black coffee, and "let us hope," interposed Miss Repplier, "his cigarette and cordial, to speed digestion and repose."ls It was to her mind "an interesting experiment, especially to the‘rich, who liked to talk about the prosperity of the poor."16 Such Sportive idealists who tote these engaging columns she felt should feelthe prick of conscience when they recalled the simple credulity of the public. It is a cruel pleasantry to chceive those who are so easily de- ceived. The grim truth is that the cost of living is mercilessly high in this land of plenty, and it grows higher and higher with every year of prosperity. ... A few timely papers on "My Baby's Measles, and What ItCost;" "How My Husband Lost His Situation;" "The Failures of Forty Cooks;" "Why Our Little Home Was Never Paid For," could hardly be depended upon to raise the circulation of a periodical; but they would present to their startled readers the unfamiliar countenance of truth.17 With no apology for her acerbity, she pointed out that it was reserved for an American (Wms H. K. Curtis) to show the world how a great business success could be built up "on no other foundation than the pre- sumed feeblemindedness of women."18 lsRepplier, "Experimental Economy," {XXIII (February 3, 1899), 15h. 151818. 17Repplier, "Financial Fiction," HXXVI (October 1, 1905), 113. 18Repplier, "Mild Food for the Feminine Intellect," XXIIII (March 16, 1899), 207. -5h- Curtis had moved to Philadelphia in 1879 and had begun publica- tion of The Tribune and Farmer, a four-page weekly with a subscription rate of fifty cents a year. One of the weekly's popular features, Curtis noted, was the section devoted to subjects of interest to women written by his wife, so in 1883 he decided to publish a separate monthly supple- ment called the Ladies Journal to his magazine. The first issue contained an illustrated serial, articles on flower culture, fashion notes, advice on the care of children, and articles on cooking, needlework, and handi- crafts.19 The new magazine had 25,000 subscribers by the end of its first year. In 1889 Curtis hired Edward Bok as editor. Bok, who had come from Holland as a child,was young, ambitious, didactic,z1nd self-assured. He was determined not only to make the Ladies Home Journal a mage- zine which provided intimate and personal service to its readers, but also to bring about changes for the better in.American home life. Before long he was advising women about affairs of the heart under the pseudonym of Rutthshmore in a column entitled "Side Talks to Girls." In it he advised them to "learn to say no" and not to give their photographs to every Tom, Dick, and Harry. He told women, too, how to Think 3f leg. Boston, 1932. Under Dispute. Boston, 1921;. Varia. Boston, 1897. B. Works Edited, Prefaced, Introduced, and the unpublished J ournals of Agnes Repplier Counsel Uon the Readin of B__o____oks. With introduction by H. Van Dyke. “'53 315E“ __._§__. 19130. "Introduction," The Familiar Letters o__f_ James Howell. 2 vols. New York, 1907. —" "Introduction," His Reverence His Day's Work. Cornelius J. Holland. New York, 1921. "Introduction," Motifs. Effie Scott O'Connor. New York, 1900. "Preface," Letters. 2 vols. New York, 1926. Syllabus 82: a Course of Six Lectures on Books and Readi g. Philadelphia, -87- Two Journals (unpublished) on deposit in the library of the University . of Pennsylvania. C. Writings by Agnes Repplier in Periodicals "The Accursed Annual," Atlantic 1101111111, 11011! (Feb. 1907), 2117-252. "Actor and Audience ," Atlantic Monthly, CXLVIII (Sept. 1907), 302-309. "Address on Mark Twain's 70th Birthday," Hamer's Weekly, XLIX (Dec. 23, 1905), 1886, 1893. "Agrippina," Atlantic Monthly, LXIX (June 1892), 753-763. "Alas! Poor Dives!" p133, xxx (Oct. 7, 1897), 293-295. "The Album Amicorum," Lippincott Magazine, LXXVI (Aug. 1905), 203-207. "Alice Meynell,‘I Catholic m, CXIV (Mar. 1923), 721-730. “Allegra," Atlantic Monthly, LXXXDI (April 1902), 1466-1170. "Allies in Peace," Yale m, XII (Jan. 1923), 225-237. "The American Credo," m, LXXIX (Jan. 1928), 70-78. "The American Essay in War Time," _Y_a_~l_g 116212133, VII (Jan. 1918), 2119-259. "Americanism," Atlantic Monthly, CXVII (Mar. 1916), 289-297. ”The American laughs,” Yale Review, XIII (April 1921;), 1182-1193. "American Magazines," Yale Review, XVI (Jan. 1927), 261-2711. "The American Spinster," Centfl Magazine, LXIV (July 1913), 363-367. "The American Takes a Holiday," Forum, LXXVII, (Feb. 1927), 170-180. "Andrew Lang," Catholic World, XCVI (Dec. 1912), 289-297. "Anniversaries,'I £1.33, LII (Oct. 22, 1908), 1:33. "An Apostle of Doubt," Catholic 113313, XL (Dec. 18814), 337-3145. Architectural Vagaries," _L_i_i_‘_e_, XLV (Jan. 5, 1905), 22. "Are Americans a Timid People?“ Yale. W, XIII (Oct. 1923), 1-13. "Are We a Courteous People?" Delineator, (Nov. 1906), 783, 8911. -88.. "Are We Polite?” Lifg, XXXVII (Jan. 3, 1901), 13-1h. "As Advertised," £323, XL (Oct. 16, 1902), 331. "As Advertised," life, XLVII (May 3, 1906), 550. "As Advertised," Lippincott Magazine, LXVI (Dec. 1900), 912-917. "As Others See Us," Independent, CIX (Nov. 25, 1922), 2911, 295. "As We Were." Atlantic Monthly, XXIV (Dec. 1938), 778, 7811. "At Christmas Time, 1.139, mm (Dec. 2, 1899), 11511. "At the Mercy of the Reformer," W, IV (Feb. 23, 1921), 176-177. "At the Play," _l_._i_f_e, XLVII (Feb. 8, 1906), 211. "Aut Caesar, aut Nihil," Scribners Magazine, XVI (July 18911), 118-121. "Authority," 3133, LVI (Aug. 18, 1910), 275. "The Baneful Biographer," 1,333, XLIII (Mar. 10, 19011), 2111. "A Bavarian Fair," Independent, XLVII (Feb. 28, 1895), 261-262. "Bearing Cheerfully the Misfortunes of Others,“ Life, LVI (Oct. 27, 1910), 701. """’ "The Beggar's Pouch," Atlantic Monthly, x0111 (Mar. 19011), 385- 389. "Begging asfia Fine Art," _1_._i_r_g, XLIII (Jan. 111, 19011), 113—1111. "The Begging of Books," Life, XLVII (June 21, 1906), 753. "The Beloved Sinner,u Cent1_1_.1:y M_a.gazine, LXXVIII (June 1920), 1115-1119. "The Best Books for Children," Outlook, LXIX (Dec. 7, 1901), 882. "The Book of the Year, " North American Review, CLIV (Jan. 1892), 85- 116. "Biblical Plays," Life, XLVII (June 28, 1906), 781. "Biblical Romances," American Weekly, XVI (Sept. 8, 1888), 327-328. "Big Sinners and Little Ones," Review, II (June 30, 1920) , 668-670. "Birthdays," Life, DOCK]: (Jan. L1, 1923), h. "The Birth of the Controversial Novel," Catholic World, LXXXVII (April 1908), 30-38. -89- “Books for Babes," Life, XLIII (Feb. 11, 19011), 1112. "Books that Have Hindered Me," Atlantic Monthly, LXIV (July 1889), 89-92. "Bridge, the Chastener," Life, LIX (Feb. 8, 1912), 303. "The Brothers Housman," Atlantic Monthly, CLXV (Jan. 19110), h6-50. "The Bubble, Love," Eff: LVII (Jan. 12, 1911), 120. "Buying Books," Life, XXIX (Jan. 21, 1897), 53-5h. "Byroniana," Life, XXXII (Oct. 13, 1898), 288-289. "Byron Redivivus,“ Independent, L (Nov. 17, 1898), 1377-1379. "A By-Way in Fiction," Lgppincott Magazine, XLVII (June 1891), 760, 765. “Cakes and Ale," Atlantic Monthly, LXXVIII (Oct. 1896), h72-h79. "Candor and Courtesy," Smart e33, XIV (Oct. 190h), 75-77. "The Cat of Antiquity," Golden Book, X (July, 1929), 79-83. “Catholic Letters and the Catholic World," Cathol_i_c_: World, CI "Catholicism and Authorship," Catholic World, XC (Nov. 1909), 167-1711. "The Cavalier',t Atlantic Monthly, LXI (May 1888), 595-6011. "A Censor of the Press," Lippincott Magezipe, LI (Jan. 30, 1908), 1111. "A Chance for All," Life, XLVII (Aug. 30, 1906), 222. "Charity or Justice," New: Re ublic, XLV (Dec. 2, 1925), 118—50. "The Charm of the Overheard," Life, XLII (Nov. 1, 1903), 1121. "The Cheerful Clan," Atlantic Monthly, CXXV (June 1920), 7118-753. "Cherchez La Femme," Life, LV (Mar. 10, 1910), 11115. "The Child and the Law, " Yele Review, XIV (April 1925), 1133-11113. "The Child in Books," Life, XLlI (Oct. 29, 1903), h12-h13. "The Child in the House," Life, XXXVIII (Aug. 1, 1901), 9A. "Children as Suicides," Catholic World, XLVIII (Nov. 1888), 183-1911. -90- "Children Past and Present," Atlantic Monthly, LVII (April 1886), 508-517. "The Children's Age," Independent, XLVI (April 26, 189k), 517-518. “The Children's Poets," Atlantic Monthly, LXIX (Mar. 1892), 328-338. "Child Study," Life, XXXDK (April 17, 1902), 332. "The Choice of Books," Catholic World, LXXXIV (Oct. 1906), 118-56. "Christianity and War," Atlantic Monthly, CXV (Jan. 1915), 6-111. "Christmas Carols," Cathplic'World, XLIV (Jan. 1867), h33-hh3. "Christms, 1920," 1,133, LXXVI (Christmas, 1920), 1010. "The Christmas Puzzle," _I_.._i_fe, LVIII (Dec. 21, 1911), 1129. "The Christmas Shopper," Eife, LXXXII (Dec. 6, 1923), h8. "Christmas Shopping at Assuan," Atlantic Monthly, LXXV (May 1895), 681-685. "Christmas Toys," Life, XXXVIII (Dec. 2, 1901), 1152. "Civilization," Life, XLVII (April 5, 1906), L121. "Climatic," Life, LXXV (Mar. 18, 1920), 501. "A Collecgion of Autographs," Centugy Magazine, LXX (Aug. 1916), 58(4- 930 "Collective Unreason," Atlantic Monthly, CXL (Dec. 1937), 768-775. "A Colonial Diary," Atlantic Monthly, LXXXIV (July 1899), 115-52. "The Comedy of Convention," Life, L (July 14, 1907), 26. “The Comedy of Spiritualism," Independent, LI (July 13, 1899), 1869-1861. "A Comfortable Creed," Life, XLVIII (Aug. 23, 1906), 205. "The Comic Tourist," Life, XLVIII (July 5, 1906), 809. "A Comreefiary on Herr Delbruck," Atlantic Monthly, CXV (Mar. 1915), 112 28. "The Common Weal," Life, LVI (Aug. 11, 1910), 2211. -91- "Concerning Children," Independent, CX (Mar. 17, 1923), l83-l8h. "Consecrated to Crime," Atlantic Monthly, XCII (Aug. 1903), 231-236. "Consolgfign of the Conservative," Atlantic Monthly, CXXIV (Dec. 1919), 7 7 8 "The Contentiousness of Modern.Novel Writers,"'North.American Review, CLXIII (Oct. 1896), 395-1101. "A Controversy," Life, XLIV (Aug. 25, 190h), 185. "The Convent Stage," Atlantic Monthly, XCV'(June 1905), 7h9-756. "The Costéof Modern Sentiment," Atlantic Monthly, CXI (May, 1913), 610- 17. "Courage of the Candidate," Life, LXXV'(June 10, 1920), 1091. "The Critic at Large," Independent, LI (Sept. 7, 1899), 21112-21113. "Crookgg Thinking in Regard to the war," Nation, C (Apr. 8, 1915), 3 . "Cruelty and Humor,"_lele Review, VI (April 1917), 537-5h7. "Cure Alls," Atlantic Monthly, CXXXVI (July 1925), 12-19. "Curiosities of Criticism," Atlantic Monthly, LIX (Mar. 1887), 31b-323- "The Curse of Calendars," Life, XLIV (Dec. 22, l90h), 6h1. "The ngfoggry Correspondent," Atlantic.Mm mthly, CIV (Aug. 1909), 2 2 "A Dark Page of Russian History," Cosmopolitan, IX (June, 1890), 210-213. "The Days we Celebrate," lige, LX (Nov. 7, 1912), 2136. "Dead Authors," Atlantic Monthly, CXXII (Aug. 1918), 156-1611. "The Deathless Diary," Atlantic Monthly, LXXIX (May 1897), 6h2-651. "The Deathless Three," llle, LXXIX (Feb. 16, 1922), h. "The Decay of Sentiment," Atlantic Monthly, LX (July 1887), 67-76. "The Declige and Fall of the Author," _1_.____ife, XXXIII (April 27, 1899), 366-3 7. -92- "The Dismal Science," Life, LXXV (April 1, 1920), 601. "The Divineness of Discontent," Atlantic Monthly, CXXXI (June 1923), 727-7311- "The Dominic Speaks," Life, LXXVII (May 5, 1921), 639. "The Dragon's Teeth," Outlook, LXXI (May 10, 1902), 1214-127. "Dramatic Hints," Life, LX (Oct. 3, 1912), 191h. "The Drolleries of Clothes," Independent, CVII (Dec. 3, 1921), "Economy," Life, XLVIII (Nov. 1, 1906), 1198. "Edith Wharton," Commonweal, XXIX (Nov. 25, 1938), 125-126. "Education," Atlantic Monthly, CXXIX (April 1922), 1186-183. "Education by Play," Life, XXXIII (Jan. 12, 1899), 311-35. "An Educational Establishment," Life, mm (Aug. 17, 1899), 131.435. "The Exclusive Lady of Maryland," Catholic World, CXXXVII (Mar. 1931;), "An Encounter," Life, LVIII (Sept. 1911), 391. "English Hylms," Catholic World, XLIV (Oct. 1886), (ah-7S. "English Love Songs," Atlantic Monthly, LXV (Jan. 1890), 23-33. "English Railway Fiction," Atlantic Monthly, LXVIII (July, 1891), 78-87. "English Voices on the French Revolution," Catholic World, XLII "Ennui," Atlantic w, m1 (June 1893), 775-781;. "Esoteric Econom," Atlantic M, LXII (Oct. 1888), 529-536. "The Eternal Feminine," EEES’ XXXIII (mar. 9, 1899), 19h-l95. "Eve," Elle, LXXVI (July 22, 1920), 1h8, 17h. "Ever Grateful for the Prize," Atlantic Monthly, CXLII (Oct. 1926), "Ever Grateful for the Prize," Life, LXXXV (May 114, 1925), 11. -93- "The Everlasting Beasts," _I_._i_i_‘_e, LXXIX (June 22, 1922), 8. "An Example to the World," l._i_i_‘_e, XLVII (Mar. 15, 1906), 336. "Exhortation," £3363, XLVI (Dec. 7, 1905), 685. "Experimental Econonv," _I_._i£_e_, XXXIII (Feb. 23, 1899), 1514-155. "The Falls of Wend," Catholic World, XL (Jan. 1885), 1136-11113. "Falsghoogois a Moral Agent," Catholic World, XLI (Aug. 1885), 97" 0 "Fame," Life, L (Oct. 214, 1907), 1189. "The Fatal Gift of Beauty," Life, LXXVIII (Oct. 13, 1921) , h. "The Fete de Gayant," Atlantic Monthly, LXIV (Jan. 1896) , 51-57. "Fiction éméthe Pulpit," Atlantic Monthly, LXIV (Oct. 1889), 527- 3 o "Filthy Lucre," _I_._i;_f_e_, LXXX (Sept. 1h, 1922), 15. "Financial Fiction," 1232: XLVI (Oct. 12, 1905), 1.32. "A Fitting Tribute," life, XLVII. (April 26, 1906), 516. "A Foiled Ambition," 14.122: L (Nov. 21, 1907), 607. "For This Relief Much Thanks," 3,333, LII (ch. 19, 1908), 552. "The Fortunate Poets," Yale Review, XV (Jan. 1926), 267-281. "The Foundations of Faith," _I_._i_r_e, XLIX (Feb. 28, 1907), 303. "Friendship's Offering," _1_._i_r_e, XLIX (Feb. 21, 1907), 272. "From Over the Sea," _I_._i_._f_e_, XXXVII (Mar. 28, 1901), 2119-250. "Fro: the Baby's Point of View," £52.32 XLVII (Feb. 1, 1906), 1118. "The Game of Love," Atlantic Monthly, XCVI (Oct. 1905), 5117-555. "The Gayety of Life," Ranger's Magazine, CVIII (May 1901;), 9117-9119. "A Generous Giver," Elle, XLIV (Dec. 1, 1901;), 538. "A Gentle Warning to Lecturers," E33112: XVII (April, 18914), 235-2110. "Ghosts," Atlantic Monthly, IXXIV (Dec. 1891;), nil-7&7. -9h- "Gift Books," Life, L (Dec. 19, 1907), 7119. "Gifts," Commonweal, XXVIII (July 8, 1938), 285-286. "The Girl Graduate," Century Magazine, LVIII (June 1910), 227-230. "Golf the Glorious," Life, LXXVI (Oct. 1h, 1920), 665. "The Good Humor of the Saints," Catholic World, (Oct. 1882). "Good News and.Bad," Commonyeal, III (Nov. 11-17, 1925), 16—17. "Good-Night Ladies," Independent, CVIII (Apr. 8, 1922), 339-3h0. "A Goodeord Gone Wrong," Independent, CVII (Oct. 1, 1921), 5. "The Greatest of These is Charity," Hagpers Bazaar, XLIV, 2&5. "Guides: A Protest," Atlantic Monthly, LXXVI (Sept. 1895), 36h-370. "Habits of the Mildly Great," Life, 21le (Jan. 3, 1907), 20-21. "The Happiness of Writing an Autobiography," Atlantic Monthly, CXXXIII (Feb. 192h), 200-209. "A Happy Half-Century," Haypers Magazine, CXIV (Feb. 1907), th-th. "The Headsman," Harpers Magazine, CV (Sept. 1902), 569-572. "Heaven in Recent Fiction," Catholic World, XL (Mar. 1885), 8h3-852. "He Knows It All," Life, LXXVI (Dec. 23, 1920), 1176. "Hereafter," Life, LIII (June 3, 1909), 763. "Heroines of Romance," Independent, LII (Sept. 20, 1900), 2256-2257. "The High Cost of Goodness," £133, LXXVII (Jan. 27, 1921), 122. "The High Cost of Government," Elle, LXXV (May 7, 1920), 835. "Hints for the Holidays," life, XXXII (Dec. 3, 1898), hh8. "His Reader's Friend," Atlantic.Monthly,.XCVIII (Nov. 1906), 6hh-651. "Historical Plays," Elle, CXLI (Feb. 2, 1905), lhl. "Home-Made Precocity," McClures Magazine, XLVII (June 1916), 18. "The Homeward Voyage," FEE: XL (Dec. 18, 1902), 537. "Horace," Atlantic Monthly, CLVII (Mar. 1936), 279-287. -95- "Horace Howard Furness," Atlantic Monthly, CX (Nov. 1912), 6211-628. "The House Cat," Good Housekeeping, LII (May 1911), 5611-566. "The House 01‘ Laughter," Attlantic Monthly, CLVIII (July 1936), 18-27. "The House Unbeautiful," Reader, IX (Dec. 1906) , 90-92. "How-Near~to Right?" Commonweal, XXVII (Nov. 5, 1937), 39. "Humor: English and American," Cosmopolitan, XVI (Jan. 1891;), 361-369. "Rumors of the Cookery-Book," North Agrican Review, CLII (April 1891), hél-h69o "The Idolatrous Dog," Forum, LXXI (Feb. 192h), 181-190. "The Immortal Three," Book Lover, I (May 1903), 509-5111. "In Arcady," Catholic World, XXXIV (Oct. 1881), 120-136. "In Behalf of Parents," North American Review, CLVII (Aug. 1893), 225-233. "In Case We Read," 3.31333, IV (June 25, 1921), 602. "An Infernal Gallemaufry O'Din," life, L (Nov. 7, 1907), Sh6-5h7. "Information Wanted," liEg; XLIV (Oct. 27, 190A), 397. "In Former Pauperie" E3, XLIV (Sept. 29, 19011), 300-301. "Inhumanity," Elle, LV (Feb. 10, 1910), 237. "In Lover's Land," Haggrs Magazine, CIII (Oct. 1901), 696-700. "In Man'sImage and Likeness," Putnam's Monthly, III (Feb. 1908), Sh9'55ho . "In the Dozy Hours," Atlantic Monthly, LXXIV (July 189h), 103-107. "In the Name of Humanity," Life, XLVIII (Oct. 18, 1906), A30. "In a Railway Station," Life, XLVIII (Aug. 2, 1906), 129. "In Retreat," Atlantic Monthly, XCV (July 1905), 110-117. "An Instructed Public ," Book Notes Monthly, XXII (June 1901;), 1005-1007. "In the Way," Life, LI (June 11, 1908), 608. "It Has Been Told," Catholic World, CXXVIII (Dec. 1929), 262-269. -95- "Jane Austen," Critic, XXIV (Dec. 1900), 51h. "Joost Van Den Vondel," Catholic World, XLII (Feb. 1886), 595-607. "The Joys of Censorship," Elle, L (Dec. 5, 1907), 685. "Juvenilia," lige,.XXXVII (Oct. 2h, 1901), 328. "Keep on Worrying," Independent, CVIII (May 27, 1922), h71-h72. "The Kingdom of Lies," Life, XLIX (June 6, 1907), 771. "A Kitten," Atlantie‘Meethly, LXXII (Sept. 1893), 326-330. "The Lament of the Adult," Life, XXXIX (Feb. 20, 1902), 153. "Last Pages in the Journal of Eve de la Tour DlArraine," Catholic World, mv (Sept. 1882), 828-8h6. *— "The Laugh that Failed," Atlantic Monthly, CLVIII (Avg. 1936), 210-216. "Leagues," Life, LXXXI (June 21, 1923), 13. "Lecturing," Commonweal, XXVII (Feb. 11, 1938), h28—h29. "Legends of Calais," Catholic World, LXXXII (Dec. 1905), 302-310. "Leisure," Scribners Magazine, XIV (July 1893), 63-67. "A Lesson of Life," Catholic World, XXXIX (July 188A), 513-539. "The Lesson of Life," life, XLIV (Sept. 1, l90h), 209. "Letters of Thackeray," CatholiciWeElQ, XLVI (Feb. 1888), 593-602. "Light at Last," Elle, L (Dec. 12, 1907), 723. "Lists," Elle, LXXX (Oct. 12, 1922), 9. "The Literary Lady," Atlantic Monthly, CI (Feb. 1908), 263-269. "A Literary Lottery," Elle, XXXIX (Jan. 9, 1902), 28-29. "Literary Profiteers," £233: LXXXII (Oct. 11, 1923), 20. "Literary Shibboleths," Atlantic Monthly, LXV (May 1890), 631-638. "Literature of the war," Elle, XXXII (Sept. 22, 1898), 225-226. "Little Pharisees in Fiction," Scribners Magazine, XX (Dec. 1896). 718-72h. "Living in History," Atlantic Monthly, CXVIII (Nov. 1916), 577-585. "L0, the Poor Congressman," _I_.__i_f_e, LXXDi (April 6, 1922), 9. "Lost," lye, LXXVI (Oct. 1h, 1920), 697. "Making History," £122, XLVII (Mar. 7, 1906), 281. "Man's Friend, the Dog," l._i_l‘_e, XL (July 31, 1902), 98. "Marianne," Atlantic Monthly, XCIV (Dec. 19011), 822-829. "Marius the Epicurean," Catholic World, XLIII (May 1886) , 222-231. "Marriage in Fiction," Harpers Bazaar, XXXVIII (May 1901;), 1151-1155. "Marriage Vows," Atlantic Monthly, XCVI (Sept. 1905 ), 397-11011. "Mary's Lamb," Life, XLIII (June 16, 1901.), 597. "The Masterful Puritan," Yale Reviefl, X (Jan. 1921), 262-2711. "Mild Food for the Feminine Intellect," Life, XXKIII (Mar. 1899), 207. "Modern Word-Parsimony," Lippencott Magazine, XLI (Feb. 1888), 272-275. "The Modest Immigrant," Atlantic Monthly, CXVI (Sept. 1915), 303-312. "Money," Atlantic Monthly, CXX (Aug. 1917), 202-210. "The Mortgage 0n the Farm," Peterson's, CIII (May 1893), 522-523. "Mostly Truffles," Commonweal, XVI (Sept. 111, 1932), 1173. "Mothers Up-to-Date," Life, LXXXV (May 7, 1925), 6. "Mr. Browning '3 Death: Estimates of His Work," American Weekly, m (Dec. 21, 1889), 195. "Much Ado," Life, LI (April 2, 1908), 351. "The Muse of History," Life, XXXIV (Dec. 111, 1899), 512. 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