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U.S. ONLINE CITIZEN JOURNALISM AND
ONLINE NEWSPAPER STORIES:
A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF THEIR QUALITY AND VALUE

By

Serena Carpenter

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Media & Information Studies

2007

ABSTRACT

U.S. Online Citizen Journalism and Online Newspaper Stories:
A Content Analysis of Their Quality and Value

By
Serena Carpenter

Anyone with access to the internet might hypothetically be a “journalist,”
for they can easily publish news content themselves instead of consuming
content created by traditional or mainstream news organizations. This transition
in power has challenged the definition of what is considered journalism and who
should be classified as a journalist.

To address how this transition is affecting the field of journalism, this
research focused on the examination of online citizen journalism and online
newspaper content. And to explore whether journalists associated with these
publications were producing “journalism,” this research identified principles that
are considered important to measure by journalism scholars and mainstream
journalists to make comparisons. Some of the principles measured are clearly
identifiable sources and journalists, a large number of sources, a diversity of
sources, topics and viewpoints, the use of local information, official sources,
outbound hyperlinks, mobilizing information and multimedia/interactive story
elements. Organizational and sociological theory was used to explain why
differences in content were expected between online citizen and online
newspaper publications.

The first objective of this investigation was to build a foundation of

empirical research that demonstrates the value and drawbacks of online

newspaper and online citizen journalism content. Second, this research sought to
identify attributes of stories that define quality online journalism. Finally, this
investigation laid the empirical groundwork to address the assumptions being
made about the contributions of online newspaper and online citizen journalists.

A quantitative content analysis of 480 online newspaper and 482 online
citizen journalism stories was conducted. The analysis of citizen journalism sites
was limited to sites that dedicated their coverage to a geographic location (e.g.,
Hamtramck, Mich., Chicago, Ill.) rather than citizen journalists who cover an
issue (e.g., entertainment, education). Analysis was also limited to textual stories
on the homepage. lntercoder reliability for all variables ranged from .82 to 1.0.

Data indicate that significant differences exist between online newspaper
journalism and online citizen journalism stories. Online newspaper journalists
revealed more information on the identity of their sources, however, were less
open about the background they bring to a story. Online citizen journalists
attributed more information to male sources, while online newspapers attributed
more official sources. Online citizen journalists were also more likely to include
mobilizing, multimedia and local information in their stories, and were more likely
to feature a diversity of topics.

Based on elements identified by mainstream journalists and scholars as
essential variables to measure, this investigation concluded that online citizen
and online newspaper journalists produce “journalism” at varying levels, and the
availability of both types of content, citizen and traditional, allow consumers

access to a diversity of ideas and opinions.

COPYRIGHT by
SERENA CARPENTER
2007

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am fortunate to be blessed with a committee willing to give continuing
advice and criticism on not only my dissertation, but on matters not expected of
them as well. I would like to thank my dissertation chair, Dr. Lucinda Davenport,
for her compassion, encouragement and thoroughness; Dr. Stephen Lacy, for his
research standards and enthusiasm for journalism have always pushed me to
seek a greater level of understanding; Dr. Nicole Ellison, for her perspectives and
willingness to mentor and Dr. Geri Alumit Zeldes, for her input and readiness to
contribute pushed me to better my work. Their input was paramount in providing
me the foundation to grow as a scholar at Michigan State University.

My dissertation is not only a reflection of my guidance committee, but
many other people who selflessly donated their time as well. Michigan State
University is made up of a collection of kind, brilliant and passionate people.
Some of those people include Dr. Frederick F ico, who has been my most trusted
mentor throughout my stay with the program; Dr. Jane Briggs-Bunting, who
encouraged and supported my enthusiasm for online journalism; Bonnie
Bucqueroux, who continually betters the field by challenging the status-quo and
Dr. Pamela Whitten, who offered me an opportunity to gain varying perspectives
on research. I consider these people my friends.

My graduate student friends also selflessly stepped up by providing me
with both emotional and informational support throughout my doctoral career.
These people include Laurie Buis, Gryphon Ward, Ming Lui, Sang Yeob

“Michael” Lee, Brad Love and Arvind Diddi.

I would also like to thank my mother and father, Tonya and Mike Hoffman,
for their unconditional support. The doctorate was not the most obvious or
straightest path for me; however, they supported me by allowing me the freedom
to fail and to learn from my mistakes. Their generosity has allowed me to become
a better teacher and researcher, but more importantly, a more complete person.

And lastly, I would like to thank my husband, Scott Carpenter. He has
made the greatest sacrifices out of everyone to ensure that I leave Michigan
State University with a completed doctorate. His support and unselfishness has
made this accomplishment possible. Throughout our years together, he has
forfeited his time and energy to ensure my happiness and health. I will gladly
spend the rest of my life repaying this debt, for he is the best partner one could

hope for in a marriage.

vi

TABLE OF CONTENTS
LIST OF TABLES ...................................................................................... xi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ......................................................................... 1
CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK..19

Philosophies toward Journalism ......................................................... 9
Libertarian and Social Responsibility Theories ............................. 9
Professionalism and Journalism ................................................. 11

Defining Journalism ............................................................................ 12
Definitions of Journalism ............................................................. 12

Quality in Journalism .......................................................................... 16
Definitions of Quality ................................................................... 18

Criticisms of the Traditional Press ............................................ 21

The Rise of Online Citizen Journalists ........................................ 23
Online Citizen and Online Traditional Journalism ..................... 25
Online Citizen Journalism Constraints .................................. 25

Theoretical Framework ....................................................................... 29
Shoemaker and Reese’s Hierarchy of Influences ........................ 30
The Routine Level ............................................................. 30
Uncertainty Reduction ........................................................ 32
The Organizational Level .................................................... 32

Attributes of Journalism ..................................................................... 35
Diversity of Sources .................................................................... 37
Diversity of Content ..................................................................... 42
Transparency .............................................................................. 46

Civic Engagement ........................................................................ 49

Attributes of Stories ...................................................................... 52

Summary ...................................................................................... 53

Research Questions ............................................................................ 54
Summary ...................................................................................... 57

CHAPTER 3: METHOD ....................................................................... 67
Quantitative Content Analysis ..................................................... 58

Description of Sample ................................................................. 58

Unit of Analysis ........................................................................... 59

Sampling Procedure ................................................................... 63

Coding Categories ...................................................................... 65

Reliability and Validity ................................................................. 69

Data Analysis .............................................................................. 71

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS ...................................................................... 81

vii

Description of Sample ......................................................................... 72

R01: Source Diversity ......................................................................... 73
Number of Sources ..................................................................... 73

Official and Unofficial Sources .................................................... 73

Gender ........................................................................................ 74

Multiple Viewpoints ..................................................................... 74

R02: Content Diversity ....................................................................... 75

Topic Diversity ............................................................................ 76

Hyperlink Use .............................................................................. 77

R03: Transparency ............................................................................. 78
Anonymous Sources ................................................................... 78

Transparent Sources .................................................................. 78

Journalist Transparency .............................................................. 79

R04: Civic Engagement ...................................................................... 80
Mobilizing Information ................................................................. 80

Local Information ........................................................................ 81

R05: Attributes of Stories ................................................................... 81
Summary .............................................................................................. 82
CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION ............................................................................ 83
Source Diversity .......................................................................... 84

Content Diversity ......................................................................... 87
Transparency .............................................................................. 91

Civic Engagement ....................................................................... 95

Story Attributes ........................................................................... 97

Summary .................................................................................... 98

CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION ............................................ 100
Summary .................................................................................. 100

Limitations ................................................................................. 105

Future Work .............................................................................. 106

APPENDIX A: Online Newspaper List ......................................................... 108
APPENDIX B: Online Citizen Journalism List ............................................ 110
APPENDIX C: Examples of Sites Analyzed ................................................ 1 1 1
APPENDIX D: Content Analysis Coding Sheet and Protocol ................... 113
FOOTNOTES ................................................................................................. 139
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................................................................ 123

viii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Average Number of Official and Unofficial Sources ....................... 74
Table 2 Use of Multiple Viewpoints in Controversial Stories ....................... 75
Table 3 Story Topic Distribution in Online Publications ............................. 76
Table 4 Average Use of Hyperlinks by Online Journalists .......................... 77
Table 5 Average Use of Anonymous and Transparent Sources .................. 79
Table 6 Presence of Journalist Transparency ......................................... 80
Table 7 Presence of Mobilizing Information ............................................ 80
Table 8 Presence of Local lnfonnation .................................................. 81
Table 9 Average Number of Story Attributes .......................................... 82
Table 10 Use of Hyperlinks Associated with Topic ......................................... 90
Table 11 Presence of Anonymous Sources Associated with Topic ................ 93
Table 12 Comparison of Online Newspaper and Online Citizen Sites ............ 99

ix

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

“The question people should ask is not whether someone is called a

journalist. The important issue is whether or not this person is doing

journalism” (Kovach and Rosenstiel, 2001, p. 98).

Journalism publications provide a collective space for the public to
exchange viewpoints. This aggregating function of the press is essential for
democracy to function. Journalists, the people responsible for this role in society,
are professionally being challenged by amateur or independent journalists. Both
online citizen journalism and online newspapers have faced many criticisms
regarding their credibility. Criticism includes their propensity to feature
entertainment stories, rather than informing the public on more substantive
matters (Brown, 2007, Harris Interactive Poll, 2005; Safran, 2005; Shaw, 2005).
This investigation examined whether criticisms against both online citizen
journalists and online newspaper journalists are grounded in empirical reality. To
accomplish this task, this research compared variables in stories extracted from
online newspaper (e.g., Star Tribune; Lansing State Joumal) and online citizen
journalism sites (e.g., Westport Now; Metroblogging Portland) to identify the
value and the drawbacks of both publication types via a quantitative content
analysis.

Mainstream news media are struggling to survive and compete against
threats from new competitors. The rise in competition can be attributed to the
ease of publishing content online. Current technology is decentralizing the
distribution of information, which in return is challenging traditional or mainstream

journalist’s role as gatekeeper in deciding what information is considered of news

value. Content can be produced and distributed by almost any person via the
World Wide Web. This open participation in the news process is challenging the
definition of what is considered journalism. For most of the 20th century, news
has been predominantly the mainstream or traditional media’s interpretation of
events and issues. Today, citizens can access information produced by sources
at the individual level (e.g., their peers) or at the organizational level (e.g.,
National Institutes of Health). Competition from alternative sources and the
developing idea that journalism is participatory has made the mainstream media
industry uneasy. This is due to the inability to foresee how online news will
advance or profit due to the limited ability to predict how user consumption and
online news business models will evolve.

Today’s “new” media are really not so new for most of the applications are
actually extensions of existing applications or media. Technology has historically
converged. For example, the telephone converged with the telegraph by utilizing
the same wire lines as the telegraph for limited service. Audio and pictures
converged to form television, which heightened an audience members’
connectedness to the outside world. In the online environment, the delivery of
news is not constrained by text, video or audio; rather, news can be packaged in
the format that is most ideal for the communication of that issue. Mainstream or
traditional media refer to commercial news organizations that have primarily
focused on the delivery of information daily concerning a large geographic (e.g.,

local, state, national, international) area in either a textual, audio or visual format

offline. In the online realm, audio, video and text can fuse together creating
layers that promote a deeper level of understanding.

The blending of broadcast and print applications in online environments is
increasingly encroaching on news organization’s turf because they must now
compete with each other or alternative media (e.g., Wikinews, Facebook,
YourHub) to profit (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2007). To compete, the
field of journalism is evolving due to the social and technological forces, and as it
movesifonrvard, a reevaluation of what is considered journalism is occurring
(Merritt & McCombs, 2004).

One specific challenge to traditional journalist’s role as information
providers is online citizen journalists. This research defined an online citizen
journalist as an individual who intends to publish information online meant to
benefit a community. The Knight Citizen News Network lists more than 450
citizen journalism sites in the United States (The Institute for Interactive
Journalism, 2007). There are no figures available that estimate the number of
citizen journalism content consumers; however, research indicates that anywhere
from seven to 12 percent of U.S. adults regularly read blogs (CNN.com, 2005;
Hargrove & Stempel, 2007).

The online citizen publishing movement stems from the blogging
phenomenon. A “blog” shortened for ‘web log’ is defined as “a frequently
modified web page in which dated entries are listed and archived in reverse
chronological order” (Herring, Scheidt, Bonus, & Wright, 2005; Nardi, Schiano, &

Gumbrecht, 2004). A blogger can be classified as an online citizen journalist

because bloggers first gained prominence for their coverage of former Senate
Majority Leader Trent Lott. Bloggers, people who publish on the internet, kept the
story alive when the traditional press overlooked perceived racist comments by
Lott. The traditional press did not report on it until the bloggers brought the story
to the surface leading to the resignation of Lott in 2002 (Shachtman, 2002).

In general, offline citizen journalists have historically acted when exiting
media were not fully meeting their community’s informational needs (Dennis &
Rivers, 1974; Kessler, 1984). That sentiment was recently reflected in a survey
which reported that 44 percent of U.S. news users felt that traditional journalists
were inadequately representing the diversity of issues within their community
(Harris Poll, 2007). Online citizen journalists feel as though they can fill that gap
(The Institute of Interactive Journalism, 2007a). However, controversy exists for
many traditional journalists do not feel that online citizen journalism content
should be classified as journalism because it is not as credible or accurate
(Gladney, Shapiro, & Castaldo, 2007).

One current debate focuses on whether online citizen journalists should
be classified as journalists. Currently, there is a push to classify every person in
the United States as a journalist (Alexander, 2002; "Free Flow of lnforrnation Act
of 2007,"; Papandrea, 2007; Woo, 2005). This move is leading to a debate
concerning who is qualified to be called a journalist. Based on the First
Amendment, the freedom to speak and publish is everyone’s right in the United

States, and this does not only pertain to the offline world, but the online one as

well. The assumption of this research is that anyone can be a journalist,
however, not everyone who regularly publishes content produces journalism.

Journalists are unique for they play a special role in promoting democracy,
interpreting issues, connecting citizens to issues and organizing information in an
accurate manner. As stated, the premise of this present research is that any
person can be a journalist, but the adherence to journalistic principles is what
segregates quality content creators from one another. The criticism against
online citizen journalism is that it is of low quality because of beliefs that it
focuses on opinion, entertainment and it is inaccurate (Brown, 2007, Safran,
2005; Shaw, 2005). This assumes that journalism has or should have certain
standards. But who should define these standards? It is difficult to identify
standards that should encapsulate quality journalism (Bogart, 2004). Critical
scholars, researchers, consumers, journalists and business leaders would likely
each define standards of quality differently.

To begin to identify what is “journalism,” this research focused on the
comparison of online citizen journalism and online newspaper story attributes.
The selected attributes in this study are identified as important by journalism
scholars and traditional journalists, and in some cases, these measures can
qualify as universal standards of quality journalism in the United States. The
Project for Excellence in Journalism’s definition of a “good” local television
newscast (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 1999, 2000a, 2000b, 2001),
State of the News Media research (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2004,

2005, 2006a, 2007) and other research1 have been used to identify features that

are considered hallmarks of “quality journalism” or elements that are considered
important to journalism. Story elements that can be classified as attributes that
define qualityjournalism content are 1) the use of identifiable sources and
journalists, 2) a large number of sources, 3) a diversity of sources and viewpoints
and 4) local information. However, not all attributes used in this study are
universally agreed upon elements that characterize quality, but they are
considered important to measure. The other attributes used to make
comparisons in this research were the use of topics, official and unofficial
sources, outbound hyperlinks, mobilizing information and multimedia/interactive
story elements. They were not categorized as attributes of quality for three
reasons: 1) the element should not be included in every story, 2) the inclusion of
the element is considered a debatable attribute or 3) the incorporation of the
story element collided with other journalistic principles (e.g., fairness, accuracy).
This research analyzed the selected publications through the use of a
quantitative content analysis. This type of analysis is useful for measuring large
quantities of data; however, it does limit the story elements that can be
examined. The product of a journalist is important to assess because as
according to the American Society of Newspaper Editors (p.3), “readers care
about what shows, not how it got there. They judge us on output, not process”
(ASNE, 2002). The content analysis compared variables identified in online
newspaper stories and online citizen journalism stories to determine the value

and drawbacks of each publication type.

Since this research focused on content, it utilized sociological and
organizational theories to better understand why differences in online citizen
journalism and online newspaper content are likely to exist. Specifically,
Shoemaker and Reese’s (1995) Hierarchy of Influences on Media Content is
utilized. This theory illuminates how a traditional joumalist’s socialization and
training play a significant role in the creation of the final product. Based on this
theoretical framework, it is predicted that online citizen journalists and online
newspaper journalists will likely be affected by varying influences such as
readers, other journalists, organizational constraints, which ultimately produce
differences in content.

The overarching purpose of this research is to add to a very limited
amount of research on online citizen journalism. Many news organizations are
adopting citizen content (Brown, 2005; The Institute for Interactive Journalism,
2007a). However, little is known about content produced by online citizen
journalists (The Institute for Interactive Journalism, 2007a; Rosen, 2006). The
selected online citizen journalism sites for this study encompass only
informational sites where content produced is focused on the informational
coverage of a particular geographic area (e.g., Hamtramck, Mich., Chicago, Ill.).
The use of online newspapers for comparative purposes can highlight the value
of both publication types, especially during a time when negative assumptions
are being made regarding the reliability, accuracy and fairness of content
produced by both citizen journalists and newspaper journalists (Brown, 2005,

Harris Interactive Poll, 2005; Shaw, 2005). Currently, a foundationless line exists

dividing both types of content contributors, but whether such a line should exist is
disputable.

In the following section, chapter two, a review of the literature is
presented, followed by sociological and organizational theory used to illuminate
why differences in content are predicted to exist. Chapter three provides a
detailed account of the methodology used to carry out this examination of online
citizen journalism and online newspaper Web sites. Chapter four presents the
results of the investigation, and chapter five addresses a discussion of the
results. In the final chapter, chapter six, conclusions are made including the need

for future work.

CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

The literature review addresses the background, concerns and questions
raised regarding the value of online citizen journalism and online newspaper
content. The literature review begins with a focus on general philosophies toward
journalism, and later addresses journalism’s relationship to online citizen
journalism content including the constraints citizen journalists face in the
publishing world. Lastly, the theoretical framework guiding this research is
presented, including the research questions.

Philosophies toward Journalism

Journalism holds a special place in society because the stories produced
by journalists reflect the issues that affect and define people as a collective. This
public collection of information is necessary for democracy to exist. News people
assemble complex information so others can better understand information.
However, a debate exists over the level of involvement consumers should have
in the process of constructing news, which is challenging traditional joumalist’s
role as primary information providers to the public.

The desired level of consumer involvement is a historical debate. In the
1920s, journalist and political commentator Walter Lippman and American
philosopher John Dewey debated the role of journalism in democracy, and what
role the public should play in the information exchange process. John Dewey
believed that the news media should encourage involvement in public affairs
through social collaboration. However, Lippman’s libertarian views in the 20th

century dominated the news media’s philosophy toward constructing news. His

paternalistic philosophy toward informing the public empowered journalists
because it held that their expertise placed them with moral authority over others
in determining the worthiness of information shared with the public. Some critics
have claimed that Lippman’s approach toward the public, treating them as
incapable spectators, encouraged the disconnect that exists today between
traditional news journalists and the public (Merritt & McCombs, 2004). Plaisance
(2005) added to criticism against the libertarian philosophy stating that “humans
are creatures of community and come to self-realization through social life”
(p.300). Thus, individuality is discovered through one’s relationships with other
people, and a diversity of content encourages a greater awareness of self (Kim &
Ball-Rokeach, 2006; Plaisance, 2005; Tilly, 1978).

John Dewey countered the libertarian philosophy by arguing that
journalists should entrench themselves in their community so to better pinpoint
reality, rather than create it (Dewey, 1985). Dewey’s approach emulates the
theory of social responsibility, which was intended to address the shortcomings
of the libertarian theory. The social responsibility theory posits that news people
should act with a social conscience (Peterson, 1966; Plaisance, 2005; Siebert,
Peterson, & Schramm, 1956), and recent research indicates that journalists are
becoming more community-centric (Weaver, Beam, Brownlee, Voakes, & Wilhoit,
2007). The social responsibility approach began to take form following The
Commission on the Freedom of the Press’s Report in 1947 (Blanchard, 1977),
and eventually fell somewhat more into acceptance with the public journalism

movement. Originating in the 19905, the public journalism philosophy posited that

10

the press should improve their community by highlighting issues that were of
local concern (Rosen, 1999).

Differing philosophies toward informing the public have fueled tension
among journalists because some members of the press feel as though all
creators of journalistic content have a duty to adhere to certain moral standards
(Brown, 2007; Shaw, 2005; Shim, 2006). The ease of publishing content online
has permitted anyone with internet access to create content for public
consumption. These creators of content do not have to abide by any principles
(e.g., accuracy, fairness, thoroughness) when publishing. Thus, anyone can
hypothetically be a journalist. The field of journalism is not considered a
profession by many outside entities because there are no licensing requirements
that mandate journalists to follow guidelines on how to select, construct and
disseminate information (Johnstone, Slawski, & Bowman, 1976; Kovach &
Rosenstiel, 2001 ).

There are several reasons behind why journalists have not sought
professional status. Professionalism has been defined as “the exercise of
autonomy, the right to workers to control their own work, frequently with
reference to norms developed by professional agencies external to the
organizations in which they work” (Tuchman, 1978, p.65). One leading reason
behind the field’s controversial move not to seek professional status was their
inability to specialize in an area of knowledge (Schramm, 1957). Journalists tend
not to be experts themselves in particular areas; rather they rely on outside

sources who are experts to help them define news (Gruening, 1924). This source

11

and organizational dependence affects their behavior, thus, limiting their
independence when producing content. Other reasons include training expenses
and limited applications of professional rules to unexpected events (Soloski,
1989)

Despite not seeking professional status, some media experts argue that
good journalists are distinct from other practitioners (Brown, 2005). Lippman
(1922) said that a good journalist understands how to find information. Brown
(2005) indicated that information presented to the public must be accurate, and
only professional journalists are skilled at checking facts. Academics and
professional organizations contend that high-quality journalists are those who
create information based on their adherence to ethics so to protect the public

from consuming misinformation (RTNDA, 2000; SND, 2006; SPJ, 1996).

Defining Journalism

A historical and current review of journalism definitions is highlighted to
demonstrate the complications of defining what is journalism and who should
produce journalistic content. Conflict exists as to whether to focus on the
definition of the journalist or the definition of journalism, and how one should
define a journalist and journalism. This section of the literature review addresses
the current controversy.
Definitions of Journalism

Journalism scholars have conceived of ”journalism” as something that

exists in the minds of journalists. Emery, Ault, and Agee (1973) simply defined

12

journalism as a report of things as they appear at the moment of writing (Emery,
Ault, & Agee, 1973, p.11). Camp (1890) surveyed journalists asking them to
define news. He defined news as an unpublished event of present interest
(p.260). He claimed that it was unpublished because news existed in the minds
of people who published the news.

Based on the selected historical definitions, any person could
hypothetically be a journalist. However, 20th century academics and the courts
tend to classify journalistic work as a product stemming from those who work at a
news organization (Blanchard, 1977; Papandrea, 2007; Woo, 2005). Journalism
is an individual, an organizational and a societal entity. Past definitions reflected
the likelihood, as Johnstone, Slawski and Bowman (1976) recognized, that news
was not purely the result of the individual journalist. The authors defined
journalism as of ongoing social process as filtered through the apparatus of the
news industry (Johnstone et al., 1976, p.6).

Journalists have been defined as those who have editorial responsibility
for the preparation or transmission of news stories or other information (Weaver
et al., 2007, p.256). Specifically, Weaver et al. defined journalists by drawing a
line between news employees and citizens. The authors defined journalists by
concentrating their study efforts on full-time reporters, writers, correspondents,
columnists, editors, public affairs staff and photographers. For the most part, the
courts define journalism based on whether a person is employed by a news
organization (Papandrea, 2007; Woo, 2005). For example, the Alabama shield

law (2005, p.33) states that a journalist is any person engaged in, connected

13

with, or employed by any newspaper, radio broadcasting or television station
(The Bureau of National Affairs, 2005).

Recently proposed definitions concluded that almost everyone should be
granted journalistic protections. Papandrea (2007) proposed that everyone who
disseminates information to the public should be granted shield law rights, which
is the limited right to keep the identity of a source confidential, while Alexander
(2002) argued that any person gathering news for dissemination to the news
media should be considered a journalist. Woo (2005) attempted to define
journalism by arguing that the U.S. courts should define journalism by
ascertaining whether an individual is “doing journalism” (p.34). The act of
journalism consisted of three elements: 1) a person pursuing a story, 2) that was
intended for an audience and 3) that was intended to benefit the public or be of
social importance. Journalism would then be defined on a story-by-story basis. A
newly proposed federal bill (Free Flow of lnfonnation Act of 2007, HR 2102)
would likely grant citizen journalists immunity from revealing confidential sources
if they were engaged in joumalism, rather than if they were affiliated with a news
organization. The bill defined journalism as the gathering, preparing, collecting,
photographing, recording, writing, editing, reporting, or publishing of news or
information that concems local, national, or international events or other matters
of public interest for dissemination to the public ("Free F low of Information Act of
2007," 2007, p.7). Currently, 49 states have shield laws or have court rulings that
grant journalists protection from revealing their sources (Broache, 2007; Society

of Professional Journalists, 2007).

14

For this present examination, a “journalist” is an individual who intends to
publish information meant to benefit a community. Thus, both citizen journalists
and traditional journalists fall under this definition of a journalist; however, the use
of online citizen journalists and online newspaper journalists are labels used to
avoid confusion throughout this research.

It is a First Amendment right to publish, and any infringement on that right
goes against the ideals of the First Amendment (Blanchard, 1977). “Freedom to
publish means freedom for all and not for some. Freedom to publish is
guaranteed by the Constitution” ("Associated Press v. United States," 1945,
p.20). Intent to publish is important for the rights of journalists must be protected
as they gather information, not only when the content has been published for
mass consumption.

The intention behind the use of the term community for this research is
based on previous definitions of journalism. Journalistic information functions to
safeguard the existence of democracy; it does this by encouraging people to act
as a collective. The duty of the journalist is to serve people - that includes people
who make up the masses and people who belong to smaller subgroups. Thus,
journalists work to serve specific communities.

A community can refer to a geographic area or refer to a group of people
with similar interests (Christensen & Levinson, 2003). There are many definitional
examples of the use of community in the term journalism. “News is anything
timely which is significant to newspaper readers in their relation to the

community, the state, and the nation” (Bleyer, 1918, p. xiii). Laurence Alexander

15

defined news along the same lines by saying that news is information of public
interest concerning the local, state, national or world issues (Alexander, 2002). In
a recent survey, most online citizen journalists (79%) classified information on
their site as journalism because of the publication’s impact on their community
(The Institute for Interactive Journalism, 2007a). Community in this definition
refers to a specific geographic location, where people identify themselves as a
social unit. A useful definition of community is “the interconnected relationships
among people who share a common goal, neighborhood, and/or relationship”
(Kurpius, 2000, p.340). Most traditional news organizations utilize geography to
identify their advertisers and news users (Lacy & Simon, 1993). However, online
is proving that many people don’t use geography to define themselves (Chyi &
Sylvie, 2001). This definition recognizes that many subcultures can exist within a
city or a town, and individuals coexisting in these communities have distinct goals

and identities as well.

Quality in Journalism
The proposed definition of a journalist as an individual who intends to
publish information meant to benefit a community addresses who is considered a
journalist, but does not address whether journalists are producing “quality”
journalism. The debate over quality has historically plagued journalism as well
(Bogart, 2004; Johnstone et al., 1976; Soloski, 1997).
Since the 19203, news organizations and academic institutions have

taught future journalists basic elements and principles that guide them as they

16

gather news (Johnstone et al., 1976; Weaver et al., 2007). Despite a lack of
specified credentials for entering the field, most news employers prefer
journalists to have at least a bachelor’s degree before they will employ them with
their news organization (Johnstone et al., 1976; U.S. Department of Labor, 2006;
Weaver et al., 2007). However, citizen journalists are proving that a degree is an
unnecessary attribute to produce content online.

There is tension between those who consider themselves online citizen
journalists and those who work as a journalist for a news organization. One
leading reasons is that many citizen journalists are not trained to subscribe to the
same standards (e.g., objectivity, independence, thoroughness, fairness,
accuracy, etc.) as a journalist working for a news organization. However, many
citizen journalists value the independence of creating stories not based on those
traditional principles (Gladney et al., 2007; Johnstone et al., 1976; The Institute
for Interactive Journalism, 2007a). Despite the criticism that principles confine
journalists, many of these standards have come to define journalism; and thus,
concern arises when citizen journalists produce content without certain values in
mind (Glaser, 2006; Merrill, 1974). “Journalism requires more than one person
and it needs a support structure. It’s about editing, questioning and challenging
assumptions. Much of what is put on blogs right now is ‘opinion’. There are good,
thoughtful opinions out there - but they’re often presented as fact. There is some
journalism happening in the blogosphere, but not much” (Safran, 2005, p.21).

Quality of content is a difficult concept to measure, as Leo Bogart

indicated, for quality is linked to time and place (Bogart, 2004). Many basic

17

principles have stood the test of time. Accuracy, depth and impartiality are
examples (Burgoon, Burgoon, & Atkin, 1982); however, it is challenging to
quantitatively operationalize broad principles of journalism. Difficulty exists for
operational measures can be categorized under more than one principle. For
example, the inclusion of a large number of sources could be a measure of
accuracy, thoroughness, independence or fairness.

The Hutchins Commission’s report is regarded as a broad indicator of
what is considered quality. The commission’s recommendations included being
more comprehensive, offering forums for compromise and criticism, presenting a
representative picture, communicating the day’s intelligence and featuring the
goals and values of society (The Commission on Freedom of the Press, 1947).

However, no rigorous operational definition of quality exists (Gladney,
1996; Lacy & Fico, 1991; McManus, 1992; Picard, 1998; The Commission on
Freedom of the Press, 1947). Most research focuses on the analysis of quality at
the publication level based on newspaper editors’ opinions of perceived
journalistic quality, rather than based on the perceptions of consumers. The
present research identified quality indicators at the story level. Research has
defined journalistic publication quality based on the proportion of available staff-
written to wire service stories and non-advertising content, high ratio of
illustrations to text, length of average front page news stories, the use of
interpretative pieces versus spot news, number of letters to the editor and the
diversity of political columnists available per issue (Bogart, 1989; Lacy & F ico,

1990, 1991). Survey research of editors based on criteria from Bogart’s research

18

identified five factors that define media quality at the publication level: 1) ease of
use, 2) localism, 3) editorial vigor, 4) quantity of news and 5) interpretation
(Koang—Hyub & Meyer, 2005).

Gladney identified 17 standards of excellence finding that circulation size
is a factor related to the perception of what is considered publication quality by
small and large newspaper editors. Large newspapers tend to value staff
enterprise, staff professionalism, comprehensive news coverage and
interpretation, while small newspapers favor local news, community values and
community leadership (Gladney, 1990). Other recent research by Gladney and
others (2007) revealed that online editors and other news employees identified
38 indicators of online quality, 12 of which are related to general content quality.2
However, the majority of Gladney’s indicators of news quality lack the precision
necessary to evaluate whether news outlets are adhering to standards of quality,
but their research does support that differences exist regarding the definition of
quality between small and large newspaper publications.

The goal is to identify objective standards of quality that can be applied
across all publication types based on input from scholars and journalists. This
research defines quality at the story level. The Project for Excellence in
Journalism’s definition of a “good” local television newscast (Project for
Excellence in Journalism, 1999, 2000a, 2000b, 2001), State of the News Media
research (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2004, 2005, 2006a, 2007) and
other past research have been utilized to identify features that are considered

hallmarks of “quality journalism.” Elements used in this research to define quality

19

journalism are 1) the use of identifiable sources and journalists, 2) a large
number of sources, 3) a diversity of sources and viewpoints and 4) the use of
local information.

The other attributes used to make comparisons were a diversity of topics,
and the use of official sources, outbound hyperlinks, mobilizing information and
multimedia/interactive story elements. These attributes were measured for
descriptive purposes for not all Project for Excellence in Journalism and other
research characteristics used in this study are universally agreed upon elements
that characterize quality. They were not categorized as attributes of quality for
three reasons: 1) the element should not be included in every story, 2) the
incorporation of the story element collided with other journalistic principles or 3)
the inclusion of the element is considered a debatable attribute. For example, the
inclusion of “mobilizing information” in stories can demonstrate the news outlet’s
desire to civically engage their community; a tenet considered important by
smaller news outlets (Gladney, 1990). However, the incorporation of this
information can be uncomfortable for journalists for its inclusion may create the
appearance of bias (Lemert, 1984).

The inclusion of official and unofficial sources can be debated as a
positive story attribute as well. Many debates tied to quality are premised on the
notion that principles can collide with one another. For example, incorporating a
greater number of official or expert sources may increase the accuracy of the
story, but then the story may not be as balanced due to the exclusion of less elite

sources. Which is a better reflection of reality, the one with more official sources

20

or the one with a balance of official and unofficial sources? Thus, measurable
standards need to be more fully developed by journalism scholars.

A greater understanding of issues can occur as well when journalists
include story attributes such as video and audio (Gladney et al., 2007; Pavlik,
2001). These attributes offer a deeper level of understanding by making the story
more easily digestible. Research indicates that a high ratio of illustrations to text
and multimedia richness are considered indicators of quality (Bogart, 1989;
Gladney et al., 2007). However, not all stories warrant multimedia elements. For
example, government stories tend not to be visually appealing, and the inclusion
of too many multimedia rich elements can cause a cognitive overload (Lang,

2000).

Criticisms of the Traditional Press

Criticisms regarding the quality of content do not always stem from
technology. The influence of yellow journalism has had a significant impact on
today’s journalism. Yellow journalism in the late 18003 and early 1900s, which
was considered the “new" journalism at one time, featured sensational content.
This type of journalism was considered unprofessional because news
organizations printed exaggerated headlines and stories to drive up circulation. It
was pegged as sensationalistic because critics claimed it deteriorated the value
of journalism. This form of journalism encouraged the field to seek respect from
their readers by using more fair and objective methods of reporting. The desire

for a more scientific approach to journalism and the need for more technical skills

21

encouraged future journalists to seek a liberal arts college education (Bleyer,
1918; Hutchins et al., 1966; Johnstone et al., 1976; U.S. Department of Labor,
2006).

Objective or more detached reporting became the standard in the 1930s.
It was in the 19503 when the press began to question the strict objective
approach to journalism when journalists published, and did not verify or question,
Senator Joe McCarthy’s inaccurate accusations of people being communists. It
was the strict adherence to objective reporting that encouraged journalists to fear
presenting information that had the appearance of bias (Kovach & Rosenstiel,
2001). Critics maintained that this strict, more standardized approach to
journalism limited 3 journalist’s ability to go beyond reporting just the facts,
instead of interpreting whether those facts truly reflected reality (Dennis & Rivers,
1974; Johnstone et al., 1976; Kiplinger, 1936; Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2001;
Shoemaker & Reese, 1995). Other authors have pointed out that many
journalists continue to follow the straight reporting formula because of deadline
pressures, lack of creativity or their inability to interpret complex events (Dennis
& Rivers, 1974). Recent research revealed that online citizen journalists seek to
interpret how an issue affects their community, rather than the straight
description of facts (The Institute for Interactive Journalism, 2007a).

Standardization also encouraged the daily press to concentrate on issues
that appealed to the masses. Stories can be written for readers at the
neighborhood, the state, the national or the international level. A daily newspaper

is more likely to focus on issues that affect the largest mass of people to meet

22

the news organization’s goal of mass circulation (Merrill, 1974). The mass-appeal
approach, which means that journalists focus their content on people who are
more similar, rather the dissimilar, which has led journalists to become
dependent on a few sources to decipher the complicated implications of issues
on a much broader level, while not attending to more hyperlocal and diverse
issues (Marzolf, 1991; Shim, 2006; Tuchman, 1978). The criticism is that a heavy
dependence on a few elite sources to decipher an issue has led to inaccurate or
nonexistent depiction of community-level issues. Online citizen journalists feel
that they cover local information not found in mainstream media, solve
community-level problems and increase local voter turnout via their community

coverage (The Institute for Interactive Journalism, 2007a).

The Rise of Online Citizen Journalists

The behavior of traditional journalists is connected to the long roots of
professional norms and principles, and rarely do they deviate from those norms
(Ettema, Whitney, & Wackman, 1997; Shim, 2006; Soloski, 1997). As technology
has infiltrated the mediascape, concern has erupted over the validity of the
information produced by alternative sources. History can offer some guidance in
foreseeing how the definition of what is considered journalism is affected as a
new technology challenges the status-quo. Although, it is difficult to predict how
journalism will evolve online (Carey, 1998); history can shed some light on how

“new media” create conflict, and thus, change.

23

It is the fear of new competition, rather than capitalizing on the potential of
new technology is one motivator for change for organizations. Print and
broadcast journalists have been socialized to view each other as competition,
and have been known to criticize each other’s reporting based on the medium
with which they identify with (Singer, 2004), and the undeveloped nature of new
technology provides verbal ammunition against internet competitors. Critics
originally viewed television as a “hybrid monstrosity” of newspapers and radio
news, possessing “no merits” of either medium (Mickleson, 1957, p.304) and was
compared to that of “tabloid newspapers” (Foster, 1958, p.45). The Ohio
Association of Radio News Editors was quoted as saying “Radio news will be the
last thing to fall in the wake of TV. I don’t think TV news will ever be any good”
(Heath, 1950, p.409).

The radio, once considered a plaything, forced newspapers to redefine
their role as information providers. Radio was considered only useful for the
“mentally deficient” (Bent, 1929, p.348) and was not viewed as a “serious
competitor” to newspapers (Palmer & Gilmore, 1958, p.29). By 1960, almost
every home owned both a radio and television set (Balk, 2006; Schramm, 1960).

Many concerns regarding the quality of television and radio content were
valid because the primary original mission of both was to entertain, not to inform
(Sarnoff, 1966). However, Schramm criticized people who passed judgment on
television saying that it was an irresponsible attitude because “it neglects that
fact that television doesn’t all have to be trash. Television is potentially one of

greatest windows to the world. If television is a great social waste, what a loss we

24

are suffering! And whose fault is it? Basically, it is the fault of the people who
don’t watch it and don’t do anything about improving it” (Schramm, 1966, p.352).

Conflict can encourage organizations to invest in bettering their product
(Tichenor, Donahue, 8. Olien, 1980). Competition from radio encouraged
newspaper organizations to capitalize upon their strength as in-depth interpreters
of information, rather than trying to out-scoop radio news organizations (Bent,
1929). When faced with television rivals, radio organizations refocused their
efforts by changing content, developing new talent, targeting local consumers
and by offering more affordable advertising (Chester & Garrison, 1956; Chester,
Garrison, &Willis, 1963; Lawton, 1961).
Online Citizen Journalism and Traditional Journalism

Online newspapers are likely to adapt and to Ieam from their competitors
as well, as history has shown. One current example is the adoption of online
citizen journalism content by traditional news organizations. For example,
Gannett Company, Inc., the publisher of USA Today, has committed to
incorporating more citizen-generated content. One way it is incorporating more
citizen content is by asking readers to act as watchdogs and researchers for their
news stories (Howe, 2006). CNN.com’s l-Report averages 3,000 citizen
journalism submissions per month (Bergman, 2007). Citizen journalism content is
attractive to online news organizations for the majority of it is produced by people
who will give it to news organizations at no cost; an attractive feature for news
organizations as they struggle to profit online (Project for Excellence in

Journalism, 2007; Scott, 2005).

25

Online Citizen Journalism Constraints

Academic research on online citizen journalism publications is limited;
however, differences in content may be attributed to the perceived variation in
their consumers. Citizen-generated content is more likely published for smaller,
more homogenized audiences on a less regular basis, which in return
encourages citizen journalists to produce content dissimilar from that of daily
newspaper journalists (Johnstone et al., 1976; Tichenor et al., 1980).

Research conducted on alternative, neighborhood, weekly, urban,
dissident and community-oriented publications can shed light on citizen
journalism publications. All these types of publications can be categorized as
“smaller" publications. Smaller publications primarily cover issues or events that
affect small communities, neighborhoods or suburban areas. In many cases,
these types of publications are available to the public at no cost (Lacy, 2002).
Smaller publications, whether urban or rural, tend to emphasize community
consensus over conflict, advocacy over objectivity and interpretation over straight
reporting (Donahue, Tiechenor, & Olien, 1972; Gladney, 1990; Hindman, 1998;
Janowitz, 1952; Johnstone et al., 1976; The Institute for Interactive Journalism,
2007a; Reader, 2006; Tichenor et al., 1980). Smaller publications balance their
community’s needs and their desire to produce professional journalistic content.
However, their allegiance typically leans toward their community (Donahue et al.,
1972; Reader, 2006; Weaver et al., 2007). Their duty as information providers
has been typically to promote the status quo by producing stories that align with

their own and their local community leaders’ viewpoints (Hindman, 1998;

26

Janowitz, 1952). Citizen journalism content can present a different voice in the
marketplace. This voice, however, tends to be reflective of their own voice, and
their targeted audience is usually other like-minded consumers. This perceived
similarity between the smaller publications and the public positively influences
trust levels toward these types of publications (Meyer, 2004).

Citizen journalists can either work alone or for an organization. This
research focuses on people who write about a specific geographic area (e.g.,
Hamtramck, Mich., Chicago, I"), rather than on one particular issue (e.g.,
entertainment, education). Research on citizen-run publications in the 19703 can
be used to make more closely related comparisons. These type of publications,
typically urban, accepted content from amateur journalists who reported on
issues of direct personal interest to them. Their purpose as an informational
source was to promote community cohesion and to fill an informational gap left
by traditional journalists (Gaziano & Ward, 1978).

New forms of journalism are typically disorganized and viewed as not
credible; however, what binds these forms of alternative journalism is their
“dissatisfaction with existing standards and values,” which includes the
availability of news options in the marketplace (Dennis & Rivers, 1974; Hindman,
1998, p.1). Research has shown that good local weeklies can even substitute
daily newspapers as an informational source (Lacy & Dalmia, 1993). Research
on neighborhood and weekly publications indicates that many of their journalists
value public affairs reporting, and many journalists attend almost every city

council meeting (Duncan, 1952; Ward & Gaziano, 1976). Recent survey research

27

supports this sentiment, many online citizen journalists felt that their online
publications solve community-level problems and increase local voter turnout
(The Institute for Interactive Journalism, 2007a).

The greatest constraints on alternative publications are economic in
nature, which means that their future is uncertain (Duncan, 1952; Gaziano &
Ward, 1978; Kessler, 1984). Many publications have not been found to survive
past the life of the person who initiated the publication for most people who start
these types of publications are resource-poor (Johnstone et al., 1976; Kessler,
1984). This may be because smaller news outlets tend to staff fewer, more
inexperienced journalists who are not paid substantial salaries (Demers, 1994).

Online citizen journalists must be creative for potential sources for
revenue are limited. OhmyNews, based in Korea, is a prominent international
player in the citizen journalism, earns most of its money from advertisements and
voluntary subscriptions, but recently has faced some financial difficulties (Hua,
2007; Kim & Hamilton, 2006). Kessler (1984) identified three sources of revenue
for citizen content: 1) support from a resource-rich individual or group, 2)
subscription or single-copy sales or 3) advertising profits. Kessler indicated,
however, that selling subscriptions did not usually work because citizen content
readers tend to be less economically stable.

Resources traditionally play an important role in the thoroughness of
reporting by the journalist (McManus, 1994). The growth and continued existence
of smaller publications is dependent on volunteers willing to contribute content

(Gaziano & Ward, 1978). However, the internet allows new ventures to start up

28

with a minimal amount of investment. Recent research revealed almost half
(49%) of online citizen media site operators surveyed indicated that they felt they
did not need money to keep their site running (The Institute for Interactive
Journalism, 2007a). In the past, smaller news organizations had to hire both
journalists and delivery people to survive. Today, door-to—door carriers are
unnecessary (Kessler, 1984).

In summary, news organizations rely heavily upon standardized news
values to create content. Debates surface because many of these values have
been defined by the news industry, rather than based on public input (Lacy &
Fico, 1990; 1991). Citizen journalists are less likely to be concerned with conflict,
objectivity or timeliness as news values because they have not been socialized
or educated to adhere to those news values (Atwood & Grotta, 1973; Johnstone
et al., 1976; Merrill, 1974). Journalists from smaller publications, such as online
citizen journalists, may value community consensus, which may mean less
critical analysis of issues as they avoid stories that offend their local readers
(Donahue et al., 1972; Janowitz, 1952; The Institute for Interactive Journalism,
2007a). Research must be conducted beyond speculative relationships to more
precisely determine what differences truly exist between both publication types to
more precisely understand their value to society because as research has shown
differences do exist between larger and smaller publications (Gladney, 1990,

1996).

Theoretical Framework

29

Sociological theory is useful in explaining how content is produced;
however, current theories may not be applicable to online citizen journalism sites.
The theory presented explains constraints on traditional media content, and
many of these constraints on traditional media are dissimilar from citizen
constraints, which will likely to contribute to differences in content. Traditional
journalists who work for an organization will more likely conform to organizational
norms, and thus, behave in a more predictable manner because they share the
same goals, skills and values whereas citizen journalists experience a greater
level of independence (Breed, 1955; Janowitz, 1952; Merrill, 1974; Shoemaker &
Reese, 1995; Sigal, 1973; Tichenor et al., 1980). The following section utilizes
sociological theory to explain online newspaper constraints.

Online Newspaper Constraints

News is a social process that evolves from the influence of many different
factors. Shoemaker and Reese’s Hierarchy of Influences (1995) contends that
constraints on traditional media content occur at five different levels: the
individual, the routine, the organizational, the extramedia and the ideological
level. This research focuses on two of those levels, routine and organizational
influences, to explain why online newspapers are expected to differ from online
citizen journalism publications.

The Routine Level

Online citizen journalism content should differ from that of content

produced by mainstream online newspaper news organizations because citizen

journalism news is less of a reflection of routine influences. Newspaper

30

employee’s reliance on routines affects how news is constructed. Past research
on traditional media products has shown that as time has progressed, news
organization employees have increasingly relied on routines to accomplish daily
tasks in an efficient manner (Berkowitz, 1997; Epstein, 1973; Shoemaker &
Reese, 1995). Routines are a coping mechanism to deal with continual deadlines
and heavy work loads. Shoemaker and Reese define routines as “those
patterned, routinized, repeated practices and forms that media workers use to do
their jobs” (p.105). The routinization of behavior affects a journalist’s ability to
adhere to principles (e.g., accuracy, fairness, transparency) that guide them
when constructing news. Deadlines pressure journalists to sacrifice the
thoroughness and the accuracy of their stories (Epstein, 1973; Greer & Mensing,
2006; Ha & James, 1998). A typical news day for a traditional journalist consists
of a journalist finding a story idea, pitching the idea to the editor, tracking down
sources to interview, and lastly, writing the story for perhaps both the print and
web edition. However, many journalists are fortunate if they only receive one
story assignment throughout the day. To survive reoccurring time deadlines,
routines evolve.

Routinization also allows news organizations to invest less in their news
product. For example, Epstein’s (1973) study of CBS, NBC, and ABC television
news networks found that many news corporations purposely understaffed their
newsroom for their goal was to staff the minimum number of peOple needed to fill

”3

each “news hole rather than hiring enough people to accurately report the

diversity of their community. The number of traditional news employees

31

continues to grow smaller, increasing the workloads in American newsrooms,
which leaves fewer people to fill the same or a larger news hole for the print and
online edition. Weaver and his colleagues confirmed this downsizing trend,
finding that there were 6,000 fewer journalists in 2002 than there were in 1992
(Weaver et al., 2007). Census figures, as cited by Johnstone, Slawski and
Bowman (1976), indicated 102,555 people working as reporters or editors in
1960; the U.S. Department of Labor (2006) reported that 64,000 people worked
as journalists in 2004. The 2007 State of the Media research reported that daily
newspaper newsrooms lost five percent of their staff between 2000 and 2005,
and the authors predict that this trend will continue as time progresses.

The routinization of behavior makes learning a new technical or
communication skill daunting unless leadership continually pushes for the
change especially when faced with a shrinking newsroom. Routines are
reflections of rewarded behavior, and news employees tend to revert to old
habits when faced with uncertainty, which affects their ability to learn new online
technical and writing skills (Pentland & Rueter, 1994; Scott, 1987; Sutcliffe &
McNamara, 2001). People working in uncertain conditions cling to routines when
faced with periods of change, which includes the current transition online. The
Uncertainty Reduction theory posits that people seek out the safest way of
behaving to avoid suffering consequences from management (Berger &
Calabrese, 1975). Thus, it is difficult for socially-complex organizations to
encourage new behavior. If management does not or does not know how to

implement change among employees, employees will likely “mindlessly” continue

32

to do as they have been rewarded in the past. Thus, online newspaper content
should probably still reflect that of a traditional print newspaper because of the
unlikelihood that an organization will extensively alter how it produces content
(Berger & Calabrese, 1975; Ettema et al., 1997; Pentland & Rueter, 1994; Scott,
1987; Sutcliffe & McNamara, 2001).
The Organizational Level

News professionals working in a newsroom modify their behavior to meet
the organizational need to profit, even if those values conflict with their own
personal values (Breed, 1955; Epstein, 1973). Many newspaper journalists
adhere to ethics and principles as best as they can in an environment with
numerous constraints and relationships affecting their behavior. Journalists have
the greatest independence when constructing information during the news-
processing stage, where they determine an angle for a particular story
(Johnstone et al., 1976). For most part, a journalist has little power in a
bureaucratic setting. Ettema, Whitney and Wackman (1997) contend that news is
a product produced by people who are low in hierarchy; and thus their weapons
against organizational power are the canons of journalism (Peterson, 1966).
Principles allow journalists to question upper management motives; however, as
long as news is primarily a product of organizations, routines will affect the online
newspaper news product because organizations survive by adhering to patterned
behavior, which includes past behavior and defined roles (Bantz, 1997; Ettema et
al., 1997). These defined roles encourage the repetition of specific daily tasks.

Repetition is how news organizations increase efficiency and productivity. Bantz

33

et al. compared the newsroom to that of a factory contending that each person
acts as a laborer, and they tend not to deviate from their assigned role due to
internal and external pressures (Bantz, McCorkle, & Baade, 1997). Singer
discovered that print journalists had a difficult time transitioning in a converged
newsroom due to ingrained habits and an unwillingness to change how they
reported and wrote stories (Singer, 2004).

Principles are first learned by journalists during their education. Education
was considered a key element in becoming a journalist beginning in the 19208. A
1926 New York Times article indicated that not just anybody can be a journalist
because a journalist must possess a large body of general knowledge, not just
specialized knowledge in a few particular areas, which encouraged the push for
journalists to obtain a liberal arts education, especially following World War II
(Johnstone et al., 1976; Marzolf, 1991; Will, 1926).

Survey research has shown that journalists with higher levels of education
experience greater dissatisfaction levels with their work (Johnstone et al., 1976).
Weaver and his colleagues (2007) found that 40 percent of reporters felt as
though they have complete freedom to go after stories that they deem of
importance. This unhappiness could be attributed to the numerous constraints
that journalists face while working in the field. An increasing number of layoffs
are pressuring newspaper journalists to produce multiple stories under severe
deadlines. Deadlines push journalists to cover and write stories in a straight,

more restrictive manner, rather than interpretive, leaving many journalists to feel

34

dissatisfaction with their job because of their lack of creative dependence
(Johnstone et al., 1976).

Frustration exists as most journalists do not tend to seek monetary
rewards for their work following graduation, but rather they crave the freedom to
craft the information they gather. Freedom consists of having more control over
their stories. A news employee’s control over their stories is limited because a
story is not usually the result of one individual, especially in larger, more
hierarchical organizations (Johnstone et al., 1976; Weaver et al., 2007). To
maintain the loyalty of employees within a newsroom, authors have argued that
journalists should be granted greater freedom (Johnstone et al., 1976). Smaller
news organization employees report higher satisfaction levels with their work
when compared to employees at larger news organizations due to higher levels
of perceived autonomy. As such, online citizen journalists are more likely to
experience autonomic independence. This does not mean that citizen journalists
will not be susceptible to social forces. Indeed, citizen journalism content may

reflect the value system of their community, rather than that of an organization.

Attributes of Journalism
This research used past variables from the Project for Excellence on
Journalism and other research to identify journalism attributes that are
considered important to journalism scholars. The Project for Excellence (2006b)
on Journalism is a research organization that specializes in using empirical

methods to evaluate the press.

35

The Project for Excellence in Journalism (PEJ) defined quality local
television news in the late 19905 based on input from television news
professionals and academics. The PEJ identified quantifiable features that were
considered hallmarks of local television news. Features representing quality
included the use of enterprise stories, multiple viewpoints, a large number of
sources, expert sources and stories that reflect the community (Project for
Excellence in Journalism, 1999; 2000a; 2000b; 2001).

The Project for Excellence in Journalism’s State of the News Media (2004;
2005; 2006a; 2007) research also assessed whether news organizations in
America are producing journalism of high caliber by identifying quantifiable traits
‘ via a content analysis of one single day’s publication. A team of researcher’s
analyzed variables such as the use and number of sources, topics, multiple
viewpoints, geographic focus of a story, story tone and story origination.

Based primarily on the previously mentioned research and other studies,
this investigation identified several story attributes that are considered important
to journalism. Those variables included the examination of the use of sources,
specifically the number, the official make-up, source gender and diversity of
multiple viewpoints. Secondly, the investigation looked at content diversity which
included topic diversity and the willingness of the journalists to link to content not
produced by the host organization. Thirdly, the transparency of sources and
journalists was examined. Lastly, the likelihood that the journalists would

incorporate information that encourages civic engagement and a deeper level of

36

understanding was also analyzed. This following section addresses the literature
that supports the examination of these variables.
Diversity

Diversity is a principle that is tied to media quality‘as it is related to the
ideal that a greater diversity of ideas fuels democracy (Napoli, 2007). The U.S.
Supreme Court demonstrated the constitutional importance of diversity in the
Associated Press v. United States (1945). “[T he First] Amendment rests on the
assumption that the widest possible dissemination of information from diverse
and antagonistic sources is essential to the welfare of the public, that a free
press is a condition of a free society” (p.20). The technical capabilities of the
online environment should allow users access to a greater diversity of
information. However, mainstream news organizations want to remain in control,
and thus, they are working to diminish diversity in the marketplace. Kessler
(1984) has argued that traditional news organizations are avid defenders of the
status quo.

Diversity has many dimensions that occur at many different levels making
it difficult to define (Napoli, 1999). This research analyzed source and content
diversity at the story level. The Project for Excellence in Journalism research was
primarily used to define features that make up story diversity (e.g., Project for
Excellence in Journalism, 2001; 2007). This section first addresses source
diversity, and then content diversity as measures of diversity contained within a

story. Research has shown that source diversity and content diversity are distinct

37

measures, and are not always correlated (Voakes, Kapfer, Kurpius, & Chem,
1996).
Source Diversity

The most common definition of diversity is source diversity due to their
significant influence on a story (Voakes et al., 1996). For the purposes of this
research, a source is a provider of attributed textual information. Sigal (1973)
said that news is the end-product of a bargain between their sources and the
journalists themselves. Other researchers argue that rarely are stories a product
of journalistic initiative, but rather the result of a source’s influence (Tichenor et
al., 1980).

Gans (1992) argued that multi-perspectival news or diversity in the
selection of sources is the answer to reducing the unconscious biases of
reporters. Gans believed that the presence of a diversity of viewpoints alleviates
the distortion in news because journalists are prone to include sources that they
know encouraging the incorporation of a diversity of sources forces journalists to
search beyond the usual suspects. The adherence to efficiency, routines and
principles by traditional journalists has been said to actually affect the diversity of
content publicly available (Ettema et al., 1997; Soloski, 1997; Tuchman, 1978).
For example, the principle of balance, the citing of opposing quotes, has limited
the diversity of sources contained within a story (Gillmor, 2006). This criticism
against the use of the balance principle is that it creates the appearance of no
middle ground leaving the public to believe that they have little or no power in

solving the issue (Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2001; Smith, 2003).

38

Some people hope that the movement of publications online will lead to an
increase in the diversity of sources available within the news media (Gillmor,
2004; Pavlik, 2001). This research assessed the diversity of source types and
source viewpoints. Source diversity was defined based on the number of
sources, official makeup of sources, gender and viewpoints presented by
sources selected by the journalist.

Number of Sources. To ensure diversity and accuracy, a journalist must
obtain information from a number of sources who vary in expertise, according to
the Project for Excellence in Journalism (Project for Excellence in Journalism,
1999; 2000a; 2000b; 2001). The greater number of sources used by the
journalist, the more likely the story should reflect the issue accurately. State of
the News Media (2006a) research indicated that national online sites were more
likely to contain a greater number of sources per story than when compared to
weekly alternative newspapers or metro daily newspapers.

Official and Unofficial Source Use. The heavy reliance on official sources
by the news media is one of the most common criticisms of the press (Lemert,
1989). Official sources are more likely to cater to news routines by being on time,
reliable and articulate (Dimitrova, Kaid, Williams, & Trammell, 2005; Gans, 1979;
Gans, 1992; Sigal, 1973; Steele, 1995; Tuchman, 1978). Journalists depend
heavily upon official sources for they have little time to seek and to develop new
sources unless the organization is large in size (Lowrey, Becker, &
Punathambekar, 2003; Powers & Fico, 1994; Schudson, 2003; Sigal, 1973;

Smith, 2003).

39

News organizations also rely on official sources to help them define news
(Ettema et al., 1997). Breed argued that journalists cite and do not challenge
official sources because officials are supposed to be representatives of their
community, and thus, reflections of themselves. To question their leaders is to
question their national and community pride (Breed, 1958). This unquestioning
respect enables official sources to spin information in their favor affecting
constructed reality. The reliance on official sources can shut out other
perspectives for other source types may not understand the news construction
process. Their dominating inclusion has led to the criticism that the traditional
news media presents a limited version of reality because of its heavy
dependence on expert and elite voices (F ishman, 1988; Pavlik, 2001; Tuchman,
1978)

The desire to gain respect from critics has led to an increased attraction to
official sources. The inclusion of official sources creates the appearance of a
more objective and credible report (Schudson, 2003; Sigal, 1973; Smith, 2003).
However, Schudson (2003) argued that good journalism involves empathy and
connecting information to people, and recent research indicates that the reliance
on official sources is declining. A content analysis reported that the use of official
sources found on the front pages of elite newspapers declined by ten percent
over a 50-year period (1950-2000) in the United States with the use of official
sources peaking in 1960 (Shim, 2006).

Online newspapers tend to focus on government and business topics,

thus, their stories should contain a high number of official sources. However, this

40

does not necessarily mean that online citizen journalism stories will contain fewer
official sources overall because editors of small publications tend to put high
value on input from local community leaders such as politicians, business people
and the clergy (Duncan, 1952; Janowitz, 1952; Powers & Fico, 1994).

There is no set standard regarding whether the incorporation of official
and unofficial stories should be balanced, or whether stories should contain a
greater number of official sources for they are more likely to be experts on
subjects (Lacy, personal communication, June 15, 2007). The Project for
Excellence in Journalism (1999) authors contended that the inclusion of expert
sources is an indicator of credibility. Many critical scholars assume that the
imbalance of official and unofficial sources represents an injustice or
misrepresentation of reality (Lemert, 1989). However, unofficial sources tend not
to be in-depth experts on topics, and as such, tend to be utilized for opinion or
emotional quotes (Lacy, personal communication, June 15, 2007).

Gender of Sources. The gender of the sources cited within an article can
be a measure of diversity as well. The news media more frequently cite official
sources, who tend to be people of power. The dominant inclusion of male
sources may indicate that women are not regarded as people of high status.
Research shows that men are cited and photographed more often than women,
especially in business and sports sections (Len-Rios, Rodgers, Thorson, & Yoon,
2005; Potter, 1985; Rodgers & Thorson, 2000; Zoch & Turk, 1998). Survey
research indicates that journalists do not consciously select sources based on

their gender (Powers & F ico, 1994). The present exploratory research assessed

41

whether the inclusion of female sources differs in online citizen journalism
publications when compared to online newspaper publications.

Multiple Viewpoints. Gillmor (2005) stressed the importance of checking
with more than one source to ensure the completeness of a story. Deadlines
loom hourly for journalists, leaving them with little time for thorough coverage of
an issue. Due to continual deadlines, journalists have learned to skim the surface
of issues by relying heavily on media-planned events and official sources
(Cunningham, 2003). This reliance shapes content, and this is why the Project
for Excellence in Journalism authors argued that journalists should include
viewpoints from multiple sources because the incorporation of one or only a few
viewpoints limits a person’s understanding of an issue (Project for Excellence in
Journalism, 1999; 2000a; 2000b; 2001; 20063). Past research by PEJ has found
that online stories tend to include a greater number of sources when compared to
that of print newspapers, and print newspapers cany a greater number of
sources when compared to broadcast publications (Project for Excellence in
Journalism, 2006a). Their content analysis did not reveal why online stories
feature a greater number of sources when compared to print stories.

It is expected that online newspaper stories should possess a larger
number of viewpoints when compared to other publications because both their
online and offline editions feature more sources than any other type of
publication available in America. The present research examined whether news
stories featured predominantly one viewpoint or multiple viewpoints in stories that

were considered controversial. The multiple viewpoints variable was categorized

42

under source diversity rather than content diversity as each viewpoint was
defined by varying attributions, rather than overall content.
Content Diversity

Content diversity is distinct from source diversity for the inclusion of a
diversity of sources does not always equate to a diversity of ideas in articles.
Voakes et al. defined content diversity as the dispersion of representation of
ideas. Smaller publications have been shown to contain greater content and
source diversity. Voakes et al. speculated that in their study that reason the
behind the higher level of content diversity in smaller papers was because they
featured a greater number of wire stories (Voakes et al., 1996), while Lee (2007)
contends that large newspapers aim to attract the largest audience, which
diminishes the variability in content option. The present investigation excluded
wire stories in its analysis to better pinpoint trends across stories.

The Hutchins Commission on Freedom of the Press first stressed the
need for the news media to paint a more representative picture of society through
diversity (Blanchard, 1977; The Commission on Freedom of the Press, 1947).
The Hutchins Commission stressed this need for diversity, in part, due to the
increasing consolidation of news organizations (Blanchard, 1977; Siebert et al.,
1956). Content can promote a greater of awareness of self when people are
exposed to differing ideas, which ultimately should lead to a more accurate
depiction of society (Kim & Ball-Rokeach, 2006; Plaisance, 2005; Tilly, 1978).
Diversity of content was measured by analyzing the diversity of topics and

access to alternative forms of information featured within a story.

43

Primary Topic. The Project for Excellence in Journalism (2002) said that
the more topics covered by the news organization, the better the news
organization because a diversity of topics will likely better reflect a community in
its entirety. Topics affect the level of citizen engagement, according to a
quantitative and qualitative content analysis that examined the outcomes (e.g.,
volunteering; increased public and private funding) of public journalism projects
(Nichols, Friedland, Rojas, Cho, 8 Shah, 2006).

Smaller communities have been said to focus their coverage on athletics,
human interest and social events (Janowitz, 1952; Tichenor et al., 1980), while
larger publications tend to concentrate on crime and government topics. Recent
research reported that government (24%), military/national security (12%) and
crime (10%) dominated U.S. elite newspaper front pages (Shim, 2006). For both
small and large traditional media publications, State of the News Media (2006)
research indicated that topics such as crime (23%), business (19%), government
(18%) and foreign relation (9%) stories were reported in greater proportion
compared to other story topics such as celebrity/entertainment (4%),
accident/disaster (3%), science (3%) and election (2%). This research addressed
the diversity level of stories utilizing Simpson’s D which focuses on the
proportions across categories, and is considered an optimal measure for diversity
due to its interpretative capability (McDonald & Dimmick, 2003; Simpson, 1949).

The diversity of topics was not considered as an indicator of story quality
because diversity within an organization is not as essential as diversity within the

marketplace. A diversity of topics within a publication does not necessarily

44

always equate to a diversity of content because a publication can frame topics
from the same perspective. For example, a small newspaper may always present
issues from a community-level perspective. It is the unique treatment of topics
that better represents content diversity, which can take place when multiple
entities publish information on the same topic.

Hyperiink Use. The use of within site or outbound hyperlinks can be used
to determine a joumalist’s freedom to link to outside content. Hyperlinks direct
users to another web page of content. Outbound links connect to content not
produced by the publication, and within site links direct users to content produced
by the home site.

Links to outside content give readers increased access to a greater
diversity of information produced by authors not working for the publication. The
blogging phenomena encouraged the trend to link to outside content. Bloggers
link to outside sources because links give credit to outside sources, provide
background information and demonstrate a blogger’s connection with other
bloggers. Bloggers cultivate their community by linking their blog to outside
blogs. This gesture in return prompts the linked blogger to reciprocate, increasing
the readership of their blog. One study by Harp and Tremayne (2006) found that
the inability to be linked to by other bloggers prevented female bloggers from
becoming as popular online.

The joumalist’s willingness to link to outside content demonstrates the
joumalist’s willingness to acknowledge that they are not sole experts in

deciphering an issue, but they can be experts in identifying reliable sources who

45

can break down an issue for the public. A hyperlink is an acknowledgement that
a source is credible, and it can also demonstrate to the public what information
was used to construct the story (Dimitrova & Neznanski, 2006; Hiler, 2002;
Herring, Scheidt, Bonus & Wright, 2005).

Studies have shown that rarely do journalists link to content outside of
their host site; instead, they typically link to only information contained within the
host news site, rather than acting as a portal to outside information. A study
examining the immediate coverage of the Timothy McVeigh execution by 15
online U.S. newspapers found that the majority (94.8%) of newspaper stories
linked to content within the newspaper’s own site (Dimitrova, Connolly-Ahem,
Williams, Kaid, & Reid, 2003). In addition, Rosen found that the majority of
journalists who blog do not link to content outside of their host newspaper site
(Rosen, 2006).

Concern arises as to whether journalists should link to information outside
of the news organization because they may be responsible for the veracity of the
content. One news organization, the BBC News, has attempted to abstain from
that responsibility by posting a disclaimer that they are not responsible for

content created by outside sources (BBC News, 2007).

Transparency

The principle of transparency essentially means openness and can be
accomplished through showing the consumers how the news staff made its
editorial decisions and gathered background information on their sources. The

Center for Citizen Media (2007) defines transparency in the form of a verb — the

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act of disclosure. Bias is inevitable; however, what is more important is that a
journalist or an organization reveals their background information.

Transparency protects against biased sources manipulating the news
media to their benefit (Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2001). Most journalism codes of
ethics stress the importance of identifying sources fully (Associated Press
Managing Editors, 1994; Associated Press, 2006; RTNDA, 2000; SPJ, 1996).
This type of information illustrates to users how the journalist’s story was built.
However, Kovach and Rosenstiel (2001) said that the news media rarely reveal
how they construct a story, which they claim creates a wall between the user and
the journalist. Other research supports the unwillingness of traditional journalists
to be transparent in what sources were used to construct their story (Moeller et
al., 2007). The use of fully identified sources and journalists were measures of
transparency.

Anonymous Sources. The use of anonymous or unnamed sources
undermines the credibility of information presented to the public, which fuels the
loss of confidence in journalism (Neiman Reports, 2005). The Pew Research
Center for the People and the Press (2005) revealed that a little more than half
(52%) of the people that it surveyed believed that the reliance on unnamed
sources could lead to faulty or unreliable information. Research has shown that
over time readers have become less accepting regarding the use of anonymous
governmental sources. Riffe (1980) argued that the use of such sources
sacrifices the believability of news stories. Categories such as war and

government tend to attribute more anonymous sources than entertainment or

47

lifestyle categories (Martin-Kratzer & Thorson, 2007). Government and war topic
categories are more controversial in nature, thus, some sources do not feel safe
fully identifying themselves to the public. For the most part, newspaper
publications do not contain a high number of anonymous sources (Zoch & Turk,
1998). This may be because traditional journalists are trained to fully identify a
source. Research has shown that national publications are more likely to cite
anonymous sources (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 20063). This may be
because they tend to cover more government and national security topics than
more local publications (Shim, 2006).

Source Transparency. Even if sources are named, the amount of
information provided about a source can vary. Critics have urged news
organizations to become more transparent in their reporting by identifying their
sources fully including their titles and their association to the story (Moeller et al.,
2007)

Joumalist Transparency. Transparency not only includes revealing the
background of the source, but also the background information of the journalist
as well. Shoemaker and Reese (1995) contend that how journalists see
themselves, including their biases, ultimately affects content. Full disclosure of a
journalist’s background is a reflection of how accountable the journalist is willing
to be toward their work. The posting of a journalists’ phone number, direct email
address and profile helps citizens access the journalist and better recognize what
history the journalist brings to a story. The Radio-Television News Directors

Association code of ethics states that it is the news organization’s responsibility

48

to respond to public concerns (RTNDA, 2000). Communication opportunities are
also related to an increase in civic knowledge (Nichols et al., 2006).

Dan Gillmor, a leader in online journalism and director for the Center for
Citizen Media at Harvard University, contends that the news media has
performed poorly in being transparent themselves (Gillmor, 2006). In the case of
electronic information, even if a direct email address of a reporter is posted,
rarely do journalists respond (Randle, Davenport, & Lunt, 2006; Ye & Li, 2006) as
news people are not allotted enough time and resources to respond to
consumers (Fishman, 1988).

Not only were the availability of an email address and a journalist profile
used to assess transparency, but the commenting capabilities adjacent to each
story were measured as well. Comment links or boxes present readers a more
transparent approach to communicate with the journalist. Based on observations,
a public conversation evolves when the journalist responds to the person
commenting by using the comment box. The comment option offers users an
option to publicly communicate with an author of content regarding the veracity
and the quality of the journalist’s reporting, and the journalist the opportunity to
respond to their critique (Gillmor, 2006; Lowrey & Anderson, 2005). This option to
publicly express one’s views has been regarded as a highly necessary element
of journalism (ASNE, 2006; Kovach & Rosenstiel, 2001; Associated Press, 2006;
SND, 2006; SPJ, 1996). However, the comment option can increase a news

outlets’ work load. Many news organizations have comment screening policies in

49

place for fear of publishing offending comments or being sued for libel (Walters,
2007).
Civic Engagement

The news media is considered an agent for civic engagement; however,
objectivity and detachment have been the hallmarks of journalism throughout the
20th century, which has meant the straight recording of events with little thought
to using their stories to increase involvement in local public affairs. The
Committee for Concerned Journalists (2002) stressed the importance of
journalists not being neutral, but rather acting independently from “narrow
interests” while serving “citizen debate” (p.1). News publications can act as a
public forum where people share information. The process of sharing information
allows them to better understand their identity as a member of their community,
and their relationship to their community (Kim & Ball-Rokeach, 2006; Plaisance,
2005; Tilly, 1978). The media can promote the existence of these relationships
by informing the public of opportunities to participate in their community. A large
portion of online citizen journalists feel their duty as information providers is to
encourage community participation (The Institute for Interactive Journalism,
2007a). Research has shown that people who consume news content online or
offline for informational purposes are more likely to participate in their community
(Kebbel, 1985; McLeod et al., 1996; Moy, Manosevitch, Stamm, & Dunsmore,
2005; Paek, Yoon, & Shah, 2005; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001). This

investigation examined whether journalists provided information that educates

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people how to act on an issue, and whether the online publications were
concerned with creating content that reflects local issues or events.

Mobilizing lnfonnation. The inclusion of information that enlightens users
how to act on issues of personal concern hypothetically encourages them to
become involved in their community. Lemert et al. (1977) defined mobilizing
information as any information that allows people to act on attitudes they already
possess (Lemert, Mitzman, Seither, Cook, & O'Neil, 1977). Mobilizing information
includes phone numbers, meeting times, recipes, Web site addresses, etc.
Lemert and Ashman (1983) argued that by not including this type of information,
news organizations are encouraging elite sources to edge out outside viewpoints.
Such information promotes community involvement and issue awareness
(Moscowitz, 2002). Research has shown that journalists do not tend to
incorporate mobilizing information in controversial news stories for fear of the
appearance of bias (Hoffman, 2006; Shoemaker & Reese, 1995). However,
Lemert stated that this information is not meant to achieve an end-result or direct
behavior, rather it is to provide information for those who want to act, but are not
aware of how to proceed (Lemert, 1984). The civic or public journalism
movement in the 1990s, where traditional journalists actively participated as a
member in their community, has been attributed to the increasing acceptance of
this type of information within stories (Rosen, 1999; Weaver et al., 2007). Citizen
journalists are expected to produce stories that promote social cohesion at a
local level, and thus, are expected to include mobilizing information in more

stories.

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Use of Local Information. The idea of local reflects people’s need to
connect. This form of sharing encourages people to become more involved in
public affairs for they feel as though they have some control over issues that
affect them. This is why the availability of local content is considered an indicator
of quality (Bogart, 1989). The Federal Communications Commission (FCC) and
the PEJ stressed the importance of covering issues that reflect their community.
The more community-oriented the publication is, the more likely it will feature
stories that have a direct impact on local residents. Access to content online has
enabled news users to read national and international news from elite
organizations such as the New York Times or the Washington Post. Thus, more
news organizations have begun to differentiate themselves from other news
organization by focusing on local content (Pauly & Eckert, 2002). The more local
the publication, the more likely it will reflect their community accurately for local
journalists tend to speak the language of their audience (Hindman, 1998). The
hope of online citizen journalists is that they will cover hyperlocal stories not
featured in the traditional mass media, and thus, increase involvement in local
public affairs (Federal Communications Commission, 2007; Project for
Excellence in Journalism, 1999). Wikipedia (2007) defines hyperlocal as the
reference to local news which would not normally be of interest to mainstream
media.

Research on smaller publications may be reflective of content featured in
online citizen journalism publications since citizen journalism publication’s reader

base is much smaller. This is because smaller publications have different

52

objectives than larger publications. Smaller publications are more invested at the
local level. Research has shown that smaller newspapers tend to cover more
local issues to set themselves apart from elite newspapers (Berstein, Lacy,
Cassara, & Lau, 1990). State of the News Media research found that local online
sites (86%) and weekly alternative newspapers (63%) in the United States were
much more likely to localize their news content than national online sites (25%)
or metro daily newspapers (31%). Despite the prevalence of local information
contained within alternative publications, research indicates that larger print
newspapers dedicate a greater proportion of their coverage to local issues when
compared to state, national and international issues (Shim, 2006).
Attributes of Stories

Technology can affect how a story is constructed (Berkowitz, 1990). An
online journalist can provide features that encourage understanding and easier
navigation. State of the News Media authors found that news organizations rarely
included video (29%), photo essays or galleries (19%) or graphics (13%) in their
stories (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2005). Other research supports
these findings indicating that most journalists do not hyperlink to video, audio,
photo slideshows, infographics or photographs (Dimitrova et al., 2003; Massey,
2004). This investigation measured the inclusion of audio, video, slideshows,
graphics, maps and infographics contained within textual stories.

Other story elements can gauge the opinions of a community (Gade et al.,
1998). Interactivity has been touted as a key component in attracting news

consumers. A Pew Center for Civic Journalism (2001) survey conducted on

53

newspaper editors argued that the future of news is dependant upon interactivity
with consumers. Newspapers, radio news and television news are considered
low in interactivity due to their primarily linear structure (Eveland, 2003). The
inclusion of a poll was also examined to determine whether news outlets tried to
solicit feedback from their users.

Multimedia and interactive story elements were not considered indicators
of quality. News outlets should exercise control when deciding what features
should be used to tell a story. Not every story is visual. Not every story deserves
depth. Based on the limited-capacity theory, users can only absorb so much
information (Lang, 2000). High levels of interactivity will overload ones’ cognitive
resources creating a sense of frustration and reduced memory (Bucy, 2004).
Summary

The literature review highlighted journalism’s cyclical evolvement of its
inclusive and exclusive nature. Currently, journalism is experiencing a disruption
in how it produces and disseminates news due in part to sociological and
technological forces. During periods of transition, uncertainty propels negative
assumptions and hopeful predictions, and encourages journalists to cling to
routines because they are a coping mechanism. History and theory can add
some clarity in explaining how journalists behave during periods of transition, and
it can also explain expected content similarities and dissimilarities. To empirically
identify whether speculations of differences are valid, journalistic quality was

measured in online citizen journalism and online newspaper publications.

54

Elements that can be classified as attributes that define quality journalism
were 1) the use of transparent sources and journalists, 2) a greater number of
sources, 3) a diversity of sources and viewpoints and 4) local information.
However, not all attributes used in this study are universally agreed upon
elements that characterize quality. The other attributes used to make
comparisons were the use of topics, official sources, outbound hyperlinks,

mobilizing information and multimedia/interactive story elements.

Research Questions

The goals of this research were threefold. First, this examination sought to
identify operational measures that can be used to define story quality. Second,
this research sought to learn the value of online citizen journalism content by
comparing it to that of online newspaper content. Finally, this investigation aimed
to begin laying the empirical groundwork to address the assumptions being made
about the contributions of online citizen and online newspaper journalists.

The literature review showcased the likelihood that online citizen
journalism content will differ from that of online newspaper content. Research
demonstrates that many variables at varying levels affect content, and the type of
publication will likely determine how journalists adhere to journalistic norms. To
guide this investigation, a series of five research questions were used as
opposed to forming hypotheses, because to date, little research has been
conducted on online citizen journalism content.

Source Diversity

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RQ1: Ill/ill online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles contain a
greater diversity of sources?
R01a: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles
contain a greater average number of sources?
R01 b: Will the use of official and unofficial sources differ
significantly in online citizen journalism or online newspaper
articles?
R01c: Will the average inclusion of female or male sources differ
significantly in online citizen journalism or online newspaper
articles?
R01d: Were online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles
more likely to contain multiple viewpoints in controversial articles?
Content Diversity
R02: I/Wl online citizen journalism or online newspaper stories feature a
greater diversity at content?
R02a: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles
feature a greater diversity in topics?
R02b: Will online newspaper or online citizen journalism articles be
more likely to average a greater number of outbound links?
Transparency
R03: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles be more

transparent in their source use and background of journalists?

56

R03a: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles
differ in their use of anonymous sources?
R03b: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles
differ in their use of identifying background information on sources?
R030: Are online citizen journalists or online newspaper journalists
more open to communicating with the public?
Civic Engagement
RQ4: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles contain
more attributes that encourage civic engagement?
R04a: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles
contain more mobilizing information attributes?
R04b: Will online citizen journalism or online newspaper articles
contain a greater proportion of local information within each
publication type?
Attributes of Stories
R05: IMII online citizen joumalism and online newspaper stories differ in
their use of attributes (video, audio, slideshows, polls, photographs, infographics,
graphics and maps)?
Summary
Chapter two presented a literature review on journalism definitions, online
citizen journalism and theories explaining why differences are expected to exist
between both publication types. Chapter three breaks down the methodology

used to conduct this study, and the results of the quantitative analysis are

57

presented in chapter four. Chapter five concludes with a discussion addressing

the results, while chapter six addresses the implications of this examination.

58

CHAPTER 3: METHOD

First, this research attempted to identify attributes that define journalism.
Second, this research sought to discover the value of online citizen journalism
content by comparing it to that of online newspaper content. Finally, this
investigation aimed to produce empirical evidence addressing the assumptions
being made about online citizen journalism and online newspaper content.
Quantitative Content Analysis

This study employed a quantitative content analysis of English-language
online daily newspaper and online citizen journalism Web sites in the U.S.
Specifically, this analysis was used to measure whether differences in online
citizen journalism and online newspaper content existed. This investigation was
restricted to newspapers that had an online presence, and did not include Web
sites for radio and television outlets. Newspaper Web sites were preferred to
radio and television news Web sites because online newspaper sites are in
greater number and geographical diversity.

The method section provides a description of the sample including how
stories were obtained for both online citizen journalism and online newspaper
sites. It also presents the coding procedure used including an explanation of how
reliability was obtained.

Description of Sample

In the final sample, a total of 962 articles were analyzed, 480 online

newspaper and 482 online citizen journalism. Stories were extracted from 50

online newspaper sites and 72 online citizen journalism sites. In the online realm,

59

newspapers published the greatest number of stories on Friday (n=729) and the
fewest on Sunday (n=489). It was a similar trend for online citizen journalism
sites, publishing more articles on Friday (n=405) and the fewest on Sunday
(n=140). Stories published on Friday more likely target people still at work who
are making weekend plans.
Unit of Analysis

The unit of analysis for this investigation was considered to be the
individual text news story on the home page of the news Web site for one day's
publication. Analysis was restricted to the homepage as the examination deeper
in the Web site would be difficult due to the growing complexity of news sites. In
addition, analysis of the home page is supposed to encourage uniformity in
coding (Greer & Mensing, 2006; Ha & James, 1998). Stories in this sample that
were located predominantly on the center of the home page were included, and
excluded were wire stories or stories that were located on any upper, left or right-
hand navigation panels. Wire stories were removed because many of the online
publications featured the exact same stories across publications limiting the
variability in content. Only textual stories were analyzed. Stories contained within
a blog post were categorized as a news story because a blog is considered an
online citizen journalism publication. A “blog” shortened for “web log” is defined
as a frequently modified web page in which dated entries are listed and archived
in reverse chronological order (Herring, Scheidt, Bonus, & Wright, 2005; Nardi,
Schiano, & Gumbrecht, 2004). Blog sites typically differ from other informational

sites because they are written by only one or a few authors, and they can be

60

considered more attractive than other sites because they take minimal
technological knowledge to set up (See Appendix C for Site Examples).

In addition to the analyzed stories, hyperlinks to the complete stories were
coded as well. Therefore, if only a hyperlink to the story existed on the
homepage, the link to that story was followed and coded. That hyperlink,
however, was not counted toward the total of hyperlinks contained within a story.

Story categories that were excluded for analysis included sports stories
and weather forecasts because rarely does coverage of such topics change over
time, according to The Project for Excellence in Journalism (PEJ, 1999). In
addition, other stories excluded were calendar of events, obituaries, wedding
announcements, advertisements, multimedia stories (e.g., information graphic,
map, video, audio, photo, graphic, slideshow) with no accompanying textual
story, horoscopes, birthdays, letters to the editor, photo of the day, Dow Jones,
top emailed story, most popular or top stories, magazine articles, open threads,
reader feedback and corrections. Story comments were not analyzed.

Online Citizen Journalism Sample

To determine the citizen journalism Web sites to be included in this
investigation, a purposive sample of online citizen journalism sites was selected
as no master list exists identifying all online citizen journalism sites. To begin the
selection process, Cyberjournalist.net was consulted.4 In early spring of 2007,
Cyberjournalist.net listed 77 primarily U.S. citizen media initiatives (primarily from
the U.S.) at http://www.cyberjournalist.net/news/002226.php. Cyberjournalist is a

Web site that is dedicated to examining how technology affects the media. The

61

site also features lists of resources for people interested in learning more on
online journalism.

To begin the process of selecting stories, citizen journalism sites were first
selected from the Cyberjournalist list of “citizen media initiatives.” From that list of
citizen sites, each site was placed into two categories based on the home city of
the publication. The goal was to find two citizen journalism Web sites to
represent all 50 states, one “small” community and to one “large” community
from each state in the United States. To accomplish this task of selecting two
sites to represent each state, one site was selected that dedicated its coverage
to a city with more than a total resident population of 100,000, and the other site,
a city with less than a 100,000 (Demers, 1994). For example, in Colorado, the
state had the Glennwood Blog (population 8,564) and the MyMileHighNews,
based in Denver (population 557,917), representing it. Previous research has
indicated that population size is a strong predictor of social heterogeneity which
affects content (Len-Rios et al., 2005; Tichenor et al., 1980; Wilson, 1986).
Population estimates were extracted from the most recent U.S. Census Bureau
total resident population estimates, most likely 2005.

However, the master Cyberjournalist.net list of 77 sites did not provide a
diverse or large enough number of sites to represent all 50 states. To
supplement the master sample list from Cyberjournalist.net, the Placeblogger
directory httpzl/www.placeblogger.comllocation/directory/us was used.
Placeblogs are sites devoted covering a particular neighborhood, city or region

(Williams, 2006, October 25). Recently, the top ten placeblogs were ranked5

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(Williams, 2007, January 2). Those top ten placeblogs were then used to
populate the list of online citizen journalism sites representing two states.
However, the 77 Cyberjournalist.net sites and 10 placeblogs still fell short of the
goal of finding 100 citizen journalism sites. To complete the list, the Placeblog
directory was used, which listed 1011 placeblogs in the United States in early
spring of 2007.

The final list of online citizen journalism sites totaled 72 sites; 51 percent
of the sites included were extracted from the Placeblogger list. Iowa was the only
state that ended up having no citizen journalism site representing it, and 21
states had one citizen journalism site representing them in the sample. Some
citizen journalism sites excluded were sites that were discontinued, sites not
located in the United States, sites that stopped posting content before December
2006 and sites dedicated to posting predominantly photographic or video
content.

Online Newspaper Sample

After the online citizen journalism list was complete, a matching technique
was used to populate the online newspaper list. For the online newspaper
sample, an online newspaper was matched to each citizen journalism site city.
For example, in Alabama, the Birmingham Blog online citizen site was matched
to The Birmingham News online newspaper as its counterpart. If no daily online
newspaper existed representing the citizen journalism home community, then the
inclusion of an online newspaper counterpart was not included in the final

sample. If there were two online newspaper counterparts, then the newspaper

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with the highest circulation was selected because that was one that was most
likely familiar to readers. The directory of online newspapers was obtained from
the 2005 Editor & Publisher lntemational Year Book for Dailies. A total of 50
online daily newspapers were found to match the online citizen journalism
publications.

Sampling Procedure

Once the online citizen journalism and online newspaper site lists were
complete, the sampling procedure was determined. Analysis of online daily
newspaper Web sites is difficult because news can be updated hourly (Mensing
& Greer, 2006). This creates content analysis problems because citizen
journalism content is updated less often than when compared to online
newspapers. Based on observational coder feedback, it was found that online
citizen journalism sites updated their sites an estimated every two to three days,
while online newspapers updated their content daily. Online newspapers were
more likely to change the story placement on the homepage treating their
homepage as a portal, rather than removing the story from the homepage each
day. Some newspapers featured all the day’s content on the homepage including
content from past days as well.

Based on the expected variability between publications, this study utilized
two different sampling techniques due to the concern that there would be an
overrepresentation of online daily newspaper content because those sites
produced more stories daily than online citizen journalism sites. To compensate

for the expected fewer numbers of stories daily, content was captured everyday

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for the one month (March 2007) for online citizen journalism sites, while stories
were captured everyday for a period of one week for that same month for online
newspapers. More specifically, a constructed one-week sample was collected for
online newspapers in March 2007. A constructed week is a randomly selected
week. According to Riffe, Aust, and Lacy (1993), one constructed week for daily
newspapers is an efficient sample for a six-month period, and the constructed
week is used to control for days that feature a greater number of stories within
the publication. The printing of stories began each day at nine am, and lasted
until approximately ten pm. that night on the same day. For citizen journalism
sites, content was printed daily at six pm. for 31 days in March, and lasted until
approximately ten pm. that night.

Ideally, online citizen journalism and online newspaper stories would have
been captured at different points of the day to avoid systematic bias, and to
capture a more accurate picture of news online since news is updated throughout
the day (PEJ, 2006). However, current programs (WebCopier, WebZIP, Website
Ripper Copier) that capture a snapshot of page content with active hyperlinks
could not handle capturing more than a few publications at a time. This analysis
required the capturing of up to 122 sites at one time. Thus, stories were printed
off at the same time each day and hyperlinks were marked on the printed version
of each story.

Online Newspaper and Online Citizen Journalism Story Sample
Once the sampling procedure was determined, stories were printed off

from the homepage. However, this procedure produced 6485 stories total. To

65

make the study more manageable while maintaining the meaningfulness of the
data, stories were reduced due to the large number of online citizen journalism
(n=2,221) and online newspaper (n = 4,264) stories retrieved from the
homepages of the sites. Based on the sheer numbers, the prediction that online
newspapers produce more stories more often when compared to online citizen
journalists was accurate. Stories were randomly reduced to 500 for the online
citizen journalism sites, and 500 for the online newspaper sites. From the
available 1000 stories selected from the 50 online newspaper sites and 72 online
newspaper sites, some stories were then discarded because they were found to
feature sports, wire or other excluding factors (See Appendix D). After extracting
the unusable stories from 1000 story sample, 962 stories were available for
analysis (480 online newspaper articles and 482 online citizen journalism
articles).
Coding Categories

The coding protocol contained 54 variables, which was created based on
previous research (20 nominal-level and 34 ratio-level). The coding protocol was
altered based on feedback from media scholars, and coder feedback from
training sessions.

A two-page paper code sheet was used to code the data for the study.
Each news story was coded for source diversity, content diversity, transparency,
civic engagement attributes and multimedia/interactive features (See Appendix
D).

Source Diversity

66

Number of Sources. The number of sources is a reflection of accuracy and
diversity (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 1999; 2000a; 2000b; 2001).
Coders coded the number of sources used within each article, including
document sources. A source is defined as a provider of attributed textual
information. To be considered a source, the provider must be identified with a
verb of attribution, which is a statement of direct or indirect communication.
Direct communication can be identified through words such as said, reported,
announced, stated, noted, claimed, etc. Indirect communication included verbs
related to mental states which were identified through words such as hopes,
feels, believes, etc. In addition, documents and emails were included as sources.
The author of an editorial, column or any other opinion piece was coded as a
source. Sources given in the plural form of “s” were counted as two sources
unless a specific number of sources were given (e.g., travelers; program leaders;
White House aides).

Official and Unofficial Source Use. This ratio-level variable assessed the
number of official and unofficial sources contained within articles. People who
can speak freely on their own, and are not likely to be speaking on behalf of any
organization were categorized as a unofficial source. People who spoke on
behalf of organizations or other entities such as people in government, business
or nonprofit positions were categorized as an official source. Official categories
included government (e.g., prosecuting attorneys, representatives, police),
business (e.g., defense attorneys, business owners), nonprofit (e.g., Red Cross),

official anonymous (e.g., Pentagon official, lobbyist, White House aid) while

67

unofficial categories included average people, non-institutional sources (e.g.,
experts, scientists, academics) and unofficial anonymous (e.g., museum visitors,
movie goers, witness) (Barnhurtst & Mutz, 1997; Shim, 2006; Sigal, 1973). An
“other/can’t tell” category was created for sources whose placement could not be
determined.

Gender of Sources. Coders determined gender by first identifying whether
the first name or photo appeared to be male or female. Coders also looked for
pronouns such as “he” or “she” to help identify the source’s gender. A “can't
tell/other” category was created for sources whose gender could not be
determined or if the source had no gender such as an organization (e.g., White
House).

Multiple Viewpoints. This variable assessed the joumalist’s effort to
present more than one viewpoint in a story that revolves around controversy.
Controversy includes physical, intellectual and ideological conflict or even a
difference of opinion. Stories that were factual were excluded. Coders examined
the presence of assertions addressing different viewpoints. Viewpoints were
categorized as either 1) all one opinion, 2) mostly one opinion (at least 66% of all
assertions), 3) two views (no one view dominated more than 65% of space), 4)
more than two views or 5) not applicable or controversial.

Content Diversity

Primary Topic. Some of the topics stemming from the 2005 Project in

Excellence in Journalism coding protocol were used in this study. Topics

included news media, technology, Gulf War II, entertainment, business/economy,

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crime/trial, science, international/foreign relations, education, disease/health,
govemmentlelections, lifestyle, environment/sprawI/transportation,
accident/disasters, human interest and other/can’t tell. Coders identified topics by
determining the greatest percentage of text within an article devoted to the
subject.

Hyperiink Use. Hyperlinks contained within the text of a story that directed
users to another web page were counted. Email links and links located outside of
the text were not counted (e.g., “link to the rest of the story,” “printer-friendly,”
“email this”).

Transparency

Source Anonymity. A story was considered to have anonymous sources if
such anonymity was explicitly granted in the story to a source, or if sources were
referred to with only unidentifiable attribution (e.g., “sources said”). The identity of
the source should be impossible to establish. Coders also identified the number
of anonymous sources used in a unofficial (e.g., bystanders) and official capacity
(e.g., Whitehouse aide).

Source Transparency. A source was considered transparent when the full
identification of the source was cited, including the identification of how the
sources were connected to the story. Source transparency enables a person to
seek the information from same source as the journalist. Coders determined
whether a full name or a title of the source was available, and if not, identified if a

source was directly connected to a story. For example, an eyewitness to an

69

event who has a name, but no title would be considered a nontransparent source
(Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2006a).

Journalist Transparency. This variable involved holding the journalists
accountable for their own reporting. Coders recorded if a direct web address of
the journalist (e.g., rob.davis@news.com), general email address (e.g.,
editor@news.com) or phone number was adjacent to the story. Coders also
noted whether a user profile existed.

Civic Engagement

Mobilizing lnfonnation. Coders determined this variable according to the
following categories: 1) locational information such as times and places of
activities (e.g., “The meeting will be at three p.m. tomorrow in Room 696 at City
Hall”), 2) identificational information including a description of the location and
contact information (e.g., “The meeting will be at three p.m. tomorrow in Room
696 at City Hall. Contact Rob Davis at 517-555-5555 for more lnfonnation.”) and
3) tactical information including instructions on how to act on an issue (e.g., “This
is how you register to vote for the upcoming election”) (Lemert & Ashman,
1983). These items were dummy coded with “present” as 1 and “absent” as 0.

Use of Local lnfonnation. Localization was defined based on the
geographic proximity of the story to the home city of the publication. Stories
localized to one’s community or one’s home state indicate that a community has
a unique identity. Localization was categorized based on whether the story
reflected metro/city, state, national or international coverage.

Coder Reliability

70

To establish intercoder reliability, two graduate students coded a randomly
selected subsample of nine percent (n = 91) of the total sample. Reliability is the
extent to which coders agree on the operational definitions of variables when
coding content. Training of coders took approximately 25 hours, and training was
not conducted on content included within the sample. Coders used a
standardized codebook to determine how to proceed when coding variables. To
determine intercoder reliability for variables, Pearson’s correlation was utilized.
Pearsonian r accounts for the most amount of variability that two measures could
have in common, and the amount they truly have in common (Stempel &
Westley, 1989). Riffe, Lacy and Fico (2005) suggest using Pearson’s product-
moment correlation coefficient to determine ratio-level intercoder reliability.
lntercoder reliability for ratio-level variables ranged from .82 to 1.0.6

To determine intercoder reliability for nominal-level variables, Scott’s Pi
computation was selected for nominal-level variables as it corrects for chance
agreement. In addition, Scott’s PI is a conservative index because it assumes
that proportions are not true proportions, but rather the result of agreement
among coders. Finally, Scott’s Pi is useful for nominal-level categories when two
coders are used (Lombard, Snyder-Duch, & Bracken, 2002). The reliability of
nominal-level variables ranged from .84 to 1.0.7

There is no established standard for what constitutes a minimal level for
intercoder reliability. However, a level of .80 is generally accepted; and a level of

.90 would be more widely recognized as appropriate (Lombard et al., 2002; Riffe

71

et al., 2005). This research set the minimum level at .80 because of the
exploratory nature of this research.

The validity of measures used in this study were based upon past
research, theory and principles. This research contended that online news
organizations face dissimilar constraints and influences than online citizen
journalists. Such variations in constraints ultimately influence content. The
classifications of variables have face validity because the variables were clearly
defined. Alterations to the operational definitions of variables were made based
on prior coding experience with many of the variables (Project for Excellence in
Journalism, 2005).

Data Analysis

Frequencies, proportions and cross tabulations used to describe variables
were computed with the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (2007),
version 15.0. Independent t-tests were used to evaluate if there was a significant
mean difference between ratio-level variables. Although this sample cannot be
generalizable to all citizen journalism sites, Chi Square tests were also used to
determine whether sample findings reflect real patterns of coverage. Simpson’s
D was used to evaluate topic diversity, which is used to measure proportions
across categories.

Chapter three presented the methodology utilized. Chapter four presents
the results of the research questions. Research questions addressed the source
diversity, content diversity, transparency and civic engagement attributes

featured in online citizen journalism and online newspaper publications. Chapter

72

five features a discussion of those results, while chapter six examines the

implications of this research.

73

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS

The results section reflects the statistical findings that answer the research
questions. No master list of online citizen journalism sites exist, thus, this
analysis is essentially descriptive. One goal was to lay a foundation for future
research, and statistical analysis is useful for identifying trends.

Results

Total articles retrieved off of the homepage were 6,485 stories. Coders
examined 15 percent (n=962) of the total sample randomly extracted from 42
online newspapers and 50 online citizen journalism sites (See Appendices A &
B). The final sample included 480 online newspaper and 482 online citizen
journalism articles. More than half (55%) of the online citizen journalism articles
were blog posts, whereas five percent of the analyzed online newspaper articles
were blog posts.

The average total resident population size for the publications was
223,341 people. The smallest community selected had a population of 1361
people, and the largest had 8,143,197. Thirty-one percent of the online
newspaper publications were from communities with more than 100,000 in total
resident population size, while 39 percent of online citizen journalism publications
were from total resident populations of 100,000 or more.

The citizen journalism sites analyzed were predominantly independent of
news organizations meaning that citizen journalism content was not contributed

to a traditional news organization. Citizen journalism sites analyzed were

74

categorized as either an independent blog (47%), independent site (49%) or as
part of an online newspaper (5%).

Online citizen journalists did not demonstrate a heavy dependence on
outside source material. Only four percent of the citizen journalism stories clearly
identified that it was a press release, or that the article was based predominantly
on a press release. The analysis also looked at whether the sites relied on
outside traditional media sites (newspaper, TV, radio) for information. Other
research on political blogs has shown a heavy reliance on traditional media
(Reese, Rutigliano, Hyun, & Jeong, 2007). However, research on this particular
sample revealed that only six percent of online newspaper articles and 14
percent of citizen stories were attributed to outside traditional media sources or
were based on reports from traditional media sources.

The prevalence of journalistic opinion contained within articles was also
analyzed to determine whether articles tend to be more factual or analytical. The
online newspaper sample featured journalistic opinion in 13 percent stories of
their stories, while 42 percent of online citizen journalism articles contained
opinion.

Sources
Number of Sources

An independent t-test addressing R01a revealed that differences
regarding the average number of sources cited was significant (p = .00). Online
newspaper articles averaged 3.64 sources per article, while citizen journalism

sites averaged 1.37 sources per article.

75

Official vs. Unofficial Source Use

R01b asked whether differences existed between online citizen
journalism and online newspaper publications regarding the inclusion of official
and unofficial sources. Utilizing a t-test (See Table 1), online newspapers
averaged 2.64 official sources per article compared to the .72 official sources per
article for online citizen journalism articles (p = .00), while online newspapers
were more similar in their use of (.75) unofficial sources when compared to

citizen journalism articles (.52) (p < .003).

Table 1: Average Number of Official and Unofficial Sources

 

 

 

 

 

 

Average Online Online

Sources Newspapers Percentage Citizen Journalism Percentage
Official 2.6 sources 71.4% .72 sources 52.6%
Unofficial .75 sources 20.6% .52 sources 38.0%

 

 

* p < .003, independent t-test for difference in means

Gender

Both citizen and newspaper publications were much more likely to cite
male sources than female sources. R01c asked whether significant differences
existed between the publication’s use of male and female sources; there were
significant differences found (p = .00). Online newspapers averaged .71 females,
1.84 males and 1.07 other types of sources per article — males were cited three
times more than females. Citizen journalism publications had an average of .29
females, .66 males and .45 other types of sources per article — males averaged
close to half as many times as females.

Multiple Viewpoints

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R01d utilized a Chi-square to determine whether online citizen journalism
stories differed in their approach regarding the inclusion of multiple viewpoints in
controversial stories (p = .00). About one third (29.5%) of the analyzed stories
were considered controversial. Citizen journalism stories presented more than
two-thirds (67%) of their controversial stories from all one viewpoint, while 41
percent of the online newspaper’s controversial stories were more likely to be

framed from mostly one viewpoint (See Table 2).

Table 2: Use of Multiple Viewpoints in Controversial Stories

 

 

lMurtipie Viewpoints In Online Online Citizen
Controversial Stories Newspaper Journalism
n=480 n=482

All One Viewpoint 8% 20%
Mostly One Viewpoint 12% 5%

Two Views 7% 4%

More Than Two Views 2% 1%

No Controversy Present 71% 70%

 

 

 

 

x2 = 40.86, d.f.= 4, p = .00

Content Diversity
Topic Use and Diversity

The story topics distribution reveals that significant differences exist in
online newspaper and online citizen journalism publications. A Chi-Square
showed that there was a significant difference (p = .00) in how both publication
type authors select story topics (See Table 3). Online newspapers tended to
focus on Government (21.5%), Business/Economy (16.3%), Crime (14.2%) and
Entertainment (8.8%). Citizen journalism sites concentrated more of their
coverage on Government (27.2%), Entertainment (16.2%), Business (10.0%) and

Lifestyle (8.5%) topics.

77

Table 3: Story Topic Distribution in Online Newspaper and
Online Citizen Journalism Publications

 

Online Online Citizen
Story Topics Newspaper Journalism

n=480 N=482
Government 22% 27%
Business/Economy 16% 10%
Crime/'1' rial 14% 4%
Entertainment 9% 16%
Accident/Disaster 7% 4%
Lifestyle 5% 9%
Human Interest 5% 4%
Education 4% 3%
Disease/Health 4% 2%
Environment/Sprawl 4% 5%
Iraq 3% 2%
lntemational/Foreign Relations 2% 1%
Technology 1% 3%
News Media 1% 5%

 

 

 

 

 

Other/Off To ic 4% 4%
?= 86.47, d.f.=15, p =.oo

R02a addressed the diversity level of story topics within each publication.
Simpson’s D was computed to measure overall and individual publication
diversity (Simpson, 1949). Simpson's D is calculated by summing the squared
proportions, and subtracting the sum from 1, and is considered an optimal
measure for diversity due to its interpretative capability (McDonald & Dimmick,
2003). The measure for diversity ranges from 0 to 1. A higher number denotes a
greater level of diversity. Online newspapers had a diversity level of .839 with
480 stories, and online citizen journalism publications had a diversity level of .869
with 482 stories. Thus, online citizen journalism publication topics were more
evenly distributed than were online newspapers.

Hyperiink Use

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Online citizen journalism sites (1.5) significantly averaged more hyperlinks
per article when compared to online newspaper sites (.75) according to a t-test (p
< .02). R02b addressed the willingness of information sites to link to content not
created by their operation. Online newspapers (.19) were significantly less likely
to link to content not created by the organization than were online citizen
journalists (1.1). Instead, online newspapers were more likely to attempt to keep
users at their sites with the use of within site links (.57) when compared to citizen
journalism sites (.38).

This research also analyzed to what extent sites acknowledged they
incorporated material from outside traditional media sources through the use of
hyperlinks. Citizen journalism sites averaged .20 links per story to outside
traditional media sources, and they also were more likely to link to outside blog
content (.09). In the online newspaper sample, journalists did not link to any blog
content and rarely linked outside media sources (See Table 4).

Table 4: Average Use of Hyperlinks in Online Newspapers and
Online Citizen Journalism Articles

 

 

 

 

 

Average Hyperlinks Online Online Citizen
Per Article Newspapers Journalism
Hyperlink Total .75 1.5
Outbound Links .19 1.06
Within Links .57 .38
Outbound Traditional Media .01 .20
Outbound Blog .00 .09

 

p < .02, independent t-test for difference in means

Transparency

Anonymous Source Use

79

R03a asked how these publications differed regarding their use of
anonymous sources. The average number of anonymous sources per story was
.41 sources for both publications. A significant difference of .57 anonymous
sources for online newspapers and .26 anonymous sources for citizen journalism
articles was found (p = .00). Most of the anonymous sources tended to be official
in nature meaning that both types of journalists tended to give anonymity to
official sources (.30) rather than unofficial anonymous sources (.12) in each
story. However, a closer examination reveals that nineteen percent of online
citizen journalism contained sources that were anonymous, while 16 percent of
all online newspaper sources were anonymous (See Table 5).

Kovach and Rosenstiel (2001) warned against citing anonymous sources
as the first quote in a story, or incorporating anonymous sources who express
their opinion of another person. This sample revealed that online citizen
journalists never used anonymous sources in this manner, and rarely did online
newspaper journalists cite an anonymous source as a first quote (2.9%), or cite
anonymous sources that were quoted as giving an opinion of another person
(6%).

Source Transparency

R03b addressed whether publication types differed in their use of
transparency. The transparency of the sources allows the user to identify what
background the source brings to the story. A t-test revealed that online
newspaper journalists (.91) were significantly more likely to cite a source with no

transparency than were online citizen journalists (.50) (p = .00). However, online

80

newspapers were more likely to cite more sources with 3.64 sources per article,
while online citizen journalists averaged 1.37 sources. Thus, one-fourth of online
newspaper sources were not transparent, while more than one—third of citizen

journalism sources were not transparent (See Table 5).

Table 5: Average Use of Anonymous and Transparent Sources

 

 

 

 

 

 

Average Sources Per Online Online Citizen

Article Newspapers Percentage Journalism Percentage
Total Average 3.64 1.37

Anonymous .57 16% .26 19%
Official Anonymous .49 14% .10 7%
Unofficial Anonymous .08 2% .16 12%
‘Nontransparent Sources .91 25% .50 35%
LTransparent Sources 2.69 74% .89 65%

 

p = .00, independent t-test for difference in means

Journalist Transparency

The transparency of a journalist reflects the willingness of the journalist to
stand behind his or her story by being available to answer questions regarding
the veracity of content. R03c addressed this willingness on the part of the
journalist or organization. The most open form of communication online is the
comment opportunity. A Chi-square indicated that online citizen journalists
(87.3%) were significantly more likely to provide an opportunity to publicly
respond to their work than online newspaper journalists (19.4%) (x2=446.5, df=1,
p = .00). Online citizen journalists (20.5%) were significantly more likely to
provide a journalist profile near the story than were newspaper journalists (.8%)
(x2=97.7, df=1, p = .00). While citizen journalists prefer the comment option,

newspaper journalists (59.8%) were more apt to communicate with their readers

81

via a direct email address when compared to citizen journalists (29.9%) (x2=87.0,

df=1, p=.00) (See Table 6).

Table 6: The Presence of Journalist Transparency Attributes

 

 

 

 

 

 

Presence of Journalist Online Citizen
Transparency Attributes Online Newspapers Journalism
Public Comment" 19% 87%
Direct Journalist Email* 60% 30%
General Journalist Email 3% 3%
Journalist Profile“ 1% 21%
Journalist Phone“ 33% 0%
*df = 1, p = .00
Civic Engagement

Mobilizing Information

R04a asked to what extent journalists attempted to provide details that
inform people how to act on an issue, and whether journalists took advantage of
these opportunities online. Despite the potential online, few stories included
mobilizing information. The only significant difference (x2=6.5, df=1, p = .01)
between publications was that online citizen journalism outlets (12.4%) were
more apt to provide mobilizing locational information than were online newspaper
journalists (7.5%). Newspaper and citizen journalists behaved similarly regarding

the minimal inclusion of identificational and tactical information (See Table 7).

Table 7: The Presence of Mobilizinllnformation

 

Presence of Mobilizing Online
lnfonnation in Articles Online Newspapers Citizen Journalism
Locational* 8% 12%
ldentificational 9% 10%
Tactical 3% 3%

 

 

 

 

 

*x2=6.5,df=1,p=.01

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Local Information Use

R04b addressed to what extent the content online is local; this is a
common thought expressed regarding citizen journalism publications. Table eight
reflects the findings. The assumptions were accurate finding that 68.9 percent of
citizen journalism articles were local, while 46.9 percent of the online newspaper

stories were local — a significant portion as well (x2=49.9, df=4, p = .00).

Table 8: The Presence of Localization in Articles

 

 

Online Online Citizen
Presence of Local Stories Newspapers Journalism
Local/Metro 47% 69%
State 21 % 1 3%
US 18% 1 1%
International 9% 5%
No Localization 6% 2%

 

 

 

 

x2: 49.9, df= 4, p = .00

Story Attributes

The literature review indicated that rarely do journalists include interactive
elements in their text stories, and results for R05 indicated that this research
supports past research (See Table 9). Online citizen journalists were significantly
more likely to use more photos (.54), graphics (.06) and polls (.02) in their stories
(p < .05). Online newspaper journalists were more likely to include slideshows
(.03), while citizen journalists did not incorporate one slideshow within the sample

(p < .01).

83

Table 9: The Avera e Number of Story Attributes

 

trounce of Online Online Citizen
tory Attributes Newspapers Journalism
Audio .01 .02
Video .04 .03
Slideshow* .03 .00
Photo“ .33 .54
Graphic* .01 .06

Map .02 .02

Poll" .00 .02
Information Graphic .03 .01

 

 

 

 

 

*p < .05, independent t-test for difference in means

Summary

In summary, the results indicated that significant differences reflect that
both publication types can be of value to news users. Data reveal that significant
differences existed between online newspaper and online citizen journalism
publications. Online newspaper journalists were more transparent in their use of
sources, however, were less transparent as authors of content as the comment
opportunity and the use of a profile are a more open form of communication than
the use of a phone number and email address. Online citizen journalists were
less balanced in their use of female and male sources, but were more balanced
regarding their incorporation of official and unofficial sources. Citizen journalists
were also more likely to include mobilizing, interactive and local information in
their stories with a greater variety of topics. Thus, both types of journalists
publish information that is considered to be of journalistic value as defined by

scholars and traditional journalists.

84

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION

The discussion section reflects an examination of the results produced
from this investigation including thoughts as to why differences exist. Also, a
comparison of results from previous research is included in this section.

For the most part, online citizen journalism publications are much more
likely to present stories in an opinion or analytical format than online newspapers.
Publication format, whether a news site or blog, is related as to whether
journalists tend to incorporate opinion as well. The research found that blogs
(56.7%) contained more journalistic opinion than news stories (13.9%). The
blogging format may lend itself to more column-style writing, whereas a news site
appears to feature more traditional style reports. Columns and editorials in
newspapers act as a forum where people exchange conflicting opinions on topics
of public concern. An analysis of story topics highlights the topics journalists
prefer to blog. Popular blog topics included government (23%), entertainment
(18%) and lifestyle (14%) topics. This may mean that blogs not only represent a
forum for controversy, but gossip and advice as well.

The types of online citizen journalists analyzed for this investigation do not
rely heavily upon traditional media or press release sources. They act as their
own filters, and lean their reporting efforts toward issues of local concern. Online
citizen journalists are likely intimately familiar with their community (Janowitz,
1952; Tichenor, Donahue, & Olien, 1980), and may not need to rely on traditional
or press release sources. However, their level of independence may change as

citizen journalism content gains in attractiveness for more news organizations are

85

likely to adopt it. This may have serious implications for the future of citizen
journalism if it is under an organizational umbrella.
Diversity in Source Use

A journalist’s autonomy is limited because he or she must depend upon
sources. A goal is to maintain or grow readership for each publication. Large
newspapers use diversity to attract a larger reader pool, while research has
shown that smaller news publications want to promote their ideas to other like-
minded readers (Hindman, 1998; Janowitz, 1952). This research revealed that it
may not be in online citizen journalism publications best interest to include a
diversity of sources for fear that diversity may counter their goal of community
consensus.
Number of Sources

Online newspapers were more likely to incorporate more sources than
online citizen journalism publications. Past Project for Excellence in Journalism
research indicated that larger news publications tend to incorporate a greater
number of sources despite time constraints (e.g., Project for Excellence in
Journalism, 2005). This is likely a reflection of resources including time, money
and available staff (Bernstein, Lacy, Cassara, & Lau, 1990). Future research may
want to classify those who comment on articles as sources. This would likely
affect who carries the greatest number of sources within articles.
Official and Unofficial Sources

Online newspapers were almost three times more likely to include official

sources in their stories than when compared to online citizen journalists. Larger

86

publications are more likely to cover state and national issues, and sources
representing that level are most likely to be official sources who can decipher
issues at that level. There are several reasons behind the tendency of online
newspapers to use official sources. First, online newspaper journalists cited a
greater number of sources when compared to citizen journalists; they have
greater access to official sources and unofficial sources require more time to
locate (Gans, 1979; Sigal, 1973; Steele, 1995).

Online citizen publications were more balanced in their use of official and
unofficial sources; however, they did average more official than unofficial
sources. Balance may be a reflection of intimate knowledge of community
residents. Traditional journalist’s coverage area is much larger making it more
difficult to find sources who can decipher an issue on a more personal level.
Online citizen joumalist’s circle of potential sources is likely smaller, which
increases the likelihood that they know someone in an unofficial capacity to
represent an issue.

Gender

This research aligns with other research demonstrating that males are
cited more often by both publication types (Len-Rios, Rodgers, Thorson, & Yoon,
2005; Potter, 1985; Rodgers & Thorson, 2000; Zoch & Turk, 1998). Both online
citizen and online newspaper journalists were more likely to cite males than any
other category of source. Online citizen journalists were much more likely to
attribute males as sources than online newspaper journalists. More research

needs to be conducted on smaller publications to pinpoint the influences behind

87

their prominent inclusion. Research has shown that there is a relationship
between the gender of the reporter and the propensity to cite sources of the
same gender (Freedman & Fico, 2005; Zeldes & Fico, 2005).
Multiple Viewpoints

Past research indicates that online provides a greater opportunity to
increase the number of viewpoints (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2006);
however, both publication types fared poorly in featuring more than one viewpoint
in stories that were considered controversial. Online newspapers did fare better
by presenting less than half of their controversial stories from mostly one
viewpoint. Newspapers were also better at providing viewpoints from two views
or more. The purpose of each publication type may explain why online
newspapers are more likely to incorporate a greater number of viewpoints.
Online citizen journalists may utilize their stories during times of controversy to
promote a viewpoint, or at least they provide very limited viewpoints in
controversial stories (Donahue et al., 1972). Research indicates that small
publications tend to push their community’s agenda, and denounce outside
viewpoints. The exclusion of viewpoints is one approach to promoting community
consensus (Donahue, et al., 1972; Janowitz, 1952). The majority (67%) of citizen
journalism controversial stories were presented all from one viewpoint.
Summary

Overall, online newspapers were more likely to incorporate a greater
diversity of sources and viewpoints within their stories. Online newspapers

should reflect a more accurate depiction of reality when compared to online

88

citizen journalism publications. Daily newspaper stories more accurately
represent people as a collective for the size of their intended audience is much
larger. Online newspapers need to appeal to a larger audience to profit, and thus
the inclusion of a diversity of sources is a necessary investment to maintain a
large readership (Merrill, 1974).

Citizen journalists may not need to seek out a greater diversity of sources
because the potential diversity in their community is limited. Small community
publications tend to promote their viewpoints by citing sources aligning with their
viewpoints (Tichenor, Donahue, & Olien, 1980), and thus, small or citizen
journalism publications will not likely ever compete with larger publications
regarding the inclusion of a diversity of sources as they are concerned with
whether their stories reflect their community, not the nation.

Diversity in Content

Source diversity does not always link to content diversity. To assess
whether publications featured a diversity of content, primary story topics and the
use outbound hyperlinks were analyzed.

Primary Story Topic

The diversity of each publication type was measured to determine through
the analysis of topics which news outlet provided a greater balance, or diversity,
of topics for news users. The results reflect that online citizen journalism content
is more diverse than online newspaper content. Perhaps, online newspapers
cover more state and national level issues, which may limit the type of topics that

can be covered at that level (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2006).

89

Both news publications appear to value public affairs reporting for they
focused most of their efforts on covering government more than any other topic.
Online citizen journalists (27%) were more likely to cover government topics than
were online newspaper journalists (22%). Entertainment was the second most
covered topic by online citizen journalism publications, while it was fourth for
online newspapers. It should be noted that entertainment included attending
movies, museums or local events. Thus, future research should create a culture
category to determine whether entertainment coverage tends to more
sensational or cultural. Based on coder feedback, it is expected that online
citizen journalism publications do not tend to cover national entertainment topics
for their focus is local content. Past literature has speculated that small
community publications cover more human interest and social event topics
(Janowitz, 1952). However, this research showed that online newspapers were
slightly more likely to cover human interest topics than online citizen journalists.
Hyperlinks

Diversity of information also comes in the form of access to information
not produced by the host news outlet. Granovetter’s (1973) seminal piece on the
strength of weak ties demonstrated the value of information from people with
weak ties or no direct contact. The use of within site hyperlinks prevents news
consumers from accessing information from varying viewpoints. News
organizations should relinquish some control and invest in seeking information
from outside sources. This inclusion would require the investment of a journalist’s

time to publicly authenticate another site as a source. Journalists fear that a

90

hyperlink to an outside source will mean that they are responsible for that
content. Journalists have historically been responsible for selecting credible
sources to bolster their reports. The journalist’s duty of identifying credible
sources is more important than ever due to the abundance of available
information on the World Wide Web. Outside links are another form of attribution
that offers users the opportunity to understand an issue on a deeper level. A link
to an outside site lets the news user know what information was used to build
their story, and provides the consumer informed access to a greater diversity of
lnfonnation. However, not every story may warrant the inclusion of a great
number of hyperlinks. For example, the availability of information accessible via a

hyperlink at the local level may be less abundant.

This research indicated that online newspaper journalists were likely to
link to content produced only by their organization staff. Overall, online citizen
journalists were more likely to link to outside content including to other traditional
media sources and blogs. Perceived credibility of citizen journalists may occur
when people look to citizen journalists not to be the expert in deciphering
information, but rather experts in knowing where to find information on the
reported issue or event. Outside links may encourage people to interpret the
issue on their own, rather than relying on a journalist to interpret it for them. An
additional note is that almost every story contained a hyperlink. All stories had an

average of 1.1 hyperlinks per story.

To better understand the motivation behind the use of hyperlinks, a Chi-

square was utilized to determine what topics featured more links, an indicator of

91

their level of comfort with linking. The analysis indicated that journalists were
more likely to use links in stories that may require more background information,
interaction or topics that are considered softer. News media (68%), technology
(57%), international (57%), human interest (43%) and entertainment (43%) topics
featured that greatest proportion of links (See Table 10). The use of hyperlinks in
softer topics likely means that they are linking to information that is considered
less controversial, which means that the authenticity of content is may be less
likely to be challenged by outside sources. The topics featuring the fewest
numbers of hyperlinks were ones that tend to lend themselves to straight

reporting styles such as crime (24%) or accidents/disasters (22%) (Shim, 2006).

Table 10: The Use of Hyperlinks Associated with Topic

 

 

 

Topics
.. a
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32 5% 52 gl': By: 52 g& 5g =I':
a)" a)" 93" Ev 9" (”V “V 1:" V
2 l— E 3 C O '-
I “J 8
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Hyperlink Use
Zero 32% 43% 43% 57% 58% 64% 76% 78% 79%
Hyperlinks
One or More 68% 57% 57% 43% 43% 36% 24% 22% 21%
Hyperlinks

 

x2 = 36.676. df = 15. p < .01

In summary, diversity of content did differ regarding the use of topics and
level of access journalists are willing to provide to information created by outside
sources. Online citizen and online newspaper journalists’ value government

coverage, and the data also indicate that online citizen journalists, who cover a

92

greater proportion of news at a more local level, featured a greater diversity of
topics.

Online citizen journalism sites fared better in providing access to a
diversity of content via outside hyperlinks than online newspapers. Content
analysis cannot reveal why online newspaper journalists prefer to link to content
within their site. There may be some explanations that can shed light on why
news organizations are prone to link within their site rather than linking to outside
information. For instance, news organizations may fear that readers will not come
back to their site, or discover a better alternative source of information. News
organizations should strive to act as a portal to information so to encourage
people to use their site as a primary source for online information rather than a
site that people link to periodically for information. Other explanations behind
within site linking include that it requires more work from the journalist to find
outside sources of information making the use of internal sources less research
intensive. Lastly, they may be legally responsible for the accuracy of outside

content (Rubel, 2007).

Transparency

Transparency of sources and journalists encourages news users to
actively question the veracity of content which promotes the adherence to quality
standards by the news outlet. To determine the transparency of stories, the use
of transparent sources and journalists were measured.

Anonymous Sources

93

Online newspaper journalists were less likely to use anonymous sources
than were online citizen journalists. This may be a reflection of the operational
definitions. The authors of stories that contained opinion were counted as
sources. Online citizen journalists did not always fully identify themselves. For
example, some journalists would call themselves “F red” or “pinkmonkey9.” This
likely affected the number of anonymous and nontransparent sources featured in
a story since almost half of citizen journalism stories contained opinion.

To identify what story topics were prone to feature the inclusion of
anonymous sources, a Chi-square was utilized. The ratio-level anonymous
source variable was collapsed into “0” anonymous sources and “1 or more”
anonymous sources due to the amount of cells containing less than five articles.
The use of ANOVA was not utilized for it is not recommended for data that are
skewed because results can be unreliable. The examination revealed
international (50%), disease/health care (35%) and Iraq (33%) topics featured
more anonymous sources, while less controversial topics such as entertainment
(13%), lifestyle (11%) and technology (10%) featured fewer anonymous sources
(See Table 11). As research has shown, international and government stories
are more likely to feature anonymous sources than softer news stories (Martin-

Kratzer & Thorson, 2007).

94

Table 11: The Presence of Anonymous Sources Dependant Upon Topic

 

 

Topics
>
5 g a
“83 581$ 8‘77" 591.3 5§ L38 a“? .323 73:.
it t. L \ ‘- ll
55 805'5 $5 $133 81% %5 51$, :35
Anonymous 0 :3
Source Use
Zero
Anonymous 50% 65% 68% 72% 77% 85% 89% 87% 91%
Sources
One or More 0 o 0 o O o o o 0
Anonymous 50 /o 35 /o 33 /o 28 /o 23 /o 15 /o 11 /o 13 /o 10 /0
Sources

 

 

x2: 39.986, df= 15. p = .00

Transparent Sources

Transparency of a source requires identifying the background information
of a source. Citizen and newspaper journalists differed in their use of identifiable
sources. Online newspaper journalists were more likely to include the
background information of a source. This may be a reflection of either newspaper
journalist training to include background information, or it could be that online
citizen journalists may not feel that they need to include the source’s background
information because they perceive that their targeted audience is already familiar
with the source’s identity. A greater amount of information is necessary for larger
audiences to understand the source’s relationship to a story. In smaller
communities, the journalist may not feel that they do need to be as transparent
for local readers may already know the person featured in the article making the
title an unnecessary inclusion.

Journalist Transparency

95

Traditional journalists push other people and organizations to be
transparent; however, journalists themselves tend not to be transparent (Kovach
& Rosenstiel, 2001). Online newspapers were unlikely to provide a publicly
available forum for news consumers to express their views on stories. On the
other hand, online citizen journalists provided the opportunity to comment on
close to all of their stories. This research indicated that the newspaper joumalist’s
email address was the preferred way of organizations to communicate with the
public. The appearance of an email address does not necessarily mean that
communication will occur between the sender and the receiver. An email address
is more of a secretive approach to engaging in dialogue with the news audience,
and many traditional journalists do not respond to the person who sent the email
(Randle, Davenport, & Lunt, 2006; Ye & Li, 2006).

Online citizen journalists provided access to a user profile on more than
one-fifth of their stories. The availability of a user profile does not necessarily
mean that online citizen journalists are behaving in more transparent way. This
research did not assess whether the user profile contained an accurate or a full
name. In fact, blogging survey research reveals that more than half of bloggers
use a pseudonym, but that figure encompasses all types of blogs including
personal (Lenhart & Fox, 2006). Thus, future research should identify different
levels of anonymity to determine the transparency level of journalists. A news
user may or may not be able determine the identity of the journalist who uses a
pseudonym. However, the masking of identity of a journalist may be arguably

necessary to encourage the contribution of extreme viewpoints, especially when

96

the public availability of the author’s identity could cause him or her harm. The
news media has been said to manufacture consent (Herman & Chomsky, 1988);
this norm may affect contributions of perceived radical content. An anonymous
source who posts sensitive infonnatlon can still have a good reputation online
because users may put a high value on the sharing of information contributed.
However, in most cases, it is likely that anonymous sources are not worried
about bodily harm, but instead, they are concerned with harm to their reputation
in the physical world.

In summary, online newspaper journalists were more likely to include
transparent sources, but were less likely to be as transparent themselves when
compared to online citizen journalists. Traditional journalists face numerous
pressures that affect the time they have to respond to comments from a much
larger audience than when compared to citizen journalism publications
(Shoemaker & Reese, 1995). Online citizen journalists may be more accountable
to their community, and the credibility of their reports is associated with their
willingness to answer questions of the public (Gilmor, 2006; Lowrey & Anderson,
2005).

Civic Engagement
Mobilizing Information

Based on the literature review, the purpose of smaller and alternative
publications is to engage (Tichenor, Donahue, & Olien, 1980; The Institute for
Interactive Journalism, 2007a). However, both publication types performed

minimally regarding the inclusion of content used to connect community

97

members. The only significant difference was that the online citizen journalists
were more likely to use locational information than online newspaper journalists.
Locational information provides the time and location of activities. The minimal
inclusion of mobilizing information is in align with past research; however, it is
unexpected that online citizen journalism publications did not include this type of
information for their goal as a publication is to connect the community (Hoffman,
2006; The Institute for Interactive Journalism, 2007a).
Local lnfonnation

Newspaper organizations continually attempt to bundle diverse
information in hopes of increasing or maintaining their readership. Online
newspaper organizations feature a large proportion of content on statewide or
national issues to accomplish this goal. Online citizen journalism publications can
provide a natural balance in the marketplace for they tend concentrate their
efforts on hyperlocal community issues. Localism is an important factor in
determining quality of content because local lnfonnation acts as an adhesive
necessary for community members to behave as one unit. This research
indicated that both publication types devote the majority of their coverage to local
issues; online citizen publications just tend to be more proportionately local within
the publication. However, a different sampling method that compared numbers
may have produced different results because online citizen journalism
publications publish a fewer number of stories daily when compared online
newspapers, and thus, online newspapers may produce more local stories

because they produce more stories.

98

In summary, this portion of the analysis investigated whether online
citizen journalism or online newspaper publications featured more stories that
were meant to engage news users in community issues. The results indicate that
that both publications types do little to provide information that assists readers in
personally connecting with the story in their community. Journalists who are
concerned with the level of civic involvement in their community could potentially
increase participation through the use of mobilizing information.

As expected, online citizen journalism stories were more proportionately
local in nature; however, online newspapers are local as well. This may mean
that news organizations are dedicating more coverage to local issues to compete
with alternative forms of media (Bogart, 1989).

Story Attributes

The potential of the internet is immense as far as creating depth. People
can select layers that aid in their understanding, rather than consuming it in a
more restricted fashion (Pavlik, 2001). Despite the possibilities the web presents,
news outlets treat their text stories not as a package featuring an array of text,
multimedia and interactive features, but rather as a separate stories, or they
rarely include these elements. This research did not assess the quality of isolated
multimedia stories, but rather addressed whether news organizations were trying
to create depth of understanding through the use of many elements in textually-
based stories. These elements are considered indicators of quality, yet most
news outlets did not include these elements (Gladney et al., 2007). Online citizen

journalists included more photographs, graphics and polls, while online

99

newspapers used more slideshows in their stories. But the average use of such
features, with the exception of photographs, was less than an average .06
attributes per story for both publication types. This may change as
Nielsen/NetRatings, a company that monitors internet audiences, has begun to
measure the length of time visitors stay at the site as well (Associated Press,
2007). This may encourage the use of social networking, multimedia and
interactive features by organizations so they can keep users at their site for a
Iongerpenod.

Summary

Elements that were classified as attributes that define qualityjournalism
were 1) the use of transparent sources and journalists, 2) a large number of
sources, 3) a diversity of sources and viewpoints and 4) local information. Based
on the measures of story quality, online newspaper journalists performed better
at incorporating a greater diversity of sources and viewpoints and using a greater
average of transparent sources. Online citizen journalism stories featured a
greater proportion of local content and transparent journalists. Thus, neither
online publication can be considered of higher quality, just different, and of higher
quality in different areas.

As for the other attributes (topics, outbound links and
multimedia/interactive elements) measured that were considered important by
journalism scholars and traditional journalists, little differences existed in the use
of multimediafinteractive features. However, online citizen journalists did feature

a greater diversity of topics and did incorporate more outbound links as expected

100

for they are small in size and more apt to connect to outside content due to their

blogging background (See Table 12).

Table 12: A Comparison of Results from Online Newspapers and
Online Citizen Journalism Sites

 

Online
Journalism Attribute Online Citizen
Comparisons Newspaper Journalism

Source Dlverslty

Number of Sources

Official and Nonofficial Sources

Gender

IMultiple Viewpoints

Content Diversity

Topics

Outside Hyperlinks

Transparency

Fewer Anonymous Sources

Transparent Source Use

Journalist Transparency

Civic Engagement

lMobilizing Information

Local Information

Textual Story Attributes
X denotes which publication fared better in comparison tests
based on the operational definition of each variable. The two x’s
located in the “official and unofficial” category signifies that no
standard exists as to whether journalists should balance their
inclusion, or include a greater number of one or the other.

><><>< ><><><><><
><><>< ><

XXXXX

 

 

 

 

 

The discussion section highlighted how both online citizen publications
and online newspapers can be of value to consumers due to their differences in
content. The next section, the conclusion section, addresses the implications of
this research, directions for future research and the limitations, which are fruitful

areas for future work as well.

101

CHAPTER 6: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

This section focuses on how the goals of this research were addressed,
and the potential opportunities for future work. This research sought to discover
the value of online citizen journalism content by comparing it to that of online
newspaper content. A second goal of this research was to identify objective
indicators of story quality. Finally, this investigation aimed to begin laying the
empirical groundwork to address the assumptions being made about the
contributions of online citizen journalists and online newspaper journalists.

Differences demonstrate that there is value in each publication type.
Shoemaker and Reese’s Hierarchy of Influences demonstrates that differing
influences produce differences in content. Differences do not indicate that one
type of publication is better, just that online citizen journalism and online
newspapers differ in their source use, content diversity, transparency and civic
propensity in online news articles. This research defined quality based primarily
upon Project for Excellence in Joumalism research, which was based on input
from scholars and traditional journalists. This research assessed it at the story
level by using objective traditional journalistic definitions of quality to answer
critics’ claims regarding the validity of online citizen journalism and online
newspaper content. Based on the indicators of quality utilized, online citizen
journalists were better at including local information and being more open about
their own background, while online newspaper journalism stories featured more
identifiable and diverse sources, a higher quantity of sources and sources with

more viewpoints. Based on these indicators of quality, one could make an

102

argument that either is more accurate. The online citizen journalism sites
featured more stories that directly reflect their community, whereas online
newspaper sites featured stories that are backed up by a greater number and
variety of sources. Thus, arguments supporting or against either type of site can
be valid, but valid in different ways. Critics’ arguments should be more specific to
the publication type, and thus, more constructive in demonstrating to news
outlets how to improve their quality.

There are several opportunities for news outlets to begin improving the
quality of their product. Ideally, publications should display a mission statement
or a set of specific goals online that guide the journalist or the organization as
they gather information. The abstract nature of the concept should not keep a
news outlet from abiding by some standard of quality. This approach reduces
uncertainty during transition periods as decisions can be based on their mission
statement or statement of goals. A textual or visual display of their value system
online can also inform the public as to what guides them when creating content
helping users judge whether journalists are adhering to their own standards of
quality. A public display of standards can also assist researchers in identifying
standards of journalistic quality as well.

There are core elements that can define journalism, no matter how they
are packaged. Many news organizations produce quality journalism everyday,
however, distrust can still occur (Harris Interactive Poll, 2007). Distrust
formulates when there is a lack of communication (lnsko, Schopler, Drigotas, &

Graetz, 1993). News outlets should provide opportunities for users and

103

journalists to communicate openly about their work (ASNE, 2006; Kovach &
Rosenstiel, 2001; Associated Press, 2006; SND, 2006; SPJ, 1996).

The news media is an establishment built on the idea that the content that
exists within each publication reflects who we are as a society. To effectively
accomplish this task, the material found inside each publication should strive to
accurately reflect the truth. Dissatisfaction with the news media occurs when
news users feel that the current established media are not accurately reflecting
their community (Harris Poll, 2007). Online citizen journalism and online
newspaper publications should encourage people to connect virtually, which can
encourage people to behave as a collective in the physical world (Nichols, et al.,
2006). To profit, news outlets should invest in producing content that reflects the
idea of community because trust occurs when people perceive that the content
reflects them (Meyer, 2004). Some traits of community include geography,
involvement, sharing and awareness (Chyi & Sylvie, 2001; Christensen &
Levinson, 2003; Kurpuis, 2000; Lacy & Simon, 1993). For example, a news outlet
could encourage young people to submit ideas for a new graphic logo for the
publication. Is this journalism? Probably not, but it is a reflection of community.

Traditional news organizations can either work with, against or disregard
citizen journalists. Each publication type unites the public at varying levels.
Online citizen journalists can serve a rural community, or a subsection of a
metropolitan area. News organizations are not likely to alter the diversity of their
content when a new competitor enters the marketplace (Lee, 2007). However,

they can utilize citizen content to reach an even larger audience. The duty of

104

small news outlets has been to be involved in their community (Rattray, 1966).
Citizen content is ideal because it is difficult for online newspaper journalists to
be as involved because they serve larger audiences, and their resources are
limited. Traditional online newspapers still play a local role; however, they also
strive to identify with populations at state, national and global levels as well - an
important role as well in society (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2006a;
Shim, 2006).

Traditional news organizations can also decide to compete with citizen
journalists. Based on historical research, online newspapers would do best to
capitalize on their strengths, rather than compete at the hyperlocal level. Shaw
(1991) said that once a disruptive technology has infiltrated the marketplace,
other existing media publications never reclaim their position at the top. On the
other hand, it would be best for the public if multiple news outlets did compete.
Levin’s research (1971) found that the fewer the news publications available
within a market; the more likely news organizations featured duplicate stories
within that market.

There is controversy as to whether online citizen journalists should be
called journalists. Currently, there is a discussion as to whether to call people
with no journalism training a citizen journalist, and instead call their sites “civic or
citizen media” because some site operators may not consider themselves to be
citizen journalists (Institute for Interactive Journalism, 2007a; Lenhart & Fox,
2006; Witt, 2007). A study by the J-Lab Institute for Interactive Journalism

(2007a) found that the majority (79%) of citizen journalists surveyed felt that they

105

were producing “journalism.” The term citizen journalism was used in this study
because it is familiar term. The goal of this research was to evaluate whether
citizen journalists were producing “quality” journalistic content as defined by
traditional journalists and scholars. After reviewing the data, the present research
indicates that they deserve the right to be called a journalist. The premise of the
First Amendment is that everyone deserves that right. This does not necessarily
that everyone who publishes content is creating “journalism.” Most recently
proposed definitions of “journalism” focus on whether the intention of the
individual’s content was meant to benefit the public. The public is a loose
concept. Is the public one’s family, or one’s Facebook group? This research
sought to detour the conservation toward identifying what is “journalism,” or the
very least, to begin identifying traits that define “quality journalism” so to improve
news user’s literacy when assessing the credibility of online information.
Research in the area of online journalism is challenging, especially at the
story-level. Difficulties in capturing data occur due to continual changes in
content. Not as much research may be conducted on this area at the story level
due to content capturing problems, and because libraries do not hold collections
of stories from online citizen journalism publications as they do for online
newspapers, which can deter research in this area as well. The original intent
was to capture snapshots of active homepages three times a day; however;
software limitations affected the ability to capture a more accurate snapshot of
content online. As a result, it took more than 12 hours per day to print off stories

for the present research. For researchers conducting future work in this area who

106

do not have the adequate resources (e.g., money, time, research assistants) to
take on this much work, researchers may want to focus on a particular topic area
or issue such as government, entertainment or education to reduce the number
of stories printed. There are so many stories because many traditional news
organizations treat their homepage as if it was the entire print publication, and
they also include other elements such as blogs, forums, photo galleries,
multimedia stories and hyperlinks to other sources of information. Future
researchers will likely limit their analysis to more efficiently research online news
publications until technology can more adequately handle saving online content.

However, it is still critical to capture this snapshot in time because current
theory on change needs improvement. Schramm argued that as researchers it is
our duty to monitor change. “We have been talking for a long about the future,
and it is frustrating - especially for those of us who are used to demanding facts,
aseptic experiments, and significance tests. But let us not disdain talk of the
future for that reason. That evidence we have seen here today adds up to at
least one conclusion we can hold at a high level of confidence: some very
important changes are taking place in human communication, and important
changes in human behavior are likely to follow” (Schramm, 1979, p.12).
Limitations

As with all research investigations, this study is not without limitations.
Quantitative content analysis limits the extent to which one can measure whether
publications are adhering to certain journalistic standards. There are some

interpretative limitations related to this approach to research. This method relies

107

predominantly on manifest content, and thus cannot make claims beyond the
content researched. It is not clear as to why differences exist between
publications, only that they likely exist.

A second limitation of this study is that this research does not contain a
sample of all online citizen journalism publications because no complete list
exists, and thus, the results cannot be generalized to all online citizen journalism
publications. It is difficult to obtain a random sample via the Web because many
sites shut down and begin in a short amount of time.

A third limitation is that content is reflective of one time period (March
2007). Content would likely differ during different times of the year, or during
different events.

Future Work

The limitations reflect opportunities for future work, but there is much more
work that remains. This research provides an empirical foundation for future
studies to test whether results reflect different time periods or different
publications. But future research needs to more precisely determine what causes
differences in content. As such, future studies could examine the impact that
online citizen journalism content has on online traditional news content.
Competition from citizen journalists may affect traditional news content.
Specifically, future work could examine how traditional news media are being
affected by citizen created content by examining the news construction process

(e.g., selection of story topics or sources; work roles). Specifically, it would of

108

interest to examine how news organizations select stories contributed from
citizen journalists for inclusion on their site.

This analysis was limited to online newspapers and online citizen
journalism sites focused on geographic areas. It would be useful to examine how
broadcast organizations differ when compared to online citizen journalists to
more fully understand their value to society, or to make comparisons utilizing
content produced by online citizen journalists who produced content on specific
issues. This analysis is also limited to sites in the United States, and thus, more
research needs to be conducted to reflect differences beyond the American
borders.

Other methodological approaches would likely highlight online citizen
journalism with a different lens. Survey research of online citizen journalists could
use this research to inform a survey to better understand the reasons behind
their motivations to produce content in the manner that they do. Experimental
research could reveal whether author (citizen journalist or newspaper journalist)
has an impact on perceived credibility, liking or representativeness of content.
Qualitative analysis is also necessary to lay a foundation so that future research
can more precisely measure this phenomenon. Since this is a snapshot in time,
further content analysis research should be conducted to evaluate whether
content changes over time. Research should also be conducted using other
benchmarks of journalism. For example, other possible quality indicators include

reliance on wire content, the use of interpretative pieces versus spot news or the

109

amount of non-advertising content. Future examinations should also look at

quality at varying levels such as the publication level as well.

110

APPENDICES

APPENDIX A: ONLINE CITIZEN JOURNALISM PUBLICATIONS

 

 

 

 

 

Online Citizen Journalism
Publications Number Percent
n = 482
The Forum 2 .2%
Greater Falls 4 .4%
Kansas City Live Journal 8 .8%
Jackson Free Press 6 .6%
Chi Town Daily News 2 .2%
IMN Speak 31 3.2%
Honolulu Advertiser Blog 4 .4%
New West Boise 8 .8%
Idaho Fallz 2 .2%
1Muncie Free Press 22 2.3%
Hackbend 3 .3%
Bluffton Today 7 .7%
Backfence Arlington 1 .1 %
Blount County Voice 2 .2%
OIyBlog 22 2.3%
Portland Metroblog 15 1.6%
My Mile High News 8 .8%
Voice of San Diego 49 5.1%
EdHat 15 1.6%
Duke City Fix 11 1.1%
Baristanet 29 3.0%
Paulding 1 .1 %
Glenwood Blog 1 .1%
YourHub Brevard 1 .1 %
YourHub Jupiter 2 .2%
Westport Now 27 2.8%
Fort Wayne Observed 16 1.7%
Pratt 4 .4%
H20 Town 12 .12%
New Haven Independent 17 1.8%
Daily Gotham 33 3.4%
Capital Hill Seattle 7 .7%
Holabird Advocate 9 .9%
Madison Commons 5 .5%
iBrattlebroro 14 1 .5%
New West Salt Lake 3 .3%
Reno Discontent 7 .7%
Grand Forks Life 4 .4%
Backfence Arlington 2 .2%
Charleston W. Virginia Economic
Development 3 .3%

 

 

111

 

Backfence Chantilly
Kauai Happy Camper
‘Hamtramck Star
Metroblogging Boston
Arbor Update
Backfence Bethesda
Northfleld

Little Rock Blog
Ithaca Blog

Around Carson
Toledo Talk

Life in Wisconsin

 

 

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.1%
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.2%
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.6%

 

112

 

APPENDIX B: ONLINE NEWSPAPER PUBLICATIONS

 

 

Online Newspaper Publications Number Percent
11 = 480
‘Fairbanks Daily News-Miner 6 .6%
Arkansas Democrat—Gazette 3 3%
Northwest Arkansas Times 5 .5%
The Arizona Republic 13 1.4%
Santa Barbara News—Press 5 .5%
The Post Independent 6 .6%
Denver Post 9 .9%
New Haven Register 5 .5%
The Garden Island 6 .6%
Honolulu Advertiser 17 1.8%
Idaho Statesman 15 1.6%
Chicago Tribune 23 2.5%
The Star Press 14 1.5%
The Journal Gazette 19 2.0%
The Courier-Journal 26 2.7%
The Times-Picayune 7 .7%
The Boston Globe 3 .3%
Ann Arbor News 10 1.0%
Star Tribune 11 1.1%
The Hattiesburg American 13 1.4%
Kansas City Star 17 1.8%
Great Falls Tribune 8 .8%
Lincoln Journal Star 8 .8%
Santa Fe New Mexican 6 .6%
Albuquerque Journal 9 .9%
The Ithaca Journal 10 1.0%
he Daily Times 2 .2%
he Bratllebroro Reformer 4 .4%
The Olympian 13 1.4%
The Seattle Times 27 2.8%
Nevada Appeal 9 .9%
Grand Forks Herald 6 .6%
The Blade 7 .7%
The Tribune Chronicle 8 .8%
Bend Bulletin 2 .2%
The Capital Times 1 .1%
Charleston Gazette 6 .6%
Salt Lake Tribune 9 .9%
Philadelphia Daily News 17 1.8%
The New York Times 27 1.7%
The Dallas Morning News 51 5.3%

 

 

 

 

113

APPENDIX C: EXAMPLES OF SITES ANALYZED

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115

APPENDIX D: DISSERTATION CODE SHEET AND PROTOCOL

V1. Story ld Number
V2: Story Day (Just Write Day)
V3: Publication Size (ratio)
V4: Publication Name

V5. Newspaper
1 = Newspaper 2 = Citizen Journalism Site

 

 

 

V8: Citizen Journalism Affiliation

1 = Newspaper Organization 2 = Independent Blog 3 = Independent Site
STORY-LEVEL VARIABLES
V9: Story Type
1 = News 2 = Commentary/Opinion/Editorial
V10: News Media Source
1 = Present 0 = Absent
V11: Press Release Source
1 = Present 0 = Absent
V12: Primary Story Topic
1 = Government/Elections 2 = Iraq War 3 = Foreign Affairs/lntemational
4 = Crime/Trial 5 = Business/Economy 6 = Environment/Transportation
7 = Education 8 = Disease/Health Care/Trends 9 = Entertainment
10 = Technology 11 = Science 12 = Accident/Disasters/WX
13 = Lifestyle 14 = News Media 15 = Human Interest 0 = Other
Mobilizing Information:
V13: Locational
1 = Present 0 = Absent
V14: ldentiflcational
1 = Present 0 = Absent
V15: Tactical
1 = Present 0 = Absent
V16: Localization
1 = Local/Metro 2: State 3: U.S. 4 = International 5 = No
localization
Hyperlinks (ratio)
V17: Total

V18: Outbound links
V19: Within links
V20: Outbound Media
V21: Outbound Blog

V22: Multiple Viewpoints (Controversy):

1 = All one opinion 2 = Mostly one opinion 3 = Two views
4 = More than two views 9 = Not applicable/controversial/fact

gurclng (All Ratio Level)

116

V23: Total Number of Sources

Source Diversity:
Unofficial Sources
V24: Non-institutional
V25: Average Citizens

Official Sources

V26: Government

V27: Business

V28: Public and Private Organizations

Anonymous Source Type:
V29: Official Anonymous
V30: Nonofflcial Anonymous

V31: Total Official
V32: Total Unofficial

 

V33: Other/Can’t Tell Sources

Anonymous Sources (code only if anonymous sources are present):
V34: Opinion of another person

1 = Present 0 = Absent
V35: Used as first quote in story

1 = Present 0 = Absent
Source Gender (ratio):
V36: Female
V37: Male

V38: Can’t Tell/Other

Source Transparency (ratio):
V39: Transparent
V40: No transparency

V41: Public Comment Opportunity
1 = Present 0 = Absent

V42: Direct Reporter Email

1 = Present 0 = Absent
V43: General Reporter Email

1 = Present 0 = Absent
V44: Profile Name Link

1 = Present 0 = Absent
V45: Reporter Phone Number

1 = Present 0 = Absent

Story Attributes (All Ratio Level)

V46: Audio or Audio Link v50; Graphic or Link
V47: Video or Video Link v51; Map or Link
V48: Slideshow or Link v52; Poll or Link

 

 

 

V49: Photo or Link V53: lnfographic or Link

 

117

Definitions
News Story

News story is defined as a text story without promotional material located
on the home page. A news story from the sampled date on the home page is the
unit of analysis. A blog post is considered a news story. Even if stories are
present from the previous month on the home page, they will not be coded. In the
case of hyperlinks with no text following the hyperlink, the coder will click on the
link and code that story. Stories on the upper and side navigation panels are
excluded. Stories also excluded are sports, calendar of events, obituaries,
wedding announcements, weather for the day/week, advertisements, Associated
Press/Reuters/Bloomberg/Gannett news wire stories as sole authors, solely
videolaudio/photo/graphic/slideshow stories, horoscopes, birthdays, letters to the
editor, images in the news, photo of the day, Dow Jones, top emailed story, most
popular/top stories, magazine, open threads, reader feedback and corrections.
Story comments were not be analyzed.

Online Newspaper

An online daily newspaper is defined as a general circulation, mass-
market publication that publishes a full range of regularly updated general news
content online. Newspapers that required a payment for a long-term (e.g., 6
months, one year) subscription for access to stories are excluded.

Online Citizen Joumalism Site

A citizen journalism news site is defined as an online publication that
publishes regularly updated content for an intended to benefit a community.
These sites focused on sites that published content focused on a geographical
area (e.g., Hamtramck, Ml), rather than centering on one or few issues (e.g.,
education, politics). Sites that had not published content since December 2006
were excluded as well. The content analysis was conducted in March 2007.

Blog

A ‘blog’ shortened for ‘web log’ is defined as a frequently modified web
page in which dated entries are listed and archived in reverse chronological
order. A blog can be classified as an online citizen journalism publication.
Typically, a blog is short and is written by only one or a few authors, and citizens
are asked to comment on their stories. Blogs that had not published content
since December 2006 were excluded.

Publication Size

Online citizen journalism and online newspaper size was based on the
estimated 2005 total resident population of the publication’s home city from the
U.S. Census Bureau’s Web site, or the most recent estimate. Sizes were
categorized as small (less than 100,000) or large (more than 100,000). Online
newspaper content is also broken down based on total resident population size
and circulation size of less than 100,000 and more than 100,000. This variable is
recorded at the ratio-level.

118

Source

A source is defined as a provider of attributed textual information. To be
considered a source, the provider must be identified with a verb of attribution,
which is a statement of direct or indirect communication. Direct communication
can be regarded as said, reported, announced, stated, noted, claims, etc. Indirect
communication includes verbs related to mental states such as hopes, feels,
believes, etc. Documents/emails are included as sources; however, polls with no
author as a source of the poll are not considered sources. Coders coded an
author of an editorial, column or any other opinion piece as a source.

Hyperiink

A hyperlink contained within the text story that directs the user to another
web page. Hyperlinks excluded are category, permalinks, RSS, email link to post,
return to top of page, report inappropriate content, comment, headline, link to the
rest of the story, tags, printer-friendly, email this, delicious, trackback, facebook
this, single page, text size and digg this links. Email links are not counted as
hyperlinks. Links are not counted in content written by outside media sources as
well (e.g., a LA Times story featured on the Santa Barbara blog).

119

Operationalization of variables
V1: Id number: The id number is assigned at a later date by research.
V2: Story Day: The story’s ‘post’ date takes precedent over the story date.

V3: Publication Size: Look up the most recent estimated total resident
population size for the home city of the publication on the U.S. Census Bureau’s
Web site. Typically it is the year 2005.

V4: Write or abbreviate the publication name. A number code is assigned at a
later date by the person who entered the data.

V5: Publication Type: Online newspaper and online newspaper publications are
already marked on a list of hyperlinks to those publications.

V6-V7: Blogs and News Articles

The story will need to be categorized as either a news story or as a blog post.
Refer to definitions in the definitions section on what is considered a blog and a
news article.

V8: Citizen Journalist Affiliation

1 = Newspapers: a Web site that is connected with a traditional news
organization. This was marked on the dissertation sample list.

2 = Independent: a Web site that is not connected with a traditional news
organization.

STORY-LEVEL VARIABLES

V9: Story Type

1 = News: The story is mostly fact-based centered on informing the public.

2 = Commentary/Opinion/Editorial: The story is predominantly opinion or
speculation. It typically focuses on one person commenting on a particular issue,
event or person (e.g., editorial, column, question posed for the public, analysis of
an issue). Opinion tends to focus on an issue or person, rather than an event. An
opinion tends to include little to no reporting. In many of the citizen media
articles, authors use the word “I,” this does not always mean that the article is an
opinion piece (e.g., I talked to so and so about the issue” or “I am listing some
places to visit”). When in doubt, code as opinion.

V10: News Media Source

The story predominantly focuses on a story reported by an outside traditional
media source or it is an outside media story reposted by the sample organization
(e.g., a story posted in The Chicago Tribune written by The LA. Times). Outside,
meaning that the story focuses on an article created by an organization other
than from the creator of the analyzed story. If the citizen media site is part of a
traditional news organization, a story focused on a report from that news

120

organization can not be counted as a story focused on an outside media source
(e.g., The Honolulu Advertiser Blog author reposts a story created by The
Honolulu Advertiser news staff). Traditional media does not include blogs, online
communities, forums, etc. It does include mainstream newspaper, radio and
television news organizations (e.g., Star Tribune, WXYZ-TV, NPR).

V11: Press Release Source

The story explicitly indicates that it is a press release, or from an organization
such as Department of Natural Resources (e.g., Louis Rockhill is the Executive
Director of Second Harvest Food Bank of E-Central Indiana, and the story is
about the food bank).

V12: Story Topic
Coders must select the topic of story that the story is focused on.

DEFINITION: This variable addresses the type of story topics that are addressed.
Before classifying the content, please read the assignment rules listed below the
procedure.

The “SIMPLE PLURALITY RULE”

This requires that coders determine the topic that receives the greatest
percentage of coverage in the story; and then code the story as such.

The “RESEARCH REPORT RULE”

When the story is based on release of research results/reports, then the
angle taken in covering the subject of that research is what determines the
TOPIC of said story. However, coders will code the research or report as
the secondary topic.

The EALLI' TO THE TOP RULE
It is possible; even likely, that there will be elements of multiple topics
interwoven in an individual news story, and it will not be possible for the
coder to determine which topic receives a simple plurality of the coverage.
In those cases, coders should always default to the top of the article and
code based on that segment of the news story. The first default is to the
three lead paragraphs (print) or lead. Follow this process, as needed,
throughout the remaining paragraphs, and code for the first appearance.

1 = Government/Elections: refers to departments of government excluding the
activities of foreign governments, except in the cases where they are engaging
politically with the U.S. This applies to official meetings of government units at all
levels of government (e.g., county commission, city council meetings, fire
department decisions). Any story directed at those elected and running for
political office as well. It also includes military and Department of Defense

121

activities with exception as it relates to the Iraq War. If the government is acting
on an issue (e.g., Senate Foreign Relations Committee approved today to
provide $10-millions to higher education. ..), count “government” as the topic,
rather than the issue they are taking action on (education).

2 = Iraq War: Any story tied to Gulf war II, Iraqi people or ‘terrorism’ in Iraq.

3 = Foreign Affairsllntemational: Any story dedicated to the relationship
between the United States and another country, or any story that is focused on
an international issue that is not directly related to the U.S.

4 = CrimeIT rial: This involves crime incidents, law enforcement, trials and crime
trends. It refers ONLY to individual crimes, such as a serial killer or an
assassination, but EXCLUDES war. It also refers to individual court trials and civil
lawsuits excluding celebrity trials. Celebrity trials are categorized under
entertainment.

5 = Business/Economy: All non-legislative activities related to businesses and
the economy including taxes and social security. Immigration should be
categorized under this category unless it focuses on the relationship between the
U.S. and another country, then classify it under Foreign Relations. Also include
jobs, housing, and agriculture business.

6 = EnvironmentISprawlITransportation: Refers to stories focused on
ecological and human-environment topics, or refers to the impact of development
and the expansion of urban areas (e.g., recycling, endangered animals).
Transportation refers stories tied to traffic or travel (e.g., parking, new road
system, construction that affects travel).

7 = Education: Refers to ALL primary, secondary and post-secondary education,
universities, whether public or private. This includes non-sports extracurricular
activities (e.g., debate, drama, and service clubs) that are explicitly connected
with schools (e.g., school board meeting).

8 = DiseaseIHealth Care System/Health: Stories that focus on Medicare, health
insurance, abortion, AIDS, any disease, or health-related trends such as
exercise, diet, obesity or public health.

9 = Entertainment: refers to people involved in motion picture, television, stage,
music or local entertainment. A celebrity who breaks a law would fall in this
category. Also, community activities should be categorized under this category
(e.g., museums). Please see Lifestyle as well.

10 = Technology: Any story dedicated to technology including blogging unless
comparisons are being made between bloggers and the traditional news media,
then count as news media (e.g., video games, podcasts, trends, advice).

11 = Science: Refers to scientific research or reports

12 = AccidentIDisastersMIeather: weather refers to non-intentional events that
injure, kill or cause damage. Also refers to natural events as well. Please include
pet food recall under this category.

13 = Lifestyle: refers to the activities and concerns of ordinary people NOT
applicable to topics above. Such topics may include values, pets, religion,
volunteering, charity, cooking classes, fishing, fundraising, suggested restaurants
to eat at, recipes, parenting, philosophy, hobbies outside of work and spiritual
beliefs (other than sports, entertainment, etc).

122

14 = News Media: Stories that concentrate on what news media companies or
journalists are doing or have done with their coverage.

15 = Human Interest: Human interest stories tend to focus on a person or a few
people, where an individual is the focus. If the story cites an average person to
humanize the story, it can be considered a human interest story.

99 = OtherIOff Topic: Any story that is not dedicated to the previously
mentioned topics. Try to use sparingly.

Mobilizing Information:

Coders will code the presence or absence of these variables. This information is
typically incorporated to let people know that they can act on an issue if they so
choose. A story can contain more than one of these mobilizing variables.

V13: Locational: Times and place of activity. It must provide both the time and
the place for it to be locational (e.g., “The committee meeting will be at 3 pm.
tomorrow in Room 696 at City Hall”). Online the contact information can be
counted when if this information can be accessed via a hyperlink. Information
must be available on the first page when users click on the hyperlink. Excluded
are listings for television or radio programs.

V14: ldentiticational: Names and contact information of people or groups that
the story is focused on so the reader could contact them if they so choose. This
can include a hyperlink to an email address or Web site of the person, group or
organization (e.g., “The committee meeting will be at 3 pm. tomorrow in Room
696 at City Hall. Please contact Rob Davis at 517-555-5555”). This does not
include reporter or any author’s email addresses, but does include source emails.
V15: Tactical: Explicit tactical instructions on how to accomplish an activity. This
information tells a reader how to do something such as how to affect legislative
process or how to encourage citizens to contact leaders to create some sort of
change. This does not mean that a time, place, or location has to be present
within the article (e.g., This is how you register to vote for the upcoming election;
recipes).

V16: Localization:

A coder can look to the dateline to help ascertain the geographical focus of the
story. If no dateline is present, the coder must determine the locale by reading
the story. The purpose of this variable is to assess the hyperlocalness of the
content. If no dateline or focus can be determined, use Local/Metro as the
default.

1 = Local/Metro: The story focuses on the home city of the publication or the
immediate area located outside of the home city. This includes cities located next
to the home city.

2 = State: The story focuses on the publication’s home state.

3= US: The story focuses on a national issue.

4 = International: The story is centered on an international issue. If the issue
involves the relationship between US and some other country; code it as
international.

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5 = No localization: The story is not focused on a particular location (e.g., Saran
Wrap is a useful product).

Hyperlinks

Hyperlinks will already be coded on the printed out sheets of paper. If not marked
by the coder, the coder can double-check the Web site to determine whether it is
a link. An “0” will denote an outbound link, an “w” will denote a within site link, an
“om” will denote an outside traditional media link and an “ob” will denote a link to
an “outside blog”. Reporters” email addresses will not be counted. See the
definitions section for further details on what is considered a hyperlink. This
variable will be measured at a ratio level; please count the total number of links
for each category.

V17: Total: Count the total number of hyperlinks.

V18: Outbound links: Links to content not connected with publication.

V19: Within links: Links to content produced by the news outlet.

V20: Outbound Traditional Media links: Links that are connected to content
produced by traditional print or broadcast news media sources.

V21: Outbound Blog links: Links that connect to outside blogs. ‘Outside’
meaning a blog not produced by the news outlet.

Sourcing

V22: Multiple Viewpoints:

DEFINITION: This variable measures the effort of the news organization to
present a balanced story by presenting multiple viewpoints in a conflict.

This applies to stories about events or issues that involve controversy.
Controversy includes physical, intellectual and ideological conflict or even a
difference of opinion. Stories that are strictly factual should be excluded.

Stories should be included if they explicitly involve controversy or even if there is
the implication th_at they could involve controversy, when in doubt code for
conflict.

A story topic/Issue is not the same as a viewpoint. A viewpoint involves taking a
position about a topic/Issue. A story could have multiple topics but not conflict. It
could have multiple topics and only one of the topics have conflict.

Journalists cannot constitute a side of a conflict. The asking of contrary questions
does not represent another side of a controversy.

Procedure:
1. Examine the story to see if it has explicit disagreement or conflict over an

event or issue. Disagreement involves representatives from at least one
position explicitly (not implied) stating that representatives of other

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positions are incorrect/wrong, acted improperly/inappropriately, or acted
immorally. If not, code it 9 below.

2. If there is disagreement or conflict, identify the number of assertions
(sentences) for various sides. Then apply the proportions in the
subcategories below.

3. Many of the paragraphs or assertions stories may not take sides. When
measuring % of opinions, only consider those portions of the story where
opinions are being expressed; do not automatically credit the reporting
to one side or the other.

4. Some stories may include more than one example of conflict or
disagreement (e.g., a story summarizing multiple events in Iraq). In such
stories, a particular side of one of the conflicts must reach 66% to be
coded “mostly one opinion.”

“Refused to Comment Rule” in effect.

This rule requires that if, in a given news story, the "other side" refused to be
quoted, that is, the reporter explicitly states that the other side refused to be
quoted, then that attempt should be quantified/coded as a source at the
appropriate level.

The operational definition of multiple viewpoints emphasized the effort of the
news organization to present a balanced story by presenting multiple viewpoints.
A story topic/issue is not the same as a viewpoint. A viewpoint involves taking a
position about a topic/issue.

1 = All one Opinion

2 = Mostly one opinion (at least 66% of all assertions)

3 = Two views (two views present, no one view has more than 65%)
4 = More than two views

9 = Not applicable/controversial

V23: Total Number of Sources:

Coders will count the total number of sources. All sources must be accompanied
directly with an assertion. If a source is given in the plural form with an “s”, count
as two sources unless a specific number of sources are given by the reporter.
Organizations are to be categorized as one source (e.g., White House, NATO
and United Nations). Documents are considered sources; count the author of the
document as the source. People who decline to comment are to be
acknowledged as a source.

Source Diversity:
Unofficial

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V24: Non-institutionalized Sources: Experts, academics, specialists, scientists,
professionals fall under this category. People who can speak on their own; and
they are not likely to be speaking on behalf of any organization. Exclude people
working in leadership positions on behalf of an organization (University
President, University Public Relations).

V25: Average Citizens: refers to ordinary citizens who are quoted based on their
opinion or experience with an issue, person or event. If you mark the story type
variable as “opinion,” then you must count the author as a source. Categorize
transparent sources (e.g., newspaper editorialists or columnists) under this
category. However, coders must categorize citizen media authors or bloggers
differently: 1) Sarah Lewis (average/transparent) 2) Sarah
(average/nontransparent), 3) Cool Dude (nonofficial anonymous/nontransparent).
If the source is tied to a specific business categorize under business (Sam
Davis/Tru Value employee), however, if the source’s occupation is not listed,
categorize under average citizen (Sam Davis/store employee).

Official

V26: Government: These refer to official agencies or personnel who belong to
the federal, state and local governments, Congress, the judicial, the executive, or
the legislature. The category contains the broad meaning of officials including
bureaucrats, administrators, representatives, prosecuting attorneys, executives,
and so on, who participate in governmental activities. In general, the sources are
considered officials if they come through routine channels such as official
proceedings, press releases, press conferences, and non-spontaneous events.
Categorize candidates running for office here unless the journalist notes their
profession.

V27: Business: This refers to the source which comes from a profit-based
business enterprise, corporation or its legitimized employees. In a broad sense,
business refers to every capitalistic industry along with manufacturing sectors.
Professionals such as doctors, lawyers, and other professionals who belong to
bureaucratic organizations are classified in this sector.

V28: Public and Private Organizations: This refers to people working for non-
profit public or private institutions. A private institution is controlled by an
individual or agency other than government. Classify public elementary or high
school teachers/administrators in this category. Also count clergy under this
category when a specific church is listed (Father Sam Davis of the Louis
Congregational Church), however, categorize clergy under average citizen if no
specific church is tied to them (Father Sam Davis).

V29-V30: Official and Unofficial Anonymous Sources:

The operational definition for the use of anonymous sources emphasized the
presence or absence of sources that are not named by name. A source is any
person or organization (through a spokesperson or published report) that has

126

been quoted directly or indirectly (paraphrased) in the story. Anonymous applies
even if a description is applied, such as “a source close to the president” or “an
Iraqi citizen.”

Official Anonymous

Any person or an organization with a title who is referred by their official capacity
(e.g., Pentagon official, lobbyists, aides, etc), unless well-known such as White
House, NATO, U.S. military, Red Cross, the mayor, of the Secretary of Defense.
Lansing police will not be counted as anonymous, but Lansing police officials will
be categorized under anonymous. Any organization followed by “officials” will be
categorized under anonymous.

Unofficial Anonymous

Any person who is not identified by name (e.g., an Iraqi citizen, a witness, movie
goers, museum visitors, travelers etc.) excluding people who are well-known by
their title (e.g., the President)

V31-V32: Total Official and Unofficial Source
Count the total number of official and nonofficial sources excluding sources from
the “other/can’t tell” category.

V33: Other/Can’t Tell
This refers to any source that does not fit in the above categories (e.g., everyone,
readers, speakers).

V34-V35:

Opinion of another person: Code for the presence of an anonymous source
offering an opinion of another person.

Used as the first quote in a story: Code for the presence of an anonymous
source used as the first person attributed or quoted in a story.

V36-38: Gender

Coders are to determine gender based upon the person’s name or references to
the person as a male or a female within the text. The coder is to “can’t tell or
other" when the gender can not be determined, it is a document source, or if the
author is an organization.

V39-V40: Source Transparency:

The operational definition for source transparency emphasized whether the
journalist has provided information so the audience can decide for themselves
whether to believe the information in the story. A source is any person or
organization (through a spokesperson or published report) that has been quoted
directly or indirectly (paraphrase) in the story. If poll or survey data is given in a
story, the data are not counted as a source but are dealt with under data
transparency (a CBS/NYT poll would be counted as one source).

127

To be transparent, a source must be named and have one or more of the
following: ( 1) Title of source given; (2) degree to which the source has at least
one of below: (a) direct level of knowledge, such as being an eyewitness, (b)
identified professional qualification other than title, such as participating in an
event. However, the Phoenix police would be considered transparent, but
Phoenix police officials would not be considered transparent.

For an organization to be transparent, statements representing it must be
attributed to a person who meets the criteria listed above for an individual source
to be transparent. For a report to be transparent, it must reveal who did the
research, who paid for it, when it was conducted and why it was conducted. A
story must include all of these to count.

V41: Public Comment Opportunity

The coder is to determine whether there is an opportunity to publicly comment on
the story. A text box or a link must be located adjacent the story. This excludes
reporter’s email addresses.

V42: Direct Reporter Email

The coder should note whether there is a direct email address to the reporter
adjacent to the story. This will be marked as an “e”.

V43: General Reporter Email

The coder should note whether a generic email address exists adjacent to the
story (e.g., email the editor at editor@wykx.com). This will be already marked by
a “ge”.

V44: Profile Reporter Link

The coder is to mark whether the author’s name directs the user to a profile of
the author. The profile does not mean that the person’s full identity is revealed.
Profiles that are excluded are profiles that just list previous stories produced by
the author. This will be marked as a “profile”.

V45: Reporter Phone Number

The coder should note whether a journalist’s phone number is adjacent to the
story.

V46-V53: Story Attributes

The author will count the number of hyperlinks contained within the story. Some
of these elements may be already marked on the copy if the content was
accessible via a hyperlink. The letter marks are indicated next the attribute.
Attributes must be directly connected with a text story.

Audio or Audio Link: audio of interview or audio story (A)

Broadcast Video or Video Link: video story with reporter narration, video, or video
interview (V)

Slideshow or Link: photographs with or without narration created by the news
outlet (8)

Photo or Link: a photograph or link to photo (P)

128

Graphic or Link: a visual representation that is more artistic than informational
(G)

Map or Link: an informational graphic that is a simplified depiction of a space
which highlights the relationships between components (M)

Poll or Link: a survey that a user can physically interact with online (Poll)
lnfographic: a visual representation of information, data or knowledge related to
the story. This variable excludes maps. (IG)

129

FOOTNOTES

1 Research used to for other important elements ofjournalism: (e.g., Lemert, J.
B., & Ashman, M. G. (1983). Extent of mobilizing information in opinion and news
magazines. Journalism Quarterly, 60(4), 657-662; Lemert, J. B., Mitzman, B. N.,
Seither, M. A., Cook, R. H., & O'Neil, R. M. (1977). Journalists and mobilizing
information. Joumalism Quarterly, 54(4), 721-726; Rosen, J. (2006, March 1).
The best blogging in the U.S., BluePlateSpeciaLnet, Moscowitz, L. (2002). Civic
approach not so different than traditional model. Newspaper Research Joumal,
23(4), 62-74; Dimitrova, D. V., Connolly-Ahern, C., Williams, A. P., Kaid, L. L., &
Reid, A. (2003). Hyperlinking as gatekeeping: Online newspaper coverage of the
execution of an American terrorist, Journalism Studies, 4(3), 401-414.

2 Gladney classified these indicators to define content quality: 1) credibility, 2)
utility, 3) immediacy, 4) relevancy, 5) fact-opinion separation, 6) exclusivity, 7)
good writing, 8) good illustration, 9) depth, 10) breadth, 11) outside commentary
and 12) editorial vigor.

3 News hole refers to the available content space that is required by journalists to
fill. For example, newspaper journalists must fill all pages of the newspaper with
content.

4 The Institute for Interactive Journalism has the largest list of citizen media sites.
However, at the time the study was conducted the list was not available
httpzl/www.kcnn.org/citmedia_sites/.

5 Baristanet (Montclair, NJ), Edhat (Santa Barabara, CA), Fresno Famous
(Fresno, CA), Westport Now (Westport, CT), ChiTown Daily News (Chicago, IL),
New Haven Independent (New Haven, CT); Gotham Gazette (New York, NY);
Philly Future (Philadelphia, PA), MNSpeak (Minneapolis/St. Paul, MN) and Duke
City Fix (Albuquerque, NM).

6 Ratio-Level Variables (Pearson’s Correlation): 1) Hyperlink Total: .990, 2)
Outbound Link Total .959, 3) Within Link Total .995, 4) Outbound Media Link
Total 1.0, 5) Outbound Blog Link Total .911, 6) Total Sources .889, 7) Non-
lnstitutional Source Total .903, 8) Average Citizen Source Total .889, 9)
Government Source Total .922, 10) Business Source Total .828, 11)
Public/Private Organizations Source Total, 12) Official Anonymous Source Total
.856, 13) Unofficial Anonymous Source Total .826, 14) Total Official Sources
.841, 15) Total Unofficial Sources .819, 17) Other/Can’t Tell Sources .823, 18)
Female Source Total .877, 19) Male Source Total .967, 20) Can’t Tell/Other
Source Total .824, 21) Transparent Source Total .850, 22) Nontransparent
Source Total .835, 23) Audio Elements 1.0, 24) Video Elements 1.0, 25)
Slideshow Elements 1.0, 26) Photo Elements 1.0, 27) Graphic Elements 1.0, 28)
Maps 1.0, 29) Polls 1.0 and 30) Infographics 1.0

130

7 Nominal-level variables (Scott’s Pi): 1) Story Type .91, 2) Use of News Media
Source 1.0, 3) Use of Press Release 1.0, 4) Story Topic .9, 5) Locational
Information 1.0, 6) ldentificational Information .845, 7) Tactical Information 1.0, 8)
Localization of Story .836, 9) Multiple Viewpoints .848, 10) Opinion of Another
Person by Anonymous Source 1.0, 11) Anonymous Source Used as First Quote

1.0, 12) Reporter Email .848, 13) General Email .978, 14) Author Profile and 15)
Author Phone Number 1.0.

131

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