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SELLING OURSELVES: TRANSNATIONALISTIC MYTHS AND
SYMBOLS IN POLISH-AMERICAN ADVERTISING, 1990-2005

presented by

Jeffrey K. Johnson

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SELLING OURSELVES: TRANSNATIONALISTIC MYTHS AND SYMBOLS IN
POLISH—AMERICAN ADVERTISING, 1990-2005

By

Jeffrey K. Johnson

A DISSERTATION
Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of American Studies

2008

 

ABSTRACT

SELLING OURSELVES: TRANSNATIONALISTIC MYTHS AND SYMBOLS IN
POLISH-AMERICAN ADVERTISING, 1990-2005

By

Jeffrey K. Johnson
Since 1990 almost every country in Central and Eastern Europe has experienced dramatic
political, social, cultural, and economic transformations. Most observers have viewed
these changes though a lens distorted by their own cultural and social situations. Some
see “New Europe” as a chance to witness capitalism’s victory over socialism. Others use
these changes as a template to rally against the growing inﬂuence of globalization. The
purpose of this dissertation is to examine social and cultural transitions in Poland and to
show that advertising for American products in Poland can display how parts of Polish
culture have adapted, transformed, and changed since 1990. Although these changes are
real and noticeable they also are much more complex and bilateral than many scholars
and observers note. I propose that American brands and products do not always
monolithically colonize overseas markets, as many have suggested, but rather often create
partnerships with local cultures that transform both the brand and the culture.

This book examines advertising for McDonald’s, Levi’s, Frito-Lay, and Coca-Cola that
was used in Poland from 1990-2005. The ads reveal a complex relationship between the
corporations and Polish society: Many scholars and writers assume that companies force
products and ideas into a new market and thus destroy existing traditions and cultures.
This study shows the ways in which this exchange is multifaceted and companies are

forced to adapt to meet Poland’s cultural needs. Polish culture also changes and adapts in

ways that are rarely explained by either proponents or critics of globalization. Often
social and cultural needs are satisﬁed as Polish culture transforms these outside products

into something culturally viable.

Copyﬁghtby
JEFRREY K. JOHNSON

2008

Dedicated to my Mom for always believing in me

and Monika for loving and supporting me

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Although my name solely appears on the cover of this dissertation, I alone cannot take
credit for its publication. During the process of creating this dissertation I have been
helped by a large number of people whose patience, generosity, and understanding have
changed both me and my work. I humbly offer my gratitude to each of them.

I deeply thank my friends and supporters in Poland for helping me better understand
Polish culture and society. MaIgorzata Proniewicz and Alicja Szymanska, willingly
answered a multitude of questions about seemingly mundane matters. Piotr, Dorota,
Emila, and Ania Adamczewska provided much needed support and assistance. A special
thank you to my extended family Krzysztof, Zoﬁa, and Rafal Cieslak for providing
guidance and hospitality that helped to make this project possible.

I am lucky to have had a wonderful university committee that helped me in so many
ways. I owe a debt of gratitude to Carrie La Ferle, Keely Stauter-Halsted, and Kirsten
F ermaglich for how they assisted and pushed me in equal parts. An extra special thank
you to Gary Hoppenstand, my committee chair, mentor, and role model who has helped
me more than I can ever express in words.

Many of my academic colleagues and mentors provided help, guidance, and
assistance. Jane Neukomm, Gerda Ray, Kim Little, Peter Acsay, John Hoover, and
Malcolm Magee all taught me how to ﬁnd and trust my voice. Julie Wendy O’Connor,
Tricia Jenkins, and H. Louise Davis were founts of academic and emotional support.
Martyna Olszowska and Zbigniew Czapla have guided and helped me too many times to

count.

vi

Michigan State University’s American Studies Department, College of Arts and
Letters, and Graduate School all supported this project with much needed funding.
Virginia Brock and Harriet Grossman at Coca-Cola, Bartosz Okulski and Malgorzata
Skonieczna at Frito Lay Poland, Dominik Szulowski and Jennifer Wong at McDonald’s,
and Robert J. Van Leer and Jeff Beckman at Levi’s each showed professionalism and
kindness that allowed this project to exist.

Lastly, special thanks to my family that loving accepts the eccentric academic in their
midst. Daniel, Rebecca, Alison, and Sophie Long; Amanda, Alexander, and Zoey
Johnson and Louise Thompson. To my parents, James and Brenda Johnson, who made
me into the person I am today. A few words in a dissertation cannot repay your years of
love and sacriﬁce but hopefully it is a start. Lastly, to my wife Monika without whose

love, inspiration, and help this would not have been possible.

vii

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables .............................................................................. ix
ListofFigure.............................. ................................................. x
Introduction ................................................................................. 1
Chapter 1- In the Beginning: Socialist Era Advertising .............................. 35
Chapter 2- McPoland ...................................................................... 84
Chapter 3— Levi’s: Rebellion in a Size .................................................. 127
Chapter 4- When the Chips Are Down: Frito Lay Poland ........................... 168
Chapter 5- Red, White, and Cola. Coca- Cola Advertising in Poland .............. 206
Conclusion .................................................................................. 252
Works Cited .................................................................................. 263

viii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1- Social Print Advertising Used ............................................... 75

Table 2- McDonald’s Television Commercials Used ................................ 121
Table 3— Levi’s Print and Television Ads Used ...................................... 164
Table 4- Frito Lay Television Commercials Used ................................... 201
Table 5- Coca-Cola Print and Television Commercials Used ..................... 246

ix

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1- Solidarity High Noon... ............................................................ 76
Figure 2- Amerykanska reklama obuwia .................................................. 77
Figure 3- Prawo Giosu .............................................................................. 78
Figure 4- Symbol i rzecywistsc .................................................................. 79
Figure 5- NATO aby zniszczyc ziemie ..................................................... 80
Figure 6- Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa ................................................. 81
Figure 7- Solidarity: Eagle ...................................................... 82
Figure 8- Bimber .................................................................. 83
Figure 9- WiesMac ............................................................... 122
Figure 10- Quality ................................................................ 123
Figure 11- McKielbasa .......................................................... 124
Figure 12- Mothers’ Day ........................................................ 125
Figure 13- Engel .................................................................. 126
Figure 14- Campﬁre .............................................................. 165
Figure 15- Creek .................................................................. 166
Figure 16- Drugstore .............................................................. 167
Figure 17- Pamela .................................................................. 202
Figure 18- Lay’s Max Czarus .................................................... 203
Figure 19— Twistos Einstein ...................................................... 204
Figure 20- Lay’s Appetite Computer ............................................ 205
Figure 21- Coca-Cola Caravan ................................................... 247

Figure 24- Mozesz Pomd c .......................................................... 248

Figure 23-1995 Polish in store ad #1 ............................................. 249
Figure 24- 1995 Polish in store ad #2 ............................................. 250
Figure 25- Coca-Cola Billboard ........ I ........................................... 251

xi

Introduction

As a high school senior in the 1989-1990 school year, I watched as most of the former
socialist nations of Europe moved towards capitalist—centered economies; and the Cold
War ended. Having spent my entire life accustomed to the nationalistic adversarial
system of the Cold War, I grappled to understand what was happening and how I was
supposed to view the world. The enemy, the dreaded Soviet Union and its satellite states,
was no more and I, and many of my generation, was forced to ﬁll our mind’s newly
opened political and social voids. As with much of my former understanding of the
world, I turned to popular culture to explain my new reality. It had been movies like “Red
Dawn” and “Rocky IV” and television series like “Amerika” that had taught me to fear
the Soviets and their minions and I looked to the culture makers to inform me of how the
new world functioned. Because few popular culture references were immediately
available I was at ﬁrst forced to rely on less trustworthy sources of information; like
newscasters and politicians. I remember my surprise and relief when I viewed a Cold
War inspired Pepsi television commercial one evening. The ad followed a teenage boy as
he skateboarded through Red Square while rock and roll blared in the background and an
announcer declared that, although Pepsi did not want to take any credit, things started to
change in the Soviet Union not long after Pepsi’s soft drinks were introduced to the
country. Even at the tender age of eighteen I understood what Pepsi was doing: it was not
marketing itself as a soﬁ drink but rather as a keeper and exporter of American values.
Much like the ﬁrst Bush administration, Pepsi was taking credit for both a regime change

and for spreading freedom around the globe. Pepsi was not only a product but rather also

an agent of social change. The soft drink maker was wrapping itself in all things
American (skateboards, rock and roll, and distrust of authority) and I was strangely both
attracted and repulsed by the claim.

This television advertisement was the genesis of my interest in mythology,
symbolism, and social issues within advertising. Although many of my university
instructors attempted to purge me of my belief in the social importance of advertising, I
was able to retain my conviction. While many academics study the business objectives or
hidden meaning of advertising, I believe that advertising can be read as a text and the
narratives that are produced are of profound social importance. There is much opposition
to the ideas of advertising’s textual importance, many scholars claim that ads merely are
agents of commerce and contain little or no social value. I agree that almost all
advertising is designed to sell products or services but contend that does not limit its
textual importance. The desired outcome of product sales does not impact the narrative
structure that is utilized to achieve it. Advertising often uses stories, themes, myths,
symbols, and other devices as cultural touchstones to form connections with viewers and
to create an ongoing narrative. Scholars have successfully argued that non-traditional
texts such as popular ﬁction, ﬁlms and television can be read as narrative texts and
advertising as a medium certainly falls within this increased understanding of narratives.

The narratives in advertising and other popular texts have spread cultural ideas and
understandings throughout the globe. It is said that in the world the two most widely used
English words are American gifts to the language: “OK” and “Coca-Cola.” American
products, movies, music, and culture in general are marketed to and consumed by mass

audiences worldwide. The United States has built an empire based upon trade and

exportation of its culture and its future very much depends on its ability to continue and
expand this cultural expansion. However, the implications of cultural globalization are
more far-reaching than American interests. The global economy and society of the
twenty—ﬁrst century demand that citizens embrace the world outside their nation’s
borders. The United States is important to the global community but the inversion of that
statement, that the global community is extremely important to the United States, is as
true or even truer. If the new global society and economy are to reach their maximum
potential, then the participants must understand the role of US culture internationally. My
contention in this book is that often it is not merely American products that are being
bought by international consumers, but rather a complex mixture of perceived pieces of
the American way of life combined with local cultural symbols and mythologies.
American merchants advertise their wares not as products but as culturally based lifestyle
choices. Often, at ﬁrst buying an American product becomes akin to purchasing a piece
of the American Dream; whatever that dream means to the purchaser. When a teenager in
Poland in 1990 ﬁrst buys a bottle of Coca-Cola, he is not purchasing a sugary overpriced soft
drink but rather a symbol of what he believes the ideal of America to be. Quickly though, this
idea changes and the American product becomes transformed by the local culture, creating a
blending of ideas and purposes. I propose that American brands and products do not always
monolithically colonize overseas markets, as many have suggested, but rather often create
partnerships with local cultures that transform both the brand and the culture.

To be clear, this study is not about the history of advertising in Poland or an effort to
explain the ways that American products and their advertising have harmed or beneﬁted

Polish society. Rather, it is an attempt to locate and deﬁne various narratives that exist

within Polish advertising for American products and to show how these narratives
interact with local Polish culture and how these interactions affect both the products and
Polish culture over time. In order to do this I will analyze Polish advertising for four
American companies; McDonalds, Coca-Cola, Levis, and Frito Lay from 1990-2005.
These advertisements will be viewed as narratives and will be used to chronicle and
understand the themes and mythologies that are present in various types of Polish adverts.
These advertising narratives reveal much about both Polish and American societies and
their shared ideas, experiences, symbols, and mythologies.
Narrative Structure

Narrative structure is a much discussed idea that forms the basis for most societies’
stories and mythologies. Although many theories exist about narratives and their place
within literature and society, few can argue against the idea that narratives are one of the
essential elements of both local and international storytelling. Many different deﬁnitions
of narrative and narrative theory exist but this reading will use the most basic
understanding and deﬁnition. For the purpose of this study the deﬁnition of narrative in
advertising is, any advertisement produced by or for a company or agency that creates a
story either within the advertisement itself or by interacting with local or international
culture. This rather unwieldy deﬁnition is necessarily broad in order to allow for the
study of multiple types of advertising and the associated narratives. Though many
scholars would assert that a narrative must be a series of images or symbols that create a
self contained story, I am widening the deﬁnition to include seemingly static images or
symbols that produce a story when placed into a cultural context. My assertion is that

narratives can be created either by using the traditional multi-image storytelling structure

or by showing a single image or physical structure that creates a complex story by
interacting with culturally important ideas, symbols, and mythologies. Though this
expanded deﬁnition increases the understanding of narratives beyond the traditional
explanation it is necessary in order to create a new framework that embraces objects that
become narratives when placed within a cultural context. These cultural narratives oﬁen
have gone unexplored in the past because they were thought to be too limited to be true
narratives.
Expanding Narrative

The idea of reading advertisements as narrative devices follows a long tradition in
popular culture of expanding the understanding of what comprises narrative structure and
form. Into the mid part of the twentieth century many scholars and laymen believed that
the idea of narrative storytelling only included traditional written literature. Academic
and social critics argued over the meaning of high and mass literature and many declared
that only “real literature” should be explored as narrative. In the mid twentieth century
John Kouwenhoven attempted to expand the academic notion of what was art, literature,
and narrative by proposing that there were different types of art that should be judged on
their own merits.I Kouwenhoven claimed that seemingly common objects and buildings
could be viewed in radically new ways and should be considered a unique type of art.
Kouwenhoven asserted that the deﬁnition of art was much more ﬂuid than commonly
understood and that viewers and critics should reconsider how they judged artistic and
seemingly non-artistic forms. Though these ideas were not generally adopted for several

decades this was an early attempt to redeﬁne art and the idea of narrative. It also served

 

‘ Kouwenhoven, John. The Arts in Modern American Civilization. New York: W.W. Norton, 1948.

as the basis for many later notions of expanding the meaning of narrative structure and its
uses in mass and popular culture.

While John Kouwenhoven provided an early foundation for the understanding of
narrative structure in non-traditional texts, little changed until 1970 when Russel Nye
published his monograph, The Unembarrassea’ Muse: The Popular Arts in America. The
Pulitzer Prize winning Nye created categories of arts and declared there to be merit in
studying popular and folk cultures. By deﬁning these areas Nye fashioned an opportunity
to remake the meaning of culture and to use existing methods and understanding in new
ways. This opened the door for narrative structure to be explored in new areas of popular
and mass culture. Most scholars consider this to be one of the founding events in the
study of popular culture and a more importantly the beginning of a paradigm shift
concerning how scholars viewed culture. No longer would narratives be thought of as
merely limited to canonical literary works but the scope of their cultural signiﬁcance
would increase dramatically and would move into areas that many would have never
considered.

Shortly after Russel Nye published Unembarrassed Muse several academics started to
redeﬁne the use of narratives in American and international society. One of the ﬁrst was
Stuart Kaminsky in his 1974 book American Film Genres: Approaches to a Critical
Theory of Popular Film. In his work, Kaminsky expanded the deﬁnition of narrative and
increased the ways in which the device could be explored. He no longer was limiting the
idea of narrative to written texts but now included visual media like ﬁlm. Expanding the
scope of narratives to comprise visual forms was a watershed moment that opened the

deﬁnition to many new views and usages. This expansion of the deﬁnition and study of

narrative continued in 1976 in John Cawelti’s book Adventure, Mystery, and Romance, in
which be outlined the use of narrative in popular literature. While over three decades later
it may seem obvious that detective, romance, and science ﬁction stories use a narrative
structure, in the mid 19703 Cawelti greatly increased the idea of how narrative could be
understood. The deﬁnition of high and low culture and art no longer seemed quite so
clear and the standard for cultural forms that academic should study was increasingly less
rigid.

The exploration of narrative structure in popular culture expanded into television in
1978 when John Fiske and John Hartley published their monograph Reading Television.
By studying narratives in television F iske and Hartley extended the scope of the study of
narratives to another area of popular culture. While narratives in ﬁlm had already been
studied by Stuart Kaminsky and others, television was still often viewed as a lesser
storytelling device that offered little or no artistic value. Those social critics that wished
to restrict the application of narrative study could protest that narrative was only found in
art and literature that conformed to a traditional understanding. Although the deﬁnition of
narrative was expanding, critics attempted to make it conform to previous notions of
artistic value. Narratives could be found in popular literature because they were written
stories that conformed to traditional rules and expectations. Likewise, ﬁlm could contain
narratives because it was an exceptional medium that occasionally produced “high art”
like the highly artistic and complex ﬁlm noir. The inclusion of television as a narrative
media marks a point in which it becomes nearly impossible to restrict the use and study
of narratives. If television was worthy of scholarly study then what could not be

considered a narrative? Because narratives were no longer limited to traditional art and

literature their study grew to include many uncultivated ﬁelds and media. Soon formerly
rejected areas like comic books, musicals, and advertising were being written about as
narrative art forms. The idea of narrative had grown to include almost any format that
could be used as a storytelling device.

This study of the narratives in advertising in Poland is very much within the above
described popular culture scholarly tradition of studying a medium’s storytelling
characteristics and attempting to deﬁne patterns, themes, ideas, mythologies, and
symbols. By examining advertising narratives one is able to begin to track and understand
elements that are culturally signiﬁcant within a society. When the narratives are produced
by entities that exist outside of the realm of the traditional society, as with the American
companies in Poland in this study, the narratives also offer an opportunity to understand
how ideas, symbols, and mythologies are shared in an intercultural and transnational
manner. The types of narratives that are created by the American companies reveal much
about the producers and the intended audience. The narrative structure allows the viewer
the chance to better understand cultural interactions and a way to witness the cultural
transnational sharing that occurs when American companies enter a post-socialist
economy. The advertising narratives provide clues to the nature and type of changes that
occur within both Polish society and the American companies and showcase some ways
in which each party attempts to accommodate the other. These narratives offer a window
into the cultural exchanges between producer and society, a view not often observed by
many. This interaction supplies insight into the nature of globalization and

transnationalism and illustrates the complex relationships that occur on the local level.

Former United States Representative and Speaker of the House Tip O’Neil is reported
to have famously said that “all politics is local.” Increasingly, this statement is not only
true of politics but also of international advertising and marketing. To declare
international advertising a local affair sounds oxymoronic. What is international
advertising, if not an attempt an attempt to sell products in a foreign place? When viewed
this way, from the seller’s perspective, it seems that international advertising is a tool that
helps to create globalized markets and provide common goods and services to consumers
worldwide. When considered from a buyer’s perspective though, international advertising
and marketing can be seen as an interaction between company and consumers that is used
to explain how a product or service may be beneﬁcial. Although some scholars would
disagree with this characterization of advertising, it is important to note that advertising’s
purpose is to entice consumers to consume and to do this there generally must be an
understanding of the consumers’ culture. While some companies have attempted to
market in societies in which they have little knowledge, this often always produces
disastrous results. This study focuses on the choices that American advertisers have made
locally in the Polish marketplace. By examining the narratives that are produced one is
often able to understand how traditional ideas, symbols, and mythologies are blended
with new ones and what are created from this amalgamationlt is in this set of choices
and changes that we can see the formation of new international understandings, a more
transnational society, and shifting local cultures.

Because American advertising narratives in Poland are the basis for this study, it is
necessary to blend together understandings from the ﬁelds of Advertising, History, and

Popular Culture. This amalgamation of academic ﬁelds creates a unique vantage to view

the issues of transnationalism and globalization. Though scores of works have been
produced in each of these ﬁelds, very few studies, if any, have combined all three. This
interdisciplinary approach allows one to utilize the methods and insights of each ﬁeld in
order to produce a new understanding of the issues as a whole. It has already been noted
how that narratives have been and continue to be explored and studied with the academic
ﬁeld of Popular Culture. This background concerning narrative usages helps one to form
a basis for understanding how they will be used within this research. Likewise, it is
important to have a foundation of knowledge about advertising and Polish history in
order to grasp the many themes and mythologies inherent within the adverts. In order to
comprehend how and why ad narratives were created in the manner they were, one must
have an understanding of what ideas and theories dominate the advertising ﬁeld.
Similarly, one must be aware of the basics of Polish history and culture in order to
appreciate the themes and symbols contained within advertising geared for the Polish
market. Without this background much of the tone, ﬂavor, and meaning of the
advertisements would be lost.
Advertising

Advertising theorists have long debated advertising’s meanings and purposes.
Scholars continually disagree about the nature of advertising and one of the most
longstanding discussions is whether advertising is a mirror or molder of society. That is,
does advertising serve as a mirror of society’s needs and desires or is it a molder that
instead creates these wants and wishes. This argument is seemingly unending because it
not only reﬂects one’s understanding of advertising but also takes into account one’s

personal philosophies about life. This debate is important though because it helps to

10

deﬁne advertising and creates a context for viewing the advertising narratives that are
produced. While one’s view of advertising and its purposes are often as much personal as
academic, strong scholarly arguments can be made for either side of the mirror/ molder
issue. Despite the fact that no universal agreements on these matters appear imminent, for
the purposes of this study I am deﬁning advertising as a method of interaction used in an
attempt to encourage consumers to purchase, or use a good or service. This deﬁnition is
certainly open-ended and can be extensively argued but sets the parameters of advertising
without becoming too embroiled in the mirror/ molder debate. In this study it is not
necessary to decide the mirror/ molder question but rather it is only important to be aware
of the basic question. When viewing advertisements as narratives the important elements
are the themes, ideas, symbols, mythologies, and storytelling devices used. Although
many issues concerning advertising can be contested, the above mentioned elements will
be this study’s primary concern.

Because the study of narrative in advertising requires the adverts to be viewed as a
type of literature it also forces the viewer to negotiate the medium’s artistic value.
Although many producers, viewers, and even scholars of advertising declare it to be a
utilitarian medium that is devoid of artistic merit, one must question this assessment if
one wishes to study the narratives contained within. While advertising scholars such as
Richard Pollay or Theodore Lewitt may argue over advertising’s artistic status, I deﬁne
advertising as artistic in nature because it meets the classiﬁcation’s minimum standards.
The medium uses both visual and textual dimensions in order to change how the viewer
thinks and feels about the subject matter. This deﬁnition will be rebuked by some as

imprecise or unclear and others will claim that it does not capture the spirit of what art is.

11

The nature of these criticisms is exactly why I have chosen such a broad deﬁnition and
why I deﬁne advertising as an artistic medium. Because art is so difﬁcult to deﬁne and
comprehend and since understandings of it are ever changing, it is imperative that we
view the idea broadly. In keeping with popular culture standards and tradition, I assign no
hierarchical value to the advertising art in this study. I do not rank art as “high” or “low.”
Nor do I label it as either “good” or “bad.” Rather, I assert that because advertising can
be viewed as art it must treated with the same respect that other art forms enjoy. Many
scholars would contend that advertising does not merit the label of art because it has no
single inspired creator and its primary purpose is commercial. Though these criticisms
may be valuable if one is creating an artistic hierarchy, they do not apply to a
classiﬁcation system that assigns no difference to “popular” and “high” art. Film and
television shows are often the work of many creators that combine their efforts.
Television often is sponsored by corporate entities and ﬁlms are often shown in theatres
to paying customers. While these are gross generalizations they do emphasize the point
that the idea of the creator and the separation of art and commerce have no clearly
deﬁned boundaries. Because art is so difﬁcult to deﬁne it is imperative that one judges
each piece/ text one its own merit. When advertising is critiqued in this manner many will
be surprised at the artistic narratives that are produced.
Advertising as Art

While this study focuses on narratives and advertising’s literary value, those that
produce advertising are not primarily concerned with its artistic merits. As previously
stated, advertising’s chief purpose is to create commerce. Advertising encompasses many

forms, not just the conventional venues of radio, television, and printing advertising but

12

also lesser considered categories like in-store, packaging, and architectural advertising.
While some forms of advertising, like television commercials, may be more publicly well
known, often many types are used in smaller venues or are employed together to form
distinctive marketing campaigns. These campaigns serve to craft a message and hope to
create a unique image for the brand among consumers. This notion of “branding” is an
attempt to give a brand a distinctive set of characteristics that will separate it from the
competition. Often this means that the advertising must focus on more than just the
functional virtues of the product but rather must create a product storyline. These value
expressive adverts focus on more than merely utilitarian needs and instead attempt to
connect to viewers on a deeper level. Branding allows a company to bond with a
consumer in a way that goes beyond functionality and attempts to ﬁll cultural,
physiological, or psychological needs. Some scholars like Margaret Mark and Carol
Pearson claim that good branding uses archetypal themes and creates narratives that tap
into a shared culture (Mark and Pearson 3-6). Advertisements rarely attempt to be artistic
in attempting to create powerful brands and persuade consumers but often the adverts
inherently become art. Although advertising by its very nature is functional, it also often
needs to be artistic to survive and be effective.
Culture

It is important to note that this study does not focus broadly on all advertising but
speciﬁcally studies international advertising. Though this distinction may seem minor, it
is signiﬁcant because one of the most important elements in international advertising is
the focus on both local and international cultural issues. Unlike many types of local or

national advertising, international advertisers must preserve the often delicate balance

13

between the product’s international brand recognition and the needs and values of the
local culture. This means international advertising inherently has the unique function of
being both local and global. While many would assume that international advertising is
merely a different version of local advertising it is in fact often an amalgamation of
different cultures and values. This has led many advertisers to conclude that because each
culture has its own unique sign, symbols, and mythologies campaigns should focus not
only on the product but how it ﬁts into the local environment. Advertising scholar
Marieke de Mooij reinforces this point in her monograph, Global Marketing and
Advertising: Understanding Cultural Paradoxes. She comments that, “cultural values
determine the way people think or their intellectual styles” (61). Later she adds,
“understanding the concept of cultural and the consequences of cultural differences will
make marketing and advertising people realize that one message, whether verbal or
visual, can never reach one global audience, because there is not one global culture
comprised of people with identical values” (61). This idea of cultural differences and the
blending of cultures that occurs are at the heart of this study. Because companies and
advertising agencies work to appeal to the local consumer of American products the
narratives that are created display not only standard Polish cultural understandings but
also the constant redeﬁning of Polishness that occurs as society adjusts to outside
inﬂuences. Polishness has historically been created by a number of factors both internal
and external. Since Polish culture is not static, but rather is in a perpetual state of ﬂux,
advertisers’ understanding of Poland must change as the society does. Ironically,
international advertising, and the products that it promotes, may be one of the outside

inﬂuences that are creating change within the culture.

14

Globalization, International, and Transnationalism

One of the most difﬁcult problems when studying global culture is deﬁning key
terms. Because concepts like globalization and transnationalism have been both widely
researched and written about there are massive amounts of differing deﬁnitions that exist.
As thousands of authors produce varying deﬁnitions that meet their research objectives
and interests, it becomes difﬁcult to understand the core concepts because so many
nuanced perspectives survive. Globalization is possibly the most confusing of these terms
due to the sheer amount of notice given to the concept in academia, the mass media, and
popular culture. Since globalization can be viewed from seemingly inﬁnite perspectives it
is important when discussing it to provide both clarity and context. In this study I view
globalization from a cultural perspective and see the term as deﬁning a process in which
a culture that is produced in one society is purposely transported to another by a state,
corporation, organization, or agency. This broad deﬁnition purposely only deﬁnes the
process and says little about the many moral and ethical debates that surround
globalization. Here is it stripped down to its most basic elements so that the study can
focus on the advertising narratives in Poland. 1 also view transnationalism from a cultural
perspective and use the term differently from globalization in that I deﬁne
transnationalism as a social movement that loosens national boundaries and encourages
cultural mobility. The major difference being that globalization is a process that is
generally due to efforts of organized corporate or organizational entities, while
transnationalism describes how individuals and groups of people create grassroot social
changes that transcend national borders. Additionally, the terms international and global,

when used in this book, describe a concept or entity that exists simultaneously in several

15

nations or societies. McDonald’s is an international or global company because it has
restaurants in many different societies and nations. I understand that some will disagree
with my deﬁnitions and others will ﬁnd them lacking a certain perspective or emphasis. It
would be impossible to please every reader with these deﬁnitions, so I have striven to
ﬁnd deﬁnitions that are both understandable and helpful without being overly dogmatic.
Countﬂ of Origin Effect

While marketing to local cultural standards and tastes are of great importance to many
companies, international advertising also attempts to capitalize on widely held positive
opinions about the producing nation. Internationally, some countries have acquired a
reputation as being manufacturers of high quality goods and additionally certain countries
are associated with speciﬁc types of products or services. For example, the United States
has credibility as a maker of blue jeans, Japan of electronics, and France of perfume.
These same products produced in other countries or other products produced by the
example countries may not have the same cache. This is because a country is often
associated with certain symbols and mythologies that frequently translate into an inherent
marketing advantage for speciﬁc products internationally. Barbara Mueller labels this
link between country and product, “country of origin effect.” She claims that, “some
countries have particularly positive associations with speciﬁc product categories.” (31).
These associations can lead to marketing ideas and advertising campaigns that capitalize
on existing public perceptions. In Poland, American companies like Coca- Cola, Levi’s,
and McDonald’s are closely associated with the United States and the many positive
attributes of the country. This public understanding of the product and its country of

origin produces free advertising and can create good will but it also can be limiting if the

16

advertiser is not careful to create local impressions to co-exist with those of the producing
country. This means that American companies have to craft campaigns that speak of their
products’ American origins while simultaneously embracing the local culture. The
positive qualities of the country of origin effect often must be measured and then blunted
or ampliﬁed by advertising and marketing depending on the implications. In Poland,
McDonald’s never attempted to mask its Americanness but in several early advertising
campaigns the company did try to present itself as changing to meet Polish cultural
standards. McDonald’s advertised itself as an American company that had immigrated to
Poland and wished to respect the local culture. This provided a way for the fast food giant
to retain positive country of origin associations, while also conforming to Poland’s
culture. It also allowed McDonald’s to determine what kind of advertising worked best in
the Polish market. By contrast, when Levi’s began advertising in Poland in the 1990’s it
more fully embraced its American heritage. The clothing maker capitalized on existing
Polish/ European mythologies that linked to Levi’s blue jeans. By understanding existing
ideas and crafting advertising around these pre-existing notions, Levi’s was able to use
the country of origin effect to its advantage. While this is sometimes possible, it often
involves a blending of both the local and producing country’s cultures.
Finding Meaning in Advertising

If one accepts that the primary goal of advertising is to sell good and services, and in
order to accomplish this task international advertising uses themes, ideas, symbols, and
mythologies from both the producing and buying cultures, then one must ask how
advertisers know that consumers are receiving the desired meaning? And furthermore,

what meanings are created by the consumers that view the ads? These questions are

17

especially signiﬁcant to acknowledge because they seek to determine why certain types
of narratives are produced and how they are received. It is important to again state that
the purpose of this text is not to research the process of creating adverts, advertising
campaigns’ backgrounds, or any steps in the decision making process that led to the
formation of the ads within this study. Likewise, very little audience response data has
been collected or researched in order to determine how consumers reacted to or
interpreted the adverts. Rather, this study attempts to read the selected ads as narratives
that can be linked to cultural factors within both Poland and the United States. Although
this monograph does not study the process of creating ads, and neither does it track their
reception, it is important to understand how meaning in advertising is produced.
Advertising scholar Grant McCracken notes, that although companies work closely with
advertising advertisers to produce a text, the real meaning is provided by the viewer/
reader. McCracken categories ad users as the ﬁnal directors that determine the
advertising text’s true meaning (75-76). Katherine Toland Frith claims that meaning in
advertisements exists at multiple levels and one of the most important factors in
understanding an ad is the cultural background and knowledge of the viewer/ reader.
Without the viewer/ reader provided cultural context the advertisements would lose much
of their meaning and would only exist in a superﬁcial manner (4-7). This means that one
cannot understand an advertisement without understanding something about the viewer/
reader’s culture. This study conforms to this understanding of the meaning of advertising
by attempting to place American advertising in Poland within a Polish cultural context.
Advertising narratives are viewed for cultural connections to Poland and are placed

within the context of the society during the time period in which they were created.

18

Furthermore, it is assumed that the ads’ users have agency to interpret and create
meanings that are both intended and unintended by the ads’ creators. It is also assumed
that by placing an ad within a Polish cultural context many meanings, both intended and
unintended, will become clear. While no one is ever able to understand every meaning
created by an advertisement in relation to its viewers/ readers, the ones that are readily
identiﬁable are assumed to be the most prominent and widely understood.
Polish Culture and Histog

In order to comprehend the cultural context of American advertising in Poland one
must understand several important elements of Polish history and tradition. A
rudimentary understanding of Poland’s past is essential to understanding the nation’s
present. Additionally, it is valuable to appreciate historical ties between Poland and the
United States and how these common bonds themselves manifest in the present. The
widely recognized founding of Poland occurred in 966 and the country became a
kingdom in 1025. Many Poles would argue that the Battle of Grunwald in 1410, in which
the Poles defeated the Teutonic Knights, is one of the classic turning points of Polish
identity. Although of questionable historical importance, this battle became a rallying cry
for Polish nationalism and is seen by many Poles as the start of a golden age. Of greater
historical signiﬁcance is the Polish— Lithuanian Commonwealth (1569-1795) that marked
an age of Polish expansion and importance. It was during this period that Poland became
a regional power, gained territory and authority, and then slowly receded into decline.
What is important to note though is the national pride and feeling of accomplishment that
Poles still carry from this period. Outsiders often forget that Poland was once a large

powerful state but Poles do not. Almost all Poles still remember the accomplishments of

19

this era and use it as evidence of Poland’s former glory and greatness. Even the national
poet Adam Mickiewicz, who was born in Belarus, refers to this period in what is perhaps
his most famous poem, “Pan Tadeusz.” “Litwo Ojczyzno moja, 1y jestes’ jak zdrowie.”
(“Lithuania, my motherland. You are like health”) Notice that Poland and Lithuania are
used interchangeably and the idea of nationality is still rather porous and less deﬁned
than today. At this time Poland is a large frolicking state, an idea that still resides in the
minds of many Poles.
Romanticism in Poland

After years of political and territorial struggles Poland ceases to exist as a political
entity in 1795. The Polish state ﬁnally succumbs to its stronger neighbors, Russia,
Prussia, and Austria and is erased from the map. At this point Poland no longer exists as
an independent state but still survives as a nation. As nationalism begins to develop and
grow across Europe during the early years of the nineteenth century the stateless Poles
begin to glorify their past and to stress the value of their homeland and culture. Polish
language and culture become a rallying cry and Poles begin to view themselves as a
unique people who should ﬁght the process of assimilation. Partially because Poland is a
stateless entity, a new Polish identity begins to form. Many in Poland begin to embrace
the concept of romanticism, a late eighteenth and early nineteenth century movement that
emphasizes the beauty of nature, the role of the individual, a break from classical ideas, a
rebellion against many of society’s rules, and an emphasis on nationalism. Romanticism
differs from rationalism in that the romantics emphasize the expression of emotion and
national culture whereas practitioners of rationalism attempt to avoid such things.

Romanticism in Poland, and other places, is mostly expressed in the arts. The

20

quintessential Polish romantic literary beacon of the nineteenth century is undoubtedly
the aforementioned poet Adam Mickiewicz whose verse has challenged and inspired
Polish nationalists for over a century and a half. National ﬁgures like Frederic Chopin
and Marie Curie inspire Poles to value their culture and ways of life. Interestingly, one of
the apparent negative aspects of Polish history, the constant tragic outcomes of wars and
political uprisings, serves as point of pride for many romantics. Some religious minded
Poles see the nation’s misfortune as a sign that it is the Christ ﬁgure of nations and its
suffering will lead to better things in the long run. Romanticism is a strong force for
nationalism and spurs many Poles towards a vision of a politically recognized Poland.
Cultural nationalism opposes the idea of civil nationalism where the nation is
characterized by the political legitimacy of the state. In emphasizing romantic
nationalism Poles are declaring the nation to be a cultural entity not a civil/ political one.
This is an important distinction that will continue to be important in Poland’s future
history and culture.
Polish Nationalist Insurrections and Organic Work

During the early years of the nineteenth century Polish nationalists press for
immediate action in gaining an independent Polish state. These Polish radicals often
operate within secret societies inside Russian Poland and over time their agitation leads
to numerous long remembered revolts. The most noteworthy of these uprisings are the
November Revolt of 1830, the Galician Uprising of 1846 and the January Uprising of
1863. None of these revolts produce a political Polish entity and ultimately each worsens
social conditions. These uprisings, though unsuccessful, help to create the idea of

Polishness that ﬂourishes even as the nation lacks a state. The blood of martyrs often

21

waters a people’s nationalism even if the dead patriots’ deeds are of little immediate
worth. As with most nations, Poland’s nationalist tendencies are not only displayed by
radical uprisings and revolts but are also revealed in less dramatic ways. Following the
revolts of the early and mid-nineteenth century many Poles begin to call for a seemingly
more constructive method of acquiring a state sometimes known as Organic Work. The
general idea of organic work is to better Polish society through economic development,
education, and modernization and turn away from Romantic insurrections. Although
authors like Stanislaus Blejwas claim that organic work has been a traditional part of
Polish ideology since before the partitioning, most historians believe that it is mainly an
idea that takes hold after the repeated failures of the uprisings. This ideological
dichotomy creates interesting debates and theories about what is best for Polish culture.
These theoretical inquiries are secondary to the underlying understanding that a Polish
nation exists and that Polish culture contains many different philosophies and
understandings. Although methods of creating a state differ the idea of the Polish nation
continues to survive.

The Polish dream of a state continues throughout the nineteenth and into the early
years of the twentieth century. As organic work modemizes the nation by promoting
education and emphasizing the need for commercial viability and a strong infrastructure,
the Poles continue to hope and wait. Finally, the social, economic, and political carnage
that followed World War I creates an opportunity to form a Polish state. This new
Poland, created after the First World War as part of the Treaty of Versailles, lasts only
during the interwar period, but it is the child of Poles that would not let their culture die.

Notice the similarities between the idea of Polish nationalism and the American version

22

of the same idea. Throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, much like many
other European countries, Poland is creating a modern nation. In the United States the
effort is much the same. The difference is that American nationalism is used to strengthen
the state while the Polish variety is attempting to create one. While Poles rise up against
the empires that they are divided among, the Americans ﬁght wars to safeguard the
nation and to gain territory to fortify it. The same sense of nationalism is underlying in
both but is adapted to the local need. This sense of common goals and understandings
will be a reoccurring theme for generations and will play a large in the future relations of
the two nations.
World War II and the Cold War, 1939-1989

The Polish state created in the aftermath of the Great War ceases to exist in 1939
when it is invaded and overtaken by Nazi Germany; an action that marks the start of
World War 11. Although the Polish underground continues to ﬁght against its German
occupiers, the war and Nazi occupation do not end until the Russian Red Army takes
control of Poland in 1944. After the Second World War ends a new Polish state is created
under Soviet inﬂuence. This socialist Poland, known as the People’s Republic of Poland,
remains under Soviet oversight for over forty ﬁve years until the collapse of the
government in 1989. Arguably, the two most important events from this period are the
steadfast existence of Polish nationalism and the founding of the Solidarity labor union.
While Poles are faced with many dark days during the socialist era, including a prolonged
period of martial law, most grasp ﬁrmly to their traditions and values instead of shedding
them as many of the authorities wish. Perhaps the Solidarity movement best exempliﬁes

this idea of common Poles clinging to historical traditions and values. The labor union,

23

 

created by shipyard workers in search of fair working and societal conditions, grows into
an opposition political party that challenges the authority of the socialist government.
Many historians claim that the foundation of Solidarity not only marks the beginning of
the end of socialist governments in Poland but in all of Europe. One cannot too greatly
emphasize the importance of Solidarity and its symbiotic relationship with Polish culture
and tradition. These traditions and cultural inﬂuences will later become apparent in many
of the American ads in the post- socialist era.
Post-Socialism 1989- PreseLt

In 1989-1990, Poland’s socialist government is replaced, the Communist party is
disbanded, and the country’s constitution is rewritten. The Cold War ends and former
socialist states, like Poland, have to quickly adjust to their new social, economic, and
political situations. In Poland these transitional years are marked by both multiple new
beneﬁts and several missteps. While attempting to recreate Polish society the country
continues to embrace its traditional culture and yet welcomes new ideas and cultures like
those of the United States. This period is the hardest to deﬁne because it is yet
uncompleted and any current understandings may prove to be incomplete because of a
lack of data. What is certain is that post-socialist Poland has taken the middle path of
being both nationalistic and yet also internationally focused. Poland’s political
international outlook can be seen in its becoming a member of the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO) in 1999 and the European Union (EU) in 2004. These two
organizations encourage international cooperation and the strengthening of transnational
ties. Additionally, Poland has attempted to become a leader in Central and Eastern

Europe. The best example of this is Poland’s involvement in Ukrainian Orange

24

 

Revolution. During this upheaval the Polish government encourages revolutionary forces
and serves as a bridge between Eastern and Western Europe. These political afﬁliations
combined with international economic and social ties have created a new understanding
within Poland of the country’s place in the world. This expansion of Poland’s
international role is often sharply contrasted with the country’s increased sense of
nationalism. Recent years have witnessed the national election of the conservative Law
and Justice Party (Prawo i Sprawiedliwos'c') and the outspoken desire by many to protect
Poland’s traditions from cultural invaders. In fact, the country’s public vote for inclusion
in the European Union was far ﬁ'om certain and many Poles can still be heard grumbling
about the loss of Poland’s heritage. This constant struggle between the forces of
nationalism and intemationalism appears to be one of the core elements of the new
Poland and is one of the major themes that will be addressed in this study.
Social Ties Between the United States and Poland

An important theme in this study is the relationship between the United States and
Poland; two nations that have a long history of political, cultural, and social ties. This
relationship historically has produced numerous connections many of which persist until
the present day. One of the most important of these is that the US. and it culture are often
viewed by Poles as inspirational. Common ties that encourage exchange begin with the
ﬁrst Polish immigrants coming to America in 1608 and settling in the Jamestown colony.
Later, two famous Poles Kazimierz Pulaski and Tadeusz Kosciuszko fought in the
American Revolution and their efforts are still remembered both in their homeland and in
the US. Both countries had early forms of democratic governments and as well as the ﬁrst

two modern codiﬁed national constitutions. One of the most important historical factors

25

in Polish-American relations is immigration. Poles have immigrated to America
throughout the existence of the country but the largest movement happened in the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It is estimated that more than 1.5 million Poles
entered the United States from 1890-1930 (Davies, God ’s Playground II 279). A sizable
portion of the Poles that came to America returned to Poland either by design or
necessity. This combined with the correspondence between immigrants and their families
that remained in Poland meant that many Poles developed a distinct impression of the
United States. Letters between immigrants and families collected in William Thomas and
Florian Znanecki’s The Polish Peasant in Europe and America reveal that by the early
twentieth century many Poles already viewed the United States as a vibrant place that
offered both opportunity and inspiration. Numerous Polish writers expressed the desire to
come to the US. in order to make money and potentially have a better lifestyle. Often
writers would exchange information about America’s living conditions (404), foreign
policy (1094) and even its popular culture such as the Buffalo Bill Wild West shows
(1005). Even the Poles that wrote negatively about the country revealed in their protest
that they were attempting to correct commonly held misunderstandings about how
exceptional the US. was. In a letter written in the ﬁrst decade of the twentieth century
Jozef Dabrowski writes to his family, “Many people in our country think that in America
everybody has much pleasure” (746). Although Dabrowski disagrees, he understands that
many in Poland view life in the United States and American culture as something to
aspire to. The US. was and is a model for what Poles can achieve and a symbol of what
can be gained. Much time has passed between Dabrowski’s letter and present day Poland

but the idea of the United States as role model survives to the present day in Polish life.

26

The idea of the United States as Poland’s symbolic role model is an important element
in understanding the U.S.’s position in Poland. The United States has welcomed
immigrants from many European nations but many of these nations do not appear to have
overly positive feelings towards the US. While places like France and Germany have
long standing historical ties to the US, they often do not seem to have a good outlook to
towards the United States at the present time. Other factors must combine with the
symbolic role of the US. to shape the nation’s image in the Polish mind. When looking
for commonalities between Polish and American history and culture, the concept of
romanticism comes to the fore. Both nations have long traditions of romantic nationalism
that have displayed themselves in various ways during their respective histories. While
American romantic nationalism has tended to manifest itself as an ideology in a stable
nation the Polish version has had to adjust to the political culture of an often stateless or
oppressed people. This has led to different forums and outlets of expression for each
culture but the basic underlying theme of deep seated nationalistic romanticism is shared.
Polish-American Relations

The late nineteenth and early twentieth century saw the beginning of many shared
experiences between the American and Polish people. As previously mentioned one of
the most obvious ways in which Polish-American relations were forged is with the arrival
of a large wave of Polish immigrants to the United States. It is estimated that currently
around 15 million people of Polish origins live outside of Poland and of those 6.5 million
live in the United States (Davies, God ’s Playground II 279). Many of the Poles who
emigrated did so in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries during the ‘New

Wave’ of immigration to the US. Although most Poles migrated to the United States for

27

economic reasons, an unintended effect was the linking of the two nations. By the start of
World War I almost every native of Poland knew someone living in the United States.
Conversely, many Americans also became acquainted with immigrants from Poland and
in some cities and states Poles gained some real degree of political power because of their
large numbers. In places like New York and Chicago millions of Poles settled and
became liaisons between Poland the US. Immigration strengthened the ties between the
two nations and created citizens with common interests and understanding. The new
American Polonia created a bridge between the two cultures and the aftermath of World
War I would serve to strengthen the role the United States played in the Polish psyche
and have been the precursor to present day positive attitudes.
Wilson and Polish N ationhood
In the minds of many historians one the ﬁrst major events in twentieth century Polish-

American relations was President Woodrow Wilson’s famous fourteen point peace plan
for reorganizing postwar Europe in January 1918. This speech is important because
among the proposals included in the plan was point number thirteen which specially
addressed the need for a uniﬁed Polish nation. It reads,

An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories

inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should be assured a ﬁ'ee and

secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and

territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant (“President

Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points”).
The thirteenth point of the fourteen point plan outlined the creation of a Polish state after
World War 1. Although the Versailles peace plan was a political compromise between a

variety of nations, it is often Wilson’s name that is linked with the creation of Poland

especially within Poland itself. It is difﬁcult to overestimate how much the creation of a

28

new Polish state meant to the Polish people. The new state of Poland was the culmination
of years of Polish efforts. After decades of struggle to regain a Polish state it is an
American president that is often associated with the event, a historical note that it is still
well remembered by many in Poland.
Hoover and Interwar Europe

Arguably, with Wilson’s help a new Polish state was created in the ﬁmeral pyre of
World War I known as the Paris Peace Conference yet things were far from desirable for
the Poles. Some historians have noted the severe disadvantages that Poland faced during
this era of the Second Republic. Surrounded by hostile forces, unsure of its territorial
boundaries, having suffered massive infrastructure damage, and its economy in shambles
Poland was in a precarious situation. Poland needed outside assistance to structure a
workable political and economic system and to avoid entanglements with other European
powers. Unfortunately, this political aid was not forthcoming and Poland transformed
into a virtual dictatorship. The United States, having succumbed to its own isolationist
tendencies, often offered token political help like peace treaty negotiations and economic
planning but the American administration was striving only for order and stability within
the region. What the United States did offer was economic aid and the man who is most
associated this with Herbert Hoover. Although most present day Americans would
identify Hoover as the president during the start of the Great Depression, he had a long
and distinguished career before he became the leader of the United States. Before the end
of World War I Hoover was distributing aid to Poles as the head of the American Relief
Administration and continued the job after the war as he led the Relief for the Allied and

Associated’Powers agency of the US. government. In this role Hoover is credited with

29

saving the lives of hundreds of thousands Polish children. Hoover became so renowned in
Poland that a square and a monument were built in his honor in Warsaw. Hoover’s place
in Polish history provides an interesting connection between the two countries and part of
a possible historical explanation for present day American popularity in Poland.
Cold War

By the time World War II began Poland already had established strong ties with the
United States for reasons that have been previously noted, Wilson and Hoover had
already become ‘heroes’ in Polish minds when the next era of Polish-American relations
began. It appears that a large percentage of the Polish populous continued to respect and
admire the United States. Piotr Wandycz claims that when John F. Kennedy was
assassinated thousands of Poles lined up at the embassy to sign a sympathy book and
when Robert Kennedy visited Poland in 1964 he met with crowds of Polish admirers
(W andycz 377-8). Although some contend that the United States ignored Poland or did
not engaged in a helpful foreign policy, maybe it was not what the US. did but what it
was. As noted before, the US. has often served as a social, political, and economic model
for Poland and this has been one of the most prominent ties between the two nations.
Additionally, during this period the United States was the enemy of the Soviet Union,
which was thought of as the enemy by many Poles. Possibly, Poland’s enemy’s enemy
was its friend.

The period beginning in 1980 began much like the previous one had ended. Poland
was still dominated politically and economically by the Soviet Union and cutoff from
most of the non-Communist world. The United States had very little contact with Poland

as the Cold War began to enter into its ﬁnal stages. Undoubtedly, the most important

30

event of this era, and possibly the entire Cold War, is the rise of the Polish trade union
Solidarity. This Gdansk based workers union rose to prominence by battling the
Communist government for political, social, moral, and economic rights. Solidarity was
an interesting combination of the radicalism of romanticism and the practical aspects of
organic work that pressed for action but also tried to make internal infrastructural
changes. Many historical commentators claim that the Soviet empire began to fall when
Solidarity gained unprecedented concessions and the USSR. did little to combat it.
Although the United States had little direct impact on the events concerning Solidarity, it
did maintain a symbolic political presence. As always, it was the “other way” that stood
opposed to the Soviet controlled system. Because of the lack of direct involvement it is
difﬁcult to conﬁrm what importance the role of US. played in Polish life. It is known
though that during and after the Solidarity uprisings the United States increased its
political pressure and propaganda about Poland. For decades the US. had been using
tactics like the Voice of America radio telecasts to send its message into numerous
countries in Eastern Europe but now Poland became the center of the U.S.’s anti-
communist strategy and dominated White House press brieﬁngs and Sunday morning
news talk shows. These factors may have served to increase awareness of Poland within
the United States and to lend credibility to the Polonia that pressed for change in the ‘old
country.
Post Cold War 1990-2005

New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman wrote a column in December 2003 in
which he claimed that Poland was one of the few places left in the world that Americans

were still well liked. Friedman asserted that Poland’s geographical position which

31

sandwiched it between Germany and Russia and its long memory of a violent history had
pulled Poland towards the United States. He also quoted young Poles who stated that they
liked the US. because as a world power it could help them politically and economically
but also because of some intangible quality that the US. possessed (Friedman par 2). By
deﬁnition this missing variable is difﬁcult to grasp and thus even more complicated to
label. This unknown factor is quite likely more than one element but one can speculate
that it is at least partially because of the United States’ symbolic role in Polish life.
During the years of the existence of the United States the two nations have shared
numerous common elements and often the US. has served as a model for many Poles.
The symbolic role of the United States has played in Polish life is important both
historically and in explaining current Polish-US. relations. This relation continues to
grow and change with Poland becoming a member of both NATO and the EU. In recent
years Poland has participated militarily in the US. led invasion of Iraq, been accused of
providing the US with secret prisons on Polish soil, engaged in talks concerning
becoming a part of a US. designed and ﬁnanced missile shield in Europe, and has been a
defender of American foreign policy. This period begins with the US. and other
countries sending business and social advisors to Poland to increase cultural connections
and promote economic opportunities. These efforts morphed into various programs and
partnerships and helped to strengthen the ties between the two countries. In many ways
the story of the post-Cold War Polish- American relationship is one of respecting the past
and exploring the future. Poland still well remembers its historical ties with the US. and
seems to wish to continue this ‘special relationship.’ For its part the US. is becoming

ever more reliant on the Poles to act as its ally in European matters and seems to value

32

Poland as more of an equal than in the past. This can be seen as an expansion of the
Polish- American relationship. While in the past the Americans seemed to be the
dominant party, the new order appears to be one of increasing equality and mutual need.
No one knows how long this relatiOnship will continue or what parts of it the ﬁrture will
change, but for the time being the Polish-American seems secure. This relationship, and
its history, are an important part of this study of American advertising in Poland. It
speaks to a cultural and social connection that is the framework for the exchange of ideas,
symbols, and mythologies that characterize the narratives used in this study.
Conclusion

The subject of American advertising narratives in post-Cold War Poland is one that
crosses national, social, and cultural borders. It also reﬁrses to adhere to traditional
academic partitioning and instead requires one to think interdisciplinarily by mixing the
ﬁelds of Advertising, History, and Popular Culture. Ideas and methods from all three of
these disciplines are rarely combined and the result is new ways of looking at traditional
topics. Many studies have been written about international advertising, advertising as
popular culture, transnationalism, Polish-American relations, and other similar themes.
This study is different from others with similar topics because it combines the theories
and ideas of the above three disciplines in an attempt to understand the early post-Cold
War relationship between American advertisers and Polish consumers. An understanding
of this relationship not only provides an appreciation of the situation within Poland but
also allows one to view other perspectives on such issues as culture, nationalism,
tradition, international sharing, and the constant changes that occur within societies. This

work studies these issues by analyzing narratives within advertising produced by

33

American companies for the Polish market in the period from 1990-2005. These
advertising narratives offer clues into the complex international relationships between
different cultures and help to explain how cultures interact and change. By exploring the
intersection between American and Polish cultural symbols and mythologies in Poland
one can see the ﬂuid and ever changing nature of national cultures. This not only sheds
light onto the Polish- American cultural relationship but also potentially onto other
interactions between multiple cultures. In an ever interactive and globalized world it is

important that we begin to reconsider our views of culture and society.

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Chapter 1- In the Beginning: Socialist Era Advertising

An often told Polish anecdote begins, “Do you know the difference between
Americans and Poles?” The storyteller explains, “If an American’s neighbor gets a better
car than him then the ﬁrst man prays to God, ‘please give me a nicer car than my
neighbor’s.’ If a Pole’s neighbor buys a fancy car, the Pole prays to God, ‘please destroy
my neighbor’s new car.”’ This joke not only showcases some of the perceived differences
between Poles and Americans but also provides insight into how some Poles identify
themselves. As noted previously, Poland has a long and troubled history that has led to
feelings of both pride and bitterness among many of its citizens. Poland’s history is one
of the elements that make the nation unique and some of this history must be interpreted
in order to understand the present. The purpose of this chapter is to serve as a prelude to a
study of post-socialist era advertising for American products in Poland by providing an
overview of several advertising themes during the Cold War period. Although many of
these themes and ideas boast a genesis before the socialist era, this chapter will
concentrate on Cold War period advertising both because of difﬁculties in ﬁnding
standardized Pre-World War 11 Polish advertising and the understanding that socialist
advertising often directly affected its artistic descendents. Attempting to discuss a subject
so broad in a few pages is undoubtedly a fool’s errand, which is why this chapter should
not be read as an in depth examination of Poland’s socialist era advertising, but rather as
a brief assessment of several early advertising themes that continue in Poland until the
present. Because product advertising during this period was heavily censored, rarely
creative, and often utilitarian, print advertisements designed by artists to sell socialist

ideas and American ﬁlms will be examined. These adverts not only display many

35

pertinent ongoing themes but also show earlier stages of the Polish interpretation of
several American myths and symbols. In order to understand the product advertising that
is produced from 1990-2005 one must comprehend the historical traditions that led to its
composition. These print ads provide an opportunity to examine a small segment of Cold
War Poland and help to deﬁne the ideas, myths, and symbols that become prominent in
later advertising.
Socialist Era Advertising- An Overview

Socialist advertising differs from its capitalist counterpart in several ways; chief
among them is the understanding that exists about how advertising is to be conducted.
Although there are many different views of advertising’s role in a free market society,
most would agree that capitalistic advertising is generally a marketing tool that promotes
goods or services in order to increase sales/ proﬁt or participation. In general, the layman
views capitalistic advertising as a way for a company, corporation, individual, or group to
sell a product. The role of the advertiser is vastly different in a socialist system where
almost all advertising is coordinated by the government or an advising council.
According to the Marxist-Leninist tradition, western advertising is wasteful, unnecessary,
and helps to exploit the working class, so advertising must be approved by an official
government body. Because a socialistic government agency is in control, the advertising
decisions are not based on economic needs but instead political or ideological ones. In
Poland the Advertising Planning Council (APC) handled domestic advertising while
Agpol oversaw foreign trade. These agencies coordinated with other local groups and
organizations to determine what would be advertised, how it would be advertised, and

what the budget would be. In this system there was little marketing researching, most of

36

the decisions came from government agencies or councils, and there appears to have been
almost no campaign planning or strategic vision (Hanson 107-112). Additionally, very
little product advertising was produced in Poland and most advertising was in the form of
posters, billboards, or other exhibitions (Hanson 131-3). This meant that advertising in
Poland was very different from the American version and it is nearly impossible to
comment on product advertising narratives from the socialist era because so little was
produced, campaigns were virtually non-existent, and storytelling was discouraged by the
overseeing agencies. A relatively small amount of Polish product advertising was
produced and most of it was seemingly generic and not a part of any running idea or
campaign. Even in 1995, over ﬁve years after the collapse of the socialist system,
Michael Muth, the managing director of the German American Trade Associates, an
international trade association, wrote that from his personal experience advising and
training businessmen in Poland, that Polish advertising was still very rough and many
businesses did not understand the basics of advertising and marketing (Muth 2). More
than ﬁve years after Poland’s conversion to capitalism, Muth’s account displays some of
the differences between how many in Poland understand advertising differently than
those in capitalist countries. These differences were often because of the governing
socialistic system that imposed various rules and agendas.

Polish product advertisement during the socialist era may have been strongly
controlled, heavily censored, under utilized, and often utilitarian but at least one type that
displays high level artistry and narrative was that of political and ﬁlm posters. The idea of
artistic posters in Poland probably dates back to the Mloda Polska (Young Poland)

artistic movement of the turn of the twentieth century. Although originally used for

37

artistic means, these types of posters were also soon utilized by both governmental and
marketing forces (Boczar 16-21). The political posters were often used to promote
governmental ideas or societal restructuring and show a high level of organization and
planning. These posters most resemble the western idea of an advertising campaign in
their tone and coordination. They also utilized common themes and narratives in much
the same way that product advertising does in later years. The ﬁlm posters are Polish
artists’ interpretations of the themes within American movies, most notably Westerns,
which were very popular in Polish society. These posters are one of the few forms of
advertising that was not overly censored and allowed the artist to create a Polish
understanding of American myths and symbols. Both the political and ﬁlm posters are
excellent guides to understanding the styles, themes, and symbols of socialist advertising
that would become even more apparent in later years. These adverts display the proto-
product advertising that would change into new advertising narratives after 1989.
Polish Nationalism

Political poster advertising has a long history in Poland, as it does in many countries.
Posters were created at various times during the nation’s past to encourage public support
for political, social, or military objectives. Because of Poland’s history of political
instability and its often undesirable relationship to its neighbors, the nation developed a
unique understanding of symbolism, advertising, and propaganda. Partially because
Poland ceased to exist as a country from the end of the eighteenth century until after
World War I, the nation became deﬁned primarily by myth and symbol. Poles created
anthems and poems about how the nation would never die and struggled to craft mythic

and symbolic touchstones that would deﬁne a stateless nation. This creation of a mythic

38

nation, that has been labeled an “imagined community” by Benedict Anderson (15-16)
and referred to as the “invention of tradition” by Eric Hobsbawm (17-19), continued
during the interwar years as Poland regained statehood and into the socialist era. Since
Poles struggled to preserve their ethnic identity for many years, Polish society developed
a strong sense of nationalism and a desire to protect its “Polishness.” This yearning for a
continuing Polish society is by far the most important theme in socialist era Polish
advertising. Although most nations can claim a certain level of nationalism, tradition, and
cultural identity, Poland is unique because the nation’s identity was shaped and
strengthened by centuries of loss and brutality. Polish identity was formed by the struggle
to exist and this battle to remain Polish continued to be the central theme of socialist era
advertising. In many ways advertisers, like the government and political organizations,
use cultural ideas to market new concepts and ideas. Polish cultural nationalism deﬁnes
advertising of this period just as it deﬁnes the nation.
Government and Communist Par_ty Promotion

While Polish nationalism is the dominant theme in socialist advertising, it is presented
in various ways by utilizing a number of sub-themes. One of these themes that is often
coupled with the theme of nationalism is that of governmental and Communist party
promotion. At ﬁrst glance, the idea of the government and party advertising sounds
bland, uninspired, and unnecessary but in reality this promotion displays much about
Polish society and Polish national identity. The Communist party produced many posters
that advertised its role in Polish society and its link to the nation’s values and history.
This declaration of Polishness in advertising would later be used by international

companies like McDonald’s and Coca-Cola as a tool that employs Polish nationalism in

39

its promotion. The Communist party, like later multinational corporations, declared the
value of Polish identity and emphasized its place in Polish society. The party presents
itself not as an outsider or as a new entity but rather as a product of Polish history and a
valued member of the society. This theme of inclusive Polishness matches the doctrine
that the party is the voice of the people and the spokesman for the state and nation. It is
noteworthy that the Communist party does not use the advertisements to display its
dominance in Polish society, but rather shows itself to be a servant of Poland. The party
is careful to market itself as a strong and powerful entity that bows to the needs of Polish
citizens. By declaring the Communist party an integral part of the Polish nation, the
advertising uses Polish nationalism and history to promote an organization, a tactic that
would be used also by advertisers in the post-socialist years.

The use of nationalism to promote the Communist party is showcased in many posters
during the socialist era. Several of these present striking images that strongly display the
theme of nationalism. An excellent example is a poster created in 1974 by Karol Sliwka
that shows a montage of photographs incorporated inside an outline of an eagle, the
symbol of Poland, on a red background with white lettering. The images showcase Polish
workers and industry and a caption in Polish reads, “The Polish Republic- the joint result
of the work of our hearts, brains and hands” (Sliwka). The ad uses the ancient symbol of
Poland, the eagle, and places all of the citizens, labor, and industry within it. The red and
white used for the background and lettering are the national colors of Poland and the
colors of the Polish national ﬂag. The poster is clearly linking the socialist Poland of
1974 to the mythic historical Poland of lore and changing the symbols for the beneﬁt of

the advertiser. In the ad everything in Poland exists within the symbol of the eagle. Land,

40

commerce, politics, industry, and people all are included inside this historic symbol of
Poland. This image connects the modern government to the values of the nation and
portrays the Polishness of the leadership. The caption reminds the people that they are
Polish and they alone build the sOciety and make it function. The socialist government is
using historically important Polish symbols to declare that the nation exists because of
the will of the people and the people must aid the government. This advertisement is
striking because it uses historical Polish symbolism to create a modem connection
between Polish society and its current government. The symbols are altered to ﬁt the
government’s vision of the modern Poland. This theme of using nationalism as promotion
is a reoccuning one that will be used many times by the government and later in product
advertising.

In his monograph, The Power of Symbols Against the Symbols of Power, Jan Kubik
writes extensively about the Polish socialist government’s attempts to revise and utilize
historic Polish symbols to promote itself. While Kubik claims that this advertising did not
always change public opinion, he demonstrates that the government knowingly created an
advertising and marketing campaign to promote its Polishness and to change the
meanings of many of the symbols (Kubik 36-41). Another advertisement that displays
this theme of the government co-opting national symbols is a 1972 poster by Hubert
Hilscher. The red and white advert shows a white eagle inside of a large heart seemingly
cut from construction paper in a childlike manner. The caption reads, “There is nothing
more precious than People’s Poland” (Hilscher). Like the previous advert, this one shows
a symbol of Poland (again the Polish eagle) and a caption about the government’s

affection for the Polish people. As with the former ad, this one uses Polish nationalism

41

and historical identity to promote and validate the socialist government. Furthermore the
image is presented in a childlike artistic manner that suggests a parental bond between
Poles and the state. The creators of the poster understand the symbolic value of the image
of the eagle within the nation. The eagle represents many things both culturally and
symbolically. Much the same as Kubik writes about in his research, the leadership of
Poland exploited cultural symbolism in order to market itself as worthy. This is one of
many instances in which this occurs in Polish advertising in both socialist and capitalist
Poland.

Coupled with advertising posters to promote the socialist government of Poland were
adverts that marketed the Communist party. Since during most of the socialist era the
communists controlled the only legal party in Poland and all governmental leaders were
members, the government and the party were almost a single entity. In general,
advertising for the national leadership was advertising for the party and vice versa. This
interconnectivity meant many of the posters advertising the Polish communists were very
similar to the adverts for the government. A good example of a Communist party
advertisement that associates itself with Polish nationalism is a poster created by Jaroslaw
J asinski in 1978. This ad features the massive red and white letters “PZPR” in the
foreground and behind the smaller and faded letters “KPP” (J aninski). The large letters
PZPR refer to the Polska Zjednoczona Partia Robotnicza, the Polish United Workers’
Party or the Communist Party. The KPP is the Komunistyczna Partia Polski, the former
Communist Party of Poland that later became the PZPR. By presenting itself as the larger
image in the poster, using the bright red and white colors of Poland, and appearing in the

front, the PZPR is identifying itself as the current embodiment of Polish politics and

42

nationalism. By contrast, the KPP is relegated to the back of the advert, half hidden by
the lettering of the newer party. The KPP also has faded coloring, which appears to have
once been red and white before but no longer holds the vibrancy that it did. Additionally,
the PZPR is lettered in thick substantial letters that resemble sculptures made of granite,
while the KPP had thin elongated letters that seem slight and unimpressive by
comparison.

This advert markets the strength and vibrancy of the offrcal communist party and
shows its superiority over its predecessor. It also shows the PZPR as the political party of
inclusion that united three different parties into one organization that represents all of
Poland. The simplicity of the ad exhibits the importance of symbolism in Polish culture
and society as it is in most societies. No captions or taglines are used and no names,
dates, or historical references are provided. All that is displayed are seven letters and a
variety of colors and the viewer is forced to interpret meaning based on his or her
understanding of the societial context. The sturdly lettered and vibrantly red and white
colored PZPR evolkes not only strength but also Polish nationalism and history. Poles are
reminded that this party stands for the nation and has been formed out of lesser parties
that were not as a capable as the PZPR. Although the red and white colors in the
advertisement may seem of little symbolic importance they are of great importance to
Polish culture and tradition. They are the colors of the Polish ﬂag and often of Polish
resistance. The party reminds the viewer of the failures of the past and then emphasizes
the desirability of the current ruling party. Without using words of any kind, the
advertisement invokes Polish nationalism, referencing a shared history, and using

understood symbolism to promote its Polishness merely through the use of the Polish

43

national colors. The message that the party is a historical representative of Poland uses
many themes and techiniques that will later become prominent in product marketing.
Anti-Capitalist/ Western Advertising

While much of Socialist era advertising promoted the Polishness of the government
and the Communist party, there were also many other themes that were widely marketed
during this period. One such theme that received much attention was the attempt to
display the weakness of capitalist nations generally focusing on the United States. The
advertisements portray a Cold War mindset, in which the US. is seen by many socialist
leaders as an enemy that threatens socialistic societies. Often the ads not only attempt to
showcase the negative aspects of capitalism but also try to counter any potential sway
that capitalism may have over the Polish populace. The authorities were relatively
worried about the public’s view of captialist nations and created a smear campaign to
“educate” the masses. This was a common practice among socialist countries at this time
but this speciﬁc example is instructive because it indicates concretely that during the
Socalist era in Poland there was interest and possible affection for captalist nations like
the United States. This idea that the United States was popular among many people in
Poland during this time is conﬁrmed by authors and historians, including Donald Pienkos
and John Radzilowski that show the strong bonds that still existed between the two
societies. If the image of the US and other capitalist states was desirable to many Poles
then these anti-capitalist advertisements provide an interesting reference to what
authorities feared about images of the west within Poland. These ads present the
government’s worries about the public’s desires for capitalism and the fears of the social

problems that would follow and are fascinating references to the product advertisements

44

that will be used in Poland in later years. These adverts can be seen in contrast to later
advertisements by companies such as Levi’s and Frito Lay that promote the very ideas
that were outlawed during the Socialist era.

There are several excellent examples of Polish socialist era anti-capitalist/ American
advertising. A Polish political poster from 1952 is particularly interesting because it
critiques the use of product advertising, showing a picture of a man wearing a sandwich
board advertising shoes. The stylish men’s dress shoes are proclaimed to be “made in
USA.” and are from “the Florsheim shoe company Chicago” The caption reads,
“Amerykanska reklama obuwia (American shoe advertisement) (Lengren). The irony of
the ad is that the man wearing the shoe advertisement is himself not wearing shoes. The
implication is that the advertiser cannot afford to buy shoes and that the capitalist system
discriminates against the poor while providing the rich with too many luxuries. This is
meant to stand in contrast to the idealized version of socialism in which all members of
society are equal and share the products that are produced. By highlighting perceived
deﬁciencies the advertisement attempts to market capitalism as an undesirable alternative
to socialism in Poland. It is portraying the US. and other “western” countries as being of
poor quality and wishes to stop Poles from desiring a “product” change. While it may
sound ﬂippant to label the choice of a political and/ or economic system as a product
selection, it is a choice that citizens must make in much the same manner as selecting
merchandise. Although Poles at this time did not have many choices in government (or
merchandise), they did have enough political power that the government felt it necessary

to advertise social and political messages. This use of advertising in the competition of

45

ideas and systems foreshadows later product ads that will encourage Poles to embrace
capitalism.

Two other ads that highlight the advertising of negative aspects of the United States are
a poster that displays racism and One that draws attention to three social ills within the
capitalist nation. A cartoonish 19503 poster depicts a crude caricature of a black man
being chased by a uniformed white police ofﬁcer brandishing a nightstick. The men are
exiting a building labeled “lokal wyborczy” (local elections) adorned with an American
ﬂag in which a dollar sign replaces the stars. The black man is yelling “ratunku” (help)
and the caption at the bottom reads, “w Stanach Zjednoczonych Murzyn majq. . . Prawo
Gtosu” (In the United States blacks have the right to speak/ vote) (Forster). This ad
wishes to counter the US’s branding as a nation of freedom and equal rights. By showing
that Aﬁican Americans are abused by the authorities and that not all citizens are treated
equally, the advert tries to discredit American Cold War assertions of moral superiority.
The US. often claimed that socialist states, like Poland, were guilty of human rights
violations and this ad answers such contentions by highlighting problems within the US.
This counter claim portrays America as a racist society that does not adhere to its own
basic beliefs. According to the advert, the US does not give Aﬁican Americans the
freedom of speech or the right to vote and because of this it claims that the US. is not a
free nation. It is important to note again that this type of counter advertising indicates that
a symbolic understanding of the United States had already developed in Poland and the
authorities were attempting to change this popular image. While the ads themselves show
the US. to be undesirable, the idea of America must have been perceived positively by a

signiﬁcant percent of the Polish population in order to make the campaign necessary.

46

 

 

American symbolism and mythology appear to be alive in Polish society during the
socialist era.

Another ad that follows the format of the previous one also deals with the perceived
differences between America rhetoric and reality. This 1983 poster entitled “Symbol i
rzeczywistos’é” (Symbol and reality), contains three “American” ﬁgures on a stark black
backdrop. The background of the ad shows a bleak white outline of the Statue of Liberty
with various cracks and missing pieces. The foreground displays two images, the one to
the left a uniformed soldier carry a riﬂe identiﬁed with the words “US Army” on his hat
underneath a caption labels him as “militaryzm” (militarism) . On the right a hooded
member of the Klu Klux Klan is labeled as “rasizm” (racism). This ad attacks the known
American symbol of freedom and attempts to replace it with other less desirable ones
(Mysyrowicz). While the ad’s claims are much the same as previous one’s, it deals
speciﬁcally with American symbolism and its place in Polish society. The advertisement
seems to stipulate that the Statue of Liberty is a well known symbol of American freedom
and desirability in Poland but the disheveled appearance of the icon indicates that it no
longer represents those values. While many Poles may see Lady Liberty as the symbol of
a free America, the poster claims that this idealized nation does not exist. Instead it offers
new symbols of America that the creators deem to be more appropriate. This attempted
rebranding of American symbols showcases the cultural inclusion of the existing ones
within Poland. The Statue of Liberty is the ad’s only unlabelled symbol and the only one
that could be identiﬁed without a caption. The two new proposed symbols are counter
arguments to the symbolic value of the Statue of Liberty. Without the American icon the

poster would have little meaning and would cease to be understandable. Even while

47

attempting to portray the ills of American life the advert reafﬁrms the cultural
signiﬁcance of American symbols and mythology. This demonstrates the foundation that
will already have been laid when American companies utilize existing symbols for their
advertisements in the post socialist years.

Another subject of anti-westem socialist era advertising is the North Atlantic Treaty
Organization (NATO). This military organization founded in 1949, and composed of
many western nations, was designed to protect its members from communist nations.
Because NATO was anti-communist by design it unsurprisingly was worrisome to
communist states such as Poland. Two anti-NATO advertisements reﬂect the Polish
government’s concern about the organization and an attempt to rally public support
against it. The ﬁrst ad, from 1983, designed on a light blue background, displays the
acronym “NATO” in huge dark block letters in the center of the page. Resting on the
letters near the top of the page is a black military jet with two attached missiles. The jet is
drawn to resemble a bird and is used in contrast to the poster’s other symbol, a white
dove with an olive branch in its mouth that is located at the bottom left of the ad. Next to
the dove is the caption, “zagroz'eniem pokoju” (a threat to peace). The war plane/ bird
represent NATO and the dove symbolizes either Poland or the larger Warsaw bloc. The
caption and the pictures indicate that NATO, and its member nations, are militarily
aggressive and that Poland is a peaceful bystander (“NATO Zagroz'eniem pokoju”). This
portrayal of the situation differs greatly from the western version that was often
broadcasted into Poland by media such as Radio Free Europe. In the western ideal,
NATO is a non-aggressive body that seeks to protect the world from the communist

threat. The point to note about this ad is not the argument between the two societies but

48

 

rather the need to develop a counter NATO campaign within Poland. One might assume
that as members of a socialist nation Poles would already harbor anti-NATO sentiments.
The advertising campaign indicates that some Poles did not View NATO negatively and
counter NATO marketing was eXpected to correct this. This again displays the idea that
western culture was viewed positively by some Poles even during the socialist era and
this kinship would be used in later advertising.

Another anti-NATO ad also from 1983 displays similar characteristics and themes.
This darker blue poster shows an imposing cluster of black missiles falling from outer
space towards the Earth. The missiles are labeled NATO and arranged to resemble a dark
ominous cloud that is approaching from the distance. The caption at the bottom directly
states, “aby zniszczyc ziemie” (NATO will destroy the Earth). This ad uses the same
themes and ideas of the previous one, that NATO was an aggressive and destructive force
that endangered a peaceful Poland and a naive planet Earth (“NATO aby zniszczyc
ziemie”). This understanding of NATO as a threat again highlights the apparent
dichotomy between the government’s views of the west and the understanding among
many in Polish society. While the government attempts to create advertising campaigns
against western ideology and inﬂuence, many Poles continued to produce their own
understandings of American/ western symbolism. This is evident not just in the work of
numerous authors but also in the repeated need for counter American/ western
advertising. Each of these posters reminds today’s viewer that these campaigns’ creators
were marketing against a perceived established mindset. These ads were to change minds
and to vilify an ingrained understanding of western countries, an understanding that

would be used by some American companies after the socialist era ended.

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Social Advertising

One other type of social advertising that predominated during Poland’s socialist era
was a governmental attempt to correct a perceived social ill. While this public service
type advertising exists in many c0untries, it is instructive to view the types of issues that
were addressed in Poland. Much can be learned about Polish society by understanding
what items and actions the authorities wished to ban and what behaviors were deemed to
be undesirable. Ads that attempt to affect behavior often use humor, scare tactics, or logic
in an attempt to change some part of Polish society. Such social advertising employs
many of the same methods as the later post- socialist product advertising. It is also
oriented to the same end, since both social and product advertising create campaigns in
an attempt to change society. Social advertising purports to do so for the common good;
product advertising’s purpose is proﬁt even though the methods used are similar. While
the outcome that the Polish socialist government desired is different from that of
McDonald’s or Levi’s, the campaigns have much in common. In this sense, the social ads
present a useful background and a helpful reference for comparisons with later
advertising.

Alcohol

Social reconstructive advertising targeted many issues and behaviors in socialist
Poland that ranged from serious to mundane. Five notable ads from this period address
the issue of drinking and attempt to curb the use of alcohol and to change the drinking
habits of Polish citizens. Each of these adverts focuses on a separate issue concerning
drinking and utilizes a different tactic in order to combat it. When viewed together the

ads display a complex campaign that used Polish cultural ideas and symbols to market a

50

proposed social change. This type of marketing is a forerunner to many later product
advertisements in its use of Polish culture. The ﬁrst ad shows a bottle of alcohol with the
neck replaced by a glass snake. The caption that reads, “m'e ulegaj pokusie” (Don’t yield
to temptation), together with the alcoholic serpent causes the viewer to connect the “sin”
of drinking with the biblical story of the temptation of Adam and Eve (“Nie ulegaj
pokusie”). This tale from the book of Genesis would undoubtedly resonate with many in
the predominantly Catholic nation. It is interesting that the socialist creators of the ad
would rely on religious references, which indicates that even during this period
advertisers understood the need to appeal to implicit Polish cultural references and
symbols. While the advertisement attempts to change part of Polish society (drinking), it
does so by employing other engrained elements and mythologies. The advertisers use
some parts of Polish culture to try to alter others. This method of advertising foreshadows
the methods that many multi-national corporations would later use when they attempted
to change Polish buying habits by promoting new products with Polish ideas and
symbols.

A second socialist ad that concentrates on the theme of drinking in Poland examines
the consumption of homemade alcohol. Bimber is a well known alcohol in Poland that is
especially popular in rural areas and mountainous regions. This strong liquor resembles
moonshine and is regarded by Poles to be strong and cheap vodka. Because the drink’s
production is unregulated, it has historically been illegal but widely available. During the
socialist era alcohol was often expensive and difﬁcult to buy and bimber was a popular
alternative to mass produced spirits (Pietrzak). Since bimber was generally illegal, the

authorities had cause to worry about its usage and to warn the public about its potential

51

harm. Although widely known and available, each bottle of bimber could be produced by
a different unregulated source increasing the potential for harm. An early socialist
advertisement from 1945 displays a hunched pale blind man contrasted against a dark
purple background. The word “Bimber” appears in black grafﬁti-like letters at the top of
the page and near the bottom is the caption, “Przyczyna Slepoty” (Causes Blindness). The
purpose of the ad is to show the undesirable side effects of using bimber and to attempt to
prevent its production and consumption (“Bimber”).

In this ad, the state again highlights its authoritative role but does so without a
religious connection as in the previous poster. This time the advertiser presents itself
more as a concerned parent that wishes to warn citizens about societal dangers. Besides
bimber being a type of alcohol that would generally be only known to Poles, most of the
poster is generic and could be used in almost any society. The ad addresses a negative
effect of alcohol in Poland but both the problem and the marketing are universal. Many
societies, including the United States, have campaigned against homemade alcohol and
an often stated deterrent is the fear of blindness. This advert exempliﬁes a transnational
subject with a speciﬁc societal appeal. While the producers of this advert are focused on
Poland, they are borrowing symbols and mythologies, like the unfortunately man blinded
by alcohol and the darkness that surrounds him, that have a broader history and appeal.
This marketing idea of taking a universal image and having it represent a campaign will
be used often by international companies that will use global ideas to market locally. The
artist that created this ad may not have intentionally used international ideas but the

universal appeal of the ad showcases an early version of transnational symbol. sharing.

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A third ad from this period that focuses on alcohol in Poland is a poster that addresses
the issue of drinking and driving. This darkly colored ad displays the pale face and hand
of a man as he partakes of alcohol while gripping the steering wheel of a motor vehicle.
The red lettered caption labels the piece as, “Zle tankujesz” (Filling up badly). The
obviously pun in this advert is the connection between ﬁlling up a car with gasoline and
ﬁlling up a drinker with alcohol (“Zle tankujesz”). This caption/ joke is even more
understandable when one learns that the Polish word “tankujesz” means to ﬁll a car with
fuel and is also slang for getting drunk. This clever use of popular language to discourage
drinking and driving also shows an intimate understanding of Polish sensibilities. Unlike
the previous ads that attempt to villianize alcohol, this one chooses humor and language
to emphasize its point. In selecting this approach the advertisers express an implied
connection with the average Pole and his/ her lifestyle and customs. Often ads from the
government or the Communist Party contained large words and official sounding
verbiage. By comparison, this advertisement uses common vernacular and in doing so
sounds less threatening and authoritative. While the ﬁrst ad equates the state with
religious authority, and the second ad sounds like a stern parent, this poster takes the tone
of a helpful neighbor that is worried about the viewer’s safety. Although the state is far
from being an average neighbor, it is attempting to declare its common Polishness and
show itself to be not only the leader of society but also a member. This marketing device
is very similar to ones that will be used successfully later by American corporations such
as McDonald’s and Coca-Cola. These companies will market themselves as average
members of the Polish community and good neighbors. Often they will advertise their

products as helpful additions to society and will market lifestyle changes that will better

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Poland. While these ads differ from their socialist predecessors in many ways, they also
share many of the same methods and themes and often wish for the same outcomes.

Two ﬁnal ads from this period that concentrate on different aspects of alcohol in
Poland view the subject from a commercial perspective. These adverts highlight the
adverse effects of alcohol consumption at work and in one’s personal money
management. The ﬁrst ad is a black and white drawing of a marksman’s target with bullet
holes in the bottom quadrants. The caption reads, “kto pije- éle pracuje” (someone who
drinks- works badly.) Although it is not made clear what kind of worker ﬁres a gun as
part of his/ her duties (policeman? soldier?), it is understood that alcohol has adverse
affects on his/ her performance (“Kto pije”). The ad’s simple message is that one should
not drink on the job because it is harmful to everyone. It is not unusual that this ad
focuses on work because labor is the often stated foundation of the socialist system. The
government and the party frequently declared that workers were the basis of the nation.
This poster is a continuation of socialist policy and a restatement of the importance of
labor to society. It also uses an extreme example to showcase how important common
labor is. Although most Poles will not use a ﬁrearm at work, it is a very strikingly visual
to see when alcohol affects the gun’s shooter. This is very much like the governmental
advertising that was explored earlier in that it shows the central role of the government in
people’s lives. It also is a request to Poles to think of themselves not only as individuals
but also as members of a larger society. This marketing approach uses national pride and
(small “5”) solidarity to sell the idea.

Another advert that uses a similar approach shows a young couple driving a Polish

Fiat 126p on vacation. The car’s roof is loaded with luggage, camping gear, and sports

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equipment and the oval ‘PL” sticker on the back identiﬁes the couple as Polish. Black
professional letters placed on the poster’s blue sky read, “Nie pije, bo zbieram naz” (I
don’t drink, because I am saving for:). The poster and the caption present a much more
cheery outlook than many of the 'other alcohol themed socialist advertisements (“Nie
pije”). Instead of threatening, cajoling, or showing negative consequences, this ad
presents positive outcomes that can be gained by not drinking. The ad reminds Poles that
they can do other things with the money that they might otherwise spend on liquor. Like
the advertisement that warned people to not drink at work this advert is concerned with
alcohol’s role on the economy. Both ads want people to change their behavior in order to
achieve positive economic consequences. If people do not drink at work then they will be
more productive and if people save their money and buy things other than alcohol then it
will help the economy and people will have more and nicer possessions. This call to help
Polish society by helping oneself is often used by marketers and informs viewers of a
“win-win” situation. By being responsible the citizen/ consumer is told he/ she not only
makes a good choice for him/ herself but also for society as a whole. This shorthand
version of Adam Smith’s idea of the “invisible hand” would seem to have no place in a
socialist economy but is used in this advertisement nonetheless. These two posters
contain elements of product advertising that will be seen in Poland after the end of
socialism. Companies such as F rito Lay and Levi’s encourage Poles to make healthy
personal choices that will also beneﬁt society. This type of “everybody wins” marketing

is most evident later but can be seen in much earlier during the socialist period.

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Advertising Change

Although most of the advertisements studied thus far have focused on established
Polish symbols and traditions, another type of advertisement wishes to create and market
new symbols and mythologies that are not widely recognizable within Polish society.
This differs from the previously discussed liquor ads because at the time of the adverts
alcohol was already a known commodity that was well established in Poland’s history
and traditions. These advertisements attempted to change the perception of certain types
of alcohol (bimber) and some activities associated with it (driving, overspending, and
working while intoxicated) but these were only corollaries to the substance itself. Even
the ad that attempted to demonize drinking was not creating new ideas or symbols but
was rather appealing to ancient symbols related to the Christian church. Many in Poland
already understood the intake of alcohol to be a potentially unhealthy activity and the ad
was presenting little new information. This idea of inventing new cultural symbols will
be used much more in post-socialist advertising by companies that wish to become a part
of Polish society but have new ideas and products to introduce.

Solidarity

The most obvious example of symbol creation in socialist era advertising is the non-
governmental ads produced by the Solidarity labor union. Solidarity (or Solidamos'c' in
Polish) is the ﬁrst non-communist trade union in socialist Poland. It that was created by
shipyard workers in Gdansk in 1980 and is credited by many as being one of the major
causes of end of communism not only in Poland but is all of the Warsaw Bloc (Ash 41-
44). Although Solidarity produced many interesting advertisements, arguably the union’s

most important cultural symbol is its logo. The logo, which was designed by young artist

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J er'zy J aniszewski, spells out the word Solidarnos'c in red letters and tops the “N” with a
red and white Polish ﬂag (Weschler 111-13). Like many great symbols, the logo is
powerful in its simplicity and has become easily identiﬁable not only in Poland but
throughout the world. The red letters are both powerful and communal and the script is
strong yet messy, all adjectives that could be used describe the union itself. The letters’
hue reminds Poles of their much esteemed ﬂag but also of blood that was shed for the
Polish nation. The Solidarity logo became the symbol of the Polish worker because the
union marketed itself as an entity that remembered the state’s past atrocities and wished
to make a better life for the Polish people. The Solidarity logo is a simple icon but an
important symbol because it was able to link itself to Poland’s history, memory, and
mythology. An advertising achievement that was attempted by governmental authorities
previously and will be tried again by American companies in the years that followed.
The Solidarity logo and the organization that it represents became a Polish symbol by
advertising the union as both the opposition to the socialist government and the keeper of
the Polish tradition of nationalism. Solidarity presented itself as the heir to the well
established Polish institutions of romanticism and political uprising. The trade union
often referenced the 1944 Warsaw Uprising against the Nazis, the 1956 uprising in
Poznan, the 1970 massacre at the Gdansk shipyards, and the protests of 1976 in order to
gain legitimacy (Weschler 116-118). Because of Poland’s past political and military
struggles the nation’s mythological past was an important element in the growth and
development of Solidarity. Historian Norman Davies notes that tradition plays a much
greater role in Poland than in other nations and labels the importance of this tradition as

“echoes of the Past” (Heart of Europe 312). Solidarity was able to become part of this

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Polish tradition/ history/ mythology by comparing itself to these culturally important
periods and events. The union marketed itself as an extension of an established Polish
identity and tradition. Solidarity branded itself not as a new force but rather as a logical
and necessary product of Poland’s past and present. Although examples of this marketing
are legion, three early Solidarity advertisements can be seen to display the manner in
which the trade union used Polish history and culture to become a symbol of the nation.

A 1980 print advertisement demonstrates how Solidarity linked itself to Poland’s
tradition and the uprisings of the past. This simple poster features a large black ship’s
anchor situated on a white and red background that is reminiscent of the Polish ﬂag. The
Solidarity logo is placed in large letters over the upper portion of the anchor. No caption
appears in the ad and no explanation of the political nature of the ad is provided (Beller).
Most non-Poles would be unsure how to view the poster because nothing incorporated in
it seems political. To an outsider the ad is confusing and has little or no meaning because
no context is provided. Almost all Poles would understand that the anchor was a symbol
of the protestors that were killed in the Gdansk shipyards in 1970 though. One of the
founding goals of Solidarity was to convince the authorities to build a lasting monument
to the fallen laborers and the trade union is often associated with this event (Dobbs 35).
This objective of commemorating their fallen radical comrades and allying themselves
with Poland’s historical rebelliousness helped to brand Solidarity as the heir to Poland’s
activist past. By using Poland’s historical mythology to brand itself as both radically and
yet traditionally Polish, Solidarity was able to brand itself as an opposition party that was
uniquely Polish. This was accomplished because the leaders of the trade union

understood Polish society and culture and were able to utilize this knowledge to their

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advantage. This is not unlike major corporations that brand themselves with desirable
images by connecting to various things desirable qualities within a culture. Levi’s is able
to declare its brand rebellious and fun because it connects itself to traditions and
mythologies from the American past. Solidarity did much the same thing and because of
it became a recognizable brand.

Another poster that illustrates Solidarity’s effort to become a symbol of Polish
nationalism and radicalism is a 1981 ad that showcases both Polish history and
symbolism. The advert again uses Poland’s national colors of red and white by focusing
on a red and white eagle wearing a crown. The Solidarity logo dissects one of the eagle’s
wings and the bottom of the read, “Maja 1. Maja 3” (May 1. May 3). As previous noted,
the eagle in the poster is the stylized symbol of the Polish nation and the dates refer to the
socialist labor holiday May Day (May 1) and the Polish Constitution of May 3, 1791 that
is claimed to be the ﬁrst modern codiﬁed national constitution in Europe. Both holidays
were ofﬁcial celebrations in Poland that started during the communist regime and to the
non-Polish viewer the ad would seem to carry no political ideology that differed from the
state sanctioned version (Wieckowski). To one familiar with Polish culture and tradition
the image of the eagle in the ad is both subversive and politically important. The symbol
of the Polish eagle dates back to 1295 when King Przemysl 11 ordered that the eagle be
the coat of arms for the entire kingdom of Poland. After the socialist came to power
following World War II the crown was removed from the eagle’s head in order to
symbolize a change of political systems. Many Poles, including members of Solidarity,
resented this change and wished for the symbol to be restored to its original appearance.

The crowned eagle is a link to Poland’s history and mythology and Solidarity uses it in

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this ad to show opposition to the government’s under appreciation of Polish history.
Solidarity is branding itself as a symbol of Poland’s true past and a guardian of the
nation’s history. The government may have tried to change Poland’s symbols but the
members of Solidarity are attempting to restore what they see as their nation’s history. By
ﬁghting for a historical symbol Solidarity is emphasizing its Polishness and working to
become a symbol of its own.

Another advertisement from 1981 again displays how Solidarity used historic Polish
mythologies and culture to become a symbol for the nation. From a distance the ad
appears to be a red and white Polish ﬂag with several words printed across the bottom.
When inspected more closely the red part of the ﬂag is revealed to be a large group of
Polish workers that are so numerous that they blend together. A Solidarity logo appears
in the top right corner. The caption states, “1 Maja. Swieto Solidamosci Robotniczej”
(May 1. Holiday of Labor Solidarity.) The ad has taken a socialist holiday (May Day) and
a cornerstone of socialism (the labor movement) and declared them to be under
Solidarity’s control (Lewandowski). As previously shown, laborers were often used in
state sanctioned propaganda to declare the Polishness of the government. Solidarity is
using the same kind of ad as the government or the Communist party and is declaring
itself the voice of Polish labor and by extension of the Polish people. The importance of
this idea cannot be overstated; Solidarity is challenging the authority of the government
and claiming itself to be a spokesman for the nation. The trade union is attempting to
express the importance of the past in the present and to assert its supposed authority. In
ads like this one, Solidarity attempted to brand itself as an anti-communist symbol and as

the successor to historic Polish radicalism.

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In the short term this advertising campaign did not produce the desired effect for the
union. By late 1981 General Wojciech J aruzelski and the socialist government had
declared a state of martial law in Poland and Solidarity was soon outlawed. During much
of the early and mid-19803 the movement had to operate underground and could not
advertise in the same manner as before. Solidarity remained in the minds of many Poles
and others in much of the world and would eventually come to the forefront again in the
late 19803. By that point the trade union had already entrenched itself as a Polish symbol
of opposition and radical political thought. Solidarity accomplished this at least partially
by recognizing and advertising its links to a mythologized Polish history. The union
incorporated Polish symbols, ideas, and history and in turn Solidarity became a symbol
itself. The trade union branded itself as a symbol of what Poland believed it had been,
could be, and wished to be again. Although the importance and the outcomes are very
different, Solidarity used many of the same advertising techniques that that international
corporations would later use to create symbols and brands in Poland. While few would
argue that the McDonald’s and Coca-Cola logos and brands are of as great a historic and
political importance as Solidarity’s, one has to consider the shared method that each of
these brands used in advertising in order to become culturally and symbolically important
in Poland.

Western Film Posters

While the government, the Communist party, and Solidarity were creating
advertisements that used many of the same themes and techniques as later advertisers,
another type of advert was being produced that helped to deﬁne American culture for

several generations of Poles. One of the most symbolic types of advertising in socialist

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Poland was the ﬁlm poster for American Westerns produced by Polish artists. These
posters were created to advertise American Western ﬁlms but were crafted using Polish
ideas and understandings about the US. This culturally Polish advertising about an
American product provides a unique opportunity to not only examine one form of Polish
advertising but also to study Polish views of American myths during the socialist era.
While many types of ﬁlm posters were produced in Poland, the Western genre contains
speciﬁc myths, themes, and symbols that were appropriated by Polish society in ways
different from any other types of motion picture category. The American West intrigued
Poles and formed the basis for many cultural understandings about the United States.
Many of these ideas about America and its culture formed the basis for American
companies like Levi’s and Coca-Cola’s advertising. These Western ﬁlm ads were
precursors for advertising for American products and many of the same themes and ideas
can be seen in each type of ad. Many of the corporations that advertise in post-socialist
Poland sell products by using ideas about America that are evident in these
advertisements from the socialist period.

The mythic vision of the American West has a long tradition in Poland extending
back into the nineteenth century. Poles heard tales of the expansive frontier and the
mythic ﬁgures of the cowboy and the Native American. Historian Frank Fox argues that
Poles value the strong individualism, freedom, and ﬁght for national independence
present in stories about the American West and often associate their own historical
struggles with the American version. Fox also contends that the myth of the American
West was so prevalent in Poland during the nineteenth century that several noted authors,

like Henryk Sienkiewicz in his famous historical novel, With Fire and Sword, may have

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based parts of seminal Polish literary works on American history and mythology (Fox 75-
80). In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century many Polish immigrants in the
United States wrote home about the myths of the American West and helped to cement
these ideas further into the Polish national consciousness (Thomas 1005). By the time the
socialist era began the myth of the American West was well established within Poland
and often served as a mirror to Polish historical ideas and events. American Western
ﬁlms were often viewed with this background in socialist Poland, both as a product of an
exotic and mythic nation and a3 a reﬂection of Polish society. It is within this context that
Polish artists created ﬁlm advertisements for American Westerns that not only explored
American themes and ideas but also questioned the place of these themes within Polish
society. This idea of American symbols and mythologies being placed into Polish society
will become prominent later in the post socialist era.

Arguably, the most important Polish advertisement that uses American Western
themes is ironically not for a ﬁlm but rather about one. The ad in question is a Solidarity
poster that advertises important governmental changing elections in June 1989. The ad
features Gary Cooper from the ﬁlm High Noon dressed as a Western sheriff; his outﬁt
complete with cowboy boots and hat. Above his star shaped lawman’s badge Cooper
wears a Solidarity logo and in his right hand is a paper marked “wybory” (election).
Behind the sheriff” 3 head is a large banner version of Solidarity’s logo and the caption at
the bottom exclaims, “W Samo Poludnie 4- Czerwca 1989” (At High Noon 4 June 1989).
The entire advertisement is produced in black and white except for the two Solidarity
logos which are the expected red and white. The picture of Cooper is a striking image of

strength and individuality; the actor/ lawman is captured in mid-stride and appears almost

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to be capable of walking off the page and creating order within Polish society (Samecki).
While this poster does not advertise a ﬁlm, it does support the view that American
Western symbols and myths were of high importance even during the socialist era when
such things were discouraged and that the elections might bring Poland closer to an
American style political/ economic system. Solidarity chose a character from an
American Western to promote elections that redeﬁned the Polish political system. Several
non-communist/ Solidarity candidates ran for ofﬁce in a power sharing agreement and,
though it was unknown at the time, this marked the beginning of the end of the socialist
government. In this context it is extraordinary that an American Western sheriff was
selected as the symbol of opposition to the government. Since 1980 Solidarity had been
creating advertising that used symbols and imagery that connected to Poland’s historical
and mythological culture. In using the High Noon image for such an important event the
advertisement’s creators validate American symbols and mythologies and give them
equal cultural standing as Polish symbols. In a June 2004 article of the Wall Street
Journal entitled, “In Solidarity: The Polish People, Hungry for Justice, Preferred
‘Cowboys’ Over Communists,” Lech Walesa writes about the symbolic importance of the
cowboy in general and the Solidarity High Noon poster in particular to Poles. Walesa
begins by commenting that Americans often ask him to sign the Solidarity High Noon
poster and goes on to write:

It was a simple but effective gimmick that, at the time, was misunderstood by the

Communists. They, in fact, tried to ridicule the freedom movement in Poland as an

invention of the "Wild" West, especially the US. But the poster had the opposite

impact: Cowboys in Western clothes had become a powerful symbol for Poles.

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Cowboys ﬁght for justice, ﬁght against evil, and ﬁght for freedom, both physical and

spiritual (Walesa).
This remarkable advertisement legitimizes the idea that American culture in general and
the West in particular reverberated within Polish culture. Poles have taken an American
image and myth and redeﬁned it as culturally Polish. This process is a harbinger of the
cultural appropriation that will become standard during the post socialist era when Poles
will create a new Polish culture comprised of transnational elements

The High Noon image in the Solidarity poster projects a statement of rugged

independence and individualism, two traits associated with the American West in Poland.
Solidarity, and the Polish voters that elected the union’s candidates, accepted the
American symbols of independence and individuality and transformed them into Polish
icons. This cultural appropriation is not a random event though, but rather one of a series
of examples of the importance of the American West in Polish advertising and society
during the socialist era. As stated before, the most obvious example of these
advertisements are Polish posters for American Western ﬁlms. These ads contain
multiple examples of American mythologies being recultured to conform to Polish needs.
The process of cultural acquisition will continue and expand in the post-socialist era as
more international cultures are introduced into Poland, making these early Western ﬁlm
posters essential to for an understanding of American advertising in Poland. The most
notable symbol of the Western ﬁlm posters is the classic American hero, the cowboy. As
shown in the Solidarity High Noon poster, the cowboy often symbolized individuality
and freedom in advertisements and by extension in Polish society. In the ads the cowboy

is usually posed in a self-conﬁdent or aggressive manner that visually assures the viewer

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of his strength and conviction. He is the essence of masculinity, self-reliance, and self-
determination in a nation in which circumstances have often restricted such things. In
Poland the cowboy is not just a character but rather a symbol of a better life. Examples of
the cowboy in Western ﬁlm posters are vast but several good instances of the typical
cowboy look and pose are posters from, Sam Peckinpah’s Ride the High Country (1968)2,
The Tall Man (1965), T om Horn (1982), MacKenna '3 Gold (1969), and Missouri Breaks
(1978). Each of these advertisements shows an image of a stereotypically strong and
independent cowboy attempting to live on his terms in anyway that he chooses. This
image resonated in a nation that often was not allowed political, economic, or social
choices and became a symbol of freedom and individuality. In such a way, the cowboy
became a Polish emblem and not only an American one, by providing a cultural outlet
and symbol for a nation that required one. This idea of American symbols being utilized
by Polish culture will be seen again numerous times in later years.

While the image and mythology of the cowboy was expressed much the same in
Poland as in the US, the symbols that surrounded the Western icon were often
interpreted differently by Polish audiences. These emblems may have started as
American but soon were culturally acquired by Poles and in the process their meanings
were often transformed. One of the most obvious and notable examples of this
transformation is the role of the gun in Westerns and the related advertisements.
Generally, in American culture, the gun serves as peacekeeper, equalizer, and a symbol
of personal responsibility and individuality. The use of the gun can have dramatic and

horrible consequences, the user can be either hero or villain but the gun itself is neither

 

2 Please note, that dates given are for the Polish release not the original American.

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good nor evil, rather it is a tool that helps to ensure the existence of the West. This idea
brings to mind the famous anonymous quotation, “God created men. Samuel Colt made
them equal.” Or the often used, “Guns don’t kill people, people kill people.” The
sentiment being that the gun pr0vides people an opportunity to be more free,
individualistic, and even more human. Polish advertisements for Westerns show a
different view of the symbolic role of the gun. In these ads guns are often portrayed as
menacing, intimidating, and unnatural. While the cowboy that uses the gun may be
viewed as honorable or heroic, the weapon itself carries none of these distinctions. If
most Americans understand the Western gun as a tool of individuality then many Poles
see it as a weapon of violence and aggression. The general Polish understanding of the
gun is not surprising considering the nation’s history of being engaged in armed struggles
against better armed foes that often did not end well for Poland. While the rare major
battles that have been fought on American soil are distant memories, Poles are
encouraged to remember the epic struggles in their homeland and to fear the weapons that
help to create them. Historian Frances Fox claims that the posters serve as a Rorschach
test that displays the differences between how Poles and Americans view violence (113).
A difference in the interpretations of symbols can be seen in any two societies but what is
important to note in this example is the cultural appropriation by Poland. The Poles have
selected which symbols they wanted and have interpreted them in ways that best suit their
cultural needs. The cowboy remains very close to the American understanding but the
gun is morphed into a symbol that better reﬂects Poland’s desires and understandings.
Note that the Poles have not been forced to take the American versions of these symbols

but rather they have chosen what best meets their societal needs. This cultural borrowing

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and reconﬁguring has existed for centuries in Poland but after the socialist era it will be
much more prominent in an increasingly globalized society.

A large number of advertisements for American Westerns exhibit the symbolic Polish
use of the gun as aggressive and? threatening. Notably displaying this usage is a poster for
1973’s Shoot Out that features a drawing of a pistol as viewed from slightly below. The
revolver is poised to ﬁre over the viewer’s head as he looks upward inspecting the
weapon’s barrel, cylinder, bullets, and taking notice of the user’s ﬁnger tightly gripping
the trigger. The handgun in this advertising is ominous, ﬁlling most of the poster and
resembling an airplane or a battleship’s turrets more than a pistol. The background of
pink and orange polka dots on lime green background adds a circus-like feel that makes
the weapon even more surreal in its dangerousness (Krajewski). The gun is not portrayed
as a tool but rather as unnatural hazard that should be feared. The Polish translation of the
ﬁlm’s title reinforces this understanding of the gun’s symbolic meaning. The title,
0dstrzal refers to the amount of animals that a hunter has killed during a given hunting
season. This Polish idea of predatory behavior is very different from the equal
opportunity killing suggested by the original American title. The original American
poster for the ﬁlm displays a three on one gun battle and the tagline reads, “Three guns
against one determined man!” (“Shoot Out”). This advertisement proclaims the guns have
made the ﬁght “fair,” while the Polish version focuses on the deadliness of the gun itself.
The Polish poster creates a frightening idea of humans hunting each other for sport while
the American version portrays rugged individuals ﬁghting for honor and justice. Two
different understanding of the symbol of the gun created to meet the needs of their

individual cultures.

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One other Polish Western advertisement that displays the symbolic use of the gun is
1972’s Soldier Blue, a ﬁlm focusing on relations between Native Americans and settlers.
The Polish poster illustrates the waist, legs, and feet of a man wearing cowboy boots and
spurs. On his right side hangs a riﬂe, with a drop of blood falling from the stock
(MlodoZeniec). Like the previous poster, this one does not show the user of the gun; he
appears to be only a footnote to the weapons itself. It also does not reveal anything about
the plot or storyline of the movie. The focus of the poster is the riﬂe and the droplet of
blood that it creates. The undeniable message of the poster is the deadliness of the riﬂe
and the carnage that it produces. The connection between gun and blood is not often
made on American posters or in the Westerns themselves, which have often being
criticized for their portrayals of bloodless shootings and killings. The symbolic American
role of the gun as a tool of individuality is lessened if the weapon is associated with gory
deaths or bloody battles. Polish symbolism encourages such displays though and rejects
the American understanding of the antiseptic killing power of the gun.

In Polish Western mythology the gun is a killing machine and must be feared even
though its use is sometimes necessary. While Poles accept the American version of the
cowboy, they transform the gun into a symbol that better meets their cultural needs, one
that ﬁts with Polish history and tradition. This cultural adaptation of an American symbol
showcases the complex equilibrium that exists between the two cultures. While many
will accuse the United States of cultural imperialism during the coming years, in truth the
situation is not that simply deﬁned. In the socialist era and in the later capitalist years,
symbols and mythologies were promoted, acquired, refused, and adapted according to

Polish cultural needs. Advertising would serve as a vehicle for much of this process but

69

would remain one of many factors. In truth, there are such a wide variety of cultural
needs and desires at work that it is difﬁcult to point to only one reason for cultural and
social change.

One other example of an American Western symbol that has been adapted to meet
Polish cultural needs is that of the Native American. While much has changed about
America’s understanding of Native Americans’ roles in US. history in the past thirty
years, for many years the group was regularly portrayed in a negative and hostile light.
Native Americans were often viewed as lazy savages and an impediment to social
progress and the nation’s Manifest Destiny. These ideas frequently were reproduced in
ﬁlms where the Native Americans portrayed the villains and the settlers or cowboys the
heroes. This stereotypical view was a standard element of the mythology of the American
Western for many years and while this may be changing it still is highly associated with
the genre (“Native American Stereotypes”). By contrast, this bias against Native
Americans does not appear to be present in much of the Polish understanding of
American Western mythology. Francis Fox claims that Poles identify with Native
Americans because both groups have been displaced and forced to submit to the rule of
outside powers. In stories or ﬁlms Poles see much of themselves and their history in the
Native Americans’ plight (74, 80). This adaptation of the Native American as a symbol
highlights the way in which Poles create new meanings out of borrowed symbols and
mythologies. This afﬁliation with the Native American is evidenced in many American
Western ﬁlm advertisements. Often the ﬁlms portray Native Americans in a
stereotypically negative manner but the Polish posters choose to assert the opposite view

point. The Polish artist and viewer interpret the symbol of the Native American

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differently than the symbol’s American creators and in the process Polish culture creates
a Polish understanding of an American mythology that is often very different from the
traditional American version.

Many ﬁlm advertisements from this period showcase the Polish conception of the
Native American and its symbolic use. One such ad is a 1958 Polish poster for the
musical Western Annie Get Your Gun. The ﬁlm itself is a light-hearted musical comedy
that offers little political commentary concerning Native Americans. The Polish poster by
contrast, is disturbing in its cheery depiction of a world gone awry. The advert illustrates
a cheerful Annie Oakley dressed in white surrounded by a circle of three men. Two of the
men are cowboys and stand at either of her sides while a smartly dressed man lies
underfoot and a Native American ﬂoats above her head. In Annie’s right hand is a riﬂe
that is pressed against the Native America man’s face as it is also gripped by his left
hand. The characters are brightly dressed and each seems blissful, even the Native
American that appears to be in the process of putting the riﬂe in his mouth. The riﬂe is at
odds with the rest of the poster and makes the viewer uneasy about a world that is so
causal in its use and acceptance of guns. The ﬁrearm transforms the picture into a
statement about a society in which the gun has created a camivalesque hierarchy that
does not follow the natural order. The ﬂoating Native American appears to be willfully
taking the gun into his mouth unaware of the consequences. This may be a reference to
smoking the peace pipe after the signing of a soon to be unkept treaty or an allusion to the
consequences of the gun on Native American life (Stachurski). Both interpretations
would appeal to Poles, a people that felt wronged by both allies and enemies. No matter

which version one chooses the Native American appears superior, sympathetic, and

71

wronged. He rests on higher ground both morally and physically and has no ill feelings or
guile. This is contrasted by the well-dressed capitalist under Annie’s feet that is at the
lowest rung of the poster’s hierarchy. The Native American is the victim in the
advertisement’s narrative, an unsuspecting casualty of a society gone haywire. This
understanding of the Native American is vastly different from that of 1950’s America and
is in contrast to the musical silliness of the ﬁlm itself. Very few ﬁlms or television shows
of this era would portray the Native American as victim or even sympatheticly. This
Polish version deviates from the then standard American mythology in a way that
mattered to Poles. The nation sympathized with the Native America and in doing so
redeﬁned an American symbol to meet their unique cultural needs.

One other advertisement from 19653 How the West Was Won, shows another image of
the Native American being victimized. This poster focuses on half of a bright red mask
with green, yellow, and blue feathers. A large black gun pressed against the mask/ face
with the barrel sticking out of the car. This image, coupled with the ﬁlm’s title, creates a
grotesque statement that the West was won by abusing Native Americans (Treutler). If
the gun symbolizes the European settlers/ pioneers and the mask is a symbol of Native
Americans then the statement of the ad is undeniably that Native Americans are the
victims of the American Western. As in the poster for Annie Get Your Gun, the Native
American is shown as the injured party in the morality of the West. This Polish version of
the mythology of the West differs greatly from the then American idea of Native
Americans as savages or enemies. Because Poles thought they understood the plight of
this distant people, Polish mythology and symbolism embraced them. While this act unto

itself sounds ordinary, it is remarkable. Poles were able to take a foreign mythology,

72

understand it not only as presented but also in terms of their history and culture, keep
what seemed valuable, discard what was unneeded, redeﬁne and alter what could be
improved, and incorporate what was created into Polish society. During much of this
process, internal and external ferces such as the government, the party, and Radio Free
Europe attempted to stop or inﬂuence its reception. Amazingly, Polish culture adapted
these outside symbols and mythologies to meet its needs and was able to remain Polish
and yet not become stagnant. Polish culture was shown to be both strong and ﬂexible,
two traits that would be tested after the end of socialism.
Summary

At ﬁrst glance, it would appear that Polish socialist era social and ﬁlm advertising has
little connection to later day international product advertising and marketing. Advertising
during the socialist era was generally government regulated and often claimed to be
produced for the betterment of society. By contrast, product advertising’s goal is often
thought of as being to entice viewers into buying more merchandise and it, generally
relies on public opinion to shape its marketing campaigns. These contrasting approaches
and desired outcomes leave many to believe that advertising from the two eras lack
commonalities. In reality, socialist era advertising provides an under-explored foundation
of themes, symbols, and methods that are widely used in modern day international
product advertising. While the subjects may have changed, the underlying ideas have not.
Many of the themes and techniques that are used by companies such as McDonald’s,
Coca-Cola, Levi’s, and F rito Lay were utilized by advertisers in socialist Poland.
Socialist era advertisers understood the importance of historical tradition, symbolism, and

mythology in Poland and used each effectively in their adverts. They also grasped the

73

 

importance of declared Polishness and crafted ads that linked the advertiser and the
nation. Additionally, the advertisers comprehended the importance of western/ American
symbols and mythologies and attempted to (re)defme and regulate their use. These ideas
and themes have been used extensively by American companies in Poland and in many
cases serve as the main advertising strategy. When McDonald’s markets itself as a good
Polish neighbor, it is in fact using one of the same marketing strategies as the communist
party. If Levi’s declares itself to be a symbol of the American West, it is retreading
advertising ground already traveled effectively by Solidarity. Although few corporations
in Poland would comment kindly about the socialist system, each owes a debt of
gratitude to the era’s advertising, which displayed the types of themes and ideas that
work in Polish marketing. Ironically, in many ways the underpinning for the capitalist

product advertising was created in the socialist years.

74

Table 1- Social Print Advertising Used

Ad Title
Amerykanska reklama
obuwia.

Bimber

KPP- PZPR

tho pije

NATO aby zniszczyc
ziemie

NATO Zagrozeniem pokoju
Nie pije

Nie ulegaj pokusie
Solidarity, High Noon
Niebieski zolnierz
Odstrzal

Polska Rzeczpospolita
Ludowa

Prawo Glosu

Rekord Annie
Solidarity, Anchor
Solidarity: Eagle
Solidarity, People
Symbol i rzecywistsc
Wszystko nad czym
pracujemy

Zak Zdobyto Dziki Zachod
Zle tankujesz

Date
1952

1945
1978
Unknown
1983

1983
Unknown
Unknown
1989
1972
1973
1974

1952
1958
1980
1981
1981
1983
1972

1965
Unknown

75

Theme
Anti-westem

Social change
Party propaganda
Social change
Anti-westem

Anti-westem

Social change

Social change

Political change

American symbolism
American symbolism
Governmental propaganda

Anti-westem

American symbolism
Political change

Political change

Political change
Anti-westem
Governmental propaganda

American symbolism
Social change

Selected Images from Chapter 1

 

 

 

 

w SAMO P0£UDNIE
4 CZERWCA 1989 ,,

Figure 1- Solidarity High Noon Poster, 1989.

76

 

Wotan-column

Figure 2- Zbigniew Lengren’s 1952 poster “Amerykanska reklama obuwia.”

77

 

n
its,
”in
13...;
i ‘5 ~
a,
Ir: -
i _ ,

I Win 1' 1‘.

Figure 3- Karol Ferster’s poster “Prawo Glosu” from 1952 is an example of Anti-
American advertising in Poland.

78

 

Figure 4— Witold Mysyrowicz’s “Symbol i rzecywistsc” from 1983 is a latter example of
Anti-American advertising in Poland

79

 

mine 6 ziemie,

Figure 5- “NATO aby zniszczyc ziemie,” 1983.

80

P015 KA RIECZPUSPDIITA IUDOWA

WSPOINYM DlIEIEM
NASZYU‘I SERCJIMYSIDW I RAK

 

Figure 6- This 1974 poster, “Polska Rzeczpospolita Ludowa” by Karol Sliwka displays
the importance of the eagle as a Polish symbol.

81

 

Figure 7- Solidarity: Eagle Poster, 1981.

82

 

Figure 8- “Bimber,” this 1945 poster, warns that homemade Polish alcohol can cause
blindness

83

Chapter 2- McPoland

Expatriated Polish writer/translator Stanislaw Baranczak, when discussing the
differences between Polish and American cultures in 1984, writes, “the color of Eastern
Europe is gray (with occasional ﬂashes of red on national holidays). America has no
single color; it is brilliantly multicolored, pluralistic, and bold even in the ﬁrst impression
it makes” (9). In many ways this deﬁnition of America could also have ﬁt the
McDonald’s restaurant chain as it entered into Poland; a bright colorful American
company hoping to immigrate into a more colorless Eastern Europe. When McDonald’s
entered the Polish market in 1992 it was not only bringing a new restaurant chain to
Poland but was also introducing the Poles to an American cultural icon. McDonald’s is
one of the most recognizable American companies worldwide; the popular fast food
restaurant that has more than 31,000 restaurants internationally has become a powerﬁrl
symbol of America (International News Archive). No matter if one views McDonald’s as
a symbol of global commerce’s ability to promote peace and understanding, as Thomas
Friedman does in his monograph The Lexus and the Olive Tree, or as many others, like
George Ritzer in The McDonaldization of Society, do as a symbol of economic
colonialism, few can argue the power of the brand. In many places worldwide the
concepts of McDonald’s and the food it serves are used almost interchangeably with the
notion of the United States. This cultural interconnectivity has been showcased recently
by protests against McDonald’s restaurants in places like France and Mexico and has
caused many to wonder if the product can continue in a world in which many have a

hostile perception of the United States. McDonald’s, for its part, has long embraced a

84

marketing strategy that promotes strong community ties and local versions of its menus.
For example, McDonald’s India relies heavily on vegetarian and chicken items and has a
food entitled the “Mch Pan” while McDonald’s Japan serves many seafood dishes
(McDonald’s). These elementsof American culture mixing with local cultures is an
important part of McDonalds’ international strategy in many nations including Poland
Advertising in Poland

Although McDonald’s has been expanding internationally since the 19603, it did not
found its ﬁrst restaurant in Poland until June 17, 1992. The restaurant that opened in
Warsaw was McDonald’s’ ﬁrst venture into the nation of almost forty million people. As
of 2005, there were 213 Polish McDonald’s locations and only thirty-four were in the
nation’s capital of Warsaw (McDonald’s Poland). McDonald’s’ rapid expansion during
this thirteen year period is credited to many factors, among them, increased international
development into the newly opened Polish state, Poland’s desire for American culture,
and the trendiness of the fast food giant. It can be argued that advertising played a
substantial role in all of these factors and many more. When McDonald’s was ﬁrst
introduced in 1992 it was advertising and marketing’s mission to ensure that McDonald’s
became a strong and proﬁtable brand in Poland. In order to do this the fast food chain
was not merely content to sell burgers and French ﬁies but rather wanted to market
mythic visions of a new Poland with strong ties to the past. Before this could be
attempted though advertisers and marketers had to understand what would appeal to the
Polish consumer and how Polish society was different item the United States. Although
these sound like straightforward questions, in actuality they can be viewed in multiple

ways and indeed have many different possible answers. McDonald’s could not afford to

85

treat Poland as just another market but rather had to understand the society and craft a
business approach that addressed the needs of the culture.

Some Polish advertising scholars like Elzbieta Lepkowska-White argue that because
advertising is relatively new in‘Poland, the society’s understanding of it is not as
advanced as in other “western” countries like the United States. This means that in the
early 19903 American companies needed to learn if ideas and concepts could be easily
transferred from the US. to Poland (76-80). In order to appreciate Polish society, data
was collected to help identify what kind of consumers resided in the nation. One way to
measure customers’ needs and desires is a cultural framework designed by social scientist
Geert Hofstede that identiﬁes ﬁve important cultural dimensions within a society. When
these ﬁve dimensions are compared between nations, one can begin to understand how
consumers in a particular nation may react to an idea, concept, or product. Studies have
shown that Poland is comparable to the United States in some of the cultural dimensions,
so certain types of advertising appeals should be transferable but others probably will not
work. One major difference between the two societies is a category that Hofstede
identiﬁes as Uncertainty Avoidance (UAI) which measures a “. . . society's tolerance for
uncertainty and ambiguity; it ultimately refers to man's search for Truth. It indicates to
what extent a culture programs its members to feel either uncomfortable or comfortable
in unstructured situations” (Polish Geert Hofstede). Societies, like Poland, with a high
UAI tend to be very structured and have a need for rules and regulations, possessing little
tolerance for ambiguity. Hofstede links this need for structure to Poland’s
overwhelmingly Catholic population and claims a correlation between the religion and

the societal value. This also may be a cultural remnant of the numerous authoritarian

86

states to which the Poles have been subjected. By comparison, the United States scores
very low on the UAI meter and thus is much more open to new ideas and products. This
data is important to advertisers and marketers because they believe nations, like Poland,
that score high in UAI are more open to traditional practical appeals and less likely to be
swayed by new symbols (Mueller 138-140). This means that advertisers would need to
display a new product’s useful virtues while linking to ideas that already predominate
within the culture. Although new products can be successfully marketed in Poland,
Hofstede’s cultural dimensions suggest that the ideas of trendy and “new and improved”
do not work well in Poland long term unless they were connected to known and valued
cultural symbols and ideas.

Along with Hofstede’s cultural dimensions another method that can be used to
understand Polish society is the study of psychographics. Also called Interests, Attitudes,
and Opinions (IAO), this marketing research method determines how a particular group
feels about values, interests, attitudes, or lifestyles. After questioning a section of the
population researchers are able to identify what percentage of the population falls within
the six major personality/ lifestyle categories of; Traditionalists, Family Managers,
Aspirers, Idealists, Free Spirits, and Isolationists. This demographic breakdown is helpful
to advertisers because it assists them in understanding what messages are likely to attract
consumers and which may offend buyers. In Poland the psychographic research reveals
that a large portion of Poles are conservative and traditional and thus want products that
appeal to old-fashioned values. Conversely, the data also displays that there is a sizable
percentage of the population, about 42%, that could be convinced to buy new non-

traditional items. Additionally, around 27% of the Polish population desire new and

87

innovative products that break from the norm (Senft). While to the layman this may seem
like useless information, it in fact is very telling because it showcases Poland as a
traditionally minded society with certain liberal tendencies. The data outlines what
advertising and marketing approaches will probably work best in Poland and what kinds
of things different groups of Poles will most likely desire. This proﬁle is also very helpful
when trying to understand the various themes contained within advertising narratives
produced for the Polish market because it allows the viewer to identify the probable
mindset of both the ads’ producers and audience.

One additional understanding of the nature of Polish advertising comes from
observational data collected by marketing and advertising scholar Marieke de Mooij.
Like the data from the two previous methods, in de Mooij’s view that Polish society is
more traditional than the United States and many countries in Europe. She also notes that,
“Polish culture is reﬂected in a respect for elders and in strong family values in both
adapted international and indigenous advertising. I have found large family groups in
television commercials. Polish people are individuals, but not extreme” (280). de Mooij
goes on to state that advertisers need to respect the well-deﬁned Polish gender roles and
that although Poles like practical products and advertising they also enjoy humor in their
advertisements. She ﬁnishes by stating, “The need for the traditional, for roots, is
reﬂected in the frequent use of folklore, nostalgia, and historical drama” (281). de
Mooij’s understanding of Polish advertising agrees with most of the results of Hofstede’s
cultural dimensions and the psychographic studies. Poland is marked as a conservative
society that values practicality and normalcy. For advertising to work in Poland it needs

to abide by the Polish standards and to understand the consumer that it is attempting to

88

sway. The advertiser should understand the ideas, symbols, and mythologies that are an
important part of Polish culture and attempt to integrate these into the advertising
narratives. It is with this understanding and framework that I approach my narrative
exploration of Polish advertising. '
Architecture as Advertising

Because Poland was in an immense state of ﬂux in the early years of the 19903 many
of the advertisements from that period have been lost or are difﬁcult to locate. This
makes it complicated to say for certain how McDonald’s approached the Polish market in
these early years but several suspicions and generalizations regarding this period can be
made. First, it is known that McDonald’s intentionally concentrated its efforts on the
capital city of Warsaw, which probably means that the company was attempting to gain a
presence in Poland while operating in the nation’s most inviting market. Generally, a
nation’s capital is best equipped to support a new product like McDonald’s because of a
more diverse population and higher level of commercial activity. Additionally, Warsaw is
politically, socially, and economically the most important city in Poland. Because of
these factors Warsaw would be the logical place for McDonald’s to begin its Polish
operations. As much of the advertising and marketing research has noted, Poland is a
traditional minded country that would appreciate the newness of McDonald’s for a short
time and would quickly need to know how the product connected to the lives of its
citizens. In other words, McDonald’s could not rely on being “cool” and “American” for
very long and would rather quickly have to present itself as being partially Polish. While
the term “Polish McDonald’s” may sound oxymoronic, it does express the need for a

multinational corporation like McDonald’s to connect with the local culture and to be

89

accepted as part of the community. One type of advertising that is readily available from
this period is the signage and architecture from the McDonald’s restaurants themselves.
At ﬁrst glance these permanent advertisements may seem pedestrian and unimportant but
in reality they are signiﬁcant advertising narratives that reveal much about the
communication between Polish society and McDonald’s. These architectural narratives
speak to the relationship between the community and the corporation and create a well-
chronicled text that is waiting to be read and explored.

In the monograph, Golden Arches East: McDonald ’3 in East Asia, James Watson
writes that McDonald’s is symbolic of more than fast food and claims that, “McDonald’s
symbolizes different things to different people at different times in their lives:
Predictability, safety, convenience, fun, familiarity, sanctuary, cleanliness, modernity,
culinary tourism, and ‘connectedness’ to the world... One is tempted to conclude that, in
McDonald’s case, the primary product is the experience itself” (38). In order to create
this experience McDonalds’ tightly controls its restaurants and strictly manages every
aspect from kitchen to bathroom. One thing that is often overlooked by the layperson
when considering McDonald’s though is the aesthetic design of individual restaurants.
Although Americans frequently think of the fast food restaurants as generic mass-
produced spaces, in truth many contain unique designs built to appeal to the local
populace. In Poland this desire to make McDonald’s both unique and comfortable is
apparent as many of their locations’ attempts to marry “westemess” with local culture.
An excellent example of this is the ﬁrst Polish McDonald’s opened in Warsaw in 1992.
This restaurant is located near a collection of rather gray and dreary communist style

buildings. The bright and shiny glass and metal McDonald’s serves as a stark contrast to

90

those building that surround it. The two-story glass structure looks more like a train
station or modern museum than a fast food restaurant. The front entrance is situated
under a lofty glass arch with the Golden Arches logo placed at the top to beckon
prospective customers. Metal table and chairs are positioned in front of the restaurant to
provide hungry Poles with a European street café type setting that is popular in major
cities. This modemistic design situated among architectural relics of Poland’s past brings
to mind Norman Foster’s design for the glass dome that tops the ancient stone structure
of the German Reichstag. To many Poles though it may be an allusion to a well known
interwar monograph, Przedwiosnie (Before Spring), by Stefan Zeromski. In the most
famous section of the book entitled “Glass House” a boy is given a vision of a rich and
prosperous Poland in which all citizens live in glass houses. This story represents a vision
of a bright future that was possible during the transition of the interwar years but never
came to pass (Czes’c’ I - Szklane Domy). When commenting on the design of the glass
McDonald’s many Poles have expressed a possible connection to Zeromski’s work and
his idea of glass houses. Because Przedwiosne is required reading to pass the Polish high
school exit exam numerous Poles have read the book and remember its main themes,
which connect to the new possibilities that the restaurant chain could provide. As Polish
society was in transition in the early 19903, a large new glass McDonalds could
symbolize the lost promise of the interwar years and the nation’s possible second chance.
It seems improbable that McDonald’s had Zeromski’s novel in mind while designing the
glass restaurant but the corporation did want to be a combination of traditional and
modem to Polish customers. This idea of mixing traditional and modern elements and

creating a new entity out of structures from the past is one of McDonald’s’ primary

91

themes in Poland. In this restaurant and in most Polish McDonald’s elements of
American culture blend with Polish culture to create a new entity; a McDonald’s that
Poles can consider their own.

It should be noted that McDonald’s’ strategy of designing restaurants to ﬁt native
customs and tastes is not unique to the Polish market. Across the globe McDonald’s often
attempts to use local ideas and designs when creating its outlets. This even holds true
within the United States where a neon encased McDonald’s can be found in New York’s
Time Square and a McDonald’s that stretches across an interstate exists in semi-rural
Oklahoma. What is important to understand is that in McDonald’s Poland has built
numerous restaurants that advertise both McDonald’s’ foreignness and inclusiveness; an
absolute necessity for a new product that wishes to be more than a passing fad. In essence
these outlets act as literally concrete narrative texts that urge the viewer/ reader to
understand McDonald’s’ purposes in Poland. Three examples of McDonald’s outlets that
have managed to be new yet traditionally Polish can be found in the Polish cities of
Warsaw, Krakow, and Zakopane. Each of these locations attempts to reﬂect the local
environment and to deﬁne McDonald’s as new Polish citizen instead of western
colonizer.

Warsaw

As previously mentioned, as of 2005, the capital city of Warsaw was home to thirty-
four McDonald’s locations and was the site of the ﬁrst McDonald’s in Poland. One of the
most impressive of the company’s restaurants is located in a very historic and touristy
part of Warsaw that is within walking distance of many notable attractions. The

surrounding architecture is both distinctly Polish in its beauty and grandeur. Although

92

much of Warsaw was destroyed during World War II, a large portion of the city,
including this area, was rebuilt to match its pre-war condition. In order to advertise its
presence but respect its surroundings, McDonald’s had to build an outlet here that was
forceful enough to be noticed but traditional enough not to be an eyesore. At this location
McDonald’s crafted what it has entitled “Karczma Polska” (Polish Tavern/ Inn). The
McDonald’s in question was created to resemble a traditional rural drinking
establishment that would often serve as a neighborhood’s center. The roof was crafted
from special tiles made to bear a resemblance to rural Polish architecture. The inside was
decorated with special arts and crafts to make the McDonald’s feel like a Polish tavern.
Additionally, a garden was fashioned adjacent to the restaurant to provide the sense of
nature that would likely accompany an authentic Polish tavern.

At ﬁrst textual glance, this McDonald’s may appear unimpressive and of little narrative
importance. International companies often borrow native ideas or copy elements of local
culture. What is important to understand is the conversation that the restaurant helps to
create between McDonald’s and Polish society. McDonald’s is attempting to use the
institution of the tavern/ pub as a vehicle of inclusion. Although the importance of the
tavern seemingly has diminished in the United States in recent years, in Poland local pubs
and bars have highly respected social signiﬁcance. Pubs are not merely locations to drink
and meet members of the opposite sex but are often gathering places and serve as a
meeting area in which communities are formed and upheld. Especially in smaller cities
and rural communities, pubs often become one of the main institutions in the area.
Though it may be a stretch to compare Polish taverns to Quaker meetinghouses, the pubs

are often the community nurturing “third places” that researchers like Ray Oldenburg

93

claim are disappearing from many societies. In creating a fast food restaurant that copies
the form and style of a traditional Polish meeting place McDonald’s is attempting to
establish itself as a friendly cultural presence. The restaurant itself serves as a text that
highlights the process of McDonald’s becoming more Polish while still retaining its
important American characteristics (McDonald’s Poland).
Krakow

A second location that serves as a narrative of McDonald’s’ advertising in Poland is in
the beautiful city of Krakow. Long known as the cultural hub of Poland, the historic city
of Krakow also has become a popular tourist destination. Much of the city has been
updated to serve the tourist industry’s needs and often the time-weathered stone of
ancient buildings can be seen covered with brightly colored advertising. One of the most
important places in Krakow, and in many towns in Poland, is a large market square
known as the rynek in Polish. The rynek often serves as the central business district,
entertainment center, and meeting place for larger sized towns or cities. The rynek is such
an important concept in many Polish communities that it is often one of the ﬁrst words
that a visitor to Poland learns and one of the few he will not translate while speaking his/
her own language. (While it would be strange to use Polish words like tak (yes) or
kapusta (cabbage) in English sentences, many a tourist or expatriate can be heard to say,
“I’ll meet you later at the rynek”) Arguably, Krakow has the most beautiful rynek in
Poland, an ancient cobblestoned jewel that, along with much of Krakow, in 1978 was one
of the ﬁrst places in the world to be placed on UNESCO’s World Heritage list (UNESCO
World Heritage Centre). Because of its historical and cultural importance most Poles are

extremely proud of Krakow and the city has a revered status within Polish culture.

94

In the mid-19903 McDonald’s renovated a building on Florianska, one of the grand
streets leading to the rynek, and there placed a McDonald’s restaurant. The outlet is
within visibility of the rynek and sits next to a Krakow landmark known as the Florian
Gate. In other words, this Krakow McDonald’s is located in a historic building that lies in
the heart of the city and is adjacent to some of the most important symbols in Poland.
When building this restaurant McDonald’s had to be certain to use it to advertise to the
public that it was trying to become a part of the Polish community and not merely a
foreign interloper. Unlike the previously mentioned Warsaw Karczma McDonald’s, the
company did not attempt to reproduce the style of a Polish landmark, instead it attempted
to change as little as possible. The F lorianska McDonald’s showcases the beautiful
building while serving as a host to McDonald’s. While the entry-level dining room and
ordering stations are noticeable for their spaciousness, the true splendor of the building is
evident in the multi-level gothic basements dating back to the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries that now serve as dining rooms. The restaurant’s placement of tables, chairs,
and other dining accoutrements serves to enhance the presence of the historic building.
McDonald’s clearly chose to build their restaurant around the needs of the building
instead of the opposite strategy. While one could argue that McDonald’s had little choice
or did the only logical thing that does not change the fact that the corporation’s use of the
restaurant served an effective advertising narrative. McDonald’s’ entry into the Krakow
market displays how restaurants can create advertising narratives that reassure and
attempt to form cultural ties. While the Warsaw Karczma McDonald’s attempted to
model its restaurant on a Polish cultural symbol, the Krakow F lorianska outlet chose to

conserve an already existing structure. In doing so, the Krakow McDonald’s became a

95

part of the existing neighborhood and signaled to the Polish populous that it wished to
live within existing Polish boundaries. In selecting to preserve Polish culture McDonald’s
respected the neighborhood surrounding the rynek and Poland’s historic past. If
Warsaw’s Karczma McDonald’s was an attempt to create a restaurant that connected with
Polish culture then Krakow’s F lorianska location was an understanding of the how to live
and work within Poland (McDonald’s Poland).
Zakopane

One ﬁnal McDonald’s that displays the characteristics of architectural advertising
being used in Poland is a restaurant in the mountain town of Zakopane. This quaint
village on the Slovakian border is a favorite among Poles that enjoy its natural scenery
and historic past. The town has a cultural style that to many Poles beckons back to a
fairytalesque tradition of hard working yet poor mountain folk. This belief combined with
Polish culture’s afﬁnity for natural settings has caused Zakopane to become atop
vacation destination for Poles. When McDonald’s built a restaurant in Zakopane in the
mid-19903 the corporation had to be certain to advertise that it was a member of the
mountain community without becoming cliche’d or overbearing. Although this may sound
like the same style of restaurant advertising as in Warsaw and Krakow, it was much
different. In the Karczma Warsaw McDonald’s, the corporation recreated a rural symbol
in an urban setting while in Krakow, the company kept a local building in its natural
style. In Zakopane, McDonald’s had to combine the two ideas in order to signal to Poles
that the company was serious about being a member of the community. It is one thing to
have a McDonald’s in a major city and quite another to have one in a place that

symbolizes nature for many Poles. McDonald’s hired a local folk artist to design the

96

Zakopane restaurant in a mountain style. The location emphasizes the use of wood, stone,
and painted glass and even boasts a ﬁreplace. In many ways this seems to be McDonalds’
strategy for acceptance in the Polish market, emphasizing the chain’s connection to the
Polish community. This restaurant was designed by Poles, for Poles, and respected the
local traditions and environment. This is in no way an endorsement of McDonalds’
practices but rather a description of how McDonald’s marketed and advertised itself by
using its restaurants as tools in its early days in Poland. One cannot say for certain if
these strategies have worked for the fast food giant but it is important to note that
McDonald’s has grown considerably in the Polish market and only six years after
opening it ﬁrst Polish outlet in Warsaw it opened its one hundredth Polish restaurant on
April 25, 1998 (McDonald’s Poland). This certainly is not proof that McDonald’s’ early
plan was successful but it does strongly suggest the possibility.

It should be noted that McDonald’s has designed and created several restaurants in
Poland that embrace the local culture. These locations conform to Polish norms while
retaining McDonald’s international elements. By blending its international elements with
local cultural understandings McDonald’s not only exists within Polish culture but also
redeﬁnes and changes some parts of Polish society and culture. The previously examined
marketing data indicated that most Poles were slow to embrace new concepts but also
many valued new ideas when they were linked to Polish culture. This appears to have
worked with McDonald’s Poland where the company has changed to meet Polish
expectations and in turn many Poles have adjusted their cultural practices to include
McDonald’s. Possibly the most important indicator of this change in Polish culture and

customs is the rapid grth of McDonald’s in Poland, which indicates that a sizable

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number of Poles are eating at the restaurants. Another indicator of this change though are
media stories that describe new and transformed customs and habits. One such newspaper
report from the Warsaw Voice in 2004 describes the change from traditional Polish-style
inexpensive dining to McDonald’s style fast food. The article interviews Poles that
compare a traditional Polish milk bar restaurant to eating at McDonald’s. Those
interviewed indicate that there is room for both styles of food in Poland but McDonald’s
is providing somethings that the milk bars do not. Zuzanna Roszkowska, a student from
Warsaw, is quoted as saying that she appreciates the cleanliness of McDonald’s, which is
often not a priority in Polish milk bars. She also adds,
Besides, I think it's great that all the products served by a given chain look exactly
the same in all its outlets around the world. In other restaurants completely
different dishes may be found under the name pierogi-prepared [sic] and served in
diverse ways. And a hamburger is always a hamburger. Besides, you don't have to
wait too long for your food at McDonald's, which can't be said about all the milk
bars (“Cheap Eats”).
Although many may disagree with Roszkowska’s desire for culinary conformity she does
showcase a change in Polish desires and habits. McDonald’s conformed to Polish norms
in order ﬁt into Polish culture but it also changed the ideas and values of at least some
Poles in the process.
McDrive
While McDonald’s was advertising its emergence in the Polish market with the design
of its restaurants it also was attempting to change the way that Poles thought about

themselves and their culture. Before 1990 few individuals in Poland owned automobiles

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and many of the vehicles were used for business purposes. As the economic system
changed car ownership became more common and society began to reﬂect this growing
trend. While ﬁgures from as late as 1999 show that Poland’s per capita car sales were still
a low .014 the rate of growth did increase dramatically. In the 19903 car sales in Poland
grew faster than any other country in Europe. From 1992 to 1998 automotive sales in
Poland grew at a rate of 17.6% a year, which made it the eighth largest automotive
market in Europe. Although Poland does not have anywhere near the per capita car
ownership as in the United States the market is increasing dramatically and experts
expect that trend to continue (Tutak). During this period of change towards more of a car
culture in Poland, McDonald’s was in some ways at the front of this trend. Because
before 1990 personal ownership of cars was often literally a foreign concept to Poles the
idea of the restaurant drive thru was virtually non-existent. During the 19903,
McDonald’s often advertised its food as cheap and fast and opened many locations near
highways or major roads with drive thrus, which were named “McDrives.”

It appears that McDonald’s attempted to adhere to a strategy of opening two kinds of
restaurants in Poland; ﬁrst the neighborhood friendly locations like the ones mentioned
earlier in places like Zakopane, F lorianska Krakow, and Karczma Warsaw. As previously
noted, these locations advertised McDonalds’ willingness to “become” Polish and adapt
to the local culture. Additionally, as stated before, McDonalds’ created restaurants in
areas near highly trafﬁcked roads or highways that would give drivers easy access to fast
food. This means that McDonald’s could not only be seen as a local eatery but also as a
provider of new kind of food service for those who owned cars. A television commercial

from 1996, entitled “McDrive” emphasizes the McDrive themes. It shows a man going to

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buy a new car from a dealership. The man measures the driver’s side window and then
tests the car by reaching out the window and pretending to take something in his hands.
The commercial cuts to the man in the McDrive taking a McDonald’s bag from the
attendant. His family is shown happily eating McDonald’s’ food and then his son
whispers something in the man’s car, which causes him to go back through the McDrive
and order more food. The commercial ends with a close up of the McDonald’s McDrive
sign and the announcer stating, “McDrive- you can eat without getting out of your car!”
(‘McDrive”). This commercial seems to indicate that McDonald’s wanted to change
Poland’s ideas about cars and food. Dining no longer has to be a meal in a restaurant or at
home but could now be achieved in the car. Even the name “McDrive” is used in Poland
for the concept of the drive thru. While this may seem minor, it is of great importance
because an American company created a word in Polish that is used for a type of service
no matter what company provides it. Additionally, the word references the original
company’s name, so that company will always come to mind when the consumer thinks
of the service. This is what McDonald’s was able to do with the “McDrive” in Poland.
McDonald’s added a word and a concept to Polish culture that continues to be linked to
its company. In doing so, it was able to become the symbol of growth in the car culture
and to advertise itself as both modern and a measure of success.
Polish Tradition

By the second half of the 19903, McDonald’s’ restaurant designs and business
practices had made them a recognizable brand in Poland with well over 100 locations in
the country of almost 40 million people. Important locations in major cultural spots had

provided McDonald’s with marketing and advertising that helped to establish its

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closeness to the Polish community. Its McDrive locations gave Polish consumers another
view of the company as new, trendy, and exciting. As the new millennium approached,
McDonald’s found it necessary to not only build its image and brand in Poland but also to
solidify itself and to become an even more important part of the nation. One way that the
company attempted to accomplish all of these objectives was by television advertising
that promoted McDonald’s’ multiple purposes. The ads from the period of 1996-2005
reveal many of the themes and ideas that the fast food company utilized in Poland.

One of the most important themes is much the same as one projected by the
architecture and decor of many of the city McDonald’s restaurants in Poland, the idea of
tradition vs. modernization. A television commercial (commonly know in Poland as a
“reklama”) ﬁ'om January 2000 utilizes this theme. The reklama entitled “WiesMac”
markets a McDonald’s’ sandwich of the same name that is unique to the Polish market.
The word “wies” roughly translates as “rural” or “country” and is often used when
referring to a traditional rural Polish lifestyle. The reklama features a family of
stereotypical city dwellers arriving to visit a family that lives in the Polish countryside.
The city family consists of a man, a woman, and a boy and girl that arrive in the country
with all the accoutrements of an urban lifestyle (a fancy car, trendy clothing, a
skateboard, a music headphones, etc.) They are contrasted to the country family that dress
in traditional village attire and are surrounded by the symbols of the countryside (farming
implements, livestock, rural architecture, crops being harvested, etc.) To make things
even clearer the city folk announce their presence by less than subtly exclaiming, “Good

morning! We are from the city.” A sign on the barn reading “Agroturystyka” suggests

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that the members of the city family are agri-tourists that are trying to experience a back to
nature way of life.

In recent years this type agricultural tourism, in which urban dwellers spend a short
amount of time with a rural family in order to experience a traditional Polish lifestyle, has
become ever more popular (Agro Wakacje). Shortly after the city folk arrive, in the
reklama, the rural hosts run out of food and the man of the house is sent to ﬁnd more. He
goes to McDonald’s and orders WiesMacs, explaining to the woman taking his order that,
“like usually [sic] I need WiesMacs for the city people.” A picture of the WiesMac is
then displayed as the announcer comments, “fresh country vegetables, cheese, new sauce,
and two hamburgers.” As the man leaves the viewer sees that the McDonald’s is
surrounded by tractors and the announcer exclaims, “WiesMac conquerors the city.” This
reklama wishes to connect McDonald’s’ food to the purity and good taste of the
countryside. In the ad, the wise rural dweller understands the value of McDonald’s and
the end line shows that the ways of the country have “conquered the city.” While many
would see this commercial as a sign that an international urban lifestyle has changed rural
Poland, the ad promotes the opposite understanding of the situation. Instead of being seen
as a multinational corporation that is forcing its products on Poland, McDonald’s is
declaring that traditional Polish values have affected the fast food chain (“WiesMac”).

Another reklama that plays on the theme of traditionalism in Poland from February
2002 entitled “Dziadek” (Grandfather) and features a granddad at play with his grandson.
The older man astounds the youth with the timeless trick of pulling a coin from behind
the youngster’s car as the child asks, “once, again Grandpa, OK?” The grandfather looks

at the amount of money in his hand and responds, “no, I have enough now!” and leaves to

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go to McDonald’s. The ad ends with pictures of McDonald’s sandwiches and how
inexpensive they are. The reklama is using a stereotypical traditional situation between
grandfather and grandson and adapting a McDonald’s’ product to ﬁt. Although the humor
in the ad is that the grandfather does something unexpected (leaving once he has enough
money) the joke is only funny because the situation is so familiar. McDonald’s employs
the traditional family structure to sell its products in Poland and in doing so declares its
kinship with Polish culture (“Dziadek”).

“Mother’s Day,” a reklama from May 2005 uses the traditional family to an even
greater degree. Throughout the commercial no words are spoken and the only sound
heard is soft piano music as pregnant women and mothers are shown in various
situations. As each woman is revealed, words are written on the screen in Polish to
describe the circumstances. For example, a pregnant woman is presented pushing a
bicycle down a street and the caption reads, “I’m hopeful.” A pregnant woman’s stomach
is displayed to the wording, “I’m strong.” A man kisses a woman’s pregnant stomach and
the screen reads, “I’m proud.” An expectant woman walks slowly in a manner suggesting
she is about to deliver while a caption states, “I’m ready.” A woman is shown in labor
and then her newborn baby clutches her ﬁnger to the words, “I’m heroic.” As the screen
goes black the ﬁnal caption reads, “1 love you, Mommy.” and then the golden arches logo
and “i’m lovin’ it.” Nowhere in the ad is McDonald’s mentioned except for its logo and
slogan at the end. The commercial is an obvious example of the corporation selling
symbols rather than food. McDonald’s is attempting to sponsor motherhood and wrap
itself in the glow of the traditional family unit. In this reklama McDonald’s is using one

of the healthiest and most natural symbols available (motherhood) to link its food to those

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same qualities. This idea connects McDonald’s to important symbols within traditional
Polish culture and promotes the company as valuing many of the same things as ordinary
Poles (“Mother’s Day”).
McDonald’s as Polish

Another theme that becomes prevalent in McDonald’s’ advertising from 1996-2005 in
Poland is that of McDonald’s being a Polish product. While this may appear similar to
the previous theme of tradition in Poland, it is quite different. McDonald’s uses Polish
tradition in its ads to convince Poles that its products meet their cultural needs. Early
restaurant architecture and décor advertising used symbols of tradition to market
McDonald’s as Polish-like. Marketing McDonald’s as a Polish product is the next logical
step in the campaign. It takes McDonald’s from being an outsider that is respecting
Polish traditions to a company that is a genuine part of Poland. In essence the two
themes, while very different, are interconnected. As shown before, McDonald’s continues
to use the theme of Polish tradition in their advertising through the year 2005, so the
marketing of one idea does not impede the other. The major question that arises is how
can McDonald’s market itself as Polish after only entering the market a few years before?
While very few Poles would identify McDonald’s as a Polish company more would see
the fast food giant as a part of Polish society. As more than one hundred restaurants
opened and the aforementioned McDrives became commonplace, McDonald’s became a
very normal part of Poland. If the word “normal” does not entirely seem to ﬁt in the
previous sentence it is because it is being used as many Poles would use their version of
the word, “normalny.” In the United States “normal” often has a rather bland and

uninspiring connotation. To label something as normal is to call it average, common, or

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ordinary; which is less than exciting for many individualistic over-achievers. In Poland
normalny generally means not that something is average but rather that it is of good
quality. To tell a person that he or she is “normal” in the US would likely be akin to a
non-statement (or a medical diagnosis); while in Poland it would be a compliment that
means the person is someone the speaker can identify with. (To be told that one is “very
normal” by a Pole is an honor that means he considers the person to be the Polish
equivalent of the Southemism “good people” or the Yiddish “mensch.”) If McDonald’s
truly became a “normal” part of Polish society then that meant more than just average, it
meant that many Poles deemed it as acceptable.

Some advertisements that helped to market McDonald’s as culturally “Polish” are
instructive as to how this theme is used. An early untitled reklama from 1997 shows a
child’s birthday party at the restaurant. At the beginning of the commercial children and
adults eat McDonald’s food and sing the traditional Polish birthday song, Sto lat, as a
large birthday cake topped with a McDonald’s logo is presented. After the children run
off to play in the multi-stored restaurant the adults enjoy the McDonald’s food and
atmosphere and act like children celebrating a birthday. The ad then outlines the quality
of ingredients and excellent preparation that go into Chicken McNuggets as, “a reason
why every occasion is good to visit our restaurants.” The reklama ﬁnishes with the
slogan, “Let’s meet at McDonald’s.” Although the setting of the commercial is a child’s
birthday, from the tone of the ad it appears as if McDonald’s is not a natural place to hold
such an event. The ad informs the viewer that all occasions are good to come to
McDonald’s, which seems to indicate that the idea is not already widely accepted. Also,

because the commercial mainly focuses on the fun that the adults are having and the

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quality of ingredients (hardly a child’s concern) it appears to be aimed at inﬂuencing the
adult market. While it is common for McDonald’s to hold children’s birthday parties
around the world it appears in 1997 it was not an ordinary thing to have a party at
McDonald’s in Poland. The restaurant chain is attempting to change that but this
commercial seems to be laying the groundwork for future social changes to come.
McDonald’s is not a valued member of Polish society in 1997 but the company is
attempting to alter this (“Untitled”).

If the 1997 commercial appears to attest to McDonalds’ continued foreignness in
Poland then a January 2001 reklama displays another attempt to change this situation.
This commercial entitled “Quality” chronicles the “life” of a McDonald’s’ French ﬂy in
Poland from farmer to customer. The ad, which features no dialogue, appears to be a
stylistic precursor of the Mother’s Day commercial that was discussed earlier. It starts
with a shot of a ﬁeld of potatoes as a man picks them and the name of the town in which
this takes place, Bobrowniki K. Leborka, is shown in a stylized handwriting on the
screen. The man, dressed in a checkered shirt, is then shown holding a potato and the
name Jan Nowacki appears. He throws the potato to a moustached worker loading a truck
with bags of potatoes, whose name Marcin Szylko, graces the screen. The truck is opened
in a factory in the town of Leborle where a man inspects it and the name Pawel
Malesymink is shown. A McDonald’s truck driving to a restaurant and the city name of
Wolica appears. A McDonald’s worker, identiﬁed as Adam Kozlowski, catches a plastic
bag of uncooked fries and after they are prepared another worker, Piotr Zawanda, gives

the French ﬂies to two children, Kuba and Stas. The ad ends with the McDonald’s logo

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and the slogan “We know our products from the cradle,” printed on the screen
(“Quality”).

The ﬁrst thing to note about the commercial titled “Quality” is the use of a potato
based product as its theme. The potato has long been a staple of the Polish diet and a
large part of the economy, the United Nations’ Food and Agricultural Organization
ranked Poland as the seventh largest potato producer in the world in 2005 (UNFAO). The
World Potato Congress estimates that in around 10.5% of all available arable land in
Poland is used for potatoes (World Potato Council). Even the word for potato in Poland,
“ziemniaki”, holds signiﬁgance because it is derived from the word “ziemi”, meaning
“soil” or “earth”, which may indicate its importance in a historically argicultural society.
To many Poles the potato is a symbol of agriculture and a traditional Polish lifestyle and
its usage in the ad reﬂects a deep connection to Polish culture. Additionally, the
commercial obviously is attempting to demonstrate how McDonald’s’ French fries in
Poland are grown, inspected, packaged, shipped, cooked, served and eaten by Poles.
While the company may be foreign, everything associated with French fries, and other
products by inference, is Polish. The names of the places where the product is produced
and consumed are familiar, the names of the people and the way they look and dress are
recognizable and the product, as mentioned before, is already culturally Polish. Nothing
in the commercial would indicate that McDonald’s is a foreign company but rather it
would appear that in Poland McDonald’s is managed, operated, and used by Poles. In this
way the ad attempts to infer to the viewer that the company is at least partially Polish and

has made a substantial transition to become part of the local community.

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Just as the commercials from 1997 and 2001 attempt to showcase McDonald’s as
being more Polish 3 television ad from January 2002, called “Skoki,” tries to display
McDonald’s’ Polish traits to the viewer. In the commercial a ski jumper, dressed in red
and white, attempts to successfully complete the ski jump while his competitor, dressed
in yellow and red, pulls even in mid-air and invites the ﬁrst jumper to McDonald’s. The
ad ends with the two men eating together at McDonald’s, still dressed in their ski
clothing. To understand the underlying message of this commercial one needs to
understand that in the early years of the twenty-ﬁrst century a Polish ski jumper named
Adam Malysz became incredibly popular in Poland and still remains a national sports
icon. Malysz, an Olympic medalist and three-time world champion, is a consistent
subject of talk among Poles and a source of pride for the nation (Cristodero). One of the
main reasons that the skier is so popular is because of his friendly unassuming manner
and his underprivileged rural background (Adam Malysz). In the commercial, the ﬁrst
’ skier is dressed in red and white, the national colors of the Poland and ones that Malysz
himself sometimes wears. The other skier is wearing a yellow and red ski suit, which are
the standard colors of McDonald’s restaurants and the ones that McDonald’s mascot
Ronald McDonald generally wears. In this context it is easy to see the red and white clad
ski jumper as a symbol of Poland and the yellow and red hued athlete as a representation
of McDonald’s. The two symbols meet in midair and Poland is invited to a McDonalds’
establishment to share a meal and honor the nation’s success. In this way McDonald’s is
linking itself with a Polish hero and attempting to celebrate his victories with Poland. By
doing this McDonald’s is trying to become a part of the culture and share the nation’s

triumphs and defeats. McDonald’s created an advertisement that few outside of Poland

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would understand in order to display to Poles that company understands and respects the
local culture. Although it may not have succeed by 2002 the company wishes to become
more Polish (“Skoki”).

Following McDonald’s’ 2002 commercial, in which it attempted to ally itself with the
reputation of skier Adam Malysz, in the year 2003 the company produced another ad that
endeavored to display its Polishness. The reklama titled, “McKielbasa” shows a man with
a grill on the side of a highway selling Polish sausage or kielbasa from a roadside stand.
As cars stop to buy a kielbasa the stand’s owner silently waves the would-be customers
down the road. He then closes his stand and drives to a nearby McDonald’s to get a
McKielbasa and the commercial ends as he is eating the sandwich. To understand the
commercial one needs to know that kielbasa stands are a ﬁxture near highways and large
roads in Poland. Many Poles consider the sausage to be a Polish dietary staple and
delicacy and often stop at a stand to get this very Polish food. In the ad a kielbasa stand
owner, the keeper of a Polish gastronomical tradition, is deferring to McDonald’s and
admitting that the restaurant makes a better sausage than he does. In such a way, in the
ad, McDonald’s has become more Polish than the roadside cook. The restaurant has
mastered a Polish delicacy in a way that only a Pole can and now makes it as well as or
better than many other Poles. McDonald’s has not only designed a sandwich based on a
popular Polish meal but now claims to be able to prepare it better than Poles. The
restaurant chain is claiming that it not only is Polish but that it is better at being Polish
than many people in Poland (“McKielbasa”).

In “Potato Print,” a May 2004 television commercial, McDonald’s continues its theme

of announcing its Polishness. This ad is reminiscent of the 1997 untitled commercial in

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which the adults enjoy a child’s birthday party at McDonald’s because it also portrays the
restaurant as a cultural institution and not just an eatery. In “Potato Print” McDonald’s
advertises a two day craft workshop for children in which they can participate in “crazy t-
shirt stamping” by using a potato stamp and paint to make designs on a t-shirt. The
beginning of the ad shows children creating their t-shirts and at the end a young child
named Kasper used his shirt to blend in with the wallpaper and hide from his dad. Much
like the earlier commercial this one encourages families to visit McDonald’s but unlike
the previous ad the new one does not attempt to promote the good qualities of
McDonald’s restaurants. The new commercial does not market the restaurant or declare a
list of its advantages rather that is assumed to be prior knowledge in the ad. Before,
McDonald’s was marketing itself to parents that would bring their children to the
restaurant. Now the restaurant is appealing only to the children. Mostly likely this means
that McDonald’s had become a known and accepted entity in the eight year span and no
longer had to advertise its basic qualities. In 1997 it had to appeal to customers who knew
little about it but in 2004 it was already a member of the community. Now both children
and adults presumably understand McDonald’s qualities and see the restaurant as a viable
social option; a substantial change in the relatively short seven year period (“Potato
Print”).
Internationalization

While early on McDonald’s introduced itself to the Polish market by utilizing
Poland’s tradition and attempted to gain acceptance in the community by emphasizing its
Polishness, it also understood that one of the primary purposes of advertising and

marketing is to change customer taste and behavior. It would not be enough for

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McDonald’s to adjust to Polish culture and tastes, Poles would also have to adapt to
international ideas and tastes. While the company did not wish to be seen as a corporate
cultural colonizer, it also could not accept the role of Polish imitator. McDonald’s needed
to be both foreign but friendly to Poland, trendy yet traditional, international but non-
threatening. McDonald’s had to ﬁnd (or create) customers that wanted new experiences
and longed for a change. In other words McDonald’s needed to become more Polish and
Poles needed to become more international.

In early advertisements, like the previously mentioned “McDrive” from 1996 and
1997’s birthday party ad, it is clear that McDonald’s is a foreign concept that is trying to
become part of the Polish market. In these early commercials McDonald’s is admitting
that it is a new foreign product but is attempting to showcase its respect for Polish
culture. McDonald’s is trying to become more Polish and to blend into the community.
Interestingly, a substantial change in the advertisements can be seen from the ﬁrst
commercials in 1996 until the last ones of 2005. As noted before, while McDonald’s was
unique and unfamiliar in 1996 it becomes commonplace in the later years. Part of this
was probably accomplished by the previously mentioned campaign to make McDonald’s
appear more Polish but just as likely some was because many Poles became more
accepting of international culture. A perceivable change is evident in. the McDonald’s
commercials starting in 2002, where at this point the ads begin to focus less on Polish
society and more on Poland’s place in the world. Before ads concentrated on McDonalds’
place in Poland and how the company ﬁt into the nation’s culture but starting in 2002
many commercials identify Poland as a growing member of the international community

and McDonald’s serves as a bridge between the nation and the world. In other words,

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from 1996-2001 McDonald’s appears to be mainly working to become a part of Polish
society and from 2002-2005 the corporation, having already established its inﬂuence in
Poland, attempts to tie Poland to the outside world.

It is difﬁcult to ascertain why the focus of McDonald’s advertising seems to change in
2002. Certainly, there are still commercials that focus on the company’s place within
Poland but the majority seem to be more internationally focused. One probable
explanation for this shift is that McDonalds’ advertising was deemed to have worked well
in establishing itself in Poland so the company moved on to. its next strategy. Also,
McDonald’s was moving to a more internationally focused advertising approach in many
countries at this time. The international “i’m lovin’ it” campaign was being introduced
and the company was connecting its advertising operations in many countries.
Additionally, and probably most importantly, Poland was beginning to think about
possibly joining the European Union, which was changing the way that Poles thought
about themselves and the world. A combination of these factors most likely was the
primary reason for this change in McDonalds’s advertising in Poland. The company saw
that their place in the Polish market had progressed and that Poland’s place in the world
was changing and used the new campaign as an opportunity to grow in the market.

Scholars often debate if advertising acts as a mirror or a molder of society. Although
few answers to this question have been agreed upon, it does seem evident that
McDonalds’ new transnational approach in Poland was at least partially inspired by
world affairs. A wave of intemationalism was beginning to sweep through places like
Poland and McDonald’s seemed to be in position to beneﬁt. In 1999, a number of central

and eastern European countries, like Poland, joined the international organization, NATO

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(North Atlantic Treaty Organization). This organization founded in the midst of the Cold
War in an attempted to provide security against the Soviet Union and other communist
nations in Europe (like Poland) in 1999 expanded its rank to include many of its former
adversaries. As Poland joined NATO it was not only gaining a military alliance with
many countries, primarily the United States, but it was also taking a greater role in the
international community. Political scientist George Sanford comments that NATO
membership was a possible ﬁrst step for Poland to gain substantial political power in
Europe and the world. He sees Poland’s future rule as that of a bridge between eastern
and western Europe and as a representative of each (92-94). If NATO membership
marked a perceivable beginning to Poland’s intemationalist approach then the nation’s
inclusion into the European Union (EU) ﬁrrther expanded the notion. As the EU
expanded in 2004 Poland became the largest of the new EU nations and potentially one
of the most powerful. Scholar Kerry Longhurst quotes then Polish President Alexander
Kwasniewski as saying that Poland’s new role in the world after September 11:11 was to
“act as a leader to coax Eastern nations into the Western camp and to persuade the West
to accept them.” (53). Even then US. Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld’s
controversial comment that the United States was interested in New Europe and not Old
Europe conveys the idea that Poland was growing in international stature. It is in this
environment that McDonald’s started its new international campaigns, one in which
‘new’ Poland seemed on the verge of an international revival.

As previously mentioned, 2002 seems to mark the international transition of
McDonalds’ Polish advertising. Like many transitions, this year does not mark a total

change but rather the beginning of what later can be perceived as a new path. Some

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commercials from 2002- 2003 either combine the ideas of tradition, Polishness, and
transnationalism or focus on the former ideas from the past. Examples of these ads that
have already been described are, “Quality” (the potato ad), “Skoki” (the ski jumper ad),
and “Dziadek” (the grandfather and grandson ad). While some ads show links to the old
themes of tradition and Polishness others are almost entirely international in tone. An
example of this is a commercial entitled, “Engel” starring then national football team
head coach J erzy Engel. The ad begins with a shadowy ﬁgure walking down a long
outdoor corridor at night as emotional percussion based music plays. The man walks into
a dark stadium and the lights theatrically illuminate one after the other. The unidentiﬁed
man, dressed in a long coat, suit, and tie reveals his face for the ﬁrst time and he begins
talking about his guidelines for life. He lectures in Polish, “football that’s my whole life.”
As he plays with a soccer ball he continues, “I believe in what I do. I always try to do
everything the best way possible.” As the camera makes a close up of his face he
remarks, “I demand quality.” Then as he turns his back to the camera and leaves the
stadium he ﬁnishes with “. .. after the game.” The screen then goes black and displays
McDonald’s logo entwined with the FIF A soccer association logo and the message that
McDonald’s is a sponsor of F IFA. Interestingly, the most important parts of this ad are
never stated. The identity of the man is never said to be Jerzy Engel and his job as coach
of the national soccer team is never mentioned. These are such well-known facts that it is
unnecessary to acknowledge them to the viewer. Like most European countries and many
other nations in the world, international soccer is sport bordering on religion. The Polish
team is an obsession to a large number of the nation’s fans and holds a revered status

within the country. In this way, the ad focuses on an important symbol of Polish society

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and then links itself to that symbol. The commercial does more than declare its
Polishness though, it also subtly connects Poland to the idea of intemationalism.
Certainly one understands that Engel is endorsing McDonald’s but the company and the
coach are also endorsing the idea of international soccer. This ad aired near or during the
World Cup of soccer in 2002 and served as an identiﬁcation of Poland’s presence in the
world. Soccer is certainly a national obsession among Poles but it is also one that links
Poland to other countries and creates an international framework for both Poland and
McDonald’s (“Engel”).

Another 2002 reklama that shows this gradual transition into the theme of
internationalization is titled, “McPolska” and it also connects to the 2002 F IF A World
Cup. In the ad a group of men run down an empty street to get home in order to watch the
World Cup. Each of them has been to McDonald’s and is now rushing home in time for
the game. The ad ends with a shot of a McDonald’s outlet and the word “F utbolmania!”
(Soccer mania) next to the golden arches and the F IF A symbol. This ad features a
sandwich called the “McPolska” (McPoland) but references Poland in no other way
(“McPolska”). In much the same fashion a commercial from 2004 titled “Olympic
Weeks” shows a Polish woman that the viewer thinks to be an Olympic athlete but is later
revealed to be delivering food to an elderly man. The ad promotes Greek themed food
products (since the games were held in Athens in 2004), the Greek Mac and the Greek
salad but nothing is mentioned of Poland. At the end of the commercial the golden arches
and the Olympic rings are displayed together and the corporations declares itself to be, a
“proud partner.” (“Olympic Weeks”). Both the World Cup and the Olympics gave

McDonald’s opportunities to promote itself as international while still appealing to a

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local audience. These large international events are valued as chances to show
nationalistic pride while embracing a transnational existence. By using these revered
forms of internationalization McDonald’s is able to take safe steps towards marketing
itself as an international brand. In such a way the company can still appear to be a local
entity but one with an international scope.

Perhaps a series of “I’m lovin’ it” commercials from 2003-2004 best express the
theme of internationalization in Polish McDonald’s ads. These ads show quickly intercut
and spliced footage of urban dwellers from around the world interacting with their
environments and enjoying McDonalds’ food as a Polish rap plays in the background.
Although a few denizens of the ads are distinctly Polish, many of the people featured are
either of a generic nationality or clearly non- Poles. While the footage for these ads was
apparently used in many different national markets, the background rap was produced for
Poland. The song’s lyrics are mostly nonsensical observations on the problems and joys
of everyday life with remarks that include, “my car, downtown culture. Have to go my
office is calling,” and “surprises break my sleep sometimes but I know that my babe likes
what I do.” The ads’ lyrics are of little importance but their style and the technique of the
photography are. The video is produced as a montage of rapidly moving clips that is
reminiscent of an MTV-like video. Besides emphasizing McDonalds’ international
aspect, the commercial also markets itself to the youth audience. These ideas are a
departure from many of the previous ads that appear to be geared towards an older more
traditionally Polish audience (“I’m lovin’ it”). This is possibly because McDonald’s
believes that the valuable youth market will be in tune with internationalization than an

older audience, and vice versa. The “i’m lovin’ it” commercials demonstrate a belief that

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both Poland and McDonald’s are part of a larger international community that share a
number of core ideas and values. In the ads, McDonald’s is portiayed as representing the
things that all people wish to have: excitement, friends, and fun. In the commercials’
idealized global society these cemmon items bring peoples together and are the bonds
that remain. This idea of an international society does conform to a stereotypical youthful
view that sharing their common values can unite the peoples of the world. All of the
citizens of the ads’ world dance and display youthful excitement as the Polish rapper
announces how good that life is. In such a way McDonald’s is declaring that the young
generation of Poland will be intemationalists and the company will begin to emphasize
its transnational presence. This is signiﬁcant transition for a corporation that had spent
over ten years trying to appear as Polish as possible.

It is important to recognize that although McDonald’s was attempting to become part
of an internationalist change in Poland it was doing so from a position of strength rather
than weakness. As evidenced by how the company presented itself in later ads, by 2002
McDonald’s had become a visible part of Polish life. While it might be foolhardy to
argue that McDonald’s had become Polish in many citizens’ minds, the ads’ tone and
composition suggest that the corporation had become a part of Polish society. While like
many businesses McDonald’s found it necessary to continue to aggressively market itself,
it no longer had to explain the basic ideas of what it was and what it did. McDonald’s
was no longer a visitor to Poland but an immi grant that shared many ideas and customs
with the society. This is important because as Poland’s international status increased

McDonald’s was Polish enough to be both local and international. In many ways

McDonald’s and Poland had grown together and were expanding into the international

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community as partners. The international themed ads’ narratives suggest that many were
aimed at a young audience that had scarcely ever known a Poland without McDonald’s.
A sixteen year old in 2003 would have been age ﬁve in 1992 when McDonald’s ﬁrst
entered the Polish market. Though it may have taken a few years for McDonald’s to open
an outlet in their town, these ‘new’ Poles would have almost certainly have childhood
contact with the restaurant. It is to these customers that the international ads are aimed
because in some ways McDonald’s helped to train them to be part of a transnational
world. McDonald’s, along with other intemational brands, helped to develop the concept
of international culture and to sell it to primarily younger people in place like Poland. By
becoming part of the Polish community and offering choices to the local population
McDonald’s is changing and growing with Poland in a way that is not entirely controlled
by either. Although McDonald’s is undoubtedly utilizing the advertising and marketing
strategies that best serve the company’s needs, it is doing so in cooperation with a Polish
society that is also deciding which direction is best for its culture.

By the year 2005 many of McDonald’s commercials are increasingly international in
theme and tone. The advertising appears to embrace Poland and McDonald’s increasing
focus on transnational connections and emphasizes international ties. One example of this
is the previously discussed “Mother’s Day” ad from 2005. This commercial that shows
scenes of pregnant women and childbirth promotes traditional family values but also does
it in an international context. The ad contains women of multiple nationalities and ethnic
backgrounds, promoting the idea of motherhood and its link to McDonald’s. The ad not
only expresses McDonald’s connection to families but also sets this theme in an

international context. The company is not only emphasizing Polish families but rather all

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families in the world and how the concept of family is a shared value. Another ad from
2005 is one to celebrate World Children’s Day, a holiday in some countries. Much like
the Mother’s Day ad, this one plays background music while scenes of children and
families are shown. In the Children’s Day commercial though the music is provided by
American recording artists Destiny’s Child and the band travels from location to location
to view children around the world. The narrator explains that by coming to McDonald’s
and donating money a customer can help give children around the world a secure future.
The Polish customers are encouraged to give money at local McDonald’s to help children
in Poland and the entire world (“World Children’s Day”). The ad contains a mixture of
local and international; the music and musicians that created are international yet locally
known and consumed. The children in the ad are from many places in the world but their
problems and pleasures are the same as those of children in Poland. McDonald’s is an
international company that operates locally and wants to not only help Polish children but
also all children. In these two ads the elements and themes are a mixture of local and
international. In the past each of them possibly would have included something to make
them seem more Polish. In 2005 McDonald’s is able make the ads both local (without
referencing Poland) and international. This shifting and blending of themes and ideas
reﬂects the changes in both McDonald’s and Poland from 1992-2005. As McDonald’s
marketed its goods in Poland it had to consistently change in order to conform to what
many Poles needed and desired. The company had to become a recognizable and
accepted part of the Polish community. Although McDonald’s understood what it wanted
to accomplish in Poland, the company needed to work within boundaries of Polish culture

and society. This means that although McDonald’s helped to change Poland in many

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ways, these changes were generally directed and accepted by the Poles themselves. The
residents of Poland forced McDonald’s to adhere to the standards of local society and to
offer culturally desirable goods and services.
Summaﬂ

There is an often-told story of a Japanese couple that brings their daughter to the
United States for vacation. While in the US the couple passes by a McDonald’s outlet and
after seeing the familiar restaurant their daughter announces to her parents, “look, they
have McDonald’s here too like in Japan.” While the above story may seem comical
because it is hard for many to fathom that someone could not know that McDonald’s is
an American based company, it also displays the point that to many youths international
cultural brands, like McDonald’s, have become a ubiquitous part of their lives. This
cultural acceptance of its brand is one of McDonald’s primary goals in much of the world
and in the Polish market in particular. After introducing itself to Poland in 1992,
McDonald’s quickly attempted to deﬁne itself as a company that understood and
respected Polish culture and values. This is evidenced by the architectural advertising that
was built into restaurants in historic places like Warsaw, Krakow, and Zakopane and the
reoccurring theme of Polishness in McDonalds’ commercials. These advertisements
attempted to brand McDonald’s as a western company that understood and respected
Poland. Although one cannot say for certain how well this strategy succeeded, later
commercials display a familiarity with the products that, coupled with McDonald’s rapid
grth and sustainability, seems to indicate a fairly high level of success. In other words,
a large amount of people appear to have accepted McDonald’s as a viable part of the

Polish community. One can debate if McDonald’s advertising acted as a mirror or molder

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in Poland but it seems clear that the corporation became widely received within Polish
society. Around the year 2002, the corporation appears to have altered its approach and
instead of solely focusing on its image as a good Polish citizen, rather it expanded its
identity to also be considered mere international. This transition closely followed trends
within Poland that marked the nation as more viable internationally and more open to
transnational exchanges. As 2005 ended, Poland was a member of NATO and the
European Union and becoming internationally powerful and McDonald’s promoting its
Polishness as well and its international standing. In many ways this is a story of how
McDonald’s was able to have it proverbial cake and ﬁguratively eat it too. An American
company was able to establish itself in Poland in 1992, display itself as culturally akin to
Polish society, and then expand itself to promote its international status. In a world in
which image is terribly important McDonald’s seems to have marketed itself into Polish

culture as both a local and international brand.

Table 2- McDonald’s Television Commercials Used

Ad Title Year Produced Themes
Dziadek 2002 Traditionalism
Engel 2002 Intemationalism
I’m lovin’ it 2004 Intemationalism
McDrive 1996 Cultural Change
McKielbasa 2003 Polish McDonald’s
McPolska 2002 Intemationalism
Mother’s Day 2005 Traditionalism,
Intemationalism
Olympic Weeks 2004 Intemationalism
Potato Print 2004 Polish McDonald’s
Quality 2001 Polish McDonald’s
Skoki 2002 Polish McDonald’s
Untitled 1997 Polish McDonald’s
WiesMac 2000 Traditionalism
World Children’s Day 2005 Traditionalism,
Intemationalism

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Selected Images from Chapter 2

 

Figure 9- McDonald’s 2000 television advertisement “WiesMac” portrays how both city
and country folks enjoy the fast food restaurant

122

 

Marc-n ﬁtaLko

 

Figure 10- The 2001 McDonald’s television advertisement “Quality” chronicles the life a
Polish potato from ﬁeld to French fry.

123

 

Figure 11- McDonald’s 2003 “McKielbasa” television advertisement displays the
company’s efforts to integrate into Polish society

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'I‘. p’OLtl

 

Figure 12“Mothers’ Day,” a 2005 McDonald’s television advertisement showcases
company’s efforts to connect with the Polish family

125

 

Figure 13- McDonald’s 2002 television advertisement, “Engel” highlights the desired
connection between McDonald’s and Polish culture and society

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Chapter 3- Levi’s: Rebellion in a Size 6

A much-repeated story popular among native English speaking expatriates living in
Poland begins, as a many do, with a young American noticing a beautiful Polish girl in a
local bar. In this version the young hero downs a few shots of liquid courage, approaches
the young woman, and tries to communicate in broken Polish. Finding the young lady’s
English far superior to his Polish they carry on a slow conversation. The Polish girl
informs him that she respects the United States and especially likes America’s beautiful
“levies.” The young American asks her to repeat herself and again the girl tells him how
much she likes the U.S.’s “levies.” The young man tries to understand if he has enjoyed
one Polish beer too many or if he has met someone with a unique architectural interest
asks what the girl likes about ‘levies.” Her answer that they are well designed and look
good confuses him even more. Unable to think of many topics involving rivers, levies, or
dams, the conversation eventually dies and the two part ways. The next day when talking
to his ﬁiend the young man learns that “levies” is the Polish pronunciation on “Levi’s,”
the girl was talking about blue jeans.

Much like McDonald’s and Coca-Cola, Levi Strauss & Co. is one of the most
recognizable brand names in the world. Levi’s was founded in San Francisco, California
during the Gold Rush of the 18503. The company began making denim clothing,
especially blue jeans, for laborers that needed rugged work wear to meet their demanding
lifestyles. Over time, Levi’s became synonymous with the concept of jeans and the
individualistic youth oriented lifestyle that the clothing came to represent both in the US.

and abroad. Internationally, Levi’s became a symbol of freedom, rebelliousness, and

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individuality and the jeans were especially valued in communist Europe where both the
product and the ideals it represented were in short supply. Although Levi’s were not
ofﬁcially marketed in the Warsaw Bloc, the jeans were a well known product that was
coveted by many. American travelers to the USSR. were told to bring cartons of
Marlboro cigarettes and Levi’s jeans to trade with locals hungry for both western
products. In Hungary, often described as the most western of the Warsaw Bloc nations, a
thriving black market sold Levi’s jeans to customers willing to pay high prices. In
communist Poland, consumers that wished to pay outlandish prices could purchase jeans
at a chain called Pewax that specialized in western goods. Even before Levi Strauss &
Co. ofﬁcially entered these former communist countries in the early 19903 its products
were already understood and desired by many.
Levi’s in Poland

Levi’s jeans are unique among the products discussed in this monograph because they
are the only non-food and beverage product and thus have a much longer shelf life than
McDonalds’ food, Coca-Cola’s drinks, or Frito Lay’s snacks. In theory, a pair of Levi’s
jeans can be stored for decades and then used or resold with the promise of the same
quality or value as when they were made, a feat not possible with the other previously
mentioned products. This long shelf life meant that Levi’s jeans could be sold in
communist Europe even if they were not ofﬁcially being marketed because they would
not expire during the length of time it took to travel through underground channels.
Additionally, Levi’s jeans are by deﬁnition a clothing item that has the dual purpose of
utilitarian usage and fashion statement. Levi’s are comfortable and nice to wear for one’s

personal satisfaction, but generally more importantly they also make a statement about

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the wearer. The jeans symbolize many different things to observers and often their
opinion of the wearer changes after connecting the owner to his or her Levi’s jeans. In
other words, a person who owned a pair of Levi’s in communist Poland probably became
cooler in the eyes of many because of his or her association with the product. This
linkage between ownership of Levi’s and elevated social status is most apparent when
speaking to middle aged residents of Poland. Most Poles have a story of how much he or
she wanted a pair of jeans and how that Levi’s was the most desirable of all. Many reﬂect
that Levi’s were symbolic of individuality and of westemess, both in the political and
historical sense. One woman in her forties from the industrial region of Silesia tells of a
girl that was the ﬁrst in their elementary school class to own a pair of jeans and to this
day over thirty years later the woman is still associated with being the ﬁrst to have jeans
in the storyteller’s mind (Cieslak). This desirability of jeans in general and Levi’s in
particular is important because it helps to demonstrate the market that existed prior to the
company’s entrance in Poland. Unlike McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, and F rito Lay, which
often had be both simultaneously westem/ international and Polish, Levi’s main selling
point when entering Poland was its westemess and the concepts that went along with it.
Levi’s did not need to make itself more Polish or make Poland more western; instead it
needed to promote the idea that Levi’s jeans were universally desirable.

Levi Strauss & Co. opened its ﬁrst factory in Poland in 1991 and began to sell and
market its products to the nation not long afterwards. As mentioned before, even prior to
1991 Levi’s had a presence in the Polish market, which often is credited to the product’s
usage in American ﬁlm and television. Many popular American ﬁlms and television

shows featured characters that portrayed jeans as exciting and desirable. These

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entertainment vehicles preceded Levi’s ofﬁcial entry into the country and helped to create
demand before the product was readily accessible to most. Additionally, many Poles had
family in the United States and England that sent them jeans as gifts. After Levi’s entered
Poland in the early 19903 the c0mpany’s market strategy was to sell jeans from Levi’s
stores and thus promotes its brand as exclusive. European wide television commercials
were often used along side print ads speciﬁcally designed for the Polish market. This
created a European wide campaign that could be tailored to a speciﬁc country or market.
This means that Poland’s Levi’s ads had many of the same themes that were used across
Europe and the United States, which helped to cement the universal appeal of the
product. In the early stages of its ofﬁcial arrival into Poland, Levi Strauss did not wish to
become more Polish but rather the company wanted to market the universal appeal of its
apparel.

The makers and advertisers of Levi’s jeans ﬁnd themselves in a unique and almost
oxymoronic situation internationally and especially in Poland. Levi’s is a brand that
greatly focuses on its tradition as a western icon and as an anti-establishment product.
Levi’s has a long history as a product of the American West and as a symbol of
rebelliousness in the decades that followed. This link to the past provides apparent
documentation that the company has always produced products for rebels and renegades.
The advertising website “AdForum” remarks that this strategy in European advertising of
noting Levi’s legacy started because of the brand’s less than stellar reputation.
“AdForum” states, “When Levi's ﬁrst came to us in the early 1980's the denim market
was in decline. There was no brand leadership in the market and Levi's were seen as old

persons [sic] jeans. Being an American brand, Levi's was associated with Ronald Reagan,

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Dinasours [sic] of Rock and fat tourists. In product tests, consumers found Levi's 501.3
unattractive” (AdForum). Because of this preconception the marketers focused on Levi’s
past as a strength and a chance to use American mythology.
[Bartle Bogle Hegarty, Levi’s advertising agency’s] solution for the 501 was to
celebrate the authenticity of the Original Jean. Our aim was to focus on the 19503
when Levi’s 501 was adopted as a badge of youth rebellion and cool. We developed
a Mythical America far from contemporary reality and captured the enduring values
of youth: sex, rebellion, freedom and individuality whilst luxuriating in product
detail. The brand territory we identiﬁed for Levi's was Originality and the Big Idea
was The Original and Deﬁnitive Jean, a positioning which Levi's still adheres to
today (AdForm).
Levi’s advertising focused on a mythical American past; a “good” America that
countered any negative contemporary images of the nation. In such a way, America was
not a nation as much as it was an idea. Paradoxically, Levi’s advertising’s primary
audience was teenagers and young adults, a group generally unenamored with history or
the past. This means that Levi’s had to embrace its past and mythological heritage, while
courting a youth audience; not an easy task for any marketer. Many Levi’s ads focus on
the iconic nature of the brand, while placing the product in a contemporary youthful
setting. The ads often included attractive scantily dressed characters that seem to lead
exciting and desirable lifestyles. Although these characters are often stereotypes or
cliches, they also are timeless ideas that seemingly appeal to young viewers. The themes

of good times and overt sexuality were frequently used in advertising and Levi’s mixed

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them with elements of the past in an attempt to create a classical brand that continued to
be modern.

Levi’s European commercials from 1992-1994 are good examples of the company’s
agenda to mix the present and the past to create a seemingly timeless brand that would
appeal to a foreign market. Though created in the United Kingdom, these television
commercials were some of the ﬁrst Levi’s advertising in Poland and served as an ofﬁcial
introduction to Levi’s as American myth. The ads are groundbreaking in their use of
music and plot ideas; often appearing more like sixty to ninety second ﬁlms than
television commercials. Each miniature motion picture introduces characters, establishes
a storyline, and generally ends with a plot twist in around a minute. Because of the
language barrier most European Levi’s commercials contain little or no dialogue and
instead rely on a soundtrack of recognizable or popular music. This creates a commercial
that appeals to consumers weaned on MTV style videos and action driven ﬁlms. Levi’s
cultivates the notion that its ads are more than “just television commercials” by listing its
past ads on its website and including such information as, director, actors, music, singers,
and plot summary. By creating these short ﬁlm commercials Levi’s is declaring its
marketing to be smarter and fresher than its competition, which in turn states that the
company holds these same values. Levi’s embraces its past mythology as rebel and uses
that image to declare itself both contemporary innovator and current radical. This
message would appear to especially appeal to early 19903 Poland; a place that was being
widely introduced to Levi’s jeans for the ﬁrst time and that may have held many of these

ideas about the United States in its collective memory.

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Two television commercials that showcase Levi’s usage of its American mythological
rebelliousness to attract contemporary customers are ads from 1992 entitled “Swimmer”
and “Night and Day.” The ad “Swimmer” depicts an idealized version of 19503 high
society America, replete with fancy garden parties and lush lawns. The narrative follows
a muscular shirtless young man running through a series of backyards as he dives into
multiple swimming pools while wearing only his Levi’s jeans as Dinah Washington sings
“Mad About the Boy.” The young man ﬁnally jumps into his girlﬁiend’s pool and they
end the commercial diving off of a high board together; her wearing a swimming suit and
him still in his Levi’s jeans. The ad ﬁnishes with the tagline, “The more you wash them
the better they get” (“Swimmer”). The quirky nature of the commercial mixed with the
mythologized America of the past as its setting provides Levi’s an avenue to declare its
history of nonconformity. All of the characters of the commercial are stereotypical
' Americans of lore; the well-dressed home owners that watch the young man run from
pool to pool, the servants that wait on the American nobility, the young girl dressed in
debutant pink that falls for the young man from the wrong side of the tracks, and said
young man that ﬁghts both the oppressive nature of society and the monetary elite. This
seems to reference the modern American fable of the rich girl and the poor rebellious boy
and mirrors much of the style of 1987’s “Dirty Dancing”; a ﬁlm popular among Poles of
the younger generation. The mythological loner/ rebel/ anti-social young man of the ad
undoubtedly was designed to appeal to a young audience that identiﬁed with the
character in theory if not in practice. Levi’s was marketing to a Poland that had just
escaped the communist era and was embracing the rebellious idea of independence. By

setting the ad in the safe era of the 19503, Levi’s could create a safe level of rebellion

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during a bygone era in an America that may have never existed. Levi’s is hoping that
young Poles desire a mythologized America brand that can provide an impression of
rebellion that had been denied to Poland during the socialist era.

Another 1992 Levi’s commercial, “Night and Day,” relies on the mismatched lovers
theme but with a storyline closely resembles the fairy tale “Cinderella.” In this ad a
young woman hurries down the stairs of an ofﬁce building as a clock strikes midnight.
On the way down she loses a shoe and is pursued out of the building by a man. On the
street a biker stops between the woman and the man and drops a pair of Levi’s jeans
before disappearing. Later the woman searches the town for the jeans’ owner and after
asking many men ﬁnds him to be a handsome mechanic (“Night and Day”). Like the
previous ad, this one uses a well known tale in a new way to sell Levi’s jeans. The fairy
tale of ‘Cinderella” is European in origin, but the modern corporate setting and the
American product of Levi’s seems to embrace a western or American attitude. The
commercial carries the same theme of rebellion but recasts the neo-Cinderella as a
motorcycle riding man and the jeans as the new glass slipper. The woman is the pursuer
that takes control of her life, not conforming to an antiquated system of rules. She ﬁnds
happiness by being aggressive rather than passive and thus does not conform to the
stereotypical woman’s role. By doing this she is rebelling against the past and much of
society. In the end, this rebellion proves to be fruitful because she is able to acquire what
she desires and proves herself to be independent. By creating this ad, Levi’s is again
declaring the rebellious and individualistic spirit of its company and products. To many
the ideas of individuality and rebelliousness are symbolically linked to the United States.

America, mythologized land of freedom and the pioneering spirit as reﬂected in blue

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jeans. This usage of the mythology of the past allows Levi’s to use its corporate and
product history in a way that appears fresh and modern instead of tired and antiquated. In
Levi’s mythology the company is serving the same role that it always has, the keeper
American individuality and rebelliousness. Although Levi’s is connected to the past it is a
product of the individual and not of society. This message would be especially powerful
in Poland, where historical ties to the United States and the recent past gave special
meaning to the struggle between individual and society.
Rebellious American Mﬂhology

While companies like McDonald’s and Coca-Cola attempted to become a part of
Polish society by accentuating shared values, Levi’s endeavored to gain market share by
showcasing its Americanness. A series of commercials from 1993-1995 display how
Levi’s continued to utilize both the brand’s historical importance and a mythologized
American in contemporary European advertising geared towards a youthful market.
Although the commercials differ stylistically, each of them chronicles a bygone era of
American life and how it relates to Levi’s jeans. 1993’s “Campﬁre” displays picturesque
John F ord-like cinematography as several cowboys pose for an attractive female
photographer in what appears to be the early twentieth century southwestern United
States. As Johnny Cash’s “Ring of Fire” plays in the background, the ad artfully presents
the clash between the American west and the “modern” United States. In a scene that
brings to mind Frederick Jackson Tumer’s famous remarks about the end of the frontier,
the cowboys are photographed in their natural habitat. While posing for the picture a
young man sits too close to the campﬁre and the metal rivet in the middle of his jeans

overheats causing him to leap into the air and scream (and provides a new context to the

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background music). The ad ends as the cowboy, on horseback, tips his hat while
watching the woman drive away towards the expansive horizon with the tagline, “1941
saw the end of the notorious crotch rivet. 501. The original jean” (“Campﬁre”). Much
could be made of the presence of the attractive cowboy and photographer and the sexual
symbolism of the young man’s crotch being on ﬁre. While the sexuality of the ad
certainly is an important element of the commercial, more important is the link to a
mythologized American west. As discussed in chapter two, the cowboy and the American
West provide a heavily symbolic and mythological image of the United States to Poles.
The cowboy, the symbol of individuality, the rebellious loner living by his own code of
conduct is both well known and highly appreciated in Poland. By associating itself with
the historical coolness of the American cowboy, Levi’s is able to it claim that it has
always been a brand of rebels. In doing so Levi’s is not only linked to the time and place
but also becomes a part of the mythology itself. This means that to many Poles, Levi’s
becomes a part of the American western legend.

Levi’s produced other ads in this series that used much the same formula of
showcasing a rebellious, historical, American, archetype as in the commercial
“Campﬁre.” One other notable example is 1994’s “Creek,” an ad that follows a family of
religious American pioneers that seem to undertake a family picnic in the American west
during the mid-nineteenth century. While the parents partake of lunch, the two daughters
dressed in their bonnets and cumbersome dresses frolic in the wooded mountain region
and eventually see a handsome young man seemingly bathing naked in a lake. After
seeing the shirtless man washing himself the girls ﬁnd his Levi’s jeans hanging on a

nearby tree and wait with both longing and shock as he begins to exit the water. As the

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handsome young man walks out of the lake the girls learn with disappointment he is still
wearing his jeans. They then are upset to see an older less attractive man exit the lake
looking for his jeans. The girls watch as the still shirtless young man walks towards his
horse and the tagline, “In 1873 Levi’s Only Came Shrink To Fit. 501 the Original Jean,”
appears (“Creek”). Although no dialogue is used in the ad and no explanation of events or
characters are given, the people and time period depicted in the ads are so iconic that the
viewer is able to understand the context with no background provided. The characters
dress and habits, the horse drawn wagon, the majestic scenery, and the black and white
ﬁlm immediately provide clues that allow the viewer to create a back story based on an
understanding of American mythology. These are pioneers in a wide-open under
populated land. They are the “men of hope and expectation, of enterprise and energy,”
described by Theodore Roosevelt in his famous 1901 “Nation of Pioneers” speech
(Roosevelt). Although the commercial’s vision may not be historically accurate, it is
important mythlogically. The story that America was founded by rough and tumble
hardworking pioneers that faced long odds but persisted and built a new society is often
told. The character of the pioneer resembles the cowboy in that both are rebellious spirits
that create their own rules. In showing that pioneers preferred Levi’s the company is
attaching itself to another important historical symbol that holds contemporary credence.
One additional commercial from this series, which highlights Levi’s usage of
rebellious American historical mythology, is 1995’s “Drugstore,” a fast paced ad set in
what appears to be the early twentieth century. The grainy, overexposed black and white
ad has an eerie voyeuristic feel that reminds one of a 1950’s B-style horror ﬁlm. The ad

has two versions, which contain the same storyline but transpose the gender of the

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rebellious hero. In one ad the youth is a young man while in the other it is a young
woman. The commercial follows a young hero as he/she drives through a gritty small
town and purchases condoms from the owner of the local general store. The hero then
sticks the tin of condoms in the watch pocket of his/her Levi’s jeans and drives to a
young lady’s/ man’s house. Arriving at the residence the young hero is greeted by his/ her
date’s father, the same man that sold him/her the condoms. The man forbids his child to
exit the house but the boy and girl push their way past and leave. The ad ends with a
close up of the store owner’s angry/ horriﬁed face as the tagline reads, “Watch pocket
created in 1873. Abused ever since. 501. The Original Jean” (“Drugstore”). The
mythological character of this commercial is the bored and rebellious small town
American youth, trapped in a place and a life that he/she longs to leave. Obviously, by
shooting two versions of the commercial Levi’s is attempting to be gender neutral and to
declare that rebellion has no gender. This is important because Levi’s is again using a
historical situation but changing the terms of the surrounding myth. Much like in the
“Night and Day” ad, Levi’s uses a well known story but changes the characters in order
to declare that gender roles are no longer binding. In the traditional story it would be a
male that bought the condoms and came looking for sexual fulﬁllment. In Levi’s revised
version each gender has an equal claim to a rebellious nature.

Besides challenging the issues of gender this ad also differs from previous ads in its
treatment of class structure. The gender-neutral James Dean-like character is much like
the young man in the previously discussed 1992 commercial “Swimmer” except this ad
contains no elements that refer to a system of economic or social class. In “Drugstore”

the youth selects a companion that looks very much like himself/ herself in dress and

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mannerisms and there is no hint that him/ her leaving with her/ him will change either life
in an way. The tagline suggests that the watch pocket of the jeans is allowing the couple
to commit “abuses” against the closed society in which they live. The sexual act that they
appear to be destined to engage in is a deed of rebellion and individuality even though it
is one of the world’s most often experienced deeds. The expressions of the store owner
and the other customers as the youth buys the birth control suggest that he/ she is
engaging in an outrageous behavior even though it is not at all unusual. By having pre-
marital sex and using contraceptives to prevent pregnancy the young person is ﬂaunting
his/ her society’s rules regarding both sexual and biological normalcy. Levi’s, by
providing him/ her a secret compartment to hide his/ her contraband contraceptives,
becomes an accessory to the act and a conspirator in the rebellion. This idea of small
everyday rebellions against a large monolithic system would undoubtedly appeal to
young Poles. While many assuredly possessed the same youthful angst as their young
brethren around the world, young Poles also had grown up in an oppressive society that
would have limited their choices leaving them searching for an outlet. Levi’s uses the
symbolic American rebel to tap into some of these frustrations and declare an
understanding. Levi’s once again is showing solidarity (pun intended), with individuals
and rebels in Europe in general and Poland speciﬁcally.
Contemporagy Rebellion

While much of the early Levi Strauss advertising in Poland was produced for a mass
European market, many later ads were created speciﬁcally for the Polish customer, often
by Polish ﬁrms or Polish ofﬁces of international advertising agencies. One such

campaign is a series of print ads created for the Polish market starting in 1996. These

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print ads, designed to market Levi’s Red Tab jeans, continue the theme of youthful
rebellion but place the emphasis on contemporary youth instead of historical images. The
common element of these ads is the red tab that is attached to each pair of Levi’s jeans.
This bright red label, with the word “Levi’s” stitched in white, serves as an iconic logo
for this campaign and others. In three of the print ads, shirtless young men and women
are shown in various poses advertising Levi’s jeans. Each of the models’ hair has been
colored a striking bright red in order to match the hue of the Levi’s Red Tab logo (“Red
Tab 1, 2, and 3”). In taking on the qualities of the blue jeans, the model and the jeans
have become interconnected and the line that separates wearer from clothing has become
blurred. The models no longer merely wear the Levi’s jeans but rather have become
attached to the ideas of the product and in return the product has become integrated into
the wearer’s life. The jeans have become a part of the user’s daily existence and are no
longer only an American myth or idea but rather increasingly a Polish one. The ads still
declare that Levi’s jeans are a product for individuals and rebels but they do not reference
the brand’s ‘Americaness’. Undoubtedly, a Polish ad-viewer would be aware of Levi’s
American heritage but no longer are advertisers stressing this linkage. These ads appear
to mark a turning point for Levi’s in Poland, in the blue jean maker attempts to become
more universal. Before Levi’s jeans claimed to be a product of youthful rebellion and
could prove it with an American historical pedigree. In 1996, Levi’s seems content to
remain ‘cool’ but does not feel the need to label itself as American but rather wants to be
a visceral part of youth. No longer are rebellion and youthful coolness portrayed as only

American traits by Levi’s but in this ad these qualities become universals that young

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Poles can embrace. Levi’s is now offering Poles a symbol of something broader and
deeper than American culture.

Three other print ads from this campaign seem to support the theory that Levi’s is
attempting to transform itself into a transnational idea. Each of the advertisements
displays the head of a young man or women marked with the bright redness of Levi’s
Red Tab. The ﬁrst ad the features the close up faces of a red quaffed couple, another
displays a side view of the head of a young man adorned with red rooster-like plumage,
while the last shows the side and back of a young woman sporting chicken like feathers.
In each of the ads the pictures are shown next to the Red Tab label and the words “Red
Tab” and the Polish translation, “Czerwona WSzwka” (“Red Tab 4, 5, and 6”). Levi’s
jeans are featured in none of the ads and if not for the Levi’s logo it would be altogether
unclear what was being advertised. The storylines within the ads are debatable, which
seems to be part of the advertisements’ narrative intentions. The ads are an unsettling
mixture of brightness and grayness; a jarring jumble of creativity and apathy. Although
the meaning of the ads is uncertain, one can certainly surmise that youth rebellion and
individuality are a part of it. The latter two ads appear to have anthropomorphized the
models into a rooster and a chicken possibly as a way to express their base animalistic
tendencies. The highlighting of these carnal desires may be a reference to a teenager’s
growing sexual desire or a young person’s feeling of isolation and uncertainty. No matter
what type of individualistic rebellion the ads are meant to convey, it seems clear that each
attempts to garner universal understanding and appeal. In previously aired ads in Poland,
Levi’s linked itself to an understood American mythology. In these ads, the company

embraces universally known animal traits in order to display its selling points. In the past

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Levi’s marketed itself as a historically rebellious American company with ties to many of
the great American myths and ideas. In 1996 the jeans maker portrays itself as the keeper
of individuality, not only an American idea but rather a universal one.

During the mid-19903 Levi’s ads continued the practice of showing rebellion and
individuality in a non-nationalistic, non-gender based way but usually with an unexpected
twist. In a series of international commercials Levi’s focuses less on its historical
American past and more on it universal appeal. “Planet”, 1995 commercial, portrays the
typical scene of young woman rebelling against her parent’s rules and wishes as the
neighbors watch in horror. Although this sounds like a clichéd situation, the twist is that
all of these events take place on another planet. The girl wearing Levi’s jeans is an alien
living in another society but her life and experiences with her parents and neighbors
mirror a stereotypical Earth teenager. Levi’s is claiming to not only be international but
rather truly universal (“Planet”). Concepts like the problems of youth, rebellion, and
individuality are shown not to be American ideas but rather natural elements of life that
all people share. In this ad even aliens understand the problems and complications of
youth and the universal coolness of Levi’s. Likewise, in “Mermaids,” a 1997 commercial,
3 man is rescued from drowning by three beautiful mermaids that try to steal his Levi’s
jeans. The man escapes with his clothing but it is clear that the mermaids desire the jeans
much more than the man (“Mermaids”). In much the same way as “Planet,” this ad shows
the universal appeal of Levi’s jeans. By showing that even ancient legendary characters
like mermaids understand the importance of Levi’s and what they symbolize, the
company is further distancing itself from being only an American product. Another

example of this idea is the 1997 commercial “Kung-Fu.” This ad, created in a 19703

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kung-fu ﬁlm style, follows a martial arts hero as he pursued by a would-be killers. The
action ﬂows from a Chinese restaurant, to a rooftop, and to a city street. Eventually the
hero enters a laundry mat where a woman is about to wash a pair of Levi’s jeans. In one
quick motion the hero turns the jeans inside-out, hands them to the woman, and leaves
the shop to continue the ﬁght. The tagline appears, “Levi’s 501. The Original Jeans. Best
Washed Inside Out” (“Kung-F u”). Again this ad takes a non-American rebellious
mythology and links it to Levi’s. While early 19903 adverts utilized selected American
settings and ideas these ads from the mid-19903 embrace a more global vision of Levi’s
primary themes, youth, individuality, and rebelliousness. Levi’s will most likely always
be associated with its American past but the company decided to not market that feature
in its mid-19903 advertising. It also chose not to create advertising that catered to
individual nations or markets. Instead these ads show Levi’s as an international brand
marketing global ideas. This change to a marketing strategy that downplays the brand’s
American ties means that in places like Poland Levi’s was attempting to become more
locally acceptable. Unlike McDonald’s, Levi’s did not try to become more Polish but
instead the brand wanted to gain status by becoming universal. Levi’s hoped to develop
into a brand that could break the bonds of nationalism and becomes commonly accepted.
New Rebellion

Two other themes that dominate Levi’s mid to late 19903 Polish and European
advertising are: strong women and unusual storylines. These themes have been evident in
most of the Levi’s advertising that has been discussed and become more prevalent in the
latter half of the decade. As seen in previous ads like “Night and Day,” “Campﬁre,”

“Planet,” and “Drugstore,” the role of women in society is one of the major elements in

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many Levi’s ads. Even the Polish print ads from 1996 portray women as equally
rebellious and outrageous as their male counterparts. While much of the reason for this
stance probably can be traced to the large female market for jeans, it also speaks to an
easy target for youthful rebellion, the traditional gender roles. While in the past in Poland
communist governments often encouraged women to work outside the home, the country
remained primarily conservative. The nation’s Catholic identity coupled with strongly
held traditional views helped to solidify highly-structured conservative gender roles. The
fall of the communist government in 1989 marked a point in which many things,
including gender roles, may have begun to change but as with many things the change
progressed slowly. Because of this one can assume that the idea of more open gender
roles would play well with many Polish youths that wished to rebel against perceived
societal norms. Even though these commercials were not designed speciﬁcally for the
Polish audience they almost certainly would have been seen as rebellious and
individualistic to many youthful Poles.

One additional mid-19903 commercial that showcases the idea of a non-traditional
woman is a 1996 ad entitled, “Washroom.” In this commercial a woman that has just
robbed a bank quickly enters a gas station bathroom where a man holding a stick and
wearing dark glasses is sitting. The woman believing that the man is blind takes off her
clothes and her disguise and hides them in the bag of money. Then uncertain if the man is
actually blind, she suggestively buttons her Levi’s jeans and is unable to garner a
reaction. Shortly after the woman leaves, a blind man emerges from the bathroom stall
and takes his stick from the non-blind man in the corner. The tagline that appears reads,

“The Original button ﬂy. Seen in all the wrong places. Levi’s 501. The Original Jean”

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(Washroom”). Although the ad at ﬁrst appears to be a male fantasy about secretly seeing
a sexy woman undress, at closer inspection it has a very strong non-traditional heroine.
The ethics and morals of the woman, as a bank robber, may be questionable but
throughout the ad she appears to be intelligent and capable. She robs a bank and gets
away without getting caught. She is quick thinking enough to enter the men’s bathroom
when the woman’s is locked even though she has been trained to never do 30. She
accesses the situation with the blind man and even tests him using her sexuality as a
weapon. While her occupation may be dubious, she displays all the traits of a capable
career woman and deﬁes categorization. In creating this character Levi’s is presenting
another strong woman that rebels against society and touts her individuality.
Unusual Themes

The other major theme of Levi’s in the mid and late-19903 is of oddly themed ads that
often appear to have no meaning and no relation to the product. The most famous is the
1998 spot, “Hamster” that displays the death of Kevin the hamster after his exercise
wheel breaks. The ad contains no visual of Levi’s jeans and the connection between the
rodent’s death and the clothing is never made (“Hamster”). “Wives,” another 1998
commercial, shows the life of a man with many wives and one model ship. It never is
explained how these things connect to Levi’s or what they means to the viewer
(“Wives”). While past ads were akin to Hollywood ﬁlms these commercials appear to be
more like experimental cinema. Other examples are 1998’s “Mall” in which a man is
riding the escalator in a shopping mall. At ﬁrst the viewer only sees the top half of the
man that appears to be behaving normally. Later the man is shown to be wearing no

clothing on the lower half of his body (“Mall”). Another 1998 commercial, “Photocopier”

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has a copy machine printing out copies of the word “copy” as it counts down. When the
machine reaches zero the machine is hit by a large truck and demolished (“Photocopier”).
All of these ads conclude with the tagline, “The original.” It appears that Levi’s was
attempting to create anti-commercials that did not follow the generally understood rules
of how to sell a product. As previously noted, the product was not shown or mentioned
and the entire point was difficult to understand. By doing this Levi’s was probably trying
to showcase its rebelliousness and independence from another perspective. The ads, like
Levi’s jeans, do not follow the rules and instead are the original individualistic rebels. It
does not matter if others understand them, what is important is that they do what feels
right to themselves. This sentiment was likely crafted to appeal to young viewers’
feelings of alienation and dissatisfaction with society. While the ads may be hard to
understand narratively, they do appeal to present Levi’s ever present themes of rebellion
and individuality. The company does seem to have mostly abandoned its use of
mythology and Americana but still clings to its historical importance. The tagline of “the
original” reminds consumers that the company has historical ties to youthful rebellion
and individuality in an archetypal way that will never go out of style. The jeans maker
advertises itself as having always been cool and remaining that way until the present day.
In other words, even though Levi’s was creating seemingly unusual ads it was using them
to market the same message to its consumers.
Creating a New Sexualized Image

As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-ﬁrst century commenced, Levi’s found
itself battling image problems in both the United States and Europe. Levi’s started to lose

market share to newer brands such as F UBU and Diesel. (Marsh 119-121). In Poland

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brands such as Big Star, Wrangler, and Lee gained popularity and caused Levi’s to
rethink its approach to product design and advertising. One of the company’s biggest
changes was the summer 1999 launch of Levi’s Engineered Jean (LEJ). This new style
twists the seams of jeans in order to give the wearer more ﬂexibility and freedom. The
jeans are generally worn low and baggy and Levi’s emphasizes the urban nature of the
product. Notably, the jeans maker does not contend that LEJ is a new idea but rather
asserts that the style is an enhancement of a natural occurring feature of Levi’s jeans. The
tag on the back of the jeans reads, “In 1998, a Levi’s Creative, came up with a new way
to construct the classic jean. The idea was simple. Deliberately use the unique and iconic
feature of the 501 jean- ‘The Leg Twist’ to create extra comfort in tomorrow’s jeans”
(Levi’s Poland). Levi’s once again chose to embrace its historical past and link its LEJ
brand to its original jeans created in the nineteenth century. Advertising for the product
displays few ties to Levi’s history though and generally focuses on young couples in
urban/ suburban sexualized settings. While past ads were ﬂirtatious or coyly sexual,
commercials for LEJ often present the product as a part of the suburban teenage mating
ritual or in some cases as a sexual stimulate or aid. This expansion of Levi’s jeans’ sexual
role may be a reﬂection of a more sexualized culture or might be an attempt to increase
sales through titillation. Although the tagline for most of the ads includes the word
“original,” little is made of Levi’s history or the mythology of the brand.

The sexualization of Levi’s jeans advertising is evident in an international advertising
campaign starting in the year 2000 with the tagline, “The Twisted Original.” These
commercials appear to focus more on the jean’s role in interpersonal relationships and

less on past themes such as, historicalness, mythology, and Americana. While the themes

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of rebelliousness and individuality can be found with the ads they also are lesser
apparent. A good example of this campaign is “Undressed,” a commercial from 2000.
The ad focuses on a young, playful, naked couple that seductively dresses each other.
After the two are fully dressed the family returns home fully naked catching the couple
with clothing on (“Undressed”). The commercial presents a seemingly existentialist view
of the “rules of society” but also portrays the sexual nature of clothing and jeans in
particular. Another commercial entitled, “Dolls,” shows to inﬂated blow up dolls
wearing Levi’s jeans that fall in love. After the male doll is blown into a fence and
punctured, the female doll commits suicide by puncturing herself on the same fence.
While the commercial seems to portray an offbeat love story, the subject of the narrative
is a couple composed of blow up dolls that appear akin to the sexual variety. At one point
in the ad, the female doll even makes a face with a circular mouth that mirrors the pose of
many sex dolls (“Dolls”). One must wonder if this is a shared “inside joke” that teenagers
and young adults would understand more than older adults like their parents. In 2000’s,
“Legs,” two pairs of j cans are separated at the factory and then ﬁnd each other on the
street one day. The jeans remove themselves from their owner’s bodies and eventually
wrap around each other leaving their owners jeansless (“Legs”). The commercial is part
modern day fable and part visual example of the supposed sexual potency of Levi’s jeans.
The two pairs of jeans carry a pent up sensuality that overtakes the owner’s and is
eventually too powerful for them to handle.

Another international campaign for LEJ with the caption, “Twisted to Fit,” expands
the sexuality of the advertising. In 2001’s “Temptation,” a girl straddles and fondles a

limp pair of Levi’s jeans until they become still and erect. With the obvious statement of

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jeans as phallic symbol the commercial again declares that Levi’s are a carrier of sexual
energy (“Temptation”). This connection between Levi’s jeans and sexuality is also
evident in another 2001 ad, “Flirt.” In this commercial a young man and woman begin to
silently show anatomical parts that match the twisted nature of their jeans while waiting
in a subway station. Twisted hair, teeth, eyebrows, and navels are displayed and as the
man undoes his pants the lights go out. As the lighting returns the girl smiles in approval
of what she has been shown. The message being that the man’s sexual organ matched the
twisted nature of his Levi’s jeans (“Flirt”). In this way his jeans become a symbol for his
penis. One last example is a series of three 2002 commercials for Levi’s Worn Jeans.
Each of these ads is entitled “Rub” and parenthetically bracketed with the place that the
action takes happens (“Rub (Shop Window),” “Rub (Hole in Wall),” “Rub (Bowling
Alley).”) In each commercial young men and women sensually rub themselves against
numerous objects in an urban environment. The tagline for the ads is, “Rub Yourself.
Levi’s Worn Jeans.” The slogan and the visual are blatant references to masturbation and
the sexual nature of the jeans. In all of these ads Levi’s jeans have become symbolic of
sexuality, sex organs, or the sex act itself. While it could be argued that this interest in
sex is an extension of the themes of rebellion and individuality, in the new ads one has to
search for those themes when before they were readily apparent. In the early twenty-ﬁrst
century Levi’s appears to be moving away from many of the older themes in order to
focus on more sensational fare. Although the company still embraces its historical roots
by declaring the LEI an extension of its oldest brands, it chooses not to use that idea in

much of its advertising. This may be a sign of changing tastes or new social norms but in

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the early years of the new millennium ideas like historical Arnericanism are rarely
mentioned.
Increased Urbanness

During the early years of the tWenty-ﬁrst century Levi’s international and local ads in
Poland concentrated more on sexuality than other historical themes. This focus marked a
shift for the company and seems to indicate a discernible effort to portray the jeans as
more modern and youth oriented. This trend of sexuality in Levi’s advertising continues
throughout the ﬁrst half of the decade but around 2003 it is joined by another seemingly
new theme, that of urbanness. While several previous ads had urban settings or city-
dwelling characters, the advertisements generally portrayed Levi’s as a product for rural,
small town, suburbanite, or urban professional users. For example, the previously
mentioned 1992 commercial “Night and Day” that follows the adventures of modern
Cinderella! Princess Charming characters. In this ad, a large metropolis is the setting but
the characters are either urban professionals (the business woman) or skilled laborers (the
mechanic). None of the characters seem to ﬁt the mold of gritty, urban, and street-smart.
Many of Levi’s past ads feature a boy or a girl from a lower economic or social class but
the characters rarely ﬁt the twenty-ﬁrst century deﬁnition of urban, which is a product of
the greater inﬂuence of rap music and the hip-hop culture. While in the past “urban” may
have meant only someone or something that was related to the city, by the late 19903 the
word had taken on connotations of hip-hop and its style and sensibilities. Baggy panted
youths, accessorized with ﬂashy jewelry and cars, and listening loudly to rap music

became the new spokespersons for the concept of urban. As this understanding became

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part of the global culture Levi’s appears to have started using more urban characters and
settings in its early twenty-ﬁrst ads in an attempt to embrace the modern city’s trendiness.
A 2003 international commercial, “Swap” displays Levi’s focus on this new breed of
urbanness. As fast-paced music blares in the background, a group of youths menace
several denizens of a city. Some of the ad’s characters are fully human but others are
human-bodied, mouse-headed, adolescents that appear to be integrated into society. A
gang of human and mouse-headed youths swagger aggressively through the city,
asserting their dominance as they do. One female mouse-head, forcefully evicts a suit and
tie wearing man from a pay phone booth, so that she can make a call. Eventually, the
gang meets a wealthy woman in a deserted parking lot and in exchange for a cash
payment the woman is given her cat that apparently has been kidnapped and held for
ransom by the gang. The ad ends with the tagline, “Levi’s Type 1 Jeans. A Bold New
Breed” (“Swap”). Although the ad does not mention hip-hop culture or play rap music, it
does employ many of the themes that are found within modern urbanness. The tone of the
commercial has the same sense of menace that many rappers produce in order to create a
culture of street tough “gangstas.” This idea of aggressively street-hardened youths is one
of the cornerstone elements of rap/ hip-hop and is found throughout “Swap.” Also, the
gritty urban setting of the commercial matches hip-hop’s view of city life. In the ad, the
city is bright, crowded, noisy, fast-paced, and dangerous. It is a place ﬁlled with
predators and victims and the denizens of the city seem to create an understanding of how
life needs to be lived. This is not the ordered/civilized city of past ads but rather an urban
jungle in which one has to ﬁght and steal in order to survive. Additionally, many of

themes of the commercial also reoccur in hip-hop culture; the wealthy vs. the

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underprivileged, one’s right to disobey the law in order to continue to exist, and the
sliding moral scale of contemporary urban life. Also, much of Levi’s message in the
commercial seems to be about race or nationality as evidenced by the mice-headed
ﬁgures and the use of the word “breed” in the tagline. This inclusion of racial or ethnic
differences mirrors many of the conversations about race that surround rap and hip-hop.
While some could argue that many of themes that emerge from “Swap” could also be
connected to other youth movements like punk or heavy metal, these youth factions do
not fully address the entire spectrum of ideas in the same manner as hip-hop. As “Swap”
and other ads reveal Levi’s was embracing a new version of urbanism in the twenty-ﬁrst
century.

A 2004 website designed by Levi’s for the Polish market also attempts to capitalize on
the image and accessibility of hip-hop. The site that advertises Levi’s 501 Anti-Form
Jeans, promotes a contest to compose a rap track. The webpage allows the user to select
from a series of different words and three pre-programmed background beats in order to
craft a 40 word rap. The site depicts several youths dressed in stereotypical urban outﬁts
(i.e. baggy pants, sleeveless white shirts, leather jackets, etc.) and contains oddly
juxtaposed words often crafted in a freeform grafﬁti inspired style (Levi’s Anti-Form).
The webpage is attempting to embrace the hip-hop movement and to give Levi’s an urban
image among youths in Poland. Interestingly, by focusing on hip-hop and rap Levi’s
begins to return to one of its earliest themes; being an American product. Although hip-
hop and rap have been embraced by youth in many places around the world it is still a
quintessentially American art form that carries a connection to the US. in the minds of

many. “Swap” was set in an American city, even though the ad was broadcast widely in

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Europe. The 501 Anti-Form website is mostly in English even though it was designed for
the Polish market by the Polish branch of an international ad agency (Leo Poland). Even
many of the words that would be rappers can chose from are Americanisms, like “yo,”
“rap,” and “hip-hop.” Although the type of American culture differs greatly from
previous versions, Levi’s once again began to display its Americanness in its urban
themed ads. In some ways, city streets were the new version of the mythic untamed
American west. Just as Levi’s had wanted to be the symbol of the American frontier it
also wants to be linked to the new myth of the new urban America.
Local Urbanness

Another marketing avenue that displays Levi’s early twenty-ﬁrst century attachment
to the urban lifestyle is in store advertising. Posters, ﬂoor displays, and other advertising
materials that were present in Levi’s stores in Poland provide insights into the brand’ use
of the theme of urbanness. Posters advertising sales within the store often picture youths
dressed in baggy jeans, oversized hooded shirts, or other hip-hop inspired styles. Several
of the images are of black males, which stand in contrast to Poland’s ethnically and
religiously homogeneous society. Additionally, printing or lettering on posters, displays,
or handouts generally reﬂects a street art aesthetic. The type is not uniform in size, color,
font, or placement. The color and the size of the letters change often and the words
appear to be placed in a haphazard manner that invokes the style of grafﬁti art. The
advertising often uses a mixture of Polish and English words that suggests a fusion of
cultures and the reappearance of a mythologized America. Ironically, it is black America
that is being idealized and marketed in the newest version of the myth; a group and

culture that has appeared in very few ads in the past. Just as Levi’s had previously linked

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itself to American icons and myths that were not readily available in Poland like the
cowboy, the frontier, and 19503 America, now the company was presenting Aﬁican
American urban culture as an alternative culture to youthful Poles.

Levi’s use of an urban theme and its ties to African American culture can be seen in
two window displays from Levi’s stores. These windows were used to showcase Levi’s
products and to entice shoppers to enter the store. The ﬁrst display features Levi’s
clothing in the foreground with a poster for 501 Anti-Form Jeans in the back. The poster
presents one large image of a young black man and three small pictures of urban youths
of various ethnicities of the left side. The large photo that dominates the poster is of a
black man wearing baggy jeans and holding his left hand in the air away from his body in
a movement that is popular among rappers. The images on the side show the youths in
various types of oversized jeans and urban dress and in Polish the caption reads, “Choose
your style. Your size. Big. Or Very Big” (“Choose Your Style”). The ad is using young
black men and other urban youths in familiar outﬁts and poses to promote Levi’s
urbanness to Polish youths. Two of the four pictures on the poster are of black youths and
the clothing and body positions tell the viewer that the young men of the ad are urban
dwellers. By promoting Aﬁican American urban culture in a country that lacks such
diversity, Levi’s is linking itself to the growing mythology that surrounds the idea of
urbanness. The jeans maker is endorsing the new mythology of urban America much as it
did with its rural predecessor in the past. It is asking Polish consumers to embrace
elements of an urban Aﬁican American culture that is both unique and familiar.

A second Levi’s store window display that uses urban American mythology to

promote the company in Poland is an advertisement for Type 1 Jeans. The window is

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pasted with the name of the product and the slogan “A Bold New Breed,” and announces
that 3D glasses are available inside. Behind the products displayed in the window is a
large poster with 3D cartoon artwork that shows a young black male dressed in Levi’s
urbanwear ﬁghting a much larger man dressed in a long ﬂowing coat that resembles the
Neo character in the ﬁlm The Matrix. On the poster the long-coated man appears to be
controlling a ray-like weapon that is binding the black youth (“A Bold New Breed”). This
ad uses the young black male as a hero and has him ﬁghting an evil villain. In doing so,
Levi’s is not only portraying the urban youth as an individual that appeals to youthful
buyer’s sense of ﬁ'eedom but rather also as a comic book style hero that ﬁghts against
larger and more powerful adversaries. This expands the mythology of the urban
American, making him not only a popular and respected ﬁgure but also a hero. This
transition mirrors the use of the cowboy as hero and further displays the change that is
taking place to move the American mythology from a rural setting to an urban one.
Levi’s is again linking itself to a mythological America that in many ways never existed.
It is continuing to choose themes and myths that display the qualities of individuality and
rebelliousness but the characters and the locations that are used have changed. Before the
American frontier, small town and rural America, the suburbs and the denizens of each
were the preferred locations and characters. At the start of the twenty-ﬁrst century new
locations and groups of people are becoming the focus of the myths. In many ways Levi’s
is merely doing what it had done since the beginning in Poland, it is attempting to link
itself to classical ideas while proclaiming itself to be modern and asking Poles to accept

the brand as an icon of individuality and rebellion.

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Urban Poland

Levi’s did not attempt to create the myth of American urbanness, but rather the
company adapted an idea that was already prevalent in Polish youth culture. During the
late 19903 and the early twentieth Century, shortly before Levi’s began using the theme in
its advertising, rap music and urban culture started to be embraced by many Polish youths
just as it had in other parts of the world. The popularization of rap in Poland is often
credited to a radio show introduced in 1993 and hosted by Bogna Swiatkowska and DJ
Volt. This radio broadcast played American rap and hip-hop and the disc jockeys
explained the American contexts of the songs, often focusing on the problems and issues
that confronted African Americans in the United States (Polish HipHop Scene). The radio
show not only played rap music but also educated the Polish audience about black/ urban
America and showcased links to the Polish urban experience. Soon hip-hop culture was
spreading among Polish youths that created their own rap in Polish and organized “black
parties” at local clubs and discos. By the middle of the ﬁrst decade of the twenty-ﬁrst
century, rap and hip-hop had become so popular in Poland and 30 identiﬁed with
America that the US. embassy in Warsaw welcomed hip-hop pioneer Aﬁika Bambaataa
to its “America Presents” series to talk about the history of hip-hop (America Presents).
Many Polish teenagers and young men and women identify with the stereotypical
mythologized African American experience and consider the trials of urban Polish life to
be akin to the problems of the American inter city. Polish rappers, like the popular Peja,
create lyrics about brutal living conditions in Polish bloki (housing projects) and the
general difﬁculties of life. These Polish rappers seem to identify with their American

counterparts as evidenced by one Peja track that includes the words, “South Bronx!

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South, South Bronx!,” as its only English lyrics in order to show solidarity with his
perceived urban American brethren (F aruque). This is the marketplace into which Levi’s
launched its urban themed ads. One in which the youth of Poland often identify with and
respect their American counterparts and furthermore wish to emulate them. Like most of
its past uses of American mythology Levi’s was building on desire for urban American
within Poland. Once again the jeans maker was using an American myth to proclaim the
company’s product’s desirability.
The New Icon

Levi’s advertising continues to stress its urban appeal in the middle of the ﬁrst decade
of the new century but also refocuses its efforts on solidifying its iconic status in a way
that appeals to contemporary youths. In numerous ways Levi’s advertisements ﬁrom
2003-2005 reinterpret many of the same themes of fun, individualism, independence, and
rebelliousness within the new urban aesthetic. Although little is concretely presented
about Levi’s ties to historical Americanism, the themes and the products are portrayed as
intemational/ transnational with a strong dose of American ﬂavor. Thematically, the
“new” advertisements are akin to those from the early and mid-19903 with the exception
of Levi’s often downplaying its historicalness. Instead the company wishes to present
itself as a contemporary and fashionable brand that appeals to modern youths. In many
ways this is the primary responsibility of Levi’s advertising and marketing, to constantly
represent and repackage the themes of Levi’s for a new customer audience. While it
would be easy to dismiss the 2003-2005 Polish advertising as repetitive and uncreative
because of its similarities to past advertising, that would be unfair. The purpose of these

advertisements is to recreate the traditional themes of Levi’s for a new generation. The

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company understands that much of what its customer base wants remains unchanged for
generations even if this is unknown to the consumers themselves. In reintroducing classic
themes of fun, independence, rebelliousness, and individuality in new ways, the company
is staying on message and allowing a new generation of customers to hear it again for the
ﬁrst time.

Many of the Polish advertisements from the early years of the twenty-ﬁrst century
present a ﬂirty sexual awareness that expresses not only the sexual desirousness of the
clothing but the rebelliousness and individuality that they symbolize. As previously
mentioned, sexuality is a reoccurring device in Levi’s advertising. A large portion of the
company’s early and mid-19903 ads were sexually suggestive, while later advertisements
often utilized more sexually intense storylines. Both varieties of ads were attempting to
connect Levi’s to the ideas of non-conformity and individuality that sexuality often
represents. Although sex is a biological act in which most humans participate,
adolescents are often discouraged ﬁom engaging in sexual relations, especially in a
predominantly Catholic country like Poland, making sex, and its discussion, often both
rebellious and anti-social. While one cannot argue against the notion that one of the
purposes of these types of ads is to titillate, one also cannot deny that Levi’s is attempting
to connect the youthful understanding of sexuality with the individualistic themes of its
products. Once again Levi’s is reusing a standard device to present a new take on its
traditional themes.

A number of print ads from the early years of the twenty-ﬁrst century display the use
of sexuality to present Levi’s themes. A series of four print ads show different views of a

shirtless young man and woman wearing their Levi’s jeans backwards. In each advert the

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couple is entwined, the two partners wrapped around each other hiding parts of the
other’s body. In what might be the most interesting of the series, the shirtless couple is
shown from behind looking into a mirror. While they are apart in the picture, the mirror
image shows them intertwined. The ads have no tagline except, “501” and the company’s
logo (“Backward Lovers l, 2, 3, and 4”). The sexuality of the couple and the freedom that
the jeans provide are paramount in the ads. The couple is asserting their ﬁeedom and
individuality by being blatantly sexual and wearing their jeans backwards. They make no
apologies for how they dress or act and refuse to conform to the standards of Polish
society, all themes from past advertisements that are being reused in a new way.

Another device that Levi’s reemploys to highlight its themes of youthfulness,
individuality, and rebelliousness is a focus on the equality of women. As with previous
ads like the commercials “Night and Day,” “Planet,” “Drugstore,” and “Washroom” the
ads from this period highlight non-traditional women’s roles. Just as the previously
mentioned series of print ads with the backwards jeans couple shows neither of the
partners as dominant and seems to project equality. Most of Levi’s ads from this period
show women as strong powerful individuals and place them on equal footing as men.
While Levi’s advertisements are often sexually suggestive, the woman is not a sexual
object, as she often is in adverts for other products or brands; instead she is a full
participant in the rebelliousness of Levi’s. The adverts often emphasize that the
company’s products are designed to ﬁt a woman’s lifestyle and needs. This is emphasized
in two prints ads from the same campaign that features the tagline, “Naprawde Twoje”
(They are really yours). Both ads show a woman only wearing Levi’s jeans and stress that

Levi’s products are designed to be a part of a woman’s daily life. In one advert, a

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shirtless woman wearing Levi’s jeans is lying in bed with her back to the camera, and the
other ad shows a close up other the top of the jeans and a woman’s bare hip and side
(“Naprawde Twoje 1 and 2”). In both cases the women are beautiful and sexually
appealing but they are meant to show how comfortable and accessible the jeans are. They
are a product that are cozy and practical but also look good. The women in the ads are not
sex objects but rather attractive women that want a pair of jeans to meet all of their needs.
Levi’s is telling women that they do not need to choose style over function but that they
can have both and that their needs matter, a message that is often hard to ﬁnd in
advertising and in society. Another series of print ads entitled “girls,” shows a close up of
a young lady’s face and does not include a picture of any Levi’s product (“Girls 1 and
2”). The “girls” in the ads are all beautiful but each is different in appearance and style.
The ads seem to contradict the notion of a standard type of beauty. While one could argue
that all the women in the ads have model-like proportions and appearances, the theme
remains valid nonetheless. Certainly, Levi’s does not showcase every type of woman but
for a brand that is advertising to youthful customers even the attempt to dispel standard
beauty myths is unusual. Both of these series of print ads show the company’s use of
women in non-traditional ways. The way that women are portrayed in the ads may seem
less than radical but as compared to a traditional society like Poland or other
advertisements they are unique. As in the past, by broadcasting women in varied and
untraditional role Levi’s is presenting itself as progressive and unencumbered by the rules
of the society. The company’s is trying to show itself as following the rebellious and

individualistic path that it advertises.

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One other way that Levi’s attempts to readvertise many of its historic themes is by
strengthening its iconic brand status. This may seem inconsequential compared to the
concrete themes that have been previously discussed but it is important because many
buyers purchase Levi’s reputation not its jeans. This concept can be seen in a famous
advertising saying that advertising sells the sizzle not the steak. In the same manner,
Levi’s needs to sell its reputation in order to sell its clothing. This is one of the main
reasons that Levi’s ads have focused on themes like rebelliousness, individuality,
coolness, and historical Americanism in past and present advertising. Levi’s wishes to
separate itself from the competition by constantly recreating its status as an iconic brand.
Three print ads in particular from this period demonstrate Levi’s efforts at continued
branding. All three do not contain a picture or a mention of a Levi’s product, but rather
combine the Levi’s name with elements of everyday society. The ﬁrst advert creates an
image of a Christmas tree made from Levi’s rivets, buttons, and stitching; with the star at
the top replaced by the company’s Red Tag logo (“Christmas Tree”). Levi’s is using an
understood symbol of the Christmas season to market the accoutrements of its products.
The buttons, rivets, logo, and stitching are unique to Levi’s brand of jeans and by
showcasing them the company is separating itself from the competition. The second ad
also focuses on the parts of Levi’s jeans, showing a close up as the buttons, stitching,
rivets, and logo seemingly ﬂoat in midair, with the tagline “Zaproszenie” (Invitation)
printed in red in the bottom right corner (“Zaproszenie”). The purpose of the invitation is
not entirely clear but Levi’s is once again highlighting the uniqueness of its brand. The
third print ad, shows a drawing of a Polish street car ﬁ'om many different angle, much

like one might ﬁnd at a station or stop. In this rendering the trains are covered with the

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Levi’s Red Tab logo and a rendering of the company’s button design (“Street Car”).
Again, no jeans are shown but Levi’s displays its logo and unique button in order to
prove its distinctiveness and its connection to Polish youth. The jeans maker is accessing
the same themes of individuality and fun by showcasing the brand’s uniqueness. In these
ads Levi’s products are a part of everyday Polish life and thus distinctively understand
the needs of the youth of Poland.
Conclusion

Levi’s advertising in Poland from 1990-2005 is a story of adaptation without change.
As with many companies, the clothing maker had to constantly readjust its image while
maintaining its core identity. Because Levi’s customers in Poland are primarily
adolescents and young adults the company was forced to remain trendy and “cool” while
keeping the link to its historical image that made it unique. The themes of Levi’s
advertising in Poland in this period generally remained the same, although the context
and the settings continue to shift and evolve. Levi’s advertising began the 19903 with a
focus on a mythologized historical America and the company wanted to market itself and
its products around the themes of rebellion, independence, and individualism by
connecting to an idealized American past. By doing this, Levi’s accentuated its
Americanness and reminded Poles of the mythical America that produced the cowboy,
the pioneer, and the anti-social bad boy. Throughout the 19903 and into the twenty-ﬁrst
century Levi’s continued use the same rebellious and individualistic themes but often its
use of American images waned. In the mid-19903 the company began to focus more on
intemationalism, declaring that the themes of individualism and rebelliousness were

universal. Although Levi’s never denied it was an American product, it often attempted

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to downplay that element of its brand. This changed again at the beginning of the twenty-
ﬁrst century when the jeans maker embraced an urban American mythology that once
again showcased American individualism and rebelliousness. While many of the
examples and storylines have changed, Levi’s desire to be the brand of rebellion and
individualism in Poland has not. Unlike companies like Coca-Cola and McDonald’s,
Levi’s did not attempt to become Polish; instead the jeans maker wished to represent its
brand as timeless and universal like the themes of rebellion and individualism that it
adopted. Levi’s portrayed itself as not wanting to be a part of Polish society, or any
society, but rather marketed itself to those that also wanted to be anti-social. In doing so
Levi’s was remarkable consistent in staying on message. The ways the company
showcased its core themes changed often, but the themes themselves did not. In doing so
Levi’s was able to become whatever the buyer wanted it be, which seems to be a core
statement about a company that oxyrnoronically wants to be a rebellious and

individualistic corporation.

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Table 3- Levi’s Print and Television Ads Used

Ad Title Year Produced Themes

Backward Lovers 1, 2, 3, 4 2003 Sexualized Youth

Campﬁre 1993 American Rebelliousness
Strong Females

Christmas Tree 2004 New Icon

Creek 1994 American Rebelliousness

Dolls 2000 Sexualized Youth

Drugstore 1995 American Rebelliousness
Strong Females

Flirt 2001 Sexualized Youth

Girls 1, 2 2004 Strong Females

Hamster 1998 Unusual Themes

Kung-Fu 1997 International Rebelliousness

Legs 2000 Sexualized Youth

Mall 1998 Unusual Themes

Mermaids 1997 International Rebelliousness

Naprawde T woje l, 2 2004 Sexualized Youth
Strong Females

Night and Day 1992 American Rebelliousness
Strong Females

Photocopier 1998 Unusual Themes

Planet 1995 International Rebelliousness
Strong Females

Red Tab 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 1996 International Rebelliousness

Rub (Bowling Alley), (Hole 2002 Sexualized Youth

in Wall), (Shop Window)

Street Car 2004 New Icon

Swap 2003 Urbanness

Swimmer 1992 American Rebelliousness

Temptation 2001 Sexualized Youth

Undressed 2000 Sexualized Youth

Washroom 1996 Strong Females

Wives 1998 Unusual Themes

Zaproszenie 2004 New Icon

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Selected Images ﬁom Chapter 3

 

1941 saw the end of the

notorious crotch rivet.

 

Figure 14- From “Campﬁre”- 1993

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Figure 15- From “Creek” 1994

166

 

Figure 16- From “Drugstore”- 1995

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Chapter 4- When the Chips Are Down: Frito Lay Poland

When one thinks of classic American brands, companies like McDonald’s, Coca-Cola,
and Levi’s probably come to mind. Frito Lay most likely does not. The snack food maker
produces popular items including Lay’s, Rufﬂes, Doritos, and Cheetos snack chips but is
rarely thought of as an iconic brand. Nonetheless, Frito Lay is the largest company in the
snacks food category, an industry that is often symbolically and economically linked to
the United States and to the American lifestyle. Americans consume and export billions
of dollars of snack foods each year. The United States Department of Commerce
International Trade Administration (ITA) reports that in 2003 about sixty six billion
dollars of snack foods were sold worldwide. The ITA states, “the spread of Western
eating habits to other parts of the world continue as lifestyles in those parts of the world
become busier, and traditional family meal times become a thing of the past. As a result,
the demand for snack food continues to increase” (Snack F oods- 2003). As of 2005 Frito
Lay has over 10.3 billion dollars of revenue worldwide and is the largest snack foods
brand in the world (Hoovers- Frito Lay). Although F rito Lay may not yet be a universally
iconic brand, it is the leading manufacturer of products that are considered deeply
American. As the ITA noted, the United States is exporting its lifestyle to many places in
the world and F rito Lay’s type of snack foods are closely associated with this
transformation.

Like many American companies, F rito Lay has been in Poland since the collapse of
the socialist government when the company began selling potato chips and other snack
foods in 1991. The snack maker is owned by PepsiCo, which is known in the United

States for producing soft drinks such as Pepsi and Mountain Dew. Upon entering the

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Polish market PepsiCo purchased controlling interest in E. Wedel, a popular Polish
confectionary company, and linked the candy maker’s operations with Frito Lay’s
(Historia Frito-Lay). Frito Lay quickly became the market leader and by 2005 had
garnered a 30.7% market share by‘selling an estimated 470 million dollars worth of salted
snacks in Poland (US Department of Commerce- Poland). This market share increased in
2006 after the company purchased one of its chief rivals, Star Foods (“PepsiCo Inc.
Acquires”). Frito Lay’s major market share and sales combined with its highly visible
media presence indicate that Frito Lay is a very recognizable brand in Poland.
Advertising in Poland
One of the most important factors in marketing a product like F rito Lay that must
attract attention on a store shelf is packaging. The product’s package serves as an
advertisement that should not only be eye catching but also informative and seductive.
Professor Carl Rollyson notes that while living in Gdansk, Poland in 1979 he began to
understand packaging in a new way. He notes that Poles during this period craved
American products and the packaging had much to do with this:
Returning to Poland I realized that packaging is more than surface; it broadcasts in an
extravagant way the inner works of the product. What’s inside seems magical because
of what it covers. .. This is foolish, but Americans love it, and the Poles were starved
for it... For Poles such American items mean participation in a world community of
consumerism, a largely American community because everyone knew that the pursuit
of happiness was written into our Constitution- not simply our Declaration of

Independence, but our character (7).

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Although much has changed since the end of the Cold War, it is evident that Frito Lay
designs packing to appeal to a consumers base wants and desires. F rito Lay uses many of
the same colors, logos, and mascots on both its US. and Polish packaging. Both countries
market Frito Lay items that are packaged in bright and colorful bags that often feature a
cartoon mascot or a picture of the product. In fact, an American who did not speak Polish
would have little problem guessing the contents of a Polish Frito Lay container merely
from looking at the package. Although the packaging is similar, there are several
differences, the three main ones being: language, size, and promotional items.
Understandably, Polish Frito Lay packages are written in the Polish language to attract
the local customer. The types of words and slogans that are used are generally different
from their American counterpart though and often are far more bombastic. F rito Lay
packaging in the US. generally contains few words and slogans and instead relies on
colors, mascots, and pictures of the product. By contrast, Polish packages often contain
slogans, promotions, and other various types of written enticements. The American
packaging focuses on the quality and desirability of the product itself while the Polish
version emphasizes the fun experience that the product provides. A good example of this
is Polish Lay’s potato chip bags from 1997 during a “Star Wars” promotion. Because
PepsiCo acquired promotional rights to the ﬁlms, Frito Lay products across the world
contained “Star Wars” references. Although both the American and Polish packaging
showcase “Star Wars”, the Polish bag contains many more slogans and phrases, while the
American version appears plainer. The US. packaging is more understated than its Polish
counterpart. Although there are probably many reasons for this one of the most obvious is

that F rito Lay is creating a new market in Poland and must be more aggressive to appeal

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to new younger buyers. American buyers no longer need to be convinced to try snack

foods but rather have to be persuaded not to stop eating them. The idea of eating chips
and other snacks is not yet ingrained in the Polish culture and the packaging had to be
more visually and verbally aggressive to assure notice.

The second major difference between US. and Polish Frito Lay packaging is that of
product size. While potato chips and other snack foods are available in smaller single
serving sizes, many US. consumers prefer buying 16 ounce packages or larger. These
large bags are intended to be eaten over a period of time and not in one usage.
Conversely, Polish chips generally come in smaller sizes and are marketed as a quick
snack. This smaller sized package most likely is the result of a combination of factors
including item cost and buyer demographics with one of the most important being food’s
culture and social place in Poland. While Americans often eat chips with a meal or
instead of a meal, Poles view snack foods as a treat and not a meal alternative. This is
partly because many snack foods are new to the Polish market but also since sit down
style family meals hold a more important place in Polish culture than in the US.
Although societal norms are ever changing, Poles tend to value the ritual that a family
meal provides. A meal, such as lunch, is not merely a time to eat but rather is an
opportunity to embrace family, history, and tradition. It is a time to socialize and to
strengthen bonds between family and friends. Traditional foods are generally served and
the meal becomes a symbol not only to the Polish family but also to the nation
(Shallcross 2-3). Because of the meal’s social importance in Poland, Frito Lay has little
choice but to conform to societal norms. By introducing its products in smaller sizes the

company is advertising them as snacks that do not attempt to interfere with the normal

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meal. This packaging may change in the future if Polish consumers alter their tastes and
ideas about eating but for now Frito Lay is respecting Polish traditions by providing Poles
a way to buy their chips and eat them too.

The third way that Polish Frito Lay packaging differs from the American style is in
offering promotional items. These toys, collectibles, or prizes are often inside of the
snack food’s package and resemble the giveaways that are common in the United States
inside many boxes of cereal. While Frito Lay occasionally offers these promotional items
in the US. for major movies like “Star Wars” or “Lord of the Rings” they are relatively
uncommon. In Poland these prizes are often used and are highly collectible by many
young and old alike. In addition to numerous “Star Wars” collectibles Frito Lay Poland
has offered prizes featuring Pokemon, Chester Cheetah, football stars, and animal
pictures. The packaging generally uses a large amount of space to promote the giveaway
that is featured inside. This indicates that in Poland snacks foods are not yet a staple of
the Polish diet and that their primary audience is children. Although adults may enjoy
receiving some of the in package giveaways, low prices, ﬂashy displays, and prizes show
a marketing effort aimed at a young audience. This can be accounted for by the fact that
many snack foods are new to the Polish market and F rito Lay needs to create a customer
base. In doing this it appeals that one of the primary targets is children. This is
understandable because children are more open minded and adaptable to change and new
experiences. They also are easily swayed by ﬂashy gimmicks and are a substantial source
of revenue if they can be converted into a lifelong customer. This strategy is used by
many companies worldwide that understand the value of children as customers. In

Poland, this appears to be a way in which F rito Lay can circumnavigate the restrictive

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inﬂuence of tradition. Adults may adhere strongly to Poland’s history and traditions but
children have not been ingrained with many of these ideas and those that they do know
they may wish to rebel against social norms. While some other companies like
McDonald’s and Coca-Cola embrace traditional society, it appears that for the short term
F rito Lay instead attempts to exist along side it. The company does not endeavor to either
support Polish values or change them but instead it courts young consumers that have not
fully accepted society’s rules and traditions. In the long term these young customers will
grow up and possibly change Poland’s eating and social habits to include more Frito Lay
products but for now Frito Lay is not pressing for this change. In many ways this is a
middle path between adopting Polish values and being a “cool” new western product.
Frito Lay is willing to adapt to become part of the Polish market but is also searching for
consumers that want a new and different lifestyle.
International Youth

Frito Lay’s attention to the youth market and to creating new customers can be seen in
its advertising from 1997 to 2005. These television commercials, print advertisements, in-
package giveaways, and store displays highlight the company’s desire to craft itself as a
symbol of cool youthfulness. Although most company’s desire young customers, F rito
Lay bases most of its campaigns around children and teenagers in an attempt to make
them the company’s primary customers. In effect, F rito Lay is building its reputation as
an internationally cool alternative to traditional Poland. The construction of this theme
can be seen in the previously mentioned advertising that accompanied the 1997 re-release
of “Star Wars” and the 1999 release of “Star Wars: Phantom Menace.” As stated before,

these campaigns were conducted worldwide among many of the subsidiaries of PepsiCo.

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The Frito Lay Poland’s “Star Wars” marketing campaigns uses many of the same items
and designs as the snack food seller does in other nations. The campaigns were
internationally marketed to appeal to young customers. Packaging features pictures of the
ﬁlms’ characters like Jar Jar Binks, the young Anakin Skywalker, and Yoda that are
attractive to young customers. “Star Wars” themed trading cards and coins were selected
as in-package giveaways in an effort to entice young collectors. Creative store displays
were fashioned that utilized “Star Wars” themes and characters and would catch the eye
of young buyers. While many companies like McDonald’s and Coca-Cola have
international advertising campaigns, most of them embrace local tradition and use
international marketing to explore commonalities between cultures. Frito Lay is also
sympathetic to Polish needs but instead of embracing traditional values it chooses to
service the globalized youth market. F rito Lay is still respecting Polish wants and desires
but has elected to market its products to new youthful transnational thinking consumers.
The Frito Lay Poland “Star Wars” campaigns display a different approach to
advertising and marketing than used by McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, or Levi’s. Early in its
advertising and marketing campaign McDonald’s wished to be viewed as a part of Polish
society and then expanded its scope to include international ties. Coca-Cola always
marketed itself as an international product but desired to be seen as a family drink that
could be enjoyed by all. Levi’s expressed itself as an international youth brand but
advertised its close ties to tradition and the recent past. F rito Lay Poland by contrast,
presents itself as an international youth brand that offers an alternative to traditional
Polishness. The “Star Wars” ﬁlms were marketed and released across the global to a fan

culture that crossed national borders. Internationally, “Star Wars” fans have created a

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culture that is not grounded in nationalism or ethnicity but rather in knowledge and
affection for the subject matter. An interesting example of the of the international cultural
popularity of Star Wars is the 2001 United Kingdom census that reports that 390,000
Britons claimed the ﬁctitious Star Wars Jedi faith as their personal religion (“Jedis Reach
the Stars”). This accounts for .7% of the British population making it the fourth largest
religion in the United Kingdom (“Jedi Knights Demand”). By using the Star Wars ﬁlms
to promote their products in Poland, F rito Lay is aligning itself with a culture that exists
simultaneously within and outside of Polish culture. While many fans of the “Star Wars”
ﬁlms are proud of some parts of their Polish heritage, they identify with international
ideas that often run counter to Polish traditional perspectives. These consumers are Polish
but do not embrace many of the same cultural touchstones as their Polish brethren. While
not all of these “new” Poles like “Star Wars,” many do embrace newness, change, and
international culture. This attitude can be seen in a previously mentioned 2004 article
entitled “Cheap Eats” in the Polish newspaper the Warsaw Voice. In the article two
students that explain why they sometimes prefer fast food to more traditional Polish fare
and how they like the new choices that international products provide (“Cheap Eats”). By
marketing to this group of Poles, Frito Lay is attempting to be seen as an international
youth brand that understands the needs of the young population.

In order to present itself an international youth brand F rito Lay Poland had to devise
themes that would appeal to its target audience of children, teenagers, and young adults.
The idea of marketing a known cultural product like “Star Wars” is the ﬁrst and most
obvious. The “Star Wars” promotion is one example of Frito Lay using international

cultural icons as marketing tools. Another of these international cultural icons that was

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used in a 1999 television commercial is model/ actress Pamela Anderson. The advert for
the F rito Lay product “Lay’s Max” shows the buxom scantly-dressed Anderson riding in
an expensive yacht when she sees several young men in another boat eating a bag of
Lay’s Max. The young men are dressed in a causally trendy but unsophisticated manner
and their boat is dirty, smoke-ﬁlled, and in obvious need of repair. Anderson, by contrast,
appears to be immaculately dressed and groomed and exudes all the signs of wealth. In
order to get the chips, Anderson offers the men various things in trade such as,
Champaign and jet skis. The young men counter Anderson’s offers by pointing
downward in a provocative way. The commercial cuts to a scene of Anderson scrubbing
the men’s boat while being fed Lay’s Max chips. The ad ends with the tagline, “Co
Zrobisz, By I e Miec?” (What will you do to get them?) The commercial is noticeably
based around Pamela Anderson’s sex appeal and her international status (“Pamela”).
Anderson is well known throughout the world for playing C.J. Parker on the television
show “Baywatch.” The series about beach lifeguards is one of the most popular in
television history and is reported to have been watched by over one billion viewers in 140
countries (Classic TV Babes). The show turned Anderson into a world renowned sex
symbol and the personiﬁcation of the California lifestyle (even though she is Canadian).
In the Lay’s Max ad, Anderson is shown as sexy, ﬂirtatious, wealthy, and uninhibited.
The ad showcases her surgically enhanced body that is displayed in a skimpy outﬁt and
her afﬂuence by surrounding her with symbols of money and status. (Interestingly, the
boat resembles the one used in an infamous home video shot by Anderson only a year
prior.) Although the commercial is a farce, Anderson could easily afford to buy the potato

chips herself, its central idea is that the young men have power and inﬂuence in an

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international class system. The men are not presented as Polish citizens that are bound by
the regulations and traditions of their society. Instead, they are shown to be
nationalistically unafﬁliated people that create their own roles and rules. The men engage
an international icon in a complex negotiation to acquire something that they desire. Even
the bargained for service is surprisingly non-sexual. While the young men do mirror the
archetypical trickster character that is prevalent in many societies, they do so in a manner
that afﬁrrns their status as members of an international society. The men do not rail
against oppressive governments, political ﬁgures, or nationalistic causes. Rather they
accept their role as members of an international community and see themselves and
Anderson as equals. In fact, by the end of the commercial the men are displayed as more
crafty and intelligent than Anderson and thus in some ways better than her. While other
more traditional Poles may see themselves as foremostly members and products of a
nation and a tradition, the characters in the commercial, and presumably many Polish
consumers, understand their place in the world differently. Although they still feel a
kinship to Poland and its way of life, they also understand the world in a more complex
and less traditional manner.

Another series of commercials that highlight F rito Lay’s marketing as an
international youth brand feature Krzysztof Holowczyc, a popular Polish race car driver.
Holowczyc is seen in a group of commercials for Lay’s and Lay’s Max that emphasize
his desire for the product and his speed at acquiring what he wants. Although few know
Holowczyc internationally, he is popular in Poland among both racing fans and those that
do not follow the sport. Holowczyc’s management claims that he is one of the ten most

popular Poles and is “recognized by 52% of the Polish population” (Krzysztof

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Holowczyc). The commercials portray the driver as an international celebrity that is the
equal to other famous sportsmen and well known icons. Most of the ads show Holowczyc
as not only internationally popular but also young, untraditional, and willing to break
society’s rules. This message seemingly will appeal to F rito Lay’s young consumer that
wishes to create a similar lifestyle. An example of this is a 2002 reklama entitle “Promo
Football Stars.” In this advert Holowczyc is shown stealing the contents of several bags
of chips while their owners watch soccer on television. Holowczyc races around the room
at super speed and devours the chips before the owners know their snacks are gone. The
commercial then promotes in package giveaways that feature soccer stars such as
Michael Owen and David Beckham (“Promo Football Stars”). The ad presents
Holowczyc as being very talented and as internationally popular as world renowned
soccer stars. The race car driver is never shown to be a Polish icon but rather is
showcased as a global star. He is not portrayed as a ﬁgure of Polish tradition and
nationalism but instead is referred to a worldwide celebrity that exists outside of national
boundaries. This type of pitchman nicely ﬁts Frito Lay’s desire to present itself to the
youthful international Polish consumer. Icons like Holowczyc and Pamela Anderson
showcase the companies desire to market to young non-traditional Poles.

One other series of advertisements that highlight Frito Lay’s marketing to young
international Poles is the company’s use of the Japanese Pokemon characters. These
animated ﬁgures became popular internationally during the 19903 and their trading cards
and coins were often highly prized by many collectors worldwide. In a series of
promotions F rito Lay Poland advertises Pokemon in-package giveaways in many of its

products. These print and television ads emphasize Pokemon’s international desirability

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and how the users become part of an extended global society. In essence the American
company, Frito Lay, has marketed a Japanese product, Pokemon, to Polish customers
thus blurring the lines between nations and cultures. When consumers in Poland eat F rito
Lay chips and play with Pokemon toys it does not make them less Polish but it does
highlight this shift from traditional Polish ideas to a more international culture. F rito Lay
both encourages and showcases this transition as it attempts to court young Poles that are
ready to embrace a more global society. In using this marketing technique Frito Lay also
is able to beneﬁt from economies of scale by targeting global youth with a standardized
message. By employing these global icons Frito Lay is able to make standardized ads for
a large portion of the world and to encourage a more transnational way of thinking within
individual countries; a proposition that beneﬁts the company but also attempts to change
national cultures in places like Poland.

Several Polish Frito Lay commercials display the snack chip maker’s use of Pokemon
as an international icon. These ads advertise Pokemon in package giveaways that are
available in many F rito Lay products. The most striking element among all of the ads is
that Pokemon is never explained in any way. While this may seem to be a pedestrian
point, it rather is the most important aspect of the campaign. Between 1999 and 2005
Frito Lay created at least 8 different television commercials featuring Pokemon but the
Japanese characters are never introduced only displayed and referenced. The
commercials’ creators assume that Pokemon is already an understood and desired brand
within Poland and the characters need no further introduction. This means that the very
basis of the Pokemon advertising is an understood international consumer society. Frito

Lay is not marketing to traditional Poland but rather to a global market that Poland is

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merely a part of. This was evident in the previously discussed Pamela Anderson and
“Star Wars” ads and is also the underlying element of the Pokemon commercials. The
appeal of Pokemon is not that it is an accepted Polish product but rather that it is not
traditional Polish. By desiring Pokemon, Polish youths become a part of an international
society that enjoys the character based toys and games. The user embraces a larger global
peer group and displays his/ herself as different from older Poles (but similar to collector
his/ her own age.) By presenting Pokemon not as a new product but rather as an
understood entity F rito Lay acknowledges the power of the international youth culture.
The snack maker is linking itself to a global consumer society that exists outside of the
traditional venue of Polish tradition.

Several Frito Lay Pokemon television commercials display this understanding of the
Japanese characters’ international appeal and the global consumer society that this
creates. One of the most interesting is a 2001 reklama called “Promo Pokemon” that
advertises an in package giveaway called Pokemon tazo. These tazos are small coin
shaped pieces that are used in a multi-player game. By collecting tazos a player gains
numerous and potentially better pieces and has a higher chance of beating his/her
opponent. The commercial begins by showing a crowd of children and teenagers entering
a large arena. The ad is ﬁlmed mostly in black and white with the only color items being
the red bags of Frito Lay chips and the tazos. The crowd is shown from above as they
enter the building and then the scene changes as the youths pump their Frito Lay laden
hands into the air as if they were at a rock concert. Colorful tazos fall from above into the
outstretched black and white hands of the crowd and the announcer explains how many

varieties of the game pieces are available. The crowd then circles around two players as

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they use their tazos to engage in Pokemon combat. The spectators cheer as an exhilarated
young man proclaims and celebrates victory. The announcer informs the viewer which
Frito Lay’s brands contain the tazos and how he/ she can acquire them (“Promo
Pokemon”).

The major theme of the commercial “Promo Pokemon” is the society that is created by
owning and using Pokemon products. The ad features only young people that appear to
be between the ages of ten and sixteen; no adults are shown. Also, everyone in the
commercial is excited about Pokemon. The game gives the users a purpose and connects
them together. Nationality, politics, or tradition are unimportant in the ad, instead the
main factors are age and a willingness to embrace a new culture. The commercial
portrays the Pokemon users as creating a cross between a sports team and a rock concert
with the players being cheered and honored like celebrities. This Pokemon competition
could exist in any place in world and little would change about the participants or how
they behave. Traditional factors like nationality, ethnicity, class, and gender are of little
concern and instead the Pokemon game becomes the primary uniﬁer and divider. Frito
Lay uses this understanding to become noticed by its customer base. If many young non-
traditional Poles feel themselves to be aligned with different groups or products like
Pokemon then Frito Lay is seeking to capitalize on this self-expression. Frito Lay is
marketing itself as the brand of the new Polish outsider, the food of the non-traditional
Pole. Although snack foods are often embraced by the young, and Frito Lay is new to
Poland, this is still a different approach than used by many other youth oriented brands.
In employing Pokemon and other international celebrities in its advertising Frito Lay is

embracing consumers that desire a more globalized and less traditional society.

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Another later example of a F rito Lay Pokemon television commercial that embraces
intemationalism is a 2005 ad labeled “Chester Pokemon.” As the title suggest this advert
also features both Pokemon characters and the Cheetos cartoon mascot, Chester Cheetah.
In the commercial Chester loudly extols the virtues of Pokemon tazos and promotes their
availability in several of F rito Lay’s products. The ad shows a video of several of the
featured tasos and also scenes of excited young Pokemon users. The Pokemon consumers
in the ad are three boys and a girl that are dressed in bright typical children’s clothing that
could seen anywhere in the world. Each of them appears to understand both the rules of
Pokemon and of international society. The children accept F rito Lay chips, Pokemon
tazos, bright t-shirts and blue jeans as parts of their lives. None of these things are Polish
in origin but nonetheless they are an important part of the society in which the children
live. These items are not historically Polish but they are understood and desired by many
Poles. By connecting to these international products and icons Frito Lay is choosing not
to market itself as participating in Polish tradition but rather to highlight its unique
qualities and to emphasize its global desirability. This strategy could not only beneﬁt
Frito Lay in the short term by capitalizing on its trendiness but also could allow the
company to change Polish taste in the long term. Ironically, by not embracing existing
Polish traditions Frito Lay may be creating future traditions (“Chester Pokemon”).
Anti-Authoritarian Ads

Along with the theme of promoting intemationalism over traditional Polish
understandings, F rito Lay also created many advertisements that showcase an anti-
authoritarian viewpoint. These ads appear to be designed to appeal to the same young

target group that is the market for the non-traditional international advertisements. In fact,

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this group appears to be the general consumer of almost all of Frito Lay’s products. The
idea of anti-authoritarianism is closely related to the theme of non-traditionalism but is
different because it rebels more against an individual or powerful group than an idea or
tradition. While non-traditionalism rallies against the established culture, anti-
authoritarianism rebels against those viewed as authority ﬁgures. Interestingly, because
of Poland’s history anti-authoritarianism is not always seen as untraditional but rather can
be viewed as an important Polish cultural element. It is a way for consumers/ citizens to
create a feeling of individuality and for younger customers to have perceived
independence and take control of their lives and futures. Though these notions of
independence, control, and individuality are often more perception than reality, they are
important marketing devices that appeal to a demographic that often wishes to consume a
new lifestyle.

The most obvious symbol of anti-authoritarianism in F rito Lay advertising is the
Cheetos mascot Chester Cheetah. As previously mentioned, Chester Cheetah is a cartoon
cheetah that often appears in Cheetos’ worldwide advertising. He is the embodiment of
the trickster archetype that is prevalent in most cultures and in a many advertisements,
most notably in the United States in cereal advertising (Green 49-52). Chester’s mission
is to obtain Cheetos by any means necessary and this often includes elaborate schemes
that involve stealing or conning to get the snack chips. The cartoon cheetah is presented
as having the sole ambition of acquiring as many bags of Cheetos as possible and then
enjoying them in a loud feeding frenzy. While in pursuit of his goal Chester adheres to
none of society’s established norms and respects no authority except that of the power of

Cheetos. Chester is the archetypical anti-authoritarian because he recognizes no

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establishments except the ones he creates himself. By designing a character that adheres
to few rules and morals F rito Lay is declaring the needs of the individual to be paramount
over the role of well established conventions. The company is advertising its products as
outlets for individual expression and anti- authoritarian sentiment.

A good example of a typical Chester Cheetah advertisement is a 1999 television
commercial entitled, “Factory.” In this advert Chester breaks into a Cheetos factory by
sneaking past a clichéd overweight sleeping guard. Chester then sabotages the factory,
breaks some of the equipment, and creates a new variety of Cheetos that he labels as
“super cool.” In the commercial Chester disregards the sole authority ﬁgure that is
portrayed as inept (the sleeping guard). He also violates several laws (breaking and
entering, trespassing, vandalism, destruction of property, and theft) and proves that he
can run the factory better than its owners by creating a better quality and more desirable
product (“Factory”). This advert can be dismissed as a typical child’s fantasy of grandeur
in which the youth believes that he/ she is more capable of operating things better than
those in authority, but it is should be considered that this fantasy is being provided by a
major international corporation. Furthermore, the company is not only promoting
criticism of authority in general but is creating an advertisement that assails the producer
itself. Frito Lay has created a character that rails against authority and his victim in this
commercial is his creator. Much like Job questioning God, Chester doubts F rito Lay and
goes farther by taking the work of recreation upon himself. By subjecting itself to ridicule
F rito Lay is proclaiming that no authority is above notice and everyone in power is

suspect no matter how large or important. This proclamation states to the youthful

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consumer that he/ she knows best about the world no matter what those in authority may
claim.

Another Cheetos commercial from 2001 titled “Cheetos Wrozka” again showcases
Chester’s anti-authoritarian stanCe. In this ad the cartoon cheetah visits a fortune teller
and asks her to tell his future. She consults her crystal ball and informs him of new
changes to the shape and taste of Cheetos. Chester then ties her up, destroys her crystal
ball, and creates a room full of Cheetos for him to consume (“Cheetos Wrozka”). Like the
previous commercial this one depicts Chester as destructive and anti-authoritarian.
Although he comes to the fortune teller because she is an authority on the future, he
rebels against her by assaulting her and destroying the tools of her trade. Chester shows
the fortune teller little respect and chooses to take whatever path easily leads to the
acquisition of his prized Cheetos. While the fortune teller may represent a fringe element
of society to some, to others she symbols an ancient connection to the earth and the
keeper of timeless traditions. Chester disregards whatever respect she has earned and
seems to treat her as an impediment that prevents him from eating Cheetos. This ad again
displays the traits and themes that deﬁne Chester Cheetah as an advertising device and
links them to F rito Lay’s brand image. Chester is, like many of the previously mentioned
international icons, untraditional, but he goes much farther and becomes anti-
authoritarian and even anti-social. While the Frito Lay brand could never be called anti-
social, the advertising is creating the concept that consuming Frito Lay products is an
anti-authoritarian act. The company’s Chester Cheetah advertisements rally against
authority ﬁgures, including Frito Lay itself, in order to embrace the rebellious consumers.

If McDonald’s wants to be seen as Polish and Coca-Cola wants to be part of the Polish

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family, then Frito Lay wants to connect with Poles that see themselves as
disenfranchised.

One other campaign highlights Frito Lay’s use of the theme anti-authoritarianism in
its advertising. In two television commercials from 2001 for Lay’s Max Chili Hell and
Cream Heaven, the chip company shows teenagers engaged in anti-authoritative activity
that is unknown to their parents. One ad features a mother talking about her son while the
other has a father discussing his daughter. Both commercials are comical looks at how
traditionally minded parents are unaware of the anti-authoritarian lives that their
offspring lead. The commercial “Lay’s Max Czarus” is named after Czarus, the advert’s
central ﬁgure. The reklama begins with a shot of a conservatively coiffed and dressed
middle aged female smilingly describing her son, the aforementioned Czarus. Throughout
the ad the woman describes Czarus’s wonderﬁrl attributes while intercut video displays
the young man’s true actions. The woman opens by saying, “I am a happy proud mother.
Czarus is a lovely child. He is elegant and nice.” The image changes to a video of the
wild haired youth dressed in punk rock style black clothing being fed Lay’s Max chips by
two sexy scantly clad young women. The shot then reverses to show Czarus wearing
black rocker style boots and reveals that he and his lady friends are lounging at a bar. His
mother continues, “A real romantic,” as the shot focuses on one of the before seen
beautiful women checking her watch while standing next to a beat up car that rocks up
and down suggestively. “Well mannered. People just love him,” while Czarus terrorizes
pedestrians by riding a motorcross style motorcycle through a busy walkway and pushing
one man into a water fountain. “I’ll tell you a secret. He sings. In a choir.” The young

man screams loudly into the camera, apparently the lead singer of a metal band called

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The Hur. “And when he comes back he always brings me a present. But he doesn’t like to
boast about it.” Czarus hands a cat to his mother that he has recently taken out from under
a car. Throughout the commercial he had been seen eating Lay’s Max Chili Hell but now
he takes a bag of Cream Heaven out of his mother’s cabinet. Czarus hugs his mother and
the announcer states, “Lay’s Chili Hell and Cream Heaven. Because everyone has two
faces” (“Lay’s Max Czarus”).

The other commercial in this campaign follows the same format of a parent talking
about his/ her offspring but it contains a father extolling his daughter’s virtues. The ad
named “Lay’s Max Marysia” details the exploits of the daughter Marysia. The father, a
bald bespeckeled neatly dressed man, comments to the camera, “My daughter Marysia?
Little girl. Lovely Child. Never had problems with her. People just love her.” The girl is
shown aggressively kissing a young man in a movie theatre and then the outside of a car
again is shown rocking sexually, as in the ﬁrst commercial. “You might say- very grown
up for her age, although a little shy, but isn’t it girlish.” Marysia is then shown getting her
bellybutton pierced by a large tattooed man in a dark parlor. “She’s even got a job. In a
bank,” as Marysia is shown pole dancing next to a neon sign that reads “Va Bank.” “I am
the happiest father in the world.” A conservatively dressed Marysia sits on her father’s
lap giving him a hug as the announcer says, “Introducing Lay’s Chili Max Hell and
Cream Heaven. Because everyone has two faces” (“Lay’s Max Marysia”).

These two ads portray the theme of anti-authoritarianism by showcasing the division
between the parent’s view of their children and the lives the children actually lead. This
may seem like merely an ad about non-traditional actions but it becomes anti-

authoritarianism by showing how the children react to their parents. The ad’s young

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actors rebel against their parents but do so in a secretive manner. Czarus and Marysia do
not tell their parents that they are defying them but instead create a secret existence that
runs counter to parental authority. While many of the things that the two members of the
younger generation do appear to be harmless, the commercial does send the message that
the parents are too naive and trusting while the children are wise and worldly. In the ad’s
version of Poland the authorities are wrong. The parents and the children’s views of
society are vastly different and the Czarus and Marysia are not attempting to change their
parents or the traditional culture but rather only wish to live in an already existing new
culture. In other words, the two teenagers are not trying recreate Polish society, they do
not need to, their society has already changed even though their parents do not
understand this. While this view is anti-authoritative it is not wholly untraditional. Many
Poles claim that acts of rebellion against authority are part of Poland’s heritage.
Numerous examples of this include several uprisings during Poland’s stateless partitioned
period, the 1944 Warsaw Uprising, and the Solidarity movement. F rito Lay’s anti-
authoritative advertising provides an outlet for youths seeking to rebel against the
powerful; an idea that is not new or unique within Poland.

While Polish culture may at least marginally condone anti-authoritarianism, F rito Lay
adverts concretely support the idea. The main moral of the ad campaign for Lay’s Chili
Max Hell and Cream Heaven seems to be that it is acceptable to lie to one’s parents and
live a double life. The most important part of both ads may be the tagline, “because
everyone has two faces.” Just as Chester Cheetah’s destructive actions are condoned and
even encouraged, the advertiser justiﬁes Czarus and Marysia’s behavior by declaring that

it is human nature to act this way. By doing this Frito Lay is attempting to become the

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product of anti-authoritarianism. The advertising campaign proclaims that it understands
the problems of being a teenager and the need to lie to one’s elders about one’s true life.
While few teens live such double lives most feel that they are misunderstood by the older
generations and alienated by society. In this campaign Frito Lay shows that it understands
the life of the common Polish teenager and sympathies with his/ her plight. The company
declares that it is natural for a teen to have anti-authoritative impulses and that he/ she
should not be embarrassed by this. While a youth may be misunderstood by his/ her
parents and society, Frito Lay connects with him/ her and understands how difﬁcult his/
her life truly is.

By creating anti-authoritarian advertising Frito Lay is providing its young audience a
means to rebel against those with power. This is almost certainly a way for F rito Lay to
connect itself to the youthful escapist fantasy of taking authority and power away for
those in control. The Chester Cheetah and Lay’s Max ads provide a link between the
youthful feelings of powerlessness and isolation and the powerfulness of the presentation
of the company’s products. The ads allow F rito Lay to become a member of a speciﬁc
group within Poland that feels the need to contest authority or to create a new lifestyle.
While this idea is similar to Levi’s theme of youthful rebellion it is different because
Levi’s claims buying its products is a mark of individuality but F rito Lay connects with
youths and serves as a conduit for their frustrations. Levi’s are a symbol of being an
individual but F rito Lay is a product that understands what it is like to be young. Levi’s
are what one wants to be. Frito Lay is what one is. By linking itself to many youths
through the idea of anti-authoritarianism Frito Lay wishes to become a part of the

experience. It hopes to become the ofﬁcial snack food of youth and to be seen as another

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vehicle for being different and yet being a part of the group, an irony of both youth and
advertising.
Adventurous Youth

While Frito Lay is using the themes of intemationalism and anti-authoritarianism, it
also is creating commercials and products that are designed to ﬁt seamlessly into
consumer’s lives. The company wants to become a part of Polish society not by changing
to ﬁt the culture’s norms but rather by convincing consumers to adopt its products
because of their desirability and then using them because they become commonplace.
Telling evidence of this is that F rito Lay appears to have shifted its marketing strategy
very little from the mid-19903 until 2005. While it is easy to track a chronological change
in advertising in Poland for companies like McDonald’s, Coca-Cola, and Levi’s it is
much more difﬁcult to do this for F rito Lay because the themes remain mostly the same
for the duration of the period of study. F rito Lay does not seem to have numerous
campaigns that blend its product into Polish society like McDonald’s and Coca-Cola or
commercials that attempt rely on historical tradition like Levi’s. Instead the company
appears to wish to remain trendy and to focus on the youth market and hopeﬁrlly gain
lifelong consumers. Previously mentioned ads have shown Frito Lay’s use of trendy
ideas marketed towards Polish youth and have identiﬁed themes and ideas that connect to
the snack food maker’s desire to entice the youth market. While the themes and ideas of
intemationalism and anti-authoritarianism are important to Frito Lay’s marketing strategy
they also are only a part of the larger theme of appealing to young customers. These
consumers appear to be the basis of Frito Lay’s marketing in Poland and the driving force

behind the brand’s acceptance.

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The idea of creating advertisements and products that appeal to youthﬁrl consumers is
by no means unique to Frito Lay and is used to some degree by all of the companies in
this study. What is distinctive about Frito Lay’s idea of youth marketing is the age range
of youths that the company targets and the constant recreation of the product. While
McDonald’s targets pre-teenage children with advertising like its spokesman Ronald
McDonald and commercials about birthday parties and Happy Meals, it does this in
connection with a greater number of advertisements that are designed to appeal to adults.
As evidenced by McDonald’s advertising, the company actively markets its products
towards non-youths and has designed entire campaigns meant to appeal to adult
consumers. McDonald’s advertises towards pre-teen and teenage consumers but only as
one group within Polish society as a whole. Levi’s, the other youth brand in this study,
usually pursues teenagers and young adults as consumers and does not generally market
its products towards children under the age of twelve. Levi’s generally markets towards
the older youth audience (teenagers and twenty-somethings) that can afford the
company’s products. Conversely, F rito Lay almost exclusively directs its advertisements
towards children, teenagers, and young adults. This age range provides F rito Lay with a
different primary consumer than the other companies in this study. Largely because of
this consumer base, F rito Lay is often recreating or modifying its products to appeal to
young consumers. The company frequently introduces new in-packaging promotions and
regularly changes its products’ shapes, sizes, colors, or other attributes. While it is not
unusual for a company to introduce new products or to slightly modify existing ones, it is
rare for this to happen frequently to the company’s well known brands or items. This can

disrupt the continuity of the brand and upset customers by removing familiar structure. It

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is almost unimaginable that McDonald’s would signiﬁcantly change its Big Mac and
many still remember the customer backlash when Coca-Cola introduced “New Coke” to
the United States. Even Levi’s as it continues to create new products for ﬁckle young
consumers, still makes its historic style like 501 blue jeans in the same manner that it has
for decades.

Because Frito Lay’s primary audience in Poland is the youthful consumer many of the
themes and elements contained in ads are necessarily meant to appeal to this sector of
society. Many of the aforementioned commercials contain obvious ideas and devices that
were created to attract young customers. These include the use of celebrities, Pokemon,
sports stars, and the cartoon character Chester Cheetah. The company continually
reinforces its image as a youth brand by recreating its marketing and advertising
campaigns but remaining clear in its main theme that it can connect to youthful needs and
desires. Another one of these themes that Frito Lay uses to appeal to youthful in is that of
the adventurous exciting life. This often used advertising device attempts to link a
product with a fun and desirable lifestyle. In these types of adverts young consumers are
shown engaged in exciting activities or living desirous lives. Frito Lay employs this
theme in order to show that its products ﬁt into an exciting and adventurous lifestyle.
Although it is not stated that Frito Lay products create this desirable lifestyle, a
correlation between good times and the snack foods is implied. In other words, Frito Lay
does not claim that its products will change a consumer’s life for the better but the idea is
certainly suggested.

An example of a Frito Lay commercial that features a desirable adventurous lifestyle

is a “Szczyt,” 2001 commercial featuring the previously discussed Polish race driver

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Krzysztof Holowczyc. The advert features a fast paced instrumental soundtrack that
along with the exaggerated action sequences gives the commercial the feel of a James
Bond type spy ﬁlm. The ad begins with Holowczyc, dressed in a suit and ties, spotting a
young man eating F rito Lay chips. The race driver eyes the youth and then begins chasing
him down streets and narrow alleyways. The chase continues along a highway and up a
mountain. When the young man reaches the mountaintop Holowczyc stands waiting. The
race driver grabs the bag of chips as the announcer comments, “try to reach the Everest of
chips” (“Szczyt”). While very few viewers would actually wish to be involved in the
dangerous worlds of espionage or law enforcement, the fantasy of being an action hero is
very appealing to many. Hollywood earns billions of dollars internationally each year
producing ﬁlms that cater to desires for fun and adventure. Although the young man is
not the commercial’s protagonist and does achieve any desired goal, Frito Lay’s chips do
provide him with an opportunity to engage in adventurous and exciting behavior. Again,
the viewer does not really wish to be chased, attached, and have his food stolen, but it is a
desirable fantasy for those that see their lives as mundane. Additionally Frito Lay puts the
excitement both within international and Polish cultural contexts. The commercial’s
storyline resembles spy ﬁlms that were largely based during the Cold War.

These ﬁlms generally operate on a template in which a well dressed urbane hero is
chased and ﬁghts a villain in order to acquire some important item. In the ad, Krzysztof
Holowczyc serves as the hero that must chase down and obtain the valuable bag of Lays.
Holowczyc, a Pole, would have likely been the villain in a Cold War spy ﬁlm that pitted
East versus West. In this commercial stereotypes have been redeﬁned and now

Holowczyc stands as a symbol of the international hero Pole. In doing this the ad not only

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provides an adventurous outlet but also places Poland within a new international context.
No longer is Poland a grey dark nation as it was in Cold War ideology but rather it is a
land of adventure, excitement, and heroes. In this advertising F rito Lay is once again not
trying to quickly change society but rather is stressing how Poland has already changed.
The snack maker is embracing the “new” Poland and marking itself as a “cool” product.
In providing these messages Frito Lay not only links itself to youthful adventurousness
but also continues using the same ideas of intemationalism and non-traditionalism.

Two commercials from 2002 take the idea of youthful adventurousness farther and
seem to suggest that Frito Lay’s products and giveaways can change a person’s outlook
on life. Both ads are advertising trading cards featuring soccer stars that are available as
in package giveaways in F rito Lay products. The ads take the form of a newscast that
informs people about a growing soccer obsession within Poland. In both ads a fake
newsman tells the nation about the strange events that occurring. Most Poles would
recognize the faux news broadcaster as a caricature of the famous Polish tele-journalist
Boguslaw Woloszar’rski that hosted news shows from the 19703 into the twenty-ﬁrst
century. Woloszar’rski’s most famous show, “Sensacje XX wieku,” (Sensations of the
Twenieth Century) outlined and commented on important historical events. The actor
portraying the announcer in the commercial resembles Woloszar'rski in voice, dress, and
appearance and has many of the same mannerisms. By using the reference to a famous
newsman F rito Lay is placing the ad well within the context of Polish society and history.

The ﬁrst commercial “Lays Obsesja Pilkarska 15” (Lays obsession is growing) shows
the Woloszar’rski character discussing the growing Polish obsession with soccer. As an

older woman walks across the park carrying her groceries, the announcer proclaims,

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“Soccer obsession is growing. It’s even conquering the most resistant. Here is the
evidence.” After saying this, the announcer runs towards a soccer ball showing that even
though he is wearing a shirt, tie, and leather jacket he also is dressed in red soccer shorts,
long sports socks, and athletic eleats. He then strongly kicks the soccer ball as it is caught
by the older woman that kicks it back in a goalie’s style. The ad ends with a display of
the soccer cards available in F rito Lay products (“Lays Obsesja Pilkarska 15”). The
second ad, “Lays Obsesja Pilkarska 30” uses the same format and announcer but shows
new examples of the growing mania. The ﬁrst scene shows a leather clad motorcyclist
sitting in a park eating Lay’s chips. A serious looking conservatively dressed middle aged
man kicks the biker’s helmet like a soccer ball and runs away with it over a hill. The next
scene displays a mother walking through the park with her young son apparently coming
home from the grocery store. The child eats a bag of Lay’s as the woman bounces a head
of cabbage like a soccer ball on her unskirted knee. The commercial cuts to the newsman
standing in front of a formally dressed couple. The man is wearing a three piece suit and
tie while the woman is dressed in a long red gown. The newsman states, “this is a real
obsession, which is increasing because of stickers, cards, and soccer balls [in Frito Lay
packages.]” During this speech the well dressed man soccer kicks a street lamp’s glass
globe causing it to explode as his girlﬁiend cheers (“Lays Obsesja Pilkarska 30”).

In these two commercials the theme of youthful adventurousness is not only used but
is portrayed as spreading in a viral like manner. Each of the commercial’s scenes features
adult characters acting in a youthful free-spirited way because of F rito Lay’s in-package
giveaways. The mature characters’ actions are unexpected and unconventional and the

viewer is meant to be surprised and amused by the adult’s youthful antics. Their behavior

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is so odd that it is declared newsworthy by the commercial’s creators. An announcer that
is well known for broadcasting major events of the twentieth century is parodied in order
to reinforce the signiﬁcance of the actions being recorded. The commercial is clearly
implying that its products can make even dull and stodgy adults youthful and ﬁrn. If F rito
Lay chips can turn old woman, nerdy men, mothers, and high class couples into
adventurous young adults then it should be able to do similar things for its already
youthful customer base. Additionally, F rito Lay once again ignores the traditional Polish
social order in favor of a society driven by youthful needs. Older women and mothers
that are normally revered in Poland are shown to be subjugated to the desires of the
younger generation. This break from the traditional strongly follows F rito Lay’s overall
campaign to showcase its youthfulness and to encourage the rise of intemationalism that
is featured in many ads across the entire period until 2005. In these two ads the theme of
youthful adventurousness not only is used to portray the fun that youths could have with
F rito Lay products but also the ways that the entire society could change if it only
embraced being young and ﬁrn.

Another commercial that illustrates Frito Lay’s idea of youthﬁrl adventurousness
overtaking mature adults is a late 2002 ad that features an Albert Einstein impersonator.
The ad called, “Twistos Einstein” shows the scientist creating havoc in a supermarket by
playing with common items and interacting in a juvenile manner with people around him.
Einstein eventually eats a young lady’s Frito Lay’s Twistos and is escorted from the store
by security. Before leaving the physicist gives his famous out stuck tongue pose and
appears to have reverted to a state of intense childishness (“Twistos Einstein”). Within

the commercial Einstein is presented as the rare adult that never allowed himself to

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altogether leave childhood behind. Einstein acts as the popular conception dictates; the
aloof scientist that plays with the world around him and creates scientiﬁc discoveries. He
is shown as the uncommon adult that embraces his youthful adventurousness and never
gives into the dullness of adult life. In Einstein’s life even a mundane task like grocery
shopping can provide fun, adventure, and new discoveries. Einstein serves as an
international role model for those that wish to remain adventurous even after their youth
has faded.

One additional ad from 2005 shows youthful adventurousness mixed with technology
to become seemingly more commonplace. This ad entitled, “Lay’s Appetite Computer”
displays a fast paced highly technological lifestyle that is made even more energized by
teenage usage. The commercial begins with a young man using his computer to instant
message an unseen woman. The man electronically asks his female correspondent if she
wants to talk and she replies that she cannot now because she needs to go get a snack.
The young man smiles to himself, grabs his book bag, and races out of his apartment. The
commercial mostly features scenes of the young man adventurously maneuvering through
the city and overcoming any obstacles that he encounters. When chased by a pack of dogs
the young hero grabs meat from a street butcher and tosses to towards his canine
pursuers. When faced with a dead end alley, he scales the wall. When he tears his shirt,
he uses the back entrance to a laundry mat and takes another. Finally he arrives at what
appears to be a library or cybercafe where he spots a beautiful young woman. He offers
her a bag of Lay’s Appetite chips and comments, “You said that you were hungry.” The
announcer then extols the virtues of the chips and the ad ends with the tagline, “Chcesz

T roche” (Do you want some?) (“Lay’s Appetite Computer”).

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While the previously mentioned commercials have shown youthful adventurousness in
contrast to an otherwise traditional society then uses technologically ﬁlled youth lifestyle
as its basis. The roles of adults in the ad are as bystanders or background players, the
advert focuses on the young man and woman and their relationships to each other and
their youth oriented society. The commercial embraces the use of technology to non-
traditional way of life that is shown to be both fun and adventurousness. Not only do the
main characters communicate via a computer messaging program that many adults would
probably not understand but they also ﬁnally meet in a bright cheerful building that is
surrounded by computers and youthful technophiles. More importantly though, the
commercial uses the narrative structure of a video game, one that many viewers under the
age of thirty would probably ﬁnd relatable. The commercial follows the narrative of a
standard quest game, in which the user must conquer obstacles and puzzles in order to
complete a task. Often this end goal is to save a person that has been captured by a hostile
force. One example of a popular game to use this structure is Super Mario Brothers, a
video game in which the player must master many hurdles and difﬁculties in order to
save a kidnapped princess. This same structure is evident in “Lay’s Appetite Computer”
where the young man must learn how to bypass different obstacles in order to rescue his
“princess” from hunger. Furthermore, as with many video games, the girl is not shown
until the end of the ad when she is only included as an object to be rescued. Even her type
written words at the beginning of the commercial as reminiscent of written pleas by
captured females featured at the start of games like Super Mario Brothers and Donkey
Kong. The characters in the ads are not only using technology in their lives but also their

stories are being presented in a computer game inspired manner. This is an adventurous

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existence in which one’s life can be fun, challenging, and productive like a video game.
Unlike like traditional Polish life in which one is often unsure of winners and losers, this
imaginary lifestyle provides a concrete and desirable outcome. In the end the obstacles
are conquered and the princess is rescued. By creating this narrative Frito Lay is not only
presenting adventurous youthfulness but is also invoking a technologically driven society
in which any outcome is possible.
Conclusion

In many ways analyzing F rito Lay advertising in Poland is a study of both youth
marketing and the introduction of new ideas. The company helped to create a new snack
food category in Poland and quickly became the ﬁeld’s leading brand. Because of the
brand’s differences from other American products like McDonald’s and Coca-Cola it
chose to not market itself as traditionally Polish. Instead Frito Lay advertised itself as the
youth oriented brand of those that wanted new and exciting ideas and products. The
company used advertisements that promoted F rito Lay’s international ties, its acceptance
of worldwide youth culture, its understanding of young people’s need to rebel against
authority, and the idea of adventurous youth. Since Frito Lay’s major theme from its
beginning in Poland until 2005 was promoting itself as a youth brand, its advertisements
show little change over time. While McDonalds, Levi’s, and Coca-Cola advertisements
displayed shifts in how themes and ideas were presented, Frito Lay’s adverts were
remarkably consistent in their presentation. From the beginning Frito Lay marketed itself
as a youth brand that did not run counter to Polish traditionalism but rather was another
option that Poles could explore. Frito Lay advertised to those consumers that were

already exploring new views of Poland and the world and were contemplating changes in

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both society and their lives. By becoming a youth oriented brand F rito Lay was declaring
its compatibility with the group’s desires and open mindedness. As its core customers age
this may change but for the time being Frito Lay has aligned itself with the wants and

desires of the younger generations of Poland.

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Table 4- Frito Lay Television Commercials Used

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ad Title Year Produced Themes

Cheetos Wrozka 2001 Anti-authoritarian
Chester Pokemon 2005 Intemationalism
Cheetos Wrozka 2001 Anti-authoritarian
Factory 1999 Anti-authoritarian
Lay’s Appetite Computer 2005 Adventurous Youth
Lay’s Obsesja Pilkarska 15 2002 Adventurous Youth
Lay’s Obsesja Pilkarska 30 2002 Adventurous Youth
Lay’s Max Czarus 2001 Anti-authoritarian
Lay’s Max Marysia 2001 Anti-authoritarian
Pamela 1999 Intemationalism
Promo Football Stars 2002 Intemationalism
Promo Pokemon 2001 Intemationalism
Szczyt 2001 Adventurous Youth
Twistos Einstein 2002 Adventurous Youth

 

 

 

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Selected Images ﬁom Chapter 4

 

Figure 17- Pamela Anderson works for Lays chips in the 1999 commercial “Pamela.”

202

 

Figure 18- 2001’s “Lay’s Max Czarus” displays Frito Lay’s desire to be anti-authoritarian

203

 

Figure 19- “Twistos Einstein,” from 2002, showcases the spirit of adventurous youth

204

 

Figure 20- 2005’s “Lay’s Appetite Computer” shows more of the theme of adventurous
youths

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Chapter 5- Red, White, and Cola. Coca— Cola Advertising in Poland

In 2004 the Polish Peasants Party (PSL) was considering changing its name in order to
better connect with the local electorate. This discussion prompted party convention
delegate Jan Bury to comment, “the PSL is a brand like Coca-Cola, it's a big deal;
whoever wants to change it, has no concept at all or is being counterproductive” (“Heard
in Passing”). It is telling that the Polish party chose to think of the changes in terms of
rebranding and the brand Bury selected was the American icon Coca-Cola. Arguably,
Coca-Cola is the most recognizable American product worldwide. The American soft
drink company, which was founded in Georgia in the 18803, has grown to become both a
positive and negative international symbol of the United States. Although the Coca-Cola
Company produces over 400 brands in more than 200 different countries, the soft drink
maker is still primarily known for its ﬁrst product, the widely popular Coca-Cola Classic
(“Brand Fact Sheet”). Many of Coca-Cola’s products are ubiquitous throughout the world
but this international popularity has been paired with negative reactions. For example
public demonstrations against the company’s products have taken place in several
countries and opponents have invented concepts and phrases like that of ‘Coca-
Colonization” that describes the view that the beverage company is disrupting local
cultures. While Cola-Cola has both supporters and detractors, the company continues to
grow and expand internationally. The soda producer’s history in Poland is a long and
often conﬁrsing one that reﬂects the difﬁculties that faced American corporations that
wished to operate in the country during socialist period. Coca-Cola ﬁrst entered the
Polish market in 1957 when it was showcased at the International Fair in Poznan.

Afterwards, the soft drink was produced outside of Poland and was only available for

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hard currency at specialty stores like the previously discussed Pewex. In 1972 Coca-Cola
signed an agreement with the Polish government that allowed the beverage marker to
bottle its products in Poland. Existing breweries were used to produce and package the
soft drinks and the ﬁrst Polish made bottle of Coca-Cola was created on July 19, 1972.
This method of production continued until 1991 when Cola-Cola expanded its Polish
operations and created a new Polish Coca-Cola company (Coca-Cola Poland) and two
independent bottlers (Warszawa Coca-Cola Bottlers Ltd. and Bydgoszcz Coca-Cola
Bottlers Ltd.). This change allowed the corporation to take control of all business
operations and marked the ﬁrst time that Coca-Cola was able to act independently
(“Polish Coca-Cola is already. . . 10 years old!”). Since 1991 Coca-Cola has continued to
expand by opening new bottling plants and other means of production in Poland. Coke’s
operation in Poland has become 30 developed that many of the items that are produced
within the country’s borders are shipped to other nearby countries for sale.
Early Polish Coca-Cola Advertising

It is important to note that, although Coca-Cola was limitedly available in Poland in
1957 and was bottled in the country from 1972 onward, the soft drink was not highly
touted by the socialist authorities. In fact, Coca-Cola was the object of several socialistic
advertising campaigns that wished to portray the product as capitalistically evil. These
campaigns included, “the enemy tempts you with Coca-Cola” and “Coca-Cola means
liquid imperialism.” (“Polish Coca-Cola is already. . . 10 years old!”). While these anti-
Coke slogans were clearly not meant to promote the product they did attempt to portray
the soft drink as an American symbol, as previously discussed in chapter two. In a

theoretical socialist context being a symbol of a capitalistic country is a negative quality

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but in socialist Poland this connection also served as symbol of resistance. By equating
Coca-Cola with the supposedly negative aspects of the United States the Polish
authorities were also linking the company with America’s positive virtues. Many Poles
that were dissatisﬁed with the State would note the government’s dislike of the product
and its American pedigree. These factors coupled with Coca-Cola’s limited availability
would make the product even more desirable to many and created a lasting impression
that would exist even after socialism did not. It is reported that by September 1972,
Warsaw’s largest store was selling over 1,500 bottles of Coca-Cola a day. A Polish
newspaper editorial of the time opined, “This innocent soft drink, which until recently
could be found only in encyclopedias, has found its way into almost every home. For
many years, Coca-Cola has had a reputation of being the symbol of American life or of
repulsive dollar imperialism. . . It ﬁnally reached Poland not as a sinful thing but as a
fruit of peaceful coexistence” (quoted in Witzel and Young-Witzel 166). During the
socialist years Coca-Cola was a product that was both expensive and difﬁcult to acquire
and additionally was denounced by the authorities as unsavorily capitalistic and
American. Although these campaigns were meant to impede Coke’s sales, they actually
helped to create a market for the soft drink during and after the Cold War.

The one other overarching factor that should be mentioned in connection with Coca-
Cola’s early advertising is that of the company’s highly recognizable red and white color
scheme. To most Americans a red and white Coke can conjures up images of the sugary
soda and little else. Although the trademarked logos, colors, and designs are distinctive,
they symbolize little more than a cold beverage. Conversely, in Poland Coca—Cola’s

colors are national symbols with deep historical and traditional meaning. They are the

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colors of the Polish ﬂag and the hues that Solidarity used to represent the Polish nation.
The red and white of the nation symbolize a connection to the past and a link between
modern Poland and the nation’s often turbulent history. Besides possibly the Polish eagle,
no other symbol is as highly regarded or understood within the nation as the Polish red
and white. Certainly one could not contend that American soft drink Coca-Cola
understood this or attempted to create trademark colors that would appeal to Poles. Coca-
Cola’s use of the colors red and white dates back decades before the company’s entrance
into Poland. Although both Coke and Poland independently adopted the symbolic red and
white, this coincidence is potentially very advantageous for the soft drink producer.
While Coca-Cola has never marketed itself as a Polish national symbol, the company
may enjoy a subliminal association that its corporate colors provide. Poles may be drawn
to Coca-Cola for nationalistic reasons without completely understanding the connection.
This lucky association began providing free brand support to Coca-Cola even before the
ﬁrst true advertising campaign commenced.

Because Coca-Cola has been available in some form or another in Poland since 1957
there is a preliminary amount of advertising produced prior to 1990. Since officially the
state was hostile to the beverage company (even though both parties signed an agreement
in 1972), today very little of the advertising remains or is difﬁcult to acquire. Besides the
socialist anti-Coca-Cola advertising and the company’s red and white logo, one other
important socialist era advertising device worth noting is a slogan created by the well
known Polish poet and songwriter Agnieszka Osiecka. The slogan, “To jest to” (Coke is
it), is extremely famous within Poland and its translation has been used in many countries

worldwide. Reports of when the slogan began vary but it seems that Osiecka composed it

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in the early 19703 around the time that Coca-Cola began bottling in Poland (“Polish
Coca-Cola is already. . . 10 years old!”). The slogan seemingly gained popularity after
winning a radio contest and being featured in a 1982 campaign that was used in many
places throughout the world (“Slogan reklamowy”). The slogan has remained and is still
featured on much of the Coca-Cola signage through Poland. Although the slogan’s
simplicity and catchiness are undoubtedly the main reasons for its enduring appeal, much
has been made of Osiecka’s contribution to Coca-Cola’s advertising. Osiecka remains a
popular and esteemed ﬁgure and her connection to Coke gives the brand both an air of
respectability and a relationship to Polish culture. To have one of the most recognizable
product slogans in Poland be produced by a well regarded artist forges a bond between
Polish culture and Coca-Cola. The soft drink maker’s advertising cannot be seen as
merely American imperialism when well known Polish wordsmiths are crafting the
slogans. While this is only one slogan, it does show the start of a relationship between
Poland and Coca—Cola and that started long before the end of the Cold War. Coca-Cola’s
place in Polish society would continue to develop and change but the foundation was laid
well before 1990.
Post-Socialist Period

Many would claim that Coca-Cola ﬁrst ofﬁcially entered the Polish market in 1991.
Although the company had been selling its products in Poland for decades through
franchisees and distributors, the year 1991 marks Coca-Cola’s ﬁrst direct investment in
distribution and production facilities (“Historical Background 1991-1996”). Now instead
of relying on middlemen the company is able to take control of every aspect of Polish

operations. This means Coca-Cola is not only able to expand production but also to

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remake its image in the Polish market. Very little information is available about Coca
Cola’s Polish advertising from 1990- 1992, possibly because the company was using
worldwide campaigns within the Polish market that require little development and
change. This is a common practice among many companies and may be necessary in
Poland while Coca-Cola is concentrating on building its Polish operations. It is likely that
the company is attempting to build its infrastructure and assess the Polish market before
designing a complex campaign for Poland. Additionally Coca-Cola appears to have
experienced an initial “honeymoon” period that allows for a certain amount of goodwill
towards the company because of Coke’s symbolic connection to the United States. In his
monograph, For God, Country and Coca-Cola, Mark Pendergrast claims that, “crowds
gathered to cheer the arrival of the ﬁrst Coca-Cola trucks in Warsaw, reminiscent of the
welcome given the liberating U.S. tanks of World War II” (391). Although U.S. tanks did
not liberate Warsaw during World War II, the point that Coca-Cola trucks are seen as
symbols of America and Cold War liberation cannot be ignored. Coca-Cola was entering
the Polish market in a new way and was already connected to many symbolic
associations even before the company begins to advertise in earnest.
Coca-Cola and Universal Christmas

One Polish advertisement that does exist from 1990 is a print advert displaying the
classic Coca-Cola Santa Claus grasping an armful of gifts with the words Wesolych Swiqt
(Merry Christmas) placed underneath. The painted image of Santa Claus dressed in red
coat and hat with white fur trim is so well known that no labels are included to inform the
viewer of Claus’s identity (“Wesolych Swiat”). It is assumed that Polish viewers, like

their American counterparts, will understand St. Nick’s symbolic value and importance

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without any additional assistance. This advertisement and the understanding behind it are
signiﬁcant in several key ways. The most important being that this commonly accepted
image of Santa Claus is in many ways a creation of Coca-Cola advertising. The character
of Santa Claus, or Saint Nicholas, is based upon the life of a Christian bishop that lived in
Asia Minor during the 4th century. St. Nicholas eventually became the patron saint of
children in several countries and was transformed into an object of folklore and legend.
Until the twentieth century there was no generally accepted version of Santa Claus’s
appearance. Various folklore and popular culture sources created images of St. Nicholas
that were vastly different in height, weight, dress, and other manners of appearance. In
1931 Coca-Cola paid the artist Haddon Sundblom to create a portrait of Santa Claus for
the company’s advertising. The ﬁnished product featured the modern idea of St. Nick
dressed in Coca-Cola red and white (Louis and Yazijian 97-98). It should be noted that
most of the elements of Coca-Cola’s Santa are unoriginal; they are generally borrowed
from other sources. What Coca-Cola did do was standardize the look of Santa Claus
through its advertising, creating one image of the “jolly old elf” that is accepted
worldwide (Witzel and Young-Witzel 107-8). This standardization is important because
it not only displays the power of advertising but also universally links Coca-Cola to both
Santa Claus and the Christmas holiday itself. Since 1931 Coca-Cola has continuously
used Santa Claus in its advertising and this image continues to be one of the most popular
of Coca-Cola’s logos. The Coca-Cola Santa Claus has become so traditional that many
worldwide consumers purchase Christmas decorations with Coca-Cola ads featuring St.
Nicolas. Because of this connection to Santa and Christmas it is not surprising that a

Polish advertisement from 1990 features St. Nick. Coca-Cola is using one of its most

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popular and well respected icons as a focal point for this early advert. This is a show of
strength and an understanding of how important the image of the Coca-Cola Santa Claus
is in international popular culture.

By using an accepted symbo1 of both Christmas and Coke in an early Polish advert the
company is appealing to traditional family values and invoking images of happy children,
joyous adults, and religious tradition. This is a strong selling point in a predominately
Catholic country like Poland, where Christmas images invoke not only family but also
religion. In many ways this ad is a precursor to the many Coca-Cola campaigns that will
follow in the next seventeen years. The image and prose are both classic and timeless and
nothing about the advert requires either thought or explanation. This is the ad’s appeal;
that the image and phrase are so culturally symbolic that Coca-Cola does not have to
produce additional prose or information. The soft drink maker is connecting itself to
Christmas and all of its understood implications. Although other companies could try this
approach, Coca-Cola is uniquely capable of utilizing its historical links to Santa Claus
and Christmas advertising. This connection between Christmas and Coca-Cola seems to
be an early step in what will become one of the companies primary marketing themes;
Coca-Cola’s connection to family/ everyday life. In this ad no families are displayed and
no slogans are presented that would indicate the inclusion of a familial theme.
Nonetheless, it can be assumed that these associations are prominent within the viewers’
minds. As in many societies, Christmas in Poland is generally a time for family
gatherings and the renewing of familial bonds. This simple advert invokes many of those
ideas and the image of Santa Claus connects Poland, Christmas, and Coca-Cola; a fairly

impressive feat for a single image and two words to accomplish.

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Coca-Cola continues to use images of Santa Claus and Christmas in Poland
throughout the years from 1990-2005. These images continually represent ideas of Coca-
Cola’s connection to the Polish family. A 1994 print ad shows Santa Claus toasting a
polar bear with a bottle of Coke. The Coca-Cola logo appears in the top left hand comer
as an ornament and the ad’s texts reads, “Wesolych Swiqt i Szczes’liwego Nowego Roku”
(Merry Christmas and Happy New Year). The polar bear in the ad is a new character
from the international Coca-Cola “Always Coca-Cola” campaign (“Polar Bear”). The
polar bear ﬁrst appear in a television commercial entitled “Northern Lights” that features
a group of watching the aurora borealis while drinking bottles of Coca-Cola. The
commercial proved popular and many others have been produced including ones
containing a bear family selecting a Christmas tree. While the Coca-Cola polar bear
advertisements begin as adult bears relaxing and drinking Coca-Cola they soon become
about family and even connected to Coca-Cola’s image of Christmas. In this 1994 Polish
print ad Coca-Cola is once again attempting to display a kinship with the idea of
Christmas and family. The featured Santa Claus looks much the same as in the 1990 print
ad and again revives notions of home and family. In this ad he is newly juxtaposed with a
cuddly furry polar bear that raises the advert’s cuteness factor and presents a modern
Christmas character to balance the traditionalness of Santa Claus. Once again Coca-Cola
is using Christmas to advertise itself as family oriented. The Cola is not only the “official
sponsor” of the holiday season but also of the Polish family.

The theme of Christmas and family is continued in a 2003 television commercial
entitled “Christmas Caravan.” This ad shows a caravan of Christmas logoed Coca-Cola

trucks journeying across the country to deliver Coke to a small town. “Christmas

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Caravan” is an international ad that has added Polish scenes for the local market. In the
Polish version of the commercial the trucks are shown traveling through the cities of
Warsaw, Gdansk, and Krakow. As the caravan passes through mountain areas bridges
magically become wrapped in glowing Christmas lights and outdoor pine trees are
transformed into multi-color lighted Christmas trees. Wherever the trucks go the joy of
the Christmas season follows, including a small town where the caravan is met by local
residents ﬁlled with Christmas cheer. At the end of the ad, when the caravan travels to
another town, viewers are shown the back of a truck that features a picture of Santa Claus
holding a bottle of Coke and the slogan, “Always Coca-Cola” (“Christmas Caravan”). In
this commercial Coca-Cola is not only providing soft drinks to Poland but also many of
the important elements of the Christmas season. As the trucks travel through the country
they bring with them the magical joyousness of the holiday season. The caravan of Coca-
Cola trucks travels to each city and small town to ensure that everyone has access to the
important beverage and the Christmas spirit that accompanies it. When the trucks arrive
they not only bring Coca-Cola but they also bring Christmas. As in other Polish Coca-
Cola Christmas ads this commercial promotes the company’s connection to Christmas
and thus to Poland and the country’s families. While the commercial is bright and
cheerful it is also is the opposite of ﬂashy and cosmopolitan. The ad is an attempt to
connectCoca-Cola with feelings of nostalgia and memories of Christmases past. Like
previous ads this one is also used in various international markets and shows Coca-Cola’s
connection not only to Polish Christmas and family but to those ideas globally. Coke is
able to communicate the idea that the company not only the local sponsor of Christmas

but the international one as well.

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Another Coca-Cola Poland advertisement that continues the theme of the soft drink
maker’s Christmas sponsorship is a 2005 holiday website. This electronic advert has
several classic games that feature Christmas imagery, Coca-Cola icons, and company
sponsorship. The website contains six games in a leveled system that forces the player to
gain a minimum score on a lower level game before he/ she is able to advance to the next
game. The opening level game is a Coca-Cola Christmas rendering of the popular
Chinese game Mahjong. This Coca-Cola version of the game has playing tiles that feature
pictures of bottles of Coke, toys, and elves. The electronic game board is bordered by
images of Santa Claus, elves sledding, Christmas trees, and other wintry scenes. The
website’s design utilizes both classical images and games but offers few connections to
Poland. The message is that games, Coca-Cola, and Christmas are universal and need no
direct ties to any one country. The website uses the modernity of the intemet to provide
traditional content and understood symbols and values. If many ﬂashy modern
advertisements are to be labeled as “eye candy” then the images and games contained
within this website are “eye comfort food” (Adverblog). Once again Coca-Cola positions
itself as the international sponsor of Christmas and the family. This is a reasonable course
of advertisement in a traditional society like Poland but it also is a way of connecting
Coca-Cola to worldwide family values. During the time form 1990-2005 in Poland Coca-
Cola continually uses the ideas of Christmas and family to showcase itself as another
universal concept.

Omnipresent Average Coca-Cola
Much the same as Coca-Cola wishes to use Christmas as a standard element of its

image and branding, the company also attempts to make its logo physically present in

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what seems to be as many places as possible. Since its earliest days, Coca-Cola has
utilized copious amounts of advertising that often make the soft drink maker’s logo
appear to be omnipresent. Billboards, neon signs, supermarket displays, restaurant signs,
and market nameplates are only a few of the forms of Coca-Cola advertising signage that
have become so commonplace internationally that they are rarely considered. Most
consumers see Coca-Cola advertising is so many places that they no longer cognitively I
consider it. Unlike McDonald’s, Levi’s, and F rito Lay, which want to be considered as
special purchases by the consumer, Coca-Cola does not wish to hold a vaulted position in
the buyer’s mind. Coca-Cola does not desire to be associated with a night out on the town
or become the symbol of youthﬁrl rebellion. Rather the soft drink maker wants to be a
common yet essential part of everyday life. This is evident in the previously discussed
Christmas ads, where the company attempts to be an ever present yet crucial part of the
holiday season and thus Polish/ world society. Coca-Cola’s use of signage is another
element in this strategy. While McDonald’s wants to become a part of Polish society and
Levi’s wishes to be symbol of youth, Coca-Cola desires to be a universal part of daily
life. This is made evident by the ubiquitousness of the company’s logo in Polish society.
One can hardly walk down a street in a Polish city or town without seeing Coca-Cola
logoed windows, shops signs, table umbrellas, wall menus, lighted signs, or other
physical advertisements. These physical adverts are so commonplace that they become
accepted without notice. They no longer register in many people’s minds as
advertisements but have instead become a seemingly unimportant part of the landscape.
Although these physical adverts maybe unimportant in the daily lives of many they are

serving their purpose in making Coke commonplace and universal in Polish society. If

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Mark Pendergrast’s claim of cheering crowds for the ﬁrst Coca-Cola truck in Warsaw is
true, then much has changed in Poland. In the early years of the twenty-ﬁrst century
possibly the only way that the average Pole would take notice of a Coca-Cola truck is if
the truck in question hit him. i

If Coca-Cola has truly become both less noticeable and more of an everyday part of
Polish society then how has physical advertising helped in this transformation? Although
many factors, such as politics, changing Polish societal and cultural attitudes, other types
of advertising, and generational differences are involved in this change, it is reasonable to
assume that because of its ever present position in Polish society that physical advertising
played a role. In other words, Coca-Cola would in most likely stop spending the large
amounts of money that this advertising costs if it was not producing some desired results
for the company. The ﬁrst thing to notice about Coca-Cola’s and most other brands’
physical advertising is that it is designed to both stand out and blend in simultaneously.
The ads almost always are a functional part of everyday life that feature a brightly
colored easily identiﬁable logo. This produces a paradox of sorts; the ads must be both
noticeable and commonplace. The viewer should recognize the advertiser but give the ad
itself very little thought. This is a very different approach from many other types of
advertising that attempt to attract attention and create a buzz among consumers.
Television, radio, print, and other types of ads all struggle to be both memorable and
engaging. These physical adverts do not wish to be remembered or even really thought
about. The ads are background noise that would only be considered if they disappeared.
They perform their intended functions if few reﬂect on them but many accept them as

normal. By becoming commonplace the ads help the product to gain an unquestioned role

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in the fabric of society. By using large amounts of physical advertisements in Poland,
Coca-Cola is attempting to become a routine part of Polish life. While other products
strive to be extraordinary, Coke merely wants to be used every day.

Because of the astonishing amount of physical Coca-Cola advertising in Poland it is
difﬁcult to select only a few examples to analyze. Since these types of advertising’s
primary goal is to be commonplace then it seems on ﬁtting that the most ordinary sorts of
these ads be considered. To some, these ads may seem pedestrian or devoid of narrative
but in reality they are too often (by design) overlooked and underappreciated. If many
consider this type of advertising to be unworthy of notice that only serves as a ﬁrrther
indicator that the ads are performing their intended ﬁinction. One of the most common
kinds of Coca-Cola physical ads are store and shop signs that feature a bright red object
with the words “Coca-Cola” written in white inside. Often additional slogans or icons are
connected to the ad but the red and white Coca-Cola is the staple. These types of ads are
used internationally in almost all of the countries that Coca-Cola is sold but they are often
changed to include the local language. This is true in Poland, where many of the signs
contain Polish slogans. These physical ads that contain the Coca-Cola logo very often
serve another more functional purpose, besides advertising, either for the retailer or the
customer. An example of this is a red, white, and black 1994 ad featuring a can of Coca-
Cola, a fork, a knife, and a plate. The crudely drawn ad features the “Pchac” (Push) under
the logo, which makes it clear that the advert is intended to hang on doors to inform
customers how to get inside stores. Another ad from 1996 is a lighted round store sign
that features the Coca-Cola logo, 3 picture of a bottle of Coke, and the words “Zawsze”

(Always). An additional 1990’s ad showcases the Coca-Cola logo as it serves as a menu

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for a Polish restaurant. What these ads share is that they are generally unnoticeable and
thus often are overlooked. Although one of these ads may seem incapable of producing a
narrative, when taken as a whole these physical adverts produce an image of a brand that
wishes to be universally accepted without much thought. Much like the ads themselves
Coca-Cola is attempting to become an ever present yet unconsidered part of Polish
society.

When using both Christmas and physical advertising in Poland, Coca-Cola is creating
an image of a universal brand. The soft drink maker wants to become a part of Polish
society not only as a product but rather as a part of everyday life. This theme is also
present in one of Coca-Cola’s early Polish advertising campaigns “Always Coca-Cola.”
This Polish extension of an international campaign was launched in spring 1993 and is
considered to be the ﬁrst true example of a coordinated Coca-Cola advertising campaign
in Poland (“Historical Background 1991-1996”). Although advertisements for Coca-Cola
existed previously in Poland, this marks the ﬁrst time that the company used such an
extensive campaign. “Always Coca-Cola,” translated into Polish as “Zawsze Coca-Cola”
is an advertising campaign that emphasizes the brand’s timelessness and everyday appeal.
The international campaign originally consists of twenty-seven commercials with each
focusing on different segments of consumers (“Highlights in the History of Coca-Cola”).
The campaign has been wildly successful worldwide winning numerous awards including
a spot on Ad Age’s 100 Most Important Advertising Campaigns (“Top 100 Advertising
Campaigns”). Because the “Always Coca-Cola” campaign is a worldwide tool the ads
have not been crafted for Polish audiences and are examples of the company’s interest in

a global strategy. While Coca-Cola may translate certain words or slogans for the Polish

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market mostly these ads reﬂect little thought being given to the individual country. This
ﬁts in well with Coca-Cola’s theme of universality and indicates that the company’s
television advertising was similar in almost every market. This campaign says very little
about Coca-Cola’s connection. to Poland but it does reassert the soft drink maker’s desire
to be a common part of everyday life in every region of the world.

The “Always Coca-Cola” campaign’s theme of universality is evident in the
previously discussed Coca-Cola polar bear ad, “Northern Lights,” the most famous advert
from the campaign. The ad, that shows polar bears drinking Coca-Cola at the North Pole,
is designed to strongly appeal to international consumers regardless of nation of origin.
The bears have a high “cute quotient” that makes them attractive to many different kinds
of consumers. Most notably the bears are a retro-traditional device, providing consumers
with the feeling that the bears have been a part of Coke’s advertising for generations even
though they have been created recently. This character identiﬁcation seems to be
conﬁrmed by the bears’ popularity and their usage in Christmas advertising alongside
Santa Claus. While many brands employ lovable mascots, the polar bears are different
because they instantly become identiﬁable and yet do so in a low key and unassuming
manner. “Northern Lights” and the other Coca-Cola polar bears’ ads that follow does not
utilize up tempo music or ﬂashy effects, instead the ads quietly portray the simple
pleasures of everyday life. In “Northern Lights” and subsequent ads the bears enjoy their
family, friends, and their natural surroundings. There is nothing nationalistically unique
about these ads, no one place or group of people have a special connection to the content.
The subjects of the ads- friends, family, and everyday pleasures- can be understood by

any consumer. The ad was created to have mass appeal and to restate Coca-Cola’s

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connection to the remarkable yet common things in life. “Always Coca-Cola” was
designed as an international reminder that Coca-Cola is (or wants to be) a part of the
fabric of many societies. Though little of this content is unique to Poland it does
reconﬁrm Coca-Cola’s message in the early 19903. The company is working hard to
become a common part of every day life.

While Coca—Cola is conducting the “Always Coca-Cola” worldwide it is speciﬁcally
attempting to portray itself as a “good neighbor” within the Polish market. Many of
company’s advertisements from the 19903 reﬂected Coca-Cola’s interest in helping
Polish charities or providing aid from several societal calamities. These advertisements ﬁt
into the company’s strategy of become an average part of Polish society. If something
greatly affects Poland then it should in turn concern Coca-Cola and the company would
be expected to pitch in and help. Charitable sponsorship and corporate disaster
ﬁrndraising are far from unique to Coca-Cola in Poland. Numerous companies in many
different countries, including Poland, are deeply involved in local charitable efforts. This
is generally thought of as a “win- win” investment that provides positive advertising for
the company and a beneﬁcial contribution to society. Coca-Cola’s efforts are noteworthy
because their charitable contributions become a major part of local advertising. Coke’s
“good neighbor” policy provides a local connection to its international campaigns and
helps the company to further integrate into Polish society. This is evidenced by an
internally produced history of Coca-Cola Poland that notes during 1995, “in Qtr. 4 we
also launched a heavy X-Mas campaign tied-in with a PR-effective charity program”
(“Historical Background 1991-1996”). Notice that Coca-Cola is linking its charitable

efforts to its traditionally popular Christmas advertising. In this advertising the company

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is able to show that it truly has the Christmas spirit and does in fact promote the good

 

feelings that surround the holiday season. Also note that Coca-Cola is well aware of the
positive results that its charitable advertising provide. The advertising is referred to as “a
PR-effective charity program.” Coca-Cola is using charitable advertising to promote
itself as a normal part of Polish life.

Advertising featuring Coca-Cola’s charity in Poland is a popular concept that was
used many times by the company. In 1994 Coca-Cola begins sponsoring Special
Olympics Poland and the company is careful to note this fact in many of its press releases
and ofﬁcial publications. Coca-Cola helps to fund the 2001 Special Olympics European
Football Tournament in Warsaw and the company’s logo graces many of the games’
facilities. This sponsorship links Coca-Cola to both charity and sports, which ﬁrrther
helps to deﬁne the company’s status as a normal part of Polish life. The soft drink maker
also fuses television sponsorship and charitable giving to create a 2001 event revolving
around the Easter holiday that also connects to a Polish television show. In this
promotional event Coca-Cola gives stuffed Easter bunny toys to orphanages in Poland for
Children’s Day. The idea for the advertising/ charity event originates ﬁ'om a contestant
on the voyeuristic reality show “Big Brother” of which Coca-Cola is a leading sponsor of
the Polish version. The Polish reality star apparently comments on air that he would like
to give his Cola-Cola Easter bunny to an orphan. The company recognizes the value of
the promotion and expands the idea to include orphanages from across the country (“The
Coca-Cola Business in Poland”). In following one of Coca-Cola’s general patterns this
promotion is linked to holidays and shows the company as a caring part of everyday

Polish society. In a predominately Catholic country like Poland giving orphans a gift

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associated with a major religious holiday can only produce good public relations. It is
difﬁcult to think of the downside of an event that includes orphaned children, Easter,
Children’s Day, and toys. Add to this mix a reality television show that is popular among
younger Poles and the public relations opportunities only grow. In this promotion Coca-
Cola is a good neighbor and an everyday part of Polish life but it also is hip enough to
understand current trends and to listen to young Poles’ ideas. With this event the
company was able to be a part of normal Polish life for older and younger Poles; an
impressive achievement.

Cola-Cola has sponsored many other charity projects and community programs in
Poland including; the Terry Fox Run to raise money for cancer research, charity auctions
for children living in orphanages, and the Annual Charity Ball of Journalists. Each of the
events helps the soft drink producer to remain in the public eye and reinforces the
company’s desire to be seen as a daily part of Polish life. One other advertising
promotion from 2001- 2002 showcases how Coca-Cola uses various methods of
advertising to display the universal appeal of it charitable contributions. In the summer of
2001 heavy rains cause catastrophic ﬂooding in many parts of Poland. Many areas have
not totally recovered from previous ﬂooding in 1997 and suffer yet more damage
(Warsaw Prepares Flood Defenses). Agencies of the European Union, charities like the
Red Cross, and donors from numerous countries contribute money to the relief fund.
Coca-Cola also provides support for the ﬂood victims in various ways. One of these is to
partner with the Polish Humanitarian Organization (PHO) and sponsor relief projects like
“Lets Bring the Joy Bring” that donated mini-buses, sports gear and equipment, juice,

Christmas gifts, and trip sponsorships to various schools and children affected by the

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ﬂooding (Assistance for 2001 Flood Victims). This sponsorship is advertised on an in
store Coca-Cola display that uses the red and white “always” logo. The top portion of the
sign retains the word “zawsze” but words “Coca-Cola” is replaced with “Moz'esz Pomoc”
(You Can Help). The bottom of the sign informs that Coca-Cola is working with the PHO
to help children in places like the Bieszczady Mountains. The company uses a clever new
version of its logo to inform the public that it is “always” helping needy children in
Poland. As in other charity efforts Coca-Cola is not embarassed to advertise its role as
donor. These signs will be seen by many that enter shops and stores and will reassure that
once again Coca-Cola is helping as a normal part of the community. The company is
working with relief agenices and helping unfortuante children as any good citizen would.
In addition to the helping relief agencies by donating money and advertising space,
Coca-Cola also uses advertising to raise money for charity. Like other forms of charitable
advertising, raising money for various causes also provides the company with a method
to bolster its public image and continually reestablish itself as a brand. In 2001 Coca-
Cola created a special limited edition aluminum can to be auctioned off to raise money
for ﬂood relief. These special numbered cans were limited to a production run of two
hundred and were meant to be collectors items for those interested in Coca-Cola
merchandise. The colorful cans are decorated with child-like crayon drawings of a house,
trees, and the sun. The can’s caption reads, “nadzieja nie tonie" (Hope cannot be ﬂooded)
and create the idea that Coca-Cola and the buyer are helping to create hope in Poland.
The drawing on the can forces one to think of the children that have been harmed by the
ﬂooding and the slogan pushes one into action by reinforcing the idea that the better

things in life will always prevail. Coca-Cola is attempting to rally morale support for the

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ﬂood victims and to raise money for rebuilding. To accomplish these goals company is
using its very familiar can and logo. This means that Coca-Cola the corporate citizen and
Coca-Cola the product cannot be separated. The soft drink maker’s charity effort is
placed on the product itself, forcing the two to be thought of as one entity. Coca-Cola is
auctioning off its products and recognizable logo to help charity which creates a more
personal impression than only giving money. Instead of providing only funds the
company is giving what seems to be part of itself and appears to be a good corporate
citizen. Coca-Cola uses this charitable fundraising as an opportunity to again present
itself as an average member of Polish society. Like any good citizen it gives part of itself
to help others that are suffering in the community.

Coca-Cola is not only advertising its status as an everyday part of Polish life by
illustrating its charitable efforts. It also is emphasizing its universal appeal by advertising
its sponsorship of common and popular parts of Polish society like sporting events.
Sports sponsorship is a common vehicle of advertising that is utilized by many
companies worldwide. The sponsors gain credibility and recognition by aligning
themselves with popular teams or events. Coca-Cola uses this approach in many markets
worldwide and sponsors a variety of sporting activities. In Poland the company most
noticeably sponsors multiple soccer teams and leagues but also is involved with
numerous other sports. Much like charitable advertising, sports promotion gives the
company another opportunity to declare itself a part of society’s fabric. Many sports fans
in Poland rabidly follow their favorite teams and Coca-Cola’s afﬁliation with these
teams, and the leagues that they play in, gives the company credibility as a member of

society. The soft drink maker has even mixed charity and sports in events like the Coca-

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Cola Cup, a youth soccer tournament founded in 1999 that has featured nearly three
thousand teams a year from elementary schools across Poland. The winning team
receives a soccer based to trip to another country and often gets to compete against other
youth teams in Europe (Coca-ColaCup). The tournament appears to grow every year and
Coca-Cola has devoted an entire website to news and information about the “Cup.” The
Coca-Cola Cup is one of many sporting events that the company sponsors that project the
value and strategy of Coca-Cola’s efforts. Much like holiday advertising and charitable
promotion, sports sponsorship has helped Coca-Cola to brand itself as an average
universal part of everyday life. The company is able to seem omnipresent without being
cast as an overbearing colonizing force. Coca-Cola has worked hard to become a
common part of Polish society and not the outside invader that some believe it to be. One
cannot speak for all Poles but it appears that many have accepted the cola company as a
part of their daily lives.

From the mid to late 19903 until 2005 and beyond Coca-Cola continues using much
the same strategy as it hads in previous years. Numerous holiday campaigns, including
those for Christmas and Easter, are launched maintaining, the company’s connection to
such advertising. Santa Claus and the polar bears remains focal points in many ads, as the
company continues to stress its link to important holiday times and traditions. The soft
drink maker also keeps building advertising campaigns around previously discussed ideas
like charity promotion and sports sponsorship. Besides the aforementioned adverts and
promotions Coca-Cola also engages in numerous new sports promotions including a 1996
Olympic based campaign entitled, “Go for the Gold.” These ideas, along with a continued

reliance on physical advertising, showcase Coca-Cola’s conﬁdence in its basic theme of

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being an everyday part of Polish life. In the period from 1990-2005 the company works
hard to deﬁne itself as a fundamental item that is so common yet needed that it almost
goes without notice. This major theme seems to be so engrained in Coke’s strategy that it
will most likely be utilized throughout the foreseeable future. In the early years of the
twenty—ﬁrst century the company does add other signiﬁcant themes of marketing and
advertising though. These themes not only illustrate a change in Coca-Cola’s marketing
strategy but also demonstrate an effort by the company to meet unresolved needs within
the Polish market. While Coca-Cola has great success with its continuing theme of

universal commonness, it also must address Polish cultural needs that are not being
fulﬁlled.
Uniguely Coca-Cola

In August 2000, the world’s largest advertising billboard was placed in the center of
the Polish capital of Warsaw. The billboard, a part of the “Coca-Cola, What a Feeling”
campaign earned a spot in the Guinness Book of World Records and dwarfed the
surrounding neighborhood (“The Coca-Cola Business in Poland”). This enormous
outdoor advertisement is one of the ﬁrst adverts to utilize other themes besides the well-
marketed connections to family and the universality of Coca-Cola. This addition of new
advertising themes comes at a point when Coca-Cola has been produced independently in
the Polish market for around ten years. In the fast moving world of advertising it is
remarkable to work with a theme for this length of time. Certainly, Coca-Cola had many
different campaigns and selling points during these years but it is nonetheless exceptional
that the company remained so well focused on this governing theme. By contrast, the

other companies examined in the study, McDonald’s, Levi’s, and Frito Lay, changed or

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evolved their major themes several times during this ten year period. In this context it is
remarkable that Coca-Cola is expanding its advertising scope in the year 2000. The
billboard chosen to display this advert is also remarkable both in its size and scope. The
outdoor advert is roughly 7874 feet squared; a massive structure by anyone’s deﬁnition
(“The Coca-Cola Business in Poland”). The billboard is almost entirely composed of the
colors red and white and features aigiant bottle of Coke and part of a beautiful woman’s
face. The background of the billboard is Coca-Cola red, as are the skin of the attractive
woman, and the bottle of Coke itself. The only parts of the woman that are not red tinted
are her white painted lips, and white and blue eyes. Additionally, the outline of a Coke
bottle can be seen in the middle of her tightly pressed pale white lips. Behind her is the
illusion that the billboard is sweating cool water like the outside of a cold Coke bottle.
The billboard’s slogan reads, “0de na nowo wszystkimi zmyslami” (Rediscover with
all your senses). A Coca-Cola bottle cap logo is placed in the ad’s top right hand comer,
in case anyone was unaware of the sponsor.

The billboard is signiﬁcant because it seems to be the antithesis of Coca-Cola’s
previous ideas of commonness and normality. If Coca-Cola’s main theme in Poland had
been that it is a reliable part of daily life then this advert appears to disagree. Everything
about the ad- the size, the scope, the color scheme, and the slogan- demand to be noticed
and respected as exceptional. While Coca-Cola’s past ads embraced the idea of a
common respectable community this ad gloriﬁes glittery self-promoting individualism.
One can generally see Coca-Cola’s past advertising strategy in Poland as being akin to
social musak; ever present yet unobtrusive. This giant billboard breaks away from that

mold and appears more akin to the bling-bling attitude of hip-hop culture than the

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instrumental elevator version of 3 Barry Manilow tune. While Coca-Cola’s image and
logo seemed to be everywhere in the past it also was almost always small and
inconspicuous. This outdoor ad prides itself on being the largest in the world and features
an excessively bright image and an overindulging slogan. Why would a company that
values classical themes like family holidays and everyday goodness advertise on such a
billboard? The most obvious answer is that Coca-Cola was worried about its place in the
Polish market and needed to change advertising strategy in order to increases sales.
According to data compiled by the market research group Snapshots International, the
growth rate of Poland’s carbonated soft drink market drastically shrank from 1998-2001.
Between 1997 and 1998 sales for carbonated soft drinks rose 11.5% in Poland. In 1999
sales only increased by 2.8%. In 2000 sales were up 3.3% and in 2001 they shrank by -
2.9%. Coca-Cola controlled 39.5% of the Polish market but sales appeared to be stagnant
or even beginning to decline (“Snapshots International”). It looks as if that the company
may have been forced to rethink its strategy in the Polish market.

As has been previously stated, it is not usual for a company to change advertising
slogans; this is a seemingly common occurrence that happens with great regularity. Also,
Coca-Cola does not abandon their marketing approach but augments it with other new
themes and ideas. What is noteworthy is how long Coca-Cola goes without changing its
marketing and then the direction that the company chooses to pursue. If Coca-Cola’s
theme of commonness is aimed at a family market then its new bold and brash approach
would seem to be designed for Polish youth. Coca-Cola’s new advertising screams that it
needs to be noticed, much the same as many of its young customers. Each of the other

companies in this study, McDonald’s, Levi’s, and Frito Lay rely heavily on youth

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focused advertising in Poland and one could argue that Coca-Cola’s past advertisements
would also appeal to younger Poles. This means that youth focused advertising is a
common and seemingly productive practice. If Coca-Cola wishes to both grow the
carbonated soft drink market and its share of it, then it makes sense to market to
customers without as many preset notions or habits but with disposable income. The
company’s main rival in Poland, Pepsi Cola, for years had run advertisements that were
bright, ﬂashy, sexy, loud, and hip. These Pepsi adverts looked to appeal to youthful Poles
that wanted to be cool and different from the older generation that Coke represented to
some. The cache that Coca-Cola has inherited from being a Socialist era symbol of
rebellion is all but disappearing by the year 2000 and a new generation is growing up
with little or no memory of the Cold War period. Coca-Cola’s success is slowing and
Poles are beginning to ask for something different. It is up to Coke to provide them with
visions of what the soft drink is and can be.
Coca-Cola as Uniguely Exciting

The enormous billboard in the Polish capital of Warsaw is an example Coca-Cola as a
provider of good times and excitement. Unto itself this theme is unexceptional. Many
products attempt brand themselves as instruments of a fun party lifestyle. Coke’s main
competitor, Pepsi, has been utilizing this strategy internationally for decades. What is
striking is how the theme of an exceptional experience is the inverse of Coca-Cola’s other
older theme, commonness. Because the soft drink maker was using both themes in
different campaigns in 2000 it is in effect marketing itself as both common and
exceptional. Notice the slogan from the Warsaw billboard, “Rediscover with all your

senses.” The ad is asking consumers to forget what they think they know about Coca-

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Cola and to try the product again. This time the drinker should overindulge in Coke
though and become fully intertwined in the experience. No longer is Coca-Cola only a
safe part of everyday life but it is also a chance to enjoy life to the fullest. The soft drink
is big, bold, and fun and consumers need to understand that it is more than merely a part
of their daily life. Although in other places Coca-Cola is marketing itself as a part of
everyday life, here Coca-Cola is an exceptional product that can bring fun and excitement
to customers’ lives. As the millennium begins Coca-Cola Poland wants to be both new
and extraordinary while being traditional and common. While it may unable to be all
things to all people, Coca-Cola is trying.

Coca-Cola’s theme of exceptionalism showcases the company’s desire to modernize
its image and to induce consumers to take notice of the soft drink. This is seemingly a
difﬁcult task because for years the company has worked to become an omnipresent yet
unremarkable part of Polish society. In effect at the start of the twenty ﬁrst century Coca-
Cola is battling the marketing image that it itself created. Note that this campaign is
seemingly a reaction to the needs and desires of Polish customers. Although often
masked by business terms like sales growth, market share, and branding, this change in
Coca-Cola’s advertising strategy displays the company’s social interactions with Polish
citizens and consumers. Yes, the soft drink maker is changing in order to increase sales;
which undoubtedly is Coca-Cola’s primarily objective in everything it does. The
company is altering its advertising approach in response to a perceived need within
Polish society though. Many critics would contend that these changes in presentation are
merely simple cosmetic alterations that are not in fact changes at all. Some would claim

that Coca-Cola is creating and selling the same product in Poland and has only changed

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the marketing. While this opinion is undoubtedly true on certain levels it also misses the
larger cultural implications of the advertising and marketing alteration. By changing its
long running Polish advertising narrative Coca-Cola is attempting to interact differently
with Polish society. The company is listening to needs and desires within Poland and
attempting to conform to some of these wishes. From a narrative viewpoint of the social
and cultural relationship between Coca-Cola and Poland it is unimportant that Coca-
Cola’s products changed little physically. What is important is the communication
between Coca-Cola and Polish society. The new ads show that the company understands
it is not meeting the needs of a large amount of Polish consumers. This advertising
change is an attempt to better communicate with different types of Poles and to establish
a new dialogue between Coca-Cola and some Polish citizens. This understanding of
Coca-Cola’s role in Poland and the company’s marketing and advertising strategy as a
constant ongoing communication with Polish society is very different from the views of
those that see the company’s actions as monolithic imperialism.

As mentioned before, by the end of the year 2000 Coca-Cola is seeing a slowing of
growth in the soft drink market that would soon become a decline. The company appears
to interpret this change as a sign of dissatisfaction by younger Poles and uses new
advertising to correct the situation. While sales data and marketing share reports indicate
that Coca-Cola’s market is becoming stagnant and needs to focus on younger consumers,
a non-scientiﬁc sampling of public opinion also appears to support this view. As with
many other Western products that entered Poland shortly after the end of socialism,
Coca-Cola had a fairly substantial honeymoon period in which the product was accepted

as new and exciting. As stated previously, Coca-Cola was an anti-socialist symbol during

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the Cold War in Poland and this provided the brand a substantial amount of interest
among Poles that desired the Coca-Cola’s symbolic appeal. The company offset this
“coolness factor” by enlisting advertising that displayed Coke as a regular and
trustworthy part of everyday life, knowing that the brand could not depend on being a
novelty for the long haul. Because Coca-Cola typically embraced middle of the road
conservative values and ideas it did not often appeal strongly to teenage and twenty-
something Poles that were the core customers of many brands. This group is known to be
a ﬁckle buying demographic that needs to be constantly courted and embraced in order to
remain loyal. Coca-Cola’s change of advertisement theme indicates that the company
understands their current marketing is not working with a younger audience. Polish
consumers also instinctively seem to understand that Coca-Cola is missing what should
be one of its primary audiences.

When asked about their opinions on Coca-Cola most Poles both young and old
respond that the soft drink is primarily a young person’s beverage that is generally
enjoyed by older Poles only on special occasions or when out in public. This seems to
contradict Coca-Cola’s marketing that wishes the product to be an everyday part of
Polish life. A random survey of several Poles ﬁnds that older and younger Polish
consumers differ greatly in their views of American products including Coca-Cola. Older
Poles (Forty ﬁve and older) tend to see “new” products like Coca-Cola as supplements to
Polish culture that should be used sparingly and only on speciﬁc occasions. To these
older drinkers Coca-Cola is thought of as a beverage for celebrations, parties, and
occasions/ meals that take place outside the home. Younger Poles tend to see Coke as a

drink for celebrations but also as an everyday lifestyle choice. The soft drink reﬂects

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positively on the user and showcases new Polish values. While it is probable that some
respondents exaggerated or changed their answers to ﬁt understood social values it is
telling that almost each respondent indicated a gap in views between older and younger
generations. This type of thinking highlights some of the divisions in Polish society and
culture that likely lead to the changes in Coca-Cola’s advertising.
Youthful individualism

Coca-Cola’s new themes of fun, exceptionally, and individualism are evident in much
of its Polish advertising from the early years of the twenty-ﬁrst century. The company
uses several types of commercials to convey the idea that Coca-Cola is a vibrant and ﬁrn
drink that appeals to a youthful audience. One idea that is commonly used is that of
Coca-Cola’s youthﬁrl energy transforming normal adult society into something exciting.
Common traditional settings that are thought to be generally boring are changed into
exhilarating places and events. The idea of these ads is that Coca-Cola can turn even the
dullest places into havens of excitement. One early television advert that showcases these
ideas is a 2002 ad called “Hot Five Promo.” In the advert Coca-Cola partners with the
youth brand MTV to create a cross promotion for both companies. In the commercial a
Polish ﬁreman sees a passenger train painted with the Coca-Cola logo that appears to be
on ﬁre. The ﬁreman jumps onto the moving train and then realizes that it is only hosting a
“hot” party. Scantly clad young women and men are dancing to loud music and drinking
Coca-Cola. The announcer informs the viewers that if a Coke drinker collects twelve
bottle caps he/ she can get a free MTV music CD. The party continues until other ﬁremen
board the train and the ﬁrst ﬁreman becomes embarrassed that he forgot to cancel the ﬁre

alarm (“Hot Five Promo”).

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The “Hot Five Promo” commercial displays the idea that Coca-Cola can make any
situation or location exciting and fun. The soft drink transforms an average boring train
ride into an adventurous party complete with sexy young people and popular music. Only
Coca-Cola can provide this kind of party atmosphere and only young people can
understand it. The ﬁremen, though brave and hardworking, mistake the good time
atmosphere of the party for a dangerous situation and try to rescue the youths. The young
people on the train understand this world of fun and excitement better than the older
people in society and recognize the importance of Coca-Cola. The youth of the
commercial are smarter than their adult counterparts and are always in control of the
situation, unlike the ﬁreman that is twice wrong within the thirty second ad. If before
Coca-Cola was portrayed as a keeper of conservative values, now it is an agent of
change. It is a beverage that can change the social order and create a society in which life
is more exciting and less plodding. It is Coca-Cola, along with MTV, that provides the
means to transform a normal dull day into an exciting party. It is Coca-Cola that can
make even public transportation enjoyable and can allow the young to take over the very
infrastructure of society. No longer are the ﬁremen and other public servants of the world
in power, now things are controlled by teenagers wearing fashionable clothes, listening to
MTV music, and drinking Coca-Cola. According to the ad the revolution has come again
and this time it is a soft drink that is remaking Polish society.

Another advert, “Grandpa Titled,” also from 2002 follows the same theme of a
youthﬁrl remaking of society. In this television commercial for the Coca-Cola owned soft
drink brand ‘Lift” two young granddaughters make a banner for their grandfather. The

digniﬁed grandfather lives in a large well decorated house that suggests that he not only

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has money but also class status. The house’s size and regal décor along with the
appearance of the grandfather hint that he maybe is of noble background. This idea is
further suggested by the style of and grand manner that the grandfather strokes his
moustache. Several Poles have commented that when they viewed this commercial the
grandfather’s moustache and how he touches it made them think of the nobility in the
classic Polish novel and ﬁlm With Fire and Sword. This well known Henryk Sienkiewicz
novel, and the ﬁlm adaptations that followed, are set in seventeenth century Poland and
feature several characters of Polish nobility that look similar to the commercial’s
grandfather. All of these factors seem to conﬁrm that the grandfather is decended from
Polish nobility, although no ofﬁcal noble class exists in present day Poland. In the
commercial the young pre-teen granddaughters playfully imitate their grandfather’s habit
of stroking his moustache as they make a banner for him that proclaims how much they
love him. The ad ends with a shot of the grandfather’s back and the heart shaped hole in
his sweater, allowing the viewer to realize that the girl’s made the banner ﬁ'om their
grandfather’s clothing (“Grandpa Titled”).

“Grandpa Titled” is designed to highlight generational differences in Poland. The
stately Polish grandfather is contrasted to his granddaughters that appear much more
modern and “western” in appearance and action. The girls are dressed in colorful outﬁts
that could be seen on pre-teens anywhere in the world. Although the children are
portrayed as loving and sweet, they also separate themselves from their grandfather’s
generation by making fun of his moustache and using his sweater as material for their
banner. The message being that they can ﬁnd fun and excitement anywhere if they try

and that they embrace different values than previous generations. Their grandfather

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appears to be a wealthy man of noble descent that is clinging to many of the ways of the
past. His clothing and his house are from a different era and his manners are courtly and
regal. He is the very symbol of the older generation of Poland. His granddaughters by
contrast are fashionable in both manners and appearance. They also are smarter than their
grandfather; they alone know that they destroyed his clothing in order to create his gift.
They have tricked the adults and are creating a new way of life vastly different from their
grandfather’s. Although the Coca-Cola owned beverage “Lift” is portrayed as a family
drink in the ad, it also is clear that the new members of the family are much more
adventurous and fun than the older ones. The younger generation is embracing the
excitement and good times that Coca-Cola bring and even the children of Poland’s ﬁrst
families are not immune.

One other example of Coca-Cola’s advertised ability to help create a reorganized fun-
driven youth-centered society is a 2003 commercial “Breakdance.” The ad for the Coca-
Cola brand “Sprite” features urban street dancers, skateboarders, and bicyclists
performing tricks to a hip-hop style beat. The youths, dressed in baggy urban clothing,
rap about their lives and the freedom that comes with performing and drinking Sprite.
The rap lyrics provide an outlet for the youths to express their opinions about society and
to proclaim both their independence and distrust of traditional societal roles. Some of the
lyrics are: “Do you want to express yourself? Do you want need a source of your
passion? Make your own style! There are a million ways. And each of them is best. What
unites them is thirst and passion!” (“Breakdance”). In this ad Coca-Cola blatantly
suggests that Sprite provides an opportunity for excitement and fun. The soft drink can

not only alleviate the Polish youths’ physical needs but also can help fulﬁll their

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emotional and psychological “thirsts” as well. Sprite understands the need for rebellion
and change and encourages the youths to follow their own paths and remake their society
in whatever way they deem best. Coca-Cola is allying itself with spirited youths that
believe they can change the world around them into a place of fun excitement and
purpose. This message is far different from that of universal normality that Coca-Cola
clinged to for almost ten years.
Humorous youth

Coca-Cola’s new themes of individuality, fun, and excitement are not only seen in ads
about youthful Poles changing society but also can be viewed in ads that concentrate on
Polish youths participating in silly yet exciting situations. These humor based ads are a
staple in the advertising world and are used by all of the companies in this survey. What
makes these amusing ads noteworthy is the sheer amount of them used from 2002 to
2005 and their differences from Coca-Cola’s other themes and ideas. These adverts not
only differ greatly from Coca-Cola’s previous campaign of universal normality but they
also contrast to the aforementioned ads that concentrate on ideas of an exciting and fun
youth dominated society. In those adverts young Poles are presented as strong and able
leaders that are often wiser and craftier than older generations. These ads portray Polish
youths as not only equal to older Poles but generally better. By comparison, the humor
based ads still focus on the ideas of fun and excitement within Polish society but they
typically depict Polish youths as bumbling, silly, or amusing in some other way. While
the previous ads show young Poles to be fun, exciting, and capable of changing society,
these ads often focus on youthful buffoonery and offer little in terms of societal change.

In effect, one kind of ad is declaring youths to be a threat to the adult establishment while

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the other contends that young Poles are altogether harmless. Because both types of ads
were created simultaneously, one can assume that Coca-Cola is attempting to gain as
wide of an audience as possible by appealing to different advertising tastes. Coca-Cola is
producing advertising that both rebels and reassures; the company’s way of having its
cake and eating it too. It showcases how Coca-Cola is using different approaches to
reestablish itself in the Polish market. Not content to only create one approach to
showcasing its new theme, Coca-Cola utilizes various ideas and methods in its campaign.
The idea of Coca-Cola’s connection to an exciting, fun and humorous way of life in
Poland is contained in many commercials from the early years of new millennium. One
of the most memorable is a summer 2003 ad entitled, “Summer Promo 30.” This
television commercial uses the good time ideas of summer, the beach, and friends to
promote Coca-Cola. The advert features ﬁve young men and women walking down a
beach and singing a catchy song. The youngest of the group is sent to buy some Coca-
Cola but when he returns the Coke bottles are missing their caps. It is soon revealed that
the young man has taken the caps in order to spend them on prizes in Coca-Cola’s new
promotion. The ad ends with the young man being chased across the beach by the other
members of his group (“Summer Promo 30”). The commercial is reminiscent of the
structure and tone of many music videos. The ad contains no dialogue and but utilizes a
catchy tune by the artist DJ Bobo called "Chihuahua.” The group of youths is portrayed
as a band that is engaged in entertaining high jinks. This idea of a music group in funny
and silly situations is reminiscent of the Beatles’ ﬁlm “Help,” the Monkeys’ network
television show, and scores of music videos featured on MTV in both the US. and

Europe. The advert is a local Polish creation but other worldwide Coca-Cola’s have used

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the same song and structure. Although the ad appears to be a routine copy of international
music videos, many Poles have commented that they believe it to have meaning within
the Polish market. They claim the word "Chihuahua,” that is repeated again and again in
the song, sounds to them like the Polish wor “cialala”, which means “to collect
something without spending it.” This ties in nicely to the message of the ad, that
customers should collect Coca-Cola caps to obtain prizes. Coca-Cola has produced a
entertaining commerical that connects to the local culture and seems to provide youth
appeal.

Notice how different the “Summer Promo 30” commercial is ﬁom its previously
mentioned counterparts. The ad is a major change from Coca-Cola’s original strategy of
portraying itself as a common brand and is quite different from the youth based ads that
show young adults changing the world. The ad, and others like it, shows youths in a safe
and understanding light. They are not capable young people displaying their abilities to
lead and create. Rather they are shown as a caricature of the idea of the carefree cavorting
young person. This staple of popular culture promotes the idea that youth is fun and safe
and has few of the “real” problems that face adults. The troubles that do occur are trivial
fun things that never seriously threaten to ruin the good times that the youths seem to
perpetually experience. When the youngest band member steals the others’ Coke bottle
caps he has not really caused a problem but rather has created a way to have a new kind
of fun. This type of commercial is a safe alternative to more serious ads about excitement
for both young and older viewers that do not want to think of a changing society. It is an
escapist vehicle for those that desire the idea of excitement but do not wish to think of the

consequences. As Coca-Cola pairs this type ad with the others that show youth in a more

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serious light, they seem to engage the question of what it means to be young. Certainly,
Coca-Cola argues that to be young means to have fun and live an exciting life but leaves
the rest of the question open to public opinion. Are young Poles ambitious citizens that
are poised to lead the country at the start of the new century or are they silly adolescents
that are too young to understand the world’s problems. Coca-Cola allows members of
Polish society to answer these questions for themselves and to accept the ideas of youth
that they deems worthy and to reject all others. The company deﬁnes youth as broadly
and in as many ways as possible and then asks Poland to choose which version it prefers.
While this is certainly a smart business practice for Coca-Cola to attempt to be as many
things to as many people as possible, it also shows a partnership between the company
and Polish society. In order to sell products in Poland, Coca-Cola must respect Polish
public opinion and constantly change in order to meet the needs of the populace.

Many other ads from 2002-2005 connect Coca-Cola to the idea of humorous/ silly
excitement. Some of these ads are Polish versions of international adverts while others
are made locally. These commercials include 2003’s “Beach Titled,” in which a young
man plays a funny trick on his ﬁiends to get more F anta. “Tattoo,” a 2004 commercial
showing young men and women tricked into being tattooed with Asian characters from a
lunch menu. 2004’s “F anta Orange Straw” in which young men think they are being
clever but in reality are being conned by several beautiful young women. A series of
2005 “Bamboocha” commercials that portray a comical Paciﬁc island culture. And the
2005 ‘thirst never wins” Sprite campaign that shows two young engaged in pointless
activities in order to show how much they like the soft drink. These ads and others utilize

the idea of humorous yet safe excitement to create a distinct impression of Polish youths.

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Because Coca-Cola has a strong desire to connect to the excitement and fun it recreates a
kind of advertising that can be both eye catching and uncontroversial. While Polish
youths may be the target audience for this campaign, other groups within Polish could be
convinced that they wanted to experience the exciting lives that Coca-Cola has to offer.
The ideas of these ads connect to the myth of the lucky yet foolhardy person that is
prominent in Polish culture. Polish literature and culture is replete with stories and myths
of characters that bumble through an exciting yet unexamined life. Usually, through luck
and lack of pretense these individuals are able to gain everything that they and the bearer
of the tale could ever wish for. Coca-Cola uses this familiar type of character to sell its
new ideas in Poland, understanding that the company cannot merely claim to be a part of
Polish culture but rather that Coke needs to actually ﬁnd a way to become so.
Summag

Arguably, Coca-Cola is the most well known American brand worldwide. Since its
humble beginnings as a nineteenth century Georgia medical tonic and drug store
refreshment the soft drink has grown to generate nearly unprecedented global sales and
establish immense international popularity. The company has an equally exciting history
in Poland, where prior to 1990 it often served as a capitalist/ anti-capitalist symbol. Coca-
Cola entered the post-socialist years as a highly regarded symbol of both the United
States and the changes that were taking place within Poland. Although Coca-Cola may
have been trendy at the beginning of 19903 the soft drink maker soon shaped an
advertising campaign that presented Coca-Cola as a trustworthy, traditional, and ever
present member of Polish society. In order to do this the company created a symbolic

position in Polish society and fashioned advertisements that focused on both traditional

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values and the common everyday qualities of Coca-Cola. The beverage maker crafted ads
that displayed its traditional association with the Christmas season in general and Santa
Claus in particular. These television commercials and other types of adverts were meant
broadcast the message of both time-honored values and everyday commonness. They
often showcased the Coca-Cola Santa, loveable new characters like the Coca-Cola polar
bears, or traditional character with Coca-Cola accessories like Santa’s elves. To reinforce
this message Coca-Cola created numerous physical advertisements that produced a
seemingly ever present identity for the soft drink. Shops, restaurants, cafes, city streets,
and numerous other Polish places brimmed with signs, menus, umbrellas, and many other
kinds of physical Coke ads. Coca-Cola was ostensibly everywhere but in a manner that
was meant to blend into everyday life. The company also attempted to become a daily
part of Polish life by sponsoring sporting events, associating with local charities, and
becoming a member of humanitarian organizations. From 1990 until 2000 the company
produced very little advertising that shocked, titillated, or contained an aggressive
approach. Instead Coca-Cola embraced common values and situations and campaigned to
become a part of the everyday life of post—socialist Poles. Unlike over American products
like F rito Lay, Levi’s, or even sometimes McDonald’s for ten years Polish Coca-Cola ads
did not occasionally yell but rather constantly whispered.

For nearly a decade Coca-Cola almost solely marketed itself as a common Polish
product that could be and (should be) used as a part of everyday life. This advertising
theme continued throughout the entire period of 1990-2005 and will probably continue to
be used by Coca-Cola for many years to come. In the year 2000 the soft drink maker

started to shift much of its advertising from the theme of commonness to the idea of

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exceptionality. This important transformation of theme is displayed in ads that the
company generally targeted towards young and young minded Poles. Coca-Cola was
changing much of its marketing approach in Poland to meet the needs of younger and
unhappy potential customers. This transition displays an important element of cultural
interaction between the company and Polish society. Much like the other American
companies in this study, Coca-Cola had to create a dialogue with Poland in order for both
parties to prosper from the relationship. The company altered its advertising message
after almost a decade in order to appeal to Poles that were being left out of the
conversation between Coke and Poland consumers. Although this shift in message is
commonplace in the advertising industry it is nonetheless noteworthy because it displays
the too often overlooked interaction between society and company. By producing
narratives that reﬂect the tastes and values of its Polish audience, Coca-Cola
demonstrated both its dependence on the local population; a point often overlooked. or

understated by many when thinking about “coca-colonization.”

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Table 5— Coca-Cola Print and Television Commercials Used

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Ad Title Year Produced Themes
Breakdance 2003 Exceptionalism
Christmas Caravan 2003 Traditionalism
Grandpa Titled 2002 Exceptionalism
Hot Five Promo 2002 Exceptionalism
Polar Bear 1994 Traditionalism
Summer Promo 30 2003 Exceptionalism
Wesolych Swiat 1990 Traditionalism

 

 

 

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Selected Images from Chapter 5

 

Figure 21- The internationally famous “Coca-Cola Caravan” commercial was adapted in
2003 to the Polish market and helped promote Coca-Cola‘s symbolic connection to the
Christmas season.

247

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 22- Coca-Cola’s 2002 “Mozesz Pomo'c ” (You Can Help) advertisement
showcases the company's efforts to be perceived as a part of the local community.

248

 

Figure 23- This 1995 Polish in store ad displays the universality of Coca-Cola

249

 

Figure 24— Coca-Cola markets itself as a common part of Polish society in this 1995 in
store advertisement.

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Figure 25- This billboard was the world’s largest when it opened in Warsaw in the year

2000.

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Conclusion

Once, while having a ﬁght with a former acquaintance in Poland, I was asked to name
one valuable thing that the United States had given the world. I quickly answered “rock
and roll” and she responded that the music had developed into an art form under British
tutelage. Unable to convince her otherwise, I moved on to other American cultural
inventions only to be disagreed with at every turn. “Movies!” “The best movies are made
in Europe where not every ﬁlm needs to have a car explosion, a happy ending, and a
sequel”; “Television!” “You think ‘Dynasty’ is a contribution to society?”; “Blue Jeans!”
“The fashionable ones are made in Paris.” As our verbal sparring about American culture
continued while walking down the street, I ﬁnally pointed to a local McDonald’s and
asked, “What about that?” She looked at me incredulously and said, “How can you try to
take credit for McDonald’s? McDonald’s is as Polish as it is American. Everyone that
works here, produces for here, and shops here is Polish!” Although my friend was
undoubtedly biased and slightly irrational, her main argument that American culture is no
longer only controlled and dictated by American interests is true. American culture no
longer exists, if it ever did, in a pristine form that is governed and directed by only US.
inﬂuences. Once American culture began to spread internationally it became subject to
local cultural forces that inﬂuenced, revised, and changed it. While many forms of global
and transnational culture may have begun in the United States, and may be directed by
US. corporations or interests, this is not a complete understanding of transnational
cultures but rather only a beginning. The idea that one monolithic, centrally controlled,

international culture is taking over the planet is over simplistic. In places like Poland,

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American companies and organizations market their products to local costumers in a
variety of ways. Though all companies advertises and markets differently, each must ﬁnd
ways to connect with the local community and culture. These transnational local
encounters not only change the producing culture but also alter both the product and the
receiving culture.

The purpose of this study is to locate and deﬁne various narratives that exist within
Polish advertising for American products and to show how these narratives interact with
local Polish culture and how these interactions affect both the products and Polish culture
over time. In order to do this I have analyzed Polish advertising for four American
companies; McDonalds, Coca-Cola, Levis, and Frito Lay from 1990-2005. These
advertisements have been viewed as narratives and used to chronicle and understand the
ideas, themes, and mythologies that are present in various types of Polish adverts. These
advertising narratives have revealed much about both Polish and American societies and
their shared ideas, experiences, and mythologies. Each of the companies in this study has
used different methods and themes within their advertising but nonetheless each has had
to ﬁnd a way to successful interact with Polish culture. In doing this common relations
are deﬁned and new ties are created that illuminate past connections and showcase new
ones. I do not propose that these Polish advertising campaigns produced by four
American companies themselves are earth shattering. Also, I cannot even state that these
ads are entirely typical of campaigns used in various countries of the world. Rather, I
assert that the narratives produced in these Polish ads displays a small example of a much
larger international occurrence; the development and strengthening of transnational

cultures. These ads showcase some of the ways that various cultures interact

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simultaneously both locally and transnationally. Ads’ producers must cooperate and
identify with local cultures while also creating and servicing transnational identities. No
longer can the world afford to think of culture merely in static nationalistic terms,
especially when referring to cultural brands produced by multinational corporations. In
the twentieth-ﬁrst century world, local cultures exist, and even thrive, but they do so
alongside transnational cultures that cannot be deﬁnitively categorized as being of one
place.

Many scholars and writers will claim that globalization represents a threat to
traditional local cultures because international forces attempt to create corporate-
controlled monolithic global cultures. In this understanding of globalization, businesses
and organizations invade local areas, assert dominance, and induce the society into
becoming part of an internationalized lowest common denominator culture. In doing so
much of the traditional and cultural values that make the local society unique are gone
and the world loses something both rare and exceptional. Undoubtedly, part of this
understanding of globalization is true. Globalization requires various cultures to interact
in new ways and often forces them to compete for cultural acceptance. Older traditions
are placed alongside relative newcomers and because of this many of the older ways are
less frequently adhered to or sometimes are even lost. Any time that traditions and
cultural aspects are lost we must question the changes and their effects both locally and
globally. This process is not as one sided as it could appear though. Products and ideas
rarely invade a society but rather they are generally introduced and marketed in an
attempt to convince local consumers to try and eventually accept them. Some scholars

would claim that unto itself is a form of cultural colonization and advertising and

254

marketing are merely forces that convince local citizens to desire things that they do not
need and pushes them to abandon long held beliefs and customs. This view does not give
the local populace enough credit for understanding the complexity of the choices that it
makes nor does it allow for the idea that some of these changes may be beneﬁcial to both
producer and receiver.

The idea of devaluing the capabilities of a local culture is especially true when
discussing Poland where a certain bias often appears to exist when referring to Polish
culture and Eastern/ Central Europe in general. Often “westem” writers and thinkers
seem to believe that the former socialistic states of Europe are less forward thinking and
viable. Although few would admit this, there are long standing prejudices that Eastern
Europeans are less advanced and less prepared to handle the complexities of
globalization. According to some historians like Larry Wolff this western understanding
of Eastern Europe may date back to the Enlightenment where many Europeans saw the
Eastern Europe as a dark reﬂection of the west. Many current accounts of Poland are
founded on the same idea that the society is unprepared to deal with international forces
and global cultures and should be protected by outsiders that understand the intricacies of
the situation much better. Poland will undoubtedly make both positive and negative
choices but for some scholars to suggest that Polish society is unable to grasp the impact
of these choices and the changes they will elicit is both capricious and insulting. To assert
that Polish society cannot understand select the most viable options for itself is in affect a
declaration of its unfitness to operate within the context of globalization; an

understanding that appears to be both biased and ﬂawed.

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The underlying premise of this study contradicts the notion that members of Polish
society are victims of globalization and are unprepared and unable to combat the
destructive forces of a new international culture. Instead, I assert that Polish advertising
narratives showcases a complex communication between Polish citizens and international
companies. This relationship is not an equal partnership but it also is not the one way
imposition of culture on Polish society that many scholars report. Companies like
McDonald’s, Levi’s, Frito-Lay, and Coca-Cola spend much time, effort, and money to
understand what places like Poland need and desire. The companies then create
advertising narratives that attempt to blend new products and services with existing
cultural traditions and mythologies. In this paradigm the outside culture brings change to
places like Poland but it is only the change that is acceptable to the local culture. Often
this means that the new products and cultures are blended with the local culture to create
a new cultural understanding that changes both the local society and the product.
Generally this is an ongoing process that never ends because the needs and desires of the
local society are constantly changing and the outside culture must adjust to remain viable.
This process is neither charitable nor egalitarian. Rather both sides press for changes and
outcomes that work in their best interests. The companies’ main objective is to make as
much proﬁt as possible, while Polish citizens wish for changes that make their lives
better and more fulﬁlling. While some economists may claim that this is a perfect
example of market forces creating a greater good, I do not. I suspect that Polish society
loses as much or more than it gains but that is undeterrninable and in the end left to the
Poles alone to decide. The point of this study is to show that the process is more equitable

than many scholars contend, that Poles have a high level of inﬂuence over outside

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cultures that enter Poland, and that American companies operating in Poland are heavily
inﬂuenced by the needs of Polish society.

The four companies that comprise this study showcase various different examples of
American corporations communicating with Polish society. In many ways McDonald’s is
the company that has transformed itself the most during this seventeen year period. While
the cultural acceptance of its brand is one of McDonald’s primary goals in Poland, the
fast food giant changed advertising and marketing themes several times. McDonald’s
quickly attempted to deﬁne itself as a company that understood and respected Polish
culture and values, after introducing itself to Poland in 1992. This can be seen in
architectural advertising that was constructed into restaurants in important Polish places
like Warsaw, Krakow, and Zakopane and the ongoing theme of Polishness in
McDonalds’ commercials. In these advertisements McDonald’s was branded as a western
company that understood and valued Poland. One can never be certain what a strategy
has accomplished but later commercials showcase a cultural awareness of the products
that, coupled with McDonald’s expansion and sustainability, indicates a high level of
success. This means that a substantial number of people seem to have accepted
McDonald’s as a part of Polish society. It is debatable whether McDonald’s advertising
was a mirror or molder in Poland but it is obvious that the company became more widely
accepted within Polish society. Around the year 2002, McDonald’s looks as if it altered
its approach and instead of only focusing on its image as a good Polish citizen it rather
expanded its identity to also be considered more international. This evolution directly
followed movements within Poland that showed the nation to be more viable

internationally and more open to transnational exchanges. As 2005 ended, Poland was a

257

 

member of NATO and the European Union and becoming an internationally powerful
presence and McDonald’s was promoting its ties to Poland as well and its international
stature. This is a tale of how McDonald’s was able to be both local and international. An
American company that was able to come to in Poland in 1992, show itself as culturally
sensitive to Polish society, and then change itself to market its international status.
McDonald’s was able to market and advertise itself into Polish culture.

By contrast, Levi’s 1990-2005 Polish advertising represents cultural adaptation
without change. Like many other companies, the jeans maker had to constantly readjust
its image while maintaining its core identity. Since most Polish Levi’s customers were
teenagers or young adults the company was obliged to remain exciting and fashionable
while simultaneously preserving the idea of being a historic symbol that separated it ﬁom
other brands. The themes of this period’s Levi’s advertising in Poland mostly went
unchanged, but the settings and context continued to shift and develop. Levi’s launched
its Polish advertising in the 19903 by concentrating on an idealized mythological America
past while the company used the themes of rebellion, independence, and individualism to
market itself and its products. This helped Levi’s to emphasize its American qualities and
to remind Poles of a storybook America that created the cowboy, the pioneer, and the
anti-social bad boy. During the 19903 and into the twenty-ﬁrst century Levi’s continually
used rebellious and individualistic themes but frequently its use of American images
subsided. Beginning in the mid-19903 the jeans maker started to highlight its status as an
international brand, asserting that the themes of individualism and rebelliousness were
universal. While Levi’s never denounced its American origins, it chose not to focus its

advertising on this part the brand’s background. The start of the twenty-ﬁrst saw this

258

focus again adjusted when the company again embraced an urban American mythology
that once again showcased American individualism and rebelliousness. Although speciﬁc
examples and storylines have changed, Levi’s longing to be the brand of rebellion and
individualism in Poland has not. Levi’s, unlike companies such as Coca-Cola and
McDonald’s, never attempted to become Polish, rather the clothing maker desired to
portray its brand as timeless and universal like its adopted themes of rebellion and
individualism. Levi’s branded itself as not being a part of Polish society, or any society,
but instead marketed itself to those that also wanted to be anti-social. By doing this,
Levi’s was outstandingly reliable in staying on message. The company often changed the
ways it presented its core themes, but the themes themselves never dramatically changed.
Because of this Levi’s was able to transform into whatever the buyer wanted it be, which
is at the heart of a company that oxymoronically wants to be a rebellious and
individualistic corporation. I

Frito Lay advertising in Poland is a study in both youth marketing and the introduction
of new ideas. The company introduced the snack food category into Poland and then
rapidly grew into the most prominent brand. The brand’s differences from other
American products like McDonald’s and Coca-Cola pushed F rito Lay to not advertise
itself as traditionally Polish. Rather Frito Lay marketed itself as a new and exciting brand
for young consumers that craved change and acceptance. The snack food maker created
advertisements that publicized F rito Lay’s international ties, its understanding of young
people’s need to rebel against authority, its acceptance of worldwide youth culture, and
the idea of adventurous youth. Because Frito Lay’s main marketing point in Poland from

the early 19903 until 2005 was endorsing itself as a youth brand, its advertisements

259

 

 

display few changes over time. While McDonalds, Levi’s, and Coca-Cola advertisements
display shifts in how themes and ideas are presented, F rito Lay’s adverts are remarkably
consistent in their presentation. Since its introduction into Poland Frito Lay presented
itself as a youth brand that was not against traditional Polish but instead was an
alternative for young Poles. The company marketed itself to those customers that had
already begun investigating different views of Poland and the world and were considering
changes in both society and their lives. F rito Lay became a youth oriented brand wand
asserted its compatibility with the group’s needs and desires. As its central customers
mature this may change but for the time being Frito Lay has associated itself with the
wants and desires of the younger generations of Poland.

From 1990 until 2000 Coca-Cola almost exclusively marketed itself as an ordinary
Polish product that could and should be a part of everyday life. This marketing approach
persisted throughout the period of 1990-2005 and Coca-Cola will most likely continue to
use it for years to come. In the year 2000 the company began to change the theme of
much of its advertising from the idea of commonness to the theme of exceptionality. This
important thematic transformation is showcased in ads generally created for youthful
Poles. Coca-Cola was shifting a large portion of its Polish marketing to match the desires
of younger unsatisﬁed prospective customers. This move highlights a signiﬁcant factor of
cultural interaction between Coca-Cola and Polish society. The soft drink maker, much
like the other American companies in this study, had to create a dialogue with the citizens
of Poland in order for both parties to grow from the relationship. Coca-Cola changed its
main marketing theme after almost a decade in order to appeal to Poles that were being

left out of the conversation between Coke and Poland consumers. While this shift in

260

 

message is routine in the advertising industry it is nevertheless remarkable because it
displays the too often overlooked interaction between society and company. By
producing narratives that reﬂect the tastes and values of its Polish audience, Coca-Cola
demonstrated its dependence on the local population; a point often overlooked or
understated by many when thinking about “coca-colonization.”

In his book Smile When You 're Lying, Chuck Thompson recalls a visit to the former
East Germany after the end of the Cold War. Thompson reﬂects upon the past and tells a
German resident how part of him misses the Cold War period. He comments, “. . .I can’t
help but have a little regret whenever I visit Eastern Europe. In an abstract way I hated
you, or at least your government for a good portion of my life.” He goes on to explain,
“The straightforward morality of a Cold War struggle against a professional and worthy
foe dedicated to science and economic equality, at least as they interpreted it? I sort of
miss it” (290). Many Americans and Poles, although they will probably not admit it, also
miss the security of the Cold War mentality. Although the political, economic, and
cultural changes in the world since 1990 have been positive for many, they also have
been frightening. For many ways, the world is less understandable than it once was and it
is often unclear if these changes should be perceived as good or ill. The questions about
globalization, transnationalism, and cultural colonization that this book addresses are not
easily answered. Although I contend that many scholars oversimplify the process of
globalization and cultural exchange in their work, some readers will disagree with my
assessment. In the end, I only hope to be another voice in the growing dialogue that
surrounds these complicated issues. While this study examines the advertising narratives

of only four companies in one country, it provides another view about ideas and issues

261

 

 

that are increasingly important in the ﬁrst few decades of the twenty-ﬁrst century. These
Polish advertising narratives allow for another point of view involving globalization and
its effects on a local culture. In viewing these advertising narratives Poland from 1990-
2005 we are able to see how a newly capitalistic society reacts to cultural changes and
what affect these reactions had. This is a small but important part of the overall idea of

globalization that promises to remake the world that we live in.

262

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