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This is to certify that the
disseItation entitled

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON GERMAN BUSINESS
LANGUAGE

A CORPUS-BASED STUDY OF THE USE OF ANGLICISMS
IN THE GERMAN BUSINESS PRESS

presented by

Marc 0. Rathmann

has been accepted towards fulﬁllment
of the requirements for the

Doctoral degree in German Studies

 

 

    

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THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON GERMAN BUSINESS LANGUAGE
A CORPUS-BASED STUDY OF THE USE OF ANGLICISMS IN THE GERMAN
BUSINESS PRESS
By

Marc 0. Rathmann

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Linguistics and Germanic, Slavic, Asian, and African Languages

2006

ABSTRACT

THE INFLUENCE OF ENGLISH ON GERMAN BUSINESS LANGUAGE

A CORPUS-BASED STUDY OF THE USE OF ANGLICISMS IN THE GERMAN
BUSINESS PRESS

By

Marc 0. Rathmann

In Germany, the current debate about Anglicisms focuses primarily on general
language use, whereas languages for speciﬁc purposes (except for advertising) have not
come under similar scrutiny. German business language is one area where English
influence has long been perceived as strong, yet it also has not been studied as
extensively as language in general. This study will focus exclusively on the English
lexical inﬂuence on German business language over time and across different text types.
Randomly selected articles (cover stories, editorials, and letters to the editor) of one of
Germany’s major business magazines, Wirtschaftswoche, serve as the corpus of the
study. The analyzed time period is from 1973 until 2003. The objective of this study is to
describe and analyze changes in German business language and more Speciﬁcally in the

language of the German business press over the investigation period.

Many previous studies focused on lexical borrowing as one of the most obvious
results of language contact, but not a lot of use has been made of large text corpora and
the methodology of corpus linguistics in the area of German business language. Corpus-
based research into the distribution and the nature of Anglicisms over time and in

different genres is beneﬁcial for the research ﬁeld in providing new and representative

results. The use of a self-designed diachronic corpus presents the opportunity to highlight
whether there is empirical proof for an ever-increasing impact of English in the general
business domain.

The results of the study Show a signiﬁcant increase in the use of Anglicisms over
the investigation period in all examined text types. As far as the use of Anglicisms in
different text types is concerned, the highest percentage of English loanwords was found
in cover stories. The opinion-centered genres contained signiﬁcantly less Anglicisms.
The results indicate that there is a considerable difference in the use of Anglicisms

between journalists and readers.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

 

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................ v
LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................... vi
INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1
CHAPTER 1: The State of the Research on Anglicisms in German ........................... 6
CHAPTER 2: Concepts and Terminology - ......... 17
2.1 Language contact .................................................................................................... 17
2.2 Anglizismus versus Amerikanismus ........................................................................ 18
2.3 F remdwort versus Lehnwort ................................................................................... 21
2.4 Classiﬁcation of Loanwords ................................................................................... 26
2.4.1 Pseudo-loans .................................................................................................... 27
2.4.2 Full substitutions .............................................................................................. 29
2.4.3 Partial and zero substitutions ........................................................................... 31
CHAPTER 3: The Research Focus, Methodology, and Corpus ................................. 34
3.1 Research Questions and Hypotheses ...................................................................... 34
3.2 Design of the Corpus and Other Methodological Aspects ...................................... 37
3.3 The Wirtschaftswoche Corpus ................................................................................ 39
3.4 The Function of the Press and Selected News Genres ............................................ 40
3.4.1 Cover Stories .................................................................................................... 41
3.4.2 Editorials and Commentaries ........................................................................... 44
3.4.3 Letters to the Editor ......................................................................................... 46

3.5 Further Considerations Regarding the Corpus and the Execution of the Research 49
3.6 The German Business Press .................................................................................... 55
3.7 The History and Characteristics of Wirtschaftswoche ............................................ 59
3.8 Wirtschaﬂswoche Compared to its Competition ..................................................... 64
3.9 Principles of the Count of the Anglicisms .............................................................. 67

iv

CHAPTER 4: Discussion of Results .............................................................................. 72

4.1 Results with Respect to Overall Frequency ............................................................ 72
4.2 Frequency per Year ................................................................................................. 75
4.3 Most Frequently Used Anglicisms .......................................................................... 81
4.4 Frequent Anglicisms in Individual Years and Decades .......................................... 89
4.5 Frequency According to Word types ...................................................................... 92
4.6 Semantic Classiﬁcation of Nouns ........................................................................... 93
4.7 Classiﬁcation ofVocabulary ................. 95
4.8 Frequency According to Loan Type ....................................................................... 97
4.8.1 Adoptions .......................................................................... .. .............................. 99
4.8.2 Adaptations .................................................................................................... 100
4.8.3 Mixed Compounds ......................................................................................... 102
4.8.4 Loan Translations ........................................................................................... 105
4.8.5 Pseudo-Loans ................................................................................................. 106

4.9 Frequency According to Text Type ...................................................................... 109
CONCLUSIONS AND TEACHING IMPLICATIONS OF RESULTS .................. 115
1. Results ..................................................................................................................... 115

2. Potential for Future Research .................................................................................. 118

3. Implications for the Teaching of German ............................................................... 121
REFERENCES .............................................................................................................. 127

Table 1 :

Table 2:

Table 3:

Table 4:

Table 5:

Table 6:

Table 7:

Table 8:

Table 9:

Table 10

Table 1 1

Table 12:

Table 13:

Table 14:

Table 15:

Table 16:

Table 17:

Table 18:

Table 19:

Table 20:

LIST OF TABLES

Foreign Word, Loanword, Pseudo Loan and Native Word
Proﬁle of Readers of Wirtschaftswoche und Capital
Frequency of Anglicisms over the Investigation Period
Tokens-Types-Ratio

Frequency of Anglicisms (tokens) per Year

Frequency of Anglicisms per decade

Peak Year 2000 - Percentage of Anglicisms per genre
Type-Token-Ratio per Year

The Most Frequently Used Anglicisms between 1973 and 2003
: Occurrences of Internet in the Corpus

: The Most Frequently Used Anglicisms (Individual Words)
Selected Technology and Business Terms (1990-2003)
Word Types of Anglicisms

Semantic Taxonomy of Nouns

Vocabulary Classiﬁcation

Percentage of Specialized Anglicisms

Mixed Compounds

Pseudo-Loans

Frequency of Anglicisms per Text Type

Absolute Numbers of Words and Anglicisms and their Representation

vi

24
66
72
74
76
77
78
80
82
85
87
9o
92
94
96
97

104

108

1 10

112

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Circulation of Wirtschaftswoche 1973-2003

Figure 2: Circulation of German Business Magazines

Figure 3: Trend Analysis for the Increase in Anglicisms 1973-2003
Figure 4:Frequency per Loan Type

Figure 5: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Adoptions

Figure 6: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Adaptations
Figure 7: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Mixed Compounds
Figure 8: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Loan Translations
Figure 9: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Pseudo-Loans
Figure 10: Trend Analysis for Cover Stories

Figure 11: Trend Analysis for Editorials

Figure 12: Trend Analyses for Letters to the Editor

vii

61

65

77

98

100

102

103

106

107

113

114

114

Introduction

,,Die Gewalt einer Sprache ist nicht, dass sie das Fremde abweist, sondern dass sie

es verschlingt“ (Goethe, 1994, p. 508‘)

Today there seems to be strong disagreement on whether Goethe’s statement still
applies to present-day German. Since the mid-19905 the inﬂuence of English on the
German language has become a widely debated topic among scholars and in the German
public. Linguists, politicians, and lay people alike utter their opinions about the English
lexical inﬂuence on German and a growing number of critics express their views about
how to contain this development which they perceive as language decay and a long-term
threat to the German language. A multitude of new interest groups and initiatives against
the invasion of Anglicisms has been founded. Walter Kramerz, a professor of statistics, is
at the forefront of this movement. He has published critical books on the topic and

9

founded the “Verein Deutsche Sprache,’ an interest group whose existence is solely
based on its opposition to the use of Anglicisms. Another prominent opponent to the use
of Anglicism is news anchor Ulrich Wickert3 who participates in an initiative to boycott
the use of Anglicisms.

Linguists remain neutral to the current inﬂuences of the English language because

of the nature of linguistics. In general, language use and language change are not

 

' Also cited on http://www.duden.de/produkte/downloads/fremdwort9_bereicherungpdf

The power of a language is not that it rejects the foreign but that it devours it (translation by the author).
2 See Eberhom (2004) for more information on Walter Kramer.

3 Ulrich Wickert is the anchor of the ARD-Tagesthemen.

evaluated, but described and analyzed4. The linguists’ attitude is that speakers of a
language evaluate their language themselves by using certain words and expressions from
a pool of possibilities that they theoretically have (langue). The realization of language
(parole) can lead to different linguistic developments, but linguistic criticism is not based
on linguistics; its input has to come from outside the ﬁeld. Linguistics as a research ﬁeld

typically does not evaluate any language change.

A large number of linguists have done research on the inﬂuence of English on
German and other languages since the 19605. However, until the 19905 this research
received little attention from the general public and studies were done in relative isolation
from outside pressures and commentary. Nowadays, however, there is a growing number
of critics of Anglicisms who more than likely have no real expertise in the research ﬁeld
but nonetheless seem to have taken over the initiative on the debate — for example, the
above mentioned Walter Kramer. These critics managed to direct the discussion of
Anglicisms to questions of taste - the like or dislike of Anglicisms - without grounding
their criticism in scholarly studies. They stir up the German public with warnings about
the take-over of their native language by Anglo-American inﬂuences and sometimes
extend their criticism with general reservations about the American culture and way of
life. Since language is a part of culture, a change in language is also an indicator of
cultural change. One may interpret the recent drastic increase of English loans in German
as an aspect of cultural change in Germany that is a result of globalization. AS will be

explained later, a new trend in products, services, or thoughts can initiate the emergence

 

‘ Glilck and Kramer (2000) criticize the attitude of linguists in this matter: “Die Sprachwissenschaﬁ und die
sprachpﬂegerischen lnstitutionen haben diese Entwicklung ignoriert und sich so aus der Verantwortung fur
unscre Sprache gestohlen.” (p. 90)

of a new German word or the adoption of a word of foreign origin. This has often been

the case when new concepts or objects were imported from a foreign country.

In general, public opinion about Anglicisms ranges from complaints about
language decay to unlimited enthusiasm for new English vocabulary that allegedly opens
new opportunities for the expression of thoughts (see also Krause-Braun, 2002). Overall,
critical opinions dominate. A representative poll by the Gesellschaft ﬁir deutsche Sprache
found that most of the linguistic changes that people perceived in the 19905 were the
result of importation of new Anglicisms, and that these were considered negative by a
majority of respondents (Stickel, 1999). The debate over English inﬂuence on German is
not a 20‘h or 21St century phenomenon. At the the end of the 19‘h century there was also
widespread criticism of the use of new English loanwords. In 1899, Hermann Dunger,
who was involved in a nationalist purist movement, gave a presentation called Wider die
Engldnderei in der deutschen Sprache. It was the ﬁrst time that English loanwords were
the main focus of a public Speech. Whereas in Dunger’s time the demand for language
purity was often associated with nationalism and general xenophobia against foreigners,

this is generally not the case today.

The main aspect of the current controversy about Anglicisms is the high number
of English loanwords that have allegedly entered the German language. Linguists,
themselves, might consider whether there is any number of Anglicisms in German that
could be considered too high. What almost everyone agrees on is that the recent inﬂux of

English words is unprecedented in European history (GGrlach, 2003). At the same time,

various linguists claim that this inﬂuence is still not comparable to the French inﬂuence
on German in the 18th and 19lh centuries (Busse & Gérlach, 2002).

The public debate today primarily centers on general language use, whereas
language use for speciﬁc purposes (except for advertising) has not come under much
scrutiny. German business language is one of the areas where the English inﬂuence has
long been perceived as being strong, yet it has not been studied thoroughly. There is still
a lack of scholarly studies that examine business language systematically and use the
methodology of corpus linguistics. Furthermore, as of yet, most studies were just
synchronic snapshots in time but did not analyze long periods. This study focuses
exclusively on English inﬂuence on the German business language in the business press
over a time period of 30 years and across different journalistic text types. It also
comprises an analysis of vocabulary and semantic aspects and examines whether (and
how) this vocabulary is related to text types and time periods. This represents a new
approach, because there have only been a few previous diachronic corpus-based studies,
and none of them have dealt with business language in combination with such variables
as time periods, text types, and semantic ﬁelds. What this study has in common with
many others works about Anglicisms is its reliance on texts taken from the print medias.
The text types used for this investigation were taken from one of the leading German

business magazines, Wirtschaftswoche.

This dissertation is comprised of four chapters and a conclusion section. Chapter

1 gives the reader an overview of the present state of research on Anglicisms in German.

 

5 For example, Fink (1968); Yang (1990); Fink, H., Fijas, L., & Schons, D. (1997); Adler (2001); and
Krause-Braun (2002)

Chapter 2 introduces the terminology used in this and other studies and also explains
linguistic terms such as language contact, loanword, and foreign word; it also describes
the different types of loans that exist. In Chapter 3 the research design, methodology, and
corpus are discussed. In addition, the advantages and disadvantages of a corpus based on
a print media source are examined. Chapter 4 states the results, compares them to related
studies, and evaluates them in the light of the research questions and hypotheses. The

dissertation closes with a summary of the results and a conclusion.

Chapter 1: The State of the Research on Anglicisms in German

This chapter describes the development and the present state of research on
Anglicisms in German. The objective is to give an overview of the most important
studies in this ﬁeld and to make the reader familiar with its researchers and their
approaches and ﬁndings. The description does not pretend to be complete, because it is
selective with respect to the purposes of this study. Due to its focus on lexicon, business
language, and a corpus consisting of print media sources, this area of the research on
Anglicisms will be the center of attention after general works on the English inﬂuence on

the German language have been introduced.

The existence of Anglicisms in German was mentioned for the ﬁrst time by
literary critic Gottsched in “Deutsche Sprachkunst” of 1776. It was not until more than
one hundred years later that Anglicisms became a topic of interest. In 1882, Dunger
counted 148 English words in German. As a member of a nationalist purist movement, he
harshly criticized the English inﬂuence. In 1899, Dunger took aim at English loan words
in a lecture called “Wider die Englanderei in der deutschen Sprache.” It was the ﬁrst time
that Anglicisms were the main focus of a public Speech. In a later investigation Dunger
discovered the existence of 900 English words in German in 1909. The ﬁrst truly
scholarly work about Anglicisms was a Ph.D. dissertation written by Agnes Stiven in
1936. “Englands EinﬂuB auf den deutschen Wortschatz” describes the English inﬂuence
on German vocabulary from the 13th century until 1935. According to Stiven’s ﬁndings,
the inﬁltration of English words into German was a relatively modern phenomenon that

she veriﬁed by examples from areas such as politics, trade, social life, and Sports. Similar

to more recent scholarship, Stiven already pointed to the difﬁculty of differentiating
between American and British loans. Since the author relied primarily on dictionaries and
encyclopedias and not on primary sources, her dating of the loanwords have later oﬁen
proved to be inaccurate. Nevertheless, Stiven’s work was the basis for numerous

publications aﬁer 1945.

Two other scholars who examined English items in the German lexicon prior to
1815 are Palmer (1933) and Ganz (1957). Ganz’s work can be regarded as a sequel to
Palmer’s work; he extended the investigation period until the early 19‘h century. Ganz
and Palmer both used primary sources, for example from literature and history, to

describe the English inﬂuence on the German lexicon.

Most of the studies in the second half of the 20th century were carried out by
scholars of British and American studies specializing in linguistics in Germany and were
published in German. Fewer inquiries were undertaken by germanists (oﬁen from outside
Germany), even though it would seem that the development of the German language
should be of greater concern to German studies than to Anglo-American studies. The
inﬂuence of English on the German language was not considered an independent and
interdisciplinary research ﬁeld before the 19605. At that time, the English inﬂuences had
multiplied due to the role of the United States as an occupying power and major architect
of Germany’s political and economic development. On the whole, the research into
English inﬂuences on the German language continued to be primarily focused on lexical

interferences.

The ﬁrst comprehensive study of English inﬂuences of note after World War II
was Zindler’s 1959 dissertation “Anglizismen in der deutschen Pressesprache nach
1945.” His purpose was to provide a view of English lexical inﬂuence on the German
language of the press after 1945. The author did not systematically ﬁlter out English
items from press articles; he rather focused on Anglicisms that were taken over into
German after 1945. He came to the conclusion that English loanwords were few in
number but used frequently and primarily introduced into German after 1945. He also
compiled lists of English words that had entered German before 1945 and categorized
them according to thematic areas. Like most studies about the English inﬂuence on
German that have been carried out to this point, he did not differentiate between British
and American origins of English loanwords. In general, scholars assume that the
inﬂuence is American due to the extraordinary power and inﬂuence of the United States
in almost every aspect of society. However, proof of that is hard to come by for many
reasons. For example, loanwords have often taken a detour via Great Britain to get to
Germany, and German schools for the most part still teach mainly British English, which
inﬂuences the spelling of loanwords. The question of the origin of loans will be dealt
with in detail in the following chapter. As far as semantic aspects are concerned,
Zindler’s study led to some interesting ﬁndings. He discovered that one third of all
Anglicisms used in the press were only adopted with a part of their original meaning.

Zindler’s study was the starting point for the research of Broder Carstensen, still
considered the scholar who contributed most to this ﬁeld. In 1965, he published his book
Englische Einﬂiisse auf die deutsche Sprache nach 1945, which remains the standard

work in the research on Anglicisms in the German language. His analysis was based on

West German newspapers and magazines published between 1961 and 1964. Among
them was the magazine Der Spiegel, which according to Carstensen introduced the
greatest number of Anglicisms into the German language before they were spread further
through adoption by other print media (Carstensen, 1965, p.22). Carstensen’s study
examined for the ﬁrst time not only lexical inﬂuences in a detailed and systematic way,
but also inﬂuences on morphology, syntax, spelling, and phonology. He came to the
conclusion that the inﬂuence of English can only be regarded as strong in the area of
lexicon whereas inﬂuences on general grammar and syntax were minimal. He also
touched on aspects of style, where he explored why certain Anglicisms were used instead
of existing German words or why no new German words were created to make up for a

lack of an equivalent word in German.

In later monographs and articles Carstensen examined grammatical aspects of
English inﬂuence in more detail, such as the gender of English loanwords and semantic
problems of English-German loan processes. His interest extended also to the reception
and understanding of the Anglicisms. In a joint survey with Hengstenberg (1983), he
analyzed the responses of 682 people who were asked for the meaning of 50 common
Anglicisms in German. The results proved that only 20 of 50 words could be deﬁned
correctly. The degree of knowledge of these Anglicisms was affected by two factors: the
level of knowledge of English and the intensity of contact with the mass media.6

Carstensen’s lifetime achievements were united in the three volume dictionary of

 

6 A 2003 representative study by market researcher Endmark AG demonstrates that even today many
people do not understand Anglicisms - in this case company and product slogans that are used in German
TV ads as well as in magazines, newspapers, on billboards, and on web sites. “Englische Werbeslogans
werden kaum verstanden.” (http://www.endmark.in-de.net/img/aktuell/MafoClaims.pdt)

Anglicisms that was ﬁrst published in 1993 and was continued by Busse after
Carstensen’s death. This dictionary lists 3,500 Anglicisms in different thematic areas and
discusses the spelling, pronunciation, types of loan processes, and grammatical aspects. It
serves well not only as a comprehensive information source for all questions regarding
certain Anglicisms but also as a directory of English words in German that can be used to

search various corpora.

Two other distinguished linguists who dealt with Anglicisms in German are W.
Viereck and Galinsky. Viereck (1980) was particularly interested in the knowledge,
understanding, and use of German Anglicisms and demonstrated that there is a clear
difference between understanding and actively using Anglicisms. Galinsky focused on
the motives for using Anglicisms and their stylistic functions. His 1963 work (with
Carstensen) “Stylistic Aspects of Linguistic Borrowing - A Stylistic and Comparative
View of American Elements in German and British English” made important
contributions in this area. He found seven main reasons for the use of Anglicisms:

“1. providing national American color for settings, actions, and characters

2. establishing and enhancing precision

3. offering or facilitating intentional disguise

4. effecting brevity to the point of terseness

5. producing vividness, often by the way of metaphor

6. conveying tone, its gamut ranging from humorous playfulness to sneering

parody on America and ‘Americanized Germany’

7. creating or increasing variation of expression” (Galinsky, 1963, p. 54)

10

Pﬁtzner (1978) uses Galinsky’s work as the basis for his own research and
analyzes the relationship between the use of Anglicisms as stylistic means and the
journalists’ intentions. His conclusion is that Anglicisms have become essential stylistic
means for the German print media. A few scholars studied the inﬂuence of Anglicisms in
different countries or regions of the German-speaking world. K. Viereck (1980) focused
on the use of Anglicisms in Austria and studied Anglicisms in Austrian daily newspapers,
sometimes in comparison with German papers. Dalscher (1966) examined the inﬂuence
of English on colloquial Swiss German by conducting surveys based on questionnaires in
German-speaking Switzerland. Lehnert exclusively examined the English inﬂuence on
German in the GDR. For his 1990 book “Anglo-Amerikanisches im Sprachgebrauch der
DDR” he analyzed East German newspapers between 1984 and 1989. Despite the
obvious anti-American attitude of the GDR government, Lehnert found about 1,500
English words that were in use at the time. His comprehensive study will likely have a
lasting effect because of its documentary value as a description of the language of a
former socialist country. An earlier but more limited investigation of Anglicisms in the
GDR was done by the Swedish gennanist Kristensson (1977). His focus was on the
motivations for using Anglicisms in GDR newspapers. He came to the conclusion that
Anglicisms were used more intentionally than in the West and often with negative
connotations. After the German reuniﬁcation, F ijas and Schons (1997) described the
inﬂuence of English in the new federal states and illustrated that differences between the
usage of Anglicisms in the Western and Eastern part of Germany remain even though

they are decreasing overall.

11

Other important studies focusing on English vocabulary in the German press were
done by Fink. In 1968, he examined American words in the German daily press for his
dissertation. This was the ﬁrst comprehensive research study based on a particular
corpus. Fink chose eight weekend editions of the nationals Suddeutsche Zeitung,
Frankfurter Allgemeine and Die Welt which he considered representative of the southern,
central and northern parts of Germany7. His aim was to ﬁnd regional differences in the
reception of Americanisms as well as varying amounts of Anglicisms in different subject
areas of the papers. The results were partly contrary to his assumptions. The Suddeutsche
Zeitung used the highest amount of Americanisms even though its readers had the lowest
level of education. The Frankfurter Allgemeine made the least use of these loanwords.
Fink (1970) later also examined the motivation behind adoptions and came to the
conclusion that there were only two major reasons for the usage of Anglicisms. On the
one hand, a lack of German expressions in certain semantic ﬁelds make the use of
English necessary and, on the other hand, the use of English words is an expression of
closeness to and admiration for the United States. Fink’s terminology (zero substitution,
partial substitution, full substitution) has been central in Anglicism research and is still
used by many researchers. It will be utilized with variations and additions in this study
(see Chapter 2). In the 19905 Fink started to concentrate on the Anglo-American
inﬂuence in certain areas of business language. He studied the reception of Anglicisms,
especially in the language of advertisements. In his 1980 monograph “Superhit oder

Spitzenschlager,” Fink examines Anglicisms in advertisements in the teen magazines

 

7 All of these newspapers are national dailies, but each is published in a different region (Sz'iddeutsche
Zeilung in Munich, Frankﬁlrter A Ilgemeine in Frankfurt, and Die Well in Hamburg).

12

Bravo and Freizeit-Magazin.”. In 1991 he published a study on the use of Anglicisms in
the economic policy debates of the Bundestag between 1980 and 1990. His study was
based on the protocols of the sessions of the Bundestag. He analyzed the
comprehensibility of the language used by interviewing 286 potential constituents (of
different age and education) in the city of Paderborn. He came to the conclusion that the
relatively high understanding of Anglicisms does not mean that they are used actively by
the respondents. In 1983 F ink examined to what extent Anglicisms in German textbooks
for non-university business schools were understood by students. In 1994 he examined if
sales associates understood Anglicisms used as product names and for product
descriptions. According to his ﬁndings, only 42 percent completely understood them and
this led Fink to believe that it was not of main concern for marketing experts if
Anglicisms were understood, as long as they functioned well as a sales strategy. In 1995
Fink published another volume about the American inﬂuence on German in business
language and business in general, which features many of his students’ master’s theses:
“Amerikanisierung in der deutschen Wirtschaﬁ: Sprache, Handel, Giiter und

Dienstleistungens”.

In 1991 and 1994 Herbst called attention to a source of Anglicisms that had not
been taken into account to date: dubbed movies and TV serials. He described examples of
new Anglicisms that entered German unintentionally, for example, by literal translations

of idioms. His study is one of the few that does not rely on print media materials.

 

3 Americanization in the German economy: Language, trade, goods and services (translation by the author).

13

Carstensen’s former student Busse (1993) carried out one of the few truly
diachronic studies by using Duden spelling dictionaries of the years 1880 until 1986 as
his corpus. His objective was to illustrate how language change had had an impact on the
content of this important dictionary. He examined all the entries marked “from English,”
their chronological development and the time-lag between their ﬁrst occurrence in texts
and their inclusion in the Duden. He also took into account the differences between the
West and East German editions of the Duden and the problem of American or British

origins of the Anglicisms.

The ﬁrst computer-aided quantitative lexical study was carried out by Engels in
1976. She examined the occurrence of Anglicisms in the daily Die Welt. She found an
increase in the number of Anglicisms as well as an increase in their use when she
compared issues of Die Welt from the years 1954 and 1964. However, Engels did not
look for Anglicisms herself but used the list compiled by Fink to search her corpus. This
means that Anglicisms that were not discovered by Fink or entered the German language

after his investigation were not recognized.

Newer studies include dissertations based on databases consisting of print media
sources. In 1990 Yang analyzed Anglicisms in 6 issues of Der Spiegel from 1950, 1960,
1970, and 1980 according to frequency, semantics, morphology, and stylistic integration.
In 1996 Kovtun examined the integration of business-oriented Anglicisms in issues of
Der Spiegel of 1993 and 1994. The only study that exclusively uses general business

publications as a corpus is Langer (1996), in which two consecutive issues of Capital and

14

DM (today known as Euro) are used to investigate which of the two magazines uses more
Anglicisms, which types of Anglicisms occur most, and how they have adapted to the
German language. Her main concerns are the functions of the loanwords and the
journalists’ motives for using them. Another more recent mini study is Hedderich’s
(2003) investigation of recent language changes in Business German, which is based on
the examination of three successive issues of Wirtschaftswoche in October 2002. Among
his conclusions was the inference that the number of Anglicisms in the business
magazine depended on the topic of the articles as well as on journalistic preferences. A
more extensive study for a research article was done by Bartsch and Siegrist (2003).
Their research is based on a quantitative computer analysis of the "Darmstéidter Corpus
Deutscher F achsprachen" (which comprises 2.8 million words) using the methodology of
corpus linguistics. Their results Show an uneven distribution of Anglicisms over the
different subject speciﬁc subcorpora of the corpus. They argue for the need for more

corpus-based research in languages for speciﬁc purposes.

To conclude, the increase in the borrowing of Anglicisms in German resulted in
an increase in the number of studies in this research ﬁeld after World War II. Thus,
German has become one of the best researched languages in respect to English
inﬂuences, even though gaps in the research remain. Most of the research about
Anglicisms in German relies on statistical analysis of newspapers and magazines
intended for a broad spectrum of readers. Except for studies in the area of advertising,
Anglicisms in languages for speciﬁc purposes in general or in other ﬁelds have been

investigated only rarely. Furthermore, most of the research projects have been synchronic

15

studies focusing on a few newspaper issues of relatively short time periods. Diachronic

studies using the methodology of corpus linguistics have been the exception.

16

Chapter 2: Concepts and Terminology
2.1 Language contact

The most typical result of language contact9 is a change in one or more languages.
Usually, at least one language will exert an inﬂuence on one or more other languages.
The use of loanwords in a language is the result of one type of inﬂuence and proves the
existence of language contact between two or more languages (Thomason, 2001). Other
linguistic features such as syntax or phonology can be subject to transfer from one
language to another as well. In the case of German and English, various studies have
shown that only lexical inﬂuence has had a considerable impact on German whereas
other inﬂuences remain minor (Carstensen, 1963). However, according to Gdrlach

(2002), such inﬂuences may increase:

It is also likely that other linguistic levels outside lexis will be increasingly
affected: The impact is clearly apparent in phonology (where marginal phonemes
imported through great numbers of Anglicisms from spoken English have become
accepted, such as /ei/ and /ou/ in German) and morphology (where —s plurals are
becoming normal and compounds on the English patterns are losing their

foreignness). (Gérlach, 2002, p. 12)

 

9 Language contact usually occurs when speakers of different languages interact. “In the simplest
deﬁnition, language contact is the use of more than one language in the same place at the same time.”
(Thomason 2001, p.1) However, nontrivial language contact also requires that there are contact situations
in which at last some people use more than one language. Thomason makes clear that this kind of language
contact does neither require ﬂuent bilingualism nor multilingualism, but that “some communication
between speakers of different languages is necessary”. (p. 1) This may happen in a variety of situations:
refugees, immigrants, and expatriates have to interact with the residents of their host country, soldiers who
occupy a foreign country have to interact with its population, tourists and foreign students have to interact
with the people of the country that they are visiting, and journalists who report from a foreign country have
to interact with the locals.

17

2.2 Anglizismus versus Amerikanismus

English loanwords in German are called either Anglizismen or Amerikanismen.
The Duden dictionary deﬁnes Anglizismus and Amerikanismus as follows:

Anglizismus

Ubertragung einer ﬁir das britische Englisch charakteristischen Erscheinung auf

eine nicht englische SpracheIO (DUDEN, 2001 , p.66)

Amerikanismus

1. sprachliche Besonderheit des arnerikanischen Englisch

2. Entlehnung aus dem Amerikanischen ins Deutsche (DUDEN, 2001, p.56)

Thus, the Duden differentiates clearly between borrowings from American and
British English. For the most part, the research literature about English borrowings in
German does not follow the example of the dictionary. The term Anglicism in the
research literature refers to a loan that various languages adopted from English. Most
researchers (among them, Carstensen, Pﬁtzner, Zindler, Lehnert, and Yang) use
Anglicism as a generic term denoting lexical adoptions from British, American, and other
variations of English. Only a few German scholars such as Fink use Americanism instead
of Anglicism to stress that the English language inﬂuence on German after World War II
is widely considered to have been almost exclusively American. However, Fink himself

hints at the difﬁculty of making a distinction between American and British lexical

inﬂuences:

Infolge des parallellaufenden BE-Einﬂusses und der vielgestaltigen sonstigen

fremdsprachlichen Einwirkungen auf das heutige Deutsch laBt sich bei

 

'0 Anglicism: Transfer of an appearance that is characteristic of British English to a non-English language.
Americanism: l. linguistic special feature of American English, 2 Loanword from American English that
has entered the German language (translation by the author).

18

bestimmten Entlehnungen nicht eindeutig errnitteln, ob sie Amerikanismen sind,
zumal diese - man denke an ’cafeteria’ - manchmal amerikanisches Lehngut aus
nicht-englischen Sprachen darstellen. Im Fall von ’cafeteria’ z.B. wirkt AE nur als
Vermittler eines ﬁberseeischen Hispanismus - in amerikanischer Wortbedeutung -
an das Deutsche. Zudem tauchen taglich im AE, BE und im Deutschen neue

Ausdrﬁcke auf, deren Herkunft zunéichst im Dunkeln bleibt“. (Fink, 1968, p. 9)

Gdrlach (2003) gives three reasons why, in his opinion, the distinction between
AE and BE is impossible to make with regard to loanwords:
1. Loanwords tend to be adapted in the borrowing process which deletes characteristic
features of the words of the two varieties of English (spelling and pronunciation).
2. Americanisms are either transmitted through BE or they are automatically adapted to
the model dominating English language in Europe - the British variety. This variety is
still dominant because language instruction in Europe (which is a major source of
language contact) still favors British over American English.
3. The only criterion left is encyclopedic - the adoption of words together with new
inventions, concepts, or commodities imported from America can be a clue but is not

conclusive.

 

” Due to the parallel inﬂuence of British English and the variety of other foreign-language inﬂuences on
contemporary German one cannot investigate with certainty whether certain loanwords are Americanisms,
especially if they represent occasionally American borrowings from non-English languages such as in the
case of 'cafeteria.‘ In the case of 'cafeteria,’ for example, American English functions only as an agent of a
Hispanic expression - in American lexical meaning - introduced into German. Furthermore, new
expressions both in American and British English and in German — the origins of which at ﬁrst remain
unknown - occur on a daily basis (translation by the author).

19

Gdrlach’s conclusion is that there is not enough evidence to make clear statements
about the origins of most English loanwords in German, and that although the American

inﬂuence is increasing everywhere, British transmission is still effective.

Carstensen and Galynski (1975) also state that clear distinctions between loans
from American and British English can rarely be made. However, they make it clear that
on the basis of historic and cultural events the assumption can be made that until World
War I British loans dominated on an international level, whereas after 1917 and even

more after 1945 the American inﬂuence dominated.

Carstensen (1963) states that the differences between British and American
English are decreasing, but that American English has taken on considerable
predominance over British English in its impact on German. He supports some of his
ﬁndings with population ﬁgures: 145 million people spoke American English as their
native language whereas only 55 million spoke British English at the time. This does not
seem convincing, though. Following this train of thought, languages such as Chinese
would have to have a much stronger inﬂuence on other languages in today’s world. Most
of the other evidence Carstensen points to has a sociological basis: Germans had more
contact with Americans in Germany than with British people due to the fact that there
were more American soldiers than British soldiers stationed there. In addition, the
American forces’ radio AFN reached a larger audience than its British counterpart. There
were more American movies than British movies shown in German movie theaters; there

were more TV programs from America than from Great Britain, and German scholars

20

were reading more research literature from the US. than from Britain. Another reason for
the inﬂuence of American English after the war is seen in the return of German emigrants

from the United States.

Despite the evident predominance of American English, Carstensen and many
others experts argue that unambiguous evidence for the origin of Anglicisms can only be
given if an expression has come over from the US. (or Great Britain) along with the
object or idea that it denotes, for example, Supermarkt, Jazz, Park and Ride. In other
cases, a distinction between loanwords from the United States and Britain is very
problematic and rarely without ambiguity. Dictionaries do not help to clarify the origin of
new words in German, because new lexical material has ﬁrst to be registered and
analyzed. Sometimes only assumptions can be made that can later turn out to be wrong.
Many scholars therefore have refrained from making a distinction between lexical items
taken over from American English and British English. Due to the difﬁculty of
determining whether a loanword is of American or British origin, the term Anglicism will

be used in this dissertation in its broad sense.

2.3 F remdwort versus Lehnwort

Anglicisms can either be loanwords or foreign words. The distinction between
Lehnwort and Fremdwort has a long tradition in Germany and is not limited exclusively
to academic circles. In the English-speaking world it has less importance, at least outside

the academic world (Kirkness, 1984). Dictionaries that are exclusively devoted to foreign

21

words do exist but are not as widely available as in Germany and are neither geared
towards the general public.

The traditional deﬁnition of foreign word (alien) and loanword (denizen) has
often come under criticism and many alternatives or additions have been proposed for the
original deﬁnition which traces back to Betz (1965) for the German-speaking countries.
According to the traditional view, the basic difference between foreign words and
loanwords is that the former are considered foreign objects in the language whereas the
latter have adapted to the receiving language to such an extent that they are no longer
considered foreign or cannot be recognized by laymen to have come from another
language. This implies that the distinction between foreign words, loanwords and native
words according to purely external criteria is an aspect of linguistic purism - an intention
to keep a language free of foreign inﬂuences, or at least to make foreign inﬂuences
obvious (e. g., Heller, 2002). The criteria on the basis of which the distinction is made are

formal (spelling, morphology, word formation, etc.) and the dimension is synchronic.

What has often been criticized in regard to the traditional deﬁnition is the lack of
attention to diachronic dimensions, that is, the historical view of borrowings. Link (1983)
points at yet another aspect - the inclusion of words in dictionaries of foreignisms which
should not be considered foreign words. Among them, he counts words whose origin has
not been clariﬁed, words that are compounds of German and English elements (e.g.
Dirndllook), morphological pseudo-loans (abbreviations of English words such as Pulli
and Proﬁ), and lexical pseudo-loans, loan creations that have no origin in the donor

language (Dressman, Showmaster, Handy, Mobbing). He hints at the fact that in contrast

22

to these examples, other words which do have a model in another language are not
recorded in dictionaries of foreign words. These are borrowings which are not composed
of English lexical material and are therefore not recognized as following a foreign model,

for example, loan translations (Gehirnwa'sche) or loan transferals (Klimaanlage).

Kirkness (1972/83) and von Polenz (1967) consider the traditional deﬁnition of a
foreign word based on formal-grammatical criteria to be unsatisfactory. Von Polenz
wants to use the term foreign word only for a very restricted number of cases. He claims
that native speakers only use words from different languages occasionally and in the form
of a quotation. He calls for the extension of the term loanword to all words of foreign
origin which are known by a large number of native speakers and form part of their
vocabulary. This position leads away from the purist attitude that focuses exclusively on
formal external characteristics of a word. In such a synchronic View the borderline
between Fremdwort and Lehnwort is ﬂuid. However, other scholars such as Muller
(1976) state that it is not important for deﬁning a foreign word to know how it integrates
into the context of another language, but by which features it can be recognized, i.e., what
gives it its foreign character. Heller (2002) comes to the conclusion that an analysis of a
word’s characteristics is not meaningful unless it is supplemented by a diachronic
perspective. Thus, a foreign word simply is a word of foreign origin that shows foreign
characteristics in its lexical structure. Langner extended the deﬁnition in 1995 to include
compound words with one or more elements of foreign origins which had previously not
been regarded as foreignisms. Betz (1980) goes a step further and calls for the inclusion

of loan creations under the deﬁnition of “foreign word.” As noted before, these words

23

come into being as a consequence of the existence of a foreign word which functions as a
model. However, they are built exclusively from German lexical material and are for that

reason rarely recognized as having a foreign origin.

Heller’s solution to the classiﬁcation of foreign word, pseudo loan, loanword and
native word is a combination of a synchronic and a diachronic approach, and is illustrated

in the following table.

 

 

 

 

 

Result of the diachronic Result of the synchronic Category
analysis (word origin) evaluation of the formal

structural characteristics in

their entirety
foreign foreign foreign word (alien)
foreign native loanword (denizen)
native foreign pseudo loan
native native native word

 

 

 

 

 

Table 1: Foreign Word, Loanword, Pseudo Loan, and Native word’2

In the ﬁrst major work about Anglicisms in German after World War II, Zindler
(1959) states that in modern German there is a tendency to take over untranslated and
unadapted words from English. Carstensen (1965) comes to the same conclusion: “Am
hauﬁgsten kommt die Ubemahme eines Wortes in unveranderter Form und Bedeutung
vor” (p.90).l3 It can be suspected that these ﬁndings still apply to the present time, and

furthermore that unaltered words from English have increased in number. This has been

 

'2 Adapted and translated from Heller (2002).
'3 Unaltered meaning does not necessarily imply that the loanword has the same breadth of meaning in

German, but that at least one meaning has been taken over unaltered. As mentioned before loanwords often
only keep part of their original meaning in the receiving language.

24

demonstrated by more recent studies and will likely be documented in the study in hand.
As a consequence, these borrowings must be considered foreign words according to the
traditional deﬁnition. Taking over a word in unaltered form means that no changes have
been made to the phonological, orthographic, morphological, or semantic aspects of a
loanword in the receiving language. The only obvious change that is almost always made
to English nouns that are used in German is that they are capitalized even if they remain
otherwise unchanged from their English appearance. However, this adaptation does not

necessarily make a foreign word a loanword.

If borrowed words change in the course of time and adapt to German spelling and
other formal structural features, they are no longer considered aliens. This underlines the
active role of the recipient language in the borrowing process. Jakob Grimm described

this phenomenon as early as 1865:

Fallt ein fremdes Wort in den Brunnen einer Sprache, so wird es solange darin
umgetrieben bis es ihre Farbe annimmt und seiner fremden Art zum Trotze wie

ein einheimisches aussieht”. (as cited in Heller, 2002, p. 185).

To refrain from having to make the distinctions between loanwords and foreign
words, which in some cases can be all but blurred, many researchers of Anglicisms have
used loanword as a generic expression to denote loanwords (denizens) as well as foreign

words (aliens) in German. In this study, loanword will also be used as a generic term to

 

'4 If a foreign word comes into the lexicon of a language, it resides within the language until it takes on the
characteristics of that language and appears as a native word despite its foreigness (translation by the
author).

25

denote foreign words as well as loanwords in the narrow sense. As in Carstensen’s
Dictionary of Anglicisms, a broad deﬁnition of Anglicism is intentionally used in order to
ﬁnd as many appearances of English lexical inﬂuence as possible. Nevertheless, despite
this inclusive terminological approach, samples of words will be examined in regards to
their integration into the German language. Every Anglicism in the corpus is examined
with respect to whether it occurs in its original English spelling and morphology or if it
has adapted to German grammatical rules.15 Still there will be no differentiation between
foreign word and loanword. The inclusive terminology may lead to the inclusion of too
many alleged loanwords, but nevertheless such an approach is to be preferred to one that
excludes certain lexical items from the beginning and by this means ignores important

linguistic features.

2.4 Classiﬁcation of Loanwords

Loanwords can be classiﬁed on a continuum ranging from direct borrowings to
indirect borrowings from another language. Up until now, the research literature about
Anglicisms in German tends to revert to the terminology that was ﬁrst introduced by Fink
(1968) and Carstensen (1979). Whereas Fink differentiates between full substitution,
partial substitution and zero substitution, Carstensen refers to latent (internal) and evident
(external) English inﬂuences that he further subcategorizes. This study will rely on Fink’s
terminology - but with variations and one important addition. Pseudo-loans

(Scheinentlehnungen) will be added as a fourth main category. Zero substitutions will be

 

'5 An Anglicism that occurs in its original form is labeled “adoption”; if an adapted form of an Anglicism
occurs, it is labeled “adaptation.” These designations are similar to the ones that Bartsch and Siegrist
(2002) used for their study.

26

subdivided into adoptions and adaptations. Partial substitutions will be named mixed
compounds. Full substitutions will be subclassiﬁed in loan translations, loan creations,

semantic loans, etc. These categories will be explained later in this chapter.

2.4.1 Pseudo-loans

Pseudo-loans are words that have been formed with English lexical material. They
appear to be English, but do not exist in the source language, or if they do exist, they
have a different meaning. Common examples of this category are: Hana)», Mobbing, and
Showmaster. Pseudo-loans can be divided into subcategories such as morphological,
semantic, and lexical pseudo-loans. This categorization was ﬁrst used by Carstensen in
1980 (p. 77) and will be used in this study as well. Examples for morphological pseudo-
loans are Happy End (opposed to happy ending in English), Mixpickles versus mixed

pickles, and Pulli versus pullover.

Semantic pseudo-loans are loans that were taken over in their original form, but
took on one or more meanings in the recipient language that they did not have in the
donor language. Thus, they are also used in different contexts in the recipient language.
Examples are the use of Start and starten in German and English. In contrast to German
the verb starten and the noun Start would not be used in connection with an airplane in
English. Here, the verb and noun would be take off. Lexical pseudo-loans are words such
as Dressman and Showmaster that were formed from English lexical material but do not
exist in the English language. In some cases it is difﬁcult to categorize pseudo-loans

correctly and unambiguously. For example, Handy is used as a noun in German and does

27

not exist with the meaning of cellular phone in English. However, the word does exist as
an adjective with a completely different meaning. 15 Handy thus a semantic or a lexical
pseudo loan? Such cases have to be examined on an individual basis, and on several
occasions a satisfying categorization is not possible.

This study will include the examination of the use of pseudo-loans in business
language as reﬂected in a leading German business weekly publication, for example, the
percentage of pseudo-loans among all loans and its potential change over time as well as
their use in different text types and semantic ﬁelds. In his study from 1974, Meyer came
to the conclusion that pseudo-loans only play a minor role in newspapers. It will be
interesting to examine if this also applies to the Wirtschaﬁswoche as a leading business
weekly, and whether or not differences can be discovered between time periods and text
types. Kirkness (1976) came to different conclusions than Meyer. According to him,
pseudo-loans are generally frequent in German, but have not been examined much in
comparison with other loanwords.

O’Halloran (2003) calls attention to another interesting aspect concerning pseudo-
loans. While examining German fashion language she discovered a tendency towards the
re—anglization of pseudo-loans. An example is “Dress” which in German often denoted
clothing in general, whereas now a tendency can be observed to use the word once again

for a woman’s dress.

In conclusion, it needs to be pointed out that some scholars do not consider

pseudo-loans to be Anglicisms and therefore ignore them completely in their studies.

28

Kirkness (2001) ignores pseudo-loans, because he sees them merely as the result of inner-

Gerrnan linguistic developments:

German cannot borrow from English a lexical item or a signiﬁcate not attested in
English [. . . ] What appears at ﬁrst sight to be the result of borrowing or direct
inﬂuence from English might on closer examination prove to be the product of
morphological and/or semantic processes involving Anglicisms that are internal to

German (p. 322).

Thus, Kirkness aims at distinguishing between developments within the German
language and real borrowings from English to get a clearer idea of the factual inﬂuence
of English on German. As a consequence, many items which are included in the
Dictionary of Anglicisms by Carstensen and Busse are - according to Kirkness - not
Anglicisms. However, the author of this study agrees with the majority of scholars that
pseudo-loans should be included in studies of Anglicisms since they demonstrate an
indirect general inﬂuence of English. The question why pseudo English expressions are
used in German in the ﬁrst place is an interesting research question in itself. In this study,
however, it will only be dealt with tangentially. At any rate, the use of pseudo-loans

demonstrates the status of English as being trendy and omnipresent in German.

2.4.2 Full substitutions

Among all types of Anglicisms, those that involve full substitutions are the most

difﬁcult to identify because they do not contain any English lexical material. They are

29

formed with German lexical material but follow the English examples of word formation
or semantics. As various studies have shown, full substitutions have become rare today as
more and more loans are taken over with little or no changes at all. Loan translations,
loan meanings, loan transferals, and loan creations are subcategories of full substitutions
and need to be explored further. Loan translations are word-for-word translations of
English lexical compounds, such as Kabelfernsehen and Gipfelkonferenz. Carstensen
states that it would be a better idea to call them “nachste lexikalische Entsprechung”
(1993, p. 53) and gives examples for problems that the expression “loan translation” can
lead to. Sometimes a third language is involved; for example, the trigger of a loan
translation to occur in German is an English word or expression which itself was
inﬂuenced by a word or expression from yet another language (Dritte Welt). Another
problem with the expression loan translation is that sometimes only another meaning is
added to a word that already exists in German. For example, the word Textbuch was ﬁrst
known as a book containing the text of a musical work, but later the meaning as a book

used in a class was added and Textbuch was regularly categorized as a loan translation.

Loan transferals are deﬁned as being cases of partial translations of English
compounds that consist of two or more individual words. In these cases, only one part of
the compound is a literal translation whereas the other part has been translated only in a
ﬁgurative way to render the meaning. This may happen because there is no exact
equivalent in German, or because the equivalent is not regarded as being an appropriate
translation that reﬂects the same meaning as the original. Examples for loan transferals

are Urknall and Wolkenkratzer.

30

Loan meanings are transferals of the meaning of an English word or expression
on a German word or combination of lexical items that already exist. This implies that the
meaning of a German expression is broadened. For example, the German verb realisieren
originally was only used in the sense of “make happen,” but not in the English sense of
“to note”. Similarly, the noun Kanal used to denote only an artiﬁcial waterway, not a TV

channel.

Loan creations are considered non-translation renderings of English expressions.
The meanings are rendered by newly created German words but their creation is triggered
by a concept and its expression in the English-speaking world. In other words, it is a
rendering of an English expression which is free and formally independent from the
donor language original. One can also call it a loan replacement. The term loan creation
is controversial because some scholars doubt that it can be counted in the context of loan
processes. However, since its creation needs the trigger of a foreign model, the treatment

as a loan type can be justiﬁed. An example for a loan creation is Klimaanlage.

2.4.3 Partial and zero substitutions

Partial and zero substitutions will be the main focus of this study. Both are
relatively easy to identify and have shown to represent the vast majority of Anglicisms.
Partial substitutions are mixed compounds, which consist of English and German lexical
elements to form a new word. Most of these words are nouns, such as

Leasinggesellschaﬂ, Abwa'rtstrend, and Nebenjob.

31

Zero substitutions are the easiest Anglicism to identify in German discourse, since
they appear in their original spelling and morphological form or in similar form.
However, this term is also not without complication. As Zindler has demonstrated in his
1975 work, some zero substitutions are only partially borrowed semantically. The noun
camp, for example, was for some time only used to denote a POW camp in German,
whereas the other English meanings holiday camp and a group of close and like-minded
people (for example, "The Bush camp versus the Kerry camp") were taken over later.
Another example is the English word single. In German, it was ﬁrst known as the singles
competition in a tennis match, then also as a 45 rpm record, and ﬁnally its connotations
included that of an unmarried person. In a few cases, zero substitutions have taken on
other meanings in German. The noun City, for example, is used in German in the
meaning of downtown and has often replaced the words Innenstadt or Zentrum in certain
contexts. Compound words with City include City-Center or Forum City for shopping
malls in downtown areas. These examples demonstrate that there is still a connection
between the meanings of these Anglicisms in German and in English, even though they
are used in different contexts with different connotations. Carstensen noted in 1980 that
such cases had increased since his ﬁrst works about Anglicisms in the 19605.

In conclusion, it should be noted that there is one further dimension to pseudo-
loans, in that there may be either no connection between the meaning of a word in
English and German (Handy), or the word does not even exist in the alleged source
language (Showmaster). One has to differentiate between false morphological pseudo-

loans and genuine loanwords from English which have undergone a process of

32

morphological adaptation to German. T wen, for example, is derived from twenty to
denote a young person in their twenties. It follows the same pattern as the actually
existing teen or teenager but does not exist in this form in English. Profi is the German
abbreviation for professional, and Happy End has still remained close to the original
happy ending. There are also independent developments that still stay close to the
original meaning, but often change grammatical forms (for example, nouns turn into

verbs or vice versa: job/Job/jobben).

After this introduction to the core terminology of the research of Anglicisms the
following chapter will introduce the reader to the research focus and the methodology
used in this investigation and describe the corpus that has been selected. In addition to
that, the research questions and hypotheses (some of which have been mentioned

implicitly before) will be presented in a systematic way at the beginning of the chapter.

33

Chapter 3: The Research Focus, Methodology, and Corpus
3.1 Research Questions and Hypotheses

The objective of this study is to describe and analyze changes in the use of
Anglicisms in German business language, and more speciﬁcally in the language of the
German business press. The business magazine Wirtschaftswoche was selected as its
representative. The change in business language between 1973 and 2003 will be
measured through a quantitative analysis of the incidences of Anglicisms in articles of
Wirtschaftswoche. In addition, differences in the use of Anglicisms between different
news genres will be examined. The choice of a written source is based on prior evidence
that written language opposed to spoken language demonstrates deeper and more
permanent changes in language (e. g., Carstensen, 1965). These changes are reﬂected in
word choice and origin as well as in spelling. Even if spoken language did not have these
shortcomings for research purposes, it would be extremely difﬁcult to ﬁnd a source of
spoken business language such as a radio or TV show that could be analyzed over a

period of 30 years.

The speciﬁc research questions to be addressed by this study are:
0 Research question (RQ) 1: What is the overall frequency of Anglicisms in the

corpus? How do tokens compare to types in the overall frequency”?

0 RQ 2: Has the use of Anglicisms increased throughout the investigation period?

 

’6 The type versus token analysis reveals whether the variety of Anglicisms in the corpus is high, or
whether a high number of frequently used Anglicisms contributes disproportionally to the overall amount
of borrowing s. Tokens: the same Anglicism is counted every time it occurs. Types: each Anglicism will
only be counted once.

34

o RQ 3: Has the variety of Anglicisms increased or are the same Anglicisms just
used more often?

0 RQ 4: Are there signiﬁcant differences in the use of Anglicisms in the selected
text types (cover stories, editorials, letters to the editor), and do professional
journalists and readers differ in their use of Anglicisms”?

- RQ 5: Which Anglicisms are used most often?

- RQ 6: Do certain Anglicisms dominate in certain decades or years, and do they
relate to the social, economic, and/or cultural circumstances of these times?

0 RQ 7: Which important new Anglicisms have emerged between 1973 and 2003?

o RQ 8: What is the distribution of Anglicisms with respect to word type and loan
type?

0 RQ 9: Which are representative Anglicisms for each loan and word type?

0 RQ 10: To what vocabulary class do most Anglicisms belong?

- RQ 11: How can the Anglicisms be classiﬁed semantically and what are their

important semantic characteristics?

The speciﬁc hypotheses of the dissertation are as follows:
With regard to the use of Anglicisms throughout the investigation period the following
developments are expected:

0 Hypothesis 1: The use of Anglicisms increased throughout the investigation

period.

 

'7 The different genres will be described later in this chapter.

35

o Hypothesis 2: Despite an overall increase, ups and downs in the use of Anglicisms
may have occurred over the years. This may be related to the events and topics of
the respective time periods.

0 Hypothesis 3: Even though the use of Anglicisms increased, their overall
frequency is still very low compared to the German word pool in the corpus.

o Hypothesis 4: The number of Anglicisms may have been lower in the past but the
same loans may have been used more often (tokens versus types analysis). The
variety of Anglicisms has increased over the investigation period.

- Hypothesis 5: A density of certain vocabulary can be observed at different times
during the thirty-year period, for instance, technology-related Anglicisms may
dominate from the 19905 until today. One objective of this work is to identify
common Anglicisms at selected time periods (decades or years).

0 Hypothesis 6: The loan types of Anglicisms have changed over the years. One of
the expected ﬁndings is that the percentage of loan adoptions has increased
compared to other loan types”.

0 Hypothesis 7: The vast majority Anglicisms in the corpus are nouns. This can be
concluded from former studies. The majority of nouns designate abstract ideas or

concepts, due to the mostly abstract contents of business publications.

The following assumptions are made in regard to the use of Anglicisms in the selected

text types (cover stories, editorials, and letters to the editor) of Wirtschaftswoche:

 

'8 It has been frequently claimed that the number of loan translations has declined while adoptions have
been on the rise over the years. These claims have not always been supported by empirical data. This study
aims at achieving this in the area of business language.

36

o Hypothesis 8: There are different amounts of Anglicisms in cover stories,
editorials, and letters to the editor. Letters to the editor contain the fewest
Anglicisms and cover stories the most.

0 Hypothesis 9: The types of Anglicisms used in the various genres may be
different. It is expected that cover stories contain more technical terms than the
other text types, whereas more colloquial terms may be used by readers in letters
to the editor.

0 Hypothesis 10: The amount of Anglicisms has increased in all text types, but in

cover stories more than in editorials and letters to the editor.

3.2 Design of the Corpus and Other Methodological Aspectsl9

A corpus in its simplest deﬁnition is a collection of more than one text that can
serve as the basis for a form of empirical linguistics. In modern linguistics this deﬁnition
is supplemented by more speciﬁc details which McEnery and Wilson (1996) summarize

‘1'. 6‘

under the terms “sampling and representativeness,” “ﬁnite size, machine-readable
form,” and “standard reference.”

A corpus needs to be representative of a language or a part of a language. Its
appropriate design depends on what it is meant to represent. The “representativeness” of
a corpus in turn determines the kind of research questions that can be addressed and the
generalizability of the results of a study.

It is important for most studies to take into account the language variants that

occur in a language. For business language used in magazines, this means that all text

 

‘9 This section follows Biber (1998), if not otherwise indicated.

37

types of these publications should be adequately represented by the corpus. Two options
for data collection are conceivable: every single utterance of each language variety is
analyzed, or a smaller sample of each language variant is selected. Unless the corpus is
limited in size and constructed from widely available electronic sources, the ﬁrst
alternative is often impractical; however, modern computer technology helps this become
more feasible. A smaller sample approach should be maximally representative of the
genres under examination. Many corpora have a ﬁnite or limited size, in terms of the
number of words, and are not open-ended. Open-ended corpora require the incorporation
of new texts as language evolves. They are essential for diachronic lexicographic studies
which aim at demonstrating the constant change of language over time. Compared to that,
a corpus of a ﬁnite size only provides a synchronic snapshot of the covered investigation
period. However, such a corpus can also be used for diachronic studies within a certain

time period.

Along with its “representativeness” and size, a modern corpus also almost always
implies “machine-readability.” This facilitates the possibility of processing large amounts
of quantitative data by allowing various kinds of calculations. Software such as
concordance programs enables researchers to search for lexical items and to retrieve them
along with their context (kwic — keyword in context). This makes it possible, for example,
to analyze the occurrences of a word in a text. If a word often or always co-occurs with
other words (collocations), one may be able to make general statements about its use and

its semantic characteristics.

38

A corpus can be annotated or unannotated. An unannotated corpus consists
exclusively of raw data without offering any additional information about its lexical
components. Such additional information (e.g., grammatical annotations) can be easily
added with adequate programs. Depending on the research questions and objectives of a
study, an annotated or unannotated corpus is used. Finally, a corpus can also serve as a
reference for future research. The nature of living languages is one of constant change.
Language changes can be easily observed when a language is compared to an existing
corpus. A prerequisite for this is that a corpus is widely available so that researchers may

use it for different types of studies at a later time.

3.3 The Wirtschaftswoche Corpus

The corpus of this study will be discussed with respect to the requirements
mentioned in the previous section. This corpus consists of text types taken from the
weekly business magazine Wirtschaftswoche, a publication that has been among
Germany’s leading business magazines for decades”. The main genres occurring in
Wirtschaftswoche are news stories (often combined with analysis), editorials and
forewords to the reader, commentaries from salaried journalists and outside contributors,
as well as letters to the editor. Cover stories were selected for the corpus to represent the
most important news stories of a given week. In addition, careful consideration was given
to selecting other important and frequently occurring text types such as editorials,
commentaries, and letters to the editor. Commentaries from outside contributors who are

not employed by the magazine are not considered to be representative, and therefore were

 

2° The interested reader can look up detailed circulation information on the website of
Infonnationsgemeinschaﬁ zur Feststellung der Verbreitung von Werbetragem e.V.: http://www.ivw.de

39

not selected as part of the corpus. Even though letters to the editors are written by
readers, their selection and extent is inﬂuenced by editorial policies. They give an insight

into the extent to which the usage of Anglicisms differs between readers and journalists

Four randomly selected samples21 of each genre per year and over a period of 30

years (1973 - 2003) make up the text material used in this study. The corpus consists of a
total of 556,810 words which spread over the different genres as follows:

0 Editorials: 61,078 words

0 Cover stories: 366,542 words

0 Letters to the editor: 129,190 words
Cover stories, editorials, and letters to the editor were selected as the source of this study
in the expectation that signiﬁcant differences in the use of Anglicisms would occur
among these text types. Two obvious research questions therefore would be focused on if
and how the use of Anglicisms in these text types differs, for example, with respect to
frequency. The following section will give a short overview of the general functions of

the press and the selected genres, which is necessary as a background of this study.

3.4 The Function of the Press and Selected News Genres
In a democracy, mass media fulﬁlls three political functions: providing
information, participating in the formation of public opinion, and checking and criticizing

the government (Meyn, 1994). Other tasks are the education and entertainment of the

 

2' “Randomly selected” means that no pre-deterrnined issues and articles of the magazine were intentionally

selected.

40

public. Meyn points out that media in general have also taken on additional tasks, e.g.,

setting the agenda.

Wie die Wirkungsforschung hervorhebt, haben viele Medien ﬁber die erwéihnten
Funktionen hinaus weitere ﬁbernommen, zum Beispiel die
Thematisierungsfunktion. Diese, wie sie in den USA heiBt, “agenda setting
function” bedeutet, daB die Leser, Hérer und Zuschauer genau die Themen flir

wichtig halten, die in den Medien behandelt werdenzz. (Meyn, 1994, p.13)

Within this framework of media functions, each news genre in the corpus takes on a

different role.

3.4.1 Cover Stories

Cover stories mostly fulﬁll the function of providing information about a current
event topic to the readers. This information, however, often includes analysis, because
events or circumstances and their backgrounds are explained. On certain occasions, a
newspaper or magazine can also set the agenda in making a certain topic the cover story.
In that case, the topic may not yet have been at the forefront of the news, but may have
potential to be brought to the public’s attention through such action. Such a topic may be
of great importance even though it has remained in the background a for long time. Cover

stories therefore offer the press great opportunities to take advantage of their agenda-

 

22 As the research on the effects emphasizes, many media took over more than the aforementioned
functions, for example, the function of bringing up topics. This “agenda setting function,” as it is called in
the USA, means that the readers, listeners and spectators consider exactly those topics important that are
dealt with in the media (translation by the author).

41

setting ability. Cover stories are news-centered, but since they also provide analysis of

news, they may contain subtle opinions, especially in news magazines. However, in

contrast to editorials and letters to the editor, they are not focused on expressing opinions

and on trying to convince the reader of a certain viewpoint. In general, a cover story, just

like a basic news story, should give answers to the following key questions:

Who has done what?

What has happened (to whom)?
When?

Where?

How?

Why?

Any additional questions such as “What does this mean?” and “What is the consequence

of this?” make a news story a news analysis (Schneider, 1996). Cover stories in

Wirtschaftswoche are usually labeled “Der Report”. Kurz et al. (2000) point out

characteristics of a report as a journalistic text type:

Dem Bericht als joumalistischem Genre liegt trotz aller mdglichen
Kombinationen im wesentlichen die aus der Aufsatzlehre bekannte
Darstellungsart zugrunde. Es wird ein reales, in dieser Form nicht wiederholbares
Geschehen widergespiegelt, und zwar im Bezug auf die Abfolge seiner Phasen,
detailliert und so anschaulich wie mdglich [. . .] Daneben enthalten joumalistis'che

Berichte je nach Thema, Stoff und Absicht folgende Darstellungsarten:

42

Beschreiben oder Schildern; Erzahlen; Darlegen und Urteilen, seltener auch

Erdrtem23. (Kurz et al., 2000, p. 238)

The signiﬁcance of cover stories for this study lies in the fact that they may
provide essential information about the use of Anglicisms at different time periods,
because they primarily focus on the topics of most signiﬁcance at a given time. While
editorials, commentaries, and letters to the editors may also focus on current events, they
may not reach the topicality of cover stories. The Anglicisms found in cover stories may
therefore be most representative of the periods in which they occur. Different times entail
changes of economic topics and possibly of semantic ﬁelds of vocabulary. Therefore,
English loans will be analyzed according to their frequency and position in these
semantic ﬁelds. As far as the language of cover stories is concerned, Kurz et al. (2000)
point out that the word choice goes beyond the standard norms set for pure news stories.
In addition to the standard vocabulary used in news stories, such reports can, for
example, use more terminology, ambiguous words, and fashionable loanwords -
depending on the topic of the article and the target group. Independent of the text type,
however, any journalistic text should convey contents in a comprehensible way to the
reader. Various practical handbooks for journalists recommend guidelines for language

and style. Ahlke and Hinkel emphasize:

 

23 The report as a journalistic genre is mainly based on the manner of description known from the teachings
of essay writing, although various combinations are possible. A real event that will not repeat itself in the
same way is reﬂected with respect to the sequence of its stages, in detail and as vividly as possible [...]
Next to that, journalistic reports contain - depending on topic, subject matter, and intention - the following
types of descriptions: description or portrayal; narration; explanation, and judgment, more rarely discussion
(translation by the author).

43

Die Aufgabe der journalistischen Sprache ist es, Inhalte verstandlich zu
vermitteln. Somit ist ein verbindliches Prinzip geschaffen, das iiber allen
geschmacksorientierten Anleitungen steht [. . .] Sprache muB der Situation, der
Funktion, der Gangart, der Zielgruppe sowie der Textart und -aussage angepaBt

sein24. (1999, p. 19)

3.4.2 Editorials and Commentaries

In contrast to cover stories, editorials and commentaries focus on presenting
opinions about current event topics, and on trying to win the reader for a certain
viewpoint. Editorials present the opinion of the editor and the newspaper or news
magazine as such. Commentaries express opinions of salaried journalists or of outside
contributors. Due to the fact that not every single issue of Wirtschaftswoche contains
editorials, commentaries from journalists who work for the magazine are also taken into
account in this investigation. In this context, it is important to note that the terms editorial
(Leitartikel) and commentary (Kommentar) are not used as distinctively in Germany as in
the United States. For that reason, an opinion piece labeled “Kommentar” can sometimes

be what Americans call an editorial.

Editorials and commentaries have in common that they are opinion-centered and are
regarded as the legitimate location for the formation of (public) opinion (Schneider

1996). Schneider describes the characteristics of an exemplary commentary or editorial:

 

2‘ It is the task of the journalistic language to convey contents understandably. Thus an obligatory principle
is created, that stands above all taste-based instructions [. . .] language must be adjusted to the situation, the
ﬁmction, the pace, the target audience as well as to the text type and information.

44

[Der Journalist] formuliert zu Beginn seines Kommentars kurz und verstandlich
die Nachricht, auf die er sich bezieht; er schreibt seine Meinung besonders
einpragsam und siifﬁg, um die Chance wahrzunehmen, sie zur Meinung von
vielen zu machen; und schreibt er gar gegen die mutmaBliche Meinung der Leser
an, dann tut er gut daran, ihr erst einmal recht zu geben, um dann mit exzellenten
Argumenten ﬁirs Gegenteil zu werben.

Ein Ziel muB der Kommentator stets im Auge haben, ohne klare StoBrichtung
verfehlt er es. Ihm geht es wie dem Burger in der Wahlkabine: Die Entscheidung
mag noch so schwerfallen und die Waage sich kaum zu einer Seite neigen,
dennoch darf er sein Kreuz nur hinter einer Partei machenzs. (Schneider, 1996, p.

137)

Because editorials intend to convey an opinion to the readers and to inﬂuence them to
take similar stands, it is expected that they will contain fewer Anglicisms than cover
stories in order to be fully comprehensible (see Hypothesis 8). One research question
therefore is if editorials really use fewer Anglicisms than the other selected news genres
(see RQ 3). The opposite is also conceivable, because journalists may also try to impress
readers by their command of the language and their use of loanwords. Kurz et al. (2000)

point out that the word choice in opinion-centered text types is of much greater-variety

 

25 At the beginning of his comment the journalist formulates the piece of news to which he refers in a
concise and understandable way; he writes his opinion especially in a way that is easily remembered in
order to have the chance to turn it into the opinion of many; and he even takes a stand against the
probable opinion of the readers; he does well to ﬁrst agree with them before he then takes the opposite
stand with excellent arguments. The commentator always has to have his objective in mind; without a
clear direction he misses it. He feels like the citizen at the polls: Even if the decision is difﬁcult and the
scale hardly tips towards one side, he nevertheless elects only one party (translation by the author).

45

than in news reports and mentions two areas that may also be important with respect to

the use of Anglicisms:

Viele der Wérter und Komposita in Kommentaren sind temporiir, d.h. aktuell
begrenzt, an Ereignisse und Kampagnen gebunden. Daneben ist der Kommentar,
da sich die Autoren als auf der Hdhe der Zeit erweisen wollen, ein Feld von

ModewortemZ". (Kurz et al., 2000, p. 324)

Thus, from Kurz’s point of view, the results about the use of Anglicisms in editorials and
commentaries could well turn out to be different than expected. Following his thoughts,

journalists may not refrain from using a lot of Anglicisms in these text types.

3.4.3 Letters to the Editor

Letters to the editor offer the readers’ stance on particular issues and are usually
reactions or comments to previously published articles. In contrast to other sections of
newspapers and magazines, their content is usually purely opinion-centered (Schneider et
al. 1996). In this respect, they are part of the formation of public opinion and reﬂect
developments and discussions in society. Depending on the newspaper or magazine and
on the occasion, readers can lead an open dialogue with the journalists and other readers.
In this way, a letter to the editor is an important means of public communication. In the

form of a letter, it reﬂects how readers react to current events and changes in society.

 

2" Many of the words and compounds in comments are temporary, that is restricted to the present time, and
dependent on events and campaigns. In addition to that, the comment is a ﬁeld of vogue words because the
authors want to prove that they are up-to-date.

46

Most of the time the content of the letter expresses clear approval or rejection of an
opinion that was stated in a joumalist’s article (Sommerfeldt, 2001). Siebert (1994)

summarizes the most important aspect of letters to the editor in this way:

LBV [Leserbriefverfasser] wollen sich dffentlich auBern, auf LB [Leserbriefe]
anderer reagieren, Aktionen ausldsen und zur MeinungséiuBerung auﬁ'ufen. Die
Wahl ihrer Themen ist abhéingig von aktuellen Ereignissen, persdnlichen
Erfahrungen, von der Intensitat der Auseinandersetzung mit gesellschaftlichen
Verhaltnissen, von ihrem sozialen Status, ihrem persdnlichen Wissen und Konnen

sowie vom Charakter des Publikumsorgans.27 (p. 181)

This implies that the language used in letters to the editor may also vary considerably due
to the different educational levels and social status of the readers as well as due to
differences between news publications. However, as will be shown later, the readers of
Wirtschaftswoche do not differ much in their socio-economic and educational
background. Because of that, major linguistic differences cannot be expected between
letters to the editor in this publication. The fact that letters to the editor are also edited

further strengthens this point.

AS far as style and structure are concerned, letters to the editor are similar to

private letters as they often start and end with a greeting, even though they are directed at

 

27 Writers of letters to the editor want to express their opinion in public, react to letters of the editor that
other have written, provoke actions and call for the expression of public opinion. The choice of their topics
is dependent on current events, personal experiences, the intensity of their confrontation with social
circumstances, their social status, their personal knowledge and ability as well as on the character of the
publication (translation by the author).

47

the public. Their content also resembles a private letter, because thoughts, feelings, and
personal interests are addressed. Today, hardly any newspaper or news magazine, no
matter if in print or online, can do without letters to the editor or user comments, as they
have become essential components of public opinion. In this context, it needs to be noted
that even though letters to the editors are written by readers, their selection and length can
be inﬂuenced by editorial policies (Sommerfeldt, 2001). The reason for this practice is
that editors have only limited space to print letters, and they want to publish a variety of
viewpoints on a variety of topics. Thus, letters to the editor have to be brief and concise,
but also persuasive if the readers are interested in convincing others of their viewpoint.
Wirtschaﬂswoche clearly indicates that letters to the editor can be shortened by the

editors, which means that the reader’s language use is inﬂuenced by the magazine.28

For this study, letters to the editor were chosen as a text type in the expectation
that they would contain the fewest number of Anglicisms, because readers might be
familiar with fewer Anglicisms than journalists or might actively choose not to use them.
They might also use different kinds (e.g., colloquial loans compared to technical loans). It
is therefore an interesting research question - do professional journalists and readers
differ substantially in their use of Anglicisms (see RQ 3)?

On rare occasions, the letters to the editor section in Wirtschaftswoche also
contain editorial corrections or comments as reactions to letters to the editor. Even though

these statements are part of the language of the journalists and not of the readers, they

 

2" See any page in the letter to the editor section of Wirtschaftswoche to ﬁnd this clariﬁcation: “Leserbriefe
geben die Meinung des Schreibers wider, die nicht mit der Redaktionsmeinung ubereinstimmen muss. Die
Redaktion behalt sich vor, Leserbriefe zu ktIrzen.”

48

will be counted among the text type “letter to the editor.” Due to their very rare

occurrence and brevity, their inclusion will hardly affect the results of the study.

3.5 Further Considerations Regarding the Corpus and the Execution of the

Research29

Even if a corpus is considered very representative of a language, it is never
perfect, because it is incomplete and only shows an excerpt of a language which as such
is indeﬁnite. Therefore one can expect incidental occurrences or incidental lack of
occurrences of certain Anglicisms in a corpus.3'0 Besides the representativeness of a
corpus with respect to text types, another aspect to be taken into account for lexical
studies is subject matter. A variety of subject matter Should be included in the corpus. In
this study, subject matter variety is ensured by the selection of cover stories as well as

editorials and letters to the editor that cover (and comment on) various subject matters.

For a diachronic study such as this one, the corpus also has to represent a speciﬁc
span of time. The time period between 1973 and 2003 was selected. 1973 marked a year
of change at Wirtschaftswoche, as the publication adopted the look and style of a modern
news magazine. It is beyond the scope of this study to use and analyze all issues of
Wirtschaftswoche in the selected 30-year period. Past database studies and their sampling

frequency, however, were helpful in deciding on an adequate number of issues to include.

 

2” This section relates the parameters for good corpora to the study at hand. The parameters were already
explained in Section 3.2.

3° This shortcoming was already criticized by Chomsky with respect to the early use of corpora. He pointed
out that corpus data are performance data that as such are imperfect and contain mistakes. Because of that,
a corpus could only give a blurred impression of a language due to incidental occurrences or lack of
occurrences of a word in a corpus (McEnery 1996).

49

As Biber (1998) states in his introduction to corpus linguistics, not only the number of
samples taken from each text type is important in corpus design, but also the number of
words in each sample, and the overall number of words. The size of the corpus for this
study and its spread over the different genres is, according to Biber’s methodology,

adequate.3 '

Due to the fact that there were no exclusive online corpora for German business
materials available for the period covered by this study, extensive copying, scanning, and
editing became necessary to convert the articles into electronic format. They were then
organized in different ﬁles according to genre and year of publication. Unfortunately, no
software is capable yet of recognizing all Anglicisms in a German text due to the
problematic German word boundaries which apply to all Anglicisms that have changed
their appearance in German. Because of the size of the corpus, it would have been a
prodigious task to manually retrieve the Anglicisms; instead an extensive list of
previously identiﬁed Anglicisms that were published in Carstensen's and Busse's
Anglizismusworterbuch (2001) were used as a basis for the identiﬁcation of Anglicisms
in the corpus. Carstensen and Busse collected Anglicisms over a long period of time and
from a variety of sources. Due to the fact that their dictionary is already dated and does
not contain any items from after 1993, this list of Anglicisms was supplemented by
records from the leading dictionary of neologisms of the 19905 (Herberg et al., 2004), as

well as records from the UNIX English spellcheck dictionary and a German dictionary of

 

31 In a personal e-mail correspondence D. Biber expressed support for this study’s corpus and its
compilation (personal communication, July 24, 2004). The corpus consists of a total of 556,810 words .
which spread over the different genres as follows: editorials: 61 ,078 words, cover stories: 366,542 words,
letters to the editor: 129,190 words.

50

business terms (Pasakarnis, 1997). The ﬁnal list of Anglicisms then needed to go through
the process of reverse lemmatization in order to assure that all inﬂections, i.e. the
numbers and cases of nouns, all conjugations of verbs, and all endings of adjectives
would be recognized in the corpus. On its website, the Institut ﬁir deutsche Sprache

describes lemmatization as follows”:

Die Lemmatisierung erméiglicht, class F lexionsformen, Zusammensetzungen
und/oder sonstigen Wortbildungsformen ihre Grundformen zugeordnet werden
konnen. Im diesem Zusammenhang sind Grundformen

o unﬂektierte Simplizia verschiedener Wortarten,

o unﬂektierte Ableitungen und Komposita,

- Wortbildungsmorpheme

(cited on http://www.ids-mannheim.de/kl/projekte/methoden/gl.htrnl)

For this study the words had to be processed in the opposite direction. All
inﬂection forms were assigned to lemmas in order to ﬁnd as many occurrences of

Anglicisms as possible”.

The edited list of Anglicisms served as the search list for identifying Anglicisms
in the corpus. The lemmatization as well as the following search were performed by a
research associate in the Lexis department (program division: Corpus Linguistics) of the

Institutﬁir deutsche Sprache in Mannheim. The corpus itself was organized in .txt ﬁles

 

32 httpz/lwww.ids-mannheim.de/kl/projekte/methoden/gl.html
’3 Examples: gestartet and starter are inﬂectional forms of starten; Managerin is a gender speciﬁc form of
Manager; boomendes, boomender, boomende are inﬂection forms of boomend.

51

according to year and text types. Because of that, the retrieved list of Anglicisms
contained information about each Anglicism’s occurrence according to publication year
of the article and text type. In addition to that, the list showed the Anglicisms in context
(keyword-in-context information). All other necessary information for this study needed
to be added to this list manually (for example, word type, loan type, noun classiﬁcation,
and so forth). Due to a variety of factors, the list from the Institut fur deutsche Sprache

also contained many mistakes that needed to be corrected manually.

As in previous studies, it is unlikely that one hundred percent of the Anglicisms in
the corpus were found. However, the approach used was the best conceivable way of
proceeding with the study. Even though the results may not reveal the absolute number of
Anglicisms in the corpus with complete accuracy, this does not inﬂuence the accuracy of
the proportional data. Differences in frequency between the years and between the
different text types will be accurately reﬂected, which is a main purpose of this

investigation.

As explained at the beginning of this chapter, the corpus-based approach to
linguistics was the method used to carry out this research. It should have become clear
that corpus linguistics is a methodology that “can be applied to empirical investigations
in almost any area of linguistics” (Biber, 1998, p. 11) The characteristics of the corpus-
based approach include the use of a corpus as basis for empirical studies of language use,
the extensive use of computers, and the dependence on both quantitative as well as

qualitative analytical techniques. After typical patterns of language use are uncovered, for

52

example, by frequency counts, a second step of corpus linguistics is to aim at functional
interpretations of quantitative patterns (such as the use of Anglicisms). These
interpretations are used as a basis for learning about patterns of language use in naturally
occurring texts.34 This study compares the frequency and variety of Anglicisms in

different text types over a period of 30 years.

The study also discusses semantic characteristics of this English vocabulary in
German. The Anglicisms are classiﬁed with respect to their afﬁliation with general
language, or languages for speciﬁc purposes such as business or technology, as well as
with formal or colloquial language. These classiﬁcations are somewhat subjective and
were done on the basis of the author’s judgment. In addition, nouns (which previously
have always been shown to comprise the vast majority of Anglicisms)3S were classiﬁed
according to a standard linguistic taxonomy. Criteria such as concreteness and
abstractness, human or non-human nature, countability or uncountability were used to
examine semantic characteristics.36 Such a classiﬁcation may reveal which types of
Anglicisms dominate and are more likely than others to be fully integrated into the
German language. The most important part of this taxonomy is the comparison between

concrete and abstract nouns.

Concrete nouns have a very speciﬁc referent. They refer to people, animals, and

objects that can be perceived by the ﬁve senses of sight, touch, smell, hearing, and taste.

 

3’ This fact is stressed to differentiate such corpus-based studies from investigations of language structure
that focus on how language can be used theoretically opposed to its actual use in reality (Biber 1998).

’5 See Chapter 4 for more details.

36 This classiﬁcation of nouns according to semantic criteria is described by Schatte and Schreiber (1995).

53

The sense which develops the earliest and is considered the most powerful is touch. First
language research has found that concrete words are the ﬁrst and easiest to learn, whereas
abstract nouns that convey ideas and concepts are learned much later. In the case of
second language acquisition the research is not as clear-cut, because second language
learners already know abstract nouns from their ﬁrst language and this knowledge is
advantageous for the learning of another language. However, there are also clear
indications that they have more difﬁculties learning and actively using abstract nouns.
Nelson and Schreiber (1992) found that language learners perform better on concrete
words than on abstract words, in laboratory tasks such as word recognition, recall of
word, and pronunciation. If these ﬁndings are applied to Anglicisms, it can be suspected
that the majority of English loans are concrete nouns that can be easily recognized,
understood, and used. A new object from the US. that is introduced in Germany may
therefore keep its American designation. It can be suspected that abstract Anglicisms are
more difficult to use and understand and therefore would be used less frequently. On the
other hand, topics in business magazines tend to be related to abstract and complicated
concepts (see Réssler & Schenk, 1997). Therefore, the use of abstract nouns cannot be
avoided. However, these nouns could conceivably all be German nouns, unless the

concept or idea originated in the United States or another English-speaking country.

Potential ﬁndings of this study such as the prevalence of certain Anglicisms in
speciﬁc text types or time periods will lead to other questions, such as the following:
Why do certain Anglicisms appear in certain text types more than in others? Why do they

dominate at certain times, and can conclusions be drawn due to the socio-cultural context

54

of these periods? Why do new Anglicisms emerge in German business language? This
study will try to answer such questions and provide a starting point for future research

into questions that remain.

3.6 The German Business Press

This section provides a general overview of the business press in Germany before
a closer look is taken at Wirtschaﬁswoche in particular. The economy and its
deve10pment are of great importance for individuals and the entire society in a market
economy. In such an economic system, people are consumers, taxpayers, investors,
savers, employees, or employers and often fulﬁll more than one role at a time. Society is
dependent on a positive development of the economy in order to function. Therefore,
information about the economy and the business world is essential. This task is fulﬁlled
by the business press, which in Germany can be divided into four focal areas: business
magazines, daily general and ﬁnancial newspapers, and general news magazines which
devote only parts of their coverage to the topic. The mass audience is mainly interested in
dealing with its main role as employee and consumer. In Germany, this audience is
served by daily newspapers and TV and radio shows as well as the relatively sensational
news magazine Stern. Other more demanding news magazines are Spiegel and Focus.
There has been no research, however, on the extent to which the average reader pays
attention to the business sections of the non-business focused news sources. Two
inﬂuential business dailies are Handelsblatt and Financial Times Deutschland. The main
special interest business magazines are Capital, Wirtschaftswoche, Euro (D110, and

manager magazin. They address a rather small segment of the population which is socio-

55

economically attractive and has interests that go beyond the basic business coverage. In
the research literature about the German press these readers are often called “Info-Elite”,
because they rely not on one magazine exclusively, but may supplement their reading of
Wirtschaftswoche with that of Spiegel or other magazines and newspapers (Réissler &
Schenk, 1997).

Past content analyses of the business press all came to the conclusion that the
business coverage is not comprehensible to the man in the street, because it is unilaterally

geared towards experts, and written in a difficult language style.

Es ist offensichtlich, dass die Wirtschaftsteile der groBen Zeitungen im deutschen
Sprachraum fur Experten geschrieben werden, und zwar ﬁir solche die
Arbeitgeber, Produzenten, Eigentiimer oder Aktionéire sind. Interessierte Laien
tun sich da schwer. Die Wirtschaftsredakteure muten ihnen - und im iibrigen auch
den sogenannten Experten - hauﬁg eine Sprache zu, bei deren Lektﬁre kostbare

Zeit verschwendet wird”. (Rdssler & Schenk, 1997, p. 17).

It is not surprising, therefore, that the special business press is very unsuccessful
in attracting a huge audience of non-experts. The difference between daily ﬁnancial
newspapers and special interest business publications is based on the percentage of news
analysis and commentary, not on different language styles. Schrdter (1992) ﬁnds that

newspapers devote two thirds of their coverage to news reporting whereas this percentage

 

’7 It is obvious, that the business sections of the big newspapers in the German-speaking countries are
written for experts, speciﬁcally for those who are employers, producers, property-owners, or stockholders.
Interested laymen have a difﬁcult stand. The editors of business publications use often a language that
requires the reader (including the expert) to waste precious time on its comprehension (translation of the
author).

56

is only 38% in business magazines, where news analysis accounts for more than 42% of

the coverage.

Schenk and Réssler did a quantitative content analysis of major German business
publications in 1995. They came to the conclusion that the range of topics treated in the
various publications is the same or extremely similar. The focus of the reporting is on the
following topics:

0 Companies

0 Personalities in business and politics

0 Business environment and economic conditions
0 Investment options and strategies

0 Taxes

0 Career topics

Differences exist in the way the topics are weighed in the different publications.
According to Rdssler and Schenk, manager magazin focuses on top entrepreneurs and
managers. Euro (DM) and Capital put emphasis on the money market and provide
investment advice whereas Wirtschaﬂswoche focuses on the business environment and
economic and political conditions. The personalities in the reporting are the "who’s who"
of business life: executives and top managers, entrepreneurs, bankers, politicians, and
scholars and scientists. The workers and consumers, seen as the smallest players in the
business world, are widely ignored in all publications. It is not their interests that are

covered, but rather those of the employers.

57

These ﬁndings indicate that all business publications have a slant with respect to
the readers they are attracting. Lay people rarely ﬁnd comprehensible and relevant
information for their particular interests in business publications, but the extent of this
deﬁciency varies from publication to publication. Whereas Capital and Euro at least
fulﬁll a few basic information needs for consumers and employees, Wirtschaﬁswoche and
manager magazin are completely focused on business leaders and employers. As far as
the corpus of Wirtschaftswoche is concerned, the subjects covered do not differ much
from Schenk and Rdssler's subject list. The following are the most frequently covered

topics in the investigation period in cover stories and editorials”:

1. Economic conditions and economic policy
2. Personalities in business and politics

3. Politics (mostly related to business topics)
4. Speciﬁc industry or company information

5. Investment options

The following section offers a short overview of the history of Wirtschaftswoche
and its characteristics and is intended for readers who are not very familiar with the
publication. The discussion will also include further comparisons between

Wirtschaftswoche and competitive magazines.

 

’8 Letters to the editor contain various topics every week and were therefore excluded from a look at the
covered topics.

58

3.7 The History and Characteristics of Wirtschaftswoche”

The predecessor of today’s Wirtschaftswoche was called Der deutsche Volkswirt
and appeared for the ﬁrst time in 1926.40 It wasn’t until the 19605 that the cover got the
look of a modern magazine and became multicolored. A gradual transformation of the
magazine from a highly theoretical specialized business publication to a modern business
magazine began. Der Volkswirt was intended to become a bridge between scholarship
and practice. This bridging function was apparently well received by the readers, as its
circulation tripled between 1967 and 1971. At this time, other business publications
entered the market (e. g., Plus and Der Aktiona'r) and eventually merged with Der
Volkswirt. In 1970, the Der Volkswirt was given a new subtitle “Wirtschaﬁswoche,”
which in 1971 became the new name of the magazine. Two years later, Wirtschaftswoche
got new management, a new cover page along with an overall new layout and an

extended content spectrum. The new trend was explained by then-editor Dieter Schittze:

 

’9 The information in this section was mainly taken from: W. Engels and H. Froels (eds.) Querschnitte.
Sechs Jahrzehnte deutscher Wirtschaftsgeschichte 1926 — 1986. Dusseldorf: Gesellschatt ﬂlr
Wirtschaftspublizistik, 1986.

4° For the reader interested in more details about the history of the magazine: The editorial objectives of
Wirtschaftswoche were initially to present economic criticism and foreign policy analysis. With the arrival
of the Great Depression in 1929 domestic economic policies became more and more important. The
founder and long-term editor of the magazine, Gustav Stolper, an alumnus of the University of Michigan,
greatly inﬂuenced the public debate in the 19205 through his contributions. The ﬁrst issue of Der deutsche
Volkswirt consisted of only 32 pages with a 16 page supplement and was available at newsstands for one
Reichsmark once a week. The branches of the German Reichsbanken became subscribers to the magazine,
which early on contributed to ﬁnancial stability as well as to an average circulation of 5,000 (1927). Many
prominent ﬁgures of the time wrote contributions for the magazine, making it the most successful business
publication, until 1933 when it was temporarily outlawed by the Nazis because of “criticism of the methods
and the objectives of the national revolution.” During the Third Reich the magazine was brought into line
with the positions of the Nazi government and its main thematic focus became the armament industry. In
1943 it was shut down completely like all other media outside the Nazi party monopoly.

After World War II, in 1946, the US. as an occupying power granted a license for the weekly Zeitungﬁir
die neue Wirtschaft (also called Frankfurt Oekonomist). This was to be the root for the later re-emergence
of Der Volkswirt. In 1949, the old name was re-introduced and the ﬁrst post war issue reached a circulation
of 7,000. In the early post-war years the number of pages averaged 34, including 20% advertisements. In
1955, Der Volkswirt had already reestablished itself at the top level of the German print media. The ﬁrst
foreign ofﬁce was opened in 1957 in London and was soon followed by ofﬁces in Paris and New York.

59

“Amerika hat Business Week, England hat den Economist. In Deutschland wird die
Wirtschaftswoche ﬁber die Woche der Wirtschaft berichten”. (Engels & Froels, 1986, p.
429). At this point in time, Wirtschaftswoche had fully developed the image of a modern
magazine. Because of its signiﬁcance for the development of Wirtschaftswoche, as well
as the intention of covering a period of no less than 30 years, the year 1973 was chosen as
the beginning year of this study.

In 1976, the year of the 50th anniversary of Wirtschaftswoche, the circulation
surpassed 100,000 for the ﬁrst time. 10 years earlier, it had only been 15,515. In 1984,
the magazine had a volume of 224 pages - the most extensive copy until that time. This
page volume was only exceeded in the dot-com boom of the late 19905, when issues with
more than 300 pages were normal. This was due to the high number of ads. Today the
number of pages usually does not exceed 170 (WiWo-Chef Baron im Interview, 2005).
Along with the number of pages and number of ads, the circulation has fallen as well
since 2002. In 2005, an average of 180,000 copies were sold per month, with

subscriptions contributing approximately 50% to the total sales”1

 

‘1 Current data cited on Spiegel Online, September 30, 2005:
http://www.spiegel.de/wirtschaft/O, 15 18,377135,00.html

60

 

”LL Wirtschaftswoche: Circulation 1973-2003
539%

N

o

o

O

O

O
W
dzﬁ

mus-«rm: 1.1mm mnorm' ,. v

ll
ll

ll
ll

ll
ll

WW WWWIWW.‘ ' ”(’13
m’ a (W ‘ ‘ mm
mmm timid

31111111 I l l

i
ll
ii.

0
1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003

 

 

 

 

Figure 1: Circulation of Wirtschaftswoche 1973-2003
The current editorial conception of Wirtschaftswoche is described by chief editor

Stefan Baron on the magazine’s web site:

Nichts ist spannender als Wirtschaft

Die WirtschaftsWoche ist das Magazin ﬁir die Wirtschaft von heute. Nie zuvor
war Wirtschaft so spannend. Nie war deshalb der Bedarf ﬁir ein Magazin wie die
WirtschaftsWoche so groB. Als Spezialist unter Deutschlands groBen
Wochenmagazinen konzentriert sic sich auf das Thema Wirtschaft. Gegeniiber
den Monatstiteln hat sie den Vorteil der Aktualitat. Im Vergleich zu den
Tageszeitungen kann sie den Dingen tiefer auf den Grund gehen‘u. (GWP media-

marketing, n.d.)

 

‘2 Nothing is more exciting than business

The “WirtschaftsWoche” is the magazine for the business of today. Never before was business so exciting.
For this reason, the need for a magazine such as WirtschaftsWoche was never as great. As a specialist
among Germany's big weekly magazines it concentrates on topics of business and economics. Compared
to the monthly magazines it has the advantage of topicality. In comparison with the daily papers it can be
more profound in its investigations of news stories (translation by the author).

61

Wirtschaftswoche has an editorial team of 120 journalists with correspondents all
over the world. The range of economic topics covered ranges from company news and
economic policies to management, technology, and private investment. The main target
groups are decision makers in business and politics. Detailed special reports about
innovative areas such as multimedia, telecommunication, and biotechnology, as well as
consumer-related themes such as advertisement, ﬁtness, and retirement savings options
are covered. Wirtschaftswoche also organizes Special initiatives such as the “Hall of
Fame der deutschen Werbung”, and grants special prizes for innovative companies, e.g.,
“Innovationspreis der deutschen Wirtschaft,” in cooperation with the top associations of
German businesses. The magazine’s close connection to German business is reﬂected in
its pro-business political ideology, which makes it an ally of the Free Democratic Party
(FDP). Chief editor Stefan Baron stands by the fact that Wirtschaftswoche has a clear
political orientation and that this is one way that the magazine distinguishes itself from

the competition:

Die “WirtschaftsWoche” hat cine 80 Jahre lange Tradition und war schon
politisch, als es die anderen noch gar nicht gab. Sicher: Manche st6ren sich daran.
Zu meinem Wochentlichen Kommentar bekomme ich auch viele kritische Briefe,
wie Sie an den Leserbriefseiten sehen. Aber ein Standpunkt, an dem sich niemand
reiben kann, ist doch uninteressant. Unsere klare liberale Positionierung ist ein

Markenzeichen - sie hat uns Prestige gebracht, Leser in der entscheidenden

62

Zielgruppe, Anzeigen und Gewinn.43 (WiWo-Chef Baron im Interview, 2005)

Besides the print and online editions of Wirtschaftswoche, the Wirtschaftswoche
publishing house also publishes special editions such as “WirtschaftsWoche next - Das

Magazin ﬁir Erfolg in Studium und Beruf” as well as books, videos and CD5.

A look at the Wirtschaftswoche web site offers an initial insight into the extensive
use of Anglicisms in the language use of the magazine of today. In the following
description of the online version of Wirtschaftswoche taken from its web site the obvious

Anglicisms have been highlighted:

www.wiwo.de ist das interaktive Online-Angebot der WirtschaftsWoche und
damit die kompetente und unabhangige Informationsquelle ﬁir Wirtschaft und
Politik. Hier treffen sich Young Professionals und Entscheider, um sich
tagesaktuell ﬁber das Wichtigste zu inforrnieren. Aktuelle Bﬁrsenkurse und
persﬁnliche Depots kﬁnnen zﬁgig abgefragt werden. Das redaktionelle Angebot
konzentriert sich auf die Rubriken Technologie, Erfolg, Management,
Untemehmen, Politik, Leben und Geld. www.wiwo.de stellt exklusive Studien,
Graﬁken und Charts zum Download bereit. Mit ausﬁihrlichen Branchen-
Spezials informiert wiwo.de auch ﬁber intemationale GroBereignisse (z. B.

Computermesse Cebit). Die Inhalte werden von den Redakteuren der

 

43 The “WirtschaftsWoche” has a tradition of 80 years and was already political when the others did not
even exist. Certainly: Some are bothered by that. For my weekly comment I get also many critical letters as
you see in pages of the letters to the editor. But a point of view at which nobody takes offense is
uninteresting. Our clear free-enterprise positioning is a trademark — it brought us prestige, readers in the
decisive target group, advertisements and proﬁt.

63

WirtschaftsWoche geliefert. Taglich wechselnde Diskussionsforen zu aktuellen
Fragen aus Wirtschaft und Politik bieten zudem die Mtiglichkeit, Standpunkte und
Meinungen interaktiv auszutauschen. Hinzu kommen pointierte Kolumnen, die

. . 44
zur Diskussron anregen .

3.8 Wirtschaftswoche Compared to its Competition

With approximately 800,000 readers reached each week, Wirtschaftswoche was
the number two business magazine in the German market in 2004. Two other leading
magazines, Euro (formerly called DM and DM Euro) and Capital frequently trade sales
rankings with Wirtschaftswoche due to Similar circulation numbers. Wirtschaftswoche
prides itself on being the most up-to-date business magazine, because it is published
weekly compared to its major competitors, which are either published bi-monthly
(Capital) or monthly (manager magazin and Euro). Taking the weekly publication mode
into account, Wirtschaftswoche is actually sold and read more than the competition. The
following chart illustrates the positioning of Germany’s four most successful business

magazines Wirtschaftswoche, Capital, Euro, and manager magazin.

 

4" www.wiwo.de is the interactive online version of the WirtschaftsWoche and therewith the competent
and independent information source for business and politics. Here young professionals and decision-
makers meet in order to inform themselves about the most important events on a daily basis. Current stock
prices and personal investment accounts can be investigated swiftly. The editorial offer focuses on the
columns technology, success, management, enterprise, politics, life and money. www.wiwo.de provides
exclusive studies, graphics and charts for download. With detailed specials about different industries
wiwo.de informs also about major international events (for example, the computer fair Cebit). The
contents are supplied by the editors of the WirtschaftsWoche. Discussion forums about current questions
from business and politics that change daily offer the opportunity to exchange points of view and opinions
interactively. In addition to that, there are pointed columns that stimulate discussion.

64

 

Circulation of leading business magazines (2002)

250000
200000 ,,L L L v---
i I Vlﬁrtschaftswoche ‘
1. Capital ‘
1I21 manager magazin‘
L'j-PFL IL ‘

150000
100000

50000

 

number of sold copies

0

total sales subscritions

 

 

 

Figure 2: Circulation of German Business Magazines

The range of topics covered in Wirtschaftswoche does not differ much from
Capital. As in Wirtschaftswoche, articles in Capital range from purely business-related
topics, such as economic policies, company information, investment and retirement
options, real estate, technology, and taxes to everyday or special interest topics such as
shopping, traveling, and health. The thematic areas have an appeal to the readers because

of the importance to their professional lives as well as to their private lives.

According to a recent media analysis, Capital is the business magazine with the
highest percentage of executives and top-salary earners among its readers.45 Compared to
Capital, Wirtschaftswoche has fewer readers in upper management and among the top-
salary earners. However, most socio-demographic factors are very similar for both

magazines. 39 percent of Wirtschaﬁswoche and Capital readers are either executives,

 

‘5 Media analysis for ﬁrst quarter of 2004, Arbeitsgemeinschatt Media Analyse e.V., Frankfurt.
http://www.agma-mmc.de. The data also shows that Capital reached a circulation of 205,184 and a
readership of 1.25 million per month in 2004.

65

high ranking managers or public servants, or freelancers. Other characteristics of

Wirtschaftswoche and Capital readers are provided in Table 2.

 

Publication Wirtschaftswoche Capital

 

Education of readers

 

 

 

 

“Abitur” or 50.1% 46%
UnivergyI Degree

Gender of readers

Female 20.5% 23%
Male 79.5% 77%

 

Age of readers

 

30-59 years 87% 68%

 

 

 

 

 

Among the above age group, most readers are between 40 and 49 years of age.

Table 2: Proﬁle of the Readers of W irtschaftswoche and Capital“

Since both magazines target similar readers and cover similar topics, it is not to be
expected that signiﬁcant differences between the magazines exist in the use of
Anglicisms. This study therefore focuses only on Wirtschaftswoche, which is considered
to be representative of all leading German business magazines with respect to aspects
such as content, language use, and text types. One can surmise, for example, that Capital
and Wirtschaftswoche do not differ signiﬁcantly in the use of Anglicisms. Potential
differences in editorial policies which would inﬂuence the use of Anglicisms are
unknown. Wirtschaftswoche has the longest history as a business publication in Germany

and taking the weekly publication mode into account, Wirtschaftswoche is actually sold

 

46 Media Analyse 2004/1, cited on http://www.capital.de (“Leserschalt”)

66

and read more than the competition. Because of these factors, Wirtschaftswoche and not

Capital was selected as the magazine to be used for the corpus of this study.

Future studies could focus on other publications such as Capital and compare
their data to the Wirtschaftswoche data in order to ﬁnd out if differences can be observed.
This clariﬁcation would give empirical proof whether Wirtschaftswoche is representative
of the language use of the German business press in general. However, at this point, this

can be surmised due to the many similarities between the business magazines.

3.9 Principles of the Count of the Anglicisms

This section details how the use of Anglicisms is examined and counted in this
study. A number of database studies in the past including Yang (1990) and Krause-Braun
(2002) have counted Anglicisms per page without taking into consideration that pages
may differ considerably not only between sources but even within one source. Due to
different font and page sizes and amounts of space devoted to text, comparisons between
such studies are problematic. The number of Anglicisms, therefore, has to be set in
relation to the total number of words in the corpus in order to be able to make useful
comparisons between studies. Even for comparisons within this study (for example,
between the use of Anglicisms in different text types), it is essential to contrast the
number of Anglicisms with a base value. The absolute number of Anglicisms will
therefore always be set in relation to the number of words in a particular sample (or in the

whole corpus) which leads to a percentage value.

67

The ﬁrst goal of the count is to determine the total amount of Anglicisms in the
corpus and their percentage of the overall number of words. Looking at the individual
words, they will then be ranked according to the frequency of their individual use. After
this ﬁrst step, more detailed examinations are carried out to determine the number and
usage frequency of the Anglicisms per year and per text type. Anglicisms will then be
examined according to their word and loan type, and their integration into the German

language as well as with respect to semantic aspects.

The principles of the count of the Anglicisms are displayed in the following overview.

Anglicisms are counted in the corpus as follows:

0 1. Loanwords whose foreign origin can be easily recognized (direct adoptions)
and loanwords which have adapted to the German language in spelling,
pronunciation and/or morphology (adaptations). Words in both categories are zero
substitutions according to Fink’s original terminology (see Chapter 2).

o 2. Mixed compounds (partial substitutions, loan blends) and English compounds.
In compounds consisting of two or more English words, every word is counted
separately.

0 3. Indirect adoptions (full substitutions). As has been explained in Chapter 2, this
category includes loan translations, loan transferals, and loan creations, and is the
hardest to identify. For that reason, it is likely that a considerable number of these
adoptions will not be identiﬁed. Many studies intentionally leave out this category

in order not to run into this problem (e.g., Fink et al., 1997; Langer, 1996).

68

Compared to the amount of other Anglicisms, this group of words was in the past
found to be very small. Still it seems useful not to ignore this category completely
and to present selected examples.

0 4. Pseudo-loans: These words made up of English lexical material are also hard to
identify, but are considered Anglicisms in this study.

0 5. Names of agencies, organizations, and companies are counted if they could be
rendered in German (for example, Federal Drug Administration or FDA versus
US-amerikanische Arzneimittelbehorde). English names of German companies
are also counted. The use of such Anglicisms creates atmosphere and shows the
indirect inﬂuence of English. It also demonstrates that the journalists take the
readers’ understanding for granted. Names will only be counted as one word even
if they consist of more than one word.

0 6. Exotisms: Exotisms are Anglicisms that denote conditions, objects, and certain
places that only exist in the country or language area of their origin". According
to Yang's deﬁnition (1990), exotisms are objects, institutions, processes or
appearances that do not exist within the German language area, and because of
that, receive the same designation as where they do exist. He decides not to take
them into account in his 1990 study. Krause-Braun (2002) points out that
distinctions are hard to draw between exotisms, proper names, and designations
for categories and hints at examples such as Coca-Cola and Broadway and thus
decides to count them in contrast to Yang (1990) and Oeldorf (2003). In this

study, such Anglicisms are counted if their meaning goes beyond the simple

 

‘7 In the context of this study, exotisms are Anglicisms that denote a person, object, place, or even concept
that only exists in the English-speaking world.

69

location of a place or simple designation of an object. For example, Wall Street
does not only designate a street in Manhattan, but also the ﬁnancial center and

part of the ﬁnancial system of the United States.

Certain words and names are excluded from the count:

0 1. Names of geographic places (expressions which stand for more than just a
geographic place like Wall Street are counted).

0 2. Names of people.

0 3. Names of non-German companies or organizations (that cannot be rendered in
German).

0 4. Titles of English language books and articles.

0 5. English expressions and quotations that are translated. English quotations that
are not translated are counted, because they are used with the expectation that
readers understand them. Their use is a conscious decision for the utilization of

Anglicisms. Every word of an expression or quotation is counted.

The same Anglicism is counted every time it appears (tokens). This count will be
supplemented by a types count, in which each Anglicism will only be counted once. This
count demonstrates how many different Anglicisms are used, and how often each one is
used overall and according to year and text type. Lists of the most frequently used
Anglicisms will be generated for the entire time period as well as per year and text type.

If an Anglicism appears in quotes or parentheses it will be counted.

70

The limitation of this study is its reliance on previously identiﬁed Anglicisms. If
the articles contain Anglicisms that are neither part of Carstensen’s
Anglizismuswo'rterbuch (2001), nor Herberg’s Neologismenwdrterbuch (2004), the UNIX
English spell check dictionary, or Pasarkanis’ Business Dictionary (1997), they will not
be identiﬁed. Because of this, no claim of completeness can be made. In the case of ﬁll]
substitutions such as loan translations or pseudo-loans, a number of words may not have
been identiﬁed. Despite their low frequency, studies should not ignore these types of
borrowings completely. Unfortunately, the size of the corpus did not allow a manual
identiﬁcation and count of such Anglicisms, which are much harder to identify than
adoptions or adaptations and mixed compounds. Despite this shortcoming, selected

Anglicisms of this category will be discussed.

The following chapter presents and discusses the results of this study.

71

Chapter 4: Discussion of Results

This chapter will present the results of the study in terms of the number and
frequency of Anglicisms in different text types and developments in Anglicism usage
over the years of the investigation period. It will also present ways to classify these
Anglicisms and discuss their context and semantic characteristics. The results will be
discussed in light of the research questions and hypotheses put forward in the previous

chapters. They will also be compared to previous studies.

4.1 Results with Respect to Overall Frequency

This section answers research question (1) about the overall frequency of
Anglicisms in the corpus and their variety. A grand total of 8258 Anglicisms were found
in the corpus, which consists of 556,810 words in articles from 126 issues of
Wirtschaftswoche during the 1973 to 2003 time period. This corresponds to a percentage

of Anglicisms in the corpus of 1.4848.

 

 

Time Tokens Total number of Percentage of Anglicisms
Period words in corpus
1973-2003 8258 556,810 1.48%

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 3: Frequency of Anglicisms over the Investigation Period

 

’8 Thus, the amount of Anglicisms is very low compared to the overall word pool of the corpus (see
Hypothesis 3).

72

This number is slightly higher than the percentages found in a synchronic study of
Anglicisms in the business publications DM and Capital by Langer in 1996. She only
looked at two 1995 issues of each publication and came to a 1.1 and 1.4 percentage rate.
Bartsch and Siegrist (2002) found a higher percentage of 3.33, in the subcorpus
“Wirtschaft” of the Darmsta'dter Corpus Deutscher F achsprachen. This subcorpus
contains various business language sources, which may explain the higher percentages. In
their study, no comparisons were made between different time periods. Other studies,
which did not focus on business publications, had lower rates of Anglicisms than in the
study at hand. As has been mentioned before, comparisons to various studies are
problematic because they counted Anglicisms by page and did not take into account page
size and content. If the number of Anglicisms is not set in relation to the total number of
words, comparisons between studies are of little use, because different page and font
sizes as well as different amounts of pictures on pages would distort any comparison.
Another problem in comparing study results is based on the fact that some studies do not
count certain kinds of Anglicisms such as loan translations and pseudo-loans, whereas

others do.

The total number of Anglicisms was broken down further by examining how
many of them were used more than once. It is signiﬁcant to know if the variety of
Anglicisms is high, or if a repetition of frequently used Anglicisms contributes
disproportionately to the overall number of borrowings. The results show that there are
indeed various Anglicisms which occur repeatedly whereas others are only used rarely.

The total number of tokens (every Anglicism is counted no matter how often it occurs) is

73

more than three times higher than the number of types (every Anglicism is only counted
once no matter how often it occurs). Thus, statistically, every Anglicism in the corpus is
used 3.55 times. A closer look at the data reveals how this number comes about: More
than one hundred Anglicisms occur more than ten times each in the corpus”); the most
frequently used borrowing occurs more than two hundred times, whereas more than one

thousand Anglicisms occur only once in the entire corpus. Table 4 shows the type-token-

 

 

analysis.
Time Period Tokens Types Tokens-Types-
Ratio
1973-2003 8258 2326 3.55

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 4: Type-Token—Ratio

The ﬁnding that some Anglicisms are used frequently has a variety of reasons and will be
demonstrated by selected examples. A high frequency of a certain word not only implies
popularity, but may also reﬂect a strong integration into the German vocabulary. An
Anglicism may have ﬁlled a gap or may have partially or fully replaced another word. An
Anglicism which is only used once, on the other hand, may not really have become part
of the German language, but rather be used occasionally by a journalist as a stylistic
device. In this case, it can only become well-known if other journalists follow the
example and the word becomes part of the passive or even active vocabulary of the

readers.

 

’9 See Tables 15 and 16 for examples of such Anglicisms.

74

4.2 Frequency per Year and Trend Analysis for 1993-2003

According to the data, the amount of Anglicisms increased considerably from
1973 to 2003. This answers research question (2) and conﬁrms Hypothesis 1. The
increase in Anglicisms does not become immediately clear if one looks at the individual
years (see Table 5). Many times during the period, decreases in the use of Anglicisms
from one year to another year stand in contrast to increases during other years. This
conﬁrms the assumption that there are ﬂuctuations in the use of Anglicisms over the
years (Hypothesis 3). Table 5 illustrates these ﬂuctuations in the use of Anglicisms
between 1973 and 2003. A trend analysis reveals, however, that the increases in use

surmount the decreases in use over the whole period (see Figure 3).

75

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

decrease or
increase
compared to
Number of Number of Percentage of previous
Year Anglicisms words ArLglicisms Jear
1973 262 23533 1.11%
1974 304 25099 1.21% +
1975 301 15849 1.90%
1976 203 17310 1.17% -
1977 189 21202 0.89% -
1978 218 18437 1.18% +
1979 247 25114 0.98% -
1980 196 13864 1.41% +
1981 135 16049 0.84% -
1982 324 19582 1.65% +
1983 388 19820 1.96% +
1984 306 22645 1.35% -
1985 220 19853 1.11% -
1986 203 18598 1.09% -
1987 404 22486 1.80% +
1988 223 23190 0.96% -
1989 222 17479 1.27% +
1990 309 19553 1.58% +
1991 331 17759 1.86% +
1992 283 15102 1.87% +
1993 249 14574 1.71% -
1994 154 13884 1.11% -
1995 357 16658 2.14% +
1996 151 10023 1.51% -
1997 291 18775 1.55% +
1998 269 21 145 1.27% -
1999 388 17208 2.25% +
2000 447 14742 3.03% +
2001 296 14458 2.05% -
2002 309 18251 1.69% -
2003‘? 79 4568 1.73% +

 

Table 5: Frequency of Anglicisms (tokens) per year

 

5° Only one sample of each text type was taken in the year 2003.

76

 

This upward trend can also be observed if decades are taken into account instead of

individual years (Table 6)“.

 

Table 6: Frequency of Anglicisms per Decade

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Percentage of Anglicisms
Linear Trend Model
Yt = 1.06245 + 0.0288185*t

 

Variable
-O— Actual
—l— Fits

.w
G
I

I"
U!
I

Percentage of Angicisns
H N
in o

l"
O
l

 

 

 

 

1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 19188 1991 1994 1997 zobo 2603
Index

 

 

 

Figure 3: Trend Analysis for the Increase in Anglicisms 1973-2003
The increase in the frequency of Anglicisms is in part due to peak years during
the investigation period that deserve a closer look. The 19705 and 1980s did not include a

single year in which the percentage of Anglicisms reached over 2% whereas the 19905

 

5’ Tests of signiﬁcance (Z-tests for two proportions) were performed to conﬁrm signiﬁcant differences
between the percentages of Anglicisms in the individual decades. The differences were signiﬁcant for all
decades (p-value=0.000).

77

had two years, and the new decade has already had two years up to 2003. The articles of
the year 2000 contain by far the highest number of Anglicisms of the entire time period,
and a look at the topics of the articles of that year gives clues as to why. Two cover
stories dealt with the stock market, one with the intemet economy, and the fourth one
with the car industry. As will be shown later, many Anglicisms in the 19905 and in the
new millennium are related to the stock market and intemet domains. The editorials of
the year 2000 dealt with economic policy in general and the just-introduced German
Green Card for foreign computer specialists in particular. A more detailed analysis shows
that cover stories and editorials are mainly responsible for the extraordinarily high
number of Anglicisms in 2000 (see Table 7). The frequency of Anglicisms in the articles
of the year 2000 is more than twice the frequency of the entire 1973-2003 period. Letters
to the editor also have a higher than average frequency of Anglicisms, even though their
percentage rate is more 50 % lower than the one for covers stories. Based on these
results, it is obvious that the topics of the articles of the year 2000 facilitate (or require)

the use of more Anglicisms than other articles.

 

 

 

 

2000 1 973-2003
cover stories 3.60% 1.58%
editorials 2.69% 1.34
letters to the
editors 1.77% 1.27

 

 

 

 

 

Table 7: Peak Year 2000 - Percentage of Anglicisms per Genre
On the other extreme, the year 1981 shows the fewest occurrences of Anglicisms in the
investigation period. The topics of the cover stories were bureaucracy in Germany,

economic policy in France, monetary policy, and foreign aid. Based on the data, these

78

articles apparently could do without the use of many Anglicisms. There is, however, no
reason why the articles of 1981 contain the fewest Anglicisms, because topics such as
bureaucracy in Germany and domestic and foreign economic policy are dealt with

frequently during the investigation period.

Research question (3) asked whether, along with an increase in number, the
variety of Anglicisms also increased between 1973 and 2003. If every single year of the
corpus is regarded separately, lower tokens-types-ratios are observed than the ratio for
the entire time period of 3.5552. This is not surprising because the probability of each
Anglicism being used more than once is much lower in a smaller sample. The higher ratio
of the overall period can be explained by the fact that many Anglicisms not only occur in
a single year but also in others years. Table 8 shows the number of tokens and types as

well as the tokens-types-ratio per year.

 

’2 See section 4.1.

79

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Year Tokens Types Ratio

1973 262 144 1.82
1974 304 181 1.68
1975 301 190 1.58
1976 203 106 1.92
1977 189 103 1.83
1978 218 126 1.73
1979 247 1 19 2.07
1980 196 102 1.92
1981 135 71 1.90
1982 324 139 2.33
1983 388 165 2.35
1984 306 141 2.17
1985 220 1 16 1.90
1986 203 123 1.65
1987 404 188 2.15
1988 223 133 1.68
1989 222 125 1.78
1990 309 154 2.01
1991 331 168 1.97
1992 283 146 1.94
1993 249 124 2.01
1994 154 88 1.75
1995 357 157 2.26
1996 151 87 1.74
1997 291 145 2.01
1998 269 155 1.74
1999 388 193 2.01
2000 447 226 1.98
2001 296 153 1.93
2002 309 164 1.88
2003 79 57 1.39
1973-2003 8258 2326 3.55

 

Table 8: Type-Token-Ratio per Year

The data in this table does not conﬁrm Hypothesis (4) which expected an increase in the
variety of Anglicisms over the period. Some database studies in the past have shown
either a decrease or an increase in tokens-types-ratios over time, but no clear
development can be observed here. The type-token-ratios range from a minimum of 1.39

to a maximum of 2.35. But no trends, like Yang (1990) and Krause-Braun (2002) found,

80

could be observed. Yang observed an increase in the number of times Anglicisms were
used when he compared issues from Der Spiegel from 1950, 1960, 1970, and 1980.
Krause-Braun, on the other hand, who compared two issues from the daily newspaper
Badische Zeitung from 1949 and 1999, found that in 1949 the same Anglicisms were
used more often, whereas in 1999 a wider variety and a higher number of Anglicisms
were used. The results of this study do not allow for a deﬁnite interpretation. The fact that
the tokens-typeS-ratio remained relatively stable does not mean that no new Anglicisms
have emerged over the years, but it implies that older loanwords may have disappeared
(or may not have been used as often as before) at the same time that new Anglicisms
emerged. This is a possible explanation for why the variety of Anglicisms did not

increase.

4.3 Most Frequently Used Anglicisms

Closely related to the question of the yearly and decadal ﬂuctuations in frequency
over the examination period is research question (5) concerning which Anglicisms are
most frequently used over the entire period. Table 9 lists the most frequent English loans

that occurred in the Wirtschaftswoche corpus between 1973 and 2003:

81

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Anﬂcism Tokens
Manager 210
(Produkt)53 LAT (1251
Interview 121
Management 117
Report 108
Investor 104
Partner 101
Experte LAT/FR 97
Analyst 79
Rezession 76
Technologie 74
Trend 73
Job 72
Innovation LAT 69
Medien LAT 67
Generation LAT 60
Engagement FR 58
Modell IT 55
_global LAT/FR 47
Editorial 44
stoppen 44
Wall Street 44
Airbus 43
Club 43
tech nologisch 41
Computer 39
Know-how 38
Boss/8013 35
Service 35
Wachstumsrate IT 35
Test 34
Marketing 33
Streik 32
Boom 31
deﬁcit spending 30
elektronisch 29
starten 29
Top-Marga 29
lnﬂationsrate 28
Public Relations 28

 

 

53 Even though Produkt is of Latin origin, its meaning of an industrially manufactured item is believed to
have come into German through English inﬂuence (Carstensen 2001). Because of that, Carstensen included
Produkt in his Anglizismuswdrterbuch. In this study, Produkt has not been counted as an Anglicism in the
overall frequency statistic because its individual meanings were not examined. Nonetheless, it needs
mentioning here, because it occurs very often in the corpus.

82

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Banker 27
fatal LAT 27
Image 27
Special 24
Profi 23
Deal 22
fair 22
Know-how 22
Start 22
Crash 21
Golf 21
Internet 21
Shareholder Value 21
Trainer 21
Dow-Jones-lndex 20
smart 20
Film 19
OECD 19
unfair 19
Szene GR/LAT 18
Top-Manager 18
Votum 18
Kondition 17
Hold ig 16
Joint Venture 16
Controlling 15
Floating 15
Kreativitat 1 5
Recycling 15
Star 15
Ecu 14
Koalitionspartner 14
nuclear 14
programmieren 14
Rate IT 14
Supermarkt 14
Administration 13
Daten bank 1 3
Exportboom 1 3
kreativ 13
Krisenmangler 13
Research 1 3
alternativ FR 12
Blue Chips 12
Cash-ﬂow 12
City 12
clever 12
Flop 12

 

 

83

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Insider 12
Jet 12
Minivan 12
Renner 12
Team 12
Tip/Tipp 12
intelligent LAT 11
Investment 1 1
lnvestmentbanking 1 1
Spitzenmanager 11

 

Table 9: The Most Frequently Used Anglicisms between 1973 and 200354

This list contains all Anglicisms which occur more than ten times in the corpus.
The most frequently used Anglicism by far is Manager, followed by Interview,
Management, Report, Investor, and Partner. Report would not be as high up in the list if
it were not used so often to label cover stories in Wirtschaftswoche. None of the words
which appear close to the top of the list are restricted to any particular time periods or
have newly emerged in German. The only two new Anglicisms that occurred for the ﬁrst
time in the corpus in 1996 are Internet and Shareholder Value. These loanwords reach
the 57th and 58th position among the top 100 most often used Anglicisms in the corpus.
This demonstrates how important the Internet as communication device and Shareholder
Value as a business concept have become and that there was no effort made to replace

them by German words through loan translations”.

Internet has a much more versatile usage than Shareholder Value. It occurs by

itself as well as in various compounds. Most of these are noun compounds, but a

 

5“ The abbreviations (LATzLatin, IT= Italian, FR=French, and GR=Greek) in this table stand for the
languages that the respective words originally came from. Because they received a broadening of meaning
in English that inﬂuenced German, these words can also be classiﬁed as Anglicisms with respect to those
new meanings. For a detailed description of these meanings, see Carstensen (2001).

55 This answers research question (7) about new Anglicisms that have emerged in the corpus. Due to the
size of the corpus, only the most frequent were mentioned here. See section 4.4 and 4.8 for more examples.

84

 

 

combination that forms an adjective also occurs (Internet-gestiitzt). On the other hand,
Shareholder Value only occurs in the corpus in this combination. No separate
occurrences of Value and Shareholder are documented. The only combination with
another noun is Shareholder- Value-Prediger. Table 16 shows the ways that Internet is

used in the corpus:

 

Internet
lnternetadresse
lnternetboom
lnternet-Dienstleister
Internet-Experte
lnternet:gestﬁtzt
lnternet-Sektor
lnternet-Serviceprovider
Internet-Startup
Internet-Szene
Internet-Wirtschaft

lntemetzugang

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 10: Occurrences of Internet in the Corpus

It is striking that compound nouns are either formed by writing both components
together (lnternetadresse) or by joining them by using a hyphen (Internet- Wirtschaft).
The latter method implies less integration into German and can be regarded as a transition
period before words are joined without hyphens. Besides the spelling, it is evident that
Internet is joined with other English loans like Boom or Startup as well as with German

words (Zugang, Wirtschaft).

With the exception of Internet and Shareholder Value all of the Anglicisms on the
most frequently used list are established loans and not new importations into German. All

loans except two are adoptions and adaptations. The two exceptions are Pro/i, a pseudo

85

 

 

loan and abbreviation of professional, and Renner, the only loan translation to be used
more than ten times. The fact that there are hardly any new loanwords among ‘the most
frequently used Anglicisms implies that new loans do not weigh much in the overall
usage because they occurred for the ﬁrst time relatively late in the investigation period.
To see if new loans become popular, it is necessary to examine the year they ﬁrst occur
and the following years. Such Anglicisms seem to be rare in the corpus. This implies that
the number of new importations in comparison to established loans is low. However, no
conclusions regarding general validity can be drawn from these ﬁndings of the study
because a loanword that appears for the ﬁrst time in a year of the 1973 -2003 time period

may still have been used in other sources before.

Established loans are loanwords that have been used over many years and have
been fully integrated into German due to their frequent use - not necessarily due to
morphology and spelling. One may assume as well that these loanwords are well

understood by a majority of readers.

The Anglicisms in the list can be further categorized. Among the items in the list
are twenty-two compounds that consist either of English-English or German-English
components. The remainders are single words. The list presented in Table 16 does not
take into account that frequently used Anglicisms may also be components of mixed
compounds, and that they primarily or exclusively occur in these word combinations. A
second frequency list was therefore compiled which shows only individual words after

compounds were split up (Table 11). A comparison of both lists reveals subtle

86

differences. The results show that the frequency of some Anglicisms (e.g., Manager and
Partner) in the new list is considerably higher than in the previous ranking because they

were now counted separately as opposed to being counted as a single word as a

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

compound.
ALincism Frequency Paket 34
Manager 355 Image 32
(Produkt) LAT Q50 Tech 32
Partner 210 Star 29
Experte FR 200 elektronisch 29
Management 178 Start 29
Interview 124 starten 29
Rate IT 122 Internet 29
Technolglie 1 17 Streik 27
Investor 1 13 fatal 27
Trend 109 Golf 27
Report 1 08 smart 27
Analyst 1 01 Park 26
Modell IT 97 Special 26
- Job 88 Film 25
Generation 81 HoldinL 25
Rezession 79 online 25
Computer 78 Business 24
Medien IT 78 Szene 24
Innovation LAT 73 Public 24
Marketing 71 Stopp 23
Boom 64 Research 23
Engagement FR 58 fair 22
_global LAT, FR 57 Leasing 21
Test 55 Team 21
Investment 53 Deal 20
Club 51 Mini 20
Service 49 OECD 20
Wall Street 46 Software 20
Know how/Know-how 45 Trainer 20
stopp_en 44 unfair 19
Airbus 44 Jet 19
Editorial 44 capital 19
Banker 43 Transfer 19
top 42 Venture 19
Crash 41 FIoatinL 18
technologisch 41 Schock 18
_high 38 Kondition 18
Prof: 38 Votum 18
Boss/BOB 46 Broker 17

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

87

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

testen 1 1
spendigq 10
Fan 10
Lobbyist 10
Stow 10
Design 10
Internet 10
Mikroelektronik 10
Newcomer 10
Party 10
Philosgrhie GR 10
radikal 10
Shareholder 10

 

 

Szenano

 

 

streiken

 

 

Flotte

 

 

Director

 

 

multinational

 

 

Reaktor

 

 

Relations

 

 

SDI

 

 

Show

 

 

Stock

 

 

Van

 

 

votieren

 

 

Comeback

 

 

Reaktion

 

 

Airport

 

 

boomend

 

 

Chairman

 

 

Corporation

 

 

 

gigital

 

Freightliner

 

 

Greenback

 

 

ICE

 

 

Interviewer

 

 

managen

 

 

Managerin

 

 

Performance

 

 

Team

 

 

Ticket

 

 

Trip

 

 

Trust

 

 

President

 

 

Control

 

 

extra

 

 

Airline

 

 

 

Multi 17
kreativ 17
Tip 17
Video 17
Recycm 16
Lobby 16
super 16
Banking 16
Limit 16
Value 16
Explosion 15
Chip 15
Center 15
Controlling 15
Kreativitat 15
Insider 14
nuklear 14
proggmmieren 14
-bewu [St 14
Ecu 14
Floater 14
Research 14
Supermarkt 14
Administration 13
Boom 13
BudLet 13
Gig 13
Streik 13
Terminal 13
Watergate 12
out 12
Slogan 12
clever 12
Flop 12
Chart 12
Joint 12
Parks 12
Relation 12
Renner 12
Training 12
deﬁcit 1 1
Order 1 1
cash 1 1
alternative FR 1 1
Company 1 1
intelligent LAT 11
Klub 1 1
Medium 1 1

 

 

Automation

 

 

.s
xtxrxrxrslooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooootococococococococococoo

 

 

 

 

Bubble Dumping 7
Cartoon Eskalation
Headhunter 7

 

\I

 

 

 

 

 

 

Dow-Jones

Table 11: The Most Frequently Used Anglicisms (Individual Words) Between 1973 and
2003

4.4 Frequent Anglicisms in Individual Years and Decades

Research question (6) asked whether certain Anglicisms dominate at certain times
and whether new borrowings occur due to the circumstances of a time period. It was
supposed that Anglicisms that dominate at certain times would reveal characteristics of

the social, economic, and/or cultural background of these times (Hypothesis 5).

As had been suspected, the 19905 and the new millennium saw the occurrence of
new Anglicisms which are often related to technology (e.g., Internet) and new concepts
in business and economics that may not have been valued as much in Germany as in the
Anglo-American world (e.g., Shareholder Value). The progress in communication
technology during the 19905 is clearly reﬂected in the new English vocabulary that
entered the German language during that time and occurs in the corpus. Even if a new
technology had not been developed by the United States, English vocabulary would often
be used to introduce these innovations, or pseudo-loans were created (e.g., Hanay). Most
of the new business terms refer to the stock market, which gained popularity among
Germany’s small investors in the 19905. Prior to the 19905 small investors had been
reluctant to invest money in stocks or mutual funds, and Germany even today is not a
nation of stockholders to the extent that the United States is. Table 12 contains

Anglicisms that are typical of the 19905 and the new millennium. However, only a few of

89

them occur for the very ﬁrst time in the corpus in the 19905. These Anglicisms are

highlighted in italics.

 

Bio-Chips

Biotech-Boom

Biotechncﬂggie

Blue Chips

Boom

boomen

Bdrsencrash

Broker

Controller

ControllinL

Crash

Dotcom- Crash

Emerging Market

Fondsmanager

Handy

_m-Tech-Boom

ﬁgh-Tech-Industrie
High-Tech-Produkt

_Hi_gh-Tech-Unternehmen
Internet
Intemetadresse
lnternetboom
Internet-Dienstleister
Internet-Experte
Internet-gesttitzt
Intemet-Sektor
Internet-Serviceprovider
Internet-Startup
Internet-Szene
Internet- Wirtschaft
Internetzugﬂg
Investment
Investor
Joint Venture
managgn
online
Performance
Portfoliomanagement
Put-Optionsschein
Shareholder Value

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 12: Selected technology and business terms (1990-2003)

90

Some Anglicisms reveal the major events of a year. For example, in the year 1974
the most frequently used Anglicism in the corpus was a name: Watergate. Originally, the
name of a Washington, DC. apartment complex, the word became known all over the
world as one of the biggest political scandals in American history. In Germany a similar
word - Waterkantgate - was later used for the biggest German post-war political scandal

of 198756.

During the 19705 the use of Anglicisms such as deﬁcit spending was also
characteristic of the times. Deﬁcit spending was continuously one of the most frequently
used English loans of the decade. Many articles in the corpus deal with the leading
macro-economic strategy of the time which followed the ideas of the British economist
John Maynard Keynes by which the government was supposed to increase spending and

take on debt in order to revive the ailing economy.

 

5" This scandal, also known as “BarscheI-Affcire,“ involved the wrongdoings of the governor of the state of
Schleswig—Holstein. Waterkant is a Low German word for coast and in combination with -gate refers to
this scandal at the northern German coast.

91

4.5 Frequency According to Word types

Research question (7) investigates the distribution of Anglicisms according to
word type? Former studies have always found the vast majority of Anglicisms to be
comprised of nouns (for example, Fink, 1996; Yang, 1990; Bohmann, 1996; Viereck,
1980; and Langer, 1996). These results have been re-conﬁrmed by this study. On the
whole, 85% of Anglicisms in the corpus are nouns, and if names are counted among the
noun category, this rate goes up to 90%. Adjectives come in second with 5.2%, followed
by verbs with 2.4%. All the other word categories together only reach a percentage of
2.1% and can therefore be disregarded. In her study of two issues of Capital and DM,
Langer comes up with the same proportional distribution, but the number of nouns is
even higher compared to adjectives and verbs (96.6%, 2.6%, 0.8%). Bohmann examines
the language of advertising and ﬁnds a much lower percentage for nouns (70%) whereas
verbs and adjectives have a higher than usual representation with 14.5% and 15.4%,
which may be a characteristic of the language of advertisements. Yang’s study of Spiegel
ﬁnds more verbs than adjectives. Viereck ﬁnds 91.2% nouns, 6.9% adjectives, and only
0.8% adjectives. Table 13 presents the ﬁndings with respect to word types in the

Wirtschaftswoche corpus.

 

 

Word Nouns Adjectives Verbs Adverbs Others
Types (including

5.18%

names)
1973- 90.37% 5.12% 2.39% 0.33% 2.12%
2003

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 13: Word Classiﬁcation of Anglicisms

92

The high concentration of nouns can be explained by the fact that many English
nouns come into German as the designation for an innovation in technology (Internet), or
for a new emphasis, concept, or process in business and economics (Shareholder Value).
The name of a new concept or object thus comes over to Germany along with its
designation. Gdrlach points out that “nouns form the largest class of loanwords [in all
European languages] (commonly over 80 percent); most of these are terms taken over as

names for new things, inventions, and concepts” (Gﬁrlach, 2002, p. 7).

Another reason for the majority status of nouns is that they can be integrated more
easily into the German language than verbs and adjectives”. A comparison with other
studies suggests that the large majority of Anglicisms are always nouns no matter what
language variety is examined. There is no indication that word types of Anglicisms differ
in languages for speciﬁc purposes such as in business from general language in this

respect.

4.6 Semantic Classification of Nouns

Since nouns represent the vast majority of all identiﬁed Anglicisms in the corpus,
a more detailed classiﬁcation of these word types is necessary”. Semantic characteristics
of nouns can be examined by classifying them according to a basic linguistic taxonomy.

The nouns in the corpus were categorized according to the following parameters:

 

57 Nouns receive a gender and a plural ending in German and have to follow case rules. The gender of
Anglicisms may not require different word endings unless a noun can be used for either a male or a female
(Manager/Managerin). The plural of English nouns in German is often formed with —s, as in English.
Because of that, they are more easily integrated into the language than verbs, which have to add different
endings and preﬁxes that do not occur in English, e.g., starten, gestartet, startest.

’8 This section refers back to research question (1 I).

93

o abstractness or concreteness
0 human or non-human nature
- countable or uncountable noun

Table 14 shows the results of this classiﬁcation of the 7,037 nouns in the corpus.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

human 1503 21.36%
non-human 5534 78.64%
abstract 4145 58.90%
concrete 2892 41.10%
countable 6063 86.16%
uncountable 974 13.84%

 

 

 

 

 

Table 14: Semantic Taxonomy of Nouns

These results are not surprising. The majority of nouns refer to non-human references, in
other words, objects or concepts. Abstract concepts dominate over concrete objects. This
can be expected in a magazine which reports mainly on abstract economic and business
concepts. However, the relatively high amount of concrete references implies that
Anglicisms that are imported frequently refer to concrete objects. This stands in
accordance with vocabulary acquisition theories in ﬁrst and second language acquisition,
which show that those nouns referring to the concrete are learned faster and more easily.
The same applies to countable nouns which form the vast majority in this corpus - they
are usually less abstract than their uncountable counterparts. The acquisition of
Anglicisms may follow the same pattern. Those which are concrete and countable are

taken over more easily and are more familiar to journalists and readers than abstract ones.

94

The fact that the majority of Anglicisms is nevertheless abstract can be explained by the

abstract nature of the contents of business publications”.

4.7 Classification of Vocabulary

The Anglicisms in the corpus were also examined with respect to semantic
categories (research question 10). The language categories were not determined
beforehand, but came into being through a close look at each Anglicism. The following
vocabulary categories were found:

a general language vocabulary

0 business terms

0 military terms

0 political terms

0 sports terms

0 medical terms

0 colloquial terms
The last category differs from the others, because vocabulary can be considered
colloquial and still be part of other categories. However, as can be expected from a
business magazine hardly any colloquial Anglicisms were found in Wirtschaftswoche.

The overall ﬁndings are summarized in Table 15.

 

59 Chapter 3 discussed this characteristic in more detail.

95

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

general

language

vocabulary 5562 67.35%
business terms 2145 25.97%
technological

terms 423 5.12%
political terms 43 0.52%
military terms 31 0.38%
sport terms 28 0.34%
medical terms 2 0.02%
collogiial terms 24 0.29%

 

Table 15: Vocabulary Classiﬁcation
The results Show that the majority of Anglicisms in Wirtschaftswoche are words that are
part of general language use. The business focus becomes obvious by the relatively
frequent use of buSiness Anglicisms which make up one quarter (25.9 %) of all
Anglicisms. The next largest vocabulary class is technology related vocabulary“). All

other vocabulary classes remain under two percent and therefore play no major role.

An important aspect in this context is the comparison between text types which
will also be the focus of the following section“. With respect to vocabulary classes, cover
stories use by far the most specialized Anglicisms. The percentage of business and
technology-related loans is considerably higher than in editorials and letters to the editor
as shown in Table 1662. This ﬁnding corresponds to the expectations put forward in

Hypothesis 9.

 

6° This vocabulary class has also increased over the years.

6' Research question (4) refers this section and section 4.9.

62 Tests of signiﬁcance (Z-tests for two proportions) show signiﬁcant differences between all text types in
regard to the frequency of business terms. For cover Stories and editorials as well as cover stories and
letters to the editor the p-value is 0.000, for editorials and letters to the editor, it is 0.043. In regard to
technology terms only the differences between cover stories and letters to the editor are signiﬁcant (p-
value=0.028).

96

 

Cover story Editorial Letters to the Editor

 

business terms 27.59% 20.17% 23.18%

 

technological terms 5.43% 4.52% 4.32%

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 16: Percentage of Specialized Anglicisms

4.8 Frequency According to Loan Type

Almost ﬁfty percent of the Anglicisms found in Wirtschaftswoche have been
taken over with little or no change in spelling and morphology‘”. Loans were labeled
adoptions if they appeared in the text the way they would look in an English text. This
implies that they may not be labeled adoptions if they appear with a German ending, for
example, with a plural (Investoren) or a feminine ending (Managerin). Even though the
capitalization of nouns is a sign of integration into the German language, it is not
considered an aspect to differentiate between adoptions and adaptations in this study. To
be considered an adaptation, an Anglicism in German must feature other characteristics
which make it different from its English original, as in spelling changes such as “k”

instead of “c,” or typical German plural or gender endings.

The second and third most frequent loan types of Anglicisms in the corpus are mixed
compounds and adaptations. As has been explained before, mixed compounds consist of

at least one German and at least one English component. Adaptations have adapted to the

 

63 This section answers research question (8) with respect to loan types.

97

German language in morphology, spelling, and pronunciation.64 All of the other loan
categories only account for 3% of all identiﬁed loans. Among them, loan translations and
pseudo-loans are the most important whereas loan transferals as well as loan meanings
can be disregarded due to their extreme low percentage of only 0.21 in the entire corpus.

Figure 4 illustrates the frequency of the various loan types in the corpus.

 

Loan Types

 

l .c;.
l I adoption mixed adaptation loan translation pseudo loan loan lranslenal
L compound

Figure 4: Frequency per Loan Type

 

 

Trend analyses for the investigation period reveal an increase of adoptions and pseudo-
loans over the years whereas all other loan categories decrease. The ﬁnding that loan
adoptions dominate and are further on the rise conﬁrms Hypothesis 6. Other studies that
did not focus on business language came to the same conclusion and also found

adaptations and loan translations to decrease. As far back as 1965, Carstensen claimed

 

‘4 Aspects of pronunciation will not be discussed in this study.

98

that there was a tendency towards the unchanged adoption of loans from English without

basing his suspicions on a particular corpus.

4.8.1 Adoptions

The use of adoptions has increased over the years (see Figure 5). On the whole,
they account for almost 50% of all Anglicisms found in the corpus. Examples for the
most frequent adOptions in the corpus are Interview, Management, Know—how, Service,
Job, and Trend. Such Anglicisms occur in the corpus the way they would appear in an

American publication and are almost exclusively nouns.

Proper names that have a meaning that goes beyond the object or place that they
stand for are also counted as adoptions. In addition, names of organizations and agencies
that could be rendered in German belong to this category as well. Such proper names that
occur repeatedly in the corpus are: Wall Street, Supreme Court, Watergate, Silicon
Valley, New Deal, Reaganomics, Hollywood, and US. Food and Drug Administration.
US. Food and Drug Administration could as well be rendered as amerikanische
Arzneimittelbehc‘irde in German. Using its original name takes for granted that the reader
is familiar with this American agency and also adds local “ﬂavor65.” Silicon Valley, Wall
Street, Hollywood, and Watergate all have meanings that go far beyond the designation
of a place. Wall Street symbolizes the American stock market and ﬁnancial system,
Watergate stands for one of the biggest political scandals, Hollywood symbolizes the ﬁlm
industry and its participants, and Silicon Valley refers to the high-tech economy. It is

striking that none of the adoptions are verbs. The reason for that is that verbs that are

 

65 Galynski (1963) considered this one of the stylistic reasons for the use of Anglicisms.

99

imported into German form German endings in their conjugations and can never keep the

same morphology as in English.

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Adoptions
Linear Trend Model

Yt = 46.2086 + 0.178335*t

 

Variable
+ Actual
—l— Fits

 

 

 

 

1973 1976 1979 1982 19185 19188 1991 1994 1997 2000 20'03
Index

 

 

 

Figure 5: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Adoptions 1973-2003

4.8.2 Adaptations

Adaptations account for twenty-three percent of Anglicisms in the corpus. Overall
their use has decreased during the investigation period (see Figure 6). In contrast to
adoptions, they have adapted to the German spelling and morphological system. All verbs
in the corpus are adaptations, because they need to adapt to the German morphology (for
example, in their conjugations) in order to fulﬁll their grammatical function. Attributive
adjectives have to follow the rules of declension and therefore can also not keep their
original appearance. Examples for business-related adjectives in the corpus are boomend,

trendig, and ﬂoatend.

100

Exemplary verb adaptations (including business- and technology-related terms)
are managen, boomen, ﬂoaten, jobben, canceln, verleasen, feuern, splitten, verﬁlmen,
puschen, jetten, klonen, drillen, trimmen, durchschecken, testen, grillen, austricksen,
tricksen, klicken, and programmieren. All verbs follow the German verb pattern by

forming inﬁnitive endings in n and en.

Noun adaptations are, for example, Investoren, Scheck, Streik, T echnologie,
F ilme, and Analysten. Except for Scheck and Streik, all of these nouns form plural
endings that are not used in English. Even if the plural is formed with s as in English, as
is the case with Scheck and Streik, the nouns may distinguish themselves in German by a

different spelling than in English.

101

 

 

 

 

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Adaptations
Linear Trend Model
Yt = 24.7185 - 0.0639556*t
35 - Variable
+ Actual
+ Fits
30-
C
'3 25
N ' H—I
‘é. " ‘I- .— H H .- .— _‘
'U
M
20-
15—
1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 19188 1991 1994 1997 who 20103
Index

 

 

 

Figure 6: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Adaptations 1973 -2003

4.8.3 Mixed Compounds
Mixed compounds make up almost twenty-four percent of all Anglicisms in the {

corpus, but their use has decreased between 1973 and 2003, as Figure 7 illustrates.

102

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Mixed Conpounds
Linear Trend Model

Yt = 25.9431 - 0.106847*t

 

Variable
+ Actual
+ Fits

 

 

 

 

1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 19188 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003
Index

 

 

 

Figure 7: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Mixed Compounds 1973-2003

The English components of such noun compounds can stand in the ﬁrst or end
position (of a noun compound). Table 17 gives an overview of representative and mostly
business-related mixed compounds from the corpus. Even though the list contains some

very frequent compounds, it does not contain a ranking of frequency.

103

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Mixed compound with Anglicism Mixed compound with Anglicism
at the beginning in end-position
Anti-Trust-Regel Agenturbosse
Anti-Floating-Allianz Bauboom
Clearing-Abkommen Anlage-Hit
Cash and Carry Handler Anlagen-Leasing
Computerhersteller Auslandsorders
Holdinggesellschaft Beschaffungsmarketing
Secondhand-Wohnungen Bundesbanker
Sample-Stichprobe Ehegattensplitting
F ast-Food-Riese Einheitsboom
Merger-Phase Doppel-J ob
Open-Service-Filiale Fernsehspot
Health-Care-Produkte Gewerkschaftsboss
Intemet-Cafe’ Fondsmanager
Know-how-Verlust Bdrsencrash
High-Speed—Internet-Anschluss J ahresendrally
Shareholder-Value-Prediger Lohndumping
Top-Ten-Verdiener Vierertearn
Job-Aktiv-Gesetz Nachmittagsﬁxing
Pay-TV-Anbieter Wertpapierresearch

 

Table 17: Mixed Compounds

 

 

An example for an Anglicism that deserves a closer look is Sample-Stichprobe.
This compound is actually redundant because sample can be translated by Stichprobe in
German. The question here is why sample is used at all. This could be interpreted as an

attempt by a journalist to introduce a new Anglicism into German. Because sample is

104

probably not yet well-known to everyone, a compound is created which reveals its
German translation. Anglicisms with redundant components such as Sample-Stichprobe
should be observed in future studies to see if they become widely known and remain the

same, or if they change.

4.8.4 Loan Translations

Loan translations only account for 1.9 percent of all loans in the corpus. Between
1973 and 2003 their number has decreased (see Figure 8). Only one loan translation -
Renner - made it among the one hundred most frequently used Anglicisms. Renner is
usually used to denote a product or service that is popular and selling well. In the corpus
Renner is used by itself and in compounds such as Rendite-Renner, Wirtschaftsrenner,
and Kursrenner which all refer to the stock market. Other loan translations that refer to
business and economies are Verkaufsfo'rderung (sales promotion), Teilzeit (part-time),
and Schwarzer Freitag (Black Friday). Most loan translations in the corpus are not
business speciﬁc and include terms such as Flotte (ﬂeet), Anhdrung (hearing),

Selbstbedienung (self service), and Wunschdenken (wishful thinking).

105

 

 

 

 

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Loan Translations
Linear Trend Model
Yt = 2.31942 — 0.0237339*t
4 Variable
+ Actual
—I— Fits

3 .1
c
.9
H "H
i. * a
m " O—
I:- " ‘ s
C
3

1 _

0 _

I I I I I I I I I I
1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003
Index

 

 

 

Figure 8: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Loan Translations 1973-2003

4.8.5 Pseudo-Loans

Pseudo-loansﬁ6 represent only a very small percentage (0.9%) of all loans in the corpus,
but their use increased between 1973 and 2003 (see Figure 9). With respect to their
overall low frequency, Meyer (1974) and O’Halloran (2003) came to similar results when
they examined print news media. Meyer found only a very low number of pseudo-loans
in the dailies Wiesbadener Kurier and Allgemeine Zeitung (from Mainz), and O’Halloran
came to the same conclusion when she analyzed the news tabloid Stern. She also
examined the women’s fashion and lifestyle magazine Brigitte. Here she found a
considerably higher number of pseudo-loans and came to the conclusion that fashion

language is more receptive for pseudo-loans than general language.

 

6" As explained in Chapter 2. pseudo-loans are formed with English morphemes. They look like English
words, but do not occur in English. See Chapter 2 for the subcategories of pseudo-loans.

106

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Pseudo Loans
Linear Trend Model
Yt = 0.490968 + 0.0230040*t

 

3'5 ‘ Variable

+ Actual
—I—— Fits

pseudo loan

 

 

 

 

7 I l I I l I I l I T
1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003
Index

 

 

 

Figure 9: Trend Analysis for Percentage of Pseudo-Loans 1973-2003

Despite their low frequency compared to other loans, pseudo-loans still deserve to
be looked at more closely due to their peculiar characteristics of being built from English
lexical material without existing in English and due to their gradual increase over the
years of the investigation period. Kirkness (1976) points out that German has many
pseudo-loans compared to other European languages, but that they are less researched
than other loans.67 The majority of pseudo-loans occur in cover stories where their
percentage is disproportionably higher than in the other genres. Journalists are therefore

comfortable using these words in cover stories whereas they refrain from using them in

 

67 As mentioned before, Kirkness does not consider pseudo-loans to be Anglicisms.

107

editorials. Readers only use them very rarely in letters to the editor. The most frequent

pseudo-loans found in the Wirtschaftswoche corpus are listed in Table 18.

 

Proﬁ 2
ICE

Multi

Mobbigg
smart-car
Mobbinggxpene
Handy

Intercity
Profi-equipped
Proﬁ-Modelle
Quizmaster
Chemiemulti
Clinch

Deo

_gemobbt
Gemobbte
Happy-End
mobben
Polit-Proﬁ
Prgthose-Proﬁ
Promi

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A—s—A—s—s-h—s—l—l—INNNNNOO-bmmmw

 

Table 18: Pseudo-Loans

Proﬁ, a German abbreviation of professional, is the most frequently used pseudo
loan in the corpus. It occurs by itself as well as in noun compounds and in combination
with the English adjective equipped. Other such morphological pseudo-loans which are
abbreviations from the English original are Multi and the mixed compound Chemiemulti
for multinational, Deo for deodorant, and Promi for prominent person, in English usually
referred to as celebrity. Another Anglicism that belongs to this category is Happy End, an
abbreviation of happy ending. The most frequent lexical pseudo-loans in the corpus are

Handy for cellular phone, Mobbing for bullying or harassment at the workplace,

108

 

Quizmaster for host of a quiz show, and Clinch for a ﬁght or argument. As has been
discussed before, Handy could also be considered a semantic pseudo loan since the word
handy exists in English but as an adjective with a different meaning and not as a noun.
Clinch falls into this pseudo loan category without a doubt since it exists as a boxing term

in English, but does not possess its general German meaning.

The corpus not only contains Mobbing but also derivations of this noun such as
der Gemobbte for a person who is the victim of workplace bullying and mobben as a verb

signifying to harass or to bully.

The other pseudo-loans in Wirtschaftswoche are names for trains and cars. ICE
(Intercity Express) and Intercity are names for express trains that are not commonly used
in English. The smart car is a car built in a joint venture of DaimlerChrysler and Swiss

watchmaker Swatch and its name is a German-Swiss invention.

4.9 Frequency According to Text Type

Research question (4) asked whether there are signiﬁcant differences between the
use of Anglicisms in the selected text types (cover stories, editorials, letters to the editor),
and whether professional journalists and readers differ in their use of Anglicisms. The
comparison between the frequencies of Anglicisms in the three different text types
conﬁrms Hypothesis (8) that cover stories contain the most Anglicisms, whereas letters to

the editor contain the fewest. As can be seen in Table 19, cover stories contain by far the

109

highest percentage of Anglicisms in the corpus, followed by editorials; and letters to the

 

 

 

 

editor“.
Percentage of total Anglicisms Words in Corpus
Text Type words in corpus
cover stories 1 .58% 5796 366542
editorials 1 .34% 1644 61078
letters to the editor 1 .27% 818 129190

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 19: Frequency of Anglicisms per text type (percentage of total words)

These ﬁndings indicate that readers - even highly educated ones - are less inclined
to use Anglicisms than journalists. One can only speculate about the reasons: They may
know fewer Anglicisms than journalists, or consciously or unconsciously decide to use
fewer of them. As has been examined by Fink (1991), knowledge and active use of
Anglicisms do not go hand in hand. Carstensen made an early assumption that has not

lost its signiﬁcance today:

Der Durchschnittsleser von Zeitungen und Zeitschriften lemt zwar eine relativ
groBe Menge englischer Fremd- und Lehnwﬁrter kennen, aber das bedeutet
natﬁrlich nicht, daB er sie versteht und vor allem nicht, daB er sie auch selbst

verwenden wﬁrde.‘59 (Carstensen, 1965, p. 21)

 

68 Tests of signiﬁcance (Z-tests for two proportions) show signiﬁcant differences between cover stories and
editorials (p-value: 0.000) as well as cover stories and letters to the editor (p-value=0.000). The differences
between editorials and letters to the editor are not signiﬁcant (p-value=0.l 17).

69 Even though the average reader of newspapers and magazines becomes acquainted with a relatively large
number of English foreign words and loanwords, that does not mean, of course, that he understands them
and above all that he would also use them himself (translation by the author).

110

Even though readers of Wirtschaftswoche cannot be labeled average newspaper or
magazine readers, this statement still applies to them. Journalists, on the other hand, may
show off their command of English and English vocabulary. As Carstensen (1965)
observed as well, journalists who report from English-speaking countries may also
unconsciously incorporate English words even, if frequently used German words with the
same meaning exist. The ﬁndings of this study, however, demonstrate that if it comes to
opinion-centered articles such as editorials, journalists also use fewer English loans. The
objective of editorials is to convince the reader of a certain standpoint, and in order to
guarantee a wide understanding, a conscious decision to avoid the use of lesser known
Anglicisms would be logical. Such an interpretation is conceivable, but an unconscious
use of fewer Anglicisms in editorials than in cover stories is also imaginable. Since cover
stories and editorials have different objectives, they are also written in different styles
which include the use of loanwords. Even though these writing styles are studied and
acquired by journalists, they later are subconsciously used by them. Following that

thought, they will not consciously decide whether to use an Anglicism or not.

If one looks at the number of Anglicisms found in the individual text types, one
comes to the conclusion that around 70% of all Anglicisms in the corpus derive from
cover stories, approximately 20% from letters to the editor, and only about 10% from
editorials. However, the number of words in each genre has to be taken into account to
make meaningful comparisons and interpretations. Since cover stories account for almost
two thirds of the words in the corpus (the individual cover story is much longer than an

editorial or letter to the editor), they should also contain the most Anglicisms. The

111

 

question arises as to whether the proportions in total words between genres correspond to
the proportions of Anglicisms found in them. Table 20 demonstrates that Anglicisms are
over-represented in cover stories whereas they are under-represented in editorials and

letters to the editors, if the total number of words in each genre is taken into account.

 

 

 

 

Percentage of Total Percentage of

Number of Number of Anglicisms Number of total words in

Text Type Arglicisms in corpus words in genre corpus
cover stories 5796 70.19% 366542 65.83%
editorials 818 9.91% 61078 10.97%
letters to the editor 1644 19.91% 129190 23.20%

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Table 20: Anglicisms and Their Representation in Relation to the Absolute Number of
Words

These results are related to the changes in the use of Anglicisms between 1973
and 2003. The frequency of Anglicisms in all three text types increased throughout the
investigation period, but the increase in cover stories is the greatest. This again conﬁrms
that journalists are most open to the use of Anglicisms in cover stories. The increase of
frequency in letters to the editors is the lowest and conﬁrms again that readers are more
reluctant to use Anglicisms activelym. Thus, Hypothesis 10 is conﬁrmed by the ﬁndings.
The increase in Anglicism use has been greater in cover stories than in the opinion-
centered genres. Figure 4-6 illustrate the increases of Anglicisms in cover stories,

editorials, and letters to the editor.

 

7° As mentioned before, another interpretation is that Wirtschaftswoche readers actually know less
Anglicisms than journalists. Given their education, this seems unlikely, however.

112

 

 

 

 

 

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Percentage of Anglicisms in Cover Stories
Linear Trend Model
Y1: = 1.07774 + 0.0346573*t
4.0- Variable
+ Actual

3.5- —I— Fits
15‘
o 3.0-
i

2.5—
r
O
5 2.01
I-
0
>
8 1.51

1.04

1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003
Index

 

 

 

Figure 4: Trend Analysis for Cover Stories

 

Trend Analysis Plot for Percentage of Anglicisms in Editorials
Linear Trend Model
Yt = 1.14723 + 0.0183992*t

 

Variable
+ Actual
—l— Fits

Editor'al Percent

 

 

 

 

0.0— If I I I I I I l l f I
1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003
Index

 

 

 

Figure 5: Trend Analysis for Editorials

113

 

Linear Trend Model

Yt = 1.17110 + 0.00916532*t

Trend Analysis Plot for Percentage of Anglicisms in Letters to the Editor

 

Letter Percent

 

0.5 -

 

 

 

 

I l l I r I I I f I I
1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003

Index

Variable

+ Actual

+

Fits

 

Figure 6: Trend Analysis for Letters to the Editor

114

 

Conclusions and Teaching Implications of Results

1. Results

This study systematically examines the use of Anglicisms in the German business
language of business periodicals. The corpus consists of cover stories, editorials, and
letters to the editor that were randomly selected from the business magazine
Wirtschaftswoche between the years 1973 and 2003. The corpus comprises a total of

556,810 words in articles from 126 issues of Wirtschaftswoche.

Despite ﬂuctuations in the frequency of Anglicisms over the individual years, the
analysis of the corpus data shows a signiﬁcant increase in the use of Anglicisms over the
period. A total of 8,258 Anglicisms were found in the corpus which corresponds to 1.48
% of all words. The percentage of Anglicisms increased over the period from 1.18 % in
the 19705 to 2.67 % for the ﬁrst four years of the new millennium. Among the years,
2000 has the highest percentage of Anglicisms during the investigation period with more
than 3%. Thus, the study conﬁrms the increase of Anglicisms for an area of language that
was often suspected of a high frequency of Anglicisms, yet had not been investigated

systematically over a long period.

Statistically, every Anglicism in the corpus was used 3.55 times. However, the
most frequently used Anglicism, Manager, occurs more than 200 times, whereas more
than one thousand Anglicisms occur only once in the entire corpus. Over the years no
clear development can be observed. The number of times that an Anglicism is used

remains relatively stable, i.e. the variety of Anglicisms did not change considerably. This

115

stands in contrast to previous studies which ﬁnd either an increase or a decrease in
general language.

With respect to word types, nouns represent the vast majority of Anglicisms with
90.37 % of all words, followed by adjectives (5.12 %) and verbs (2.39 %). These results
correspond to previous studies of Anglicisms in the press. A standard semantic taxonomy
of nouns shows abstract nouns to be in the majority with more than 58 %. Given the
abstract topics of business and economics, such results are not surprising. Despite a
majority of abstract English loanwords there is a relatively large minority of concrete
nouns, which can be related to ﬁndings of ﬁrst and second language acquisition that
concrete words in a foreign language are acquired more quickly and easily. These

ﬁndings may be applicable to foreign words in the native language.

A classiﬁcation of the language used in the corpus demonstrates that general
language terms dominate even in the business language of the press. However, the
amount of business terms takes a secondary position after general language terms and
therefore makes it clear that German business and business language cannot do without a

considerable number of special business terms taken from English.

According to the data, the most popular loan types are adoptions and adaptations
(also called zero substitutions) and mixed compounds (partial substitutions). During the
investigation period the number of adoptions and the relatively rare pseudo-loans

increased whereas the number of all other loans decreased.

116

 

The comparison between the uses of Anglicisms in the different news genres
conﬁrms the hypothesis that cover stories contain the most Anglicisms followed by
editorials and letters to the editor. Thus, readers are less likely to use Anglicisms than
journalists even if they are familiar with most of them. The latter can be suspected due to
their education and social status. Journalists, on the other hand, may want to impress with
their knowledge and creative and extensive use of Anglicisms. The different frequency of
Anglicisms can be explained by the differing intentions of the three news genres. The
main intention of cover stories is to present and to explain topics of importance at a
certain time, whereas both editorials and letters to the editor try to convey opinions and
try to win more readers for a stance on an issue. The use of too many Anglicisms would
make the message less clear and convincing. In addition to the different frequency of
Anglicisms in the three text types, the corpus data also Show the use of Anglicisms to
have increased more in cover stories than in the other text types. This implies that the
differences in frequency between the genres have grown and that this development is

likely to continue based on the data of the past.

117

 

2. Potential for Future Research

The results of the study lead to new questions that can be explored in future
studies. Some questions can be answered by further analyzing the existing data. To
explore the context that business Anglicisms occur in, they could be subcategorized
according to the area of business that they refer to, such as general economics, marketing,
accounting, etc. In addition to looking at the meanings and connotations of individual
words, it would be necessary to look more closely at the topics of the articles that they
occur in. This goes beyond the scope of this study that only discussed a limited number
of samples. A more detailed examination of this aspect would help answer the question of

which areas of business are most receptive to Anglicisms.

English borrowings could also be analyzed more closely in regard to their spelling
and morphology to clarify if and how they have integrated into German. This study only
presented samples, but did not focus on this topic. It is striking that Anglicisms in the
corpus occasionally differ in their spellings. Compounds, for example, are sometimes
joined by writing them in one word (Internetzugang) or by using a hyphen (Internet-
Zugang). It could be examined if the spelling changes over time coincide with an
increasing integration of Anglicisms into the German language. In addition to spelling
and morphology, it could be useful to explore the gender formation of business-related

Anglicisms in order to ﬁnd out which genders are preferred for such loanwords.

It is expected that the overall results of this study could be conﬁrmed by

analyzing a different business magazine over the same period of time. Even though

118

 

similar results are expected due to the topics dealt with in major business magazines and
the similarity of their readership, a comparison of Wirtschaftswoche to another competing
magazine would provide valuable evidence.

In addition, future investigations could also look at different sources of business
language such as TV broadcasts, intemet magazines, or blogs. Due to the ever increasing
signiﬁcance of the intemet as a source of information and news, ‘a comparison between
an online and print version of the same source (a magazine or newspaper) may be also
worth exploring. Newspapers and news magazines now often have separate editorial staff
for their online and print versions, which raises the question as to whether the faster
paced online environment has any inﬂuence on the use of Anglicisms. The difference of
such studies to this one is that they would either be synchronic in nature or could only

cover a short period of time.

The differences in the use of Anglicisms by journalists and readers could be
further explored through surveys and interviews with editors, journalists, and readers
about their attitude towards Anglicisms. In this way, possible explanations for the

differences in use that were given in this study could be conﬁrmed or rejected“.

As far as the Anglicisms are concerned that were identiﬁed in the corpus, it would
be beneﬁcial to make a survey to ﬁnd out which of them are still recognized as being

foreign and irritate those who feel that there is too much English present in German.

 

7‘ For example, deﬁnite answers could be given to the questions as to whether journalists know more
Anglicisms than readers, as to whether they are just more open to using them, or as to whether they want to
impress the readers by their knowledge and language use.

119

Other areas of business language that are difﬁcult to examine but still could reveal
new and representative results are internal and external business communications, which
can be letters, e-mails, meetings, and formal and informal conversations within a business
and between businesses. Unfortunately, data collection would be very impractical and

difﬁcult to achieve, which explains the lack of studies in this area.

To conclude, this study of Anglicisms in business periodicals is also regarded as a

contribution to encourage further research in German studies in the United States where

this research area is currently almost non-existent.

120

 

3. Implications for the Teaching of German

For me, as a teacher of business German in the United States, the question arises
whether Anglicisms pose a problem in students’ vocabulary comprehension and
acquisition. Do these words need special attention in class, or can they be taught and
acquired with the same techniques as other vocabulary in a business German class? As
this study has shown, Anglicisms have been permanent elements in German business
language for decades and gained even more importance over the thirty years of the
investigation period. Therefore, it is essential to confront students with authentic texts,
such as the ones used as the corpus of this study. In these texts they can observe and learn
about the use of Anglicisms within a content-based approach. In the future, the data
collected for the study could be further analyzed to demonstrate how Anglicisms are
actually used in context, e.g., with which collocations they co-occur and within which
topic areas they generally appear. Such information would help to develop teaching
materials that explicitly teach students those Anglicisms, which are most difﬁcult to learn
for American students. As the results of this investigation show, loan adoptions represent
the majority of Anglicisms in the business language of Wirtschaftswoche. These
loanwords should not pose any comprehension problems for American students because
they have been adopted from English without any major changes to spelling and
morphology. Their meanings or connotations in German may occasionally be more
restricted (or open) than in English, but since American students know the original range
of meaning - unless the business concepts are unfamiliar even in English — they should be

able to guess the appropriate meaning from the context.

121

In contrast to straightforward adoptions, adaptations, mixed compounds and
pseudo-loans in particular may require more efforts on the part of teachers and students.
Adaptations and mixed compounds Show different degrees of similarity to the English
original. Mixed compounds contain at least one English component which may or may
not help with comprehension depending on whether a similar lexical or semantic
combination exists in English. If such a combination does not occur in English, some
degree of explicit vocabulary teaching will be beneﬁcial. Adaptations differ in spelling
and morphology from their original English counterparts. In such loanwords the English
origin is often still recognizable. For that reason, the acquisition of such vocabulary will

probably still be easier for American students than native German vocabulary.

Unfortunately, no studies about the acquisition of Anglicisms by American
students exist so far. Only one recent journal article (Barbe, 2004) combined the topic of
Anglicisms in German with recommendations of how to introduce them in the American
classroom. Barbe’s teaching unit for the intermediate students introduces the topic with a
German reading text that gives a short summary of the English lexical inﬂuence on
German. Students are then asked to classify selected Anglicisms according to loan types.
Other activities include skimming an authentic text for Anglicisms and observing how
nouns, adjectives, and verbs adapt to the German grammar. Barbe also confronts students
with language taken from German ads to explore the stylistic reasons for the use of
Anglicisms. Marketing represents a topic in business German that is particularly
appropriate for the content-based introduction of Anglicisms. Such vocabulary is not only

abundant in advertisements from newspapers and magazines, but also in TV commercials

122

and on company homepages. It is therefore easy to develop lesson plans for intermediate
students that combine instruction of content (for example, marketing) with the
introduction of German Anglicisms. Furthermore, the intemet in general represents an
excellent medium to introduce students to Anglicisms. A look at almost any German
website, governmental, corporate, or non-proﬁt, will reveal many of the current

Anglicisms in German to the students.

Another aspect that needs to be taken into account with respect to Anglicisms and
their acquisition is that a vast majority of them are nouns. These nouns tend to be
abstract, as this study revealed. It is likely that most nouns used in business language are
abstract no matter whether they are loanwords or not. The reason for that has already
been discussed — the concepts of business and economics are abstract and therefore also
require the use of a great number of abstract nouns. As with abstract vocabulary in
general, such abstract Anglicisms may be more difﬁcult to acquire than concrete
Anglicisms. These loanwords will, however, only then pose a challenge for American
students if they differ considerably from their English original.

The Anglicisms that are most difﬁcult to understand for a speaker of English are
pseudo-loans. Since they are formed with English lexical material, but have no origin in
English or have a very different use and context, they can be a source of confusion and
misunderstanding for the learners just like some cognates that are false friends. Because
the number of pseudo-loans was found to be very low in this corpus, it seems conceivable
to teach these Anglicisms explicitly by giving background information on their

characteristics and by presenting them in an authentic context. In my experience,

123

 

American students are usually fascinated by pseudo-loans such as Mobbing, Proﬁ and
Handy and recall them better than other vocabulary after being introduced to them
explicitly. However, as has been pointed out before, empirical studies about the
comprehension and acquisition of Anglicisms by English-speaking German students do
not exist yet. Their results could help answer the question as to whether Anglicisms pose
comprehension and acquisition problems at all and develop strategies for teachers to best

introduce these components of German lexicon.

Barbe (2004) summarizes the dilemma that teachers of German face when

confronted with teaching Anglicisms in German:

As teachers of German, we are confronted with an apparent paradox. We try to
teach our students to use German words in every instance, sending them searching
for the correct term. Our beginning textbooks use relatively few Anglicisms.
Students with study abroad experience will have witnessed the frequent use of

English in German. (p. 26).

This again implies that students should be confronted with authentic materials as
often as possible in order to get to know and acquire such words. If an instructor is not a
native speaker or has not Spent much time in Germany for many years, he or she may not
be familiar with the ubiquity of English words in German today, or, as is also
conceivable, may not like it. However, if the students, as a result, are not introduced to

this topic, they may be in for a big surprise when they visit Germany as study abroad

124

students, interns, or tourists and ﬁnd themselves confronted with Anglicisms that do not
always have the same meanings as at home, or do not even exist there. This may lead to
misunderstandings, especially if the students, at ﬁrst Sight, believe to be familiar with
lexical items taken from their own language. The ﬁndings of this and other studies
demonstrate that Anglicisms have been on the rise and are part of German general and
business language and that their numbers more than likely will not diminish in the future.
On the contrary, a further increase has to be expected due to the economic pressures of
globalization and the worldwide signiﬁcance of English as a global language. Therefore,
the efforts of teachers to teach their students German vocabulary in every instance are
counterproductive. Hofmann (2002) who examined the understanding of Anglicisms
among Germans also expresses concerns about the lack of introduction of students of

German to Anglicisms:

In Grundstufen-Lehrwerken werden die Anglizismen meist bewusst umgangen.
Der fortgeschrittene Deutschlemende wird jedoch héiuﬁg mit authentischen
Texten konfrontiert und somit auch mit Anglizismen. Die Problematik der
Anglizismen sollte den Deutschlemenden bewusst gemacht werden. Denn
irgendwann werden sie auf deutsche Muttersprachler stol3en oder sich in
Deutschland auﬂtalten und spéitestens dann werden sie merken, dass die reine
deutsche Sprache, die teilweise in den Lehrwerken verkauft wird, nicht existiertn.

(Hoffmann, 2002, p. 244)

 

72 In beginning level textbooks Anglicisms are avoided consciously most of the time. However, the
advanced Ieamer of German is frequently confronted with authentic texts and because of that also with
Anglicisms. The problematic nature of Anglicisms should be made clear to the students of German. The
reason for that is that they will someday meet German native speakers or spend time in Germany and at that

125

 

Teachers of German who are critical of Anglicisms and the openness of German
to foreign inﬂuences may want to think of some positive effects that these developments
could bring. German still has the reputation of being a difﬁcult language to learn, but as a
language that has opened itself to internationalization and Anglicization, German may
attract new learners. These learners may be attracted by elements in the language that are
familiar to them and make the language more accessible to them in the beginning stages.

The introduction to Anglicisms could be one element in this endeavor.

 

time at the latest they will notice that the pure German language that is presented in part in the textbooks
does not exist (translation of the author).

126

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