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IMAGES OF LEGITIMACY:
PRESENTATION OF FORENSICS PROGRAMMING
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GREGORY G. JUSTIS

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IMAGES OF LEGITIMACY:
PRESENTATION OF FORENSICS PROGRAMMING
IN CONTEMPORARY NEWS PUBLICATIONS
By

Gregory G. Justis

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF SCIENCE
School of Criminal Justice

2006

ABSTRACT
IMAGES OF LEGITIMACY:
PRESENTATION OF FORENSICS PROGRAMMING
IN CONTEMPORARY NEWS PUBLICATIONS
By
Gregory G. Justis

The CS] Effect, as it is referenced in mainstream media, is a purported effect on
public perception caused by the portrayal of forensic science and criminal investigations
in popular entertainment programming. Despite the obvious popularity of the programs
(a common source of blame for such effects), perception alteration by way of media
content is most certainly a product of multiple internal and external factors, rather than
popularity and viewership alone. By examining the portrayal of programming within the
context of contemporary news publications, this project focuses on the value and context
of presentations of forensics television programming across media genres, highlighting

the bidirectional flow of popular media cues, and outlining the potential for resulting

public effects.

Copyrighted by
GREGORY G. JUSTIS
2006

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................. iv
INTRODUCTION .................................................................................... 1
LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................................... 5
Procedural History ........................................................................... 5
Birth and Growth of CSI ..................................................................... 8
Nature of Crime News Reporting .......................................................... 9
Expansion of Crime News Structure ...................................................... 12
Crime News Expansion and the CSI Effect ............................................. 17
The CSI Effect .............................................................................. 18
CSI, News Media, and Social Construction ............................................. 19
The Present Research ....................................................................... 20
METHODOLOGY ................................................................................. 22
FINDINGS ........................................................................................... 26
Research Question #1: Programming Reference Over Time ......................... 26
Research Question #2: Nature of Programming Reference ........................... 27
Research Question #3: Source of Programming Reference ........................... 30
CONCLUSION................................................ ...................................... 35
RECOMMENDATIONS ........................................................................... 39
REFERENCES ...................................................................................... 42

iv

w

Media, in all of its forms and outlets, is ofien viewed largely as a vehicle fOr
cultural commodities. Just as commercial, physical goods are bought, sold, and
consumed by the public, so too are the images and ideas presented by media
organizations (McManus, 1994). Each individual genre and segment of media (as a
whole) may be considered a commodified product: from entertainment programming to
news reporting, from television to news print, media content is generally intended to be
marketed to and consumed by a specific population. Further still, if one delves deeper
into these unique media forms, he/she would find further commodified topics:
prototypical dramatic storylines, common themes and subjects (Graber, 1993; Surette,
1998). In essence, media may be defined as a tool for conveying commercial texts to a
population; of course, this idea hold true for both entertainment media as well as news
media, despite the apparently-competing goals of each (entertainment vs information).
News media, like all other media genres, must be marketed and sold to an audience; it is
only through subsequent market-based consumption that imbedded commodities are
conveyed.

In efforts to market news content to an audience at-large and to attract viewers
from a broad national public spectrum, news organizations Often pull from external
cultural outlets in addition to standard, “straight” news reporting. These cultural cues are
typically images from popular entertainment programming or literary sources, and
subsequently, news articles often reference contemporary television programs or films to
both capture images (to create recognizable, accessible connections for readers) and to

market stories (to inject dramatic images into reported text). Conversely, such

entertainment programs may pull from current headlines (the “ripped from the headlines”
approach) for plot construction (Surette, 1998). Thus, there has appeared a virtual
merging of pop culture entertainment images and news reporting; the exaggerated
realities of entertainment programming have become almoSt inseparable from the news
context in which they are presented. Although much research has shown the tendency of
entertainment media to pull from popular news stories (Chermak, 2002), it appears that
this tendency may indeed be a two-way street, with thematic images moving between
news and entertainment outlets (rather than from news to entertainment only). In
essence, just as entertainment media pulls from headline news, news media may pull
from popular programming in an attempt to sell programming, adding a new, more
complex facet to the popular conception of the docudrama.

From a social constructionist perspective, the potential implications of this
blending of reality and informative content are quite dramatic. Prior research has
certainly highlighted the ability of the media (and the infotainment mix) to influence
public perception regarding certain social entities (Chermak, 2002); images presented as
informative content are typically viewed as such by a receptive population. Of course, as
previously noted, this idea is typically described when referencing entertainment
programming; however, when viewing this blending as the aforementioned two-way
street, the implications may be even more profound. A powerful example of this may be
seen when examining the use of references to the popular television program CS1 (and
related forensics programming) in contemporary news: as viewers consume images of
CS1 and forensic programming in news reporting, they are caused thereby to assume a

personal knowledge base formed by the implied truth of the relationship between said

programming and the news. Indeed, this potential “forensic awareness” in the public
sphere may take on a new dimension of salience when a reciprocal relationship develops
between contemporary dramatic and news programming.

Of course, the effect of a particular media genre and outlet on an audience is truly
multidimensional; one cannot point to a singular item, inherent in such programming, as
the source of viewer impact and subsequent alteration of public perception. Thus,
research into the role, characteristics, and perception of programs must be similarly
multidimensional, focusing on a number of issues, which in combination may ultimately
result in an audience effect. For this project, a step back from audience perception has
been taken, in an effort to focus on the role of CSI programming in media outlets other
than the typical fictional entertainment context. By focusing on this shift in context and
presentation, this project will address the use of references to CS! and forensics
programming in news media articles, examining how such themes are drawn into
contemporary news reporting.

The ability of the news media to act as a socializing agent is certainly not a new
concept. Prior research has noted that news media content (presented as factual and real-
time), does indeed have significant impacts on public worldviews, particularly when the
programming depicts a facet of social life with which the public has little interaction
(Graber, 1980; Hawkins & Pingree, 1983; Sacco, 1995; Shrum, 2002; Romer, 2003).
This idea holds particularly true with the perceived reality of crime and justice in the
United States, as the realm of crime and justice remains a backstage behavior in
contemporary society. This idea of social construction based upon images of a specific

social entity creates the potential foundation of the purported “CS1 effect.” As the image

of CS1 (with its inherent unrealistic nature and makeup) becomes synonymous with
forensics and investigations within the realm of news media, this legitimization of the
programming may occur: the general public places an image of legitimacy and reality
upon news media's presentation of CS1 programming.

The root of this entertainment-laced news (and its potential effects) is, as noted
above, the commodification of media, the selling of news reporting by way of dramatic
content pulled from both reality (informational news reporting) and popular cultural cues
(entertainment programming). As crime news has historically fit such a prototypical
entertainment-structured mold, it has proven particularly susceptible to this restructuring,
and thereby potentially-influential in the public sphere as a result of the apparent
reciprocal relationship (Chermak, 2002). Such is the case when images of CS1 and
related programming are drawn into news reporting; as the popularity of the show (and
related programming) has increased over time, so too has the likelihood that references
will be drawn into news reporting, causing the lines between reality and entertainment to
grow increasingly nondescript.

As noted above, the impact of a program(s) is not simply that it is popularly
presented; it is the overall context and value placed upon the shows by media outlets and,
subsequently, by consumers. To effectively research the potential effect of the addition
of CSI-style entertainment programming, one must first research the ways in which the
public is exposed to related images, specifically those presented in an informative
context. It is the focus of this project to provide a longitudinal analysis of print media,
examining the relationship between CS1 and forensic programming and contemporary

news texts, and highlighting the flow of popular media cues between entertainment and

news outlets. After a discussion of the history and growth of the police procedural in
popular American culture, as well as the nature of news creation and reporting, the
project shall examine the growing addition of CSI-style programming to news media
content, how and when references to forensics programming are used in news content,
and who is using them. After analyzing the results of this research, the implications of
the news/entertainment mix shall be highlighted, discussing the potential effects in the

public sphere.

LITERATURE REVIEW
Procedural History

To understand the formulaic foundation of today’s forensics programming (CS1
included), one must first examine the historical background of the genre, commonly
referred to as the police procedural. Simply put, a police procedural is a variation of the
classical mystery fiction genre, springing from the writings of authors Edgar Allan Poe,
Charles Dickens, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, and Eugene Vidocq (Dove, 1982). However,
unlike the preceding classical form (which focused on the characters’ use of astute
observation and exceptional logical analysis), the procedural focuses on the systematic
process of solving crimes by the police or teams of police officers; in such storylines, the
law enforcement detective and rigid methodology are central (Branston & Stafford, 2002;
Roberts, 2003). In essence, the police procedural is actually an offspring of the mystery
genre of Sherlock Holmes, Inspector Bucket, et al (the classical detective) (Dove, 1982;

Roberts, 2003). In a shift away from the classical school of mystery/detective fiction,

police procedurals highlight the regulations, methods, techniques, and apparent standards
of crime-fighting, replacing prior detective style emphases (heightened capacity for
deduction vs. technique/method). Unlike the classical formula, procedurals focus on both
the lawman and the system/process; the emphasis on police procedure is so great that an
in-depth understanding of the law enforcement system/process is paramount to the genre,
and a firm adherence to these methods is canon for the genre (authors emphasize
knowledge of investigative systems themselves) (Roberts, 2003).

Although the popularity of contemporary procedural (forensics) programming is
particularly exceptional, the general procedural style is certainly not without precedent.
Like all media genres, to appreciate the contemporary style of procedural presentation, an
examination of the historical growth and progression of the police procedural as a mass
media style, and the migration of content focus onto literal law enforcement and
investigative procedures, must take place. Resulting fiom the historical growth of the
genre, two basic archetypes of law enforcement exist within the police storytelling text:
the tough guy law enforcer (the Dirty Harry character, fighting crime at all costs) and the
procedural character (the Sherlock Holmes character, fighting crime by use of
investigative abilities/procedures) (Dove, 1982; Roberts, 2003). It is the stylistic
progression of this second type of enforcer, the investigator, which proves to be the
subject of the police procedural. The procedural genre can be traced to Vidocq (early
1800's) and his historical, fictional storylines involving (though minimally-so) legitimate
French police procedure (Roberts, 2003). Vidocq’s works, particularly Memoires,
published between 1828 and 1829, served to inspire other subsequent authors and

publications, including Charles Dickens (often regarded as the “most legitimate claimant

to the title of author of the first police procedural [Roberts, 2003, p. 35]”). As the 19th
century waned and the 20m century came to be, the growth of the police procedural
continued, with characters like Dick Tracy (C. Gould) taking the stylistic reigns. In fact,
the first procedural stories wherein literal police procedures were both detailed and
central to the storyline were those appearing in Chester Gould’s strip; as Roberts (2003)
describes, “from its earliest days, Dick Tracy consciously incorporated and utilized up—to-
the-minute police procedure (p. 38).” Treat’s Vas in Victim (1945) is often regarded as
yet another turning point, playing off of the concept of literal procedure made popular by
the Tracy style; added emphasis was placed on methodology and systematic technique
rather than exceptional powers of ratiocination (Dove, 1982). The police procedural
genre, although finding its origin in print media and increasing in focus on law
enforcement procedure itself, made its way into radio and television media as the
popularity of each began to increase dramatically. Dragnet, a procedural which began as
a radio program (1949), was transformed into a successful NBC television program in
1952; as the first of its kind in the new media of broadcast television, the program truly
built the framework for subsequent broadcast procedural programs (Dove, 1982). As the
popularity of broadcast media grew, other shows of this type found their way onto
television screens nationwide, expanding the consumption base across the country. This
continued into the 1970's and 1980's, where the procedural genre itself splintered into an
array of variations, from Miami Vice to Red Dragon (Roberts, 2003). The 1990's saw the
birth of the popular Law and Order series (1990-present) and a trend to even further
emphasize the procedure of law enforcement (particularly investigations, leading into

prosecution). The growth of this type of programming, often employing “ripped-from-

the-headlines” premises, also coincided with the growth of the news-dependent True

Crime genre, a cousin to police procedural programming (Wilson, 1997; Roberts, 2003).

Birth and Growth of CSI

As the 20th century came to a close, the police procedural was enjoying
extraordinary levels of popularity in the realm of broadcast media. In 2000, a new
program hit the television airwaves, a police procedural that shifted focus still further
onto the process of law enforcement investigative/forensics technique and procedure,
paving the road to unprecedented forensics/entertainment media popularity: CSI: Crime
Scene Investigation (CBS, 2000). CS1, a procedural focusing almost entirely on the
forensics/investigative process, has shown that crime does pay for networks: CSI: Crime
Scene Investigation marked its 100th episode with all-time high ratings; the program
attracted 31.5 million viewers and an 11.6 rating/28 share in the adults 18-49
demographic, based upon Nielsen Media Research data (Nielsen, 2004). In addition to
the immediate popularity of the show itself, CS1 is credited with launching a new. wave of
TV crime programs; (one season pre-CSI, only three procedurals remained in the top 40;
post-CSI, procedurals make up 1/3 of shows in top 40) (Mendoza, 2005). The program
launched a string of parallel series (CS1: Miami, CS1: NY), and has inspired a plethora of
additional marketing, including board games, novelizations, computer games, and science
lab kits that editorial reviews claim beckon users to “be [their] own pathologist (Boynton,
2005).” In addition to the newfound popularity of the procedural, CS1 has also placed

increased emphasis on forensics and crime scene investigations, focusing on the process

itself (technology, technique, method, etc.); high-tech crime analysis is at the forefront of

the program, with dramatic storylines extant during the process (Boyle, 2005).

Nature of Crime News Reporting

Contemporary news media is often described as crime-saturated, sensational
images with particular emphasis on homicide and violence (Graber, 1980; Hamilton,
1998; Lichter & Lichter, 1994; Klite, Bardwell, & Salzman, 1995, 1997; Romer et a1,
2003). The growth in crime news has been seen in both television and print media;
indeed, crime has become what Dennis & LaMay (1992) describe as “the most common
and least studied staple of news (p.xi).” Network television’s coverage of homicides
grew by approximately 600% between 1990 and 1998 (despite a national drop in
homicide rate (Westfeldt & Wicker, 1998), and research by Chermak (1995), Kaniss
(1991), Sherizen (1978) and others have noted that crime stories are among the most
prevalent in news print. Mass media, through such crime saturation, has grown to be the
primary outlet for crime and criminal justice news information in society (Ericson,
Baranek & Chan, 1989; Graber, 1980; Barak, 1994; Warr, 1995; Potter & Kappeler,
1996)

The prevalence of crime-related news in contemporary mass media may be
founded in several causal factors, the most highly-visible being the entertainment value
of crime news reporting. Just as entertainment media strives to maintain wide viewership
and mass public appeal (thereby driving up consumer ratings), so too does news media
struggle to sell its product of informational content to a viewing audience. Crime news

contains all of the features of prototypical dramatic content: images of protectors,

villains, and victims; non-complex storylines; and immediate, seemingly-personal
connection to a viewing audience (Sacco, 1995; Gilliam & Iyengar, 2000; Hiebert &
Gibbons, 2000; Lipshultz & Hilt, 2002). News organizations have, in fact, adopted
formats and storylines similar to that of entertainment programming, further adding to the
dramatic nature of reporting; in effect, news content becomes the episodic drama, feeding
heavily on an expectation of informational news coverage (Chermak, 2002; Sacco, 2005).
The crime news story often fits within the boundary of the standard news frame,
simplifying the contextual foundation of the story, and highlighting the traditional themes
of individual responsibility, statement of moral boundaries, and capture/punishment of
the individual offender (Cole, 1995, 1996; Surette, 1998). The assigned roles of “good
guy” and “bad guy” are also translated into non-incident stories, as well; profiles and
organizational news stories feature similar structural cues (particularly profiles of law
enforcement and criminal justice system officials).

Coupled closely with this dramatic appeal and simplified content is the inclusion
of popular cultural themes in news reporting. A prime example of this thematic inclusion
in crime news is the referencing of entertainment programming in such stories. As
Chermak (2002) notes, the desire to pull from the exaggerated realities of fictional
content in news media accounts of real-world incidents is exceptionally strong; such is
the case when popular images of crime and law enforcement are pulled into the
traditional news structure. For example, many contemporary crime incident stories
include references to fictional television and literary images (characters, programs, etc.),
further blurring the line between reality and fiction through the marketing device of

cultural cues (Altheide, 2002).

10

In addition to the aesthetic content (drama, pop cultural appeal) that crime news
offers, logistical features of crime news reporting also add much appeal to an already
popular topic. Ease of access by reporters to routine sources of crime news appeals to the
efficiency-oriented news agency; information regarding incidents and the justice system
is readily available to reporters and the media generally from public officials, law
enforcement, criminal justice system participants, etc. (Reese & Buckalew, 1995; Sacco,
1995; Lipschultz & Hilt, 2002). Thus, law enforcement officials have become the
primary source of crime news information, with the police acting as the authoritative
news source (Tuchman, 1978; Ericson et a1, 1989; Beckett & Sasson, 2000). The relative
periodicity of crime news also appeals to news organizations’ required structure: since
incidents occur at specific dates, times, and places, news organizations are able to apply
such content to the daily image of news reporting (Sacco, 1995). In essence, yesterday’s
crime news is replaced by a batch of fresh incidents, consumed by an audience that has
come to expect current/daily news reports.

As a result of the aforementioned source foundation of news reporting (source of
authoritative information), crime news content has traditionally remained “limited” in
nature. The operational details of criminal cases (i.e. forensics/C81 use) are commonly
left out of such reporting, per the traditional model of efficient news production and the
source structure present for news reporting (Tuchman, 1978; F ishman, 1980; Chermak,
2002; Surette, 1998). Within this structure, journalists attempt to produce news stories in
an efficient manner: sources that permit ease of access and act as authoritative sources are
those most frequently cited in news stories (Sacco, 2005). Law enforcement often fills

this role of “expert,” due to the seemingly-impartial and authoritative position they

11

occupy, as well as the established relationship between the police and the media by way
of easy access routes (Tuchman, 1978; Ericson et al, 1989; Beckett & Sasson, 2000). Of
course, sources outside the law enforcement realm do appear in news media (academic
experts, other journalists, etc.), but in regards to crime stories, the range of sources tends
to be remarkably narrow, often limited to journalists and the police (Welch, Fenwick, &
Roberts, 1998; Chermak, 1995). The general structure of news stories also tends to be
extremely simplistic, rarely expanding from limited reporting; in crime news, this
formation of narrative is often limited to the crime, the offender, and law enforcement,
ignoring both detail and context (McChesney, 2004; Sacco, 2005). By this definition,
crime news stories have been traditionally formed with this limited structure,
emphasizing good guy vs. bad guy, limited-scope, episodic storytelling. This episodic
formula has long proven Simple, straightforward, and easy to fit into a news outlet’s in-

between-commercial-breaks programming (Surette, 1998).

Expansion of Crime News Structure

Recently, it has appeared that this trend of limited-nature reporting may have
shifted, with the presence of criminal investigations beginning to appear in the news. As
the “middle ground” of investigations has been added to the traditional simplistic,
limited-scope crime news story, forensics use and criminal investigations, are more visible
than ever. This addition of investigations and forensics, likely based on the cultural
popularity and visibility of such techniques in popular entertainment media (i.e. CS1 and

related programs), marks an interesting intersect between entertainment themes and news

12

content. Prior research has shown the tendency of entertainment media outlets to draw
themes from popular or celebrated cases into programming; this is often described as the
“ripped fi'om the headlines” approach. In his 2002 publication, Chermak describes how
images from popular news events in the world of criminal justice (Oklahoma City
bombing, OJ. Simpson trial, World Trade Center/Pentagon attacks) are drawn into the
plot lines of entertainment outlets ranging from cartoon publications to television and
film programming. As Chermak (2002) notes, these entertainment outlets often exploit
the facts of the case, allowing the viewing audience to revisit the real-life news story.
This exploitation by way of the addition of popular themes is, of course, a tool for the
marketing of entertainment media outlets (allowing for, as noted above, the relationship
between the consumer and the product). Television shows and films pull from
contemporary headlines for plot construction, and the cultural myths surrounding the
criminal justice system are perpetuated; by drawing sensationalistic themes from these
popular news stories, entertainment media serves to further solidify stereotypes and
myths surrounding the criminal justice system, emphasizing common themes that
resonate across genres (Chermak, 2002).

Interestingly enough, prior research on the thematic intersect between
entertainment in news media tends to maintain a unidirectional focus; often times,
entertainment media is emphasized as the thematic borrower, while news media is
viewed as an independently-firnctioning entity. However, this perspective is terribly
limited and wholly inaccurate; just as with entertainment media, news media too feels
pressure to employ cultural themes in its presentations. As such, one cannot view the

flow of themes as unidirectional; rather, it is a virtual two-way street, with thematic

l3

content flowing between entertainment and news media outlets. As news media outlets
are constantly engaged in an effort to sell their product, images are often derived from the
pop cultural lexicon and from how individuals maneuver within the media window with a
remote control (McManus, 1994; Surette, 1998; Chermak, 2002; Sacco, 2005). Thus,
media outlets may pick up on and employ the use of easily-accessible pop cultural images
in the text of news stories, including images from popular entertainment media. It
appears there may be no exception in the case of criminal investigations and the
popularity of CSI-style programming; because the commodity of crime news is
advertised and sold to an audience base, journalists must employ narratives that recall the
outside forces of popular images and context (Epstein, 1974; Altheide, 1976; Gans, 1979;
Tunnell, 1992, Chermak, 1.995). This appears to be true of forensics and investigations in
the news, images of which have begun to appear with increased frequency in news
stories. Interestingly, with this move towards investigations in news media, it appears
that CS1 and its related programming may often be mentioned within the context of news
articles that reference criminal and crime scene investigations: cases are referred to as
“just like an episode of CS ,” as “real-life CS1 stories,” or as “cases out of a CSI script.”
The desire of the media to pull from entertainment outlets and the popularity of CS1 and
related programming in crime stories, coupled with a simple application to already-
common crime news stories, makes the inclusion of forensics and criminal investigations
in the news quite desirable as a method of selling the news product; however, as experts
such as crime lab technicians are outside the traditional path of news gathering, the

pressure to pull from CS1 and other programs is heightened.

l4

As much prior research highlights, the news construction process is most heavily
marked by its need for efficiency in production and dissemination (Chibnall, 197 7;
Fishman, 1980; Ericson et al, 1989; Chermak, 1995, 1997). Emerging from this need are
strong, mutually-beneficial relationships between source organizations (the primary
providers of information regarding crime and justice; typically public social control
organizations, most commonly local police departments and their spokesmen, or court
officials) and news outlets. In crime news, the most common form of source organization
is law enforcement agency; it is this group that controls most of the information regarding
a particular case, agency, or initiative (Ericson et al, 1989; Chermak, 1995). This
concept holds true across news story types: when topics of crime and justice are the focus
of a news story, law enforcement will likely be the primary source of expertise within the
article’s text. As a result, most of the referenced factual information in a news story will
be based upon direct or indirect statements from law enforcement officials. This standard
media/police relationship, aside from its mark of efficiency, is often viewed as both
organizationally-positive and reciprocal, serving the needs of the organization and the
media outlet (Chermak, 1995).

The problem with the typical source organization, particularly when examining
contemporary stories of crime and justice, is that the individual acting as spokesman for
the organization is typically a public information officer (chosen to represent the
department) or a street cop tipster (often providing information either anonymously or
personally). Chermak (2002) describes how these representatives, or “claims-makers,”
“provide the facts, descriptions, summaries, and opinions” regarding an event or topic

(pp. 79). As such, as media organizations clamor to gain criminal justice information,

15

they are funneled into a common path, that which exists between the police and the
reporter. Unfortunately, the expertise of the law enforcement officer, as strong as it may
be, is limited: both the beat cop and the information officer are providing information
based upon the perspective of the law enforcement oflicial, often in a way quite specific
to police organizations.

Difficulty arises when expertise is required in an area outside the expertise of the
beat officer, yet within the realm of law enforcement; such is the case with the current
upward trend in the popularity of forensics and criminal investigations. As public interest
in investigations and forensics programming increases exponentially, the desire to
include such themes in news reporting is profound (selling the story by tying in popular
themes). Of course, the difficulty arises when approaching the typical claims-makers and
source organizations, as information regarding forensics is typically out of the range of
expertise of these sources. As a result, references to CS1 and similar programs may have
begun to replace quotes and sound bytes from real-world experts, filling the demand for
forensics reference (demanded via cultural popularity) without moving outside the
process. In this way, CSI programming and real-world cases involving
forensics/investigations use may become virtually inseparable; each is allowed to become
a reflection of the other. By this equation, real-life crime scenes are “just like CS ,” and
CS1 is “reflective of reality.” Just as entertainment media tends to pull fi'om popular
cultural themes, so too may news media be drawing in the popular image of the criminal
investigation (via the thematic two-way street), despite the process’ inherent inability to
effectively handle such a demand. This CSI image is thereby consumed by a public

audience, a population that turns towards news media for social communication.

16

Perceptions may be altered thusly, as images of real-world criminal investigations and
related expectations would be increased to fit with the constructed image of CSI. This
image of forensics programming as accurate, or as equated with real-life forensics and
investigations, opens the door to the formation of viewer effect(s), commonly referred-to

as the “CSI effect.”

Crime News Expansion and the CSI Effect

It is upon this theoretical foundation that the CSI effect has the potential to occur
within a population; while research has shown that entertainment media alone has limited
effects on public perceptions, news media presentations of social institutions may duly
alter said perceptions of institutions in a manner that reflects the image portrayed within
the news media window. CS1, as a police procedural alone, may not have a widespread
impact on public opinion regarding real-world CSI; the CSI effect cannot stand on simple
anecdotal claims of ties between social construction and CSI programming. Rather, the
ties between the news media genre and CSI programming lay the foundation for solid
theoretical research in the CS1 effect, and open the doors to empirical analysis, something
gravely needed in the area of study. It is with ample suspicion that some of those
involved in media effects research approach the CS1 effect, and with good reason; as
noted, both theoretical connection and methodological analysis have been minimal. It is
the purpose of this project to examine the use of references to CSI and forensics
programming in news media articles, focusing on the idea of the potential “legitimizing”

of such programming through the external source of factual news media, and opening up

17

the possibility of application of concepts of news media social construction to CSI

television programming.

The CS1 Effect

The CS] effect, which has appeared recently as a relatively new concept in both
criminal justice academia and pop culture, is an idea focusing upon altered perceptions of
real-life criminal investigations for an audience based upon presentations of CSI and
forensics in television procedural programming. This effect is marked by the idea that
popular programming regarding forensics has a visible effect on viewers, endowing them
with unrealistic expectations of real-world investigations. These images are hardly based
upon reality; the public is simply subjected to images of false practices, which are often
presented as true-to-life (Willing, 2004). As a result, it has been surmised that viewers
have equated the images portrayed via entertainment procedurals with real-world
investigations, causing a negative effect on the administration of crime and justice, as
well as undue pressure on forensics scientists, investigators, and criminal prosecutors.
The presented images, of course, stand in stark opposition to the nature of the reality of
criminal investigations and crime lab operations: Horvath and Messing found that “most
criminal cases do not involve the use of any physical evidence and that such evidence,
even when available, is seldom seen by the police detectives as having any intrinsic value
(Horvath & Messing, 1996, p. 963).” Further still, the use of many techniques in criminal
investigations proves overtly subjective and untested (Roberts et al, 2004). Heavy
caseloads worked by law enforcement agencies inhibit the ability to involve investigative

services and often, the ability of departments to actually employ the use of forensic

18

techniques is rare, due to situational factors related to individual cases themselves (ie,
lack of testable evidence, etc.) (Horvath & Messing, 1996; Lovgren, 2004). Of course,
the portrayal of the CSI system is far different within the confines of police procedural
programming; forensic science is deemed a “juggernaut” or an “infallible object,” above

reproach and a harbinger of inevitable conviction for an offender (Boyle, 2005).

CSI, News Media, and Social Construction

Methodological studies of the CS1 effect and its impact on the public are virtually
nonexistent; while many involved in both the criminal justice system and the scholarly
community point to the existence of the effect and its impacts, the concept thus far proves
only anecdotally sound, without empirical support and little theoretical foundation for
solidification. Of course, superficially, the CSI effect may appear to be an obvious
occurrence, particularly to those involved in the CSI and criminal justice systems.
Reliance on forensics evidence has grown in recent years, and the demand for use of CSI
services has increased substantially (Peterson & Hickman, 2005). But can the blame for
such occurrences truly be placed on CSI and its related entertainment programming?

Proponents of the CSI effect believe that the connection does, indeed, exist; they
point to the concept of television media and social construction as the foundation of the
effect and its subsequent impacts. However, recent research in media effects and social
construction has pointed to the fact that genre-specific traits and presentation styles are
paramount when determining programming impact; it is a vast overgeneralization to
claim that viewers respond to all forms of media in the same way. Rather, it is the

content of the programming itself that determines the level of constructionism impact: the

19

media text must be presented in such a way that an audience is virtually convinced of its
authenticity and application to daily life (Anderson et al, 2001). In essence, for theories
of social construction to be applicable to a media outlet, the outlet and portrayal of
information must be considered realistic to an audience member (Hawkins & Pingree,
1983; Romer et al, 2003; Segrin & Nabi, 2002; Shrum, 2002). The news, be it on-screen
(in the form of broadcast media) or on the page (in the form of print media), is often
considered the most-real and unbiased outlet of events as they occur (F iske, 1987). As
images of real-world situation and institutions are presented in the news media, as noted
by the above research, public perceptions, expectations, etc. shall be thereby impacted.
For the purposes of this project, this concept is of particular import: as previously noted,
because references to CSI and related programming are made citing the program as
essential authoritative texts (in addition to the lack of real-world sources in story
construction), this image of legitimacy within the news context may well be placed upon

the CSI programming itself

The Present Research

It is the focus of this paper to examine the presentation of CS1 in news
media and to empirically ground the possible legitimization of forensics programming
that may occur as a result of the merging of popular entertainment programming images
and informative content (the thematic two-way street). This legitimization is, as noted
above, based upon the blurred relationship between news articles and references to said
television programs (popular cultural images); if quantity and substance of CSI references

in news articles legitimates the fictional CSI as reality, prior media effects research

20

dictates that the inherent communicative value of the news would thereby serve to
influence perceptions in the direction of presentation.

This project proposes the following research questions: 1) has there been an
increase, over time, in references to CSI and related programming in news print media?
2) what is the nature of crime news articles that reference forensics and crime scene
investigations (when are references used, and how is the programming is treated)? 3)
what sources are adding CSI programming to stories in the realm of crime news? It is
hypothesized that there exists an increase, over time, in the amount of references to CSI
and forensics in crime news stories, as the popularity of forensic science and its visibility
in pop culture has also increased (while the “two-way street” of cultural reference allows
the passage of themes from one genre to another); in addition, as the source of forensic
lab technician or expert is beyond the range of the typical news gathering process, it is
also hypothesized that an increase in forensic references will also be marked by an
increase in references to CS1 and related programming, using these references as
authoritative citations. The above research question #1 addresses the increase of
forensics programming reference use in the news. Research questions #2 and #3 address
the nature of how CSI-style television programming references are used, as well as who

is referencing the programming (authoritative source).

21

METHODOLOGY

To address the research questions of quantity and treatment of CSI programming
in news media contexts, the author has examined articles published in print media sources
over a period of five years (2001-2006), beginning in proximity with the first year of CS1
broadcast. News print media was used for this project, as print media lends itself well to
this type of analysis: news print is readily-obtainable, and logistics such as layout, article
length/size, and the time frame of the project make print media conducive to this type of
study. In addition, news print also provides more in-depth coverage of such stories, and
this type of long journalism is particularly desirable for the content analysis, as it often
contains deeper coverage of crime stories. Other types of media (particularly television
news media) are also more difficult to study, particularly retroactively over time. As in-
text searches will be used, print media shall be a reliable source of historical article
sampling since the entire text can be searched. Television and other forms of news media
would be valuable sources of future study; however, as this project is the first content
analysis to address the relationship between the news and CSI programming, print media
is an appropriate place to begin.

For this content analysis, the sample was drawn via a regional Lexis-Nexis search
(Northeast, Midwest, Southeast, West). A Lexis-Nexis search was used as the search tool,
as it allows for keyword search within national newspaper publications over time. In
order to examine all major publications across the nation, regional searches were used, as
these allow for the gathering of articles from both large local and regional publications
(Chicago Tribune, Indianapolis Star) as well as large national publications (New York

Times, USA Today, etc.). Isolating the date-range at five years, a Lexis-Nexis search of

22

all text of stories was performed, with established keywords including the terms “CSI,"
"crime," and "forensics" within all-text of stories, allowing for in-context analysis of the
terrn(s) (Weber, 1990).

From the pool of articles referencing the above three keywords, the author pulled
only crime stories for analysis, and excluded all others (entertainment stories, program
reviews, etc.). Guidelines for the definition of crime story type as set by Graber (1980) '
and Chermak (1995) were followed, including incident stories, editorials, profiles, etc.,
but excluding articles less than 3 paragraphs in length and letters to the editor. All
sections of the publications were searched, and all types of stories were examined
(features, editorials, news stories, etc.), as Chermak (1995) notes that crime news may be
found in many sections of news print. It is useful to note here that education articles
(those highlighting college courses, high school programs, community education classes)
were omitted from this population. Because the nature of such articles were so widely
varied (from college courses to law enforcement/community groups), it was the decision
of the author that education articles may ultimately dilute the sample, and the articles
were therefore removed. Included story types included incident stories as well as
profiles, policy stories, etc., as all contained informational focus on the criminal justice
system, and all types of articles are widely used to construct the popular image of crime
and justice (Chermak, 1995). Entertainment-specific stories (i.e., film/television reviews)
were not included.

After keyword-referencing stories focusing on crime and the criminal justice
system (henceforth referred-to as "crime stories") were noted via the Lexis-Nexis search,

they were pulled fiom the overall pool. The crime stories were specific to publications in

23

each region; Northeast contained 136 stories, Midwest contained 110 stories, Southeast
contained 188 stories, and West contained 223 stories. From this total (657 stories), a
25% simple random sample was pulled to represent all major US news publications,
marking 173 stories for final examination. These 173 stories were used as the basis for
the project's content analysis. Within this core pool, 38 (22%) stories were from the
Northeast region, 35 (20%) from the Midwest, 54 (31%) fiom the Southeast, and 46
(27%) in the West. A count of articles from core pool was used to address the first
question (rise in forensics programming reference over time).

To address the second and third research question (nature of CSI programming
reference; source of CSI programming reference), detail coding of all programming-
referencing crime stories was performed. From the 173-article representative sample,
each story was coded by way of two separate datafiles. In one file, the story was the unit
of analysis (N=1 7 3); data recorded here represents basic features of the article stories. In
the other, the source(s) referencing forensics programming was the unit of analysis
(N =307); this data represents basic features of the aforementioned sources. Each source
referencing forensics programming was coded.

The story datafile included variables related to the details of the story itself,
including such items as length (number of paragraphs), which forensics program
mentioned, salience, type of crime(s) noted, etc. These variables speak to the
characteristics of the kinds of crime stories that mention CSI-style programming. The
second datafile, which identified characteristics of the sources who reference forensics
programming within the news media context, included variables related to sources that

mention forensics programming, including type of source (reporter, investigator,

24

 

prosecutor, etc.), context, and tone. For the purposes of this project, context is defined as
the substantive theme surrounding the mention of the program. Table 1 describes the

context variable in further detail.

Table 5. Context Variable

 

Illustrative “Luminol was used to find the victim’s blood spatter,

which many people have seen first-hand on programs

like CSI and Crossing Jordan.”

Emerging Technology “DNA analysis has grown to be the ‘gold standard’ of
today’s forensic scientist, as seen in CSI: NY.”

Color / Dramatic Impact “CSI: Rhode Island”

 

 

 

 

 

 

Comparison “The local sheriff 3 office detectives worked like CSI
Sleuths for several weeks.”

Contrast “This homicide, unlike your average CSI case, took 15
years to solve.”

Popularity Growth “We’re seeing far more applicants for lab technician
openings as a result of CSI’s popularity.”

Consultation “We try to base the show as much on reality as

possible’, said Dr. Jane Smith, consultant for
television’s CSI: NY.”

Cautionary “Our office has seen a trend towards people believing in
the reality OICSJI

 

 

 

 

Tone is defined as whether the statements sources make regarding programming
can be regarded as positive, negative, or neutral (Grey et al, 1965). Table 2 describes the

tone variable in further detail.

25

Table 2. Tone Variable

 

Supporting / Equating “Dr. Smith, the head of the state police
crime lab, heads Rhode Island’s very
own version of CS .”

Refuting / Negating “Unlike what the public sees on
television shows like CSI, the
detectives in Little Rock were forced to
work with limited resources and
personnel.”

Neutral “’1 think there’s definitely a CSI effect;
whether or not that’s good or bad
remains to be seen,’ said Mark Smith,
an Oakland County public defender.”

 

 

 

 

 

 

Because detail coding of the articles in this project was performed by a single
coder, a number of precautions were undertaken to ensure reliability. First, halfway
through coding, the author went back and recoded the first few stories, comparing them
against the original coding to ensure consistency. Second, the author had several peers
experienced in content analysis review the coding scheme at various stages throughout

the process, confirming face-value.

FINDINGS

Research Question #1: Programming Reference over Time

To address the first research question, a count of articles was performed. The
count of crime stories pulled (those that reference CSI programming) varied quite
significantly over time; the year 2001 (incomplete year, as the five-year search only
allowed partial inclusion of 2001 and 2006) contained 9 stories (5.2%), 2002 contained

18 stories (10.4%), 2003 contained 34 stories (19.7%), 2004 contained 35 stories

26

(20.2%), 2005 contained 61 stories (35.3%), and 2006 (incomplete year) contained 16
stories (9.2%). As noted, although stories were only pulled for the first two months of
2006, they contained almost as many stories as the entire year of 2002. Needless to say, a
clear rise in the use of CSI and related programming as a reference point in news media

can be seen since the beginning of CSI’s broadcast.

Research Question #2: Nature of Programming Reference

To address the second research question, the core articles were detail coded by
way of a story variable codebook, in which the story itself was the unit of analysis. This
codebook included variables such as impact level, type of story, type of crime, program

mentioned, etc.

Story Variables

The distribution of stories across impact level — local, state or regional, and
national — was fairly evenly distributed. Thirty-seven percent (N = 61) of stories had a
local focus, 32 percent (N = 56) had a state or regional focus, and 30 percent (N = 51)
were national in scope. One story had an international focus and one story was undefined.
Eighty percent (N = 35) of incident stories that referenced forensic programming were
local stories, whereas 75 percent (N = 21) of stories in which the main focus related to
crime programming or the CS1 effect in particular had a national impact level. Sixty-three
percent (N = 26) of organizational stories had a state or regional impact level while 29
percent (N = 12) were of a local nature. About two-thirds (N = 8) of policy stories were
state or regional compared to 4 of a national nature. Interestingly, profile stories were

distributed quite evenly across impact level with local and state/regional each accounting

27

for 33 percent of the total (N = 1 l for each) and 30 percent (N = 10) were determined to
be of national interest.

For incident stories the stage of case or investigation was recorded. Eighty-six
percent (N = 38) of incident stories in which forensic programming was mentioned were
either in the investigation (N = 20) or prosecution stage (N = 18). Two cases were stories
about the commission of the crime or arrest of the suspect and another two cases were
stories written in the sentencing phase of a trial.

Every story examined referenced CS1. In all but one story, CS1 was either the
only or the first forensic related program mentioned. In 84 percent of stories CSI was the
only show referenced. Quincy was the second most frequently cited forensic related
show, referenced in seven stories, but always in addition to CSI. The second most
frequently cited forensic program in addition to CSI was Forensic Files (N = 5) followed

by Cold Case Files (N = 4) and Crossing Jordan and the New Detectives (N=3 each).

Salience

It was desirable to examine whether or not there were any significant differences
between the type of crime story and salience of forensic programming references within
stories. A salience score was developed for each story representing the proportion of
paragraphs within the story that contained a reference to forensic programming. Table 3
presents the average salience score for each type of story. As would be expected, stories
referencing forensic programming whose main subject was crime shows or the CSI effect
in particular, had the highest average salience score. In these stories an average of 54
percent of the paragraphs included references to forensic programming. This average

salience score was significantly higher than for all other types of stories at p < .01.

28

Table 3. Mean Salience Scores by Type of Story

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Type of Story N Mean Std. Deviation
Incident 43 .0965 . 15038
_Organizational 4 1 . 1588 .20700
Profile 30 .2150 .05879
Shows/CSI Effect 28 .5379 .21079
Other“ 14 . 1000 .06906
Policy 12 .0875 .21259
Total 168 .2061 .23588

 

 

 

 

 

 

*Includes editorial stories

Table 4. Mean Number of Sources by Type of Story

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Type of Story N Mean Std. Deviation

Incident 44 1.1364 1
Wfional 41 1.5610 1

Profile 33 1.7273 1

Shows/CSI Effect 28 3.6786 3.5

Other“ 15 1.2667 1

Policy 12 1.1667 1

Total 173 1.7746 1

 

 

 

 

 

 

*Includes editorial stories

Because crime show and CSI effect stories would be eXpected to have
dramatically higher salience scores than other stories, a one-way ANOVA was performed
with those stories excluded, as well as stories classified as “other,” since there was too
much variation within that category for it to be meaningful. There were no overall
significant differences in mean salience between types of stories, except for profile
stories which had a higher mean salience than incident stories at p < .05.

Prominence was measured by recording the paragraph number in which the first

reference to forensic programming occurred. In 36 percent (N = 61) of stories the first or

29

 

only forensic programming reference came in the first paragraph. CS] was referenced in
the headline of 33 percent of stories (N = 57). But there was significant variation
regarding headline references depending on type of story. While no policy related stories
(N = 12) and 91 percent (N = 40) of incident stories with forensic programming
references included a headline reference, 93 percent of crime show/CSI effect stories did
(N = 26). About 40 percent (N = 13) of profile stories and 27 percent of organizational

stories (N = 11) contained headlines that referenced CSI specifically.

Research Question #3: Source of Programming Reference

To address the third research question, the articles were detail coded using a
second codebook. This codebook included such variables as type of source, tone,

context, etc.

Sources

Almost 65 percent of all stories only included one source that referenced forensic
programming. The number of sources referencing forensic programming ranged from 1
to 9. The average number of sources for all types of stories was 1.77 with the median and
mode both equally one. Table 4 presents the mean number of sources referencing forensic
programming by type of story. As would be expected, crime show/CSI effect stories,
which also have the highest salience scores, had the greatest mean number of sources
referring to forensic programming per story. A one-way ANOVA was significant. The
mean number of sources for crime show/ CS1 effect stories was significantly higher than
for all other types of stories at p < .01. None of the other types of stories showed means

with a significant difference.

30

 

The author of the story accounted for 38 percent of the references to forensic
programming (N = 118) in the sample. Nearly all of those authors, 113 total, were
reporters, while the remaining 5 were academics or public officials. Fifty-seven percent
of the references to forensic programming resulted from an interview performed by the
reporter (N = 176), while the remaining 13 sources of forensic programming reference
resulted fi'om the reporter quoting a statement or document that could not be considered
an interview. For example, in one story, the reporter quoted a prosecutor’s statements to a
jury concerning CSI.

In this sample of crime stories with references to forensic programming, the type
of source that most frequently referenced such programming were crime scene
technicians or investigators. In fact, nearly a third (N = 61) of the sources in this sample
were CSI technicians. Medical examiners accounted for another eight sources, bringing
the total percentage of sources with a relation to the field of forensics to nearly 37. The
second largest category of sources, 21 percent, referencing forensic programming was
prosecutors (N = 40). Law enforcement officers, chiefs, sheriffs, or detectives accounted
for 15 percent (N = 28) of sources. Overall, actual forensic professionals, prosecutors,
and law enforcement officials accounted for 73 percent of the total sources in this sample.

Most sources, 52 percent (N = 162) that referenced forensic programming did so .
with an overall tone that refuted or negated the content of the programming. However,
nearly 31 percent (N = 95) of sources referenced forensic programming with a positive
tone, such as equating forensic programming with reality. The remaining 16 percent (N =

50) of sources used a neutral tone in their references to forensic programming.

31

Not surprisingly, there was variation among the type of source and the context
and tone of their references to forensic programming. Authors were fairly evenly
distributed across positive, negative, and neutral tones. F orty-one percent of authors (N =
48) referenced forensic programming in a supporting/equating manner, 32 percent (N =
38) used a refuting/negating tone, and 27 percent (N = 32) referenced such programs in a
neutral manner. Seventy-two percent (N = 50) of forensic professionals referenced
forensic programming with a negative, refuting tone. Eighty-percent of prosecutors (N =
32) and all of the judicial sources (N = 3) referenced such programming with a negative,
refuting tone. Law enforcement sources were also overwhelmingly negative in their
references to forensic programming (68 percent). Of the six defense attorney sources in
this sample, tone was equally distributed across positive, negative, and neutral. Program
affiliates (producers, writers, etc), not surprisingly, had more positive tone references
than any other source type, with 75 percent of these sources referring to forensic
programming in a positive manner (N = 9).

In addition to tone, the context of each source’s reference was recorded. For
example, did the source reference forensic programming in a context that contrasted such
programming and reality? Did the source reference forensic programs to caution against
their influence such as in a story on the CSI effect? Or, did the source reference forensic
programming by drawing a comparison or to illustrate a point? The most frequent type of
context (N = 96) used by sources was a reference to forensic programming that was then
contrasted with reality. Sources contrasting forensic programming and reality accounted
for 31 percent of the total. Seventy-one sources, or 23 percent, referenced forensic

programming with cautionary statements. A little over 13 percent (N = 41) or sources

32

compared forensic programming to reality, while almost 13 percent (N = 39) made
statements that simply referred to the growth in popularity of forensics, and a little over
12 percent (N = 38) made references to forensic programming for color or dramatic
impact. Ahnost all, 97 percent, of references to forensic programming for color or
dramatic impact were attributed to reporters. When only considering the context in which
sources used by reporters reference forensic programming, 71 percent of sources either
contrasted forensic programming with reality or made cautionary statements concerning
the effect of such programming (N = 77 and 58, respectively). About 11 percent (N = 21)

drew comparisons, and 10 percent (N = 19) discussed popularity growth.

Source by Story

Almost half of those referencing forensic programming in incident stories, 24 out
of 50, were reporters. When the sources used by reporters (see Table 5) who referenced
forensic programming in incident stories are considered, nearly 70 percent of references
to forensic programming in incident stories that were not attributable to the reporter were
garnered from official sources, either a law enforcement official, prosecution official, or a
forensic professional such as a CSI technician or a medical examiner.

Like incident stories, reporters accounted for slightly less than half of the
references to forensic programming for organizational stories overall. However, while the
majority of sources used by reporters in incident stories were rather evenly spaced across
law enforcement, prosecution, and forensic professionals, 56 percent (N = 19) of the
sources used by reporters in organizational stories were forensic professionals. The
percentage of forensic science professionals, who referenced forensic programming in

profile stories when reporters were excluded, was even higher, at 66 percent. In CS1

33

effect stories, prosecutors had the highest percentage of non-reporter references, while

forensic professionals were the second most cited.

Table 5. Type of Source by Type of Story

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Type of Story Frequency Percent
Incident Law Enforcement 7 26.9
Prosecution 6 23.1
CSI Tech 5 19.2
Victim/Victim Family 3 11.5
Other 3 1 1.5
Community Members 2 7.7
Total 26 100.0
Organizational CSI Tech 19 55.8
Law Enforcement 6 17.6
Prosecution 5 14.7
Other 4 11.7
Total 34 100.0
Policy Prosecution 4 44.4
CSI Tech 2 22.2
Law Enforcement 1 11.1
Actor 1 11.1
Academic 1 11.1
Total 9 100.0
Profile CSI Tech 23 65.7
Investigator 3 8.6
Program Affiliates 3 8.6
Other 3 8.6
Prosecution 1 2.9
Defense 1 2.9
Academic l 2.9
Total 35 100.0
Show/CSI Effect Prosecution 23 30.3
CSI Tech 15 19.7
Program Affiliates 9 l 1.8
Law Enforcement 8 1 1.8
Other 5 6.6
Defense 4 5.3
Academic 4 5.3
Judge 3 3.9
Jury/Former Jury 2 2.6
Public Official 1 1.3
Actor 1 1.3
Total 76 100.0

 

 

 

 

34

W

The purpose of this project was to examine the use of references to CSI and
forensics programming in contemporary news contexts, highlighting the way in which
references to CSI programming are used to color articles when no ready access to
expertise is available (per the prototypical news construction process). Indeed, the
longitudinal analysis has shown that the use of references have increased quite
substantially over the time fi'ame between the premiere of CS1 and today; the analysis of
each successive year determined that the last full year examined (2005) had over three
times as many references to the program as the first available full year (2002). As
popularity and cultural visibility have increased, so too has the frequency of reference in
news stories.

In addition to the overall growth in frequency of forensics programming reference
over time, the analysis has also shown a tendency of local incident stories to reference the
program, particularly during the investigation or prosecution stages, and for state or
regional stories regarding organizations (labs, law enforcement divisions, etc.) to
reference the program. Many regional (particularly state police) crime labs as well as
specific lab divisions, such as ballistics specialists (Thalji, 2006) and forensic linguists
(Geracimos, 2006), were likened to their television counterparts, while local incident
stories ranging fi'om homicide (Quigley, 2001; Keeshan, 2004; Baird, 255; et al) to the
slaying of local pets (Brulliard, 2006) and elk poaching (Hodge, 2005) reference the
shows. As seen here, it is the tendency of the publications to tie in images of CS1 to local
or regional entities, again creating a frame of reference upon which to base the public’s

perception of their neighboring investigator or organization.

35

CSI was, by far, the most frequently-mentioned program (which was to be
expected, given both the popularity of the program and the search keywords used for the
project), followed by such programs as Quincy, Crossing Jordan, and Cold Case Files.
Apart from CSI effect-focused stories, salience remained quite balanced between story
types, although profiles did have a higher salience score than incident articles. Notably,
the visibility/prominence of the references to CSI-related programming was relatively
strong: many stories had either a headline or first paragraph that mentioned CS1-style
programs. Articles with such titles as “Police to unveil CSI-style unit (Smalley &
Ranalli, 2006)” and “CSI: Buffalo (Rey, 2003)” were quite common in the sample pulled
for this analysis. This application of CS1 to headlines was true of profile and
organizational stories in particular; again, the use of such references in these types of
storied are used to create immediate, recognizable references for a reader, in order to
create a basis of comparison or equation between a person or organization and the pop
cultural image of CSI. In essence, not only do the references exist within the stories
themselves, but readers are also subjected to the CSI image immediately, even before
reading a story’s text.

As noted in the literature review, personnel such as crime lab technicians,
supervisors, etc. are outside the standard news making process. This concept was
reflected in the percentage of outside sources cited in stories, with fewer outside sources
used in incident stories and policy stories, both of which are often considered “news-
oriented” (as opposed to features highlighting local departments or individuals). This
was also seen in the percentages of sources referencing CSI, particularly in incident

stories and organizational stories. While a large percentage of sources referencing CSI or

36

related programs in the analysis were interviews, the percentages were higher for stories
such as profiles (as the profile article is essentially a large-scale interview).

In addition to the growth in commonality of references to CS1-style programs and
the nature of sources cited in news articles, it is important to the theoretical foundation of
this project to examine the manner in which such references are made, including traits
such as context and tone, which speak to the spin that is placed upon images of the
television programs for a given audience. In the examined news articles, tone of
reference to CSI-style programming was measured and recorded, noting the way in which
the source compared or contrasted CSI or related programs and reality. It was found that
most sources cited in-text referenced forensics programming in a negative/refuting
manner, citing the difference(s) between the program and the reality of forensic science
and criminal investigations. However, almost 31% of sources referenced such
programming with a positive tone, often equating CS1 with reality. As discussed in the
literature review, it is not only the growth in the frequency of programming mention that
may prove to have an effect on public perception, but also the manner in which the
program is mentioned. In this case, although the majority of the stories referencing the
programs do so in a negative fashion, a fairly high percentage still use CSI references in a
positive/equating manner, particularly reporters themselves (who also make up approx.
half of the sources referencing the programming in news-oriented stories). Experts did
so, often equating their job with the popular television show images, such as when a
forensic agronomy expert stated that his expertise is “’like CSI, only for plants (Fredrix,
2005),”’ and reporters added a similar spin when referring to investigative personnel and

their “CSI moments” of discovery or epiphany (Laukaitis, 2004).

37

When context of forensics programming reference was examined, again a
majority of references were made in a contrasting fashion. Even still, a substantial
percentage of articles contained a comparison context, in which the program was
compared with (as similar to) reality. The percentage of comparison context articles was
equal to those exhibiting a cautionary context, which was divided between positive and
negative tone (typically citing rise in popularity, CS1 effect, etc.). Of outside sources, the
majority referenced CSI-type programs in a contrasting fashion, while slightly less than a
third still drew comparisons between the programs and real-world investigations and
forensics. These comparisons often occurred after a description of the show’s nature; for
example, a 2002 article highlighting a recent employment opening in the Omaha Police
Department crime lab, after the program description was outlined, the comparison of the
team in Omaha and those that “hoped to be the next Gil Grissom or Catherine Willows”
were noted (Proskocil, 2002). Again, it is this comparison-oriented context that may
prove particularly impacting in the arena of public perception; as news articles are
viewed as unbiased, straightforward summation of factual information, the reporting of
incidents, profiles, or policy stories that contain equations between CS1 and reality may
have particularly strong impacts on a public that consumes the images thereby presented.

As this analysis has shown, the use of references to CSI and forensics
programming in news print is certainly varied in both content and context. As the
longitudinal examination highlights, references to CSI and other programs have increased
in fi'equency since the approximate date of opening broadcast of the program itself. After
viewing the count of articles for the partial year 2006, this frequency appears to be

moving in an upward trend. In addition, when stories of local crime incidents were

38

reported, it was often this image of popular forensics programming that authors chose to
invoke, drawing readers in with easily-recalled and visualized points of reference.

Further still, although the majority of sources cited in-text did so in a manner negating the
similarity between television programming and reality, a relatively large percentage still
referenced CSI and other programs as comparisons or equations with real-life
investigations; reporters, who proved to be one of the widest bases of news-oriented CSI
reference, did so with a particularly high frequency. This was particularly apparent in
stories describing cases involving forensic science as “unique” from typical
investigations, and equating the nature of CS1-style programming and real-world forensic
science.

Contemporary news reporting has, indeed, created a strong sub textual connection
between television programming and the “new science” of forensics and CSI. As
highlighted in the literature review, this inclusion and equation of programming and
reality, as dictated by prior research, has the potential to form the basis of subsequent

construction of public perception.

RECOMMENDATIONS

This analysis provides a foundation for further research regarding the
relationship(s) between crime news reporting, the news making process, forensics
programming, and the CSI effect. As the longitudinal analysis has shown, the rate of
forensics programming reference within news media contexts will likely increase in the
near future; often times, these references are used as equations, binding together the

television image of criminal investigations and reality. It is imperative that studies of the

39

CS1 effect (generally, the impact of television programming on public perceptions)
include cross-medium analyses, particularly when considering the nature of social
construction and media consumption. As a given population is subjected to the almost
unavoidable consumption of multiple media types at any given time, it is only logical that
a review of genres other than the entertainment programming itself take place. News
media is of particular import, as the very manner in which news media is viewed implies
an atmosphere of objectivity and truthfulness.

As discussed in the literature review, while media construction and effects studies
are numerous, prior empirical reviews of the CSI effect are virtually nonexistent. This
project serves as an introductory analysis of the use of such programming references in
popular culture, specifically within the context of news stories: as noted, this study
provides a general image of the nature of CS1-style programming references that are
consumed by the public within said news contexts. Prior research dictates that this news
content and context may have significant impacts on public perception; in this case,
because the equation between programming and reality is often present, the readers’
image of real-world forensics and criminal investigations may be inescapably merged
with that of related television programming.

In addition to the aforementioned multiple-genre analyses, the next step in the
study of the CS1 effect will likely be tests of public perception and programming
consumption rates within a given population. For effective media effects research, one
must focus on both the consumed media types (and the content therein), as well as the
nature of public exposure and consumption. This project has highlighted the pervasion of

CSI-style programming in news media, and while further multiple-genre media analyses

40

are needed, direct examinations of public perceptions will certainly prove equally
important. While the project has provided a descriptive analysis of CSI-style
programming references in news print media, its relationship to the CS1 effect is heavily
tied to prior research and theory, rather than literal examinations of public perceptions. A
direct analysis of these perceptions must take place, verifying the impact of such an

effect, and building upon these concepts of social construction and media consumption.

41

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