LIBRARY Z ‘ Michigan {State 203 .2, Unwersnty This is to certify that the dissertation entitled Korean American Adolescents' Alcohol Abuse presented by Jaehong Park has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for the Ph. D. de- ee in Social Work I a 77; ' ' [V Major Professor’s Signature fimjfi f! 900? Date MSU is an affirmative-action, equal-opportunity employer _ .---—o--O-o-.—-—-—.-.-.--.-—-I-Q-t-I-C-O-C-I-o-sA l PLACE IN RETURN BOX to remove this checkout from your record. l TO AVOID FINES return on or before date due. MAY BE RECALLED with earlier due date if requested. DATE DUE DATE DUE DATE DUE 5/08 K:/Prolecc&Pres/ClRCIDateDue.indd KOREAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENTS’ ALCOHOL ABUSE By Jaehong Park A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Social Work 2008 ABSTRACT KOREAN AMERICAN ADOLESCENTS’ ALCOHOL ABUSE By Jaehong Park Adolescents’ alcohol abuse is a serious family and social problem. Although many studies have focused on adolescents’ alcohol abuse, only a few have examined on Asian American adolescents’ alcohol abuse, and Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse has received even less attention. The purpose of this study is to explore Asian American students’ alcohol abuse, to learn about contributing factors to their drinking behavior and attitudes, and to compare their alcohol abuse with Caucasian American, Latino American and African American students. Among Asian American students, Korean American, Chinese American, Japanese American, and Vietnamese American students were selected because of their shared Confucian cultural backgrounds. After examining existing data a Korean American adolescent alcohol use and abuse, I decided to approach Dr. Gregory Austin, director of health and human development at WestEd, a research institute in Los Alamitos, California, who conducted one of the most comprehensive studies of adolescent alcohol use and abuse in 1996, which included the 1996 Asian Student Drug Survey (ASDS). Dr. Austin graciously gave me permission to use the ASDS data set which was the basis for my secondary data analysis. My research showed that Caucasian American adolescents use alcohol more frequently than other adolescents, followed by Latino Americans, African Americans and Asian Americans. Korean American and Japanese American adolescents use alcohol more frequently than other Asian American adolescents. Vietnamese American and Chinese American adolescents are least likely to use alcohol. Korean American and Japanese American students show similar drinking behaviors, as do Chinese American and Vietnamese American students. The most severe problems associated with adolescents’ alcohol abuse are binge drinking, which leads to “passing-out,” “blacking-out,” and other risky behaviors. Adolescents’ alcohol abuse leads to difficulties at school, poor academic performance, conflicts with parents and friends, damaged relationships, traffic accidents and citations from the police. My research found that peer variables (peer alcohol abuse, peer pressure) were most consistently and Significantly correlated with Asian American students’ alcohol use and abuse. Family and acculturation variables showed “mixed” associations with alcohol abuse. Interestingly “perceived racial discrimination” was significantly correlated with Asian American students’ alcohol abuse, while it was not significantly correlated with alcohol abuse by students from other ethnic group. The findings of this study provide useful information for social workers, educators and other helping professionals concerned with adolescents’ alcohol abuse. This study confirmed existing knowledge about why adolescents abuse alcohol, and provided new information about Asian American, primarily Korean American students’ alcohol abuse. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS There are many people to whom I owe debts of gratitude. Dr. John Herrick (Chairperson), Dr. Timothy Stocks, Dr. Steven Gold, and Dr. Vincent Hoffman were my dissertation committee members. Dr. Kyu-taik Sung was my undergraduate adviser who gave continuous support and advice as I finished my dissertation. I thank them for their encouragement and allowing me to learn from the process of this study and to complete this project. I have benefited greatly from their advice and support. I am especially grateful to Dr. Herrick for his endless editing of my drafts during the long process of completing this dissertation. I am equally grateful for his scholarly advice and wisdom. I thank Dr. Gregory Austin (WestEd, California) for his permission to use his data from the “Asian Student Drug survey” that was completed in California for this study. I thank Ms. Hui Hua Chua, a Michigan State University librarian, and Ms. Daphne Horn, the California Student Survey project manager, for helping me access the study, contact the person in charge, and obtain permission to conduct a secondary data analysis. I am grateful to my friends who helped me to progress in my project. Dr. Jaeyop Kim encouraged me to make continuous progress and finish the project. Sokho Lee, Chi Dang and Lauren Ramsey helped me analyze the data. Many fi'iends back in Korea and in the United States supported me throughout my study. Though I cannot mention all of them by name, deep in my heart I will always be thankful for their help, their encouragement, and being there for me. I also want to thank the College of Social Science at Michigan State University for awarding me a doctoral dissertation completion scholarship which provided generous financial support. iv My parents have provided support and encouragement for many years. My brothers and sister also have provided me unending support and love. They believed that I would complete my study from the beginning and always gave me their support and encouragement. I am forever grateful for their unlimited love and support. I dedicate my dissertation to them. TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................. viii LIST OF FIGURES .................................................................................. x CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................. 1 A. Problem Statement ................................................................. l B. Background and Significance .................................................... 3 C. Purpose of the Study ............................................................... 6 CHAPTER II. LITERATURE REVIEW ........................................................ 9 A. Korean American Adolescents’ Alcohol Use and Abuse .................... 9 1. Alcohol Use among Asian Americans ...................................... 9 2. Alcohol Abuse among Asian American Adolescents ................... 10 3. Structural factors associated with Asian American Adolescents Alcohol Abuse: Economic Status and Family Structural Factors. ....1 l 4. Parental Education and Asian American Adolescents’ Success. . .....12 5. Korean American Family Life and Cultural Factors .................... 14 6. Alcohol Abuse among Korean American Adolescents ................. 16 B. Theories relating to Korean American Adolescents’ Alcohol Abuse ....... 19 1. Family Systems Theory and Family Influences .......................... 19 2. Peer Cluster Theory and Peer Influences ................................. 22 3. Acculturation Theory and Acculturation Influences ..................... 26 4. Adolescents’ Self-concept and Self-esteem .............................. 3O 5. Perceived Racial Discrimination ........................................... 32 CHAPTER III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHOD .................................... 35 A. Research Data ..................................................................... 36 B. Research Questions ............................................................... 38 C. Research Variables ................................................................ 38 D. Instrument ........................................................................... 40 E. Analysis ............................................................................. 41 CHAPTER IV. FINDINGS ....................................................................... 42 A. Study Sample .................................................................................... 42 B. Adolescents’ Alcohol Use across All Ethnic Groups .......................... 43 1. Prevalence of Alcohol Use ................................................... 43 2. Problems Caused by Alcohol Use across All Ethnic Groups ............ 47 3. Prevalence of Alcohol Use: Comparison between Korean American Adolescents and adolescents from other Ethnic American Adolescents ..................................................................... 55 vi C. Family Environments ............................................................ 65 D. Multivariate Analysis 1. Regression analysis for all students’ alcohol abuse ...................... 68 2. Regression analysis for Asian American students’ alcohol abuse. .....71 E. Summary of Results ............................................................... 74 CHAPTER V. DISCUSSION ................................................................... 75 Limitations of the study ............................................................... 79 Suggestions for future research ...................................................... 80 APPENDIX ......................................................................................... 81 REFERENCES ................................................................................... 93 vii Table 1: Table 2: Table 3: Table 4: Table 5: Table 6: Table 7: Table 8: Table 9: Table 10: Table 11: Table 12: Table 13: Table 14: Table 15: Table 16: Table 17: Table 18: Table 19: Table 20: Table 21: Table 22: LIST OF TABLES Grade .................................................................................. 42 Gender .......... ' ...................................................................... 43 Ethnicity and Asian sub-ethnic groups ............................................ 43 Have you ever drank alcohol? ...................................................................... 44 Have you ever gotten drunk? ...................................................... 45 How often have you used alcohol in the last 12 months? 45 How often have you gotten drunk in the last 12 months? 46 How ofien have you used alcohol in the last month? ........................... 46 In the last month, how many times did you get drunk? ........................ 47 Drinking behavior: adolescents’ perception of their drinking behavior ...... 48 Perceived harm in using alcohol Once or tw1ce ......48 Perceived harm in using alcohol regularly ......................................... 49 Perceived harm in getting drunk once or twice .................................. 49 Perceived harm in getting drunk regularly ......................................... 50 Received a traffic ticket ............................................................. 51 Involved in an accident because of drinking ..................................... 52 Arrested because of drinking ....................................................... 52 Money problems because of drinking. . . . ......................................... 52 Trouble at school because of drinking ............................................. 52 Drinking caused bad academic performance .................................... 53 Drinking caused fighting with other kids ......................................... 53 Drinking caused fighting with parents ............................................ 53 Table 23: Table 24: Table 25: Table 26: Table 27: Table 28: Table 29: Table 30: Table 31: Table 32: Table 33: Table 34: Table 35: Table 36: Table 37: Table 38: Drinking caused damaged friendships ............................................... 53 Drinking caused passing-out ......................................................... 54 Drinking caused blacking-out ........................................................ 54 Drinking caused me to break something ............................................ 55 ANOVA: Ethnic group differences on adolescents’ alcohol abuse... . .. ........55 Multiple Ethnic group comparisons on “How often have you used alcohol in the last month? ............................................................................................. 57 Have you ever had alcohol to drink and have you ever gotten drunk? (selected Asian American groups and Caucasian American, Latino American, and African American students) ............................... 60 In the last month, how often did you use alcohol (across all ethnic Groups)?61 In the last month, how often did you get drunk (across all ethnic Groups)?...62 Drinking behaviors across all ethnic groups ....................................... 63 How many of your fiiends get drunk occasionally across all ethnic groups? ............................................................................................................. 64 Father lives at home ................................................................... 66 Mother lives at home .................................................................. 66 Summary: Family factors across all ethnic groups ................................ 67 Regression analysis of contributing factors to adolescents’ alcohol abuse for all ethnic groups’ adolescents ............................................. 7O Regression analysis of contributing factors to adolescents’ alcohol abuse for Asian American adolescents ............................................. 73 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1: Research Framework ............................................................... 39 Title: Korean American Adolescents’ Alcohol Abuse Chapter I. Introduction A. Problem Statement Adolescents’ alcohol abuse is a critical issue in the United States. Suicide, homicide, and motor vehicle injuries are related to adolescent alcohol use and the prevalence of adolescent substance use has been growing rapidly (Swadi, 1999). Despite the fact that it is illegal for adolescents to purchase alcoholic beverages, experience with alcohol is almost universal among them. Adolescents’ alcohol use is widespread and alcohol has been tried by 44 % of eighth graders, 64 % of tenth graders, and 77 % of twelfih graders. A critical issue with adolescents’ alcohol abuse is the widespread occurrence of heavy drinking measured by the percentage of adolescents’ reporting five or more drinks at one time at least once in the prior two week period. 11 % of eighth graders, 22 % of tenth graders, 29 % of twelfth graders have reported occasional heavy drinking (Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 2005). Although many studies have focused on adolescent alcohol abuse, only a few have focused on Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. Most of the studies report that adolescent alcohol abuse is more prevalent among Caucasian adolescents than among Asian Americans. (Barnes & Welte, 1986; Gillmore et al., 1990). Swade (1999) and Makimoto (1999) found that Asian American adolescent alcohol abuse is a very complex and serious problem. Asian American adolescents, in general, are less likely to be involved in drinking compared to other adolescents. But when Asian American adolescents drink they are often involved in heavy drinking and those who “binge drink” consume more alcohol than Caucasian American adolescent binge drinkers (Barnes & Welte, 1986). Several authors have identified family factors as important correlates of adolescents’ alcohol abuse (Jessor & Jessor, 1977). Family characteristics such as strong family bonds between family members can mediate environmental or social factors that might influence adolescent alcohol abuse. Few studies have investigated whether ethnic differences in adolescent alcohol abuse are due in part to ethnic differences in families. This is particularly important in studying Korean American adolescent alcohol abuse since Korean family traditions may enhance or inhibit patterns of alcohol consumption. One important factor to examine in Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use is the role of acculturation. Acculturation is the process by which an ethnic group gradually changes its behaviors and attitudes to be more like those of the host society (Goldon, 1964). It is important to exam ethnic differences in the relationship between risk factors for adolescent alcohol abuse how these factors protect adolescents from stressors which might encourage them to use alcohol. All adolescents strive to be accepted by their peers and their behavior is shaped by peer cultures. In order to merge with peers and not be different from them, adolescents adopt peers’ attitudes, behaviors, and styles of dress (Harris, 1995). Korean American adolescents quickly learn that “American” behaviors are positively rewarded in their interactions with peers in social and school settings. The critical role of peer socialization in adolescents’ alcohol abuse is well established. For instance, increases in adolescents’ friends’ alcohol and tobacco use seems to be associated with high alcohol and tobacco use by adolescents in the United States (Scheier, 2001). We do not know if peer pressure exerts the same influence upon Korean American adolescents. B. Background and Significance The term “Asian” refers to people having origins in the Far East, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent (US. Census Bureau, 2002). Asian Americans are made up of physically and culturally diverse groups with different languages, customs, and values. Each major Asian ethnic group has its own language and dominant religion. Asian Americans are the fastest growing minority group in the United States. Between 1980 and 2000, the Asian American population doubled (Hobbs & Stoops, 2002). According to the US. census, Asian Americans are estimated to number around 12 million, or 4 % of the total United States population (U .8. Census Bureau, 2002). The population has increased dramatically from 1.4 million or 0.7 % of the total population in 1970 (Gall & Gall, 1993). Current projections are that by 2050 the Asian American population will rise to about 8 % of the US. population or 40 million (Yip, 1996). Korean Americans are one of the most numerous Asian subgroups in the United States. The 1970 census was the first to record Korean American as a distinct ethnic group (Lee, 1987). Since 1965, the numbers of Korean immigrants have increased dramatically. Today, there are approximately 1,100,000 Koreans living in the United States (U .8. Census Bureau, 2002). As the children of immigrants, Asian American adolescents are enmeshed in immigrant communities as well as the larger American society. Second generation Asian Americans live between two different worlds, the immigrant world and larger American society, and they are not fully comfortable in either one (Min, 1995). They are often in conflict with their parents and their values. Kibria (2002) suggested that second generation Chinese and Korean Americans experience marginality, cultural clashes, and life in two worlds. This can result in dissonance and confusion. Many Asian American adolescents are stereotyped as the “model minority” because they are believed to have overcome the challenges of racism, low socioeconomic status, unfamiliarity with American culture, and limited English language skills to attain educational and economic success comparable to or even exceeding that of European Americans (Tang, 1997). There is support for this stereotype. Asian Americans are overrepresented among those with college and post bachelor degrees. The 2000 US. Census (2002) found that 46.9 % of Asain/Pacific Islanders, 26.4 % Caucasian Americans, 16.1 % of African Americans, 11.2 % of Hispanic, and 28.5 % of Non- Hispanic Whites held bachelors or advanced degrees. While the model minority image generates pride for some Asian Americans, it also promotes competition, envy, and prejudice from members of other racial groups (Hurh & Kim, 1989). One cultural explanation attributes Asian American achievement to traditional Asian American values, such as filial piety, diligence, and respect for hard-work (Kim & Chun, 1994). Others attribute Asian American achievement to “relative functionalism”, meaning that Asian Americans use education as primary means for social mobility in a society that discriminates against racial minorities (Sue & Okazaki, 1990). Asian American adolescents with positive attitudes value learning and academic accomplishments and share their parents’ belief that education is an important means of upward social mobility (Tan, 1994). Many Korean American adolescents born and raised in the United States have made remarkable academic achievements. There are many indicators of their success. For example, Min and Hong (2002) found that in three specialized high schools in New York City, which base their admissions on competitive examinations in English and mathematics, Korean American students represented 15 % of those accepted although they constituted less than 1 % of the population in New York City. Although large numbers of Korean American students are highly successful in their school work, some new immigrants have problems in school and become involved in a variety of delinquent acts. Some Korean adolescents experience serious conflicts with their parents. Cutting class, skipping school without notice, fighting, and running away from home are typical problems of Korean American high school students. Gang related crimes and alcohol abuse by adolescents have also become problems in the Korean immigrant community. Although these problems may be relatively rare considering the size of the Korean population, Korean parents are very concerned about them (Min, 1995). Language barriers, cultural differences, and a sense of alienation and discrimination in school are just some of the sources of Korean adolescents’ problems. In a study of Korean junior and senior high school students in New York city, Min (1991) found that 30 % of Korean American students felt personally discriminated against by American students, and18 % said that they had the feeling of being discriminated against by American teachers. Although there is parent-child conflict in all families, conflicts are exacerbated in Korean immigrant families because of language barriers and value differences. Since many Korean parents cannot speak English well, their children’s use of English in communicating with them can cause serious problems (Min & Hong, 2002). Most Korean American parents put great pressure on their children to excel in school and attend good colleges. Unsuccessful Korean American students are not rewarded and are sometimes even neglected by parents, increasing the likelihood they will spend time on the street. Many Korean immigrant parents, who spend long hours at work, have little time to play with their children or supervise them at home. Min (1991) found that 64 % of the Korean American adolescents surveyed did not have any parent at home after school although they might have siblings or others present, and 46 % indicated that there isn’t anyone at home after school. It is easy for Korean American adolescents, who are not interested in academics and who are not interested in studying, to go out, meet friends, and get caught up in delinquent activities when no one supervises them at home after school. C. Purpose of the Study It is important to acknowledge that Asian American adolescents have received little attention from school systems and helping professionals. Asian American adolescents as “model minority” are not seen as a group that requires special attention to prevent alcohol abuse. Furthermore, it is generally assume that Asian American adolescents seldom seek help from school counselors or helping professionals. Since Asian American adolescents and particularly Korean American adolescents have unique experience as a member of minority ethnic groups, their decision to use or abuse alcohol are problematic and warrant further study. Issues associated with adolescent alcohol use are well documented in research conducted by social workers, psychologists, sociologists and other academics. Interestingly few researchers have studied Asian American and specifically Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse. Korean American adolescents are not well-known for alcohol use or abuse. They are part of the “model minority’ stereotype of Asian Americans. Previous research suggests that adolescents’ alcohol use is influenced by academic performance, peer alcohol use, parental influence and family environments, as well as their psychological wellbeing. Few researchers have studied issues how they are associated with Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use. My intent is to examine factors associated with Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse that have not been studied thoroughly elsewhere. Studies on Asian American adolescents generally use samples that are too small to control for major demographic variables such as age and socioeconomic status. Consequently, not much is known about the determinants of alcohol abuse among Korean American adolescents. We need a more systematic study, which investigates Korean American adolescent alcohol use and examines Koreans’ cultural heritage and Korean family values and their association with Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. This dissertation will explore: 1) what we know about Korean American adolescent alcohol abuse: and 2) what factors are correlated with Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. It will also offer suggestions on ways to prevent Korean American adolescent alcohol abuse. Chapter II. Literature Review A. Korean American Adolescents’ Alcohol Abuse l.Alcohol Use among Asian Americans Asian Americans typically have been considered a “model minority,” with high rates of abstention from alcohol use and low rates of alcohol abuse. This image likely results from the fact that few Asian Americans enter alcoholism treatment and from the lack of research on alcohol consumption patterns among Asian Americans who might be at risk for alcohol problems. Despite low drinking rates among Asian Americans, substantial variations in drinking behavior exist among different Asian subgroups. For example, Kitano and Chi (1985) found that Japanese Americans and Chinese Americans had more drinkers than abstainers and Filipino Americans and Korean Americans had more abstainers than drinkers. The rate of heavy drinking also differed greatly among Asian subgroups, with the highest proportions of heavy drinkers found among Japanese Americans followed by Filipino Americans, Korean Americans, and Chinese Americans (Sasao, 1991). Pronounced gender differences in alcohol use exist among Asian Americans with Asian American women being much more likely to abstain or use less alcohol than their male counterparts (Chi, Lubben, & Kitano, 1989; Kitano & Chi, 1985). Drinking rates range from as high as 67 % among Japanese American women and 52 % among Cambodian American women to as low as 18 % among Korean American women and 20 % among Filipino American women (Kitano & Chi, 1985). Researchers suggest that low alcohol use among Asian Americans is related to cultural values, such as the influence of Confucian and Taoist philosophies on Chinese, Korean, and Japanese drinking styles. The emphasis on conformity and harmony in those philosophies is believed to promote moderate drinking habits and sanctions against drunkenness (Sue, Kitano, Hatanako, & Yeung, 1985). Drinking in most Asian cultures takes place in prescribed social situations, which may limit the likelihood of alcohol abuse (Kitano, Chi, Rhee, Law, & Lubben, 1992). Stress and social adjustment experienced by Asian immigrants might be contributing factors to alcohol use among Asian Americans. Lin, Masuda, and Tazurna (1984) found that recent Asian American immigrants experience stress because of economic hardship, occupational problems, acculturation difficulties, and social isolation. Exposure to such stressors may contribute to increased alcohol use. In a study of Southeast Asian refugees, Yee and Thu (1987) found that approximately 45 % of respondents reported having problems with alcohol use, and a large proportion of the sample considered alcohol use an acceptable way to cope with stressful situations. 2. Alcohol Abuse among Asian American Adolescents The growth of the Asian American population in the United States over the last few decades necessitates research on Asian Americans, Asian American families, and more specifically Asian American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. Most research on American adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse has not examined drinking patterns among Asian American. For example, Monitoring the Future (Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 2005), the largest annual survey of American adolescents’ alcohol and other drug use, 10 listed White, Black, Hispanic, and Other in surveying demographic subgroups, Asian American are simply group under the “Other” category. The National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (Wright & Sathe, 2006), another large annual survey, listed Hispanic, White, Black, and all other races as others in answering a race/ethnicity questionnaire, blending Asians into the broad “other” category, again ignoring Asian categories. Neither of these large research projects look specifically at Asian American alcohol and other drug use, illustrating the need for more specific studies. Acculturation to mainstream American culture could be expected to encourage Asians to adopt American drinking patterns. Li and Rosenblood (1994) showed that recent Asian immigrants tended to drink more than their parents and that they have less rigid values than their parents. This supported by Johnson, Nagoshi, Ahem, Wilson and Yuen (1987) who found that Asians born in the United States have higher rates of alcohol use than Asians born in their ancestral homelands. Depression was a significant factor in predicting Asian American adolescents’ alcohol abuse (Otsuki, 2003). It can be hypothesized that Asian American adolescents experience depression and stress because of their need to adjust or acculturate to mainstream American culture and pressure from their parents to excel in academic performance. 3. Structural factors associated with Asian American Adolescents’ Alcohol Abuse: Economic Status and Family Structure Asian Americans have had occupational and educational success in the United States. Asian Americans have long been stereotyped as the “model minority” (Peterson, 11 1966). A “model minority” is seen as a group that “plays by the rules,” works hard and achieves success. Asian Americans perform better in school than any other minority group. Family values, family socioeconomic status, and acculturation process have been important factors in Asian American students’ academic success (Goyette & Xie, 1999). Socioeconomic analysis explains ethnic variations in students’ educational achievement by marital status, parental education, and income levels. In trying to understand how family background affects students’ academic achievement, Coleman (1988) suggested examining how parents’ financial and human capital is translated into actions that may help students develop their own human capital. He used the concept of social capital to describe these actions. The stability of parents’ marital status supports children’s academic performance, social adjustment, and psychological stability. Asian American families have strong family bonds and Asian Americans have a much lower divorce rate than other ethnic groups (Knox & Schacht, 1999). Blair and Qian (1998) found that the frequency of single parent households is low in the general Asian American population. Fewer than 10 % of Asian American were separated, widowed, or divorced, compared to 19 % of the total population (U .8. Census Bureau, 2004). Family stability may be a protective factor against alcohol abuse among Asian American adolescents. 4. Parental Education and Asian American Adolescents’ Success Higher parental education affects educational performance among Chinese and Korean students (Blair & Qian, 1998). Parental participation in and support of school activities has been a critical element in students’ academic success (Cummins, 1986). 12 Korean American parents place great emphasis on their children’s successful academic achievement and often support school activities. Kasinitz, Mollenkope, and Waters (2004) studied educational attainment among second generation New Yorkers and found second generation Korean Americans had the highest educational attainment among all those studied. There was strong correlation between parental educational achievement and student academic achievement. Kim (2004) found that the fathers of the second generation students are highly educated: 38 % of the fathers had undergraduate degrees and 42 % had earned graduate degrees. This also indicates the selectivity of Korean immigrants. Many Korean American immigrants came from middle class and educated backgrounds. Their educational and economic backgrounds were higher than that of most of other migrant nationalities. The 2000 US Census (2004) reported that a higher percentage of Asian Americans held bachelor’s degree than any other group. Nearly 44 % of Asian Americans had bachelors’ degrees compared to 24 % of the total population of the United States. Asian American also had higher incomes. The median family income of Asian American in 1999 was $59,324, compared to $50,046 for all American families. The Asian American farnilies’ financial success is correlated with their children’s academic success (Anguiano, 2004). 13 5. Korean American Family Life and Cultural Factors First generation Korean Americans have exceptionally high rates of self- employment. Min (1996) reported that about 35 percent of first generation Korean Americans are self-employed. Kim (2001) found 43 percent of first generation fathers were self-employed compared to 11 percent of the second generation. The substantial drop in self-employment from the first generation to the second generation indicates a rapid exit from the ethnic economy. Many first generation parents spend long, stressful hours in their shops and are hence sometimes unable to supervise their children properly. The working environment of self-employed Korean parents could function as a risk factor for Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. The long hours of work required to operate small business limits the time and energy of Korean American parents to supervise their children. The association between the self-employment of Korean American parents and their children’s possible alcohol abuse is speculative. Self-employed parents are reluctant to have their children pursue selfoemployment since they understand the hardships and challenges of running small businesses (Min, 198 8). Korean American parents value high status professional occupations (Abelmann & Lie, 1995; Min, 1998). Both the desire for social status and the pragmatism of first generation parents influence children (Abelmann & Lie, 1995). Kim (2004) suggested that the first generation’s difficulties led them to believe that professional occupations would better shield second generation Korean Americans from discrimination and thus provide a solid entry into the middle class. Cultural analysis explains ethnic variations in students’ achievements by focusing on culturally prescribed values. Most Asian Americans come from Confucian cultures 14 which stress the importance of education. It emphasizes that the person must be educated for self development. Traditionally, only educated people become social elite in Confucian cultures. Consequently, Asian parents strongly support their children’s education. Fej gin (1995) found Jewish and Asian students had better academic records than students from similar socioeconomic backgrounds. He suggested their “social capital” or cultural backgrounds might explain their success. Sue and Okazaki (1990) argued that educational achievement among Asian American students is best understood as a function of Asians’ perception of the relative valuation of education as a means of upward mobility. Lee (1987) explained the academic success of Chinese, Korean, and Japanese American adolescents by their cultural characteristics. Mordkowitz and Ginsburg (1987) also supported cultural factors as the main determinants of Asian American adolescents’ academic success. Theses researches suggested that culture background is important and related to the behaviors and adjustments of Asian American adolescents. Parents of Korean American students urge their children to have success in school and want them to have a professional occupation and high academic achievements. First generation Korean families are likely to come from the Korean middle class and they have a high level of marital stability, education and financial resources compared to other minority ethnic groups. Their cultural values support Korean American adolescents’ academic success. It is important to understand that if Korean American adolescents do not meet parental expectations for academic achievement, their mental health or psychological adjustment could be at risk. Way and Chen (2000) explain Asian 15 American students were more likely to report depression, low self-esteem, and poor fiiendships than were the African American and Latino students. 6. Alcohol Abuse among Korean American Adolescents For the Korean population as a whole, the Korean attitude toward alcohol is bimodal. Some Koreans have permissive attitudes toward alcohol consumption, especially with regard to male drinking, whereas a large number of Koreans abstain from drinking altogether. Reports of per capita alcohol consumption in Korea indicate that it has one of the highest levels of drinking in the world (Park, Oh, & Lee, 1998). Generalizing from the Korean population in South Korea to Korean Americans requires caution, it does seem that Koreans’ heavy drinking patterns have continued in the United States. According to Zane and Kim (1994), Korean Americans reported heavy use of alcohol, second only to that of Japanese Americans. Parrish (1995) found that while Korean Americans abstain from alcohol use more than other Asian Americans, they had the highest rates of heavy drinking among those who did consume alcohol. Nakashima and Wong (2000) studied Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse in California and found that a majority of male and females Korean American adolescents had consumed alcohol in their lifetimes (66.3 % of females and 75.3 % of males). 23.1 % of females and 31.1 % of males had been drunk in their lifetimes and that 19.7 % of females and 24 % males had been drunk in the past year. Monitoring the Future, an ongoing national survey of the behaviors, attitudes, and values of American secondary school students, college students, and young adults, surveyed their alcohol use. Compared to national sample of students surveyed in MTF (Johnston, O’Malley, & 16 Bachman, 2003), Korean American adolescents had more alcohol than average American adolescents. In the twelfth grade 83 % of Korean American adolescents consumed alcohol compared to 78 % of other adolescents. Half of Korean American adolescents who had used alcohol reported that they consumed alcohol with friends at least once in the past twelve months. A sizable minority of Korean American adolescents (19.9%) who have abused alcohol reported that they suffered at least one negative consequence. Passing out (11.8 %), breaking something (11.8 %), and fighting with other adolescents (10.5 %) were the three most frequently cited negative consequences of alcohol abuse. Researchers have demonstrated that acculturation is an important factor associated with alcohol abuse among Korean American adolescents (Unger et al., 2000; Hahm, Lahiff, & Guterman, 2003). Gordon (1964) defined acculturation as a process by which members of an immigrant group gradually adopt behaviors and attitudes from the host society. The adoption of dominant American values and modes of behavior such as individualism, equality, and attention to the nuclear family has been viewed as the main reason for abandonment of the extended family system, characteristic of Asian culture (Hofstede, 2001). Immigrant families may experience pervasive feelings of anxiety and loss of control as they acculturate to American society, leading to loss of identity (Keefe, 1980). During the acculturation process, adolescents are at special risk because adolescence is a crucial period in which an individual establishes his or her identity and autonomy. Korean American adolescents strive to be accepted by their peers and learn to behave according to peer cultures. To be acculturated by peers means they must learn to behave 17 according to peer cultures and adopt their peers’ attitudes, behaviors, and style of dress, resulting in stress and dissonance (Harris, 1995). Korean American adolescents quickly learn that American cultural values and behaviors are positively rewarded in interactions with peers in social and school settings. In order to be successful in school in the United States, Korean American adolescents are expected to develop the ability to function in an individualistic culture which values creativity, self-expression, and competence rather than Korean values (Confucian values) of harmony and cohesiveness, which are maintained by obedience, silence, and self- effacement. Korean American adolescents may therefore interact less with their own parents. The functional necessity of adopting U.S. cultural values leads to an increased reliance on peers as a source of behavior codes and values (Akers & Lee, 1996; Harris, 1995). 18 B. Theories relating to Korean American Adolescents’ Alcohol Abuse Among those factors associated with Korean American adolescent alcohol abuse, five factors appear to be the most important in terms of their negative consequences: family influences, peer influences, acculturation influences, self-concept, and perceived racial discrimination. These factors are theoretically based on family system theory, peer cluster theory, and acculturation theory respectively. 1. Family Systems Theory and Family Influences Family systems theory has been used by researchers to understand adolescent alcohol abuse (Reilly, 1984; Levine, 1985). In family systems theory, families rigidly resist accommodating to the developmental demands of adolescent. They cling to a “time honored” homeostasis rather than accept change and a new family order adapted to the developmental needs of their adolescent offspring. Rather than accepting adolescents’ testing of family rules and limits as normal, transitional families see these developments as threats. Family systems theory traces the origins of adolescent alcohol and other drug abuse to specific problems in family functioning. According to family systems theory, adolescent substance abuse is the result of family dysfunction in the areas of cohesion and the family’s inability to adapt to changing circumstances. Interpersonal relationships between family members of adolescent alcohol abusers are believed to be poorly differentiated and their families are seen as resistant to the changing needs of their 19 adolescent (Reilly, 1984; Levine, 1985). Alcohol abuse is seen as a “symptom” of family dysfunctioning. When a family is highly resistant to change — particularly the kinds of changes that impact the psychological growth of children at critical junctures in their development, harm may result. Family system theorists argue that families must renegotiate many of established ways of functioning if they are to promote the psychological grth of adolescent offspring (Garcia-Preto, 1988; Ackerman, 1980). The developmental needs of adolescents require that his or her family change, in a fundamental way, the nature of the family system. When such changes are successfully negotiated, they are adaptive for the family as a unit as well as its individual members. Where such change is absent, adolescents are at risk of becoming substance abusers (Levine, 1985; Kaufman, 1985). Studies have consistently found that adolescents from disfunctional families are more likely to become substance abusers (Kandel & Andrews, 1987; Jessor & Jessor, 1977; Brook, Cohen, Whiteman, & Gordon, 1992; White, Pandina, & LaGrange, 1987). The absence of family support is contributing factor to adolescents’ alcohol abuse. Parental alcohol use, parental closeness and involvement, parental monitoring and supervision, and parents’ norms and values about adolescent drinking have all been shown to be factors influencing adolescents’ alcohol abuse (Barnes, Farrell, & Banerjee, 1995; Brody, Flor, Hollett-Wright, McCoy, & Donovan, 1999; Coombs, Paulson, & Richardon, 1991). Research indicates that family emotional closeness and support and parental monitoring and supervision are inversely related to adolescents’ alcohol abuse (Barnes, Farrell, & Banerjee, 1995; Peterson, Hawkins, Abbott, & Catalano, 1995). In contrast, parental alcohol use is positively associated with adolescent alcohol use (Kandle 20 & Andrew, 1987; Peterson, Hawkins, Abbott, & Catalano, 1995). There have been some revealing findings regarding alcohol use among adolescent offspring of heavy drinking parents. Zhang, Welete, and Wieczorek (1997) investigated the effects of parental drinking and closeness on adolescent drinking. The authors measured mother’s drinking, father’s drinking, closeness to mother, and closeness to father and found that father’s drinking and closeness to mother were significantly related to adolescent drinking, while mother’s drinking and closeness to father had no significant effects on adolescent drinking. Pandina and Johnson (1989) found that the experience of negative consequences due to drinking among adolescents was associated with having a heavy drinking parent (as was coming from a distressed family environment). Ellickson and Hays (1991) found that frequency of parental alcohol or other drug use was a risk factor for frequency of heavy alcohol use in their study of the seventh grade students. Similar results were found in a Korean study of adolescent alcohol abuse by Weatherspoon, Park, and Johnson (2001), where Korean parents’ alcoholism increased the risk of alcohol abuse in offspring. Other research found that parental monitoring is a preventive factor for adolescent alcohol abuse (Barnes et al., 1995; Beck, Ko, & Scaffa , 1997). Indirect parental monitoring influences the adolescents’ awareness of and commitment to parental norms and beliefs about alcohol use (Conger & Rueter, 1996; Hawkins et al., 1997). Barnes and Farrell (1992) examined the effects of parental practices (parental support, parental monitoring, and specific behavioral rules) on adolescent outcomes (drinking, delinquency, and illicit drug use) and found that parental monitoring was the strongest predictor of adolescent behaviors. Specifically, the strongest levels of parental 21 monitoring were directly related to the lowest levels of adolescent drinking, illicit drug use, and delinquency. Asian American adolescents, including Korean American adolescents, raised in families with loose parental monitoring were at risk for later alcohol abuse (Catalano et al., 1992). Parental monitoring of adolescent alcohol abuse appeared to be protective factors for Asian adolescents. Theses studies show that adolescent alcohol abuse is associated with a number of family factors, including parental support and control or monitoring, family dysfirnction, a family’s ability to change, family cohesion, and parental alcohol use. Family influences on adolescent alcohol abuse result from the family interactions and the accumulation of past and current family influences. Similar results were found in studies of adolescents in Korea (Weatherspoon et al., 2001). Korean adolescents who came from disturbed families in which they experienced abuse or witnessed wife abuse were at high risk of alcohol abuse. In conclusion, family influences are important correlates of Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. To have a better understanding of family influences on Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse, we need more systematic studies designed to explore this population. 2. Peer Cluster Theory and Peer Influences Peer cluster theory proposes that adolescents who experience trouble at school tend to flock together and form peer groups. These peer groups firrther encourage, support, and normalize deviant behaviors such as drug use or delinquent behaviors (Oetting and Beauvais, 1986). Oetting and Beauvais (1986, 19903) demonstrated that association with alcohol using peers directly influenced adolescents’ involvement in 22 alcohol use. In addition, association with alcohol using peers mediates other indirect influences against alcohol use from such as families, schools, or religion. Peer cluster theory is a lifestyle theory rooted in psychosocial theories. In peer cluster theory, there are underlying conditions that may increase or decrease the probability of adolescent’s alcohol abuse. Many of these characteristics relate to the adolescent’s environment — factors such as peers, the family, and characteristics of the community in which the adolescent resides. Others factors are internal to the person — personality traits, needs, values, and beliefs. These social and psychological variables interact and influence adolescents’ susceptibility to alcohol abuse. Peer cluster theory contends that small, identifiable peer clusters determine where, when, and how drugs including alcohol are used and that these clusters specifically help shape attitudes and beliefs about drugs. Peer cluster theory is very usefirl for understanding adolescent drug use. When adolescents use alcohol, it is almost always a direct reflection of their peer groups. Friends, acquaintances, and siblings provide alcohol and teach the young person how to use them. Peers shape attitudes about drugs, provide the social contexts for drug use, and when young people share their ideas, help form the rationales that the youth used to explain and excuse drug use. Eventually small groups form and the members use drugs together at particular times and places and share the same ideas, values, and beliefs about drugs. These groups are peer clusters, and within them drugs play an important part in defining the group, in maintaining its structure, and in shaping its actions. Peer groups are formal and informal groups that an adolescent is associated with. They often provide the context in which peer cluster develop. Peer clusters are usually 23 smaller subsets — tight, cohesive groupings - in which clearly defined attitudes and shared behaviors mark membership. Although peer cluster theory emphasizes the critical role played by these clusters, it does not negate the importance of other psychological characteristicsas factors that underlie peer clusters and create the potential for drug use. Studies have identified the powerful influence of peers on adolescent alcohol abuse. Peer influence refers to direct peer pressure such as actual offers of drinking and affiliation with alcohol using peers (Bentler, 1992). Specifically, peer influence occurs when adolescents associate with peers who drink, since the groups provide role models, establish drinking as normative, and increase the availability of alcohol (Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992). The single best predictor of adolescent alcohol abuse is the extent to which one associates with other adolescents who abuse alcohol (Akers, 1992; Brook, Brook, Gordon, Whiteman, & Cohen 1990). Adolescents with close friends who drink are more likely to use alcohol that those with friends who do not drink (N ewcomb &Bentler, 1988). Simon-Mortons, Haynie, Crump Eitel, and Saylor (2001) examined peer influence on smoking and drinking using a sample of 4,263 middle school students. They found that students who had been offered alcohol (indicating peer pressure) were 1.48 times more likely to drink than students who had not been offered alcohol. The authors also found that students with one fiiend who drank were not significantly more likely to drink, but those with two or more fiiends who drank were 4.52 times more likely to drink than those with no drinking friends. These findings underscored the strong influences that affiliation with alcohol using peers can have on adolescent alcohol abuse. 24 Nakashima and Wong (2000) found that Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse is heavily influenced by peers, particularly peer encouragement of getting drunk. Korean American adolescents who have friends’ strong encouragement to get drunk are 17. 94 times more likely to be alcohol abusers, whereas American adolescents are only 7.16 times more likely to abuse alcohol. White, Pandina, and LaGrange (1987) reported male subjects who had significantly poorer academic performance than others, were Significantly at risk for developing alcohol abuse problems. Ellickson and Hays (1991) found that poor academic performance predicted heavy alcohol use one year later in their sample of almost two thousand seventh grade students. Poor academic performance has also been identified as an important risk factor in longitudinal studies of alcohol abuse (Hawkins et al., 1992). Poor school adjustment and performance, and peer encouragement to drink were related to alcohol abuse in Nakashima and Wong’s (2000) study of Korean American and Caucasian adolescents. Conversely, a positive school experience was associated with less alcohol use. Studies in Korea also found an association between poor school performance and peer influence in adolescent alcohol abuse. Students with low academic achievement are at higher risk of having peers who abuse alcohol than are those with higher academic achievement (Kim, 1993; Pak, 1999). Kim (1993) found that poor academic performance and peer related variables such as “hanging out” with friends after school, having drug using fiiends, perceived peer pressure to use drugs, and susceptibility to peer pressure, were powerful predictors of Korean adolescents’ alcohol abuse. 25 The dominant variable in Korean American adolescent alcohol use is most likely the influence of peers with whom an adolescent associates. Peers shape attitudes about alcohol use and they may provide alcohol and share the social context for alcohol use. Since peers share similar ideas, values, and beliefs about alcohol, they strongly influence adolescents’ decisions to use alcohol. 3. Acculturation Theory and Acculturation Influences Acculturation theory deals with the process by which minority group members change and become more like majority group members (Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1980). Acculturation occurs in the context of the immigration experience, and families are highly vulnerable to stressful life events during this process. Immigrants experience “acculturative stress” due to the loss of social support in the form of family ties and close interpersonal relationships. The immigration process disrupts attachments to social networks in the previous society and imposes the task of incorporation into primary groups of the new society. Acculturation stress may increase the risk of adolescents’ alcohol abuse (Landale, Oropesa, Llanes, & Gorman, 1999). Two interacting forces influence Korean-Americans’ experiences: their Korean heritage and the American environment. For the offspring of Korean immigrants, adolescents’ potential generational conflicts with their parents may become complicated by issues that are both general to acculturation to the United States and specific to the Confucian-based Korean culture (Kim, 1989; Lee & Lee, 1990). Many Korean- American adolescents may struggle to follow their parents’ Confucian values at home while learning Western values at school. This experience of responding to two different 26 and sometimes conflicting sets of norms may lead many Korean-Americans to feel a distressing sense of uncertainty in establishing standards of thinking, feeling, and behaving (Kahng, 1990). In schools, Korean-American adolescents feel the additional pressure of living under the model minority myth. Korean American adolescents’ status as part of the model minority may hinder Korean American adolescents from participating with their fellow students in school social activities. Korean American students are stereotyped as one-dimensional students who dismiss non-academic activities. In reality, Korea American adolescents are involved in many extracurricular and social activities. The model minority myth also has psychological effects on Korean American adolescents. Many Korean American “whiz kids” may become anxious and depressed fi'om parental pressure to succeed in school. In addition, when educators stereotype Korean American students as members of the “model minority,” they potentially emphasize only the academic success and ignore their psychosocial and educational needs. Students labeled as the “model minority” may get less attention from their teachers than other students because they are presumed to have no problems in school. This may increase the risk of Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse (I-Iu, 1989; Hurh & Kim, 1989). Since socialization and social learning always occur in a cultural context, it is possible that what we learn in a particular cultural context may not help us adapt to a new culture. The stress of cultural adaptation may result in anxiety and social conflict. For adolescents, the cultural discontinuities between the interpersonal contexts of the family and the school represent risk factors that may lead to alcohol abuse. Social behaviors, including drinking in party settings, frequently represent formal or informal rules, which 27 may be very different from those learned in the family. If adolescents lack the skills required to transfer interpersonal skills to the new social setting and the setting itself provides few opportunities to learn effective ways to interact, problem drinking may develop, especially if the setting is to make alcohol beverages very easily available in order to promote consumption. Once Korean American individuals or families start interacting with new social and cultural conditions, an acculturation process begins in which people develop patterns of behavior aimed at adopting the ways and customs of the host culture. This acquisition of other social customs in the United States, with its emphasis on individualization and competition, may be achieved at the expense of losing traditional family cohesiveness, closeness, and mutual support and may put Korean American adolescents a serious risk for alcohol abuse and other negative outcomes (O’Nell & Mitchell, 1996). Some studies have found that those who are highly acculturated to American social values are more likely to abuse alcohol and other substances (Balcazar, Peterson, & Cobas, 1996; Farabee, Walisch, & Maxwell, 1995). Acculturated adolescents, who feel more comfortable with English than the language of their parents, must deal with ongoing frustration and obstacles in expressing their thoughts and feelings to their parents. As a result, the lack of meaningful communication between parents and Korean American adolescents is often perceived by adolescents as an absence of parental interest and involvement in their lives. Highly acculturated second generation Korean American adolescents may feel that they are less understood by their parents than unacculturated first generation Korea American adolescents (Phinney, 1990). 28 In addition to not having good communications and relationship with their parents, highly acculturated Korean American adolescents also face struggles to choose between the values of their parents and the values of American society and their peers without necessarily getting assistance to negotiate these contradictions (Ying, Lee, & Tsai, 2001). More acculturated adolescents develop a strong sense of separation from their parents and their parents’ cultural values, which may lead to an increased reliance on peers as a source of behavior codes and values (Harris, 1999). Therefore, more acculturated Korean American adolescents who are weakly attached to their parents and their parents’ cultural values may have an increased susceptibility to alcohol use (Szapocznik & Kurtines, 1980). Nakashima and Wong (2000) suggested with caution that place of birth may also be an important indicator of the level of Korean American adolescents’ acculturation. They found that U.S.-bom Korean American adolescents were two or three times more likely to abuse alcohol than Korean-born Korean American adolescents. Delinquent behaviors during adolescence are relatively common in Western cultures compared with Asian cultures, even among those individuals who were well- behaved during childhood and who become law-abiding adults. Oetting and Beauvais’s cultural identification theory (1990b) also implies that low levels of cultural identification are associated with negative personal adjustment, and having fewer personal and social resources which are likely to increase the vulnerability for alcohol abuse among Korean American adolescents. 29 4. Adolescents’ Self—concepts and Self-esteem Self-esteem is narrowly defined as “pride of oneself” (Morris, 1976), while self- concept is defined in broader terms. Self-concept has been often examined in regard to adolescent alcohol abuse. Researchers found that self-concept was consistently related to adolescent alcohol abuse (Towberman & McDonald,1993; Slicker, Patton, & Fuller, 2004) Towberman and McDonald (1993) found that adolescents’ high levels of self- confidence as part of a strong self-concept was significantly related to lower frequency of alcohol use. Conversely, a negative self-concept was associated with increased alcohol use. Changes in adolescents’ self-image are linked to gender role identity development rather than to a more general process linked to adolescent development in both girls and boys (Gilligan, 1990). Eccles, Bonnie, Jozefowicz, Malenchuk, and Vida (1999) indicated the patterns of self-image are congruent with gender role stereotypes. They found that with increasing age, adolescents come to hold gender role stereotypic views of their abilities and interests. Females reported symptoms of low self-esteem and depression and boys reported either being victimized or engaging in aggressive and physically risky behaviors. Self-esteem refers to an individual’s evaluation of herself, including feelings of self-worth (Coopersmith, 1967; Rosenberg, 1979). Kaplan (1975) and J ang and Thomberry (1998) suggest that adolescents with low self-esteem are predisposed to engage in risky behaviors such as drug and alcohol abuse. These studies suggest that raising adolescents’ self-esteem would help protect them adopting from risky behaviors. 3O Gordon and Caltabiano (1996) and Scheier, Botvin, Griffin, and Diaz (2000) showed that low self-esteem is significantly associated with adolescent alcohol abuse which included frequent alcohol use and attendant problems. Eccles, Bonnie, Jozefowicz, Malenchuk, and Vida (1999) showed that psychologically protective factors such as positive self-concepts competence in academic and nonacademic domains, were associated with positive changes in self-esteem. Rating of one’s physical attractiveness, math ability, and peer social ability yielded the strongest coefficients for both girls and boys. Physical attractiveness related to adolescents’ self- esteem was the only major gender difference. Confidence in one’s physical appearance was much important factor for adolescent girls’ self-esteem than adolescent boys’. Wild, F lisher, Bhana, and Lombard (2004) studied adolescents’ self-esteem in six domains: peers, school, family, sports/athletics, body image, and global self-worth and how it is associated with risky behaviors including alcohol abuse. They found that specific self-esteem domains were not unifonnly related to specific risky behaviors. Low self-esteem with respect to both school and family was associated with increased risk of alcohol abuse for both sexes and increased risk of drug use for girls. Laukkanen, Shemeikka, Vinamaki, Polkki, and Lehtonen (2001) investigated Finnish adolescent alcohol abuse associated with self-esteem. They found that the self- images of adolescents who drank heavily were more negative than those of alcohol abstinent adolescents. Alcohol abusing adolescents had worse academic performance than abstriners. Heavy drinking was associated with negative self-image. Moderate drinking was associated with a positive self-image in social relationships, academics and abstinence from drugs. 31 Lord, Eccles, and McCarthy (1994) suggested that personal coping resources are the key protective influences for adolescents’ self-esteem in stressful situations. Personal resources include a relatively stable personality and attitudinal, and cognitive dispositions that promote effective adaptation, thereby reducing the potentially harmful effects of stress (Fenzel, 1991). Lord et al. (1994) proposed that a sense of autonomy, a sense of personal efficacy, and confidence in one’s abilities were the personal coping resources most likely to buffer against the detrimental effects of adolescents’ stressful transitional periods. They assumed that perceptions of one’s abilities would be especially relevant to adolescents’ self-esteem. Several studies support a connection between self—esteem and perceived self-competence. For example, Bohmstedt and F elson (1983) showed that perceived academic and athletic competences are positive predictors of adolescents’ self- esteem. Harter (1997) also showed perceived competence in academic, social, athletic, and physical appearance domain is positively related to self-esteem. Unforhmately, these issues have not been studied in detail for Asian Americans and specifically, not for Korean Americans. Only Otsuki (2003) found a relationship between low esteem among female Asian adolescents and alcohol abuse. 5. Perceived Racial Discrimination Rosenbloom and Way (2004) reported that Asian American adolescents experienced discrimination from their peers, while African American and Latino adolescents experienced discrimination fi'om adults in positions of authority such as teachers and police officers. Asian American students reported physical and verbal 32 harassment by peers. Peer discrimination may have less negative effects on academic and career outcome than adult discrimination. However, peer discrimination may have very serious effects on peer relations and psychological adjustment. Fisher, Wallace, and Fenton (2000) found that Asian American adolescents encountered peer discrimination most frequently among African American, Hispanic, East Asian, South Asian, and non-Hispanic white peers. Although reports of peer racial discrimination were highest among adolescents of East and South Asian origin, a high percentage of adolescents from all ethnic groups reported being called racially insulting names and being excluded fi'om activities because of race. They reported that self-esteem scores of East and South Asian American adolescents were significantly lower than those of African American peers. They also found that low levels of self-esteem were significantly associated with higher levels of distress in response to perceived discrimination in education and peer contexts. Way and Chen (2000) identified that Asian American adolescents were more likely to report depression, low self-esteem, and poor friendships than African American and Latino American adolescents. Asian American adolescents may have experienced negative effects on their psychological and social well-being because of discrimination by peers. Minority adolescents may experience negative self-concept from continuous encounters with discriminatory exclusion from opportunities and racially prejudiced attitudes (Spencer, 1999; Steele, 1997). Some parents of minority adolescents implement a reactive socializing style, which prepares children for racial barriers by emphasizing racism awareness (Hughes & Chen, 1997; Stevenson, 1997). Other parents adopt a 33 proactive stance, educating their children to be proud of their race as a means of developing coping styles to deal with discriminatory practice and its negative effects (Phinney & Chavira, 1995). Researchers have suggested that both reactive socializing style and proactive stances of parents could protect minority adolescents from negative effects of racial discrimination, and result in a greater sense of personal efficacy and self- esteem (Hughes & Chen, 1997; Stevenson, 1997; Phinney & Chavira, 1995). The more adolescents perceived anticipatory discrimination (the expectation that one will be discriminated against), the more family conflict there appeared to be (Rumbaut, 1994). Vega, Khoury, Zimmerman, Gil, and Warheit (1995) also suggested perceived discrimination of adolescents was associated with behavior problems including alcohol abuse. In summary, Asian American and/or Korean American adolescents experience the same issues related to their development and growth as other adolescents. They may experience low self-esteem or “self-concept.” In terms of cultural differences and racial differences, these factors may contribute to alcohol misuse or abuse. I will examine the strength of these factors in my research. 34 Chapter 111. Research Design and Method This study will be a secondary data analysis of data taken from the1996 Asian Student Drug Survey (Austin, 1996), which was conducted by WestEd, an educational and social research company located in Los Alamitos, California, in collaboration with Tri-Ethnic Center for Prevention Research, a division of the Department of Psychology at Colorado State University. I was granted permission to use the data from the principal investigator of the 1996 Asian Student Drug Survey (ASDS), Dr. Gregory Austin, director of human development program at WestEd in Los Alamitos, Califomia. ASDS was a large scale survey of American adolescents’ alcohol and drug use that sub- categorized specific ethnic groups of Asian American adolescents. Only the California Student Survey (California Attorney General’s Crime and Violence Prevention Center, 2006) and the 1996 Asian Student Drug Survey (ASDS) (Austin, 1996) classified Korean Americans as a specific ethnic group among Asian Americans surveyed. The California Student Survey (CSS) is a study, begun in 1985, of California students’ health-related behaviors, including drug, alcohol and tobacco use. It is a statewide project, mandated by the California Health and Safety code. The 10th Biennial California Student Survey (CSS), 2003-04, is the most recent CSS survey. The California Student Surveys were managed by California Attorney General's Crime and Violence Prevention Center and conducted by WestED. Even though the 2003-04 California Student Survey (CSS) could provide relatively current information on Korean American students’ alcohol use, it does not have information that I felt was most pertinent for analyzing Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse. The 1996 American Student Drug Survey (ASDS) examined 35 factors that I felt are most important for analyzing Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. It looked at: 1) family environment variable; including family structure, involvement of families in children’s education and school events, families’ attitudes and involvement regarding their children’s use of alcohol and drugs, communication between adolescents and families about the danger of using alcohol and other drugs; 2) peer influence variables: such as fiiends’ academic achievement, their attitudes towards school, their use of alcohol and drugs, and their involvement in delinquent behaviors; 3) acculturation variables: it asked what cultural heritage the family was from, what cultural traditions the families practiced at home, what cultural traditions students followed, and languages spoken at home; 4) students’ positive and negative self-images, their emotional status, and their perceived popularity; 5) perceived racial discrimination against students and their peers. A. Research Data The 1996 Asian Student Drug Survey (ASDS) (Austin, 1996) surveyed 13,374 ninth-grade and twelfth-grade students in thirty-two high schools in nineteen school districts in California that enrolled at least 25% Asian American students. Dr. Gregory Austin, co-principal investigator of the ASDS, described the survey procedure. Entire grade levels were surveyed in order to assess the findings on Asians in the overall school content, and also to encourage school participation by avoiding the problem of pulling out only one ethnic group for assessment and by enabling researchers to provide individual school reports. Data were collected using active parental consent procedures and project staff administered all surveys. A parent or guardian had to confirm in writing their permission for their child’s participation. If a form was not returned, a youth could not participate in the survey. The consent forms (translated into five languages) were sent home with 36 the student and the classroom teachers monitored their return. To encourage high response rates, the researchers offered school a $1.00 incentive for every form returned, whether consent was granted or not (p. 6-7). 7,311 ninth-grade and 6,063 twelfth grade students completed the surveys. 42 % of student were Asian American adolescents, 23 % of Caucasian Americans, 13.6% of Latino Americans, 3.6% of African American, and 13.5 % of multi-ethnic or “mixed race.” “Asian” referred to those having origins in the East Asia, Southeast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent (U .S. Census Bureau, 2004). East Asia is an eastern subregion of Asia which encompasses China, North Korea, South Korea, Japan and Mongolia (Asia, 1997). Culturally, East Asian consists of part of the Chinese cultural sphere, which includes the classical Chinese language, Confucianism, Mahayana Buddhism, and Taoism (Asia, 1996). This study will focus on students of East Asia origin which will provide an opportunity to compare alcohol use rates, peer alcohol use, parental support, mental health, and acculturation among ethnicities with similar cultural backgrounds but different histories of immigration to the United States. Issues associated with Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse will be analyzed and compared with Chinese and Japanese American adolescents with whom they share similar cultural backgrounds. 37 B. Research Questions Since I have a strong interest understanding factors influencing Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse, my research focused on the following questions: 1) Does family environment influence Korean American adolescents’ alcohol abuse? If it does, does this differ from the experience other Asian American adolescents? 2) Do peers influence Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use? If they do, how does this differ for other Asian American adolescents? 3) Does acculturation influence Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use? If it does, how does this differ for other Asian American adolescents? 4) Do the “self-images” of Korean American adolescents, when associated with family, peer, and acculturation variables, affect alcohol use? If they do, how does this differ from other Asian American adolescents? 5) Does the perceived racial discrimination of Korean American adolescents, when associated with family, peer, and acculturation variables, affect on alcohol use? If they do, how does this differ from that of other Asian American adolescents? C. Research variables This study examines how family, peer, acculturation, self-image and perceived racial discrimination influence Asian American students, including Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use. They are used as independent variables. The dependent variable is Asian American and Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse. The research design is found in Figure 1. 38 Figure 1 Research Framework Independent Variables Dependent Variable Family Peer Acculturation Alcohol Abuse Self Image Perceived Racial Discrimination D. Instrument The Asian Student Drug Survey (ASDS) that I am using examined eight major domains: 1) demographic information; 2) alcohol, tobacco, and other drug (ATOD) use; 3) cultural identification or acculturation; 4) school environment; 5) peer environment; 6) family environment; 7) mental health information (self- esteem and depression); 8) perceived racial or ethnic discrimination. The instrument contained 108 questions and was completed typically within the length of one classroom period. Subjects were asked whether they belonged to traditional ethnic categories: White, Black or African American, American Indian, Alaska Native, Asian or Asian-American, Latino or Hispanic, or Other. Asian or Asian-American would select membership in one of thirteen subgroups: Asian Indian, Cambodian, Chinese (including Taiwanese), Filipino (Pilipino), Guarnanian, Hawaiian, Hmong, Japanese, Korean, Laotian, Samoan, Vietnamese, Other Asian, Asian-American or Pacific Islander. Parents’ race/ethnicity was also identified. To conduct my research, I selected the Asian Student Drug Survey (ASDS) data that would allow me to understand the phenomenon of Korean American adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse. The specific questions I used are indicated in Appendix I. 40 B. Data Analysis I examined the relationships between family environment, peer environment, and acculturation and adolescents’ alcohol use, and the relationship between those factors, and self-image and racial discrimination. The descriptive analysis included statistical analysis using frequencies, percentages, and means. T-tests were done to assess group differences on the dependent variable, alcohol use. Anova, Analysis of Variance, was used to investigate multi-group differences on the dependent variable. In order to examine the reliability, Chronbach’s alpha reliability coefficient was used. A regression analysis was conducted to examine the relationship between independent variables and dependent variable. A linear regression analysis was conducted to assess the relationship among independent variables and the dependent variable. SPSS, the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences, was used to conduct the data analysis. 41 Chapter IV. Findings This chapter describes the study sample, give data on adolescents’ alcohol use and alcohol abuse, and presents data on alcohol use by all students in the survey as well as the experiences of Korean American students. And Korean American students’ alcohol use is compared to that of Caucasian American, African American, and Latino American adolescents. I also examine relationships between family, peer, acculturation, self-image and perceived racial discrimination - the independent variables and students’ alcohol use and abuse, the dependent variable. A. Study Sample 13,3 74 students participated in the 1996 Asian Student Drug Survey (ASDS, Austin, 1996). 7,311 (54.7 %) were 9th grade students, 6,063 (45.3%) were 12th grade students (Table 1); 6,239 (46.7%) were males and 7,135 (53.3 %) were females (Table 2). 6,198 (46.3 %) were Asian Americans which included 633 (4.7 %) Korean Americans, 2,066 (15.4 %) Chinese Americans, 1,196 (15.4 %) Filipino Americans, 511 (3.8 %) Vietnamese Americans, and 283 (2.1 %) Japanese Americans (Table 3). Table 1 Grade Cumulative Grade Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent 9 7311 54.7 54.7 54.7 12 6063 45.3 45.3 100.0 Total 13374 100.0 100.0 42 Table 2 Gender Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid male 6239 46.7 46.7 46.7 female 7135 53.3 53.3 100.0 Total 13374 100.0 100.0 Table 3 Ethnicity and Asian sub-ethnic groups Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Chinese 2066 15.4 15.4 15.4 Filipino 1196 8.9 8.9 24.4 Korean 633 4.7 4.7 29.1 Vietnamese 51 1 3.8 3.8 32.9 Asianindian 490 3.7 3.7 36.6 Japanese 283 2.1 2.1 38.7 Cambodian 208 1 .6 1 .6 40.3 Other SE Asian 146 1.1 1.1 41.4 Pacific Islander 104 .8 .8 42.1 other asian 561 4.2 4.2 46.3 White 3082 23.0 23.0 69.4 Latino 1814 13.6 13.6 83.0 Black 486 3.6 3.6 86.6 Mixed race 1275 9.5 9.5 96.1 Other 519 3.9 3.9 100.0 Total 13374 100.0 100.0 B. Adolescents’ Alcohol Use Across All Ethnic Groups 1. Prevalence of Alcohol Use 74 % (9,917) of students had consumed alcohol, 35 % (4,608) had “gotten drunk” (Tables 4 and 5). 27 % (3,532) of students had gotten drunk in the last 12 months; 14 % (1,787) had gotten drunk in the last month, and 14 % (1,882) had been drunk more than three times in the last 12 months. 5 % (627) had been drunk more than 43 three times in the last month (Tables 6, 7, 8 and 9). The propensity of drinking (drinking behavior) is interesting. Although 74 % (9,917) admitted they used alcohol, 49 % (6,500) consider themselves to be non-drinkers, 20 % (2,645) saw themselves as moderate drinkers (1-2 glasses of alcohol at a time), 17 % (2,319) as more than moderate drinkers , 10 % (1,3 79) as close to heavy drinkers, 3 % (418) as very heavy drinkers (drank until drunk) (Table 10). 31 % (4,743) tended to drink more than 1-2 glasses of alcohol whenever they drink. It is important to note that even though drinking five or more glasses alcohol at one time is considered binge drinking, drinking more than 2 glasses could be considered as alcohol abuse by a minor. Table 4 Have you ever drunk alcohol? Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid Yes 9917 74.2 74.3 74.3 No 3425 25.6 25.7 100.0 Total 13342 99.8 100.0 Missing 0 3o _2 9 2 .0 Total 32 ,2 Total 13374 100.0 44 Table 5 Have you ever gotten drunk? Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid yes 4608 34.5 34.6 34.6 N0 8724 65.2 65.4 100.0 Total 13332 99.7 100.0 Missing 0 41 ,3 9 1 .0 Total 42 ,3 Total 13374 100.0 Table 6 How often have you used alcohol in the last 12 months? Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid 0 5192 38.8 39.6 39.6 1-2 3156 23.6 24.1 63.7 3-9 2542 19.0 19.4 83.1 10-19 1084 8.1 8.3 91.4 20-49 688 5.1 5.2 96.6 >=50 443 3.3 3.4 100.0 Total 13105 98.0 100.0 Missing 0 263 2_o 9 6 .0 Total 269 2.0 Total 13374 100.0 45 Table 7 How often have you gotten drunk in the last 12 months? Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid 0 8304 62.1 70.2 70.2 1-2 1650 12.3 13.9 84.1 3-9 982 7.3 8.3 92.4 10-19 462 3.5 3.9 96.3 20-49 296 2.2 2.5 98.8 >=50 142 1.1 1.2 100.0 Total 1 1836 88.5 100.0 Missing 0 1537 11.5 9 1 .0 Total 1538 11.5 Total 13374 100.0 Table 8 How often have you used alcohol in the last month? Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid 0 8731 65.3 66.5 66.5 1-2 2726 20.4 20.8 87.2 3-9 1323 9.9 10.1 97.3 1049 272 2.0 2.1 99.4 ”20 81 .6 .6 100.0 Total 13133 98.2 100.0 Missing 0 233 1,3 9 3 .0 Total 241 1.8 Total 13374 100.0 46 Table 9 In the last month, how many times did you get drunk? Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid 0 9961 74.5 84.8 84.8 1-2 1160 8.7 9.9 94.7 3-9 498 3.7 4.2 98.9 10-19 88 .7 .7 99.7 >=20 41 .3 .3 100.0 Total 11748 87.8 100.0 Missing 0 1624 12.1 9 2 .0 Total 1626 12.2 Total 13374 100.0 81 % (10,898) students felt there was little or no harm in using alcohol once or twice; 79 % (10,589) felt regular alcohol use was harmful (Tables 10 and 11); 29 % (3,895) felt there was no or little harm in getting drunk once or twice, and 95 % (12,713) 2. Problems Caused by Alcohol Use Across All Ethnic Group there was harm in getting drunk regularly (Tables 12 and 13). This data indicates that many students think there is not much harm in using alcohol occasionally as long as it is not used regularly. 29 % saw no harm in getting drunk occasionally. This laissez-faire attitude toward alcohol abuse is problematic. Binge drinking is problem among adolescents today and it can be seen in this data which found 31 % (4,116) students drank more than two drinks at a time (Table 10). It is noteworthy that there are close relationship between the number of students’ perceived 47 harm in getting drunk occasionally (29 %) and the number of students who consumed more than two drinks at a time (31 %). Table 10 Drinking behavior: adolescents’ perception of their drinking behavior Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid don't drink 6500 48.6 49.0 49.0 1-2 glasses 2645 19.8 19.9 69.0 More than moderate 2319 17.3 17.5 86.4 Heavy user 1379 10.3 10.4 96.8 Very heavy user 418 3.1 3.2 100.0 Total 13261 99.2 100.0 Missing 0 81 .6 9 32 .2 Total 1 13 .8 Total 13374 100.0 Table 11 Perceived harm in using alcohol once or twice Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid None 5850 43.7 44.8 44.8 Little 5048 37.7 38.6 83.4 Some 1656 12.4 12.7 96.1 a lot 516 3.9 3.9 100.0 Total 13070 97.7 100.0 Missing 0 290 2.2 9 14 .1 Total 304 2.3 Total 13374 100.0 48 Perceived harm in using alcohol regularly Table 12 Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid None 431 3.2 3.3 3.3 Little 1978 14.8 15.2 18.5 Some 5282 39.5 40.6 59.2 a lot 5307 39.7 40.8 100.0 Total 12998 97.2 100.0 Missing 0 362 2.7 9 14 .1 Total 376 2.8 Total 13374 100.0 Table 13 Perceived harm in getflng drunk once or twice Cumulative Frequ_ency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid None 996 7.4 7.7 7.7 Little 2899 21 .7 22.3 30.0 Some 6220 46.5 47.9 77.8 a lot 2879 21.5 22.2 100.0 Total 12994 97.2 100.0 Missing 0 374 2.8 9 6 .0 Total 380 2.8 Total 13374 100.0 49 Table 14 Perceived harm in getting drunk regularly Cumulative FrequencL Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid None 185 1.4 1.4 1.4 Little 154 1.2 1.2 2.6 some 831 6.2 6.4 9.0 a M 11882 88.8 91.0 100.0 Total 1 3052 97.6 100.0 Missing 0 311 2.3 9 1 1 .1 Total 322 2.4 Total 13374 100.0 This study asked students how often they had experienced the following problems as negative results of alcohol abuse. a) b) c) d) e) f) g) h) alcohol received a “traffic ticket” involved in accident was arrested money problem trouble at school bad academic performance drinking caused student to fight with other students drinking caused student to “fight” with their parents drinking caused damaged friendship drinking caused pass out drinking caused black out drinking caused break something There were very low incidences of problems leading to legal problems because of abuse. 0.3 % students received “traffic tickets,” 0.5 % were involved “traffic accident,” or 1.4 % were “arrested” (Table 15, 16, and 17). Problems due to students’ drinking were more common in the areas of school performance and interpersonal conflicts with parents and friends. Drinking caused “money problems” (3.9 %), “trouble at school” (2.7 %), and “hurt academic performance” (5.9 %) (Table 18, 19, and 50 20). Drinking caused “fights with other kids” (8.7 %), “fight with parents” (6.7 %), “damaged friendship” (5.4 %) (Table 21, 22, and 23). The main problems associated with students’ drinking were the results of excessive alcohol use such as binge drinking. 13.6 % passed out; 17.3 % of them reported “drinking caused black-out,” 10.8 % said excessive drinking caused them to breaking something (Table 24, 25, and 26). Table 15 Received a traffic ticket Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid "0 12535 93.7 99.5 99.5 1'2 46 .3 .4 99.9 3-9 6 .0 .0 100.0 ”10 5 .0 .0 100.0 Total 12592 94.2 100.0 Missing 0 732 5.3 Total 13374 100.0 Table 16 Involved in an accident because of drinking Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 12485 93.4 99.4 99.4 1-2 67 .5 .5 99.9 3-9 6 .0 .0 100.0 >=10 4 .0 .0 100.0 Total 12562 93.9 100.0 Missing 0 312 6.1 Total 13374 100.0 51 Table 17 Arrested because of drinking Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 12367 92.5 98.5 98.5 1-2 157 1.2 1.3 99.7 3-9 15 .1 .1 99.9 >=10 17 .1 .1 100.0 Total 12556 93.9 100.0 Missing 0 818 6.1 Total 13374 100.0 Table 18 Money problems because of drinking Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 12019 89.9 95.8 95.8 1-2 377 2.8 3.0 98.8 3-9 85 .6 .7 99.5 >=10 66 .5 .5 100.0 Total 12547 93.8 100.0 Missing 0 826 6.2 9 1 .0 Total 827 6.2 Total 13374 100.0 Table 19 Trouble at school because of drinking Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 12198 91 .2 97.2 97.2 1-2 288 2.2 2.3 99.5 3-9 39 .3 .3 99.8 >=10 29 .2 .2 100.0 Total 12554 93.9 100.0 Missing 0 317 6.1 9 3 .0 Total 820 6.1 Total 13374 100.0 52 Table 20 Drinking caused bad academic performance Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 11754 87.9 93.6 93.6 1-2 588 4.4 4.7 98.3 3-9 127 .9 1.0 99.3 >=10 82 .6 .7 100.0 Total 12551 93.8 100.0 Missing 0 822 6.1 9 1 .0 Total 823 6.2 Total 13374 100.0 Table 21 Drinking caused fighting with other klds Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 11395 85.2 90.7 90.7 1-2 858 6.4 6.8 97.5 39 209 1.6 1.7 99.2 >=10 100 .7 .8 100.0 Total 12562 93.9 100.0 Missing 0 812 6.1 Total 13374 100.0 Table 22 Drinking caused fighting with parents Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 1 1646 87.1 92.8 92.8 1-2 685 5.1 5.5 98.3 3-9 123 .9 1.0 99.3 >=1O 91 .7 .7 100.0 Total 12545 93.8 100.0 Missing 0 828 6.2 9 1 .0 Total 829 6.2 Total 13374 100.0 53 Table 23 Drinking caused damaged friendships Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid No 11812 88.3 94.2 94.2 1-2 632 4.7 5.0 99.3 3-9 71 .5 .6 99.8 >=10 23 .2 .2 100.0 Total 12538 93.7 100.0 Missing 0 828 6.2 9 8 .1 Total 836 6.3 Total 13374 100.0 Table 24 Drinking caused passing-out Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid no 10711 80.1 85.5 85.5 1-2 1253 9.4 10.0 95.5 3-9 407 3.0 3.2 98.8 >=10 154 1.2 1.2 100.0 Total 12525 93.7 100.0 Missing 0 846 6.3 9 3 .0 Total 849 6.3 Total 13374 100.0 Table 25 Drinking caused blacklng-out Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid No 10238 76.6 81 .6 81 .6 1-2 1663 12.4 13.2 94.8 3-9 430 3.2 3.4 98.2 >=10 222 1.7 1.8 100.0 Total 12553 93.9 100.0 Missing 0 818 6.1 9 3 .0 Total 821 8.1 Total 13374 100.0 54 Table 26 Drinking caused me to break something Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid No 1 1085 82.9 88.5 88.5 1-2 1068 8.0 8.5 97.0 3-9 251 1 .9 2.0 99.0 ”10 120 .9 1.0 100.0 Total 12524 93.6 100.0 Missing 0 850 6.4 Total 13374 100.0 3. Prevalence of Alcohol Abuse: Comparison between Korean American Adolescents and other Ethnic American Adolescents The AN OVA test, analysis of variance, indicated that there were statistically significant differences among some ethnic groups (between group differences) regarding adolescents’ alcohol use. The F value, 55.37, is statistically significant at a confidence level of .01 (table 27). The seven East Asian subgroup, e.g. Korean Americans, Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, Vietnamese Americans, and Caucasian Americans, Latino Americans, and African Americans, had different experience with alcohol. Table 27 ANOVA: Ethnic group differences on adolescents’ alcohol abuse Sum of Mean Squares Df Square F Sig. Between Groups 476.171 14 34.012 55.378 .000 Within Groups 8056.853 13118 .614 Total 8533.024 13132 55 Korean and Japanese American adolescents use alcohol more frequently than other Asian American adolescent. Korean and Japanese American adolescents do not show significant differences in alcohol use. The mean difference between them is very small, -.001 which is not statistically significant (Table 28). Vietnamese and Chinese American adolescents are least likely to use alcohol. Korean American, Chinese American, Japanese American, and Vietnamese American adolescents were selected for this study because they all share a Confucian cultural backgrounds. In looking at overall racial comparison of adolescents’ alcohol use, Caucasian American adolescents use alcohol the most frequently, followed by Latino American, Afiican American and Asian American adolescents. African American adolescents use alcohol as much as Korean and Japanese American adolescents (the mean difference for Afiican American adolescents is small and statistically insignificant) and Chinese American and Vietnamese American adolescents are least likely use alcohol (Table 28). It is noteworthy that other studies of adolescents’ alcohol use showed Afiican American adolescents were the least likely to use alcohol compared to Caucasian and Latin American adolescents. Asian American adolescents were not included in these studies. 56 Multiple Ethnic group comparisons on “How often have you used alcohol in the last month?” Table 28 Compare Ethnic Mean Standard Significance to Korean mups Difference Error Korean Chinese .179(*) .036 .000 Vietnamese .177(*) .047 .000 Japanese -.001 .056 .981 White -.297(*) .034 .000 Latino -.205(*) .036 .000 Black .058 .048 .227 Mixed race -.315(*) .038 .000 * The mean difference is significant at the .05 level. The 1996 Asian Student Drug Survey had a “mixed race” category as a part of its ethnicity questionnaire. 1275 students (9.5 %), “mixed race” adolescent offered unique information about their alcohol use. They drank more than any other population. Since they are not the boundary of this study, I did not analyze them here. It would be worthwhile to investigate in a firture study whether or not their high rate of alcohol abuse is pervasive or if it was one-time finding of this study. In looking at detailed prevalence of alcohol use among seven ethnic groups, the study found a consistent pattern that one ethnic group abuses alcohol more than other ethnic groups. Asian American adolescents are least likely to use alcohol among four racial groups, while Caucasian and Latino American adolescents most often use alcohol, following African American adolescents. The study shows that 81.1 % of Caucasian American students drank alcohol and 45.5 % had gotten drunk. 81.9 % of Latino American students had used alcohol and 45.6 % had gotten drunk, and 77.9 % and 31.9 57 % of African American students in this respect (Table 29). Among Asian Americans, in the “ever drank alcohol”, Korean American students (70.5 %) are most experienced with alcohol use, followed by Japanese (68.6 %), Chinese (61.8 %), Vietnamese American students (55.2 %). In “ever gotten drunk” measurement, Vietnamese American students (44.8 %) are most experienced with drunkenness, followed by Korean (27.6 %), Japanese (26.5 %), Chinese American students (13.8 %) (Table 29). In looking at alcohol use in the “last month,” Caucasian and Latino American adolescents used alcohol most often, followed by Koran and Japanese American students, African American students, and Chinese and Vietnamese American students (Table 30). In the past month, Caucasian American students got drunk most often drtmk, followed by Latino American, African American, Korean and Japanese American, Vietnamese American, and Chinese American students (Table 31). The frequencies of drinking for Caucasian and Latino American students are somewhat similar, but the frequency of “gotten drunk” for Caucasian American students is higher than Latino American students. This fact indicates that Caucasian American students tend to do more binge drinking than Latino American students. Caucasian American adolescents’ tendency to engage in binge drinking more than Latino American adolescents was also found in other studies (Wechsler & Kuo, 2003; Wechsler & Dowdall, 1998). Korean and Japanese American students have a similar tendency in frequencies of the last month drinking and the last month gotten drunk, whereas Chinese and Vietnamese American students also have a similar tendency for less alcohol use compared to Korean and Japanese American students. Korean and Japanese American students show similar drinking behaviors, while Chinese and Vietnamese American students also show similar drinking behavior. 58 Korean and Japanese American students abuse alcohol similar rates; 17.1 % of Korean American students and 15.9 % of Japanese American students drink 1-2 glasses in a time, 16.6 % and 18.0 % drink enough to feel it a little, 8.2 % and 6.7 % drink enough to feel it a lot, and 2.1 % and 2.1 % until get really drunk (Table 32). This study clearly showes the similarity of Korean and Japanese American students’ alcohol abuse, similarity of Chinese and Vietnamese American students’ alcohol abuse, and differences in alcohol abuse between Korean and Japanese American students and Chinese and Vietnamese American students. It is not clear why similarities and differences exist among the four Asian ethnic groups with similar Confucian cultural backgrounds. 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N. ufimmfiz X. 0.0 X. N.NA X. v.0N X. 0.0 X. 0.0 X. N.m X. v.0 «me—Z X. 0.00 X. 0.30 X. 0.00 X. v.03 X. 0.vN X. 0.: X. v.0N 0:50 X. 0.00 X. 0.340 X. 0.0N X. N.0N X. 0.00 X. 0.0N X. 0.0N NA X. ANN X. 0.0N X. mAN X. 50¢ X. 0.040 X. 0.00 X. 0.004 0 5.02054 5.00.0804. 5.00.254. 5.30:3. 58:05 5010:: 5.00.05 5.00.: 0:35 2:03:00 00.030505 08:00:. 08:50 5.0.83 0.0.5..“ 03:50 A1. 08.5: 0:280:00: .1500 00“ 3500.0 .59» 00 05:: Bom— 00 03:8 64 C. Family Environment Overall, 63.7 % (8,513) students’ fathers live at home and 78.9 % (10,555) students’ mothers live at home. Fathers of Vietnamese American students live at home most frequently (85.1 %), followed by Korean American (82.4 %), Japanese American (80.2 %), Chinese American (79.9 5), Caucasian American (75.7 %), Latin American (69.5 %), and African American (45.7 %). Mothers of Korean American students live at home most frequently (94.1 %), followed by Japanese American (94.9 %), Vietnamese American (93.8 %), Chinese American (93.4 %), Caucasian American (92.4 %), Latino American (93.3 %), and African American (86.6 %, Table 36). Asian American students’ fathers and mothers live at home more frequently than other ethnic groups. Vietnamese American students’ family indicated the strongest family involvement, parental concern, and the highest rate of “father lives at home” among the seven ethnic groups surveyed. All Asian American students’ families (Korean, Chinese, and Vietnamese American) showed strong “family involvement” and “parental concern” except Japanese American families (Table 36). It is interesting to note that Japanese American students’ families were similar to Caucasian American families in “family involvement” and “parental concern.” Latin American students’ “family involvement” and “parental concern” were close to those of Chinese American, Korean American, and Vietnamese American students. 65 Table 34 Father lives at home Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid .00 2932 21.9 25.6 25.6 1.00 8513 63.7 74.4 100.0 Total 11445 85.6 1000 Missing 99.00 1929 14.4 Total 13374 100.0 Table 35 Mother lives at home Cumulative Frequency Percent Valid Percent Percent Valid .00 906 6.8 7.9 7.9 1.00 10555 78.9 92.1 100.0 Total 11461 85.7 100.0 Missing 99.00 1913 14.3 Total 13374 100.0 66 X. Pow X. 08 X. vda X. ”.8 X. Q3 X. v.8 X. #3 2:2— .a 9&— 3:32 X. 5.2. X. mac X. Numb X. fimw X. New X. man X. Yam 2:9: «a 9E .653.— _o>o_ 32mm:— .583 X. 9: X. m.m H X. 5.2 X. GS X. NS X. 0.: X. Won 2: 53:3 .3534— _o>o_ 32w:— X. o6... 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The following variables were significantly associated with the dependent variable, adolescents’ alcohol abuse: “Parental concern,” “How many of your friends get drunk once in a while?,” “How many of your friends get drunk almost every weekend?,” “How many of your fiiends get drunk?,” “How often have your friends asked you to get drunk?,” “age when the student first came to the United States,” and “mother was born in United States.” The remaining variables were not statistically significantly correlated with adolescents’ alcohol abuse: “family involvement,” “father lives at home,” “mother lives at home,” “how often a foreign language is spoken at home,” “father was born in the United States,” “student’s self-image” and “perceived racial discrimination.” Peer variables contributed most significantly to adolescents’ alcohol abuse. Family variables and acculturation variables showed mixed correlation with the dependent variable. “Parental concern” was significantly associated with 68 adolescents’ alcohol abuse, while “family involvement,” “father lives at home,” and “mother lives at home” were not. “Age when the student first came to the United States” and “mother was born in the United States” were significantly associated with the dependent variable, adolescents’ alcohol abuse while “how often a foreign language is spoken at home” and “father was born in the United States” were not. The “self-image” variable and “perceived racial discrimination” variable were not significantly correlated with adolescents’ alcohol abuse. 69 Table 37 Regression analysis of contributing factors to adolescents’ alcohol abuse for all ethnic groups’ adolescents Standardized Coefficients Variables Significance Beta Test Family involvement with -.016 .137 student Family variables Parental concern for student -.053 .000* Father lives at home -.002 .811 Mother lives at home -.016 .093 How many of your friends get .101 .000* drunk once in a while? Peer Variables How many of your friends get .1 17 .000* drunk almost every weekend? How many of your friends get .203 .000* drunk? How often have your friends .191 .000* asked you to get drunk? Was student born in the United .050 .002* States? Student’s age when he/she first .048 .001 * came to the United States Acculturation How oflen is a foreign .019 .164 language spoken at home? Variables Was your father born in the .013 .456 United States? Was your mother born in the .046 .010* United States? Self-Image Student’s self-image .011 .292 Perceived Racial Perceived Racial -.005 .593 Discrimination Discrimination * Significance level: p<.05 70 2. Regression analysis for Asian American students’ alcohol abuse In addition to the regression analysis for all students’ alcohol abuse, another regression analysis was conducted to determine the contributing factors to Asian American students’ alcohol abuse and to compare them with all American students’ alcohol abuse (Table 38). Peer variables (peer alcohol abuse and peer pressure) were most consistently and significantly correlated with Asian American students’ alcohol abuse. Family variables and acculturation variable showed mixed correlation with Asian American students’ alcohol abuse. The “parental concern” variable and the “father lives at home” variable were contributing to the dependent variable, whereas student’s “family involvement” variable and “mother lives at home” variable (Family factor variables) were not. The student’s “born in the United States” variable (Acculturation factor variable) was contributing to the dependent variable, whereas the other four acculturation variables were not. Student’s “self-image” variable was not significantly correlated with Asian American students’ alcohol abuse. Family, peer, and acculturation variables were significantly correlated with both all American students’ and Asian American students’ alcohol abuse, except “father lives at home” variable of family variables. The “father lives at home” variable was significantly correlated with Asian American students’ alcohol abuse but it was not significantly correlated with all American students’ alcohol abuse. The “perceived racial discrimination” variable was significantly correlated with Asian American students’ alcohol abuse; however it was not significantly correlated with all American students’ alcohol abuse. The “perceived racial discrimination” 71 variable was quite differently correlated with these two groups in this study while other variables were similarly correlated with the dependable variable. It was noteworthy that other research (Vega, Khoury, Zimmerman, Gil, & Warheit, 1995) on African American adolescents’ drug abuse also found that “perceived racial discrimination” was significantly correlated with their drug abuse. 72 Table 38 Regression analysis of contributing factors to adolescents’ alcohol abuse for Asian American adolescents Standardized Coefficients Variables Significance Beta Test Family involvement with -.019 .285 student Family variables Parental concern for student -.O45 .007“ Father lives at home -O46 .006* Mother lives at home .028 .094 How many of your friends get .061 .020* drunk once in a while? Peer Variables How many of your friends get .105 .000“ drunk almost every weekend? How many of your fiiends get .190 .000* drunk? How often have your friends .168 .000“ asked you to get drunk? Was student born in the United .039 .092 States? Student’s age when he/she first .073 .002* came to the United States Acculturation How often is a foreign -.001 .978 language spoken at home? Variables Was your father born in the .001 .973 United States? Was your mother born in the -.008 .727 United States? Self-Image Student’s self-image .023 .172 Perceived Racial Perceived Racial .037 .025* Discrimination Discrimination * Significance level: p<.05 73 E. Summary of Results This study found that Asian American adolescents abuse alcohol less frequently than Caucasian American, Latino American, or Afiican American adolescents. Among Asian Americans, Korean and Japanese American adolescents abuse alcohol more than Chinese and Vietnamese American adolescents. Problems with adolescents’ alcohol abuse are most noticeable in the results of binge drinking such as experiencing “passing- out” and “blacking-out”, health, safety, and social adjustment issues. Adolescents’ drinking leads to troubles at school, poor academic performance, conflicts with parents and friends, damaged relationships, traffic accidents and citations by law enforcement official. This study found causal relationships between family, peer, acculturation, and perceived racial discrimination variables and the dependent variable, Asian American adolescents’ alcohol use. There was no significant correlation between self-image variables and alcohol abuse. 74 Chapter V. Discussion and Recommendations The purpose of this study was to explore Asian American students’ alcohol abuse and to examine factors contributing to their drinking behavior. It compared their alcohol abuse with Caucasian American, Latino American and African American students. Korean American, Chinese American, Japanese American, and Vietnamese American students were selected from different Asian American ethnic groups because of their shared Confucian cultural backgrounds. This study found that Asian American students drank much less than Caucasian American, Latino American, and Afi-ican American students and that they had fewer problems caused by drinking. Other research supports this finding (Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 2005; Gillmore et al., 1990). I attribute this to Asian American family and cultural factors. The higher rate of Asian American students’ having intact families (“father lives at home”) (“mother lives at home”) and families’ concerns about the students’ well-being have positive effects on Asian American students less frequent alcohol use. Family influences on adolescents’ alcohol abuse was established in other research (Barnes, Farrell, & Banerjee, 1995; Brody, Flor, Hollett-Wright, McCoy, & Donovan, 1999). The association between an Asian American “student’s age when he/she first came to the United States” and their alcohol use shows how acculturation affects alcohol use. My research showed a correlation between the length of time in the United States and drinking behavior. Those who had been in the United States the longest drank more than newer arrivals. In this case, a longer period of acculturation to United States social values was correlated with heavier drinking. This is supported by Nakashima and Wong 75 (2000) who found that the place of birth and length of time in the United States influenced Korean American adolescents’ acculturation to American values. Peer influences on students’ alcohol abuse are universal across all ethnic groups and are not unique to Asian American students. Since the United States is one the most individualistic cultures and Asian culture are more collectivist (Hofstede, 2001), it is expected that there would be more peer influence among Asian American students. However, this study did not find differences in peer influence between the two groups. Peer influences on students’ drinking behaviors and attitudes have been documented in many studies (Simon-Mortons, Haynie, Crump Eitel, & Saylor, 2001; Nakashima & Wong, 2000; Bentler, 1992). This study confirmed the strength of peer influences on alcohol abuse among Asian American students, specifically Korean American, Chinese American, Japanese American, and Vietnamese American students. Family, peer, and cultural factors related to adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse have been noted in numerous studies (Harris, 1999; Hawkins, Catalano, & Miller, 1992; Coombs, Paulson, & Richardon, 1991), and this study confirms those findings for Asian American adolescents. An important finding of this study is that “perceived racial discrimination” contributes to Asian American students’ alcohol abuse, a phenomenon documented in other studies that examined the association between perceived racial discrimination and substance abuse among African American adolescents (Min, 1991). Important consequences of adolescents’ drinking in this study were “passing-out” and “blacking-out” as a result of binge drinking. Binge drinking among adolescents has been studied by others (Johnston, O’Malley, & Bachman, 2005; Swade, 1999; Makimoto, 1999). Caucasian American students showed the highest rate of binge drinking and 76 behavior problems associated with their laissez-faire attitudes towards heavy drinking. Korean American and Japanese American students also indicated high rates of binge drinking and liberal attitudes towards heavy drinking. Chinese American students’ conservative attitudes towards heavy drinking resulted in very little binge drinking and were consistent with Chinese American adults’ attitudes towards alcohol use. The relatively high rates of Korean American and Japanese American students’ binge drinking and liberal attitudes toward heavy drinking were closely associated with high rates of Korean American and Japanese American adults’ heavy drinking and their attitudes towards heavy drinking (Park, Oh, & Lee, 1998; Zane & Kim, 1994). These facts reconfirm the association between family and peer influences and Asian American adolescents’ alcohol abuse. Excessively heavy or binge drinking by adolescents, specifically for Caucasian American, Korean and Japanese American students, is a concern for parents, teachers, school authorities, and social workers and other helping professionals working with children and young adults. Even though this study did not find that adolescents have extraordinarily high rates of traffic accidents or injuries due to excessive drinking, Caucasian American, Korean American, and Japanese American students had higher rates of “traffic accidents” and “fights” caused by drinking than Chinese and Vietnamese American students. “Passing out” and “blacking out” create many problems and risks for adolescents such as accidents, assaults, and risky sexual behaviors. The findings of this study provide useful information for social workers, educators and other helping professionals concerned with adolescent alcohol abuse. Even though there is abundant information and research on adolescents’ alcohol abuse 77 and associated issues, relatively little research has been done on Asian American adolescents. This study confirmed existing information about why adolescents abuse alcohol and provided new information about Asian American students’ alcohol use and abuse. These findings could be used by social workers and helping professionals when they are working with Asian American students. Based on the findings, the following suggestions are offered to social workers and other helping professionals working with adolescents, particularly Asian American students. There are needs to: 1) develop programs that promote family involvement with students and educate parents about the dangers of adolescents’ alcohol abuse; 2) develop programs that will reduce peer pressure for alcohol abuse among adolescents and curb binge drinking and causal, laissez-faire attitudes towards drinking; 3) be aware of the age of student when he/ she first came to the United States since acculturation to American values is related to alcohol abuse; 4) develop programs to alleviate students’ perceived racial discrimination — the most significant factor, according to my findings, influencing Asian American students’ alcohol abuse; 5) develop programs that provide information on alcohol abuse and promote abstinence or moderate drinking. Programs should provide information about the effects of alcohol on the human body, especially heavy drinking, the risks involved with drinking and binge drinking and how peer pressure affects drinking behaviors. 78 Limitations of the study A limitation of this study was its data set. Secondary data analyses depends on a given data set and its methodology. Consequently, I could not design questionnaires which might provide better data on Asian American students’ use and abuse of alcohol. As a result this study is limited in scope and findings. For instance, family factors, such as the “father lives at home” variable showed mixed results for students’ alcohol abuse even though I suspect that family factors could be shown to be strongly correlated with students’ alcohol abuse with better designed questionnaires. My study is based on a survey of schools located in California that have at least 25 % Asian American student enrollment. Thus, this study does not fully represent typical American or Asian American students. Asian American students’ enrollment is much less than 25 % in most American schools. When Asian American students are significant minority in schools, they act differently than Asian American students in schools with low proportions of Asian students. Furthermore, this study also does not include school dropouts. Previous studies indicated that alcohol abuse is higher among dropouts, a population that merits further research. 79 Suggestions for future research Future research could include examination of the following: 1) Asian American students’ binge drinking behaviors, since there is little information about Asian American student’s binge drinking; 2) Asian American adolescents’ self-image and self-esteem. This study did not find that “self-image” influenced Asian American students’ alcohol abuse. However, a co-relationship between self-image and American students’ alcohol abuse has been found in other research and it merits further study among Korean American adolescents; 3) Asian American adolescents’ perceived racial discrimination and its impact on their self-image, self-esteem, psychological adjustment, and alcohol abuse: Asian students’ “perceived racial discrimination” could be seen in many aspects of the students’ enviromnent in school and the community. Students’ language barriers, the effect of class sizes, and the proportion of Asian students in a school are a few possible contributors to students’ “perceived racial discrimination.” Future research could explore factors associated with “perceived racial discrimination.” Asian American adolescents have experienced discrimination from their peers, while African American and Latino adolescents experienced discrimination from adults in positions of authority such as teachers and police officers (Rosenbloom & Way, 2004). It is valuable to study Asian American adolescents’ “perceived discrimination” and its association with alcohol abuse, self-image, and depression. I do hope this study will assist researchers and helping professionals who are concerned about adolescents’ alcohol use and abuse. 80 APPENDICES 81 APPENDIX A Survey questionnaires used in the study Racial/ethnic identification of students and parents: questions 4 through 8: 4. Are you— _ White _ Asian or Asian-American _ Black or Afiican American _ Latino or Hispanic _ American Indian _ Other _ Alaska Native 5. Do you identify yourself as of mixed ethnicity? _ Yes _ No 6. If you are Asian, Asian-American, or Pacific Islander, which of the following groups do you mostly identify with? (Mark only one choice) __ Does not apply; I am not Asian, Asian-American or Pacific Islander. _ Asian Indian _ Cambodian _ Chinese (including Taiwanese) _ Filipino (Pilipino) _ Guarnanian _ Hawaiian _ Hmong _ Japanese _ Korean _ Laotian _ Samoan _ Vietnamese _ Other Asian, Asian-American or Pacific Islander 7. If you are Latino or Hispanic, which of the following groups do you mostly identify with? (Mark only one choice) _ Mexican _ Puerto Rican __ Central American _ Spanish _ South American __ Other Latino or Hispanic _ Cuban 82 8. How would you describe your parents’ race/ethnicity? Is your mother— _ White _ Black or African American _ American Indian/Alaska Native _ Asian or Asian-American _ Latina or Hispanic _ Other Is your father_ _ White _ Black or Afiican American __ American Indian/Alaska Native _ Asian or Asian-American _ Latina or Hispanic _ Other Alcohol use and abuse: Alcohol abuse of students is measured in eleven questions 9 through 14, 18, 19, 20, 54, and 57: 9. Have you ever had alcohol to drink? _ Yes _ No 10. Have you ever gotten drunk? __ Yes _ No l 1. How old were you the first time you got drunk? _ Never gotten drunk 7_or YFEUEEfii—EE’F/fi Ear younger older 12. How often in the last 12 months have you __ 1-2 3-9 10-19 20-49 50 or None times times times times more times Had alcohol to drink Gotten drunk 13. How often in the last months have you 1-2 3-9 10-19 20-49 None times times times times Had alcohol to drink Gotten drunk 83 14. How do you like to drink? _ I don’t drink _ Enough to feel it a lot _ Just glass or two _ Until I get really drunk _ Enough to feel it a little 18. In using alcohol, are you a _ _ Non User _ Very Light User _ Light User _ Moderate User _ Heavy User _ Very Heavy User 19. Has your drinking alcohol ever caused you any of the following problem? 10 or more times times times No Get a traffic ticket? Have a car accident? Get arrested? Have money problem? Gotten you in trouble at school? Hurt your school work? Fight with other kids? Fight with your parents? Damaged a friendship? Passed out? Couldn’t remember what happened while drinking? Made you break something? 1-2 3-9 20. During the last 12 months, where have you used alcohol? At weekend parties At night with friends At school events (dances, games, etc.) On the way to school During school hours at school During school hours away from school Right after school While driving around At home (parents knew) At home (parents didn’t know) At work Never 84 1 -2 times 3-9 times 10 or more times 54. Have you ever don any of the following things? used free-base cocaine? used coca paste? stayed high more than 7 hours? used nitrous oxide (laughing gas) to get high? used alcohol and marijuana together? used alcohol and another drug together? taken 2 drugs at the same time? used cocaine or crack and heroin together? 57. When I answered the questions about alcohol _ _ I was very honest _ I said I used it more than I really do _ I said I used it less than I really do Family factors: Family factors are measured by questions 96 through 105: 96. Does your family to school events like music programs, sports events, etc? A Not Lot Some Much No 97. Does your family know what is going on at school? A Not Lot Some Much No 98. Does your family go to school meetings like PTA or PTO, back to school night, etc? A Not Lot Some Much No —_ _ m _— 99. Does your father live at home with you? Yes No My father died 85 100. Does your mother live at home with you? Yes No My mother died 101. How much would your family care if you smoked cigarette got drunk “sniffed” something like glue or gas used marijuana used other drugs 102. How much would your family try to stop you from A Not Lot Some Much At All smoking cigarette getting drunk “sniffing” something like glue or gas using marijuana using other drugs 103. How much would your family care if you A Not Lot Some Much At All skipped school _ _ _ __ got a bad grade _ __ _ __ did not do your homework __ _ _ _ quit school _ _ _ _ 104. Does your family care what you do? A Not Lot Some Much At All 86 105. How much has your family talked to you about the dangers of the following A Not Lot Some Much At All smoking cigarette getting drunk “sniffing” something like glue or gas using marijuana using other drugs Peer factors: Alcohol use and abuse by students’ friends is measured by questions 15, 16, 21,and51 through 53: ’ 15. How much would your fiiends try to stop you from getting drunk? 16. How often have your friends asked you to get drunk? 21. How many of your fiiends _ One Some Most or of of None two them them Get drunk once in a while Get drink almost every weekend 51. How much would you try to stop your friends from using __ A Not Not Lot Some Much At All marijuana cocaine “sniff” glue or gas, etc. uppers _ _ _ _ downers getting drunk 87 52. How many of your friends do each of the following A Most of All of None Few Them Them use marijuana use cocaine “sniff” glue or gas, etc. use uppers use downers get drunk 53. How often have your fiiends asked you to use Very Not Very Not at Often Some Often All marijuana __ _ _ _ cocaine _ _ _ _ “sniff” glue or gas, etc. _ _ _ _ uppers _ _ _ _ downers Acculturation: Acculturation is measured by questions 60 through 64: 60. Were you born in the United States of America (USA)? _ Yes _ No 61. If you were not born in the USA, how old were you when you first came to the USA? _ Does not apply, I was born in the USA _ 5 years old or younger _ 6-9 years old _ 10-12 years old _ 13 years old _ 14 years old _ 15 years old _ 16 years old 62. Was your father born in the USA? _ Yes _ No 88 63. Was your mother born in the USA? __ Yes _ No 64. How often do you speak a language other than English with your parents? __ Never __ Very little _ Sometimes _ Often _ Very Often _ Always Self-image: Self-image is measured by questions 87 through 94: 87. I am proud of myself I am quick tempered I steal things I feel low I am able to do things well 88. I like myself I get mad Is it bad to cheat Is it bad to lie? I am unhappy 89 89. 90. 91. 92. Other people my age like me I am lucky I do things my teacher don’t want me to do I cheat in school I am lonely Is it bad to steal? Is it bad to skip school? I feel like hitting someone I feel bad Other people my age like to be with me People like me I like to do dangerous things I lose my temper I feel sad A Lot I am good looking _ I lie to people __ I take chances People try to get me in trouble I am smart 90 Some Not Much No 93. I am lonesome I am hothead People tell lies about me I would like to learn to Skydive I am depressed 94. 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