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FACTORS OF POLICE OFFICER OCCUPATION
SOCIALIZATION AS THEY AFFECT THE INJURY
OF SUSPECTS IN POLICE ENCOUNTERS

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FACTORS OF POLICE OFFICER OCCUPATION SOCIALIZATION AS THEY
AFFECT THE INJURY OF SUSPECTS IN POLICE ENCOUNTERS

By

Hilary Frost Carter

A THESIS
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
MASTER OF SCIENCE
Department of Criminal Justice

2006

ABSTRACT

FACTORS OF POLICE OFFICER OCCUPATION SOCIALIZATION AS THEY
AFFECT THE INJURY OF SUSPECTS IN POLICE ENCOUNTERS

BY
Hilary Frost Carter

Police use of force is not a new topic. It has been researched for
decades, yet some aspects have been focused on more than others. Moreover,
the types of officers recruited, higher education levels, and changes in policing
philosophy may contribute to behaviors and attitudes that contribute to the use of
force. Of the prior research on police use of force, the majority of studies
attribute injury to factors such as race/ethnicity and gender. This study will focus
on the factors that contribute to suspect injury resulting from police use of non-
deadly force. The present study will look at occupational socialization as a
contributor to suspect injury resulting from police use of non-deadly force and will
examine whether or not variables such as race/ethnicity and gender are reliable
predictors of suspect injury resulting from police use of non-deadly force.
Specifically, it is hypothesized that organizational socialization is the main
contributor to suspect injury during a non-deadly use of force confrontation and
not variables such as race/ethnicity and gender. Survey data collected by
researchers from Rutgers University and Arizona State University through the
Phoenix, Arizona Police Department in 1994 are used to determine the factors of
police/suspect encounters that contribute to suspect injury to determine the effect

of occupational socialization.

Copyright by
HILARY FROST CARTER
2006

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank the knowledgeable and understanding faculty at
Michigan State University for their support during this endeavor. I am grateful to
Professors Bruce L. Benson, Ed McGarrell, and Charles Corley for their guidance

and patience throughout this project and to my parents for advice and assurance.

iv

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I - INTRODUCTION .............................................................. 6
Statement of the Problem ....................................................................... 7
Purpose of the Study ......................... . ................................................... 8
CHAPTER II — LITERATURE REVIEW .................................................... 11
Socialization ...................................................................................... 13
Occupational Socialization .................................................................... 13
Police Officer Behavior ......................................................................... 15
Cynioism and Authoritarian Police Personalities ........................................ 19
Current Research on Use of Force ......................................................... 23
CHAPTER III - DATA AND METHODS .................................................... 27
Phoenix [Arizona] Use of Force Project .................................................... 28
Summary of Phoenix [Arizona] Use of Force Project ................................... 28
Current Study ...................................................................................... 30
Variables ........................................................................................... 31
CHAPTER IV — RESULTS .................................................................... 34
Testing the Hypotheses ........................................................................ 35
Officer Injury and Suspect Injury ............................................................ 35
Suspect Race and Suspect Injury ........................................................... 36
Suspect Impairment by Alcohol and Suspect Injury .................................... 37
Suspect Impairment by Drugs and Suspect Injury ...................................... 39
Officer Age and Suspect Injury ............................................................... 39
Officer Gender and Suspect Injury ........................................................... 41
Limitations ......................................................................................... 40
CHAPTER V - CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...................... 46
REFERENCES CITED ......................................................................... 49

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE 1: Univariate Statistics forthe Independent Variables ..................... 32
TABLE 2: Univariate Statistics for the Dependent Variable ......................... 33
TABLE 3: Variable Analysis Results ...................................................... 34

vi

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

Police use of force is not a new topic. It has been researched for
decades, yet some aspects have been focused on more than others. Moreover,
the types of officers recruited, higher education levels, and changes in policing
philosophy will likely influence behaviors and attitudes that contribute to the use
of force. Deadly use of force research, for example, is far more prevalent than
non-deadly use of force research. In addition to issues regarding law, ethics and
good police practice ”the research on deadly force has typically examined only
instances where deadly force was used and ignored similar instances where no
force or serious but not deadly force was used” (Garner, 1995:146).

Arrests by police officers involving non-deadly use of force often focus on
specific areas. Individual officer characteristics, individual suspect
characteristics, and situational factors are all focused on in much of the literature
(Crawford and Burns, 2002). Many variables within these areas have been
associated with police use of non-deadly force and a myriad of complicated
findings arise. Despite conflicting results, many trends have emerged.

Some research suggests that a “clash of cultures” between the culture of a
police officer and that of a suspect will result in a higher probability that more
force will be used against a suspect and that it will also result in a greater
likelihood of injury. Indeed, a significant amount of the literature related to racial
profiling suggests that “young black and Hispanic males are at an increased risk

for citations, searches, arrests, and uses of force after other extralegal and legal

characteristics are controlled” (Engel and Calnon, 2004:49). This is an
illustration of a “clash of cultures.”

Research has indicated many different factors influence the extent of
police use of force. Skolnick (1966) believed that officers often responded to
individuals based on their ethnicity, language, or economic status. These
factors, along with lifestyle and education, are indicative of cultural factors
influencing both suspects’ and officers’ assessments of citizen-police
interactions. Preiss and Ehrlich’s (1966) study of state police officers found
attitudes focused on departmental loyalty, self-sacrifice and unquestioned
acceptance of orders. The combination of cultural forces and departmental
loyalty leads to the prediction that many acts of police deviance, including police
use of non-deadly force leading to injmy, are attributed to occupational
socialization. For example, the findings in previous research that suspect
impairment from alcohol or drugs, and findings that suspect injury relates to
officer injury, may reflect both cultural influences and occupational norms related
to perceptions of threat and the need to exert force.

This research will focus on variables that have been linked to police use
of force in previous research and will attempt to find commonalities with
organizational socialization. Suspect Injury, a dependent variable representing
non-deadly force during a confrontation with police officers, will be analyzed with
suspect and officer demographic information, suspect impairment, and whether
or not the officer was injured. The results will be compared to organizational

socialization, in particular, Arthur Niederhoffer’s (1964) research on the subject.

Statement of the Problem

The focus of this research will be to study the factors that contribute to
suspect injury resulting from police use of non-deadly force. Of the prior
research on police use of force, the majority of studies attributed injury to factors
such as race/ethnicity and gender. In addition to those factors, this study will
look at occupational socialization as a contributor to suspect injury resulting from
police use of non-deadly force. The study will test whether variables such as
race/ethnicity, gender, and indicators of occupational socialization are reliable

predictors of suspect injury resulting from police use of non-deadly force.

The hypotheses the research will test are:

0 H1 - There is no significant relationship between officer injury and
suspect injury.

. H2 - There is no significant relationship between the race of the
suspect and suspect injury.

. H3 - There is no significant relationship between suspect
impairment with alcohol and suspect injury.

. H4 - There is no significant relationship between suspect
impairment with drugs and suspect injury.

0 H5 - There is no significant relationship between officer age and
suspect injury.

. H6 - There is no significant relationship between officer gender and
suspect injury.

Purpose of the Study
Currently, many law enforcement organizations are subject to criticism
from the public for prejudices of race, gender, and socioeconomic status. Racial

profiling is a heated topic and numerous incidents have been attributed to racial

profiling. If occupational socialization theory can adequately explain police use of

force resulting in suspect injury, as opposed to force being the product of
race/ethnicity, gender, and class, it will show that theories involving race, gender
and socioeconomic status do not affect the outcome of a non-deadly use of force
situation. Law enforcement organizations need to understand the factors that
contribute to police use of force situations that result in suspect injury in order to
decrease the occurrence of such situations.

The research will discuss socialization; how people think differently,
communicate differently, and have culturally-based values attitudes and beliefs.
For example, it is reasonable to think that a younger officer would have less
experience and poorer judgment than a more experienced officer. It will be
shown how humans do not always communicate well, think differently and
develop culturally based views and attitudes.

Human socialization is also influenced by gender and tends to change
over time with age. Some previous research found that males are more likely to
use force than females. Research has also discussed age as a determinant of
use of force. Some existing research has found that when an officer is younger,
he or she is more likely to use poor judgment in confrontational situations as a
result of limited life experiences. Re-socialization occurs as he or she gets older
and gains life experience, therefore resulting in a lesser likelihood of using force.
The association between the age and gender and use of force will be discussed

further in the literature review.

A person’s occupation also leads to socialization; or occupational
socialization. A police officer undergoes occupational socialization‘ and begins
to take on attitudes, values, and beliefs of his or her police department that are
different from other social groups. Law enforcement socialization varies, but
some results are more common than others.

Attitudes such as the “John Wayne” Syndrome, "Wyatt Earp” Syndrome
and being “badge heavy” are more common in the law enforcement community.
New officers become immersed in the law enforcement culture and can overreact
because their primary occupational values are those of the law enforcement
community. As the officer gains experience and grows older, occupational
values will become more moderate.

Different organizations have different socializing effects. This study will
review the works of researchers such as Arthur Niederhoffer that focus on the
impact of occupational socialization.2 Using data from a research project
involving the Phoenix, Arizona Police Department focusing on police use of non-
deadly force, this research will compare socializing effects with those found in

research three decades ago.

 

I Throughout this thesis, “occupational socialization” and “law enforcement socialization” are used
interchangeably.

2 During the era that Arthur Niederhoffer (1967) conducted research, female police officers were
scarce, or non-existent. In this study, if a police officer is referred to as a male, it is due to era of
citation.

CHAPTER II
LITERATURE REVIEW

Police officers have completely different responsibilities and powers than
the average citizen. Officers are given the power to arrest and discretion
regarding the use of force when dealing with the public. “We entrust to police a
capacity we give to no other institution in domestic society: a general right to use
coercive force to resolve problems that may require its use” (Klockars, 1995:28).

Police use of force, deadly and non-deadly, has been an important topic
for law enforcement for many years. Law enforcement officers and citizens are
aware that it is a great responsibility and should only be used when necessary
but excessive force should never be used. One difficult aspect of “use of force”
is defining it. Carl Klockars defines police use of force as “the application of
physical strength for coercive purposes. It includes occasions when the use of
that strength is multiplied and amplified by weapons” (1995:12). Klockars also
notes the distinction between force and authority, power and persuasion.
Excluded from his definition are verbal and non-verbal threats, pleadings,
warnings, or commands (Klockarsz1995).

The lntemational Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) use of force
project defines use of force as “that amount of effort required by police to compel
compliance from an unwilling subject” (IACP, 2001 :1). Even more specifically,
IACP defines excessive use of force as "the application of an amount and/or

frequency of force greater than that required to compel compliance from a willing

or unwilling subject" (IACP, 2001 :1 ).

Some research addresses various factors thought to influence police use
of force such as officer training, amount of job experience, age, gender and
race/ethnicity. A police officer can be involved in a wide variety of situations
throughout a day on the job. Preparation for those situations is the best way to
understand how to handle any problems that occur. Use of force training covers
issues such as legal issues, ethical issues, cultural diversity, firearms, and
appropriate uses of force (Rahtzz2003).

Communication is also a very important aspect of use of force training.
Effective communication can help avoid confrontational situations that are more
likely to result in use of force. Socialization is essential for the renewal of culture
and the perpetuation of society. The individual and society are mutually
dependent on socialization (VanderZanden:1986).

In the past, suspected actions such as racial profiling, have been seen as
a “clash of cultures.” Racial profiling is a highly debated issue with regards to
use of force. An aggregate study conducted by the lntemational Associated of
Chiefs of Police (2001) found that of the reported incidents, 44% of incidents
involved white officers using force on African American subjects, compared to
39% on white suspects. Geiger-Oneto and Phillips (2003) found that a drivers
race, gender, and social status all influence police behavior. African American
men and Hispanic men experienced more social control than white men. While a
good deal of supportive research exists for racial profiling, much of the available

racial profiling research neglects to consider factors such as the driver's social

status, the influence of gender and race, and whether or not drugs were involved

(Geiger-Oneto and Phillips, 2003).

Socialization

In order to begin understanding why police use force, human behavior,
such as socialization, needs to be conceptualized. “Society refers to a group of
people who live within the same territory and share a common culture”
(VanderZanden, 1986:29). Socialization is “a process of social interaction by
which people acquire the knowledge, attitudes, values, and behaviors essential
for effective participation in society...the process of becoming a social being”
(VanderZanden, 1986:60). The socialization process significantly helps form

attitudes, values, and beliefs.

Occupational Socialization

Socialization also occurs with regard to an individual’s occupation; or
occupational socialization. Occupational socialization explains how people
develop new values, attitudes, and beliefs associated with occupation. Core
socialization factors will remain but are often modified in the occupational
environment. New values, attitudes, and beliefs associated with the occupation
are developed. Law enforcement has its own unique culture and tends to be
more conservative than social culture.

Law enforcement socialization begins at the police academy. The Police

Academy is a “total institution” where a recruit is constantly reminded of his new

role — “a new role that soon comes to dominate his personality” (Niederhoffer,
1967:41). “The core binding the rookie to the civilian world is clipped at the
Police Academy, where the beginner is taught the fundamentals of his job”
(Niederhoffer, 1967:40). While at the Academy a recruit “masters, and
simultaneously succumbs to, the web of protocol and ceremony that
characterizes any quasi-military hierarchy” (Niederhoffer, 1967:42).
Subconsciously, the recruit Ieams the details of police work, for example, when
to be cold and authoritative or when to be open and sympathetic. In a study
conducted by Arthur Niederhoffer, “the typical police recruit starts his career
without a trace of cynicism, after a short time at the Academy, the alert student
begins to realize that the professional atmosphere that surrounds him is partly a
sham” (Niederhoffer, 1967:43).

The transition an officer goes through when first on the job is difficult.
Prior to becoming an officer, certain behavior may have been appropriate,
however, once on the job the same behavior may become inappropriate. “The
Academy curriculum stresses ethics, ideals, and professionalism” (Niederhoffer,
1967:44). To the recruit, this idea can be very different than what he knew
firsthand as a lower-class citizen, which causes doubt to what the instructor says.
As the recruit begins to meet more experienced police officers, he is told that “in
order to become a real policeman, he will have to forget everything he is learning
at the Academy” (Niederhoffer, 1967:44). Eventually, a rookie officer Ieams to

neglect formal rules and norms and turns to other sources for direction.

Police Officer Behavior

A person’s behavior “is directed toward satisfaction of personal needs and
goals, and yet people come to organizations with widely varying backgrounds:
their education and experience differ, as do their exposures to previous and
current environments, psychological and biochemical makeups, behavioral
repertoires, and perceptual styles.” Organizations attempt to limit these natural
variances but some differences still remain (Briscoe, 1980:71). Researchers and
practitioners have found some factors to be more influential for behavior than
others. Biographical variables such as age, gender, race/ethnicity, and level of
education have been found to be important to a person and his or her work
organization. In addition, the significance of authoritarianism has also been
discussed (Niederhoffer, 1967; Briscoe, 1980).

Organizational members enter a job with reasonably well-established work
and occupational attitudes that come from their education and type of
experience. Despite a person’s development of attitudes, values and beliefs in
life, once that person joins an organization, occupational socialization influences
new attitudes, values and beliefs associated with the organization.

The occupation of police officer is unique and has a culture all its own.
Many occupational groups attempt to legitimize their activities and standards of
performance through collective actions, such as professional associations.
Police officers do not have a significant association such as this. Instead being a
police officer is seen as a privilege, not a right and is controlled by safety boards

and civilian commissions. Other people set the conditions of employment for

10

officers, not necessarily officers themselves (Preiss and Ehrlich, 1966).

A great amount of discretion is given to a police officer and it requires a
great deal of responsibility. Discretion is necessary for the line of work but can
also be influenced by the officer’s behavior and occupational socialization.
“Given the wide array of tasks in which police engage, officers must interpret
each situation in light of their own orientations and prejudices and their
understandings of the occupational constraints under which they work, as well as
choose the most suitable method for coping and policing situations” (Berk,

1981 :322).

The longer an officer is involved in a law enforcement organization, the
more cynical they become, to a point. The law enforcement organization
provides plenty of opportunities to adopt deviant patterns of police conduct that
have been passed down for years. Exposure to disagreeable individuals,
forgetting policies and procedures learned at the academy, and the “brotherhood”
atmosphere of a law enforcement organization can all lead to an overzealous
and misguided approach to crime control (O’Connor, 2005).

The occupation of being a police officer has characteristics unique to
occupational socialization. Skolnick (1966) discusses the police “working
personality” in that certain elements, such as danger, authority, and efficiency
come together in occupations like this. Skolnick also compares this to people in
the military. Research suggests that police officers can easily be consumed by
the job due to occupational socialization. One example of this is Skolnick’s

(1966) idea of “symbolic assailants.” “The policeman, because his work requires

11

him to be occupied continually with potential violence, develops a perceptual
shorthand to identify certain kinds of people as symbolic assailants, that is, as
persons who use gesture, language, and attire that the policeman has come to
recognize as a prelude to violence” (Skolnick, 1966245). Not all symbolic
assailants are necessarily predictable; it is a vague indication to the officer based
on appearance.

One example of socialization affecting a police use of force situation is
one involving alcohol or drug impairment. A person under the influence of drugs
and/or alcohol is often seen as a “symbolic assailant” by a police officer. Officers
are taught that impairment poses a threat to the community and to them
individually. They are socialized to believe that if an individual is impaired to
approach him or her with greater caution. The officer knows that they must get
the impaired person “off the street” to protect the community. When the officer
enters the encounter with a higher level of preparedness, the visual and
behavioral cues given to the impaired individual may indicate a confrontational
situation, which may result in a more aggressive response.

For the most part, law enforcement deals with misdemeanor offenders that
are treated respectfully, but at times, disrespectful and nuisance offenders have
to be dealt with. When an individual is a public nuisance and treats the police
officer(s) disrespectfully, further actions will be taken. The amount of stringent
types of police actions, such as rough treatment used, depends on three things:
how threatened he or she feels, the current attitude that city has toward the

police, and the portion of the public that offender belongs to (Westley, 19702119).

12

Actions such as these are a result of occupational socialization.

Various researchers have discussed the existence of a police subculture
that supports, to varying extents, the use of force during arrests to maintain
authority and enforce laws (Skolnick, 1966; Niederhoffer, 1967; Westley, 1970).
The officer has a responsibility to maintain control of a confrontation with a
suspect and that is taken very seriously. A study by Kavanagh (1997) found that
“arrestee disrespect” was highly correlated with resisting arrest. As an arrestee
resists, it indicates that an increase in use of force is likely because the officer
involved must maintain control. “The power of the arrestee disrespect variable
and the uncertainty about how disrespect promotes police-citizen violence
suggests that additional research is needed in this area” (Kavanagh, 199726).

A study by Berk (1981) showed that “police interpretations of the situation,
their prior experience, and the situation-specific rationales for decisions are all
inherent in the policing enterprise. They do not constitute an abuse of
discretionary powers; they are part of the normal exercise of duty (Berk,
1981:343). It is impossible for an officer to go into a situation completely neutral
because of preconceived notions resulting from past experiences. Many times
officers go into a situation expecting an excuse, an argument or an evasion. In
anticipation to this, the officer may “get tough” in an attempt to gain more respect
for the law (Westley, 1970). Both the suspect and the officer may then escalate

their behaviors to a point that results in physical injury.

13

Cynicism and Authoritarian Police Personalities

Arthur Niederhoffer (1967) demonstrated that occupational socialization
developed cynicism and authoritarian police personalities. “Generally, cynicism
is Ieamed as part of socialization into the police occupation, a process likely to
take at least five years” (Niederhoffer, 1967:100). Police cynicism can fit under
one of two categories; one is directed against people in general and the other is
directed at the police system itself (Niederhoffer, 197:95). For some new
policemen, that socialization into the police occupation is realizing that it is
“literally impossible to enforce every law on the book” (Niederhoffer, 1967:59).
Even if it was possible to enforce every law, the jails would be too small to hold
the prisoners. At this point, police officers use discretion and determine whether
or not to take action.

Cynicism is associated with Emile Durkheim’s idea of anomie. “Anomie
occurs particularly when the old values of a social system are being supplanted
by a new code — exactly the case in the police organization” (Niederhoffer,
1967291). Constant feelings of confusion, frustration, alienation, and despair and
the absence of standards lead to cynicism. The results are “loss of faith in
people, of enthusiasm for the high ideals of police work, and of pride and
integrity" (Niederhoffer, 1967:91). One major reason for cynicism among
patrolman is that it results in an impressive arrest record. “The very cynical
officer rejects the possibility of decent impulses in others” (Niederhoffer,
1967272). He is very distrusting and he feels that his actions are justified. A high

number of arrests also reinforce the cynicism by showing that the policeman is

14

efficient and has initiative (Niederhoffer, 1967:72).

“Cynicism may also be a by-product of anomie in the social structure...
Anxious over a personal failure, the individual policeman often disguises his
feelings with a cynical attitude, and thus negates the value of the prize he did not
attain” (Niederhoffer, 1967295). In other words, policemen frequently displayed
cynicism toward people that had been successful where the officer had failed.
As the policeman’s cynicism increases, so does his pessimism and it seems
easier to lessen his commitment to the social system and its values
(Niederhoffer, 1967).

The age and experience of a policeman are apparently related to
cynicism. Arthur Niederhoffer (1967) discussed the different stages of cynicism
and policemen. The stage of cynicism follows the occupational career of the
policeman. The first stage, pseudo-cynicism, is present in recruits in training. At
this point, recruits are idealistic and committed. The second stage, romantic
cynicism, is reached in the first five years of the police career. The more
idealistic a policeman is, the more disillusioned he is by actual police work and
the more vulnerable he is to romantic cynicism. The third stage, aggressive
cynicism, depends on the combination of individual cynicism and the subculture
of cynicism. Resentment and hostility become obvious during this period, most
commonly at the ten-year mark. During the last few years of an officer's career,
resigned cynicism occurs, which is a more latent form of cynicism. It occurs

when an officer comes to terms with the flaws of the system and accepts it. The

15

various stages of cynicism represent ideal types and are not exact (Niederhoffer,
1 967:99).

Features of an authoritarian personality can vary, especially in the
occupational role of the police officer. “The police system transforms a man into
the special type of authoritarian personality required by the police role. No
matter what kind of person he was before joining, the system’s brilliant success
in creating authoritarian personalities is sometimes a source of serious trouble”
(Niederhoffer, 19672118).

The amount of authoritarianism a police recruit absorbs may be a result of
the different impact of training, experience, and role models upon each individual.
Officers that develop cynicism and authoritarianism due to occupational
socialization possess tendencies associated with an increase in use of force. A
police officer with a cynical attitude will be less likely to think a person is innocent
of a crime, even if they are innocent. “It is the patrolman on the beat who is
involved in most of the incidents that require a display of authority. It is precisely
the patrolman on the beat who is most authoritarian” (Niederhoffer, 19672130).
Likewise, an officer with a more authoritarian attitude will be more likely to use
force against a person. One reason being that “since the policeman feels
justified and righteous in using power and toughness to perform his duties, he
feels like a martyr when he is charged with bmtality and abuse of power"
(Niederhoffer, 19672118). “Once a recruit becomes a part of the police system,
occupational forces tend to transform him into an authoritarian agent of control”

(Niederhoffer, 19672130). For those policemen that do not want to be involved in

16

the control aspect, there is the possibility of obtaining an assignment that
emphasizes service rather than control (Niederhoffer, 1967:130).

The level of authoritarianism has been linked to several factors. As
Theodor Adomo’s The Authoritarian Personalig (1950) studies consistently
show, more highly educated persons are lower in authoritarianism. More
educated officers are more likely to be promoted due to increased knowledge
and writing ability. “As they are promoted to the higher ranks, the less
authoritarian, better educated policemen are drawn away from the lower
echelons in the street” (Niederhoffer, 19672130). The need remains to handle the
tough, crime-ridden areas and police superiors are more apt to assign the
toughest officers to these locations, “Thus, a high percentage of authoritarian
types become concentrated in situations permitting unrestrained use of force
(Niederhoffer, 19672131 ). “In summary, there is a social process at work within
the police system that precipitates the most authoritarian type into the
authoritarian role at the lowest level of the hierarchy, pounding the beat”
(Niederhoffer, 19672131 ).

The basis of police authoritarianism is an unsolved topic. Arthur
Niederhoffer (1967) believed that “authoritarianism develops after appointment
as a result of socialization and experience in the police social system
(Niederhoffer, 1967:132). The opposing viewpoint stated that authoritarian
personalities were more attracted to police work. This, however, would attribute
authoritarianism to the personality of the individual rather than social system

factors.

17

The idea of age relating to socialization, such as the previously discussed
Niederhoffer example of cynicism and authoritarianism, counters the
aforementioned “John Wayne” syndrome. Depending on the research, each
conclusion has been reached. “John Wayne” Syndrome (also known as “Wyatt
Earp” Syndrome) is a common term in policing and it occurs as a result of the
socialization process. During the process, “new members must replace values
and beliefs with those of the subculture” (Holden, n.d.:29). It is generally
believed that behavior such as this occurs earlier in a police officer's career.
According to this belief, younger police officers would be more likely to use force,
which opposes Niederhoffer's ( 1967) idea of cynicism and authoritarianism. This
study will analyze the data to determine which school of thought; Niederhoffer’s
cynicism and authoritarianism or law enforcement’s “John Wayne” Syndrome, is

more supported.

Current Research on Use of Force

Many current studies on police use of force have found similar results as
those of the past; however, conflicting results still occur. Numerous studies on
use of force have found overall that use of force by police officers is a rare
occurrence. Both Terrill and Mastrofski (2002) and the Phoenix Police
Department study by Garner et al. (1994), discussed further in the following
research study, found use of force to be rare and if it did occur, it was a lower

level of force. Similarly, Worden (1995) found that “the use of force was

18

uncommon, and the use of improper force was rare as a proportion of police-
citizen encounters” (42).

Of the myriad of measures tested as related to use of force, race is very
commonly addressed. Some studies have found suspect race not significantly
related to increased use of force (Worden, 1995; Engel et al., 2000; Garner et al.,
2002). On the other hand, Terrill and Mastrofski (2002) found that “even when
numerous forms of suspects’ behavior are controlled, officers were still more
forceful toward men, nonwhites, young suspects and lower-class suspects”
(236). Worden (1995) also found the use of improper force to be somewhat
more likely “if the citizen was black, male, or over 18” (47). In addition, Worden
pointed out that in some research dealing with citizen race and demeanor, race
had no effect when the demeanor of the citizen is controlled for.

Worden (1995) and Engel et al. (2000) both conducted research, which
utilized observations from the Police Services study (Ostrom et al., 1977) to
compare citizen demeanor and race to use of force. Worden (1995) statistically
controlled for suspects’ demeanor and physical resistance and found the
suspects’ race to have significant effects on the use of force. “That officers are
more likely to use even reasonable force against blacks might suggest that
officers are, on average, more likely to adopt a penal or coercive approach to
black suspects than they are to white suspects” (Worden, 1995250). Also found
by Worden (1995) was that nearly half of the citizens subjected to improper force

had displayed “a hostile or antagonistic demeanor” (46). Engel et al. (2000)

19

analyzed non-traffic incidents, which indicated that confrontations involving a
suspect fighting with officers were predictors of police use of force.3

On the other hand, Terrill and Mastrofski (2002) found that “suspects who
displayed disrespectful behavior toward officers were no more likely to have force
used on them than were those who were respectful (236). This finding counters
much of the previous research that addresses police behavior in general. “It
appears that police officers expect their authority to be observed equally by all
suspects, and do not make distinctions based on race, sex, location, and the
seriousness of the situation” (Engel et al., 2000:256).

Other influences of suspect and officer demographics on use of force have
been researched, such as gender and age. Overall, Worden (1995) found officer
characteristics to be unrelated to the amount of both reasonable force and
improper force used against citizens. Some researchers, however, have found
suspect gender to be related to use of force (Worden, 1995; Garner et al., 2002).
Terrill and Mastrofski (2002) found suspect’s age to be an influence on use of
force but unfortunately officer age was not included in the study.

Many researchers have debated officer experience, and its effects on use
of force. Worden (1989) found that less experienced officers were more likely to
patrol aggressively in a confrontation with citizens. He assumed that officers
whom engaged in those activities were more likely to use force. On the contrary,
Niederhoffer (1967), as described previously, hypothesized that more
experienced officers had a greater tendency to use force due to increased

cynicism and authoritarian attitudes increasing over time.

 

3 Garner et al., 2002 found similar results.

20

Terrill and Mastrofski (2002) found that officers’ gender, race, and training
were all unrelated to force, however, increased levels of officer education and
experience tend to reduce the use of force during police encounters with citizens.
A study on police use of force by the lntemational Association of Chiefs of Police
(IACP) in 2001 found that neither an officer nor subject was more likely to use
force based on gender. Conversely, Garner and Maxwell (2002) found that male
police officers in Phoenix were more forceful while on duty than female officers.
“Until recently, there has been little support for the relationship between officers’
gender and the use of force” (Terrill & Mastrofski, 20022238). One possible
explanation for this is the fact that few female officers have been employed in the
career in the past and have not been assigned to the street.

Numerous researchers have found suspect impairment with alcohol as a
factor for increased use of force (Worden, 1995; Engel et al., 2000; IACP, 2001;
Garner & Maxwell, 2002; Terrill & Mastrofski, 2002). Worden (1995) found that
the use of reasonable force and improper force was more likely if the citizen
exhibited signs of drunkenness or mental disorder. “About half of the citizens
against whom force was used showed evidence of drinking or drug use, and
most of those were drunk” (Worden, 2000246). Engel et al. (2000) found that, for
non-traffic suspects, disrespectful suspects with evidence of drug or alcohol use
were more likely to be subject to increased use of force, and the relationship was

statistically significant.

21

CHAPTER III
DATA AND METHODS

Phoenix [Arizona] Use of Force Project

The data utilized for this analysis were originally collected in 1994 for a
study on the use of force by and against Phoenix police officers. Researchers
from Rutgers University and Arizona State University in conjunction with the
Phoenix Police Department designed and implemented a study that focused on
describing the amount of force used in varying arrest situations and determining
the extent to which officer, suspect, offense, and arrest situations can predict
amount of force used. “Unlike much of the prior research, which is concerned
with defining excessive force, the central concern of the principle investigators
was to measure the amount of force used by and against the police officers in a
sample of arrests” (Gamer, et al., 1994:iv).

The survey was developed in 1993 and was tested in February 1994 with
a one-day feasibility study. Following the initial testing study, the survey was
revised for use. A total of 1585 adult custody arrestees out of the total of 1,826
arrests (87 percent) were interviewed during the two-week period beginning June
13, 1994 and ending June 27, 1994. Two methods of data collection were used:

. Primarily a one-page, two-sided survey instrument was given to
Phoenix police officers following most adult custody arrests.

. In addition, screening interviews about the use of force during the

arrest were conducted with both officers and suspects to test the
reliability of the officer surveys.

22

The officer surveys, officer interviews, and suspect interviews were
voluntary and anonymous. “No officer or suspect identifiers were collected, and
the only information obtained about the arrests came from the survey forms”
(Garner, et al., 19942v). This procedure for the study was used to encourage
participation and truthful responses and to protect the anonymity of the research
subjects. It did result in more complication when matching officer surveys with
suspect interviews. “Future research could attempt to better integrate survey,
interview, and official records of police and suspect behavior" (Garner et al.,

1996210).

Summary of Phoenix Police Department Study Results

The main concern of the original study was to describe the amount of
force used in different arrest situations. In addition, the researchers wanted to
determine the extent to which an officer, suspect, offense, and arrest situation
characteristics are predictive of the amount of force used. Included in the study
were types of force that could have been possibly used by the officer or officers
and basic demographic information on officers and suspects. Also included were
arrest descriptions and injury information (Garner et al., 1994). Rather than
focusing entirely on severe uses of force, such as firearm discharges, serious
injuries, or deaths, the original researchers collected data from a representative
sample of arrests. By performing a more expansive survey, it was possible to
examine a range of instances where some degree of force could be used

(Garner et al., 1996).

23

One important finding that resulting during the period of the study was
that, during that time, the Phoenix police used some degree of physical force4 in
22 percent of adult custody arrests. In addition, suspect use of physical force
was measured as even less than the amount used by the police (about 16.7
percent). Furthermore, during encounters where neither police nor suspect or
suspects used force, the overall levels were typically low (Garner et al., 1996).

Low forms of use of force, such as restraints were not used in the majority
of custody cases. “Phoenix police officers are required to restrain only felony or
belligerent suspects. In 20 percent of all adult custody arrests studied, officers
opted to use no restraints” (Garner et al., 199621). The best predictor of police
use of force was instances involving suspect use of force.

Race, of both the officers and suspects, was found to play no role in
predicting police use of force. “The results did not support the notion that the
race of officers or suspects directly or indirectly affects the amount of force used
in adult custody arrests” (Garner et al.:10). Officer age and suspect age were
also found to not be predictors of the use of force (Garner et al, 1996). Suspect
impairment by drugs was also found to be inconsistent with regard to predicting
police use of force in the analysis.

Some factors were found to consistently determine police use of force.
Two consistent factors in determining use of force by police officers was the use

of force by the suspect. Also consistent was suspect alcohol impairment.

 

‘ “Physical force” was defined as “officer or suspect use of any weaponless tactic (such as kicking
or shoving) or the threatened or actual use of any weapon. In addition, police use of physical
force included the application of severe restraints, including cuffing suspects while were prone”
and so on (Garner et al., 1996, 5).

24

Despite the inclusion of more possible instances when use of force would occur,
the Phoenix Police Department study found results similar to previous use of
force research. Of the adult custody arrests in Phoenix, it was revealed that no
force, or only low levels of force, were used in the majority of cases (Garner et
al.1996)

While the study was not originally designed to specifically study non-
deadly police use of force, it does offer information on non-deadly results from
confrontations, which will allow the researcher to address the issue of use of

force from another angle.

CURRENT STUDY
Much of the past research on police use of force focuses on either
excessive use of force or deadly use of force. Non-deadly use of force, however,
is not researched nearly as often considering it is a common occurrence. One
explanation of use of force in past research is a “clash of cultures.” RaciaVethnic,
gender, age, lifestyle and education are some factors that research shows leads
to an increase in police use of force.

Currently, the public criticizes law enforcement officers for discriminating
against people for differences in race/ethnicity, gender, age, and socioeconomic
status. Racial profiling is an example of this. Numerous studies have been
conducted that focus on racial profiling, yet the researcher believes that
occupational socialization can more adequately explain the behavior of police

officers.

25

Occupational socialization plays a very influential role in any occupation,
including policing. The culture of an organization is very powerful in shaping the
behavior of those in the organization as well as the members shaping the
organization itself. The attitudes, values, and beliefs of individual officers is not
as significant as the attitudes, values, and beliefs of the law enforcement
organization the officer belongs to. Therefore, the researcher theorizes that
factors historically attributed to police use of force, such as race/ethnicity,
gender, age, and socioeconomic status, are not as influential as occupational
socialization.

This study is limited by the data the collectors used. Most of the variables
have missing data; however, the variables the researcher will be using for this
study have a relatively good response rate. The variable with the greatest
amount of missing data used in this study is suspect race (RECSRACE) with 151
(9.5%) missing, followed by officer age (AGE1) with 101 missing (6.4%). The
remaining variables have 100% response rate; officer injury (INJCAT), suspect
injury (SINJCAT), suspect impairment by alcohol (ALCOHOL) and suspect
impairment by drugs (DRUGS).

Variables
Independent Variables: For this investigation, several variables will be
combined to test occupational socialization as discussed in the literature (Table

1). The variables include basic demographic information that has been

26

previously associated with police use of force in addition to drug and alcohol use

and officer injury.

Table 1: Univariate Statistics for Independent Variables

 

 

 

Nurmr PM

Suspect’s Race (SRACE2)

White (1) 730 46.1

Non White (0) 855 53.9
Officer Injured (INJCAT)

No (0) 1566 98.8

Yes (1) 19 1.2
Suspect Impairment-Alcohol (ALCOHOL)

No (0) 1178 74.3

Yes ( 1) 407 25.7
Suspect Impairment-Drugs (DRUGS)

No (0) 1438 90.7

Yes (1) 147 9.3
Age of First Officer (AGE1)

Under 21 (1) 5 0.3

21 -25 (2) 267 16.8

26-30 (3) 552 34.8

31 -35 (4) 305 1 9.2

36-40 (5) 1 63 10.3

41 and over (6) 192 12.1

Missing/unknown (9) 101 6.4
Gender of First Officer (02801 SEX)

Male (1) 1321 83.3

Female (2) 132 8.3

Missing/unknown (9) 132 8.3

 

Officer injury (INJCAT), suspect impairment by alcohol (ALCOHOL),
suspect race (RECSRACE) and suspect impairment by drugs (DRUGS) are
nominal variables; in this case, a higher number would indicate a greater
likelihood of injury and/or impairment. Officer age (AGE1) is an ordinal variable,
and therefore if the variable increases it indicates an increase in the officer’s age.

Dependent Variable: For this investigation, the researcher will use suspect
injury as the dependent variable to measure police use of non-deadly force
(Table 2). Suspect injury (SINJCAT) is a nominal variable and therefore as it

increases, the likelihood of suspect injury also increases.

Table 2: Univariate Statistics for the Degndent Variable

 

 

Number fircent
Suspect Injury (SINJCAT)
No (0) 1497 94.4
Yes (1) 88 5.6

 

28

RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

CHAPTER IV

Certain aspects of police use of force situations will be tested followed by

a comparison with research on occupational socialization. One aspect the

researcher will be testing is if the result of data analysis supports prior research

regarding occupational socialization. If not, does the research support the ideas

of race/ethnicity, age, gender and socioeconomic status influencing police use of

force?

The data originally collected included information on the first and second

officers involved in a non-deadly use of force situation. For the purpose of this

study, when the researcher refers to an “officer,” it will include information from

only the first officer involved. Refer to Table 3 for the results of analysis of the

variables.

Table 3: Variable Analysis Results

 

 

 

 

Suspect Suspect Age of
Officer Suspect Impaired Impaired First Gender of
Injury Race by Alcohol by Drugs Officer First Officer
(INJCAT) (RECSRACE) (ALCOHOL) (DRUGS) (AGE1) (02801SEX)
Suspect x”- x2 4.442 x2 19.094 x2 4.874 x2 16.010 x2 .768
lnju 64.127 df 2 df1 df1 df 5 df1
(SINJCAT) df 1 p=.108 p<.000 p<.05 p<.05 p=.381
p<.000

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

29

 

TESTING THE HYPOTHESES

Officer Injury and Suspect Injury

H1: There is no significant relationship between officer
injury and suspect Injury.

Occupational socialization of law enforcement entails many ideas
regarding suspects. Depending on the suspect’s demeanor the officer will come
to conclusions about the actions of that suspect. An officer is likely to feel a need
to get the suspect “off of the street” and needs to maintain control of the situation
in order to do so. It is assumed that, if a suspect initiates force, an officer will do
the same so that he or she maintains control. H1 represents the null hypothesis
that there is no relationship between officer injury and suspect injury.

The data show that the relationship between officer injury (INJCAT) and
suspect injury (SINJCAT) during a confrontation is statistically significant as
indicated by Chi-square analysis (x2=64.127, df=1, p<.001). Hence, it is known
that officer injury and suspect injury vary together. Further, Gamma analysis
revealed a strong association between the variables (v=0.887, p<.005). The
statistically significant relationship between officer injury and suspect injury
indicates that if an officer is injured, it is likely that the suspect was also injured.

The amount of force used by an officer varies by situation. “The
environment that is encountered by the law enforcement officer determines the
manner in which force is used. Officers must be able to show capability,
opportunity, and jeopardy when discerning force options” (Kinnaird, 200323). For

example, if a subject is actively resisting an officer or officers and the crime is

30

serious, the amount of force an officer, or officers, use will be greater than if the
subject peacefully submitted (Kinnaird, 2003). During a situation where police
use of force is necessary, “officers should react to an offender's aggression with
the minimum amount of force necessary to achieve the lawful objective”
(Petrocelli, 2005:22). Assuming this is the standard practice of most law
enforcement officers, the amount of force the officer uses will increase as the
amount of force the subject uses increases. Given the results of the analysis, the

null hypothesis is rejected.

Suspect Race and Suspect Injury
H2: There Is no significant relationship between the race of
the suspect and suspect Injury.

The race of a suspect and the amount of force is a controversial issue.
Some existing research has found that minorities are subject to a greater amount
of use of force than whites. Other research has found no significance between
race and use of force. According to occupational socialization, use of force is not
a result of race; it is a result of police culture and socialization. For example, if a
police officer has been in that line of work for a long period of time, he or she
may have become very cynical. That cynicism may lead to an increase in use of
force; not the race of the suspect.

To address these issues, the relationship between suspect race
(RECSRACE) and suspect injury (SINJCAT) was analyzed. The original suspect

race variable (QZBSRACE) was collapsed into white, non-white, and missing,

31

resulting in the variable RECSRACE. The non-white variable included African
American, Hispanic, other.5 The relationship between these two variables was
not found to be significant with any test conducted (x2=4.442, df=2, p<.108).
Thus, race of the suspect was not significantly related to suspect injury”. Given

the results of this analysis, the researcher fails to reject the hypothesis.

Suspect Impairment by Alcohol and Suspect Injury
I-Is: There is no significant relationship between suspect
Impairment with alcohol and suspect Injury.

Occupational socialization plays an important role in whether or not an
officer sees a citizen as threatening. One example of this is Skolnick’s (1966)
idea of “symbolic assailants.” An officer is constantly reminded of the potential
violence he or she may encounter on the job. Because of this, police officers
begin to associate certain factors with a threatening person, such as certain
gestures, language, and attire.

An individual whom is under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol is often
seen as a “symbolic assailant" by a police officer. Officers are socialized to
believe that impaired individuals pose a threat to the community and they need to
be taken “off the street.” When an officer encounters a citizen that he or she

labeled as a “symbolic assailant,” that officer will react with a higher level of

 

5 First officer race (QZ801RAC) was analyzed with the same recoding and methods and it was
not found to be statistically significantly related to suspect injury (SINJCAT).

6 Suspect race (white vs. black) and suspect injury and suspect race (white vs. Hispanic) and
suspect injury were also analyzed and no statistically significant relationships were found.

32

preparedness to visual and behavioral cues given by the impaired individual,
which may lead to a more aggressive response.

Suspect impairment by alcohol (ALCOHOL) and suspect injury (SINJCAT)
were analyzed using Chi-square analysis. The analysis resulted in a statistically
significant relationship (x2=19.094, df=1, p<.001) between suspect impairment by
alcohol (ALCOHOL) and suspect injury during a confrontation. Hence, it is
known that suspect impairment by alcohol (ALCOHOL) and suspect injury
(SINJCAT) vary together.7 Further Gamma analysis revealed an association
between the variables (y: .439, p<.001). Given the results of the analysis, the

null hypothesis is rejected.

Sus2e_ct Imgirment by Drugs and Susgct Injug
H4: There is no significant relationship between suspect

impairment with drugs and suspect injury.

The relationship between suspect impairment by drugs (DRUGS) and
suspect injury (SINJCAT) during an officer-citizen confrontation was statistically
significant with Chi-square analysis (x2=4.874, df=1, p<.05). Hence, it is known
that suspect impairment by drugs (DRUGS) and suspect injury (SINJCAT) vary
together. Further Gamma analysis revealed a weak association between the
variables (y: .439, p<.001). Given the results of the analysis the null hypothesis

is rejected.

 

7 An additional variable for suspect impairment by alcohol (Q31ALCO) was available and resulted
in similar results as ALCOHOL. However, the measures used were not uniform and could not,
therefore, be accurately compared to the alcohol variable (ALCOHOL).

33

Officer A e and Sus In u
H5: There is no significant relationship between officer age
and suspect Injury.

When Arthur Niederhoffer (1967) discussed occupational
socialization, he referred to the idea of cynicism and authoritarianism.
According to these concepts, the longer an officer has been in that line of
work, the more cynical and authoritarian he or she becomes. With an
increase in cynicism and authoritarianism, comes an increase in police
use of force. The amount of cynicism and authoritarianism levels out
towards the end of the officer's career. According to occupational
socialization, as the age of an officer increases, the likelihood of use of
force with a suspect would increase.

On the contrary, the idea of “John Wayne” Syndrome (also known
as “Wyatt Earp” Syndrome) states the opposite. “John Wayne” Syndrome
centers on the thought that a new officer will be less experienced and the
power of the position will go to his or her head. After the rookie has
gained more experience, he or she will settle down and be less likely to
use force. According to “John Wayne” Syndrome, the younger an officer
is, the more likely he or she will use force.

Officer age (AGE1) and suspect injury (SINJCAT) during a confrontation
were compared using Chi-square analysis. The results of this analysis showed a
statistically significant relationship (x2=16.010, df=5, p<.01) between officer age

and suspect injury. The relationship indicates that suspect injury is more likely

34

during a confrontation with a young police officer”. In other words, as the
officer‘s age increases, the likelihood of suspect injury decreases. Gamma
analysis, however, was not found to be statistically significant.

These findings support the “JohnWayne” Syndrome prediction rather than
occupational socialization; however, some aspects of occupational socialization
may still apply. Towards the end of an officer’s career, he or she enters resigned
cynicism, where he or she has come to terms with the flaws of the system and
accepts it (Niederhoffer, 1967). During the resigned cynicism stage it would
seem as though use of force would occur less frequently and that is supported by
the results of this study. Given the results of the analysis the null hypothesis is

rejected.

Officer Gender and Susgct Injug

H5: There is no significant relationship between officer gender
and suspect injury.

The relationship between officer gender (02801 SEX) and suspect injury
(SINJCAT) during an officer-citizen confrontation was not found to be significant
with any test conducted (x2=.768, df=1, p: .381). That is, the gender of the
officer is not significantly related to suspect injury. Given the results of this
analysis the null hypothesis is not rejected.

As discussed previously in the literature review, a substantial amount of

research on police use of force finds no significant relationship between police

 

8 Pearson’s r was negative (-.058) which lead the researcher to the given conclusion.

35

use of force and gender during a confrontation (Terrill & Mastrofski, 2002; IACP,
2001). One possible reason for this is the relatively short period of time that

females have been officers.

Limitations

There are several limitations of this research that are worth mentioning.
Many issues can be encountered with survey research, as Adams (1995) points
out; people interpret words differently, people do not always tell the truth, some
people refuse to answer, and others may give answers that they think other
people want to hear. Remembering events or details can also be a problem.

Another limitation is that, despite being viewed as a classic, Arthur
Niederhoffer's work dates back roughly thirty years and officers have changed
since then. Education plays a great role in hiring, for example. Despite these
advancements, Niederhoffer's description of police processes still ring true and
will be a worthy source for years to come.

Niederhoffer (1967) does discuss education and policing, however, during
that time it was less common for an officer to have a college degree. If an officer
had a college education, he was more likely to pass the test needed to gain
promotion. Some of the negative effects of education than were “the envy and
hostility it is spreading among the old-timers who lack the formal education to
meet the proposed standards...” (Niederhoffer, 1967231).

Level of education was not included in this study; however, many studies

do discuss level of officer education and use of force. Niederhoffer argued that

36

those with less education were typically more authoritarian, and the more
educated received promotions more frequently. “Thus, a high percentage of
authoritarian types become concentrated in situations permitting unrestrained
use of force” (Niederhoffer, 19672131). Given the increased role of education in
police hiring and promotion, future research should consider the relationship
between officer education and use of force.

The type and amount of training an officer received compared to use of
force would also be a beneficial variable to include. Police use of force research,
for the most part, does not address this issue (Terrill and Mastrofski, 2002). For
example, a study by Gamer et. al (1994) included variables such as, number of
years since last departmental training and number of years of academy tactics
training, and number of years of non-police department training, but did not
account for the differences in officer training.

Some limitations are also present due to the use of indirect measures of
occupational socialization. This study assumes that officer age will equate to
greater occupational socialization. It would, however, be preferable to have
direct measures of occupational socialization. For example, measures of
authoritarian personality or cynicism would be valuable. The use of indirect
measures may have resulted in the inconsistency between predicted
relationships and actual findings. For example, it was previously discussed that
occupational socialization predicts that as an officer ages, the likelihood that he
or she will use force against a suspect increases to a certain point. This study

found that the younger an officer is, the more likely he or she is to use force

37

against a suspect. This finding is not consistent with that of occupational
socialization but is consistent with the “John Wayne” Syndrome. However,
perhaps occupational socialization early in one’s training and professional
experience results in the “John Wayne”Syndrome. This study cannot clarify the
issue but future research would benefit from direct measures of occupational
socialization.

Another drawback is the focus on a single in police department. It is
difficult to generalize results from one department to others. Policies on police
use of force vary, as does the community being policed. Various factors could
affect how often an officer is in a use of force situation and organizational
practices may affect reporting. For example, “even if officers were 100%
compliant, estimates from use-of-force reports would not generate measures of
the use of force that would be comparable across departments” (Garner, et al,
19952148). In addition, only those arrested were involved, so police - suspect
encounters that did not lead to arrest are not included in the analysis

The original researchers requested, with the support of the Phoenix Police
Department, that the survey be given only to officers in the patrol division and in
two specialized units — drug enforcement and gangs. The officers were to
complete the form following each arrest. Since the study did not include all
officers and did include officers in units that may deal with use of force situations
more frequently (drug enforcement and gangs) it may affect the results. For
example, in this study, suspect impairment by alcohol and drugs is a variable,

which is found to be statistically significant. The number of arrests that involve

38

drugs or alcohol would be expected to increase with the focus on officers dealing
with drug enforcement and gangs.

The data for this study are imperfect because there are missing data.
Also, the fact that the data were gathered over just two weeks in June from a
department for one of the biggest cities in the United States makes it highly
doubtful that the results will be directly applicable to any other jurisdiction in the
United States (Garner, et al.:1995). “Because this is only one study in one
jurisdiction at one point in time, the results may not generalize to other
jurisdictions and their relationships between citizens and police. There is no
substitute for replication” (Garner et al., 1996:10).

An ideal study in the future would have several alterations and additions.
One of the weaknesses was the use of only one department, which was one of
the largest cities in the country. Ideally, several departments representing
various sizes of jurisdictions would be included. As mentioned above, the
original study also took place over just a two-week period in the summer.
Factors that would influence the types and amount of crime changed throughout
the year, so a study that mns over the course of at least a year would be
beneficial.

Additional data that should be gathered to test occupational socialization
would be education, total amount of time as a police officer, and attitudinal
variables measuring socialization. Education of the officers involved was not
included, and according to occupational socialization, an increase in education

results in a decrease in use of force. Similarly, the original study did include a

39

variable for the number of years employed by the Phoenix Police Department,
however, that does not necessarily measure how long that individual has been a
police officer overall. If someone transferred in from another department, the
amount of years that he or she was employed by the Phoenix Police Department
would not be a valid measurement of total time as a police officer. In order to
better test Niederhoffer's idea of occupational socialization, the total amount of
time as an officer would be optimal. Finally, given that occupational socialization
is predicted to influence officer attitudes, survey items measuring attitudes
toward policing, commitment to the police profession, use of force, and similar

items would be preferred.

40

CHAPTER V
CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Implications for police training, policy, and practice in the use of force are
present in this study. First, it does not support the popular focus of many
researchers on race as an indicator of the likelihood of police use of force.

Secondly, the increase in likelihood of a suspect being injured if an officer
was injured in a confrontation supports Arthur Niederhoffer’s research previously
discussed. During a confrontation, a police officer assesses certain factors and
reacts accordingly. The amount of threat an officer senses, the current
community perceptions of the police, and the portion of the public that the
offender belongs to, influence the actions of the police officer (Westley, 1970). If,
for example, the officer feels highly threatened and community perceptions of
police officers at the time are negative, that officer will be more likely to use force
if the confrontation warrants it. Under this assumption, it seems unlikely that
officer injury would result from an incident that did not result in suspect injury.

Suspect impairment by alcohol or drugs was statistically related to suspect
injury. When dealing with an unstable person, police officers tend to react
differently. Kavanagh (1997) found a relationship between intoxication and
resisting arrest.

A number of explanations have been advanced to explain the

relationship between intoxication and violence. These explanations

include a reduction of inhibitions against the use of violence that is
induced by alcohol and some other controlled substances,

impairment of the intoxicated person’s decision-making process, a
greater propensity for intoxicated persons to disrespect police

41

officers (or to perceived as disrespectful), an increased tendency

for police officers to dehumanize, and consequently victimize,

intoxicated persons, and, finally increased misunderstanding

between officer and arrestee caused by the impairment of the
arrestee’s sensory and motor functions leading one party to
erroneously perceive a non-threatening action by the other as being

threatening. .

(Kavanagh, 1997228).

As previously discussed, Skolnick’s ( 1966) idea of “symbolic assailants”
helps explain the reason for the use of force. A police officer realizes that his or
her job continuously exposes him or her to potentially violent situations. After
coming into contact with violent individuals, that officer begins to construct an
idea of what a “symbolic assailant,” or threatening person, is to him or her.
Certain gestures, language, and attire could be interpreted by an officer as a
threatening person.

Arthur Niederhoffer's (1967) theory of cynicism and authoritarian police
personalities, as previously discussed, discusses the different stages of cynicism
that occur during a police officer’s career. According to Niederhoffer, rookie
police officers begin developing cynicism through law enforcement socialization;
a process that typically takes at least five years. New officers realize that it is
nearly impossible to enforce every law “on the book” and even if they did, the
jails could not hold all of the arrestees. This constant feeling of confusion,
frustration, alienation, and despair leads to cynicism. As an officer's cynicism
increases, so does his or her pessimism and it seem to lessen his or her

commitment to the social system and its values. Around the ten-year mark,

resentment and hostility become more obvious (Niederhoffer, 1967). Under this

42

theory, the longer the officer is with the department, the more cynical he or she
becomes.

This analysis of police use of force data showed that as the age of the
officer increased, the likelihood of suspect injury decreased. This is consistent
with the idea of younger officers having a greater tendency to show signs of
“John Wayne” Syndrome. On the other hand, it does not support Niederhoffer's
idea of cynicism and authoritarian police behavior. Niederhoffer does, however,
mention a final stage of cynicism for a police officer that occurs during the last
few years of his or her career. During this time, resigned cynicism occurs where
the officer “comes to terms with the flaws of the system and accepts it"
(Niederhoffer, 1967, 99). This cynicism is more latent. During the resigned
cynicism period, it would seem as though use of force would be less likely. This
may explain the current findings on officer age and use of force.

During the course of a day on the job, a police officer’s role changes
regularly. He or she can be a marriage counselor, children’s protective worker, a
legal advisor, and so on. Along with this is the authority and responsibility to use
force, which differs greatly from other professions. Officers must interact with the
community and understand the cultural differences and human behavior and be
able to communicate effectively with citizens (Rahtz, 2003). Police officer
training potentially has an effect on the occupational socialization process.
Proper training could possibly help officers obtain the necessary skills to
communicate with community members, therefore, resulting in less need for use

of force. The topic of police officer training as a potential method of reducing

43

police use of force has been discussed by researchers. The factors involved,
however, have been largely unexplored (Terrill and Mastrofski, 2002).

For this study, police use of force data were compared with factors
discussed with organizational socialization theory. This contributes to our
understanding of police use of force and helps us understand those attitudes,
values, and beliefs that may lead to police use of force. These ideas have the
potential to be expanded and improved on and can perhaps influence training,

policy, and procedures in the future.

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