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RELATIVE EXPECTATIONS IN RURAL CHINA:
LATER-LIFE DISTINCTION, DUTY, DREAMS, AND DISCONTENT

By

Deborah Sue Wilson Lowry

A DISSERTATION

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulﬁllment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
Department of Sociology

2008

ABSTRACT
RELATIVE EXPECTATIONS IN RURAL CHINA: LATER—LIFE DISTINCTION,
DUTY, DREAMS, AND DISCONTENT
By
Deborah Sue Wilson Lowry

Beginning in 2010, the proportion ofthe Chinese population over age 65 is
expected to increase rapidly until it comprises 20 percent of the population in 2025 and
over 30 percent ofthe population by 2050. China is unique not only in terms of the speed
with which its age structure is changing, but because it is still a developing nation. Its
infrastructure is less equipped to meet the growing demands of an older population than
are the developed infrastructures of other aging nations.

Most of the discussion about the relationship between C hina’s aging and China’s
economic and social transformations has remained at a macro level, based only on
“expert” perspectives and expectations for the future. This research inquires into the
experiences, viewpoints, and expectations of older villagers. The dissertation is based on
a six-month mixed-methods study in “Seven Mountains,” a village of three hamlets in
southwestern Fujian Province. Informed by a critical-gerontological theoretical
framework, it investigates two central issues: (1) how older women’s and older men’s
lives shape and are shaped by China’s rural changes and economic development; and (2)
what elders expect of later life in developing rural China.

Ifound that elders” understandings of past, present, and future rural changes were

strongly shaped by their life experiences of hardship. I argue that a sense of increasing

relative wealth (across time) countered a sense of relative poverty (across place) and

 

mitigated the discontent which older villagers felt in witnessing the greater wealth of
nearby hamlets, villages, or ofintemational peers. The relative wealth of current life also
helped to counter the negative effects of village industry, as well as the perceived failure
of village development to specifically beneﬁt elders as a group. In general, “offsets” or a
lack thereof were key to shaping elders’ experiences of aging, social change, and
development.

I observed Seven Mountains elders playing important, albeit indirect, roles in
households and the village. But because elders understood “development” mainly in
economic terms, they did not see themselves to be contributing to village development or
even to households. I suggest that elders’ perceived lack of contribution to their
communities and households was an extension ofthe “invisibility” of“women’s work.”
Additionally, the tendency to compare current work loads to those of the difficult past
resulted in elders minimizing the extent to which they were contributing now within and
around households.

From this particular “ground-level,” rapid aging of the population failed to be a
source of concern for elders, and instead often engendered optimism about longevity
amidst the companionship of one’s peers. This discrepancy between “expert” and
“village” viewpoints demonstrates how interpretations of demographic conditions are
shaped by social locations. Moreover, the case of Seven Mountains showed on a small
scale how economic development is not sufﬁcient to guarantee the well—being of elders.
Rather, economic growth and increased new wealth have promoted perceptions of

increased inequalities as well as attitudes about “deserving” and “undeserving” poor.

Copyright by
DEBORAH SUE WILSON LOWRY
2008

 

Dedicated
to
Geraldine M. Morrill
and
the memory of
K. W. Zeeff

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the women and men who agreed to participate in the focus
groups, survey, and interviews upon which this research is based. Their willingness to
devote time and energy to answering many questions was fundamental to this project.
Also, very special thanks to all members of my host family; those with whom I stayed
during this research as well as extended family who helped me in numerous ways. They
were always generous and tolerant of what seemed to be unreasonable requests and
strange behavior. I am also indebted to my research assistants, who took time away from
their work and families to help with tasks from transportation to translation. There were
a number of people at my research site who provided me with support in the form of
photocopies, technical help, and research advice. Faculty and students at Fuzhou
University’s sociology department were also a great encouragement and aid. Thank you
to Eric Shen for help with translation of the research instruments.

I am grateful for ﬁnancial support for this project from Michigan State
University’s (MSU’s) Center for Gender in Global Context (GenCen) while I was writing
the dissertation, ﬁnancial support through MSU’s Asian Studies Center that allowed me
to conduct this research, and (FLAS) funding for language study from MSU’s Center for
Advanced Studies of International Development (CASID) and Women and Intemational
Development (WID) program. The directors and staff working for each of these
programs were knowledgeable, efﬁcient, and always extremely responsive, whether from

across campus or across the globe.

vi

While I was living in China and analyzing data I was fortunate to meet a number
of friends with whom I have had helpful conversations and exchanges. Angel Wu, Carl
Pan, Henry Si, and other friends in Nantong provided valuable language and “cultural”
translations, as well as good company. I am grateful to the foreign language department
at Nantong University for providing me with a place to live and work while I sorted
through and organized data. This time in China allowed me to continue studying
language and Chinese culture(s).

During the design phase of my dissertation and while studying for a semester at
The University of Michigan, I beneﬁted from course work with Yu Xie, C .K. Lee, and
Mary Gallagher, as well as from conversations with Deborah Davis and Richard Madsen.
Thank you also to Chen Qinghai (UM), Curtis Smith (GVSU), Hsing Xiaoping (MSU),
as well as my language instructors at Beijing Foreign Studies University and Fudan
University.

I was fortunate to have a diverse committee made up of great people and scholars.
I am very grateﬁil to my advisor, Nan E. Johnson, for her always—thorough and patient
reviews and suggestions. Rita S. Gallin has been a source of support on many levels, and
I have beneﬁted greatly from her years of research experience in Taiwan. Toby TenEyck
is a unique source of both practical wisdom and sociological imagination, and Yu Xie is
clearly impressive with his ability both as a thinker and a methodologist.

Endless thanks to Ann and Gary Boucher for providing sustenance and support
through a long winter and beyond. Go raibh mile mairh agat to Paddy and Georgiana
Lowry for their helpful and reassuring spirits. I am also grateful for dear friends Meleia

Egger, Sonomi LaBum, and Laura Grey, who provided me with much encouragement

vii

through a long process. I was privileged to know Lois Bell Smith who lived to the age
of 102 and left me at a young age with a very positive impression ofelderly people and of
later-life. Finally, many thanks to Noah C. Lowry for being an amazing source of

motivation during the writing of this dissertation.

viii

 

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ............................................................................................................. xi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ...................................................................................... I
CHAPTER 2: AGING, LATER LIFE, AND SOCIAL CHANGE ................................. 17
Theorizing Aging and “Old Age” ..................................................................................... 17
Aging and Elders in the Context of Contemporary China ................................................ 29
Population, Development, and the Politics of Aging in China ......................................... 39
Researching Rural Chinese Elders’ Duties, Dreams, and Expectations ........................... 47
CHAPTER 3: SIX MONTHS IN SEVEN MOUNTAINS .............................................. 59
Seven Mountains’ Transitions .......................................................................................... 63
Research Design and Procedure ........................................................................................ 64
The Research Experience: Challenges and Limitations ..... - ............................................... 94
Ethical Issues .................................................................................................................... 97

CHAPTER 4: “VILLAGES HAVE ELECTRIC LIGHTS”: ELDERS AND RURAL

CHANGE ........................................................................................................................ 103
Seven Mountains: Contexts of Aging and Development ............................................... 105
“Now Life is Better”: Elders on Village and Household Changes ................................ 109
Elders and Village Development .................................................................................... 124
Aging and Inequalities in Seven Mountains ................................................................... 126
Discussion: Experiences of Aging and Rural Change .................................................... 132

CHAPTER 5: “IF YOU COUNT THAT”: ROLES AND AGE RELATIONS IN

LATER LIFE .................................................................................................................. 147
Elders’ Living Conditions and Well-Being .................................................................... 148
Elders’ Households Roles, Activities, and Power .......................................................... 159
Elders’ Views on Living Arrangements, Family Relations, and F ilial Piety .................. 166
Village and Hamlets: Elders’ Roles, Activities and Relations ..................................... 173

DISCUSSION: RURAL ELDERS’ ROLES, AND RELATIONS IN LATER LIFE 175

CHAPTER 6: REFLECTING ON THE FUTURE: EXPECTATIONS, DREAMS, AND

WORRIES ....................................................................................................................... 191
Who and What? Expectations for Family Members ...................................................... 192
Elders on Development, the State, and China’s Aging Population ................................ 196
Dreams and Concerns about the Future .......................................................................... 201
DISCUSSION: ANTICIPATING LATER LIFE IN RURAL CHINA ......................... 209
CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION 222

 

TABLES ......................................................................................................................... 244
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................ 262

BIBLIOGRAPHY ........................................................................................................... 285

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1a. Biographical Information on Female Focus Group Participants ................... 245
Table lb. Biographical Information on Male Focus Group Participants ........................ 246
Table 2. Descriptive Statistics: Surveyed Households by Hamlet and Village ............ 247
Table 3. Descriptive Statistics: Survey Participants .................................................... 248
Table 4. Biographical Information on Interview Respondents ...................................... 249
Table 5. Household Mean Scores by Target Respondents’ Age and Sex ...................... 250
Table 6. Correlations Between Selected Variables ........................................................ 251
Table 7. Average Self-Rated Health By Sex and Age Group ........................................ 252
Table 8. Percentage of Respondents Reporting Difﬁculty with Daily Tasks ................ 253

Table 9. Depression Scale: Respondents’ Mean Scores and Tests of Correlation with
Select Variables .............................................................................................................. 254

Table 10. Percentage of Elders Participating in Household Chores on a Daily Basis... 255

Table l 1. Percentage of Elders Participating in Recreational Activities “Several Times a
Week” or “Several Times a Month” ............................................................................... 256

Table 12. Percentage Agreement with Statements about Family Living Arrangements

(By Sex and Age Group) ................................................................................................. 257
Table 13. Elders’ Expectations for Family Support: Household Survey ...................... 258
Table 14. Percentage of Elders “Concerned” or “Very Concerned” about Future Needs
Being Met: Household Survey ....................................................................................... 259
Table 153. Odds Ratios from Logistic Regressions Predicting Concern about Future
Needs by Respondent Characteristics: Household Survey ............................................ 260
Table 15b. Odds Ratios from Logistic Regressions Predicting C oncem about Future
Needs by Household Characteristics: Household Survey .............................................. 261
xi

 

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

Great Uncle leafed carefully through the pages of the clan lineage records as
techno-dance music blared from his grandson's CD player. The volumes had been hidden
during the Cultural Revolution, he explained over a table covered with tiny cups of
amber-colored tea. The pages were only slightly yellowed and in good condition, with
the ink characters still clear and set exactly as the hands had scripted them generations
ago. Their elegant black strokes contrasted with the zany, motion-ﬁlled Chinese font
digitally inscribed on the poster of a spiked-haired pop star I saw through the doorway of
the next room.

Contemporary rural China, like most of the world's developing areas, is ﬁlled
with what many viewers see as contrasting images. Shiny luxury sedans, cell phones,
designer-label clothing, dark intemet bars, and junk food packages seem out of place
against a backdrop of traditional houses, red-painted doorways, wandering chickens, and
stacks of rice straw. Relaxation of government restrictions on rural-urban migration,
improved transportation, and telecommunications have given rural residents access to
cities and personal wealth and have even allowed overseas travel and glimpses of life in
other nations. But villagers do not have to "go out" in order to experience the latest
fashions, technologies, and ideas about how to live; these are advertised on the color
televisions displayed in almost every home, and are also brought back by villagers
working in China's cities (Davin 1998).

As new products, factories and "foreign—style" houses change the landscapes of
rural China, human relationships are also changing. Of special interest to students of

culture and society is the interaction of modern social changes with China's family

 

structures and power dynamics. Chinese culture is widely known for revering elderly
people and for the concept of xiaos/nm. or "ﬁlial piety." Although high levels of respect
and standards of care appear to have withstood the Cultural Revolution (Davis 1972), can
they withstand the inﬂuences of globalization or "Western" ideas and family
arrangements? Are the status and well—being of China's elderly people in danger as
younger generations become more accustomed to living in twogeneration families and to
making their own decisions about their education, employment, and marriage partners?
Changes in family values are not the only shifts threatening the old-age security
of China's rural elders. Millions of working-age family members are migrating out of
villages, attracted by higher wages in China's cities. It is estimated that by the mid-19905
China's temporary migrant workers or members of the "ﬂoating population" numbered up
to 120 million (West and Zhao 2000). US. media highlight the struggles ofChinese
elderly people who are left in villages while working-age adults are away in the cities.
A story in The New York Times announces that mass migration to the cities, along with
abandonment of traditional values, have "shattered" rural China's "ancient assurance of
care in old age" (French 2006). A Washington Post video series on China's changing
families implicates increasing materialism in Chinese society in the decline of ﬁlial piety
within households (Fox 2007). Chinese newspapers also draw attention to the number of
families "broken" by rural-urban migration and call for increased help for these
households in which children and elderly people are “left behind” or forced to become
“empty-nest elderly” (Ma 2008; Xinhua 2006; China Daily 2004). These stories portray

a rapidly changing rural society in which temporary migration by family members has

already resulted in a large segment ofthe elderly population being, at best, abandoned
and, at worst, abused or even left for dead.

Underlying these concerns is anxiety over the increasing proportion ofelderly
people in coming decades, as China's rapidly aging population threatens to place heavy
responsibilities on the still-developing social infrastructure. The change in the age
composition of China's population is mainly due to the effects of the nation's one-child
policy enacted in the mid- to late 19703, combined with a baby boom and past restrictions
on emigration (Grigsby and Olshansky 1989; Bongaarts and Greenhalgh 1985). Many
people born after the late 19705 do not have siblings to help share the responsibilities of
caring for and ﬁnancially supporting elders. Only-children's responsibilities may be
heaviest in rural areas, where retirement pensions are relatively rare and where families
are still usually the main source of support for elders (Zimmer and Kwong 2003).
Nursing homes, elderly health clinics, and old age entertainment centers are also less
common and less accessible in rural areas than they are in the urban centers.

As a national population ages, it requires more social and ﬁnancial resources in
order to meet greater medical and support needs. The ratio of the number of people over
65 to the number of people considered to be of working age — commonly known as the
elderly dependency ratio — is expected to be 2.3 to 1 by 2025 (see Adamchak 2001 ).
Experts examining the issue from this perspective emphasize that China will be facing a
future of millions of Chinese elders who “consume but do not produce, connecting
China's aging population problem to the future of China's development (England 2005;
Fang and Wang 2005; State Council Information Ofﬁce 2004). On the one hand, Chinese

ofﬁcials point to continued rapid economic development as the solution to both China's

aging population problem and to the "left—behind" elderly in rural areas (State Council
Information Ofﬁce 2004). That is, increased wealth should enable the government to
build more complete support infrastructures and old-age homes, while allowing children
to ﬁnancially support elders with greater ease. On the other hand, some experts predict
that China's growing elderly population will hinder the speed of C hina's development,
such that economic development will not be sufﬁcient to meet the social needs of an
aging society (England 2005). From this perspective, China is caught in a conundrum in
which elders threaten the advancement of the nation. In sum, taking into account the
descriptions of changes in family relations and, household conditions, lack of retirement
pensions and social security in rural areas, and inadequate access to health care, it would
seem that rural elders — who comprise a vast majority of China's people over age 65 —
face a difﬁcult future.
Sociological Demography

The conclusions above are drawn mainly from macro-economic studies of aging
and from journalists’ accounts. Like any lone perspective, they cannot present a full
picture of the situation nor are they capable of telling “the whole story." We cannot
assume that most rural elders' experiences are reflected in studies at national levels or in
select media tales of neglect and loss. An aging population is not only an economic
phenomenon, but is also an individual, social, and political process that is shaped and
lived by actual people and groups. While journalists may strive to produce the most eye-
catching headlines, social demographers are faced with the task of trying to understand
holistically the complexities of population changes, characteristics, and the social

conditions that shape and will be shaped by them.

In the following section, I indicate some ofthe challenges faced by social
researchers hoping to understand aging in the rapidly transfonning society of modem
China. I point to ﬁve promising directions for sociological studies of aging populations
while introducing the related aims and objectives of my own research in a village in rural
China. I end with an outline of the chapters in this dissertation.

Understanding Aging in Social-Political Context

Demography has been classically deﬁned as "the study of the size, territorial
distribution, and composition of population, changes therein, and the components of such
changes" (Hauser and Duncan 195922). As a ﬁeld that investigates social phenomena, it
is necessary that population studies be rooted ﬁrmly in the social sciences to explore the
complex processes by which people influence and are inﬂuenced by their demographic
environments. A contemporary sociological approach to population studies would
examine how population size, distribution, composition, and changes affect groups and
individuals in daily life, as well as how actual groups and individuals go about actively
shaping population changes, composition, distribution, and size. lmportantly, these
investigations can be launched from a number of theoretical perspectives and
methodological approaches, simultaneously enriching theories while expanding
knowledge(s) of the processes of population change.

Demographic conditions and their interpretations have a long history ofbeing
politically charged (Malthus 1798; Ehrlich 1971). Changes in population size,
composition, and distribution inevitably have the potential to affect certain groups of
people in different ways, and in many cases they may be encouraged, discouraged, or

variously represented according to particular interests. Population conditions and

interpretations of them are linked to the maintenance or shifting ofpower relations,
inequalities, and surrounding social relations, topics central to the discipline of sociology.
In addressing a demographic problem, a critical sociological approach to population
“problems” would ask: Who deﬁnes the population problem? Who are the stakeholders
and who beneﬁts from which representations of the issue? This line of critical
sociological inquiry is compatible with or complementary to a number of methods and
forms of data analysis, from large-scale surveys and statistical analyses to interpretations
of in-depth interviews. In other words, it is possible, indeed necessary, to investigate
systematically social phenomena through a variety of methods while maintaining a
critical awareness of the power relations, politics, stakeholders, and multiple perspectives
which are always involved.

Kirk (1996) and others have perhaps unfairly described social demography as
being "short on theory." Population studies are necessarily — if not as explicitly —based
on theory to the same extent as is other social research. But, indeed, the ﬁeld can beneﬁt
from engaging the variety of theoretical developments that have emerged in sociology
during the last few decades, such as post-structuralism, standpoint theories, feminist
approaches, and other studies of power distributions. These viewpoints encourage
understandings of population changes and conditions not as blind structural forces, but as
actor-driven phenomena that, in multi-dimensional ways, inﬂuence and are influenced by
the conditions and actions of people of particular social locations and identities.

One of the aims of this dissertation is to apply the above-described arguments to
the case of China's aging population in order to ask how changes and expectations of

changes in China's population composition and distribution "play out" in the daily lives

of rural elders, as well as how representations and understandings of aging issues in rural
China may serve particular interests.

Multiple-Scale and Comparative Social Demography

Social demography frequently studies population issues at large scales, and
accordingly, much research has predominately engaged the subject of aging in China at a
national level (England 2005; Bongaarts 2004; Du and Guo 2000; Goldstein and
Goldstein 1986). However, population age composition itself varies greatly among
different regions in China (Poston and Duan 2000), and studies at national levels preclude
in—depth study of variation in the conditions and experiences of aging in China. Urban
and rural areas are quite different in terms of net migration rates, fertility rates, economic
development, community infrastructure, and wealth, not to mention social customs, living
arrangements, and the extent of preservation of traditional cultures. It is important for
certain purposes to examine aging in China as a national phenomenon, but research at
other scales is also necessary in order to understand the conditions of aging and of elderly
people's lives in this diverse nation. Studies at “lower” levels can help to provide
observations of the diversity in speed and intensity of population aging as well as
descriptions of social and cultural changes occurring locally (Xie and Zhu 2006; Li et a1.
2004; Whyte 2003; Benjamin et a1. 2000). Studies at various scales also allow for
comparisons, thus fostering in-depth analysis of the social processes and relations within
which population changes occur and are interpreted. In the case of China’s aging, for
example, conducting aging studies in locations that differ in levels of wealth or
development may suggest whether and how wealth and development interact with aging

conditions and experiences at community and individual levels. In short, variety in the

scale ofsocial demographic inquiries is beneﬁcial to producing knowledge not only of
how population changes and conditions happen, but also of how these changes and
conditions play out in the social world and actual lives. Another aim ofthis project is to
address a pertinent population issue —aging in rural China — at a level that can produce
such knowledge, complement prior large-scale research, and provide opportunities for
comparison with research in urban centers or other rural regions.

Linking Population Studies to Related Fields of Inquiry

In addition to further engaging sociological theories and researching at various
levels, population studies can beneﬁt from noting and exploring current trends in related
ﬁelds of sociology. Scholars of China’s aging might apply new theoretical approaches
and concepts from the broader ﬁeld of critical aging studies. For example, in light ofthe
rapid social changes occurring in China, social demographers have conducted a number
of studies focused on the well-being of China’s elderly people (Zimmer and Kwong 2004;
Hennalin 2002; Benjamin et a1. 2000; Chen and Silverstein 2000). These studies address
the extent to which elders continue to be cared for by family members in the wake of
modernization, globalization, and economic development, and they also investigate
regional, cohort (or age), and gender differences in elders’ health and socio—economic
status. These studies are valuable and much needed in efforts to improve conditions for
older Chinese and to address growing inequalities in Chinese society. At the same time,
studying only the well-being of elders may promote or sustain a view of elderly people
primarily as victims, overlooking situations in which elderly people make or attempt to
make a difference in their own lives and conditions. Inﬂuenced by recent feminist

thought, new research in aging studies challenges stereotypical portrayals of older people

as victims and encourages investigations that acknowledge elders as actors who resist
conditions over which they have seemingly little control (Grenier and Hanley 2007;
Borland 2006; McColgan 2005). This research broadens understandings of aging
conditions and the connections between aging, elderly people, and social change.
Additionally, contemporary critical aging research is giving attention to elders’ own
viewpoints on aging and the experiences of aging (Park-Lee 2006; Winterstein and
Eisikovits 2005; Heikkinen 2004; Petry 2003). This research likewise emphasizes that in
later life people have the ability to interpret and respond to social conditions and social
change.

Critical aging theories and research can enrich demographic studies of aging in
Chinese contexts insofar as they point out the unidirectional nature of focusing only on
the effects of social change on elders. China’s transitions of course affect the lives of
elderly people, but a large part of the picture is left out when we do not acknowledge or
investigate how elderly people might affect social changes such as population shifts (e. g.,
migration), economic development, and globalization. Some scholars argue that the
failure of academic projects to imagine elders as active and responsive people reﬂects
widespread social ageism within research, much of which is designed and conducted by
“middle-aged” individuals (Calasanti and Slevin 2001). The concerns of scholars and
ofﬁcials that elders (at an individual level) will become unbearable burdens to their
families and (at a national level) will be an impediment to economic development do
indeed acknowledge elders’ inﬂuence on the social world — but only in the most negative
terms. These representations of elders’ negative and passive inﬂuences upon China’s

future may indicate some unacknowledged ageism. This dissertation research aims to

apply critical aging perspectives to the context of China’s aging by exploring the
possibility that elders actively interpret, respond to, and inﬂuence (perhaps positively)
social changes in their households and village.

Population Studies and Gender: An Identity and a Social Relation

A fourth way in which social demography may continue to be enriched is through
additional attention to gender— not only as an identity of individuals, but as a social
relation and an organizing principle of society. Demography has historically given
attention to gender as an important variable, which alone has contributed a great deal to
understandings of gender inequalities, women’s disadvantages across the globe, and how
gender shapes fertility, migration, mortality, and population composition and changes
(Hogdaneu-Sotelo 2003; Morgan et a1. 2002; Mason 2001; Goyette and Xie 1999; Yu and
Saari 1997; Kitagawa and Hauser 1973). Recently, a few social demographers have
begun to discuss how the ﬁeld can incorporate new developments in feminist theory and
thus expand understandings of gender and population issues (Riley 1999, Greenhalgh and
Li 1995). This means not only studying women, but studying the lives and circumstances
of both women and men in relation to one another (Knodel and Ofstedal 2003, Calasanti
2004). This type of acknowledgment of gender as a social relation can occur at all stages
of research, including design, positing of research questions, and interpretation of
ﬁndings.

Applying a contemporary feminist perspective to the case of aging in China
would mean addressing the conditions of both elderly women and elderly men and asking
how gender relations in Chinese society and between elderly people might shape the

processes of aging at individual and group levels. For research at lower levels, it could

10

mean paying attention to the ways in which men and women experience aging differently,
and how gendered power relations inﬂuence aging and vice versa. Another goal of this
dissertation is to investigate gender as an organizing principle in the experiences and
conditions of aging in China by inquiring into elderly women’s and men’s aging
experiences and analyzing how gender relations interact with the processes and contexts
of aging and population aging.
Population Studies, the Context of Time, and a Life Course Approach

A ﬁfth continuing direction of promise for population studies is research that
spans time. Longitudinal studies are particularly useful for their ability to track
transitions over time and to investigate the topic at hand as social contexts change. But
researchers studying population issues can conduct repeated studies at various points in
time, or they may conduct research at a single point in time that addresses changes over
time. Generally speaking, the importance of somehow consistently considering historical
and time contexts is to a certain extent a theoretical argument, and one which is clear in a
life course perspective. A life course approach, often employed in new aging studies, is
not satisﬁed with a “snapshot” view of social conditions at one time, but seeks to
understand how the past continues to shape present conditions as well as present ideas
about the ﬁrture. A “life course” may refer to events over an individual lifetime, or to the
historical path of a social institution, group, or event (Mortimer and Shanahan 2003).

Studies in social demography which are not formally “longitudinal” may still give
attention to history and time period contexts. To overlook the importance of life courses
can result in narrow views of present conditions and social changes, and would be a great

disadvantage to scholars attempting to project into the future — as social demographers

11

often do. In terms of understanding the need to consider life courses in studies of
Chinese elders, we might consider common representations ofelders’ low levels of
economic productivity. In this case, a static temporal view promotes the idea that many
non-waged elders are economic burdens to their families and an impediment to economic
development. That is to say, if we look only at elders’ current economic productivity
levels and ﬁnd them to be lower than are those of waged workers, we overlook their
extensive economic contributions to family and nation in the past and fail to acknowledge
these older people’s contributions to current social, political, and economic conditions.

Perhaps in the most simple sense, research that pays attention to changes over
time, to life courses (of individuals, groups, or events), and to history, is research that
engages the “sociological imagination,” that is, the intersection of history and biography
(Mills 1959). A ﬁnal aim of this dissertation is to employ a sociological imagination and
life course perspective in understanding the experiences, processes, and social contexts of
aging in rural China. This means paying attention to previous social, political,
environmental, and biographical contexts when inquiring into and analyzing aging in
rural China, as well as attempting to understand how past conditions shape elders’
understandings of the future.
The Dissertation 's Aims and Objectives

I have just outlined some directions for population studies that have great
potential to enrich the ﬁeld. The broadest aim of this dissertation is to put these
suggestions into practice in research on aging in China, thereby contributing to
sociological developments in the ﬁeld of “new” population studies. In brief, I attempt to

do this by employing a critical sociological stance toward this demographic topic,

12

engaging in research at a scale complementary to previous studies, incorporating actor-
orientated perspectives on aging, acknowledging gender as an organizing principle of
society, and adopting a life course perspective.

Why frame this project as a study in social demography? Why not describe it as a
case study of contemporary rural Chinese elderly and avoid links to population studies?
The answer is two-fold. First, divisions between social demographic research and
research that belongs in other ﬁelds or is considered more generally sociological are often
drawn along methodological lines, regardless of whether the substantive topic is relevant
and meaningful to studies in fertility, mortality, migration, or p0pulation size, density, or
composition. (Migration studies is a ﬁeld which has been relatively open to embracing a
variety of approaches, methods, and venues of presentation.) Yet, ﬁndings from
numerous ethnographic qualitative studies have the potential to contribute to knowledge
in social demography, just as conclusions from many large-scale population studies can
inform and support research based on in-depth interviews and participant-observation. I
argue that both “sides” have upheld this dichotomous view, with demographers
traditionally resistant to qualitative studies (with notable exceptions such as Caldwell and
Greenhalgh) and many qualitative researchers unwilling to afﬁliate themselves with
population studies and demographic topics. In this project I aim to join other
demographers interested in a variety of methods and approaches and ultimately to
demonstrate how a ground-level study of aging in rural China is both part of and
contributive to population studies.

Second, as evident in existing studies and popular reports, the themes of

population aging, economic development, and rapid social change are widely promoted

l3

and perceived as important social contexts in which Chinese people are aging, and so a
project interested in the conditions and processes ofaging in China would do well to
address critically these issues. Bringing these topics into a study at a village level, as 1 do,
also gives a “worm’s eye” view of these social issues opposed to a common top-down
perspective, and explores how relevant they may or may not appear to people in their
daily lives.

A mid—level objective of this dissertation is to add to substantive knowledge of
aging and population aging in China. Drawing on critical feminist gerontology and in
light of prior research, I hope to accomplish this by producing knowledge about (1) how
elderly women’s and men’s lives are shaping and being shaped by China’s rural
transitions and (2) how elderly women and men understand and experience aging in a
rapidly changing rural community. I strive to meet this mid-level objective through my
speciﬁc research objectives — my research questions — which I present in the following
chapter after a review of relevant literature and theoretical developments.

The Dissertation 's Broad Arguments and Conclusions

Most broadly, this dissertation demonstrates how rapid occupational, agricultural,
and environmental village changes present older women and elderly men with sets of
advantages, disadvantages, and power relations that must be understood within the
context of biography and history. Growing old occurs within changing social contexts
and shapes elders’ power relations and aging experiences. In this comer of rural China,
past political conditions and cohort experiences are key factors. In connection with these
changes, elders have in some aspects experienced decreased autonomy, and in other

aspects experienced increased autonomy. I suggest that for many elders, loss of authority

14

within the household, stemming from changes in both age and time period, are offset by
increased autonomy granted through political and technological changes. Accordingly,
when examining the life course as a whole, including present conditions of later life,
elders express senses of both relative poverty and relative wealth. A sense of relative
wealth offsets many elders’ sense of relative poverty and dissatisfaction with the
outcomes of village development and also promotes optimistic views of future old age in
rural China.

Many elders contribute to social changes and village development in crucial yet
indirect ways, which often remain unacknowledged even by elders themselves. In this
dissertation I argue that, when rural changes are understood as blind structural forces and
examined at points “frozen” in time, and when development is understood primarily in
economic terms, elders (especially women elders) will tend to see themselves as not
contributing to rural changes, households, or “development.” This view can be
understood as an extension of the devaluation of women’s work, as many of the
contributions of elder women and men who participated in this project were in or near the
household; namely, through childcare, cooking, cleaning, caring for small gardens, and
tending small livestock. I suggest that as long as this widely held perspective prevails,
China’s aging population and China’s economic development will continue to be
understood as inimical; a representation that serves a mainstream political imperative of
economic growth at any cost.

Finally, while most elders in this village expressed optimism about their personal
futures as well as conﬁdence in the central government, three factors appeared key in

determining the extent of these attitudes: (1) individual family relations and economic

15

conditions, (2) perceptions of fairness in distributions ofsubsidies at the local level, and
(3) senses of relative poverty and inequality. The ability of families to support and
provide medical care for elders will likely continue to be the main factor in elders’ future
well-being, and I argue that it is not viable to assume elders in “well-off” regions of rural
China are themselves well-off. On the contrary, elders living in pockets of poverty
within relatively prosperous areas may experience even more disadvantage than do their
counterparts in generally poor rural counties or townships. lmportantly, economic
growth and development is no guarantee of the well-being of rural elders.
Outline of Dissertation

The following chapter provides a review of relevant literature and theoretical
developments that lead me to pose my particular research questions. Chapter Three then
introduces the research site, research design and procedure, and notes on the research
experience. Chapter Four addresses elders’ views and understandings of aging and
village changes during the past decades, while the focus of Chapter Five is on elders’
roles, activities, and perceived participation in households and the village. Chapter Six
discusses perspectives on the future from the standpoint of village elders, including
expectations, concerns, and hopes for the next decade or two. Finally, in Chapter Seven 1
summarize the main arguments and ﬁndings of the project, evaluate its contributions and

limitations, and suggest areas for future research.

16

CHAPTER 2: AGING, LATER LIFE, AND SOCIAL CHANGE

In this chapterl review major theories of aging, particularly as they apply to
studies of aging amid China’s rapid social change. 1 then summarize what we know from
recent research on aging and social change in China and offer background information on
current socio-politieal contexts of aging in China. Finally, based on gaps in the literature
and my assessment of the strengths and weaknesses of aging theories, I introduce my
research focus, my theoretical framework for studying aging in a rural Chinese village,
and my research questions.

Theorizing Aging and “Old Age ”

As in the ﬁeld of sociology generally, there is debate within the ﬁeld of aging
studies about the viability and usefulness of so-called "grand" theories. Drawing from
postmodern and poststructuralist perspectives, many scholars reject attempts to generate
over-generalizing theories that explain and classify aging in contemporary times (Katz
1996 cited in Bengston et a1. 1999). At the same time, others argue that the ﬁeld is
already too fragmented and needs more "theoretical rigor" and "theoretical impetus"
(Meyers 199628, Hagested and Dannefer 2001 :3, Birren 19992459, Hendricks and
Achenbaum 1999). In reviewing the development of aging theories, 1 make distinctions
between three categories: (1) traditional theories, (2) mid-range theories or frameworks
and (3) critical perspectives. Reviewing these theories provides a background from
which to introduce and justify my own theoretical frame for studying aging in rural China.

Traditional Aging Theories and Concepts

Several traditional aging theories may be grouped together based on their

common roots in functionalism (Fennell et al. 1988142). These theories approach aging

17

with a focus on older people’s usefulness in the social "system." Role theory, for
instance, posits that age is associated with particular roles, (e. g., daughter, sister, mother,
worker, grandmother) and that with each stage of life, our age will determine the roles
that we play. Changes (including marginalization) experienced by elderly people serve
some social function and are to be expected. Disengagement theory argues that as
humans age we "disengage" from society — a natural process that reﬂects a "biological
rhythm of life" and, again, serves the functions of human society (Moody 2000:317).
Fennell et al. (1988246) cite an exemplary passage from Cummings and Henry's (1961)
classic proposition:

Aging is an inevitable mutual withdrawal or disengagement resulting in

decreased interaction between the aging person and others in the social

system he belongs to. The process may be initiated by the individual or by

others in the situation. . .
Activity theory and continuity theory also focus on the levels of social involvement of
elderly people. Speciﬁcally, activity theory argues that continued activity and
participation of elderly people tends to ensure their sense of well-being. Moody (2000)
calls this "the busy ethic." Continuity theory is similar in positing that continued habits
and lifestyles will be maintained by elderly people whenever possible. An important
distinction between these latter two theories and the preceding ones is that the latter two
attribute the failure to remain in an active to a decline in health or other complications .
rather than to the individual’s desire to "naturally" disengage (Moody 20002319).

Some key problems with these theories is that they envision old age as a period of
abandonment and loss, in which people become passive and eventually, useless.
Additionally, they tend to attribute difﬁculties in later life to individual failures or

decisions and ignore social representations of later life and old age. As Moody

18

(2000:319) warns, we should keep in mind that activity and detachment are “loaded
terms.” Theoretical focus on activities of older people can serve a variety of political
ends. For example, linked to these ideas of activity and continuity is the more recent
concept of productive aging, in which elderly people are encouraged to continue
producing only in particular ways (namely through the waged economy). Furthermore,
although the concepts of roles, activity, disengagement, and continuity are important
elements to include in aging research, they are based in views too homogenizing to
explain the social world in context. They do not address political or institutional contexts
of aging, nor do they adequately indicate differences in experiences of growing “old” for
people of different genders, classes, and other social locations.

Theoretical Perspectives and Mid-Range Theories

Scholars of aging and social gerontologists more recently employ some key mid-
range theories and approaches to study aging. Here I further elaborate on the life course
view, a social constructionist perspective of aging, and offer some examples of new
conceptual approaches to aging studies.

First, “the life course” is both a substantive area of study and a theoretical
perspective.l As a perspective, it has been described by Elder et a1. (2003) as consisting
of ﬁve principles:

( 1)Life-Span Development: Human development and aging are lifelong

principles . . .

(2) Agency: Individuals construct their life course through choices and

actions they make within the constraints of history and social

 

I Substantive study of the life course includes research on difference phases and transitions from birth to
death. Scholars of aging use the term "life course" rather than "life cycle" in acknowledgment that life
experiences do not necessarily follow standard set stages as a "life cycle" construct suggests.

19

circumstance . . .

(3) Time and Place: A person's life course is embedded and shaped by the

historical times and places they experience . . .

(4) T iming: Events and experiences affect people in different way

depending on when they occur in the life course...

(5) Linked Lives: Lives are lived independently and socio-historical

inﬂuences are expressed through this larger network of shared

relationships . . . (1 1-13).

In its most simplistic form, a life course perspective on old age reminds us that "to
make sense of later life we need to understand the entire life history"(Moody 2000:314).
A life course perspective is a valuable aid in understanding agency and structure in the
aging process, as well as the importance of history and place. While a life course
perspective has been widely adopted by sociologists studying aging, it has also received
criticism from outside and within for what Riley calls "life-course reductionism": the
tendency to study the life course without appropriate attention to social structures and
processes (Hagested and Dannefer 2001 :7; Riley 1998250). This tendency has produced
life course research with a heavy focus on the individual, criticized as being too
psychological or individualistic (Meyer 1986) to aid sociological understandings of later
life. However, to the extent that we acknowledge the importance of institutional and
political-economic contexts we can avoid or minimize life course reductionism.

Social constructionist perspectives on aging include a collection of approaches
that emphasize the socially constructed character of age, aging, and of "being elderly."

Through resonances with symbolic interactionism and phenomenology, constructionist

20

perspectives vary in focus, ranging from studies of everyday life to subjective
understandings of social reality and the world of meanings (Holstein and Gubrium 1999).
With these strengths, constructionist perspectives highlight the need to examine the way
aging is talked about, represented, and socially contextualized. A theme commonly
addressed from a constructionist perspective is the management of identity as one "grows
old" (ibid.: 292). These narratives about experiences of aging and everyday life have the
potential to indicate the variety, strategy, and activity involved in aging (Bi ggs 2004).

Additionally, recent research utilizing the concept of congruence has promise for
application across and within cultures. As an example, Chang (1996) in her study of
aging in Chinese and American cultures argues that congruence between "age reference
set" and activity level leads to a sense of meaningful existence. (By "age reference set,"
Chang means the age group with which one self-identiﬁes.) Eyesemitan and Gire (2003)
also posit that the concept of congruence — in this case, between elderly people's needs
and environmental capacities — can be applied across societies and cultures in order to
understand levels of satisfaction, needs, and expectations for the future.

These insights from constructionist and environment-person perspectives can be
important in part for studies of aging in the context of rural China. In any setting, the
representations, interactions, and social meanings of age and aging are consequential for
older people's lives and for social research. Although these concepts do not speak to
large processes of social change, they do offer opportunities for understanding how
elderly people in rural China and elsewhere assess and experience the quality of their
lives. They also point us in an important direction for further exploration, namely, the

interfaces of person-environment ﬁt as understood by people themselves. However, I

21

argue that in themselves, they cannot explain the experiences and contexts of aging.
Their explanatory power in terms ofinstitutions, social change, power, and inequalities is
very limited. Neither do these frameworks and theories adequately address differences in
aging experiences and conditions along the lines of gender, class, or race/ethnicity. They
do, however, offer key insights that can be included in a theoretical framework, including
the most basic argument that age (at least in part) is a socially constructed concept ﬁlled
with personal and social meanings (see Bernard et a1. 2000).

Feminist and Critical Perspectives on Aging

Noting that traditional and more contemporary mid-range theories tend to
overlook larger structural and institutional contexts and differences in aging experiences,
scholars have turned to critical and feminist theories. Because there are a variety of
feminist perspectives it is not possible to speak of "the" feminist perspective on aging.
Marshall (1996:23) summarizes well when he remarks that feminist theory "is not
freestanding but rather reﬂects a commitment to use theory in certain ways, and to
critique mainstream theories for their neglect of the gendered nature of work life, family
life, and social stratiﬁcation."

Both feminist and critical gerontologies encourage reﬂexivity and critiques of
mainstream approaches to aging research. A 2004 volume of the Journal onging (18) is
dedicated to explicating and exemplifying a feminist gerontological perspective. As
editor, Calasanti (2004:1) begins by offering a succinct description of feminist
perspectives:

Feminist approaches share theoretical ground, including emphases on

power relations and inequality, on the notion that men and women gain

identities and power in relation to one another, and on a view of gender as
a dynamic structural force with important consequences for the life

22

chances of men and women. Scholarship that does not include these

emphases on gender as a social organizing principle and identity (and not

just a demographic attribute) is not feminist, even if such terms as

“gender” appear in research design or text.

A feminist gerontological perspective is valuable in its focus on the intersections
of age and gender, and in the encouragement to examine the social world through an "age
lens" (Calasanti and Slevin 2001). Key points in Calasanti's and colleagues' perspective
are that we should (a) view age as a relation, (b) focus on gender relations rather than on
"Women," and (c) consider studies of masculinity and male experiences as important
toward understanding processes of aging.

Encouraged by postmodemist feminists, researchers of aging are increasingly
more likely to study inequalities in terms ofintersections ofagc, class, gender, race, and
ethnicity (Foner 1986:189). Such research demonstrates inequalities between generations,
cohorts, genders, races, ethnicities, socio—economic groups, and regions. While feminist
scholars are responsible for much of the research on gender, ﬁndings from large-scale
demographic and epidemiological studies also demonstrate age, gender, class, and racial
differences in processes of morbidity, mortality, and disability (Johnson 2000).

Speciﬁc studies of gender inequality in later life usually ﬁnd connections to
previous life course experiences, particularly in terms of unequal participation in the
labor force. Women who have not worked in the formal labor force are disadvantaged
compared to their male peers, who are more likely to be the recipients of (or control
access to) pensions or beneﬁts connected to their previous employment (Skucha and
Bernard 2000, Calasanti and Slevin 2001: Ch.5). This is one example of how
disadvantage can be understood as cumulative. Yet older men, when compared to their

younger counterparts, often experience lowered status as they age (C alasanti and Slevin

23

2001), sometimes ﬁnding themselves having more in common with women and
minorities than with middle-aged and young men. From this perspective, we might
observe a leveling effect in gender inequalities within birth cohorts.

There is research to support both age—as—leveler and cumulative disadvantage
hypotheses of aging (Blakemore and Boneham 1994). In addition, studies of elderly
people from socially and economically disadvantaged backgrounds suggest that women
and minority groups experience doubled or tripled shares of disadvantage as they hold
membership in multiple marginalized groups including that of "elderly." This double—
jeopardy hypothesis is equally contested, as evidence has been found that both supports
and challenges this argument (ibid.).

In short, research on aging and inequalities continues to test these hypotheses in
different settings, with no consensus on which hypothesis is most accurate. In the context
of rural China, it is probably equally difﬁcult to wholeheartedly reject or accept either of
them. In both rural China and elsewhere, inequalities in aging may include leveling,
accumulation of disadvantage, and double-jeopardy characteristics at the same time, with
their strength and explanatory power depending upon the areas of inquiry and contexts. I
suspect that it is not so much "which?" but "in terms of what?" and "how?" that we must
ask.

Finally, the ﬁeld of critical social gerontology offers much promise toward
understanding larger contexts of later life. The ﬁeld is to some extent divided into two
"camps" (Minkler 19992). In one camp are studies of the human experiences of aging
and a related critique of mainstream social gerontological approaches. In the other camp

are researchers focused on the political economy of aging and the ways in which

24

"'politics, not demography, determine how old age is defined and approached in a society
(Minkler 199921). In the former case, studies of the experiences and meanings of old age
are critical in the sense that they focus on experiences as a point of departure for analysis.
By giving value to meanings and representations of growing old, critical gerontologists
strive both to uncover and to avoid the ageism contained within studies of aging.

As proponents of a political economy of aging perspective, Quadagno and Reid
(1999) argue:

the central objective of the political economy of aging is to analyze the

structural conditions that create inequality in old age and to emphasize

the relevance of these struggles for understanding how the aged are

deﬁned and treated (344).

Critical gerontologists point out that social research tends to either render elderly people
as invisible or to problematize them (Bernard et al. 2000). Economic perspectives on
aging tend to cast elderly people as "unaffordable," and critical-feminist gerontologists
point out that connecting aging with welfare has an effect of portraying elderly people as
useless and burdensome (Calasanti and Slevin 2001, Minkler and Estes 2004). Even
studies intending to improve well-being and quality of life for older adults often cast later
life in negative, loss-ridden terms.

A weakness of a political economy perspective of aging as it has been applied in
the past is the tendency to conﬂate "political economy" with capitalism. Estes (1986), for
example, appropriately calls for an "examination of society's treatment of the aged in the
context of the national and world economy, the role of the state, conditions of the labor
market. . ." but argues that what is required is an "examination of the relationship of
capitalism to aging" (121). However, this weakness in a political economy of aging

perspective is a problem in application, not in the perspective itself. Of course, it is wise

25

to remember that different aging conditions and inequalities can be produced and
reproduced within a variety of political-economic settings and markets.

Other weaknesses of a political economic perspective on aging include a failure to
adequately address gendered inequalities and to recognize agency within the structures
they study. However, attention to gender and agency is compatible with this approach
and can actually serve to enrich and expand the framework. In fact, more recent
publications on the "new political economy of aging" encourage sustained attention to
intersections of class, race, gender, ethnicity and age at micro, meso, and macro levels
(Estes 1999:26)

Theoretical Perspectives on Elders and Social Change in Developing Nations

Probably the most clearly articulated theory of aging that addresses growing old
in the midst of rapid social change is the “modernization and aging theory” attributed to
Cowgill and Holmes (1972). Put succinctly, they propose that "the role and status of the
elderly are inversely related to technological progress" (Moody 2000:316). The theory
proposes that new technologies result in a devaluation of traditional wisdom and life
experience of elders (Burgess 1960). Moreover, urbanization and industrialization are
thought to weaken families and disadvantage elderly people who depend on them for
support.

The problems with this modernization and aging theory are the same as those
found in modernization theory generally. First, it rests on a traditional/modem
dichotomy. In this case, the past is romanticized as a "Golden Age" for elderly people.
Moreover, the world's past is homogenized, despite vast amounts of evidence pointing to

major differences in the treatment of elderly people both between and within societies,

26

across space and time (Calasanti and Slevin 2001). In the case of China, for example, it
is dangerous to assume that elders have enjoyed high status within families throughout its
numerous dynasties, or that they have done so invariably across geographic locations and
among various ethnic groups. Moreover, empirical studies of rural change and families
in China and elsewhere show not so much a "decline" of families in times of social
change, but rather, their innovative strategic adaptations (Johnson and Wang 1997, Davis
and Harrell 1993). Although relationships between social change (e. g., rural
development) and aging deserve continued attention from scholars, and although
economic and technological development can contribute to the marginalization of elderly
people, modernization and aging theory is likely too simplistic to explain experiences of
aging and of power relations in later life.

Still, many theorists agree with Cowgill and Holmes’ (1972) most general
argument that the “status of the aged tends to be high in agricultural societies and lower
in urbanized settings” (322). The relative status and power of elderly people may be
linked to the importance of technology and new information, often possessed to greater
extent by younger people. Albert and Cattel (1994) elaborate on this idea in arguing that:

If modernization affects the positions of elders, it would appear that it

does so through a radical alteration of the organization of information in

society, removing the accumulation of valued information from the aging

process, and hence eliminating a valued role for elders in social life. ...A

shift away from agriculture evidently does decrease the value of

information controlled by elders and does result in a status decline for

them (182-183).

They go on to suggest that older people’s power and inﬂuence relate to their level of

control over resources and the ways in which resources and the rights to resources are

passed along to younger generations (ibid.). This emphasis on age roles and access to

27

resources is evident in Amoss and Harrell’s (1981) proposition that

two factors largely determine the relative success old people have in a

particular society in achieving their goals. The ﬁrst is the balance between

the costs old people represent to the group and the contributions they make.

The second is the degree of control old people maintain over resources

necessary to the fulﬁllment of the needs or wants of younger members of

the group (5).

Treas and Logue (1986) outline four possible ways in which population aging and
elderly people might interact with social change in the form of economic development.
The ﬁrst viewpoint sees elderly people over the typical labor force age as unimportant
and irrelevant for development processes one way or another. This perspective results in
a lack ofinquiry into the role of elders in development, a lack which certainly seems
apparent in the literature. A second perspective views elders as an impediment or a
"drain" on resources. This view is also present in the literature, as well as in the popular
press. England (2005234), for example, concludes that an aged population poses an
"obstacle to China's progress" (although he believes it should not impede the course of
economic development until after 2020 when China strives further still to become one of
the “most developed” nations). England joins other analysts to argue that, in the
meantime, economic growth and development are necessary precursors to successful
support of the elderly population. From a third view, elders are victims of the
modernization process as they become marginalized and devalued (Yao 2001; lkels
2004). This perspective reiterates the modernization and aging theory outlined above.
Finally, a fourth view sees aging people as a stimulus to development through their
potential value as a ﬂexible labor force, transmitters of skills, help with childcare and

housework, and the consumer market. Proponents of this view might emphasize the need

to retain elders in the work force, create an “army of volunteers,” or simply acknowledge

28

the work which they may already perform. Randel et al. (199424), for instance, argue that
for the most part older people have been “characterized as economically unproductive,
dependent and passive, have been considered at best as irrelevant to development and at
worst as a threat to the prospects for increased prosperity” and offer numerous examples
in which elders engage in household work so that family members have the opportunity
to earn wages and otherwise participate in economic development.

Although general theories of aging and social change contribute to scholarship,
there is a danger in generalizing both about later life and about development (Lloyd-
Sherlock 2004). To understand the process and experiences of aging and social change in
developing nations it is helpful to continue examinations of aging, demographic change,
and development in actual context.

In terms of the little that we know about the relationships between population
aging and China's development, we can say that economic and social development have
certainly played a role in decreasing mortality rates and thus increasing the life
expectancies as well as the number of elderly people (Banister and Zhang 2005; Banister
and Hill 2004). Yet as Treas and Logue (19861645) point out, population aging is both an
outcome and a shaping factor in economic and social development. Studies empirically
inquiring into both Chinese elderly people's effects on development and development's
effects on Chinese elders are needed.

Aging and Elders in the Context of Contemporary China

Lloyd-Sherlock (2004) argues that “the well-being and quality of life of elderly

populations are strongly conditioned by their capacity to manage opportunity and risks

associated with rapid and complex change” (1). Chinese elders are entering later life

29

during a time of major transition and social change in China, including particular political
conditions and recent changes in the form of government policies directed toward elders
and their families. Rapid sustained economic development, possible threats to family
cohesion and traditional structures, rural industrialization, and widespread rural-urban
migration are some key social contexts. In this section I relate major themes and ﬁndings
relevant to the experience of growing old in China, while at the same time providing
background on these important socio-political contexts.

Chinese Elders and Families

For thousands of years, the traditional form of Chinese eldercare has been for co-
resident family members (almost always married sons and their wives) to provide
material and instrumental care for aging parents. Underlying this tradition is the
Confucian concept and system of xiao, or xiaoshun, which is most often translated as
"ﬁlial piety." It includes the concepts of obedience, respect, and reverence for elders and
it has long permeated Chinese society, apparently surviving the Cultural Revolution and
other political upheavals (Davis 1983; Sher 1984). However, scholars debate the extent
to which long-held traditional family values and elderly support may now be weakening
in the wake of market transition, reforms, and demographic changes since 1978, leaving
older family members to rely on themselves. Evidence from studies on current levels of
family support and care of elderly people is contradictory. Some analysts assert that
family elderly support has weakened in the post-reform era from the mid—19805 until now.
Xu (2001a: 77-78), for example, writes that "the fragility of family eldercare under
today's new circumstances" is evidence that the "foundation stones under the pillars of

support for the elderly are being shaken." Yet many systematic empirical studies show

30

little or no evidence ofthis trend to—date (Whyte 2003; Li 1998; Yao 2001; Mu and Yao
200; Davis 1986; Sher 1984).

A "decline of the family" related to modemization or Westemization is a major
theme of investigation in general aging studies, since it is believed that older people
beneﬁt from the support and support-exchanges of families. Yet because claims about
"the family’s decline" in China and elsewhere are debatable and difﬁcult to prove or to
disprove, the concept of a changing generational contract has been used successfully by a
number of researchers in discussions of the extent to which familial exchanges (mediated
by political and economic institutions) adapt and change rather than simply disintegrate
(Bengston and Achenbaum 1993). Such investigations of generational exchanges and
informal "contracts" have been conducted in studies of aging in urban China (Whyte
2003)

Co-residence with adult children is still the most common form of living
arrangement for Chinese elders, although an increasing proportion of elderly are living
separately from children, especially in urban areas (Bian, Logan and Bianl998; Yan,
Chen and Yang 2003). Co-residence may enable junior family members to readily assist
their senior family members with daily living activities and chores. The relationships
between co-residence, elderly support, and overall beneﬁts to elderly are likely tied not
only to the extent of assistance, but to the type of support (instrumental, ﬁnancial, help
with chores, gifts) received. Some studies show that living with adult children tends to
increase instrumental, but not material (ﬁnancial) support (Yan, Chen and Yang 2003;
Zimmer and Kwong 2003). This situation might reﬂect conditions in which elders living

with adult children are not receiving ﬁnancial support in the form of money gifts, but

31

rather in the form of shared housing, food, and daily assistance. Silverstein et al. (2006)
ﬁnd that co—residence with grandchildren or with both children and grandchildren was
beneﬁcial to older people due primarily to material support received from younger
generations as well as to opportunities to enjoy emotional bonds with children. Their
study also suggests that by living in multiple generation households, elderly people are
able to occupy a “culturally sanctioned role within the family” and thus receive a sense of
fulﬁllment (Silverstein et al. 2006:S263).

Yan, Chen and Yang (2003) in their study of living arrangements and types of
support of elderly people in Baoding conclude that "there is not a necessary or automatic
connection between marrying or moving away from the parental household and reduced
support to parents" (161). Money sent back by migrants might substitute for the
economies of scale achieved in shared housing and shared groceries. Chen (20052129)
also points out that continued co-residence does not necessarily indicate continuation of
traditional family values, and critiques studies in which "change or no change in
residential patterns is perceived as either the erosion or persistence of social norms" (also
see Logan and Bian 1999). Overall, studies of co-residence and later-life support in
urban China show that the relationship between residence, family support, and values is
fairly complex and not mechanical.

Reductions in family elder care are also thought to be related to reductions in
family size (Yan and Chi 2001). .lia’s (1988) case study in a rural village ﬁnds people in
smaller households (4.08 people on average) juggling time and resources to care for
elderly members. Yet Zimmer and Kwong (2003) ﬁnd that only to a small extent does

reduced family size negatively affect the provision of care to elders. Rather, their study

32

l

and others show that children appear to provide support based on needs and resources
(Logan and Bian 2003; Bian, Logan and Bian 1998; Shi 1994’). Zimmer and Kwong
(2003) argue from their ﬁndings that having more children does not always mean having
more support, just as having few children does not equate with inadequate support. This
argument suggests that decline in fertility alone does not mean certain doom for family
support of elders. Zimmer and Kwong (2003:41) suggest that worry about care of elders
— based only on changes in family size and separate living arrangements — might to some
extent reﬂect a "moral panic." At the same time, it would seem that rural-to-urban
migration by family members in the labor force would pose a challenge for physical care
of fragile elderly, and is likely to leave elderly people to care for themselves and often,
their grandchildren (Zhang 2004). Additionally, the need for psychological comfort and
companionship is an important component of quality of life for aging people, and may be
met through close proximity to family members.

A few studies suggest that the biggest threat to family support of elderly members
is likely to come in the form of broader ﬁnancial and social pressures (Benjamin, Brandt
and Rozelle 2000; Sen 1998). In other words, we must distinguish between will and
ability to care for aging parents. Globalization and the inﬂuence of Western family
customs may or may not affect the will of families and elderly people to maintain
traditional living arrangements and reciprocal exchanges. But educational reforms, new
agricultural policies, and massive temporary migration of working-age rural residents
could be enormous challenges to the ability of families to care for elderly members
(Hannum 2005; Zimmer and Kwong 2003). In particular, migration of family members

affects family roles, household and village demographic characteristics, and has

33

"profound effects on those left behind" (Davin 1998; see also Zhang 1998). Reform and
privatization of medical services has also increased the price of health care, which can
become cost-prohibitive especially in serious and chronic cases (Zimmer and Kwong
2004; Banister and Hill 2004: 67; Li and Tracy 1999). Researchers also express concern
about future family eldercare abilities in light of increasing regional and economic
inequality (Joseph and Phillips 1999).

Ultimately, the question of whether high levels of family support will continue
can only be answered in due time. The complexities of social change ensure that, as Fang
and Whyte (2003233) remark, we are dealing with a "moving target." In any case, many
studies of China's aging overlook rural elders, possibly due to the belief that, because
fertility rates in China’s cities have been lower than in rural areas, urban elders’ and
families’ problems in the cities are greater. Additionally, access to research in rural areas
has been limited until relatively recently.

Aging and Inequalities in Contemporary China

Confucian cultures are known for their veneration of elderly people, and it is often
assumed or asserted that Chinese elderly experience much higher status than do their
American peers (see Forrnanek and Linhart 1997). However, at least two problems exist
with this assumption. First, it is difﬁcult to assess the validity of these claims due to
subjectivity in cross—cultural standards and experiences of treatment, respect, and quality
of life. Moreover, though we may argue that a social group's power and status is
relatively high or low overall, we should not ignore the status and power variations
within a group as well as the possibility that power can increase in some aspects and

decrease in others. Yet, to be sure, age relations are a key area in which elders may

34

experience social inequality. Age inequality also interacts with gender inequality and, in
the case of China, with rural-urban disparities in living conditions, health, and well-being.
So, just as some scholars refer to the big “three gaps” in Chinese society generally one
might consider Chinese elders to be facing three gaps oftheir own: rural-urban inequality,
gender inequality, and age inequality, each intersecting.

Recent research has done much to shed light on urban-rural health care
inequalities in China (Zimmer and Kwong 2004, Zeng 2002), and yet making overall
claims about differences in well-being can be difﬁcult. On the one hand, rural elderly
may be better off due to larger family sizes and traditional customs in rural areas (J iang
1995). On the other hand, the services and resources in urban areas appear to provide
advantages to elders in China's cities. Zeng and colleagues have examined the health of
China’s "oldest old" (people aged 80 and above) in a number of studies based on the
China Healthy Longevity Survey of 631 randomly selected counties and cities, ﬁrst
conducted in 1998. This data set helps to demonstrate current differences in the living
conditions and health of rural and urban elderly. Zeng et al. (2002) ﬁnd that proportions
of the oldest old are higher in urban areas, that they are less likely than rural counterparts
to be widowed, and that a very low proportion of rural older elders have pensions.

Using measurements of activities of daily living (ADLs) and self-rated health as
measures of health status, Zeng et al. (2002) ﬁnd rural elders are more active than urban
counterparts, perhaps due to differences in built and natural environments or a selection
bias related to rural survival. Notably, these rural-urban differences in health status
mostly disappear when age, sex, and education are controlled. The proportion of both

rural and urban oldest-old men in “active status” is also greater than their female

35

counterparts, likely due to advantages in education, income, and pension support (Zeng et
a1. 20022267). Zimmer and Kwong (2004247) argue that rural-urban differences are
“critical in understanding the well-being of older adults” in China. They measure SES
and health of older adults in rural and urban China, and ﬁnd superior SES of urban elders
but an increased likelihood of urban elders reporting chronic diseases. This situation
could simply mean that urban seniors have better access to the medical infrastructure
diagnosing chronic diseases. Liu and Zhang (2004) ﬁnd that lower self-reported health is
associated with lower social status for China's oldest old.

Although regional differences in the health and well-being of China's elders are
difﬁcult to characterize generally, it is clear that urban—rural residence is an important
factor in shaping the conditions of later life. Further attention to the situation of rural
elderly in itself is needed (Benjamin, Brandt and Rozelle 2000; Zeng et al. 2001).

Studies that report current high levels of health and well-being for elderly people still
express concern about future inequalities in standards of living and disparities in access
to health care as more rural people move into the oldest old age category (Whyte 2003;
Benjamin, Brandt and Rozelle 2000). Additionally, differences in health status and well-
being according to gender need further exploration.

In many societies, clear gender differences exist in terms of life expectancy and
morbidity. Often, men live shorter but healthier lives and women survive longer, albeit
in the company of chronic diseases and physical limitations (Manton and Land 2000). In
China, women's life expectancy at age 65 (15.69) is approximately two years more than
men's life expectancy at age 65 (13.54) (Banister and Hill 2004). Yet Zeng et a1.

(2002:269) conclude that

36

on average, the female oldest old in China are seriously disadvantaged in
every respect save sheer survival itself. . . . any long-term care service
programs sponsored by China’s government should take into account the
disadvantaged status of elderly women . . . .

Old-age mortality in China is different from that in many other nations in terms of
gender differences. In population projections, Chinese male populations grow more
rapidly than female elderly populations. Li (1998) reported 80 male elders for every 100
female elders in 1982, with the ratio presently expected to be approximately 91 to 100.

In other words, the sex ratio of Chinese elderly people has been increasing in the past two
or more decades as the male elderly population becomes larger in relation to the female
elderly population. This situation contrasts with many other cases in which
improvements in medical conditions further add to the sex gap in survival ratios (in
women's favor). Notably, Li (1998) interprets these data as reﬂecting excess mortality

for older women rather than greater comparative longevity of males.

The ways in which aging is experienced are also likely to differ with gender.
Randal et al. (1999236) outline several possible gender dimensions in the economic
activity of older people: (1) the kind of tasks it is expected or accepted that they should
do, (2) the environment in which they perform these tasks, (3) the recognition of their
contribution, (4) the remuneration they receive, and (5) the degree of control they have
over any income from their activities.

The processes of aging and social change may also affect women and men
differently. For example, men may be affected more than are women by changes in roles
and family structure to the extent that they are seen as less useful in old age. Women, on
the other hand, may simply tend to continue previous roles of cooking, cleaning, and

performing household work. Also, in terms of well-being within families, women appear

37

more embedded in extended families and more likely to receive family support. We can
interpret this situation as both advantageous (Ofstedal, Reidy and Knodel 2004) and
disadvantageous (Xu 2001). In other words, depending on how we understand family life
and the protections or conﬂicts therein, elderly women's “support from” (or “dependence
on”) families can be viewed positively or negatively (also see Knodel and Ofstedal 2003).

Gender and aging also intersect through resources to affect older people’s power
and status. In Taiwan, which shares cultural characteristics with mainland China, Li et al.
(1993) find that widows are more than twice as likely as are their male counterparts to
have divided their property among relatives. This gender difference suggests that, insofar
as older adults relinquish power through division and relinquishment of any privately
owned assets (perhaps less abundant in communist China), widowed women are more
disadvantaged than are widowed men.

While gender inequalities intersect with age and rural-urban inequalities to
produce multiple disadvantages such as those related to education, literacy, physical
health and cognitive performance (Zeng, Liu and George 2003), and household power, it
is notable that they also transcend geographical location in China Using two waves of
national longitudinal data from 1998 and 2000, Zhang (2006) found that among the oldest
old, Chinese women were more likely to suffer from cognitive impairment than were
oldest old men. This gender difference was partly explained by women’s lower
socioeconomic levels, smaller social networks, and less participation in leisure activities.
Additionally, Zeng and colleagues (2002) ﬁnd that

the differences by sex and rural-urban residence in main source of

ﬁnancial support are striking. The female oldest old in both rural and

urban areas are much more disadvantaged in terms of pension support than
their male counterparts (263).

38

Finally, the age-based status and power ofChinese elders also may be changing.
Yao (2001) suggests that the "almost god-like power" attributed to elders in traditional
China may now be diminished to a “more earthly” basic respect. Studies such as Wang’s
(2004) ﬁnd that by the early 19805 children began more readily to disobey parents,
demonstrating “young people’s abandonment of absolute submission to parental
domination in everyday practice” (27). Relatively earlier household division in
contemporary times allows children, especially daughters-in-law, to assert more authority
in their daily lives (Gallin 1986). But it appears that in some cases that the status of
Chinese elders within the household has not only been lowered to a level that ends
previous “tyranny” of elder family members, but that elders now suffer fairly great age-
based disadvantages, with studies reporting elders’ frequent quarrels with children, lack
of freedom in multiple generation households, and expectations that they “serve” younger
generations (Zhang 2004, Wang 2004).
Population, Development, and the Politics 0ngng in China

Contexts in which Chinese elders are entering later life include China’s
demographic landscape and concerns about population aging. Complementing press
headlines such as "Nation Urged to Cope with 'Grey Tide'" and "Burdensome Population
a Headache for China," demographers have anticipated for decades the rapid aging of
China's population and the challenges associated with this transformation (Bongaarts and
Greenhalgh 1985; Nan 1986; Poston and Duan 2000; Eberstadt 2000, 1998; Hussain
2002; England 2005). Forecasts vary, but it is generally agreed that beginning in 2010,

the proportion of people over age 65 will increase quickly until it comprises 20 percent of

39

the population in 2025 and over 30 percent ofthe population by 2050 (United Nations
Population Division 2006).

Demographers say that a population "ages" as the proportion ofelderly people
grows in relation to the proportion of other age groups. While the populations ofrnany
nations are aging, China is unique in that it is still a developing society. China's
population aging is also occurring at time when families, the main institution of support
for elderly people, are coping with market transitions, educational reforms, new
agricultural policies, and smaller family size linked to low fertility rates (Hannum 2005).

All three demographic processes (fertility, mortality, and migration) shape a
population’s age structure. First, with the exception of a period during the Great Leap
Famine (1959-1961), mortality in China has decreased rapidly since the inception of the
People's Republic of China (PRC) (Banister and Hill 2004). Banister and Hill (2004)
attribute the halving of the crude death rate since 1949 to a number of factors:

near cessation of international invasion and civil war; the disarming of the

general population; allocation of arable land to most peasants through land

reform; government distribution of grain to areas with a shortage; vigorous
strategies of epidemic control for the main infectious diseases; and the

retraining of midwives in modern midwifery (55).

Decreases in mortality rates have occurred for the elderly and all other age groups

except infant females (Banister and Hill 2004), and life expectancies in China have also

increased. In the past 30 years, life expectancies at birth in China rose from 64 to 71

years for men and from 66 to 75 years for women (Banister and Zhang 2004). ( These

national averages hide considerable regional variation. ) In other words, not only is the

proportion of elderly people growing, but also the number of elders is growing, as they

40

live to experience higher ages and likelihood ofchronic disease and related physical
limitations.

Decreased fertility is even more important in promoting population aging than is
decline in mortality, for reasons outlined by Coale (1964).2 Indeed, China's pattern of
fertility change is largely responsible for current and anticipated population aging (Riley
2004; Bongaarts and Greenhalgh 1985). As Riley (2004210) notes, due to enforcement of
a one-child-family campaign of the late 19705, China experienced "one of the most rapid
and impressive declines in fertility ever recorded in a national population." In the span of
15 years, the total fertility rate (TFR) declined from just over six children per woman to
around two children per woman. The fact that China's rapid fertility decline during the
19703 was preceded by a "baby boom" responsive to strong pronatalist rhetoric of the
19508 and '605 has further ensured that markedly smaller size younger generations will
soon be responsible for the care of their elders. The "12224" ratio is often cited to indicate
that in the future, one child may have to care for two parents and four grandparents. As
for migration, China's tight restrictions on international migration have precluded
possibilities that its population aging would be slowed either by the inﬂux of young
immigrants or by the emigration of older citizens.

Currently, the percentage of China's people aged 60 and above (now around 8
percent) is expected to double in the next 14 years and to reach 24 percent and 27
percent by the years 2035 and 2050, respectively (Riley 2004). The age distribution of
China and other societies is important to researchers and policy makers especially insofar

as the labor of people aged 15-60 (or 65) is seen as supporting people who are too young

 

2 In brief, mortality decline usually affects people of all age groups, and especially improves infant survival
rates. Fertility decline, on the other hand. continues to affect the population age structure ofsubsequent
generations.

41

or too old to participate in the labor market. The ratio of people aged 65 and above to
every 100 people aged 15-64 is speciﬁcally known as the elderly dependency ratio (see
Bongaarts 2004). A major concern of scholars and Chinese officials is that the elderly
dependency ratio will be too large; in other words, China will have too many elderly
people to be supported feasibly by people in the labor market. Zhang (2001269) reports
China's elderly dependency ratio as growing from 13.74 in 1990 to 15.60 in 2000 and
then (projected) to 29.46 in 2025 and 48.49 in 2050. As more of China's elderly people
are surviving, they are also living until older ages when they may be more likely require
support not only in terms of ﬁnancial assistance, but in help with daily living, and in
companionship and "spiritual comfort" (iing shen weijie) (Amsberger et al. 2000; Ge and
Shu 2002).

The current percentage of elderly people in China is not especially high in
comparison with global standards. For example, the proportion of US residents aged 65
and over in 2000 was around 12.5 percent (Amsberger et al. 2000), compared to China's
7 percent. However, two points are noteworthy. First, there is a wide range in terms of
regional and ethnic differences in population aging that is obscured by national averages.
Depending on an area's fertility, mortality, and migration levels, population aging may
already be well underway. Population aging is primarily a phenomenon of the Han
nationality, which makes up approximately 92 percent of the population. In some areas
of China, and among certain ethnic groups, the percentage of elderly may be as low as 4-
6 percent (Poston and Duan 2000). Currently, the major metropolis of Shanghai is
known for having the highest proportion of residents age 60 and over (16.7 percent).

Some scholars argue that all urban areas will eventually include higher proportions of

42

elderly in comparison to rural areas (Shen 1998), but others point out that increasing
rural-urban migration of young people could very well create the oldest “population
ages” in China’s rural villages (Lin and Fang 200424; Zeng et a1. 2002: 268).

Secondly, the increase in people over age 60 is expected to occur extremely
quickly, doubling in a matter of several years. Not only does the speed of the transition
require rapid adjustment for any society, but, as has been mentioned, unlike other nations
experiencing aging at a rapid rate (e. g., Japan), China’s infrastructures are still
developing. China's level of economic and infrastructural development is therefore
expected to present challenges for providing adequate support and services for elderly
people. As expressed in a recent report on plans for national social security, the PRC
government feels pressure to balance spending on elderly support with continued
development projects (State Council lnforrnation Ofﬁce 2004).

Population Aging and China ’5 Development

According to some analysts, addressing the needs of China’s booming elderly
population will divert signiﬁcant resources from other sectors, preventing China from
fulﬁlling its goals of being a moderately well off (xiaokang) society by 2020 (England
2005). Others, including central government ofﬁcials, claim that only through sustained
growth and development will China be able to care for its elderly population (State
Council Information Ofﬁce 2004).

A small body of research is now growing, as both researchers of aging and
scholars of development and social change recognize the importance of understanding

older people’s roles in social change. HelpAge lntemational has collected research from

various settings to argue that

43

all over the developing world, older people make an “invisible”

contribution to their families and society at large, performing domestic

tasks and caring for children and sick or disabled adults so that other

members of a household may engage in “visible” economic activity. In

addition, older people engage in a range of income—eaming activities in the

informal sector, which contribute to the household economy but are rarely

acknowledged, or are seen as “reducing the burden” of their presence

(Randal 1999236).

Research on aging in China has already given much attention to the problems of
an aging population and the possibility of national support systems for the elderly with
scholars divided over whether a national welfare state is an attractive or feasible notion in
the PRC (Saunders and Shang 2001, Li Wen Lang 1998). However, systematic scholarly
research is required in order to go beyond theoretical assertions and better understand
how and whether elders do and might inﬂuence social change and development in China

Government Policies and Responses

How has China responded to and addressed the conditions and roles of elders as
the nation rapidly transforms? By the mid 19805 the government was aware of China’s
future aging population, and by 1983 the National Committee on Aging was established
to educate the public about China’s aging problem and to “develop ways to utilize the
talents and energies of the elderly” (Olson 1988). In the mid-19805 and especially
throughout the 19905 the PRC government began experimenting with pension reform,
health insurance systems, and the development of social security systems. In 1995, a law
was promulgated that requires localities to adopt pilot pension and social security
schemes (Stevenson-Yang and Shi 1998). Throughout this era the ratio of workers to
eligible pensioners (former state-owned enterprise workers) began to drop, having

decreased from roughly 30:1 in 1978 to 5:1 in 2000 (Song and Chu 1997). It became

increasingly difﬁcult to secure promised pensions and a number of enterprises defaulted

44

in pension delivery (ibid.). Stevenson-Yang and Shi (1998:8) argue that, “at least in part,
social security reform has been driven by the country’s need to free state-owned
enterprises from the obligation of paying retirees pensions.” Increased independence in
ﬁnancial accounting for state-owned enterprises has also prompted the government to
reform pension law. Despite extensive refomrs and experimentation of the past two
decades, critics of state and private social support for elderly people indicate continued
fragmentation along urban-rural lines, impractical pay-as- you go approaches, and an
overall lack of coverage (Stevenson-Yang and Shi 1998; Saunders and Shang 2001).
Retirement pensions are primarily an urban beneﬁt received by former state-owned
enterprise (SOE) workers (Hong 2001). Health care coverage is linked to individual
work units (danwei) rather than to a national plan. Although the Chinese government
continues experiments with various systems, even within urban areas, inequalities in
terms of access to pensions continue (J iang 2001; Davis 1988). Urban retirees are still
advantaged in comparison to their rural counterparts, but in many cases employers have
reduced their coverage in recent years (Hong 2001).

Since the majority of China's elders live in rural areas and have not worked in
state-owned or private enterprises, even a vastly improved pension system would
overlook these approximately 61 million elderly people (Hong 2001). Approximately six
percent of rural elders receive pensions (Pei and Pillai 1999). Moreover, while health
services in China's rural areas were upheld as exemplary before economic reform this
praise no longer appears applicable (Li and F eldman 2004; Joseph and Phillips 1999).
Community (or “social”) care for elderly people is discussed as an additional source of

support along with state ﬁnancial assistance and family care, however, analysts point out

45

that establishing “old age homes” and other services will be more challenging in
geographically remote rural areas than in urban locations (Chen 1996; Jiang 1995).

The most destitute of China’s rural elderly qualify for assistance in securing the
“ﬁve guarantees” of food, clothing, medical care, housing, and burial expenses. The
policy was established in the 19505, but in 1994 the State Council issued stipulations for
eligibility in the program (also known as the “three nos”) especially for residents of rural
areas. Speciﬁcally, individuals who have (1) no family member to support them, (2) no
ability to work, and (3) no source of income are eligible. Currently only a small
percentage of China's elders qualify for this support (State Council lnfonnation Ofﬁce
2004)

In post-reform years, the Chinese government has issued several laws and
statements concerning the care of elderly people. The 1980 Marriage Law, which has its
roots in the original marriage law of 1950, is the “fundamental code governing family
and marital relations.” It declares the legal ages of maniage for men and women, as well
as regulations pertaining to divorce, inheritance, illegitimate births, and gender equality.
It is signiﬁcant to elderly people not only insofar as it ensures the protection of elderly
people, but in that it requires children to support and assist their parents and directs
elderly people, given they can afford it, to care for grandchildren whose parents are
deceased. Parents who are unable to work also have the right to demand support from
their children. Adult children who violate the Marriage Law may be subject to legal
penalties and sanctions.

Equally notable is the more recent (1995) Law on the Protection of E lderly

People's Rights and Interests, in which quality of life — including appropriate housing,

46

adequate food, physical care, medical treatment, authority over decisions related to
inheritance and divorce, and respect and regard from family and society— are framed in
terms of basic rights. The state has also encouraged families to sign contracts or
"eldercare agreements" (Xu 2001). The efficacy of these laws is difﬁcult to measure, but
based on litigation research in China, it is difﬁcult to believe that Chinese elders would
feel comfortable prosecuting family members for failure to comply with elderly rights
laws, particularly in a society in which litigation has historically been a source of shame
(Gallagher 2006). Indeed, Xu (2001) ﬁnds that only in extreme cases do elderly family
members take legal recourse.

There is an imbalance in the degree ofstate support and services for urban elders
and rural elders. Speciﬁcally, pensions, health care, insurance, homes for elderly people,
and elder associations are much less accessible to rural elders than to their urban
counterparts (Wang and Xia 2001). Scholars debate the feasibility of providing national
health care plan, but most parties agree that family eldercare must be supplemented with
state support (Wang 2001; Zeng 2001; Bian, Logan and Bian 1998; Jiang 1995).
Researching Rural Chinese Elders ’ Duties, Dreams, and Expectations

In this section I summarize gaps in the research on aging in China, thus pointing
toward the focus of my own research. I then introduce my theoretical framework for a
study of aging in rural China which is based on an assessment of the strengths and
weaknesses of aging theories and concepts, followed by my speciﬁc research questions
and some brief notes on some assumptions underlying the project.

Much of the academic literature, although sometimes critical of past policies and

programs, does not problematize representations of China’s aging population and

47

development, but rather re-states popular and ofﬁcial claims that new solutions should be
sought to help balance the obvious burden of elderly support with goals for continuing
economic development. Additionally, examination ofthe relationship between economic
development and aging is engaged mainly at the macro level, with some conclusions that
the needs of the rapidly aging population for ﬁnancial support and services could hinder,
or at least slow, economic growth and national development. There is also a shortage of
research explicitly focusing on elderly women’s and men’s experiences of aging and
development in rural China.

Moreover, while studies of family support and elderly well-being must continue, a
heavy focus on support received and on the burden of elders might obscure the active
roles and day-to-day contributions to household and community made by both co-
resident and non-co—resident elderly people (Zhan 2002; see Herrnalin 2002; Goldstein,
Yu and lkels 1990). As Chen (1996) reminds us,

support is a phenomenon of interaction; the elderly are not passive

recipients. The attitudes of the elderly will strengthen, maintain, or

weaken their family support. They may accept social services or not; they

have the ﬁnal say about their needs (264).

Support to and from parents is also dynamic, often depending upon the needs of children
and grandchildren as well as the elderly parents (Zimmer 2005; Xu and J i 1999). To
shore up gaps in the literature, research on aging in China should expand to incorporate
actual experiences of individuals and better knowledge of daily life and interactions in
their households.

Additionally, many studies assume that co-residence is positively related to well-
being and support of elderly residents, and therefore focus on levels of co—residence as

indicative of elder's well-being and family support. However, new studies continue to

48

suggest that elderly people residing near (not necessarily with) adult children receive
comparable amounts of support. We should also remember that families can also be a
source of conﬂict and negative experiences rather than assuming that co-residence
ensures the safety and happiness of elders (Xu 2001; Hu 1995; Leung 1997; Kosberg and
Gracia 1991; lkels 1990). Finally, instrumental and financial support are crucial; yet
emotional and psychological support (and conﬂict) can be equally or more important
(Chen and Silverstein 2000; Sun 2004). In short, although studies of family living
arrangements and support exchanges are valuable, they alone cannot present a complete
picture of the conditions of aging in rural China.

Next, a body of more general literature on gender and aging demonstrates
variations in aging experiences and outcomes for women and men (Calasanti 2004;
Calasanti and Slevin 2001; Arber and Ginn 1991; Marehand and Parpart 1995; Mortimer
2003). More research is needed on the ways older women and men cope with aging and
social change in China, especially in rural China where the majority of elders reside and
where it appears that less diversity of resources is available. Further research is also
needed on the role of gender in the provision, needs, and experiences of eldercare. For
instance, it is traditionally held that in China daughters marry out of the family and
provide care for their husband's parents only. Yet, research suggests that support from
daughters can be under-estimated, under-acknowledged (Bian, Logan, and Bian 1998; Yu,
Yu, and Mansﬁeld 1990). Findings from recent studies show daughters contributing just
as much ﬁnancial assistance as their brothers, and even more instrumental assistance (Xie

and Zhu 2006; Whyte and Qin 2003; Hermalin and Shih 2003; Li et al. 2005). Elders'

49

needs and resources may also differ with gender, and further research on this topic can
provide information to assist with eldercare in the future.

Finally, aging research in China and elsewhere suggests that elderly people
themselves, particularly women and elders in rural areas, contribute signiﬁcantly to care
of elders and also of grandchildren (Wang and Xia 2001; Joseph and Phillips 1999; Zhan
and Montgomery 2003; Magilvy et al. 2000). Again, this contradicts the argument that
additional support for elders can be found through "new" reliance on the elderly
themselves (Jiang 1995). Additionally, research on elderly people in other developing
nations ﬁnds elders actively contributing in valuable ways to community and household
development-(see Eyesemitan and Gire 2003; Randel et al. 1999). Indeed, a recent study
in rural China ﬁnds elderly people "working until they drop" (Pang, DeBrauw and
Rozelle 2004). Further research on current household care distributions and potential
household contributions of elderly people is needed. Research that inquires into elders’
activities, contributions, and their own understandings and expectations for aging in the
future will provide knowledge about household and elder needs and resources in the
coming decades.

In short, the major themes in studies of aging in China -- population aging,
regional differences, and family—elder relations -- can beneﬁt from critical assessment,
additional attention to ground—level experiences, agency within particular social
constraints, and the signiﬁcance of gender. Furthermore, although studies of aging in
China continue to report fairly favorable social conditions of aging, and (although with
marked regional variation) relatively good health of elderly people, scholars express

concern about the persistence of this trend, especially in light of population aging,

50

continued rural-urban migration, and increasing socioeconomic inequality. Inequalities
in ﬁnancial and social resources clearly exist between urban and rural elders, with the
challenges of aging in rural areas appearing particularly fonnidable (Zeng et al. 2002; Lin
and Fang 2004; Benjamin, Brandt and Rozelle 2000). Additional research on aging in
rural China is therefore needed. Taken together, current knowledge of conditions of
aging in rural China calls for studies at household and village levels that investigate the
experiences, expectations, and activities of both older rural women and men.

Theoretical Framework of the Project

In sum, much research on aging and development in China has been approached
from the perspective of modemization theory which views the process of development,
on the one hand, as a Western, economic, and macro phenomenon that on the whole
improves a society, and on the other hand, as detrimental to the status of elderly people
(England 2005; Fang and Wang 2005; State Council Information Ofﬁce 2004; Cowgill
and Holmes 1972). Embedded in this theoretical approach is a representation of an
inimical relationship between aging and development and a portrayal of elderly people as
victims. Beliefs that elderly people are passive and unproductive can lead to research
focused only on the extent of their social burden or only on the well-being of elderly
people, who may even be portrayed as helpless. Indeed, many studies of aging in
transitioning China tend to focus on the burden of elders on their families, or on elders’
well-being, de-emphasizing elders’ active roles and the care provided to elderly people
and children by elderly wives and other older family members. Additionally, non-
economic aspects of eldercare such as physical care, psychological support, and

companionship are relatively overlooked. Furthermore, researchers often approach

51

economic development as being either a force, produced through activities in the labor
market, or as a set of procedures initiated and executed at the top levels of the state (Long
1989). When the focus is only on national strategy and macroeconomic capacities,
elderly villagers', families', and community strategies and capabilities are overlooked
(Angresano 2005; Lloyd- Sherlock 2002; Zhang 2001; Kallgren 1992).

In this study, I aim to avoid the ageism inherent in much general research on
aging that results in older people being either invisible or problematized. Rather than
investigating elderly villagers as passive victims of social change, or as troublesome
burdens on families and society, I approach the study of rural aging attentive to ways that
elderly people might contribute to their families and communities and how they might
cope and adapt to social changes. My critical gerontological perspective also gives
weight to the perspectives of older people and their understandings of their own lives.
From this perspective, I assume that older Chinese villagers know something about the
social contexts in which they live. Furthermore, their perspectives might supplement
“expert” views and help to create a broader understanding of aging in China than
currently exists (Harding I998, 1991).

A critical gerontological perspective also emphasizes the importance of political
and economic contexts and institutions in shaping the experiences and conditions of
aging. Aging in a rural Chinese village is experienced in the context of China's market
transitions, economic reforms, and government policies (e.g., those relating to agriculture,
education, fertility, and aging). Moreover, social constructions of aging and the way in
which aging is politicized and popularly presented is a key context in which

contemporary women and men transition into later life. In particular, a perceived crisis

52

of demographic population aging, regardless ofthe extent to which it is or will be an
actual crisis, may shape the reality of aging in rural China.

In short, adopting a critical gerontological perspective requires me to situate my
study within the current politics of aging in rural China, to ask in what ways economic
institutions and "interlocking systems of inequality . . . . shape the experience of aging
and growing old" (Minkler 199921), and to give attention to how village elders
understand and respond to perceived challenges and opportunities of aging in
contemporary rural China.

The other major component of my theoretical framework consists of a feminist
gerontological approach as forwarded by Calasanti (2004) and Calasanti and Slevin .
(2000). There are four key assumptions and arguments of this perspective that I adopt.
First, Iview age, like gender, as a relation between individuals and social groups. This
means that I do not plan to focus exclusively on women. Next, I consider analysis of
men's experiences and issues of masculinity and aging as crucial to an understanding of
the gendered experiences of aging that involved privilege and disadvantages. Third, I
keep in mind that elderly people are not homogeneous, and that experiences of aging
differ not only in terms of gender, but also in terms of other social locations (class, ethnic,
racial) and life course experiences. In terms of research in rural China, these three
propositions led me to study aging as a gendered experience, to inquire into the lives of
both elderly women and elderly men, and to be open to the likelihood that there is no one
Elderly Woman Experience or Elderly Man Experience in rural China. Fourth, recent
research in feminist gerontology (Calasanti 2004) demonstrates the effective use of a

variety of methods in efforts to understand gendered aging and age relations. Along with

53

these researchers, I believe that feminist studies can be produced through many methods,
and that quantitative methods do not necessarily rely on ontological or epistemological
assumptions inimical to feminist theory. This last assumption informs my research
design and analysis.

In addition to these two main components, I incorporate perspectives, suggestions,
and concepts from recent work in the sociology of aging and the life course. First, a large
amount of research in aging and demographic ﬁelds has shown the importance of a life
course perspective (see Mortimer and Shanahan 2003). In the case of rural China, it is
important to remember that cohorts nearing and experiencing later life have lived through
monumental historical events in the last decades, including a communist revolution and
establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the Great Leap Forward (1958-
1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966-1976), the Open Door Policy and subsequent
reforms (starting in 1978), and rapid development and industrialization in many rural
areas during the 19805 and 19905. It would be a mistake to overlook the effects of these
past experiences and people’s interpretations of their meaning for them on their current
aging experiences and contexts.

Finally, I do not reject entirely all facets of some of the traditional theories of
aging. For example, a study of aging in rural China need not reject out of hand the
possibility that modernization has, on one hand, negative effects on elder status and, on
the other hand, many positive effects on a community. Activity and role theory also
remind us of the importance of social roles and activities of elderly people and their
possible effect on the well being of elderly women and men. But what we learn from

decades of research is that these relationships are multidimensional, complex, and play

54

out differently across social groups. Questions about later life, power, and social change
should be answered empirically.

In terms of understanding the processes of development, I myself hold a critical
modernist perspective forwarded by Peet (1999:197), who argues that there is a need to
"rethink the development project rather than discard it" (1999). In past years,
development, as "an idea, objective, and activity" (Kothari and Minogue 2002) has come
under ﬁre as fundamentally harmful to many ofthe world's marginalized peoples and as
mainly serving the interests of most powerful and advantaged actors (Rist 2002; Escobar
1995; Sachs 1992). I acknowledge that development, especially when conceived only in
terms of economic growth, can reinforce or create additional disadvantages, inequalities,
and social problems, but I do not dismiss the possibilities that thoughtful development of
economic and social institutions can bring improvements to the everyday lives of general
(non-elite) populations. Moreover, I take an actor-oriented perspective on development,
arguing that development occurs through the decisions, behaviors, actions, and plans of
people— rather than through some faceless structural force (see Long 1989). In fact,
Croll’s observations of China’s development and reforms over the past decades led her to
argue that peasant households (as varied and changing as they can be) are “the locus of
much of the rural development process” (1994zx).

Finally we also know from research on Chinese households in previous decades
that families often respond strategically to economic and social changes (Davis and
Harrell 1993). This general ﬁnding can be applied to studies of aging in rural China to
hypothesize that elderly people and their support networks have expectations and perhaps

strategies concerning challenges of aging during economic reforms, market transition,

55

and population aging. Davis' work (1982) and Sher's (1984) studies in earlier decades
suggest that traditional family supports for elderly are maintained when they are
compatible with the interests of current political contexts and power structures. We can
use these observations as a warning against assuming any deterministic relationships
between political-economic changes, family dynamics, and aging experiences in rural
China.

In sum, critical and feminist perspectives on aging and development suggest that a
study of aging and development in rural China must seek understandings of the
contributions and activities of elderly people in households and village development,
their everyday experiences and relations in later life, and differences in the resources and
conditions of aging for elderly women and men. My theoretical framework also calls for
attention to the political economy of gendered aging in rural China as well as to the role
of biography and history in the lives of elders.

Research Questions

Based on the gaps in the literature and informed by a critical-feminist theoretical
perspective on aging, I posed two central questions in this dissertation project. I
addressed each of these questions through ﬁve ”sub-questions" or lines of inquiry
(Creswell 2003).

1. How are elderly women 's and men 's lives shaping and being shaped

by local development and social change? This question inquired into
the aging—development relationship at individual, household, and
village levels.

To address this ﬁrst central research question I investigated:

56

a. Older women’s and older men's day-to-day experiences in a
developing village; past and present
b. Household conditions, demography, and family living
arrangements
c. Village conditions and characteristics
d. Older men’s and older women's activities within households
6. Participation and inﬂuence of elders in village—level activities
2. How do elderly women and men understand and anticipate aging in a
developing rural village? This question focused on rural Chinese elderly
people's views, understandings, and expectations of later life now and in
coming decades.
To address this second central research question I investigated:
a. Older men’s and older women’s aging experiences (activities,
challenges, reﬂections)
b. Older women’s and older men's perceived non-economic needs
(physical, psychological, social)
c. Older men’s and older women’s expectations and strategies for
later life support
(I. Older women’s and older men's community and household
networks

e. Household power relations and decision-making

57

Ontology and Epistemology

Underlying this research project is a critical realist understanding ofthe social
world. In other words, I accept the argument that there exists a reality external to and
separate from human perceptions, but I take seriously the importance ofstandpoints,
competing perspectives, and how perceptions in turn shape the social world. The
feminist epistemology most commensurate with this view is forwarded by Harding
(19912138) in her call for "strong objectivity," — not in the sense of striving for value—
neutrality, but in the sense of promoting "less partial and less distorted beliefs." In this
case, we currently have little understanding of how China's rural elders perceive, interpret,
and possibly respond to the potential problem of China’s aging. Knowledge ofaging
experiences and how they relate to past and continued development in China are
necessary complements to "from above" views of China's future population and
development challenges. In the case of aging in rural China, researchers and policy
makers can beneﬁt from understanding better the daily lives, contributions, and
expectations of elders at local village levels, and what current aging strategies and
resources suggest about present and future needs. I do not argue that "local" knowledge
is more valuable than are "expert" perspectives, but rather that a wider range of views,
experiences, and knowledge can contribute to a better understanding of the research issue.
I view my study as complementary and part of a larger effort undertaken with other

researchers of aging in China and other less developed countries.

58

CHAPTER 32 SIX MONTHS IN SEVEN MOUNTAINS

Seven Mountains (a pseudonym) was an administrative village (xingzhengcun) of
approximately 475 households located in southwestern Fujian province. Set in a rolling
mountainous area, it was one ofnumerous villages nestled in the hills along a winding
rough road dotted with cement factories and small towns. A main road and two rivers cut
across the village, forming three hamlets (:iran cun). Many villagers saw themselves
primarily as residents ofthese hamlets, which I ﬁctitiously name Stone Flower, Southern
Slope, and Buddha’s Peak. As I describe in following chapters, these three hamlets
varied in terms of household expenditures and house size, with Buddha’s Peak widely
considered to be the least wealthy of the hamlets. Socio-geographical division of the
three hamlets was related to the agricultural production units of the past, and villagers
who lived in Seven Mountains during the 19605 and 19705 continued to identify with and
organize themselves within these production units. In other words, both natural and
political landscapes continued to shape household identities and residents’ afﬁliations.
Families in Seven Mountains traced their lineage back to the same ancestor and male
villagers shared a common surname.

Village Amenities

The village was approximately 30 minutes walking distance from the nearest
small town, where one could purchase a variety of food, household items, clothes, and
other goods. This local town held an outdoor market every ﬁve days — in accordance
with the traditional lunar calendar — where villagers bought and sold vegetables, fruit,
herbs, fresh meat, clothing, livestock, religious items, and miscellanea. Local villagers

often waited by the side of the road to catch a bus to the market, but motorbikes

59

abounded, often transporting three or four people, and large cobalt blue trucks hauling
coal or other materials were ubiquitous. Houses and foliage close to the roadside were
covered with a layer of dust and soot, and walkers inevitably inhaled black exhaust from
passing vehicles.

The village included three general stores that sold household items and several
small businesses that provided services such as motorcycle and bicycle repair. Residents
could receive mail at one of the local general stores, but they traveled into the nearby
town to send an envelope or package. Medical care was available at a small clinic in the
village or at one of the nearby towns’ small hospitals. Middle school students attended
classes in one of the nearby towns as well, while older children attended high school and
lived in the nearest small city, about 20 miles from Seven Mountains. Thanks to the
recent construction of a highway, F ujian province's capital city, Fuzhou, was only a three
or four hour trip by motor vehicle from Seven Mountains, and an air-conditioned tour bus
to Fuzhou traveled past the village four times daily.

Village Characteristics

During the appropriate seasons, it was still common to see local people (mainly
women) planting or harvesting rice in the ﬁeld, burning rice straw, or drying rice on the
roof tops. Chickens and roosters wandered around and through homes, guard dogs
perched at their posts, and pigs and an occasional water buffalo raised an eyebrow at
passersby. In the evenings television dramas attracted many viewers, and groups of
people sat together chatting or playing majiang.

Villagers usually acquired drinking water from the mountain creeks or from wells,

since in recent years the river water had become undrinkable due to both household and

60

industrial waste. New homes had piped water, but others relied on hauled water, and
many households used both methods. The river, growing shallower with every passing
year, had become a depository for garbage and old clothing.

One of the most striking characteristics of Seven Mountains and nearby villages
was the widespread construction of new homes made of brick, cement, and steel.
Villagers either built the homes together as families or, if it were ﬁnancially feasible, they
hired workers to do the construction. According to residents, home construction had
been increasing for several years, but the “boom” during the period of my research was
mainly related to a severe ﬂood during the spring of 2006. With many homes in the
village area damaged or washed away, the local government waived certain construction
fees and restrictions, prompting families to take advantage of these temporary money-
saving conditions.

Village Government and Economy

The local government in Seven Mountains villages included a village committee
(cun wei hei) comprised of several members and the committee head (can Zhang). In
addition to the committee head, there was the Secretary of the Communist Party (can zhi
shu). (This separation and representation of the Chinese government and the CCP occurs
at all higher levels of government as well.) Although village committee members and the
Party Secretary are said to be elected, the democracy of the village election in rural China
has historically been very questionable, and it is difﬁcult to know to what extent elections
in the Seven Mountains adhered to the guidelines set forth by the National People’s
Congress in the 1998 Provisional Organic Law of Villagers ’ Committees. 1 had at least

one conversation with a resident who implied that the integrity of the village elections

61

was questionable. Ofﬁcially, the village committee oversaw administrative matters such
as management of the budget and public utilities. However, the Party Secretary at village
levels often asserts a large amount of decision-making power, and in many cases village
committees mainly implement decisions made by the village Party branch (Yang
2003:160). Still, it would seem that some Seven Mountains villagers might have had at
least a certain amount of inﬂuence in determining who sat on the village committee. In
the course of my research, I did not press respondents to discuss elections or to identify
speciﬁcally the cadres or local political bodies with whom they were dissatisﬁed, since
these inquiries might have required them to indict neighbors and probably would have
placed them in an awkward position.

Like many other Chinese villages, Seven Mountains had “industrialized” to a
certain extent, but was still mainly agricultural. In the past few decades, local ofﬁcials
had overseen the construction of two cement factories, a coal mine, and a brick factory in
Seven Mountains. These township-village enterprises (TVEs) generated income for the
local government. Villagers could buy and sell livestock, produce and other goods at the
local market, and were free to establish family-run businesses. At the time of this
research Seven Mountains’ economy was primarily cash-based, with only occasional
trade or bartering between households.

Cultural, Geographical, and Demographic Contexts

Seven Mountains was home to Hakkanese (kejia) families, people of Han descent
who speak a version of a Chinese dialect, kejiahua (not to be confused with minnanhua,
or "Hokkien"). Local villagers described their Hakkanese culture as being particularly

hospitable, friendly, and tending to emphasize the importance of education. While it is

62

difﬁcult to generalize, this region was probably more likely (rather than less likely) to

maintain traditions than were some other areas in the diverse and expansive nation of
China. I surmise this because of the hilly geographical terrain that limited outside contact
for so many generations, as well as to a general interest in maintaining the cultural
identiﬁcation of Hakkanese. At the same time, Longyan Prefecture was home to
Yongding County, famous for its traditional round houses, and it was not unusual to see
foreigners en route to visit these traditional Hakka earth homes. During the past decade
new highways had made Seven Mountains and the Longyan Yongding area easily
accessible to tourists, returning migrants, and social scientists. To this extent, the area
was most likely becoming less isolated relative to other regions in China.

Although the Hakkanese culture and history is distinct, Hakkanese people are
members of the ethnic Han majority and do not engage in kinship structure or
arrangements markedly different from those typical of Han Chinese. In other words,
women usually marry “out” of their natal homes and go to reside with or near their
husband’s family. Three or more generations often live together under one roof, although
these conditions may be changing. Lineage is traced through male family members, and
in later life it is traditional for parents to reside with their youngest son and his wife. As
elsewhere in China, in rare instances — and with some loss of social prestige - a man may
agree to marry into a woman’s family and adopt her surname and lineage. (This
arrangement is more likely when the woman has no brother to carry on the family line
and when the husband who marries into her household has several brothers who are able
to continue the lineage of his family.) So although residents of Seven Mountains had

their own distinct Chinese dialect, oral language, and historical narratives about their

63

ancestors, there were no social or family characteristics unusual enough to suggest that
later life within this cultural setting would differ from that of other Han due primarily to
special customs or kinship structures.

The provincial context of Seven Mountains provides information about the
relative wealth of the surrounding regions and the resources available at higher levels of
government. In general, Fujian is relatively rich in mineral resources and ranks among
China’s more economically developed provinces. A wide variety of subtropical crops are
grown, including peanuts, bananas, rice, sugar cane, longyan, and litchis. Fishing and
aquaculture industries are well developed along the coast, as is electronic manufacturing.
The coastal city of Xiamen is classiﬁed as a special economic zone (SEZ) and has a
history of contact with missionaries and merchants. F ujian residents are also famous for
traveling overseas and establishing Chinese restaurants. Further inland where Seven
Mountains was located, coal mining, cement production and transportation were common
sources of income. Although Fujian is one of the wealthier provinces of China, there are
clear disparities between rural and urban areas. The urban coastal region is quite
developed and has a history of contact with foreigners, while it is only in recent decades
that inland rural areas have become more open to the outside world.

The demography and age structure of the village at the time of this research was
difﬁcult to ascertain. Although village records could provide a list of people registered as
residents, these data could not reﬂect the people who were actually regularly present in
the village (i.e., who were not “working out” or regularly away studying). Although
many households included people at a variety of stages in the life course, it was most

common to ﬁnd elders at home. (Research requiring the presence of junior-aged family

64

members would have been decidedly more challenging.) Certainly residents did not have
a sense that the village was aging rapidly, nor was there evidence to suggest that any
marked shift in age structure had begun. Most residents claimed that the oldest villagers
were in their early to mid-805. I suspect that the demographic and age characteristics of
Seven Mountains did not differ drastically from that of rural F ujian generally. In rural
areas alone in 2003, Fujian was assigned an HDI (Human Development Index) of 0.724,
with rural life expectancy at 72.54 years, rural literacy rates unreported, and rural per
capita GDP at 8,821 yuan (1,192 US dollars). (HDI is based on life expectancy, literacy
rates, and Gross Domestic Product [GDP]). The reported sex ratio at the provincial level
in 2003 was 99.82, meaning that for every 100 boys born, 99.82 girls were born (UNDP
China 2005) A5 of 2000, the total percentage of persons aged 65 and older was 6.54,
slightly lower than the national average at that time of 6.96 percent. Overall, in 2003
F ujian ranked ninth out of China’s 30 provinces on the Human Development Index, with
an overall score of 0.784. A score from 0.800-1 is considered “high,” from 0.500-.799,
“medium,” and from 0300—0499, “low.”) During the same year, life expectancy was
74.26 years, the literacy rate was 86.45 percent, and per capita GDP was 14,979 yuan
(2,024 US dollars) (United Nations Development Programme [UNDP] China 2005).
Seven Mountains’ Transitions

Like all mainland rural Chinese communities, Seven Mountains had experienced
some turmoil and rapid change since the establishment of communist rule and the
People’s Republic in 1949. A5 in other areas of China, there were food shortages and

famine between the years of 1959 and 1961, in the midst of China’s “Great Leap

Forward” campaign (1958-1963). It is estimated that nationally around 30 million people

65

died of starvation during that time (Yang 1996). The Cultural Revolution between 1966
and 1976 was also a difﬁcult and tumultuous era. Beginning in the 19605, workers in
Seven Mountains were organized into communes with village households assigned to one
of eight agricultural production units, a system that continued through the late 19705.

After the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, China turned toward new approaches to
national prosperity. The 1978 Open Reform policy allowed China to “open up” to the
rest of the world, and the household responsibility system let households choose which
crops they would produce and allowed them to keep some proﬁts from their labor in
exchange for assuming certain responsibilities from the production unit. Beginning
around 1984, loosened restrictions on migration allowed residents to migrate temporarily
to cities for work. Since then, wages from residents who “go out” for work in the city,
along with increased business opportunities, have brought increased wealth and income
to some village households. In 1991, the ﬁrst village family constructed a brick and steel
three-story house, complete with westem-style toilets. By the mid-19905 most homes
had landline telephones, cellular phones, and color televisions. During the 19905, the
local government also refurbished the local primary school building and augmented it
with additional stories.

At the time of this research most Seven Mountains families who could afford to
purchase a refrigerator and one or more air conditioners had done so. White-tiled brick
and steel homes dotted the village, mixed in with the older traditional yellow—toned earth
and wood houses. These township-village enterprises (TVEs) had brought proﬁts for the
local government and shareholders, but they had created air and water pollution in the

village. Trees surrounding the cement factory were grey with soot as smoke puffed

66

continuously from the factory towers. In recent years villagers attempted, unsuccessfully,
to have the brick factory closed due to pollution. Residents’ complaints could not
compete with proﬁts from the enterprise.
Research Design and Procedure

My research in Seven Mountains included a combination ofrnethods: Focus
groups, a household survey questionnaire, and in—depth interviews. My purpose in
employing more than one method was to maximize the quality and depth of data analysis
by inquiring into aging in rural China at a variety of levels: community (focus groups),
household (survey), and individual (interviews). Additionally, since different methods of
. inquiry can together produce rich knowledges and insights, my aim was to triangulate
ﬁndings from different phases in order to understand better the contexts and experiences
of aging in the rural area of China (Creswell 2003). There was some overlap in phases
with regard to the questions I asked, and also issues which I addressed mainly through a
particularly appropriate method.

I conducted this research in three phases over a total of six months between early
July 2006 and the middle of February 2007, when I lived with a village family in
Southern Slope. (I returned home for a month during that period.) Although I did not
engage in formal participant observation methods, my daily life in the village
supplemented descriptions and analyses of ﬁndings from the research phases. I
conducted this research with the help of several different research assistants (a teacher
and university students), all of whom were able to speak the local version of a Hakkanese
dialect and who posed questions and listened to answers in Hakkanese. Although almost

all residents under age 50 were able to speak Mandarin, some of the oldest villagers,

67

particularly women, spoke only the oral local dialect and were unable to read written
Chinese characters. Because this study was focused on elders, it was necessary to
communicate in this local dialect in order to avoid alienating participants. In some cases
lwas able to understand some of the Hakkanese. I occasionally asked questions in
Mandarin Chinese, and my daily communications and conversations with villagers was
also in Mandarin Chinese.

I scheduled time for translation and cursory analysis of the data between research
method phases. In doing this, I was able to rearrange, omit, or add questions in the
upcoming research phase(s). In this sense, not only did I triangulate ﬁndings from the
research phases, but I utilized cursory ﬁndings from the previous phase in order to inform
the subsequent one. In no cases did I drastically alter research instruments. However,
spending time with prior ﬁndings before beginning a new phase did help to enrich and
clarify my approach in the survey and interviews. By reviewing data in past research
phases, I was also occasionally able to ask participants to help me to understand
particular social contexts or to interpret apparent contradictions in ﬁndings.

Focus Groups

I carried out this initial research phase between August 15, 2006 and August 24,
2006. For the focus group segment of the project, I drew heavily on suggestions from
experienced focus group researchers such as Morgan (1998, 1996), Knodel (1995), and
Krueger (2000, 1998). Focus groups are appropriate when researchers aim to understand
the perspectives of certain individuals and groups, differences in these perspectives, how
viewpoints are inﬂuenced and by what factors, or when they are hoping to inform

subsequent quantitative research designs. Because 1 was interested in ﬁrst gaining a

68

broad understanding of the perspectives of elders in Seven Mountains, how these views
might have differed with social identities, and because I hoped to improve my subsequent
survey questionnaire, I chose to perform focus groups as the initial phase. In another
case I might have chosen to conduct focus groups after a survey or as a ﬁnal research
phase. My choice of sequencing was appropriate to the exploratory nature of my study.
The overall purpose of the groups was to generate knowledge of elders’ understandings
of social change and development in the village and to inquire into possibly gendered
experiences and views of aging and development and, into the roles of elders in village
life. Within the mixed-methods project, the purpose of conducting the focus groups ﬁrst
was to acquaint this “outsider” researcher with themes and issues most important to
village elders.
Focus Group Sampling and Composition

Determining how and whom to recruit is a crucial component of focus group
design, and must be considered in light of the speciﬁc goals of the particular focus groups.
Although the point of focus groups is not to represent a population, careless recruitment
can still be problematic, particularly when researchers are focusing on a narrowly deﬁned
topic or hope to reach a select group (Morgan 1998). Since my purpose was to gain a
broad and initial understanding of village elders’ views of social change, life experiences,
and roles, it was not necessary for me to limit participation to a very select group. All
Seven Mountains villagers over age 55 were eligible to participate in the focus groups. I
posted advertisements in written Chinese (Hakkanese is an oral dialect only) at four
different locations within the village. However, the most effective method of recruitment

was by word of mouth, likely because many elder villagers could not read or were not

69

inclined to stop and read a posted announcement.

Primarily, I used a modiﬁed snowball method to recruit focus groups participants.
My host family put me in contact with a woman who acted as my liaison and who, by
telephone, invited members to participate and bring a friend if desired. My “recruiter”
knew that I was aiming for six to eight participants in each group, but in most cases, I
was not aware how many people would actually attend until the scheduled time arrived,
since respondents tended to say they “might” come or “might” bring a friend. In one
group, some conﬁrmed attendees brought friends, resulting in a fairly large focus group
of eight. In another case, two people who had planned to attend were unable to
participate, resulting in a small focus group of four people. In fact, this small focus group
was one of the most productive in terms of conversation and active participation of the
members, whereas the larger group did not result in relatively more pages of transcripts.
Tables la and 1b, which present biographical information about participants, show that
focus group size ranged from four to eight participants, with the majority of groups
comprised of six people.

Focus groups are designed around common characteristics and break
characteristics (Knodel 1993). Common characteristics of participants were (1) current
residence in Seven Mountains and (2) being age 55 or older. Break characteristics were
the characteristics by which I segmented the groups, speciﬁcally, by sex (female and
male) and by age (elders age 55-69 and elders age 70 or older). (I chose to use the age
groups 55-69 years and 70 years and older in order to follow the groupings used in prior
research on Chinese elders.) The point of segmenting focus groups is to create

environments in which participants feel comfortable expressing their viewpoints; large

70

differences in levels ofexperiences and power may stiﬂe discussion and make
respondents uneasy. In this case, at the research design stage I suspected that elder men’s
and elder women’s experiences would be different enough to warrant separating groups,
and that differences in cohort and age experiences could also possibly interfere with the
ﬂow of discussion and level of comfort. In retrospect, segmenting by age group was
probably not necessary. Rather, it probably would have been more fruitful to segment by
socio-economic status (a difﬁcult challenge for an initial research phase in this setting).
On the other hand, the approach to topics and the level of conﬁdence in discussion was
much different in the men’s groups than in the women’s groups, conﬁrming the
desirability of segmenting groups by sex.

I collected basic biographical information from elders who participated in the
focus groups related to education level, perceived socioeconomic status, and health. In
order to avoid confusion due to cultural differences in calculating age, I asked for both
year of birth and current age. Consistently, respondents reported their age as being a year
older than I calculated using the method typical to US culture, indicating the continuation
of Chinese tradition in this regard. Women participants’ overall average age was 69.9
years old, while that of men’s was 70.8 years. Average age of young-elders was 64.0
years old and 66.0 years old for women and men respectively, and 74.9 and 75.0 for old—
elder women and men respectively.

There were differences in respondent’s education level, self-reported health, and
perceived economic conditions. Clearly older women participants had received less
education than their male counterparts, especially the old~elder women — only one of

whom had received any formal education at all. On the other hand, almost all old-elder

71

men had received at least a primary school education, with many having gone through or
partially completed middle school (US equivalent 9’h grade). Differences in education
level likely inﬂuenced the extent to which participants felt informed and conﬁdent in
speaking about social issues, the extent to which they were aware of social issues, and the
type of insights or solutions they might suggest with regard to topics we discussed. Still,
to the extent that focus group questions inquired into participants’ experiences of social
change and what was important to them, all participants were equally qualiﬁed to respond.

In terms of health status, elder men were more likely than elder women to
describe their health as “average,” and during this phase men reported their health as
being lower (an average score of 3 on a 5 point scale) than did women (an average score
of 3.38, or just above “average,” on a 5 point scale. Overall, young—elder male
participants perceived their economic conditions more favorably than all other groups
(scoring an average 3.7 on a 5 point scale, or above “average,” compared to other groups’
scores of approximately 3.1). However, in most cases groups had similar compositions,
including people reporting a variety of health and economic conditions. It is worth
mentioning that focus group respondents resided mainly in Southern Slope or Buddha’s
Peak hamlets, a situation not surprising for a snowball sample.

Research Assistance and Research Procedure

My role in the focus groups was mainly that of a facilitator, welcoming
participants, offering refreshments, and directing the moderators. The women’s focus
groups were moderated by two female graduate students in their 20s from Fuzhou
University’s Department of Sociology. A male law student in his early 205 from the

same university moderated the men’s focus groups. That the research assistants and I

72

were a few decades younger than participants might have affected how respondents
answered questions, particularly in the extent to which they would have been willing to
criticize younger generations or complain about family members in their 205 and 303.
However, our relatively younger age (and my identity as a foreigner) might have been
helpful in encouraging respondents to explain past life events, histories, and social
conditions in a way more detailed than they would have for their contemporaries. At
times, I noted an atmosphere akin to a “story time” or traditional passing along of
knowledge, experience, or opinion from older generations to younger generations.

Ideally, I would have moderated the focus groups myself in a context in which I
could further explore tangents, engage in probes, and evaluate the signiﬁcance of “aside”
comments. However, due to language barriers it was necessary to have research
assistants moderate the groups while I observed and occasionally asked for general
translations. As Krueger (1998) indicates, it is highly desirable for focus groups to be
conducted in participants’ native language, which in this case was Hakkanese.
Additionally, regularly translating questions and answers during the focus groups is
unwieldy and not conducive to generating discussion (ibid.). Fortunately I was able to
attend each focus group session, direct research assistants, and offer the opportunity to
answer participants’ questions about my research and about life overseas, which is often
not the case in cross-cultural focus group research (Knodel 1993).

We conducted each of the groups in a classroom at Seven Mountains’ primary
school on weekdays during late morning hours (between 9 and l 1 am). The school was
closed for summer holiday during this period, and the morning hours appeared to suit

both young- and old-elder participants best by being least likely to interfere with meal

73

times, meal preparation, and the afternoon resting period. All focus groups lasted
approximately one hour. On one hand, asking participants to travel by foot to this
location from other parts ofthe village created an inconvenience for them, and likely
prevented elders with physical limitations, very busy schedules, or severe health
problems from attending these groups. On the other hand, the choice of any common
location would have required most elders to leave their homes. The point of choosing the
local school was to provide a neutral setting in which participants could feel safe
discussing their viewpoints with minimal concern about non-group members listening.
With participants' consent, I audio-recorded these focus groups and research assistants
transcribed these sessions from oral Hakkanese into written Chinese, which I then
translated into English. I provided participants with refreshments and an incentive of 10
RMB (about 1.50 USD) for participation.

We pre-tested the focus group interview guide with the ﬁrst focus group of older
women. Although the discussions that emerged from this ﬁrst group were informative
and I made no major alterations to the question guide, the experience demonstrated that
we would need to strongly encourage only one person to speak at a time. Additionally,
while some participants spoke freely and in relative length, others had to be encouraged
to share their viewpoints.

Focus Group Questions and Context of A nswers

Questions for the focus groups are presented in Appendix A. In designing the
questionnaire, I followed the advice of Krueger (1998) and included an “ice-breaker”
question, introductory questions, transition questions, key questions, and ending

questions, respectively. This approach mimicked a “natural” progression and helped

74

participants and research assistants to warm up to discussion through the session.
Additionally, the focus group schedule included a variety of question types, some short
questions calling for “factual” answers (e.g., “When do elders usually stop doing farm
work?”) and others calling for more lengthy discussion.

The social context of questions will shape participants’ answers in style and
extent. In the case of these focus groups, it is possible that the relatively public nature of
the setting discouraged participants from voicing grievances, making negative comments,
or providing information that might have caused embarrassment to themselves or others.
It is not possible to ascertain to what exact extent this was the case; moreover, contexts
other than the research method must be considered. In other words, depending on
tradition or custom, a relatively public setting may have various effects on responses. For
example, Morgan (1996) highlights cases in which focus groups resulted in greater level
of disclosures than in survey interview settings. In my own research experience in US
settings, focus groups can also easily transform into “gripe sessions.” However,
considering that responses from focus groups were overall more sanguine and positive
than responses from other phases, I suspect that, at least in Seven Mountains, elders were
less likely rather than more likely to voice negative thoughts and opinions when in a
group of peers than when asked questions in a survey or interview.

Focus Groups: Data Analysis

Knodel (1998) points out that focus group analysis is comprised of at least two
parts: mechanical and interpretive (Seidel and Clark 1984). The mechanical aspect of
focus group analysis entails categorizing the data or “cutting and pasting” so as to

organize the data for interpretation. I found The Ethnograph software highly useful in

75

labeling and marking, or coding, data from focus groups. The processes of focus group
data coding and interpretation are inevitably subjective; I treated The Ethnograph mainly
as an organizing tool. Using this program I was able to assign multiple codes to
segments of data (phrases, sentences, paragraphs, and more), make comments and
reﬂections on data, and see an overview of my coding scheme or “map.” The software
was able to list and organize the themes (as I, had determined and coded them) from focus
groups and I was able to see how they differed in content and extent among the different
groups. It was particularly helpful to be able to assign multiple labels to sections of data
while being able to maintain the data in their original context. Additionally, The
Ethnograph allowed me to “pull up” all quotations which I had labeled under one or
more categories.

The process of coding and reviewing focus group data was reiterative and
combined with interpretation. I approached analysis of focus group data by reading and
re—reading through the transcripts, reﬂecting on the themes of focus groups, analyzing
quotations, and comparing the content of focus groups. As suggested by experienced
researchers, focus group data analysis requires the researcher to search for similarities
and differences, as well as “patterns” in data. Because another main goal was to inform
my subsequent research instruments, I also paid attention to relevant topics unexpectedly
raised by respondents and to information suggesting that questions in my current version
of the survey or interview questionnaires were inappropriate or incomplete. Additionally,
I took notes on the process of conducting focus groups and reﬂected in journal notes on
the overall experience and main insights of the research phase.

The version of The Ethnograph which I employed was unable to read Chinese

76

characters, so I carried out the code-mapping and interpretations on my English
translations ofthe written Chinese transcripts. Using my native language to analyze
focus group data facilitated the process for me and was appropriate to the overall purpose
of this research phase (generating themes important to elders and learning about general
experiences of social change and aging). Had I been interested in analyzing the particular
phraseology and words that respondents used to talk about social change and aging, or if
the purpose of the groups was to determine very speciﬁcally the vocabulary through
which elders spoke about their lives, the language difference would have been a larger
impediment and The Ethnograph software would not have been appropriate.

After I had conducted an initial review of focus group transcripts and noted the
major themes, common experiences, and possible divergences related by elder villagers, I
turned to revising my survey instrument. Based on the cursory results of focus groups, I
added a three-part question to the survey questionnaire regarding issues (village pollution
and the lack of an elderly person’s activity center) that appeared important to elders who
participated in the focus groups. It is important to note that, to the extent that
participation was biased due to the sampling procedure, it is likely that the concerns or
experiences of certain “types” of elders who were unable or unwilling to participate in the
focus groups were not added to the survey instrument, or that the views and silences of
participants were overstated in the survey phase, which in turn inﬂuenced questions in the
interview phase. For this reason it was beneﬁcial that I had done careful preliminary
research and compilation of all research phase instruments a priori rather than relying
solely on one research phase in order to draft instruments for the next phases.

Household Survey Questionnaire

77

In the second phase ofthis research, I conducted a survey of 60 households in the
village between October 15th, 2006 and November 18”, 2006. Random-sample surveys
are appropriate when a researcher wants to describe a population that is too large to
observe directly. They are helpful for posing short questions about attitudes, conditions,
knowledge, and practices or activities. For this project the purpose ofthe questionnaire
was to generate knowledge about household demographics, economic conditions,
possible aggregation of households, plans and current arrangements for elder care,
household relations and decision-making practices, and elders’ attitudes about family
living arrangements and the future. Additionally, I intended the questionnaire to provide
information on household dynamics that could be further discussed in the next research
phase (in-depth interviews). The reason for placing the survey in the middle of my three-
phase research project was so that the instrument could be improved through ﬁndings
from focus groups and so that confusing or incomplete results could be further explored
in the following interview research phase.

Sampling and Participation

For this survey I drew a simple stratiﬁed random sample of 60 Seven Mountains
households. The sample was stratiﬁed by hamlet, meaning that I ﬁrst divided the
population list into hamlets and then randomly drew and surveyed an equal number (20)
of households from each region. The purpose of stratifying this sample was to ensure
that hamlets were equally represented in the survey. (See Table 2 for a description of
surveyed households’ characteristics by hamlets.)

Originally I had planned to draw my sample using house numbers. However,

many ofthe newer houses did not have house numbers, and some ofthe house numbers

78

on the older homes were in disrepair or missing. Instead, I used a village directory that
claimed to list all households in each hamlet, including households with no telephone.
(Indeed, several households phone numbers were listed.) After entering the names of all
listed householders into an Excel spreadsheet, I employed the random generating function
in Excel software to produce a random list of households for each hamlet. I then
progressed down the list during the survey process, surveying the ﬁrst 20 willing
households from each list that included a person 55 years or older living in the household.
Because I sampled randomly with replacement, the total number of completed surveys
amounted to 60.

In this survey a certain amount of sampling error could have occurred because in
some cases, cell phone numbers of household members were included on the listing,
meaning that some homes were “double-listed.” To minimize this error, I worked with
my main informant who had lived in the village for over 60 years and, through
participation on the village council, was familiar with most village households. His
knowledge, along with the fact that cell phone numbers were visibly distinct from
household numbers, helped to eliminate a number of double listings. It is also possible
that households might have been divided during the time since the printing of the
directory. However, the directory was less than one year old, and these cases were likely
minimal. In short, I minimized the amount of sampling error and non-coverage error as
much as possible by investigating the listings and doing my best to ensure that the
directory was complete and not redundant.

The woman or man age 55 or older who was born closest to Spring Festival in the

household was the target respondent. (See Table 3 for a description of respondent

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characteristics by hamlet.) The survey was divided into two sections, the first pertaining
to household information and the second pertaining to information about the target
respondent. In almost all cases, the target respondent provided answers for both sections.
In only a few cases was the respondent not present to answer the questionnaire, and a
proxy respondent replied instead.

When the survey itself began, two households elected not to participate in the
study, with one target respondent explaining that she was too busy, and another saying
that she had already answered questions during the focus groups and did not want to
answer questions again. In these cases, we moved on to survey the next eligible and
willing household. Additionally, members of one household were all absent at this time.
After returning three times, I decided to choose the next eligible household on my list of
randomly selected households for that hamlet. In total, only ﬁve percent of the 60
households were unwilling or unable to participate in the survey. It is difﬁcult to assert
for certain whether these households had in common certain characteristics that would
affect the viability of my sample, but perhaps, as I suspect in the focus groups, “busier”
elders were less likely to participate in the survey phase.

Segmenting by hamlet showed differences in perceived economic conditions,
types of homes, and number of family residents (Table 2). As suggested by my
conversations with villagers and my own observations of hamlet conditions, reported
income in Stone Flower was the highest, as were levels of household education and
number of family members. Villagers told me that the reason for Stone F lower’s relative
afﬂuence was due to households’ participation in transportation work. On several

occasions people referred proudly to a total of 18 heavy cargo trucks owned by families

80

in the hamlet, noting that Buddha’s Peak boasted few or none. I suspect households’
ability to participate in mining and transportation industries was related to family
resources and perhaps to slightly larger family sizes in this hamlet. Higher education
levels in this hamlet are also likely related to relative wealth, whether as a cause, effect,
or both. Buddha’s Peak households reported owning rights to the most farm land, having
the lowest household incomes, ranking lowest in terms of perceived economic conditions,
and having the smallest proportion of households living in new brick and steel homes.
These characteristics support the argument that Buddha’s Peak remained relatively more
agricultural and less industrialized than did the other two hamlets.

While we followed the same protocol in these hamlets as we did in the Southern
Slope, Stone Flower and Buddha’s Peak included a smaller proportion of women
respondents; approximately half the proportion I would have expected (Table Three). As
mentioned, my method of selecting target respondents was to choose the person whose
birthday fell closest to the Spring Festival, which is in January or February. I observed
that it appeared more likely for women to not know their birth month than for men to not
know their birth month. In these cases, concerned about an imbalance in the sex of the
target respondents, I selected the woman as the target respondent. In other cases, we
were told that the husband’s birthday was closest to the Spring Festival. Still, men’s
participation dominated, especially in Buddha’s Peak. The unexpectedly large proportion
of men could be due to (a) miscalculation (b) inadvertently inaccurate information about
peoples’ birthdays, or (c) deliberately inaccurate information about people’s birthdays.

Survey Instrument and Research Assistance

Questions on the survey instrument were drawn from the National Family Health

81

Survey 11 of India as well as from questions posed by researchers at The University of
Michigan as part ofa study of aging in three Chinese cities conducted by Xie and
colleagues. Additionally, I devised questions that spoke to the overall purpose of the
survey and would aid me in answering my research questions. A Chinese graduate
student in the MSU Department of Education assisted me in translating the survey into
written Chinese.

Before beginning the survey, I asked two Chinese colleagues, one host family
member, an older village neighbor, faculty at Fuzhou University, and my research
assistant to review the instrument and offer suggestions. My host family, neighbor, and
research assistant were reluctant to offer substantive suggestions, but once we pre-tested
the questionnaire on another neighbor it was apparent that some sections were too
cumbersome and time-demanding. Speciﬁcally, I had initially planned to ask for an
accounting of which chores each family member completed. Listing these activities for
each family was difﬁcult for respondents, since they were not in constant contact at all
times. Furthermore, I questioned how accurate responses about others’ daily activities
could be. Additionally, I elected to omit speciﬁc questions about sources of income.
While assistants assured me it was not rude to ask about income, I noted during the pre-
test that asking about overall income was feasible, but that expecting respondents to list
how much income came from what sources (farm work, small business, waged work, etc.)
was very troublesome to them. Even after removing these more detailed questions, a
good proportion of respondents (27 percent) were not willing to report their overall 2005
monthly household income. Occasionally a respondent would say “I don’t know,” but in

most cases he or she would smile awkwardly or say they preferred not to answer. (This

82

situation occurred more frequently in Buddha’s Peak, the most socio-economically
disadvantaged hamlet.) Also, questions asking how much income came from farming,
pensions, business, gifts, and other sources not only further pressed respondents to
answer ﬁnancial questions, but added to the time required to answer survey questions.
The ﬁnal version of the survey commonly took between 40 and 50 minutes to complete
(see Appendix B).

I completed the survey phase with the help of a research assistant who posed
questions from the instrument. The research assistant was an English teacher from a
nearby village in his early 303 who spoke the appropriate version of the Hakkanese
dialect and was able to communicate with me in English and Mandarin. We conducted
the surveys in the afternoon, after the typical post-lunch rest period, in order to minimize
inconvenience to the respondents. With the help of informants we located the household
next on the sample list and determined whether there was a resident age 55 or older in the
household. We then asked the resident if they minded participating in the study and
explained the average length of time needed to complete the survey. After completion, 1
provided 10 yuan (about 1.50 USD) to the target respondent to thank him/her for
participation.

1 accompanied the research assistant to all households. While he posed the
questions I was able to observe the household living conditions, presence of family
members, and affect of the target respondent. I was also able to direct the research
assistant and answer any questions regarding the survey instrument or procedures. Of all
three phases, 1 found language differences to be least problematic during this phase.

Household Survey: Data Analysis

83

Data from the household survey included both qualitative (from open-ended
questions) and quantitative types. With the help ofa Chinese university student in the
English Department at Nantong University, Jiangsu Province, 1 translated the open-ended
questions and analyzed them in a similar way as I analyzed the focus group questions.
That is, I looked for common themes and for unique divergences that might be explained
by other characteristics of the respondent.

Using Stata software, I employed both descriptive and inferential statistical
procedures to analyze quantitative data from the survey. In many cases, I was interested
mainly in describing the conditions or viewpoints ofelders, and so determining
frequencies and means was appropriate. However, in order to investigate the
relationships between variables I relied on correlations, regression tests, and analysis of
variance.

For data with interval or ratio-level response variables I performed analysis of
variance (ANOVA) tests, which are special cases of multiple regression analyses (Agresti
and Finlay 1997). Here, F = the ratio of the mean sum of squares explained by the
independent (between-groups) variable to the mean sum of squares unexplained (within-
groups):

Between estimate BSS/(g — l)

 

Within estimate WSS/(N — g)

where BSS is the group sum of squares and WSS is within sum of squares, (g — l) is the

degrees of freedom for the grouping variable, WSS is the within — group sum of squares,

and (N — g) is the degrees of freedom associated with it.”

84

The F test statistic tests the null hypothesis that the means ofthe groups are equal,

that is:

H0: u.=...=ug
This method assumes that the cells in the cross—classiﬁcation of variables have nomial
distributions with identical standard deviations. This test was useful in investigating
correlations between variables such as income, target respondent age, and number of
household members.

In order to infer explanations about response variables that were categorical and
binary, I ran binomial logistical regressions. For example, many of the survey questions
asked whether or not a household owned particular appliances, or whether or not target
respondents regularly participated in certain activities. Binomial logistic regressions may
be run to investigate relationships between such “Yes/No” questions and other factors.
Additionally, I found that participants seldom selected the extreme responses listed on
Likert scales, such as “Strongly Agree,” or “Very Concerned.” Rather, almost all
respondents said that they either agreed or disagreed with statements, and that they were
either concerned or not concerned about a particular issue. As such, it was necessary to
transform these ordinal data into binary data: “Agree/Disagree” and “Concemed/Not
Concerned.”

The basic logistic regression model can be summarized as:

logit(1t) = a + BX
and allows us to investigate the probability of a “success” (or positive condition) for all

possible X values. The 2 (or Wald) statistic tests the null hypothesis that the explanatory

85

variable has no effect on the oddsthat the response variable equals one. Put another way,

we investigate whether we can reject:

H0: [3:0

It is therefore necessary to correctly code binary data 0 or 1, with 0 representing the
absence of a condition and 1 representing the presence of a condition. In interpreting the
results of binomial logistic regression, we can examine probabilities or look at the odds
of “success” when the explanatory variable carries a certain value or quality.

Finally, for cases in which my response (Y) variable of interest was ordinal, l
employed ordered logistic regression analysis. This model is a cumulative logit model
that describes the effects of an explanatory variable (X) on all cumulative probabilities
for Y, and is also known as the proportional odds model. Unlike the binomial logit
model and tests such as chi-squared and Pearson’s, it takes into account that categories of

the explanatory variable are ordered. The model can be abbreviated as:

Iogith(YSj)] = or, + BX,j = 1,2,. . . ,c -— l

and we can test whether the X and Y variables are independent through the 2 test statistic
or with a likelihood-ratio test based on the difference in (--210gL) values with and
without the explanatory (X) variable in the model.

Between the second and third phases of my research I primarily examined means,

frequencies, and bivariate relationships between variables from the survey phase. I also

reviewed open-ended responses and considered conversations that had arisen during

86

surveys and between myself and my research assistant regarding respondents’ replies.
Based on points that interested me during the survey process and my cursory review of
data, I added two questions to the subsequent interview instrument and labeled two other
questions as “optional” or “time permitting.” Additionally, throughout the survey phase I
had taken note of which respondents appeared to enjoy telling their life stories and who
might be able to offer the most interesting insights into experiences of aging, social
change, and views of the future in Seven Mountains.
Interviews

In the ﬁnal phase of this research I interviewed 18 elders (three women and three
men from each of the three hamlets) ages 55 and older. I conducted these interviews
between January 22, 2007 and February 9, 2007. In designing and conducting this phase,
I drew on some suggestions offered by Holstein and Gubrium (1995) in their description
of “active interviews.” From this perspective, interviews are a process of generating
knowledge and are unavoidably inﬂuenced by interviewers and other social contexts.
Approached moderately, this perspective acknowledges that my own identity and that of
research assistants inﬂuenced the content of conversations, focal points, and silences.
“Active” interviewing also encourages the researcher to pursue relevant topics and
engage in more conversational (but still guided) approaches to interviewing.

Interviews are appropriate when researchers want to understand how people
“make sense of” their lives, how social phenomena play out in daily life, and how
concrete examples can offer insights or challenges for existing academic knowledge. In
this project, the purpose of the interviews was to generate knowledge of elderly women’s

and men’s understanding of aging in the midst of a rapidly developing village, ofthe

87

level and type of participation in household and village development, their strategies for
the future, and how they "made sense" of (a) aging and social change and (b) their role in
the household and village and (c) hopes and concerns about the future. The purpose of
conducting the interviews as a ﬁnal phase was to address questions that arose during the
survey phase and to provide an opportunity for elders to comment on some cursory
research ﬁndings and observations from my own perspective.
Sampling and Composition

1 selected interview respondents who would be able to offer perspectives from
various social locations, and who, during the survey phase, had demonstrated particular
interest in talking about their lives. Biographical information on interview respondents is
summarized in Table Four. As the table shows, participants included young-elder (ages
55-69) and old-elder participants (ages 70 and above), both married and widowed
individuals, as well as respondents reporting different economic conditions. In terms of
socio-eeonomic status and age, the overall proﬁles of interview participants were not
markedly different than those of focus groups participants, although male interviewees
were on average slightly older (73 years rather than 71 years). All elders whom I
approached to participate were willing to participate in the interviews.

Research Assistance and Research Procedure

A male English teacher from a nearby village assisted me in conducting the
interviews with men, while a local female university English major posed the questions in
interviews with women elders. The point of choosing a woman to interview elder women
and a man to interview elder men was to minimize discomfort should sensitive themes

have arisen, for example, those pertaining to private medical issues or to spousal relations.

88

However, in retrospect, although sensitivity to gender-speciﬁc embarrassment is
important, I suspect that it would have been more fruitful to focus on the research
assistant’s skills, resources, and interest in the project than on gender identity, were it
necessary to prioritize (having both appropriate skills and gender identity being ideal).

Because I did not personally conduct the interviews, it was difﬁcult to engage in
“active interviewing” to the extent that I would have liked. However, I encouraged
research assistants to pursue topics and to probe when they felt a particular comment or
story was interesting or in need of further exploration. 1 determined that this approach
was more desirable than conducting the interviews myself in Mandarin or asking research
assistants to act as formal translators during the interview process.

In order to minimize inconvenience to interviewees, we conducted interviews in
the afternoon after the typical post-lunch resting period. Interviews usually lasted for
approximately one hour. I audio—recorded these interviews and my research assistants
transcribed the Hakkanese recordings into written Chinese, which I then translated into
English. I thanked respondents for participation with 10 yuan (about 1.50 USD).

Interview Questions and Contexts of A nswers

Interviews were semi-structured and focused mainly on elders’ understandings of
aging, social change, village development, and personal experiences. A copy of the
interview schedule can be found as Appendix C. Depending on the participant, some
questions were more or less “successful” in eliciting detailed or in-depth responses.

In many interviews, family members or neighbors were present for at least the
initial period. The presence of others likely discouraged participants from voicing

negative comments or concerns about family, although this was not always the case. At

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other times, the presence of family, neighbors and peers resulted in short side
conversations that added to the data and provided new information. In any case, the
social context of the interviews certainly inﬂuenced the content of participants’ narratives,
and factors such as researcher and research assistant identity, presence of others, or even
time of day likely created a unique set of advantages and disadvantages in the interview
process.
Interviews: Data Analysis
I returned to The Ethnograph software in order to analyze interview data.

Compared to the focus groups, interviews were focused less on generating themes than
on encouraging elders to produce narratives, provide examples of how social change and
aging experiences shaped their lives, talk about their role in households and village, and
offer perspectives about current conditions and the future. As I did in analyzing the focus
groups, I began by using The Ethnograph to organize and re-organize data through
coding and mapping. The process of organizing and interpreting was reiterative.
Although I paid attention to divergences and convergences in the interview transcripts,
my sampling was purposive and the point was to provide examples, lessons, and insights,
and to suggest areas for further study rather than to present respondents as representatives
of their particular age group, gender, or class. Again, the ease of labeling and organizing
quotations under one or more topic was helpful.

In most ways, organization of interview data mimicked my organization of focus
group data. However, in interpreting data I focused more on understanding the
respondents’ experiences and vieWpoints within their biographical context. In the case of

interviews, the unit of analysis was the individual rather than elders as a group of people

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within a particular age range. My goal was to understand interviews and data from
interviews as separate cases, and then ask how these cases (individual lives), in the
context of other ﬁndings, provided insights for answering my research questions.

Being in the last phase of research, 1 was able to consider these data in light of the
overall project. For this reason my analysis was inclined to be more comparative and
holistic than my analysis of surveys and focus groups. I was also not oriented toward
understanding how the interview data could improve a subsequent research instrument,
but rather how the interview data added to or challenged existing data from the project.

Notes on Mixed-Methods Analysis and Presentation

After each phase of research and at the conclusion of the data production phase it
was necessary to analyze ﬁndings from each respective phase independently. However, a
second step, integrating these ﬁndings from all three phases, was then required.

Although triangulation was reassuring when ﬁndings were conﬁrmed across phases,
points of apparent contradiction and confusion in the ﬁndings gleaned from various
methods were particularly fruitful because they demanded sustained contemplation.
Coming across a possible contradiction in ﬁndings from phases, 1 paused to consider
“How can we explain this?” rather than assuming that some ﬁndings were “wrong,”
inaccurate, or due only to different sampling techniques and contexts. Utilizing a number
of methods highlighted the strengths and weaknesses of each approach. I consider the
increased transparency of particular methods’ weaknesses to be a positive characteristic
and one that encourages integrity in the processes of research and analysis.

In this study, none of the three methods I utilized could have stood alone to

adequately answer my research questions. Because I reached my arguments and

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conclusions through integration of data from all three ﬁndings, I chose to present my
ﬁndings in a similarly holistic way. The chapters in the dissertation are therefore
organized by substantive topic rather than by method. Had I chosen the latter style of
presentation, my conclusions would have been incomplete and probably fragmented.

Finally, the experience of engaging in mixed-methods research reafﬁrmed the
problematic nature of the common quantitative/qua]itative methods distinction. First,
although data themselves can be quantitative or qualitative, a method in itself (or even a
style of analysis) perhaps should not be described as such. For example, focus groups
and interviews, often considered to be “qualitative methods,” produced quantitative data
in response to questions such as “How many children do you have?” and “At what age do
most elders stop doing farm work?” The survey, often considered to be a mainstay of
quantitative methods, produced a goodly amount of qualitative data, not only from open—
ended questions but in responses to “typical” survey questions. In fact, analyzing
qualitative data from surveys calls for more sophisticated statistical models. I suggest
that more attention be paid to the scale of research (e. g., differences in large-scale
surveys and small-scale surveys), and to appropriate application of ﬁndings (whether the
researcher attempts to generalize to all people of a certain social identity based
purposively selected interviews) rather than to the extent to which responses are
comprised of numbers or of words.

Deﬁnitions and Measurements

At what age one becomes “old” or “elderly” is socially and even individually
deﬁned. However, villagers agreed that most people in Seven Mountains were

grandparents by the time they were age 55. Therefore, in this dissertation I use the terms

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“elder” and “older person” to refer to people aged 55 years and above. 1 distinguished
between “young-elders” (age 55 to 69 years-old) and “old-elders,” (ages 70 years old and
above) acknowledging that this distinction, like any I might have made, is somewhat
arbitrary. Many scholarly studies of aging categorize older people into three age groups.
However, because so few Seven Mountains elders were over the age of 80 years by US
standards, I opted to collapse the commonly used categories of “young old,” “old,” and
“oldest-old” into two categories. Also, I prefer to use the term “elder” rather than the
adjective “elderly” to describe older villagers, since I believe it minimizes negative
connotations of frailness and antiquity and encourages more respect than does the term
“old.”

Throughout my research and this dissertation I use the terms “development” and
“economic development.” How development is best deﬁned as a topic has been
contested, analyzed, and re-imagined in a number of volumes (Rist 2002; Sen 2000; Peet
and Hartwick 1999; Jackson and Pearson 1998; Martinussen 1997; Sachs 1992).
Moreover, discussions about what development “is” have often been conﬂated with
discussions of what development “should be” or “could be,” and it is not uncommon for
development to be portrayed either extremely positively, as a means by which people
come to enjoy higher standards of living and health, or extremely negatively, as a means
by which domestic or (post-) colonial powers oppress some social groups or nations.

In conceptualizing this project, I use a very broad deﬁnition of development:
"'the structural and behavioral changes that a society undergoes in the process of
acquiring an industrial system of production or distribution'" (Chow and Lyter 2002:25).

Development as I understand the term therefore has at least two aspects; a structural

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aspect (e.g., new buildings, roads, utilities, technology) as well as a social aspect (e.g.,
changes in behaviors, human relations, labor fomis, and occupations). Cases in which I
refer to “economic development” indicate growth in wealth and income. This concept is
measurable to a large extent by noting increases in production and income at local levels
or, at a national level, by noting gross domestic product (GDP). I avoid using the term
“modernization” as a proxy for social or economic development, since the concept has
historically reﬂected "First World" beliefs about the necessary characteristics of a modern
society— usually being those same characteristics that describe Westemization (see
Huntington 2002; Myrdal 2002). Finally, 1 deﬁne agricultural development as a set of
technologies and practices aiming for increased efﬁciency and crop yields, including
innovations such as irrigation and high-yielding seeds. The process of de-
agriculturalization, evident in Seven Mountains, involves changes in land use and
subsequent loss of farm land, less participation in agricultural work, and smaller
proportions of income stemming from farm labor.

However, since one of my goals was to understand how older villagers deﬁned
and understood for themselves such a contested concept as “development,” I deliberately
did not offer a deﬁnition of these concepts in my lines of questioning. As I argue in
Chapter Four, elders’ answers to questions about development in focus groups and again
in interviews suggested that they already held a particular common conception of
development, which I hoped to ascertain rather than to assert myself. In line with this
goal of understanding elders’ perspectives, I did not attempt to operationalize or measure
development that had occurred in Seven Mountains. Rather, I asked older villagers to

talk about what kinds of development had occurred (if any), whether they felt it had

94

inﬂuenced their lives, and whether they felt older villagers did or could inﬂuence
development in the village and at a national level. Later, in my analyses, 1 make my own
argument about the extent to which elders affect village development and social change
according to their deﬁnitions and according to my deﬁnitions. At a national level,
whether and how China’s elderly population inﬂuences “development” or “economic
development” is in fact a main point of discussion that I address in my analyses.

Finally, another concept that required clear deﬁnition was socio-ecormmic status
(SES), which can also be termed “class.” Following sociological tradition, I regard SES
as multi-dimensional, including not only income, but also educational achievement,
prestige, wealth,.and power (Johnson 20002299). Data generated in focus groups and
interviews suggest that older villagers perceived an increase in SE8 inequality in recent
decades. I discuss this topic further in Chapter Four.

Measuring SES is a challenging task in any project, and my research in Seven
Mountains was no exception. The household survey provided data on household income,
highest attained education level within the household, household expenditures, house
type (e. g., new brick and steel or earth), household appliance ownership, and perceived
economic conditions. The data on household income was difﬁcult to acquire since
respondents were in many cases reluctant to provide that information. Additionally,
education level of household members was largely a function of the age of household
members and is therefore an unsuitable measure upon which to base an assessment of
household SES. However, data on household expenditures probably offer valid insight
into households’ economic conditions, as do data on the building materials used to

construct the home. In my analyses I employ these variables, and I especially give

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attention to the variables of household appliance ownership and respondents’ perceived
household economic conditions. I argue that ownership of appliances such as water
heaters, motorbikes, and dish sanitizers reﬂects household income (purchasing power) as
well as household wealth (ownership of assets). According to my infonnants, household
appliances were also related to prestige, since many households would purchase certain
items (especially a refrigerator) in order to advertise or gain social prestige. The focus
on respondents’ perceived economic conditions is also commensurate with my theoretical
framework, which emphasizes the signiﬁcance of respondent experiences of later life and
social change.

The survey questionnaire required additional deﬁnitions of terms and
measurements. One concept that required a ﬁrm deﬁnition was that of a “household.”
In deciding on a ﬁnal working deﬁnition for this term, I consulted with villagers and my
survey research assistant also periodically asked actual respondents for their ideal
deﬁnition. We found a consensus that “household” referred to people regarded as family
who, unless away for school or work, eat together daily or almost daily around the
household table.

In the survey instrument, I also asked respondents to identify the head of
households, and in each case the oldest family member was named. Although it was
important to know that many villagers consider the eldest person to be “head” by
tradition, my choice to defer to local deﬁnitions of a head of household made it difﬁcult
to assess who in the family, if anyone, provided the main income and had primary
decision-making power (which is often how heads of households are understood in my

own culture). It was also difﬁcult to categorize households into common typologies in

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which elder people are or are not considered dependents, as I had hoped to do. However,
I decided it would have been even more problematic to ask the target respondent to
utilize my own deﬁnition ofa head of household ifthey did not understand it in a similar
way.

Finally, the survey questionnaire included a series of questions that comprise a
depression scale. I acquired this scale from a study conducted by Sun (2004) that
investigates depression levels of urban elders in Baoding City, China. Sun utilized this
shorter (14 item) version of a depression scale from the Center for Epidemiologic Studies.
Seven of the 14 items address somatic complaints (e. g., difﬁculty eating and sleeping),
three items inquire about positive affective symptoms (e. g., feeling happy), three inquire
about negative affective symptoms (e. g., feeling lonely), and one item asked about
personal relationships (feeling disliked). As in Sun’s study, the items are assigned four
labels (1-4) related to the frequency in which elders experienced them: often, sometimes,
rarely, and never. 1 recoded the negative items to reﬂect accurately higher levels of
depression. When all questions on the scale were answered, the minimum score was 14,
reﬂecting a lower level of depression, and the maximum score was 56, suggesting a
higher level of depression. Sun (2004) found that the reliability coefﬁcient for the overall

depression score was .84, suggesting good overall internal consistency (567).

The Research Experience: Challenges and Limitations

I encountered various challenges during my sixth months of research in the
village. In this section I review the few challenges I mentioned above, discuss some

other challenges, and suggest how they may have inﬂuenced the research ﬁndings. 1 also

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discuss some additional challenges and some ethical issues I faced in planning and
conducting the research.

First, some elders whom I asked to participate in focus groups declined,
explaining that they were too busy. In some cases participants, especially women, were
also careful to ensure they would be home in time to prepare lunch or dinner, but it is
likely that the busiest elders were unable to attend and share their viewpoints. Focus
groups are not meant to be representative of a population or to allow us to generalize
about a population, but self-selection is important to note because it is possible that
themes most relevant to very busy elders did not arise clearly in this phase. This concern
extends to elders who were not physically mobile enough to attend a focus group,
whether due to health problems or to physical limitations.

Second, an expected challenge in conducting the household survey was ensuring
the quality of the sample. I drew names from the village directory, which in some cases
listed more than one man in the household, especially when a son or father owned a
personal cell phone. Before drawing my sample, I worked with my major informant to
remove the “extra” person from the village directory and thus see that each household
was listed only once. However, there is still the possibility that some households were
over-represented, thus creating sampling error.

Third, during the household survey phase, one of the most obvious challenges was
ensuring that a roughly equal number of women and men participated as target
respondents. In actuality, the number of male target respondents ended up constituting

two-thirds of the respondents rather than the desired one-half. I worried that this

inadvertent or deliberate lack of representation for women reﬂected the same sentiment

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that I found in focus groups, namely, that elder women were less able to “talk” and to
contribute to my research.

Next, during inquiries, it was common for other people to be present in addition to
the key respondent. Likely the presence of others encouraged participants to suppress or
express particular viewpoints. Different methods of inquiry also may encourage
particular responses, as do different time and place contexts. This situation was obvious
in one case in which an elderly man mentioned suicidal thoughts while he was
responding to the survey questionnaire. A few months later when we returned to conduct
an interview with him, he was resolutely disinterested in discussing any feelings or
negative psychological states. This discrepancy could have been due to the fact that a
neighbor was present during the initial few minutes of the interview or because his
conditions or feelings had changed. Interestingly, this situation pointed out how surveys,
sometimes characterized as being less “personal” or “emotional” than are interviews, can
indeed elicit in-depth responses from participants. Indeed, perhaps research setting and
environment is just as important as method of inquiry in determining the knowledge
produced at a certain time of inquiry.

Finally, conducting research in Hakkanese was necessary and advisable in that it
did not exclude elderly participants who did not speak Mandarin Chinese. However,
because I do not speak Hakkanese I was not able to participate in as much of a discursive
manner as I would have liked, particularly during focus groups and interviews. I was
able to understand the basic themes of discussions and I asked my research assistants to
occasionally translate throughout the course of the discussions or interviews, but had I

been able to more clearly understand participants’ replies at the time, I would have

99

pursued comments certain themes and comments in more detail. My more active
participation likely would have produced slightly different (but perhaps not necessarily
“better”) data, or even allowed me to explore themes that may have directed the ﬁnal
product of my research in a different direction.

I also experienced two challenges which I have not addressed. One of the
challenges that 1 least foresaw was the need to reassure and explain to research assistants
and villagers that the viewpoints of elderly women in the village were indeed important
to the project even though many of them had no formal education or only attended
primary school for a few years. Well-meaning people around me were concerned with
helping me ﬁnd elderly women and men who “could talk” or who were relatively well-
educated in order to participate in focus groups. Although the focus group questions
centered on villagers’ experiences and everyday lives, some participants were themselves
insistent that they did not understand social issues and could not contribute to the
discussions. As such, the views of some of the elderly villagers who were not considered
eloquent or knowledgeable may have been absent from these focus groups.

Also, throughout this research it was difﬁcult to assess the extent to which
participants genuinely felt grateful to the Communist Party rather than feeling that they
must express loyalty and appropriate language about China’s political history and current
contexts. In any project the researcher must deal with the issue of “appropriate”
responses, but in the case of the People’s Republic of China it may be that respondents
felt the necessity to praise the government or at least refrain from criticizing the Party or
central policies. I had to rely on my own reading and judgment of the situation, as well

as advice from colleagues, to determine the extent to which respondents were sincere in

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their praise ofthe CCP versus to what extent they were repeating the “party line.” I kept
this context in mind in analyzing ﬁndings from the research phases.
Ethical Issues

In the course of conducting this research I strove to minimize negative effects of
this project on participants and other villagers. One of my concerns was the project’s
potential to provoke conﬂict within families, especially in cases where an elderly person
complained of level of family support or of the household relations. Although I
encouraged survey and interview questions to be asked just in the presence of myself and
a research assistant, it was sometimes difﬁcult or awkward to create this setting, and in
some cases would have been more disruptive, suspicious, or offensive to ask others to
leave. Respondents had the option of answering the questionnaire and interview
questions in various rooms in their own home or in a nearby outside location. I also tried
to create some reciprocity and reassurance by offering to answer any questions about my
own life, experiences, or knowledge about elders’ lives in the United States.

During the survey and interviews there were times when respondents expressed
sadness, usually with regard to past conditions or current family relations. At these times,
I asked the research assistant to remind the participant that answering any and all
questions was voluntary. In one case, for example, we moved on to another section in the
survey and later returned to the line of questioning after the respondent became very
emotional when answering questions about her loneliness. Another woman, for example,
became very tearful when discussing her husband’s recent death. In these cases I

expressed sympathy and did not press participants to continue.

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A ﬁnal ethical issue that invoked constant challenges was the moderately higher
social status of my host family and the related need to avoid direct host family
involvement in recruiting participants and helping to conduct the actual research.
Although my host family did not belong to the wealthiest segment ofthe population, two
family members had advanced degrees, which was unusual in the village and resulted in
high prestige (although probably not in extremely unusual amounts of power or wealth).
Moreover, the head of the household was involved in the village council and received an
envied monthly government pension after retiring from work as a primary school teacher.
Had my host family members helped to directly recruit and conduct research, it is
possible that other villagers might have felt coerced or pressured into participating or
unwillingly disclosing personal information. Still, one of the greatest challenges was
adequately explaining to my hosts and other villagers why I was not better utilizing the
resources of my host family. At times my behavior probably appeared highly unusual at
best, and insulting and suspicious at worst. Custom also detracted from the efﬁcacy of
my pre-meditated explanations. For example, since the deﬁnitions of “family” in rural
China vary with those of the US, villagers could suggest that I employ a person as a
research assistant who, in my view was certainly a family member but who, in the eyes of
local people, was outside the family (having been born to a daughter) — a situation
requiring additional difﬁcult explanations and negotiations. In short, at times 1 found
myself contemplating the extent to which the ethical solutions of my own society were in
fact creating ethical problems in the research setting. Still, through careful attention to
these challenges, I trust that I was able to minimize disadvantages to research participants

and informants.

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CHAPTER 4: “VILLAGES HAVE ELECTRIC LIGHTS”: ELDERS AND RURAL
CHANGE

Yellow mud houses, some on the brink of collapse, stood next to many of Seven
Mountains’ new white and pink three-storied brick and steel homes. Without resources
to tear down old homes, families simply built and moved into new houses next to the
earthen structures that had sheltered previous generations. Weeds and wildﬂowers poked
out from the doorways of some of these older buildings, beckoning the occasional curious
rooster. Others were home to household rabbits and chickens or were utilized as storage
rooms. Also abandoned were the small structures which at one time served as outhouses,
their ﬂoors now lain with dusty, cracked wooden boards. They had been made obsolete
by indoor ﬂushing ﬂoor toilets and Westem-style commodes.

These old buildings were monuments to the stark and rapid changes that had
occurred in Seven Mountains in the past few decades. With the 19903 came widespread
coal-powered electricity, ﬁrst to larger surrounding towns and then to Seven Mountains.
This fulﬁlled dream of electricity allowed villagers to buy refrigerators, air conditioners,
televisions, and other appliances such as dish sanitizers for use in their new houses. Such
physical changes accompanied shifts in daily life, family structures, community relations,
and political organization. People living through these transitions had perspectives and
interpretations of them particular to their experiences and thus, in some ways, dissimilar
to “expert” observations.

This chapter describes village, hamlet, and household changes as recounted by the
residents of Seven Mountains who were entering later life in the midst of those

continuing rural transitions. I asked which changes were important to elders, how they

103

saw these changes affecting their own lives and futures, and how elders understood
“development” as a concept and inﬂuence in their current lives. I found that older
villager’s descriptions and interpretations of the past helped to explain and shape their
views and expectations of the present (and, as I argue in Chapter Six, of the future as
well). These insights add to an understanding of the relationships between China’s aging
population, economic development, and future challenges.

The ﬁrst section of this chapter is primarily descriptive, relating older villagers’
stories and interpretations of social changes and economic development in Seven
Mountains. In the second half of this chapter I discuss these ﬁndings, synthesizing major
themes and examining divergences and convergences. In particular I focus on how
elders’ deﬁnitions of rural change and economic development inﬂuence evaluation of
their living conditions, and on how increased wealth in the village promotes experiences
of disadvantage, shaping elders’ level of satisfaction with current conditions. Based on
my inquiries into elders’ experiences and perspective, I also suggest that gender interacts
with rural change so as to shape aging experiences differently, and yet does so within
particular political-economic contexts. In the end, I point out ways that these ﬁndings
add to and challenge understandings of aging in rural China. Personal observation and
survey responses provide some basic information on household and village changes;
however, narratives from interviews and discussions from focus groups play the most
signiﬁcant role in indicating elders’ view of changes within their families and

communities — the focus of this chapter.

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Seven Mountains: Contexts onging and Development

Results from the random survey of households indicate that village households (in
which older people resided) included an average of 5.4 family members. Because elders’
homes were likely to house multiple generations and be relatively large, we can note the
479 households listed in the village directory and estimate that no more (and likely fewer)
than 2500 individuals had registered residence in the three hamlets under Seven
Mountains’ jurisdiction. According to the village directory at the time of this research,
approximately 48 percent of all households (231 households) were located in Southern
Slope, 36 percent (172 households) were in Buddha’s Peak, and 16 percent (76
households) were in Stone Flower hamlet.

Without the beneﬁt of longitudinal research and careful reliable records,
demographic changes in Seven Mountains over recent decades were difﬁcult to ascertain.
Locals assured me that ofﬁcial records were dubious at best. However, residents agreed
that the village population had certainly increased in the last few decades due to greater
longevity. Of course, with new opportunities for family members to migrate temporarily
to cities, some houses were relatively empty on a day-to-day basis. Additionally, there
was more opportunity than previously for younger family members to receive high school
and university educations, which meant that they too were often absent from home.

Like many rural areas of China, Seven Mountains displayed signs of de-
agriculturalization, “townization,” or “urbanization” (Guldin 2001). New houses were
the most apparent mark of change and economic development on the landscape, as farm
land, mainly in the form of rice paddies, was slowly disappearing with continued

construction. Of all elders’ households surveyed, 76 percent reported farming less land

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than they had ﬁve years ago, and none reported an increase in farm land over the past ﬁve
years. The average amount of land farmed by households who farmed less land than they
did ﬁve years ago was 2.73 mu [0.45 acres], compared to the 2.78 mu [0.46 acres]
average of households farming the same amount of land. In most cases, households
“lost” this farming land when they built a new house or otherwise altered the land
surrounding their home. Still, the target respondents who described their household
economic conditions as being adequate or better than adequate tended to come from
households with relatively more land than those housing poor respondents. All of the
elders who said their households were “well—off” came from households that owned
above the average amount of land.

Changes to the village and in household life were also evident by the variety of
buildings I saw on my walks through the village. This variety not only marked the
progression of social change and village development but also indicated diversity in

socio-economic status. Structures in the three hamlets included several kinds of

buildings:
1. Toppled, unoccupied earth buildings (homes and outhouses)
2. Buildings on the verge of toppling, some occupied (homes and
outhouses)
3. Empty earth buildings, apparently still stable (homes and outhouses)
4. Earth buildings that housed only livestock
5. Older earth homes without many decorations, occupied
6. Older earth homes with decorations, occupied
7. Newer (post-1978) earth homes with few decorations and unﬁnished

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ﬂoors, occupied

8. Newer (post-1978) earth homes, decorated and with ﬁnished ﬂoors,
occupied

9. Unﬁnished brick and steel homes, unoccupied

10. Unﬁnished brick and steel homes, occupied

l 1. Finished brick and steel homes with few decorations, few appliances,

and no painted or tiled exterior, occupied

12. Finished brick and steel homes with external paint or siding and
modest interiors, occupied

13. Finished brick and steel homes with paint or siding and relatively

afﬂuent interiors, occupied

Survey respondents often reported that their households owned two homes: An older
earth home and a modem-style brick and steel home. In some cases, family members
returned daily to their previous house (which might be adjacent to their new home) in
order to feed resident livestock or fetch water from the well still located there.

Survey results suggest that the monthly income of elders’ households had
increased markedly over the past twenty years, from a reported average of 583 yuan
(about 78 US dollars) in 1985 to a reported average of 3475 yuan (about 463 US dollars)
in 2005. Inequality in household income has also increased, with reported monthly
income standard deviation increasing from 659 yuan (about 88 US dollars) in 1985 to
6388 yuan (about 852 US dollars) in 2005. Per capita, average incomes were 7698 yuan

(about 1,026 US dollars) annually in 2005. This ﬁgure was greatly inﬂated by two

107

households in the sample (one located in Stone Flower and the other in Southern Slope)
who claimed a monthly income of 30,000 yuan (about 4,000 US dollars) eamed by 13
and ﬁve household members, respectively. I chose to include these households in the
calculations as they represented the new found possibilities of rural households becoming
uncommonly wealthy through business ventures and advanced education.

A small change in the number of elder households owning livestock was indicated
by the household survey, with all households owning livestock ﬁve years ago, shifting
slightly down to 98 percent reporting they currently owned livestock in 2006. Elder
households appeared less likely than before to sell or trade livestock as well, with a
reported 35 percent selling or trading livestock in 2006, but a reported 71.67 percent
selling or trading livestock ﬁve years previously. Stone Flower elder households less
frequently reported selling livestock, but this difference was not statistically signiﬁcant.
Status of a household that sold/traded livestock or that stopped selling/trading livestock
was not signiﬁcantly related to perceived household economic conditions, household
education level, or house type. This decline in sales of livestock came mainly from fewer
households selling fowl and pigs. Likely, many households did not need the extra money
that came from sales of these small animals and preferred to raise animals only for
household consumption. These changes in income, land use, and livelihood all support
the suggestion that Seven Mountains was gradually becoming “de-agriculturized” or
“urbanized.”

Brick and steel homes not only produced markedly different aesthetics than did

the yellow earth homes of the past, but they shaped and reﬂected different living

arrangements and social relations. The architecture of new homes facilitated a different

108

type of lifestyle than did the older earth homes, which were often comprised of small dim
rooms surrounding an open inner courtyard where household members cooked, washed
clothes, bathed, and did other chores. Many of the earth homes still standing housed
multiple extended families and shared communal spaces and wells. Elders living in older
style houses had small rooms connected to those belonging to other (non—family)
householders, living in very close proximity on a daily basis.

On the contrary, although three or more generations may have lived in the newer
homes, families with new houses lived further distances from other households. New
homes often had an outer yard space and a porch on which to sit where the family might
hang large red lanterns or other decorations. Inside the larger new homes were foyers
and sitting rooms where family members greeted and entertained guests. The amount of
living space in older homes and of newer homes also varied, with some new homes being
surprisingly large. At least one newer home in which I interviewed consisted of 40
rooms spread out among three stories. New homes usually included more modern
appliances and accoutrements in comparison to the older homes. Still, of all elder homes
surveyed, 70 percent owned motorbikes and 83.33 percent owned color televisions.
(Households that reported poor economic conditions were less likely to own these items.)
Even villagers living in old earth homes were able to watch stations in Longyan, Fuzhou,
as well as all of the national Central Chinese Television (CCTV) stations. Some homes,
both earth and brick, even had satellite dishes that allowed them to watch international
broadcasts.

“Now Life is Better”: Elders on Village and Household Changes

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One of my main research objectives was to understand how older women and
older men understood and viewed village and household changes of recent decades. To
do so, I began by posing general questions in the focus groups, mainly asking for
descriptions and reﬂections. 1 found that in discussing changes to their village and
hamlets, elders in Seven Mountains were likely to initially point out physical landscape
transformations. They quickly told me, “Just look. . .I can see. . .you can see...”
Repeatedly, elders ﬁrst indicated the construction of new houses, two cement factories, a
brick factory, and a calcium reﬁnery. Although no new schools or clinics had been built,
elders were proud of the additions and aesthetic improvements to the local primary
school. It was common for participants to say that everyone, or almost everyone, now
owned new homes or vehicles. The permanent paved construction of the main road, with
which residents had battled for decades through ﬂoods and natural forces, was also a very
signiﬁcant change often highlighted by respondents.

A second important theme in elders’ initial narratives of social change was that of
political shifts. In order to allow elders’ themselves to explain how they categorized and
understood historical and biographical shifts, my discussion questions referred very
generally to “recent changes” rather than to changes in certain year periods or eras.
However, many elders indeed recounted the past decades in terms of the wider political
shifts commonly delineated by textbooks and scholars: Before Liberation, after
Liberation, the early 19603, the Cultural Revolution, the collective era, the open reform
and Deng Xiaoping era, and so on. Their responses conﬁrmed that political eras and
policies had, and continued to have, a major inﬂuence on their lives, particularly through

changes in the organization of labor and related levels of income and wealth. This

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narrative from a 78 year-old male interviewee who had worked as a teacher was typical,

especially for elder male respondents:

During the period the Guomindang (KMT) ruled, life was quite difﬁcult.
There was no public road and no electricity. After Liberation the social
atmosphere was very good. In 1966 the Cultural Revolution started and
social change was very chaotic. Afterwards during the open reforms, life
slowly became better. There was a public road and electricity.

Men were especially likely to recount and connect political changes to their own careers

and to waged work and “outside” affairs, as did this respondent:

I became a soldier and then was a production team chief. After a year,
[a nearby hamlet] and Southern Slope hamlet were combined and called
Seven Mountains team, and then were called Seven Mountains village.
Before, production teams needed to pay 5 percent of the production
expenses. At that time the leader of the production team earned 70 or 80
yuan per year. Now, Seven Mountains has changed a lot. There are
paved roads crossing here and there. Cars come and go, there are more
motorbikes than there used to be bicycles. The living standard of village
people has risen greatly. The level of consumption has also risen.

Another prominent theme in focus groups and interviews emerged as elders spoke
of new-found opportunities to make money and receive an income. They asserted that
the overall situation of all villagers had improved, particularly since the days of the
collective system and production teams. One young-elder woman’s comments are
exemplary:

Now we have entered the market. It's very good. We opened up. You

can buy whatever. If you have money you can make a proﬁt . . . . People
who can make money, they just do it.

Compared to previous eras, there was money by which to start businesses and send
grandchildren to high school and university. Moreover, these money-making

opportunities were not limited to younger family members. Quite a few respondents

Ill

(26.6 percent) and older villagers with whom I spoke grew vegetables and easily sold
them to workers at the local coal mine. They expressed satisfaction at being free from
the production team’s control oftheir labor and their relative ability to work to support
themselves.

In many elders’ descriptions of current conditions there was even a sense of
abundance; the claim that “everyone has everything.” Fresh ﬂowers, television, cars,
refrigerators, washing machines, and a seemingly endless supply of rice were things that
village elders listed in their descriptions ofthe modern accessories of daily life. One
woman described her home as “heaped full” and lacking nothing. The combination of
recent rapid physical transformations in the village, developments in technology, and the
comparative difﬁculties of the past had resulted, for some elders in Seven Mountains, in
a sense of having seen dreams come true. In a focus group an old-elder man recalled
that

[t]here used to be a line from a song: "The villages have electric lights

and telephones.” Now it is a reality, now every house has electric lights

and telephones! We even use cell phones!

Still, elders perceived and experienced inequality between households, among
hamlets, and across Seven Mountains, other villages, and urban areas. In Seven
Mountains, 8.33 percent of elders labeled their households as “very well-off,” 26.67
percent said their families were “somewhat well-off,” 38.33 percent said their households
had “enough for expenses” and 26.67 percent said there was “not enough” to cover
expenses. In the household survey, only 45.0 percent (not a majority) of elders reported
that their family had built a brick and steel home, 41.67 percent said they lived in an earth

home built before 1978 and 13.33 percent oftheir homes were made of earth but built

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after 1978. In my walks through the village, it was clear that compared to Southern Slope
and Stone Flower, fewer families in Buddha’s Peak hamlet were in the process of
constructing new homes. Stone .Flower’s new homes appeared most massive and
magniﬁcent in design. In some cases, two or more brothers built a home together. They
had separate entrances and kitchens but the overall building size was massive. (In Seven
Mountains, the ideal house height was three stories, with less wealthy families building
one- or two- story homes, sometimes with the intent of adding an additional story when
ﬁnancially feasible. However, driving through other regions of F ujian and rural China, I
saw village standards of four- or ﬁve- story houses and variety in the extent to which
most homes had external embellishments.)

The conveniences of daily life were another clear signiﬁcant theme in elders’
description of changes in household and village life. They described transportation as
fast and convenient, using gas (rather than ﬁrewood) stoves to cook rice as easy, and
noted that “whatever you think of, you can buy.” Piped water from the wells and
mountains had made the chores of cooking and washing clothes much easier, and the
ofﬁcial opening of a permanent paved road through the village, along with public
transportation to nearby towns, allowed elders to quickly transport groceries, sell
vegetables, and visit with friends. In the past, these same people carried goods to sell or
trade on shoulder poles, sometimes very long distances. A solid rain made travel on the
roads by bicycle impossible.

Elders’ accounts suggest that tasks typical for both men and for women had been
made easier. Although both women and men performed farm work in years past, elder

men more often discussed the relative ease of hauling fertilizer and performing other

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“outside” work and repairs, while older women talked about the past troubles of fulﬁlling
responsibilities of cooking, shopping, and sewing. Like many of her peers, Mrs. Tang (a
ﬁctional name, like all others in this dissertation), a 69 year-old woman living in
Buddha’s Peak hamlet, recalled that:

life before was really bitter. I would buy one water jug to use to bring

back wine. Because there was no road, I used my head to carry the jug

home. Before there was only one store. You had to ask a person in order

to get sugar, oil, and salt. Before everything required manpower to do,

but now it's not necessary. There is a road and you can travel by car.

Life is much better.

Mrs. Chen of Southern Slope, 78 years old, suggested that fulﬁlling age-based duties
and responsibilities had become easier than they were during her youth:

Before I had to prepare the ﬁre for my parents and get them water to

wash their hands and feet. Now life is good. My children directly buy

water or an electric radiator for me. It's much more convenient.

Elders’ discussions went beyond talking about the enjoyment of the convenience
of present life to relate a strong sense of relief from the extreme bitterness and hardship
of past years. Even respondents who expressed dissatisfaction with their living
conditions said that current living conditions were better than those of the past, noting
that although life was currently “not so good,” it was better now than before. In both
interviews and focus groups, older villagers spoke happily of having enough rice and
vegetables, as well as being able to enjoy meat, usually pork or fowl, on a regular (even if
not a daily) basis. Older villagers also often enjoyed locally grown seasonal fruits such
as tangerines, grapefruit, bananas, longyan, and litchis. They commented that their

clothing was no longer ragged and that they seldom worried about having daily

necessities. These conditions were starkly different from those during the production

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team era, when villagers were frequently hungry and worked from before dawn until late
at night. Mrs. Sun, a 79-year old woman living in Southern Slope hamlet remembered:
In the 19605 there was no electricity. It was only later that there was
[electricity]. In 1954 and 1959 there was the most hardship. We ate tree
leaves. There were no cars. Everyone used shoulder poles to carry
things. As soon as the day began I'd go to [a small town now about a
ten-minute drive by car] carrying material with a shoulder pole. All of
the roads were through the hills, made of stones. When I got back I'd go
back out and work. In 15 days I'd carry 100jin [100 pounds] of fertilizer
and only get 10 work points. In 1954 I carried millet every day to
[another town in the area]. I could only get 6 mao [1 cent] for carrying
90 jin [90 pounds]. In 1960 I gave birth to my son. It was also very

difﬁcult. During the time I gave birth there was not enough to eat. There
was no chicken or ﬁsh or meat to eat. Every day 1 ate vegetables.

During the era of the Great Leap Forward respondents recalled eating leaves,
seeds, sticks, and “anything.” Women in the focus groups noted that during the years of
production teams, it “didn’t matter if you were elderly;” everyone had to work, including
pregnant women. Stories of these years of hard labor and difﬁculties were common for
almost all respondents, regardless of their gender, socio-economic status, and living
arrangements of later life.

Besides citing new technologies and changes in the political-economic realm,
many respondents also understood the relative ease of their lives to be connected to the
current stage of their life course. Although I often saw older women assuming a great
deal of childcare responsibility for grandchildren in their households, they tended to
consider this responsibility easier to fulﬁll than were those of caring for their own
children and in-laws in the contexts of previous years. Mrs. Li, a 79 year-old woman
who lived in Buddha’s Peak hamlet explained:

The hardship was greatest when I ﬁrst married. I had to support so many
children. I also had to make clothes for them to wear. Each person needed

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one outﬁt. That is more than ten outﬁts [including clothing for her

husband, mother— and father- in-law]. Now that's not the case.

Older men also reﬂected on the difﬁculty of ﬁnancially supporting large families during
times of economic hardship and commented that their grown children were much less of
a burden than they were at younger ages. A young-elder man describing his household
said: “Now everyone is independent. Each person’s burden is lightened.”

Still, elder women tended to recall past hardships in greater detail than did elder
men, who usually referred vaguely to “past bitterness.” For example, like many of her
peers, Mrs. Fei from Stone Flower, widowed with seven sons, described:

Before there was farm work to do every day until late, and still not

enough money for food. If clothes were ripped and tattered I'd mend

them again. 1 made shoes by myself. There were 12 people in one

family. That's 12 pairs of shoes. Every day I was working before dawn.

Still had to get up very early to make food for everyone, and the food

was really bad. Every day we ate vegetables. When we celebrated Spring

Festival, each person ate only a little pork. Sometimes it was even more
difﬁcult.

During 1960 there wasn't enough to eat. If there wasn't food we just ate
sweet potatoes and pumpkin. I remember one time there was a neighbor
who cooked a kind of rotten tree leaf and gave it to her husband to eat.
Her husband wouldn't eat it. She asked me if I wanted to eat it. I tried a
bite, then I quickly took it all and swallowed it down. That tree leaf
smelled bad and made me choke -- it was very slimy. At that time I was
extremely hungry, I just ate gulp after gulp. At that time everyone had
much hardship. We ground peanut shells to eat. Sometime we ate weeds.

Finally, in reﬂecting on the changes of the past decades, elders spoke positively
about increased freedom and access to the outside world. The ability for families and
individuals to earn money had provided opportunities to fulﬁll desires and travel further

from home. Speaking in a group of young-elders a woman pointed out that until

relatively recently, they couldn’t even see images or pictures of other places. In another

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woman’s words, “as long as you have money, if you want to go you just go.” In some
cases elders had the opportunity to visit family members who “went out” to cities even
thousands of miles away, or with children and grand—children studying abroad:

Now we all take a bus, take a plane. My granddaughter and grandson are

both in Australia studying and working. I just take a plane to get there.

A few hours and I'm there (79-year old woman).

“These Changes are Bad": Gambling, Pollution, and Personal Character

While changes in recent decades might have seemed to be overwhelmingly
positive, elders also spoke of negative aspects of social change. One of these perceived
negative changes was increased gambling. With more wealth and pressure to acquire
wealth, villagers played cards and majiang for cash or played electronic gambling
machines located in the general stores. Others were said to gamble with extremely large
sums of money. Additional social changes of which elders disapproved included
increased theft or perceived changes in personal character, including decreased concern
about elders and children:

This follows along with social development and [economic] development:

You can use four words to describe people today: crafty, tricky, slippery,

and evil. People's level of civilization today is generally quite high;

however people today put more importance on money. Care for elderly

people and children is quite far down the list [a 74 year—old man living in

Buddha’s Peak].

Additionally, elders’ perceptions of changes in age relations were often negative.
Many compared their own youthful attitudes and behavior toward their elders to the
attitudes and behavior of young people today. For example, Mrs. Sun, 74 years old,

asserted that:

The young people before were more ﬁlial. Before when I was a
daughter-in-law, when I saw my father- and mother-in-law I had to get

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water for them to wash their hands. After they had washed their hands 1
got water for them to wash their faces. I had to call them to come to
meals. At night I had to get water for them to wash their feet. When I
saw them I had to greet them "Father" and "Mother." Not greeting them
was not okay! 1 would be scolded by them. Young people now are not
like this.

Other respondents echoed this sentiment in descriptions of changes to household relations,
with one 69 year-old woman going so far as to say that “before we were yelled at by
parents. Now parents are yelled at by sons and daughters-in-law.”

Another point of many elders’ dissatisfaction with recent changes was with the
amount of pollution produced by the new factories and mines within the hamlets. Survey
results showed that pollution of water and air in the village, mainly stemming from the
new industries and the disposable products newly available to households, was widely
regarded as a negative change that affected elders’ daily lives. Smoke from the factories
and exhaust from the road seriously affected the air quality, while household garbage in
the form of product packaging and plastic bags lined the local river. All of the elder
women whom I surveyed agreed that pollution had negatively affected their households
and daily life, and 95 percent of elder men agreed with the same two statements. In some
focus groups and interviews, elders blamed pollution problems on lack of concern by the
local government, who could have better controlled the negative effects of local industry.
Still, no elders or younger villagers expressed concern that the recent ﬂood had been
related to environmental landscape changes such as soil erosion, decreased riverbed areas,
or deforestation.

In fact, local government performance was one theme over which elders
expressed divergent views, not only in terms of environmental protection, but also in

terms of provisions of ﬁnancial assistance to elders and their families in need. Most

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elders were reluctant to criticize generally current national policies, but rather pointed out
problems in their particular details or with their implementation. A young-elder man
typically declared that “the Communist Party policy is good; everyone has money. But
the government ofﬁcials are really corrupt.” An old-elder man explained why he thought
that rural elders were deserving of more economic government support:

The government should send some support to rural elderly people.

Previously, we elderly people did a lot of things in our production teams

for the nation — contributed something to society. Now the nation should

reciprocate a little. Especially, elderly people with no economic income

should receive some subsidy.

Although policies were in place to subsidize disadvantaged elders, some
needy elders were unable to fulﬁll the eligibility requirements, and others
reported that the amount of subsidy was simply too little: often 30 — 40 yuan per
month [210-280 dollars], and not much more than 900 yuan [6300 dollars] per
year. Additionally, some elders complained that the “Five Guarantees” (food,
clothing, shelter, burial expenses, and medical care) program was often not
implemented properly.

Still other village elders were pleased with changes in the amount of care and
concern demonstrated by the local government. Rescue efforts and subsidies distributed
by the township government after the bad ﬂood in the spring of 2006 encouraged positive
attitudes such as the one expressed by young—elder Mrs. Liu:

During this recent ﬂood, I saw an older woman crying. She said that

inside her house were two or three thousand pounds of grain taken away

by the ﬂood. I said, “Don't worry, the government will help you.”

A ﬁnal major aspect of social change about which elders expressed mixed

feelings was that of household members’ temporary migration. They expressed varying

119

views about both the extent and type of inﬂuence that family members’ “going out” had
on their lives and households. (Of elders that l surveyed, 40 percent of respondents said
that their households had at least one member “going out” for work. We can thus
surmise that a large proportion, although not a majority of Seven Mountains’ elders, lived
in families in which some member worked in cities or towns.) Elders who viewed
positively the effects of family members’ migration usually did so to the extent that
remittances (often gifts and cash at Spring Festival) were sent home. However, quite a
few elders expressed views that “going out” had a negative inﬂuence on their households,
was a mixed bag, or had little overall effect. Mrs. Sun (79 years old) was quite well-off
compared to her neighbors in Stone Flower hamlet. She lived in a large new house with
her husband, one of her sons and his wife and children. Her comments suggest how
“going out” created inconveniences for members at home:
Q: Do any of your children go out of the village to work?
A: Two of my sons are [out] working.
Q: Do you think their working affects your household?
A: My sons are working in a quite distant place. There is no way for
them to look after the household. Now there are some people
having wedding celebrations, but [my sons] have no way to
participate or send a congratulatory gift. Even if they are invited,
they still need our family to give a red envelope.
Q: Do you mean that having children working far from home
negatively affects a household?
A: Of course. At most they can send a little bit of money to parents.
But they cannot help with any other matters at home. They also
cannot help any other relatives.
In cases such as this, it appeared that the beneﬁt of receiving “a little bit of money” was

outweighed by the disadvantages of not having sons nearby to perform household chores

and to fulﬁll family social obligations.

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Mrs. Xu, a 58 year-old widow with two sons and ﬁve daughters, provided another
example. She complained that her grandson’s sales job in Fuzhou had a bad inﬂuence on
her household. She explained that “He is always outside; there's no one at home and the
house piles up with dust.” Indeed, in my own experience, 1 found that new homes were
difﬁcult to keep clean. In a matter ofjust a few days, dirt quickly accumulated and was
particularly obvious on modern tiled ﬂoors and high-lacquered furniture surfaces. When
family members were home and rooms were in use, they casually (even inadvertently)
cleaned off and swept surfaces through daily use, but it was time consuming for only two
people (often a mother-in-law and her daughter-in-law) to maintain the two or three
empty stories in large new homes. On my visits I found that homes in which youth were
away at school and their parents were “out” working were ﬁlled with dust.

Mrs. Lin, 70 years-old and struggling ﬁnancially, pointed out that living in cities
requires, as well as produces, ﬁnancial resources:

Q: Do you think your son going out for work inﬂuences the household?

A: Of course there's an inﬂuence. Every one is building a new house.

My son cannot. Our family has no new house. He can make money

outside more easily, but he also spends more money. You need money

for everything outside. They just send 200 yuan back to me every

month to support my grandson.

Still other elders said that family members who “went out” had little effect on
their households or lives at all. In these cases, the money earned (or remitted) did not
appear to be so great as to vastly improve their lives. Elders who were satisﬁed with their
current standard of living also appeared unlikely to encourage children to ﬁnd jobs in

cities or towns, as 73-year old Mr. Tan Wei with three sons living in the village

demonstrated:

121

Q: Would you like your children to go out to earn money or work? Would
it inﬂuence your lifestyle?
A: It doesn't matter. If, like now, they can give me living expenses, it's
okay. As long as they give me living expenses and l have money to
spend, life can go on. If I have money, I can go into town and have
some beef soup [laughing]!
Other elder households who were economically disadvantaged sent relatives “out” mainly
to avoid ﬁnancial burdens on the household rather than to increase the household income:

Q: Do any of your sons go do work outside of village?

A: My sons and daughters are now all out working in Guangzhou.

Q: Do you think their working outside has an effect on the household?

A: There's nothing that can be done about this. My family is very poor.

They must rely on themselves to make a living. If they stay home 1

must support them. If they go out, 1 don't need to worry.

In terms of “village development,” older women in focus groups and interviews
expressed slightly less satisfaction than did men. (In the household survey only 21.05
percent of women agreed that village development had improved life for elders,
compared to 29.27 percent of their male peers, but the result was not statistically
signiﬁcant.) Such a tendency in difference would make sense in light of elders’
conception of the beneﬁts of development: village subsidies and services. Some elder
women with whom I spoke explained that in order to receive subsidies from the village,
they had to be widowed and have no sons. In some cases these women’s standards of
living were quite poor and they did not receive adequate help from male family members.
Yet because their husbands or sons were still alive, the village would not grant them
ﬁnancial assistance. To the extent that women were less likely to receive, and to receive

directly, subsidies from the government, it is likely that they experienced village

economic development as less beneﬁcial to them.

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There were no major differences that emerged between young elders and older
elders in any of the three phases regarding the theme of social change and development.
Both age groups expressed both satisfaction and discontent with social change and
economic development. However, this knowledge in itself is valuable. With only a
decade or two in age difference, probably the lived experiences of both young elders and

old elders were similar enough so as to avoid major disparities in perspectives.

Elders ' Explanations for Social Change

In addition to describing and evaluating social changes, elders also offered
explanations for the speed and characteristics of transitions in Seven Mountains’
environment and living conditions. Quite often, elders referred to the Communist Party
and policies in their explanation of positive social changes and experiences. For example,
Mrs. Liu, who visited her grandchildren studying in Australia, made a point of saying that
she was able to do so “thanks to the Communist Party. Without it, we wouldn't have this
happiness.” Her neighbor reminded others that “we should feel grateful to the
Communist Party; ‘When you drink water, don't forget the people who dug the well.”’
Although less vehemently, a participant in a young-elder women’s focus group noted:

Before we had much bitterness. No one was willing to listen to us. Now

we are happy. Now we have good children. Probably it is due to the
Communist Party. We are happy.

Elder men were also likely to refer to the Communist Party and ofﬁcials in explaining
current improvements in daily life, but they did so in more speciﬁc terms, mentioning

particular Party members, policies, and actions:

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People cannot forget Wen Jiabao and Zhu Rongji. They resolved the
rural land problem, stopped public provisioning, ﬁxed the reservoirs . . . .
[an old-elder male focus group participant]

Elders and Village Development

Through focus group discussions and later inquiries in interviews, I began to
sense ways in which many elders distinguished “village development” from general
social change. Some elders explicitly said, for example, “Factories -- that’s
development” or spoke in terms of roadways being developed and life “advancing.”
However, more telling was the vocabulary and topics they discussed when directly asked
about village development. Rural industry and increased wealth of the local govemment
were topics that elder women and elder men cited in connection with “village
development”. In short, their views of“village development” closely matched what is
commonly understood as “economic development,” with some added social services such
as clinics or centers. In cases in which elders complained about lack of support from the
village, they sometimes excused the situation as being a function of under-development
or lack of resources. Elders who received small sums of money (although “not enough”)
from the village around Spring Festival or at other times were more likely to be
understanding of village wealth distribution and lack of resources for village elders as a
group than were elders who did not receive such gifts —— probably because they felt more
acknowledged and appreciated than did elders who did not receive money or gifts.

Still, in the household survey, 73.68 percent of women elders disagreed with the
statement that “the past few decades of development in this village have improved life for
elders,” and 68.29 percent of male elders disagreed. (These views were not signiﬁcantly

related to household economic conditions.) In interviews, I pursued this topic further,

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asking elders to talk about the ways in which village development had or had not
improved their lives. In responding, many village elders equated “village development”
with the village brigade or simply with “the village,” as reﬂected in the following typical
exchange with Mrs. Sun, 79 years-old:
Q: Do you think village development has helped elderly people in any
practical way?
A: For us elderly people? Just, there’s no senior citizens' activity center.
Q: Do you think the village development has helped you in terms of daily
life?
A: No. The village has not given us anything.
Mrs. Zhang, 69- year old resident of Buddha’s Peak hamlet, suggested a similar
connection between beneﬁts from development and economic or service beneﬁts:
Q: Now has the village development helped elderly peoples' lives?
A: This year I have low-income support. My husband and I get over 300
yuan (40 US dollars) per year, an average of one yuan (13 US cents) per
day. This goes in turns. Next year I don't know if I'll have [support].
People who especially have difﬁculty get it every year.
Mrs. Chen, 78-years old, was not as satisﬁed:
Q: Southern Slope has developed a lot now. Has it helped the lives of elderly
people?
A: No. But some places, for example in [two nearby villages] elderly people have
a support subsidy. We don't have this in Southern Slope.
Q: In other words, in terms of economics, the village has not subsidized you

elders, right?
A: They haven't! I am very angry, but there's nothing that can be done.

From the ﬁrst day of research it was clear that an elderly person’s activity center
was a main way in which elders believed village development could have beneﬁted them.
Their dissatisfaction was increased by knowing that nearby villages had been able to
build these centers for older residents. Elders emphasized the need for an elderly activity

center or “room” in all focus groups, creating the sense that one was overwhelmingly in

125

demand. In the household survey it was again clear that the majority of elders desired a
village elderly activity center, but some respondents explained that they would be too
busy to attend, or that physical limitations would prevent them from participating.

Of course, not all elders were willing to say that village development had done
nothing for them, and many were willing to say that development oftransportation and
utilities was responsible for many of the conveniences they mentioned in focus groups
and interviews. Elders described China as a nation that had developed quickly and in this
way had created better living environments and happier lives for its citizens. Most elders
also expressed a view of national economic development as a solution to China’s ﬁJture
social problems, including its aging population. An old-elder man demonstrated common
conﬁdence in China’s continued economic growth, as well as the handling of government
affairs:

There are more older people. Life spans are longer. It has raised China's

burden a little. But the nation will rise up strongly. The nation has money
and can handle this situation well.

Aging and Inequalities in Seven Mountains

As Seven Mountains opened to the rest of China and the outside world via
television and transportation, opportunities for comparing living conditions also increased.
In all research phases, elders’ responses indicated inequalities in relations to nearby
villages, other rural areas, China’s urban centers, and elders’ conditions in other nations.
Mr. Tan Qinghai, 73 years old, was a soldier who fought against the Guomindang and
lived in an older earth home with his wife. He said:

. . . The village doesn't care about us elderly people.

Q: Why do you feel this way?

A: On TV you can regularly see this kind of image: Some cadre will often
go to greet and sympathize with some elderly people. Then the elderly

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people are welcoming and happy. But now, here, it's not like this —

there’s nothing like this here.
Elders who traveled to other cities or countries were often visiting children or
grandchildren, and had the opportunity to spend some time in different communities. Mr.
Tan Derong was 74 years old, married, and living alone in a newer earth home when he
recalled visiting his son in Guangzhou and seeing the elderly persons’ activity center
there. He described tables of people playing majiang and chess, and wished that Seven
Mountains could have a similar center “to make the elderly people a bit happier.”
Another old-elder man told me:

I've been to other cities. Older people all gather together — one big crowd,
one big crowd. Everyone gets their happiness; sword dancing, dancing,

jogging — anything.

Although there was a consensus among elder participants that life was much
better compared to previous years, not everyone enjoyed equal beneﬁts from village
changes and economic development. Based on my observations, the frequent comments
that “everyone” now had a car, electrical appliances, and a new home were certainly
exaggerations. Evidence of household inequality was present in focus groups as some
participants quietly noted that their conditions were not as easy, arose clearly in survey
responses, and was explicitly noted by many interviewees. In focus groups, many
respondents mentioned new homes, personal and household possessions, and increased
ease of daily living as major positive changes. But not all participants made these

comments, and when asked about their own circumstances they would offer slightly

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different perspectives. For example, in a group of young-elders, one women quietly
mentioned her family’s situation:

. . . [W]e built a new house. We've been building it for a few years now. As far as

other things, I can't agree with other people.

There was also variation in how households built and within what time frame they
completed construction. Some families had built their homes through the help of
contracted laborers, while others relied only on family members and the advice of
neighbors in order to design a ﬂoor plan, lay the foundations, construct the steel
frameworks, and set the cement roof and tiled siding. Families with money were able to
ﬁnish their homes in a matter of months, whereas less afﬂuent families were forced to
build as able, sometimes living for a few years (or even indeﬁnitely) in unﬁnished brick
homes. It is likely that the temporary loosening on building restrictions and fees after the
ﬂood in the spring of 2006 encouraged more households to build homes that otherwise
may have waited. Families who were building homes in the wake of the recent ﬂood
indeed seemed to be less afﬂuent. These were probably not families who had compiled a
sum of savings large enough to completely build a new house, but families who may have
borrowed money and were completing the construction work themselves. While living in
Southern Slope, I had the opportunity to watch the day-by-day construction of two houses
from my bedroom window. The house that was started ﬁrst remained only partially built
even as a wealthier family completed their third story and set off ﬁreworks to announce
completion of the project. Still, the poorer family moved into their unﬁnished structure

once the roof was laid.

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The type of home in which an elder lived appeared to affect his or her daily life in
terms of both physical comfort and level of contentment. Analysis of ﬁndings from the
household survey shows that living in a new home was signiﬁcantly associated with a
number of other daily conveniences and household possessions; such as, an electric or
gas stove, dish sanitizer, water heater, color television, computer, and car or truck. Elders
living in old homes were more likely ﬁrst to acquire refrigerators (probably perceived as
more practical and conspicuous) than they were these other accoutrements, while many
families waited to move into a new home with its modern electrical circuitry before
installing dish sanitizers and water heaters. Elders also demonstrated pride in living in a
newly constructed brick and steel home, which was often ﬁinded by sons working in the
city or going into business. My research assistant and I pursued this theme in an
interview with 73 year-old Mrs. Zhang in Buddha’s Peak:

Q: ..[E]Ider1y people think a house is very important?

A: Every one has built a new house, but I haven't. Moreover my house isn't

big enough. Right now I'm living in other people's older house.

Q: Do you have to rent it to live there?

A: I don't need to pay money.

Q: So can't you just stay there and live? Why must you deﬁnitely build a

new house?

A: Everyone has one. I also want one. That would be much better.

Q: Is it that everyone has one but you don't, and you will be looked down

on?

A: Yes. I will be looked down on. If everyone has one and I have one,
then I can be happy.

In addition to a sense of inequality with other villages and in the extent of

household wealth, there was also perceived inequality in the way in which subsidies were

distributed to households and elders in need. In interviews and focus group discussions,

elders commented on the unfairness or lack of clarity and transparency in distribution of

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ﬁnancial assistance by the local government. For some elders it was clear that ofﬁcials
focused their attention and services on wealthy people and overlooked economically
disadvantaged families and individuals. Mrs. Lin, 70 years old, had been trying to
acquire assistance from the government in repairing damage to her home from the recent
ﬂood, as well as a subsidy for the household that only she maintained while looking after
her grandson. She felt doubtful about ever being able to receive any compensation for
the ﬂood damage, and frustrated in her efforts to secure regular subsidies:

Q Did you apply for a low-income subsidy?

A: They said they can only send it in February, but I still don't know.

The government usually looks after people with money but looks down on
poor people. A wall of my house was knocked down by the big ﬂood last
year. I asked the government to send some containers of cement to
re-construct the wall but they were not willing. We don't have money to
re-build it ourselves. . . .

Q: How much is the village subsidy?

A: About 1000 yuan per year.

Q: Do you need to apply for this subsidy yourself? Does the government

take the initiative to care?

A: I must apply for it myself, they do not take the initiative to care about it.
Now people have to use guanxi [social networks] in order to deal with
this. . .. If you have money people will speak with you. If you don't have
money people will not pay attention to you. Rich people look down on
small sums of money, but we who have no money cannot even get a little
bit of money.

Residents who did receive a subsidy often expressed uncertainty about when and why

they received subsidies, and whether they would receive subsidies in the near future. An

exchange between Mrs. Tang, her neighbor, and my research assistant illustrates:

Mrs. Tang: Life is much better. But the village brigade has not given me
any subsidy. Other people have gotten some.

Neighbor (interjects): This year I have a subsidy. It's a government
subsidy. My family has 1 1 mouths to feed, so my husband and I both

get a subsidy.
Q: So is it that if your household has many people you can receive a

subsidy?

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Neighbor: 1 don't know. It's sent in turns. 1 don't get it every year. This

year I do, next year I don't. Every four months 1 get over 90yuan. It's
very little, but it's still good.

Mrs. Tang: I have never received any help.

Village elders who worked in official positions were eligible for govemment
retirement pensions, but these situations were rare in Seven Mountains and the recipients
appeared to be almost exclusively men. Being able to receive a pension clearly created
an advantage for those elders. Even if the amount was not large, a pension provided a
stable and reliable source of income, independent of children. Although most elders were
proud of ﬁlial children and generally agreed that living in a home of three or more
generations was desirable, their comments suggested that relying on children was not the
most ideal situation. Mr. Tan Dai was 80 years old, with three sons and 2 daughters. His
wife had passed away and he lived in a two-room area in a multi-family earth home in
Stone Flower. In an interview he lamented:

Although before I worked as a cadre, I was a deputy, so after I became old

the government did not give me any subsidy. You had to have been on

regular duty to get one. Now I don't have any income. I totally depend on

my children to support me.

His sense of relative economic instability reﬂected the sentiments of other elders who
described their futures as relying mainly on ‘Vvhether this next generation will be ﬁlial.”

Elders ' Explanations of Village and Household Inequality

Seven Mountains’ elders tended to explain inequalities in income and wealth in
terms of intelligence, family resources, or a combination of both factors. Repeated in my

conversations with village elders and their neighbors was a young-elder woman’s view

that “as long as you are intelligent anyone can make money.” This idea was not only

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forwarded by well—off residents seeking explanations for their own relative success, but
by poorer elders themselves. Mrs. Lin explained her disadvantaged circumstances based
on personal and familial inadequacies:
Q: Many people here depend on business in order to get wealthy. Why
don't your sons do business?
A: My family has no economic base. There's no family property. There's
no money to start doing business. Also no one is willing to_loan us
money . . . . Development zones are everywhere. Commercially-
minded people can all get rich. First I'm not smart enough. Second, I'm
too old -— 1 don't have the physical strength. So there’s no way.
Mrs. Lin connected the inability of her family members to start their own businesses with
poor access to resources such as initial capital, credit, training, and guanxi (personal
connections) yet also faulted herself for lack of intelligence.
DISCUSSION: EXPERIENCES OF AGING AND RURAL CHANGE
Older women and older men’s descriptions of past changes and current conditions
offer opportunities for better sociological understandings of how people experience aging
in a context of rapid sociopolitical transformation, as well as how rapid rural change and
development relate to aging in rural China. In turn, these insights can inform
understandings of the future of aging in China. In this section I point out some key
insights from my analyses of Seven Mountain elders’ perspectives on social change and
development. With regard to this theme, 1 also indicate the contributions of this project
to the sociology of aging as well as to studies of aging in China.
Elders ' Experiences of Rural Change and Development: Time and Place Relativity
In recalling the troubles and bitterness of the past in both focus groups and

interviews, elders related a clear sense of what we can consider relative (or comparative)

wealth. Although their living conditions and assets were simple at best and in most cases

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would be considered sparse, inadequate, or uncomfortable by many residents of China’s
urban areas and of developed nations, elders’ comparisons with their past experiences
produced a ﬁrm sense of being “better off” and in some cases, of living in abundance and
luxury. Some elders still struggled to adequately meet basic needs, but socio-
economically disadvantaged respondents were quick to note that life was still “much
better than before.” Psychological relief at not having to worry — or not having to worry
as much — about basic food, clothing, and shelter was signiﬁcant in their stories about
how life had changed. In short, elders’ comparisons over time between their present
conditions and their own past conditions promoted positive experiences of their current
conditions.

At the same time, many respondents expressed a sense of relative (or comparative)
poverty when comparing their present conditions with the present conditions of peers in
both nearby and faraway places. Transportation and communication allowed elders to
see or hear easily about amenities in other villages, some of which were only within a
minute’s drive; and elders who visited large cities in China or places outside of the
country brought back descriptions of what peers were doing. Also, both women elders
and men elders watched television and therefore had access to images and stories across
China of other elders’ lives. Quite a few male elders also regularly read newspapers,
including publications targeted especially at China’s older population. Even if state-
approved articles about benevolent, concerned ofﬁcials being met by welcoming elderly
villages were mainly propaganda, one of the effects was that elders compared their

situation with an image of other conditions and lifestyles, and did so unfavorably.

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It is possible to experience simultaneously a sense of relative poverty and a sense
of relative wealth, and this was indeed what elders in Seven Mountains expressed in their
stories of past and present village life. I argue that village elders’ sense of relative wealth
(across time) countered many elders’ sense of relative poverty (across place) and likely
mitigated some amount of discontent which many of them felt in witnessing the greater
wealth of nearby hamlets, villages, or of international peers. It is likely that the observed
relative wealth of current daily life also helped to counter the negative effects of village
industry, as well as the failure of village development speciﬁcally to beneﬁt elders as a
group. These insights suggest that, when aiming to understand and support rural Chinese
elders’ well-being, studies should consider not only the subjective experiences of wealth .
and poverty, but also how they may counter one another in various ways.

The Signiﬁcance of Ofﬁs‘ets in Experiences of A ging

These ﬁndings suggests that “offsets” are key in shaping elders’ experiences of
aging, social change, and development. For example, one arena in which real and
potential discontent appeared to have been countered was within the household. Both my
observations and comments from respondents suggest that elders in Seven Mountains’
hamlets were served by younger family members to a far lesser extent than they recalled
serving their elders as young people. I suggest that discontent with a lack of traditional
service and attention from family members would have been greater without the modern
conveniences of daily life and the ability to have needs met through other sources,
namely technological devices, appliances, and utilities. In many cases, pipes and indoor
plumbing allowed elders to have toilets and acquire water with minimal effort. It made

past rituals of bringing water, bowls, or towels to elders somewhat obsolete. Children

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presently could purchase shoes and clothing for elderly family members rather than
making these items, and this ability probably reduced the time burden more for women
than for men. Additionally, although sons and daughters may not have visited frequently
and may have lived far away, they could regularly contact their parents with cell phones,
and thus follow Confucius’ admonition: “When your parents are still alive, do not go far
from home. But if you do, tell them where you are going” (fumu zai, bu yuan you, you bi
you fang). This technology allowed children to fulﬁll quickly their chores and
obligations, or in cases in which elders did these chores, minimized physical hardship for
them.

Of course, not all families or family members could afford the newest household
appliances or other amenities to substitute for traditional demonstrations of ﬁlial piety or
care. In these cases, elders were in “double jeopardy” of disadvantage. Elders in
households that were unable or unwilling to purchase the goods or services for them
would not only lack a sense of psychological satisfaction, comfort, and high status, and
would need either to perform the necessary tasks themselves “the old-fashioned way”

(e. g., hauling water, preparing blankets, walking to the market rather than taking the bus)
or to go without. Nevertheless, unlike experienced age-based community development
inequalities and decreased prestige of old age within households, the lack of an activity
center was a village-level discontent not adequately countered or offset by new social
arrangements or devices. (Television was not able to satisfy elders’ entertainment and
social needs.) The proximity of other villages’ elderly activity centers exacerbated
elders’ dissatisfaction with a lack of such a center, as did the ongoing construction,

industry, and social changes in the village and township which appeared to beneﬁt people

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in middle and early life stages. Additionally, the sense ofcornmunity and richness of
social exchanges in the present did not appear to compare favorably across time, as did
other aspects of daily life. (In other words, there was a lack of appropriate offsets to
counter disadvantages and to quell elders’ dissatisfaction.) In general the signiﬁcance of
offsets in shaping elders’ views of rural change and current life suggests that studies take
into account how aspects of social change that are disadvantageous to rural elders are (or
could be) minimized through new social relations, technologies, or resources.
Elders, Development, and Studies of A ging in Transitioning Rural China: Insightsfrom
Seven Mountains

One of the advantages and challenges of employing mixed methods is that
ﬁndings from various phases may appear to conﬂict. 1 consider these areas to be “fruitful
contradictions” which, when contemplated, provide opportunities to discover important
tensions and insights. In this mixed-methods research, a few “fruitful contradictions”
arose with regard to elders’ ways of speaking about “social change” and “development”
and “village development.” First, especially in focus groups, respondents
overwhelmingly insisted that “changes” in Seven Mountains during the past decades
were positive and had improved their lives greatly. However, results from the household
survey found many elders unsatisﬁed with “village development” in the past “few
decades.” Are these ﬁndings contradictory? How was it that, according to focus group
participants and many interviewees, life had improved so much over their life courses,
and yet elders whom I surveyed often claimed that village development had not improved
their lives? First, this discrepancy between the very positive attitudes of elders in focus

groups and the viewpoints offered in the survey may mean that the relatively public

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nature of the focus groups discouraged complaints, or that the focus group participants
were not part ofa random sample and over-represented well-off, highly content older
villagers. After all, focus group participants did not so much contradict views that older
residents expressed in the survey or the in—depth interviews, but rather, were silent on
some issues that arose in the survey and interview phases.

1 suggest that elders’ particular deﬁnitions of“social change” and “village
development” can at least partly explain discrepancies between positive views expressed
with regard to household and daily life changes, and the negative remarks about “village
development.” Narratives and responses suggest that Seven Mountains elders commonly
distinguished among at least three concepts: (1) “change” (a general collection of
transitions over the past several decades including construction of new buildings and
utilities, household and family re-arrangements, and modern conveniences), (2)
“development” (economic growth, especially on a national scale, which provided
resources for the central government to improve China) and (3) “village development”
(local industry and economic growth, by which local ofﬁcials could improve residents’
material conditions). Particularly telling were elders’ indictments of “the village" when
indicating points of discontent in interviews. For example, in response to the interview
question “Has village development improved your life?” many elders responded, “No,
the village has done nothing to help me [italics added].” At the village level, elders
frequently used the term “village development” to refer to funds generated by the local
industry and village-owned enterprises — of which most felt they had no direct share or
beneﬁt. On the other hand, older villagers spoke of economic and technological

development as solutions, citing increased labor efﬁciency, less need for manpower, and

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innovations such as high-yield rice. A few elders even asserted that due to technological
development “any disease can be cured with enough money.” Yet in most elders’
accounts it was not “development” or “technology” per se that alleviated hardship.
Rather, development was a tool employed more or less successfully by the Party, who
was the ultimate hero. In other words, just as they saw “development” as the medium
through which the central government improved China and the lives of Chinese people
generally, “village development” was the medium through which the local govemment
could directly help elders, but didn’t. From many elders’ views, “the village” either
didn’t care, or didn't have enough money to put successfully into action the tools of
economic development in order to beneﬁt them. As such, although changes in
households and the village were positive, elders did not believe that they had directly
beneﬁted from economic gains of the village.

Another seeming contradiction emerged as older villagers responded to questions
about village development and changes. Elders’ explanations of changes over the years,
village development, and ways their lives had been affected by them highlighted both
technology and government, but did so in seemingly inconsistent ways. Speciﬁcally,
common explanations for hardship and common explanations for improvement in daily
life followed somewhat contradictory paths, suggesting an underlying tension. In
describing difﬁculties of the past, elders linked hardship to a lack of technology and
development. It was usual for a respondent to string together statements and thoughts
such as "We ate tree leaves. There were no cars." Not having enough food and having to
carry heavy loads on shoulder poles to nearby towns were experiences that elders paired

probably due to their poverty in past daily lives. However, since elders spoke about the

138

communal production era as being very difﬁcult, and because the system was explicitly
hyper-political, one might expect elders to explain past hardships as a function of
political conditions and policy. However, to the contrary, no elders explicitly faulted the
Party or government for past bitter experiences. They instead faulted lack of technology
and only attributed current improved conditions to the Party and to government policies
(which utilized economic growth and development to help the people.) In other words,
even though many elders asserted that “without the Party we would not have this
happiness,” it did not follow that “because of the Party we had past bitterness.” This
discrepancy suggests that older villagers were not willing to openly criticize the Chinese
Communist Part (CCP), which is not surprising within the political climate of mainland
China and in light of elders’ experiences during the Cultural Revolution. When villagers
complained that village development had not improved their lives notably, they were
(sometimes admittedly) criticizing the local government who was failing to successfully
employ development in ways that would beneﬁt elders and check inequalities.
Criticizing the local govemment’s implementations of policies allowed elders to voice
political frustration and discontent without fundamentally criticizing the Communist
Party or the Chinese government, thus maintaining their patriotism. (I found this practice
to be common in my conversations with people from a variety of backgrounds and living
conditions in China.) Although some elders likely worried about being considered
unpatriotic, I sensed that their sentiments regarding the CCP were genuine and not stated
out of fear.

Some observers might consider Seven Mountains’ elders to be politically na'r've or

“duped,” but it is notable that they were at least clearly conscious of the political nature

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of development, even if not willing to discuss or confront the politics of past travails.
Whereas much literature in the “global North” has been devoted to arguing and
demonstrating that development is not a neutral or apolitical social force (Sen 1999; Peet
1999; Marehand and Parpart I995; Escobar 1995; Sachs 1992), Seven Mountains
villagers almost “naturally” connected politics with development and its effects. Likely,
this perspective is related to being socialized within a “planned” economy rather than a
“free market” economy. Studies of political and social awareness of elders (and others)
in mainland China might inquire into how aspects of political awareness differ from those
in other geo-political contexts rather than asking or asserting that respondents are
politically “aware” or “unaware” to various extents.

Finally, Seven Mountains’ elders had deﬁnite concerns about the negative aspects
of social change; such as, increased gambling and village pollution. Elders indicated
gambling to be a fairly recent social problem and identiﬁed as culprits the increased
amount of leisure time and money, as well as the changes in the quality of people’s
personal character. Respondents described pollution, on the other hand, to be a problem
of bad local governance, policy implementation, or factory site location, not as an
inevitable or unacceptable outcome of industry or development. Still, neither of these
negative aspects of change or village development instilled substantial doubt in elders as
to the overall beneﬁcial character of rural changes or economic growth, again, likely due
to elders’ frames of reference and to elders’ overall assessment of the advantages and
disadvantages.

For example, while elders talked about pollution problems and many respondents agreed

that they personally were negatively affected by pollution, others pointed out in interview

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narratives and focus group discussions that in earlier decades “the environment was very
bad” indicating lack ofelectricity, coal, and reliable roadways. This point demonstrates
different but equally viable deﬁnitions of"environment" as green space and fresh air and
"environment" as built surroundings shaping ease and quality of life, a point that
environmental sociologists have recently begun to acknowledge in practice but that
seems “obvious” in the eyes of many village elders. Secondly, this suggests that
environmental and other social problems are assessed within the span of a life course and
in geographical context, both setting certain standards and deﬁning what kind of
environment is acceptable. It is possible that people in Seven Mountains who are too
young to remember lack of electricity, heat, or permanent roads may be more prone than
are their seniors to claim that rural industry and village development have destroyed the
local quality of life. Timelines and historical contexts are important to consider in studies
of changing environments in rural China and elsewhere.

Aging, Social Change, and Inequalities in “Well-017"Developing Rural China

Elders expressed various senses of success, achievement, and contentment in their
lives, oﬁen based on family member performance and household acquisition of new
goods. Being able to eat meat every day and having time to relax were major sources of
satisfaction for village elders. However, by far the most important mark of social status
for elders was living in a new brick and steel home. According to research assistants and
informants, this emphasis on having a new home was not commonly shared by young
people in the village, who would have been content with renting a home or living in an
apartment so that they could acquire brand name clothing and electronic devices. But

elders living in new homes relayed a sense of pride that their son(s) had built a new home,

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representing not only higher socioeconomic status, but prestige and fulﬁllment of one’s
son’s ﬁlial obligations. I suggest that, much like people in urban China (and elsewhere)
who engage in retail consumption in order to distinguish and “class” themselves (Hanser
2004), owning and decorating a new home was a primary way in which elders in Seven
Mountains engaged in “social distinction.” Although Seven Mountains was not by any
means a destitute location, it was not tenable to assume that village elders were therefore
physically or psychologically well-off. In focus groups and interviews, elders often
explained household inequality in a way that reﬂected the concepts of “deserving” and
“undeserving” poor. The widespread sentiment of elders and other villagers that anyone
could make money “if they are intelligent” implied that elders living in less advantaged
conditions did so due to lack of their own or family member’s merit. (From my own
observations, heavy burdens of medical bills and health care were commonly to blame for
household disadvantage.) The increasing socio-economic gap between their households
and those around them magniﬁed the distress of elders who experienced ﬁnancial
difﬁculties, adding shame to daily hardships. Whereas younger family members had the
opportunity to strive to overcome these conditions by migrating or working harder to start
businesses, older villagers had little recourse but to accept the lower status of their
household. Elders’ sense of relative poverty in Seven Mountains, combined with the
presence of a social view of “deserving poor,” suggests it is problematic to assume that a
particular county, township, or village is well-off to the extent that all elders are doing
ﬁne. Indeed, in some areas in which poverty is not a widely shared phenomenon,
relatively poor elderly people may suffer more in their experiences than do their

counterparts in areas of more egalitarian, albeit generally lower, socioeconomic status.

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An important research implication is that studies of elders’ well—being or ofthe “aging
population problem” should not be conﬁned to areas commonly considered to be destitute.
Aging, Gender, and the Politics of Social Change: Insightsfrom Seven Mountains

Findings from focus groups, the household survey, and interviews suggest that
older women and older men in Seven Mountains had both similar and different
experiences of rural changes and economic development. To the extent that gender
dictated daily chores and experiences in this social context, it was a key factor
inﬂuencing elders’ viewpoints on the type and extent of social change as well as
experiences of aging. When asked about social changes, elder women tended to speak in
detail about changes within the household. They focused on the ease or difﬁculty of
“inside” chores, the burden of day-to-day responsibilities, and practical issues of feeding
and clothing family members. On the other hand, older men mainly spoke of general
difﬁculty and focused on changes to the public roads, the development of utilities,
developments in agricultural technology, and political and leadership shifts. Put simply,
elders tended to talk about social changes of which they were most aware and
experienced. In particular, present and past gendered organization of labor inﬂuenced the
perspectives and focal points of elders in Seven Mountains. This evidence supports
arguments that studies of aging and social change include consideration of gender roles
and identities across life courses.

Elder woman’s perceived relative ignorance of past and current public affairs and
social phenomena probably shaped the extent to which they experienced age inequality in
an age of new technological gadgets, information, and highly educated grandchildren

Women with no formal education who felt (and were regarded as) uninformed were at a

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greater disadvantage in the new “information age” and in relation to young tech-savvy
youth than were their literate (male) counterparts with junior high or high school
educations. Members of men’s focus groups were certainly more apt to adopt a
pedagogical stance when answering questions than were women elders. In each of the
women’s focus groups and in many of the interviews and surveys, it was primarily
women who claimed ignorance and made statements such as: “People in our generation
are all unleamed; we never went to school” and “We older people don’t understand such
topics.”

Although some woman elders said: “I’m really an ignorant person,” they did not
indicate their identity as a woman as the implicating factor. Research assistants and other
villagers did, however. Because my purpose in the village was often understood as that
of “fact-collecting,” both respondents and helpers warned me not to expect valuable
responses from women elders. As such, through past gendered education opportunities,
gender was also a signiﬁcant social identity shaping experiences of aging and social
change in Seven Mountains.

How gender relations in Seven Mountains interacted with social transitions over
time was more difﬁcult to assess. Both the inﬂuence of the past gendered division of
labor and of gendered educational experiences suggests that in Seven Mountains, older
women experienced cumulative disadvantage. However, the fact that both women and
men could earn wages was a social change that meant a relative loss for male elders in
later life (the age as leveler phenomenon), who in other eras might have had total control
over all wages received by all household members. It would mean a relative gain for

women as they approached later life, as they now had the opportunity to spend their own

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(albeit small) sums of money from selling vegetables, when in previous eras they would
not have had an opportunity to do so. Again, these new conditions were a matter not
only of gender/age relations, but of political-economic contexts.

Aging, Politics, and Social Change

It is apparent from interviews and focus groups that past levels of economic
development, as well as the past organization of production and consumption, greatly
shaped the extent to which Seven Mountains’ elders experienced economic power
(earning and spending ability) in later life. Older women and older men emphasized and
expressed satisfaction in later-life opportunities to make money and enjoy the fruits of
their own labor, something that was not possible during the production team era, and
which was less possible before coal miners and factory workers arrived as customers.
Although in many cases the money that elders earned from the sale of vegetables or
repair jobs was small, these opportunities should be understood in the context of past
agricultural policies, organization of work, and newfound chances to “support yourself by
working.”

Additionally, elders spoke of increased freedom to “just go if you want to go” and
to have control over daily routines and activities. These freedoms are not related only to
technological developments, but also to the politics of work and organization of
production. Under past economic and political conditions, these particular women and
men lived through times when they had no chance to take spending money into town to
buy a bowl of beef soup, visit with friends, or choose vegetables to cook for a favorite

meal.

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That many elders in Seven Mountains found their later years to be in some ways
freer and ﬁlled with more opportunities for self—sufﬁciency than they were in earlier eras
indicates both the apolitical and ahistorical character of notions about aging as being
ﬁlled with less autonomy, freedom, and inactivity. As demonstrated by older villagers in
Seven Mountains, we see how aging is neither automatically 3 period of loss nor of gain.
Aging experiences are relative within the life course, and socio-political contexts through
which people live must be taken into account when assessing the gains or losses linked to
aging and when evaluating autonomy in later life.

With respect to understanding aging and development, this research suggests that
a problem with the classic modernization theory of aging is that it is one dimensional.
The theory inquires into how elders’ group status goes either “up” or “down.” For Seven
Mountains’ elders, social change appears to have reduced opportunities to enjoy
traditional old age distinction (that is, high status as elders within households) and
authority (a main focus of the age-modemization theory). However, power (e. g., in the
form wage-eaming ability) over life courses has increased in some ways for many elders,
and in many cases has included shifting household generational relations in which elders
often lose relative status. Better understanding these “mixed bags” is task for future
studies in the sociology of aging. This chapter illustrates the importance of relative
deprivations experienced when comparisons are made by older people between their
remembered pasts and current conditions, across contemporary landscapes that are local,

national, and global, and when nuanced by gender.

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CHAPTER 5: “IF YOU COUNT THAT”: ROLES AND AGE RELATIONS IN
LATER LIFE

Days in Seven Mountains began before dawn with the sounds of ﬁreworks,
sweeping, and laundry. Early mornings were an active time for older villagers, many of
whom rose with or before the sun. In contrast to mornings in China’s urban areas, Seven
Mountains was not ﬁlled with troops of elderly people performing calisthenics or tai qi.
These older villagers maintained their commonly agile and lithe ﬁgures by doing chores,
climbing the slopes, or walking to one of the village halls or temples. Women elders laid
out food and burned incense while others swept houses and courtyards and oversaw the
moming’s rice porridge. Some elders who lived in homes without piped water hauled
buckets for cooking and washing, or took garbage to the river. Older villagers with more
leisure time and fewer household duties strolled down village paths, read newspapers, or
hiked up the nearby hills for exercise.

As further investigation showed, elders’ activities were not limited to the early
morning hours. Walking in the village throughout the day, I passed women elders on
their way to feed livestock and saw others sitting in doorways chatting and cleaning
vegetables. Grandmothers did chores with their grandchildren strapped to their backs or
stood by the main road waiting for the bus that would take them to the town market.
More than a few of the men hauling wheelbarrows ﬁlled with bricks and gravel had
graying hair. In the cooler evenings village elders sometimes sat together in doorways or
joined family members to watch the latest television drama. While the oldest old family

members performed light but meaningful chores, I observed that young—elders, who in

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some cases performed care work for young grandchildren, adult children, and aged
parents, were often most active in household tasks.

This chapter describes the roles, daily activities, and household relationships of
elder women and elder men mainly as related by older villagers. In order to gain insight
into elders’ aging experiences and daily lives in rural China, it also examines living
conditions, living arrangements and gendered—age relations within the village and
households. As in Chapter Four, I ﬁrst present ﬁndings from the focus groups, household
survey, and interviews in a descriptive manner before discussing and analyzing how these
ﬁndings inform studies of aging in China as well as relevant sociological theories of
aging.

Elders ’ Living Conditions and Well-Being

Elders in Seven Mountains lived in a variety of socio-economic conditions and as
indicated by perceived adequacy of resources and by culturally relevant material
conditions (Table 5). Through the household survey 1 was able to better understand
broadly these day—to-day conditions and living arrangements, whereas focus groups and
interviews allowed me to inquire into speciﬁc cases and examples. It is important to note
that these survey ﬁndings reﬂect only the conditions of households in which one or more
persons over age 55 resided (“elder households”). It is possible that Seven Mountains’
households with no elders were systematically different.

On average, elders perceived their household conditions as being “somewhat
well-off” or even leaning toward “well-off” (Table 5). This assessment tended to be
strongest among the older male survey respondents, although the means were not

statistically signiﬁcant (col. 1). The material indicators of household wealth, as shown by

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the average on the Housing Type Score (col. 2), showed the most favorable mean score to
older males. Thus, on both psychological and physical measures of socioeconomic status
at the household level, I ﬁnd that oldest-old men were the most advantaged.

Economic and social development are related but separate phenomenon. Social
poser, thus economic power, can be most efﬁciently mustered from a larger number of
household members (which may mean more rooms) and especially if they belong to the
CCP. The size of households also did not vary signiﬁcantly for young- and old-elders, or
between male and female elders; averages ranged from 4.45 people in households with
old-elder male target respondents to 5.70 people in households with young-elder women
target respondents. Yet the average number of CCP members per household ranged
from .64 in households in which old-elder men responded to .20 in households about
which young-elder women responded, but was not signiﬁcantly related to age and sex. In
sum, higher household socioeconomic status appears to be symbolized by residence in
brick-and-steel structures or those built after 1978 or those household with more
members of the Communist Party.

Household Living Arrangements: Descriptive Information

Of all elder households surveyed, exactly two-thirds (66 percent) were comprised
of three generations, averaging 5.4 persons per household. This size is quite a bit larger
than the average household size (inclusive of non-elder households) of 3.13 persons for
China overall and 2.99 persons for Fujian province (China Statistical Yearbook 2006).
Only ﬁve percent of households hosted four generations, and none were made up of more
than four generations. Most elder households included only one or two elders (the mean

number ofpeople over 55 being 1.67). Fifteen percent of households included only one

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older person or an older person and his/her spouse. The majority (76.67 percent) of
households did not expect any changes in living arrangements in the next year. The
number of rooms in households, not related to gender or age, was an average of 9.88 in
these elder households.

Like many places in China, it was customary in Seven Mountains for elderly
parents to live with a son and daughter-in-law. Traditionally, it was the youngest son
with whom elders in Seven Mountains resided. Families that had no sons might “bring-
in” a son-in-law through marriage to a daughter, who then assumed the lineage and
obligations of a biological son. Survey and interviews revealed one of these
arrangements. In general, it was necessary to ask carefully how many children
respondents had, since some elders only counted sons as children while others included
daughters when asked about offspring.

In cases in which elders did not live with sons, daughters, or grandchildren,
interview respondents in three cases described the arrangement as mutually agreed upon,
and in other cases said that they chose to live separately from younger family members in
order to lighten their children’s ﬁnancial burden. In some households I suspected that
family relationships were strained and that the decision to live separately was related to
past or current conﬂicts. Mr. Tan Rong for example, was 70 years old, with three sons
and one daughter. He lived with his wife in an old earth home in a structure shared with
another family:

Q: Did your sons ask you to live with them?

A: No.

Q: Why not?

A: They are scared of seeing an elderly person. They are repulsed by

elderly people.
Q: Do you want to live with your sons?

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A: No.

Q: Do you fear you won't get along well together?

A: Ah, us elderly people living together by ourselves is better.

In at least one survey case, an elderly man lived alone while his wife lived with their son
and daughter-in-law nearby. In some households, a spouse (usually a wife) was away in
the city working or looking after grandchildren. In short, elders who did not live with
their family members did not always do so because of ﬁnancial or geographical obstacles.

Of elders’ households surveyed, only 58.33 percent said that all household
members slept there the previous night. In these cases, most frequently one-to-three
people had slept elsewhere. On the other hand, only 40 percent of households reported
including family members (usually two) who “went out” for work. The explanation for
the discrepancy in these numbers is likely that high school students lived in dorms during
the week and returned home at most just a few times throughout the semester. This
hypothesis is supported by a positive signiﬁcant correlation (.474) between the number of
people sleeping in other locations the night before and the highest household education
level. Fewer households in Stone Flower reported members “going out” than did other
hamlets, but there was not a statistically signiﬁcant relationship between hamlet residence
and having a member of the household who “went out.”

Although elders occasionally ate with other sons’ households when members of
their house of residence were absent, caring for elders in “rotation” was not common here,
nor was there strong evidence of aggregation (Croll 1994), or cooperation, of households
in Seven Mountains. (A minority of households, 21.67 percent, reported doing business
in another household.) On the contrary, I was surprised by the frequent apparent

autonomy of households and sense of “each household for itself’ in the village. Since the

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village was not segregated into clusters based on socio—economic status, it was common
to see wealthy families living within yards of quite poor households. These conditions
make sense if one remembers that land rights were distributed after the communal era;
families did not move into “better” or “worse” neighborhoods as they might in rural and
suburban United States.

Elder Household Socio-economic Status

Survey ﬁndings supported focus groups’ hints of household inequalities and
differences in Seven Mountains. Many households (roughly 30 percent) elected not to
answer questions about income, but the average reported monthly expenditures for all
households village wide was 1233.71 yuan (about 166 US dollars), with 120 yuan (about
16 US dollars) the least amount spent and 6550yuan (about 885 US dollars) the most
amount spent. Spring Festival, or Chinese New Year, was the highlight of the year, when
most families spent whatever they could afford on special food and gifts of money and
clothes. How much a household spent during this period is probably indicative of
economic status, although naturally expenditures will vary according to the age structure
and size of households. (Gifts generally ﬂowed from working family members to the
very young and elderly.) On average, Seven Mountains’ households spent 1865.36yuan
(about 252 US dollars) at Spring Festival, with expenditures ranging from 100yuan
(about 13.50 US dollars) to 5000 yuan (about 675 US dollars).

Although the mean highest level of education in elder households was between
junior high and high school (including vocational school), only 25 percent of elders
reported that someone in their household had graduated from high school, and less than

one-third said a family member had attended either high school or a vocational school.

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(Household education level is of course also related to the presence of children and
grandchildren.) Just over 13 percent of households included a family member with an
undergraduate college degree.

Main sources of household income in Seven Mountains included business, factory
work, and relatively small sums from selling livestock, rice, vegetables, and other crops.
A majority — 86.67 percent — of elder households had no members drawing a steady
income (i.e., a salary or pension). At the time of the survey, 93.33 percent of elder
households reported having some income from farming. Over 98 percent said that they
owned livestock — usually chickens and ducks. The average amount of rights to farmland
that elder households held was 2.73 mu [0.45 acres], with the smallest plot being 1 mu
[0.165 acres] and the largest 8.5 mu [1.4 acres]. Most families reported having rights to
farm 2 mu [0.33 acres] of land. (The land was distributed to households as part of the
household responsibility system in the early 19805. Since then, some households had
leased their land rights to neighbors.)

Of elder households surveyed, 26.67 percent reported including at least one
Communist Party member. Membership rates are important, as studies elsewhere in
mainland China have shown relationships between household Party membership, health,
and socio—economic status of elders (Zimmer 2005). Indeed, in Seven Mountains there
was also a positive correlation between a household including a CCP member, having a
household income, education level, number of rooms, and number of household members
with health insurance (Table 6). Among old-elders the men’s report of resident CCP

members was almost twice as large as what was reported by the women (Table 5).

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There was also variety in the type and extent of utilities and appliances, although
all elder households surveyed reported having electricity, and all households reported
boiling their drinking water. The main source of drinking water for 70 percent of
households was piped from the mountains. Another 18.33 percent of households hauled
drinking water from a well, and another 1 1.67 percent had it piped from a well. The main
source of washing water for 50 percent of households was piped from the mountains,
while 28.33 percent hauled it from a well and 20 percent had it piped from a well. A very
small portion of elder households (1.67 percent) reported acquiring washing water from
an “other” source, likely the polluted river. Approximately 65 percent of elder
households reported some kind of change in cooking fuel usage during the past ﬁve years,
and at the time of the survey, 80 percent of households were using a combination of coal,
electricity, and wood for cooking. The changes in the past ﬁve years in cooking fuel
usage mainly involved decreased use of wood and coal and increased use of gas and
electricity.

Certain appliances, such as electric fans, were very common in all households. Of
elder households, 78.33 percent owned a telephone and 83.33 percent included someone
who owned a cell phone. Also common were color televisions — with 83.33 percent of
households owning at least one — and motorbikes; 70 percent of elder households owned
one. A relatively small proportion of elder households still owned an “old—fashioned”
bicycle (13.33), although this question was often met with a chuckle. Less frequently
owned were refrigerators (43.33 percent), cars or trucks (25 percent), computers (13.33
percent), and air conditioners (11.67 percent). Families with new houses were

signiﬁcantly more likely to own these more expensive and modern commodities. The

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size of houses also ranged from having two rooms to forty rooms, with an average of
almost ten rooms (Table 5). Survey respondents’ reported household economic
conditions, house type, and number of household members, Party members, and rooms
were not statistically signiﬁcantly different across age groups or gender (Table 5).

Inequality in household economic conditions among hamlets was apparent.
Elders’ perceived poverty was greatest in Buddha’s Peak and least in Stone Flower.
From an observer’s eye, Buddha’s Peak was visibly less advantaged. Most of the homes
were made of traditional mud, and few construction projects were underway. None of the
elder respondents residing here considered themselves “very well off.” The average
reported 2005 annual household monthly income for Buddha’s Peak elder households
(1280.00 yuan, or about 173 US dollars) was much lower than averages reported by older
residents of Southern Slope (4013.33 yuan, or about 542 US dollars) and Stone Flower
(4400 yuan, or about 594 US dollars). However, in terms of per capita household income,
Southern Slope was better off ﬁnancially, since Stone Flower had larger overall families
over which the household income was averaged (Table 2).

In the village overall, 32 percent of elder respondents said that the food and
nutrition were inadequate, 35 percent of elders agreed that medical care was inadequate,
46 percent of target respondents agreed that help with chores was inadequate, and 36
percent of respondents agreed that personal care was inadequate (Table 3). Slightly
fewer (23 percent) of elders said that companionship was inadequate, and very few (3
percent) reported that they did not have enough or appropriate clothing. There was a
signiﬁcant correlation between hamlet residence and elders’ reports that help with chores

was inadequate; elders living in Southern Slope more often agreed that they did not have

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enough help with chores (Table 3). It is possible that households in the more “modern”
Southern Slope required more or different types of housework or maintenance than did
those of Buddha’s Peak. For example, newer homes usually had many more stairs to
climb and items to clean than did older homes. Moreover, the slightly smaller family
sizes in Southern Slope in comparison with those of Stone Flower may have caused
elders to feel that assistance from family members was inadequate. The number of
family members “going out” was not signiﬁcantly related to elders’ reports of inadequate
help with chores; however, it was positively correlated with elders’ reports of inadequate
personal care.

Elders who perceived their household economic conditions less positively were
signiﬁcantly more likely to report that both food and companionship were inadequate.
While the relationship between household economic conditions and food supply is
understandable, it is more difﬁcult to understand how economic conditions might
inﬂuence perceptions of adequate companionship. It is possible that economic
disadvantage affects elders’ psychology such that they experienced greater loneliness.
Economic difﬁculties might also prevent elders from being able to utilize transportation
or participate in other social activities that require money. Gender and age of
respondents were not signiﬁcantly correlated with the perception of adequate help or
other needs.

Elders ' Physical and Mental Health

In my daily observations, most elders appeared to enjoy good health and agility.
They were generally slim, appeared strong, and most did not struggle with lack of

mobility. Still, the elders in the best physical and mental health were likely the ones most

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frequently visible, and so the random household survey afforded an opportunity to
investigate more thoroughly the overall health status of Seven Mountains’ elders.

First, the majority of elder households (78 percent) did not include any family
members with health insurance. The greatest number of households (85 percent) had sent
elders to the nearby town in order to be treated for illness, and just less than half (48
percent) of elder households had made use of the Seven Mountains clinic to acquire
medical care for an elder. The town clinic offered greater amenities than did the village
clinic, and was still easily accessible (as compared to clinics further away).

Gender differences in reported health were clear. On average, elders rated their
health. as being somewhere between “average” and “good” (3.5 on a 5 point scale; Table
7). Only a small minority of elders reported their health to be “very poor,” but notably,
twice as many of these people were women (5.3 percent) than were men (2.4 percent).
No women reported that their health was “very good,” while 29.3 percent of men did so.
This gender difference was statistically signiﬁcant, and elder women also rated both their
health and their current memory capacity lower than did elder men (Table 7). However,
men (51.22 percent) were far more likely to smoke tobacco than were women (5.26
percent). It was so rare for older women to smoke that one of my research assistants
would inadvertently pause to watch with her mouth agape each time an elderly woman
interviewee rolled a cigarette and began smoking.

Elders in Seven Mountains enjoyed a fairly high level of mobility (Table 8).
Overall, only 13.33 percent of respondents reported that they had some level of difﬁculty

with mobility. In terms of speciﬁc tasks, only 8.33 percent of respondents said they had

“some difﬁculty with,” “much difﬁculty with” or were unable to walk 200-300 meters

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(10.53 percent of women and 7.32 percent of men), and 13.56 percent of respondents said
that they had difﬁculty shopping (16.67 percent of women and 12.20 percent of men).
Relatively few elders (18.33 percent) said they had difﬁculty getting on a bus, but
women expressed statistically signiﬁcantly more trouble with this task than did men
(36.84 percent of women compared to 9.76 percent of men). Perhaps this type of
physical exercise was not something to which women had become accustomed in their
daily chores, whereas men’s outside work and hiking included frequent stepping up and
down.

Most elders also expressed little difﬁculty performing daily tasks within the
household (Table 8). Approximately ten percent of respondents said they had any
difﬁculty carrying a ten kg. object (15.79 percent of women and 7.69 percent of men),
6.67 percent of respondents reported difﬁculty with cooking (5.26 percent of women and
7.32 percent of men; 75.61 percent of surveyed men said they regularly did some
cooking), and only 3.33 percent of respondents said they had any difﬁculty getting
dressed (5.26 percent of women and 2.44 percent of men). A task in which relatively
more elders (39.33 percent overall) reported that they would have trouble accomplishing
was standing for two hours. In this case, women were statistically more likely to report
difﬁculty (57.89 percent of women compared to 29.27 percent of men). It probably
means that older Chinese women are more likely than their male counterparts to suffer
from arthritis in the spine or lower limbs.

In terms of psychological health, there was also a trend (but it was not statistically
signiﬁcant) between elder women’s and men’s scores on the survey’s depression scale

(Table 9). With a possible and actual range of 14 to 56 points, the average score was

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42.48. Men’s average was slightly higher (44.80, meaning they were less depressed)
than was women’s average (37.47). Scores on the depression scale were positively
correlated with perceived household economic conditions (r = .326), the number of rooms
in the household (r = .317) as well as the household expenditure during Spring Festival (r
= .297) (Table 9). This suggests that elders in larger homes felt happier than their
counterparts in smaller homes. Because there was no signiﬁcant relationship between
depression scale scores and having a new brick and steel home, it is possible that having
more rooms (or perhaps more space) in one’s home directly positively inﬂuenced elders’

mental health.

Elders ’ Households Roles, Activities, and Power

The household survey included questions on elders’ daily activities within the
household, as well as questions about their recreational activities and their perceived
roles and contributions in the household and the village. Interviews and focus groups
also included discussions about what elder women and elder men did in their households
and the village, and to what extent their activities inﬂuence their families and community.

Reported Household Chores

The survey found elders performing regular tasks within their households. Much
of this work was inside and involved maintaining the home by performing daily chores
(Table 10). Overall, 58.33 percent of elders said that they regularly hauled water (63.16
percent of women and 56.10 percent men), while 80 percent of elders did some cooking
in the household (89.47 percent women and 75.61 percent of men). Other common tasks
included raising animals, which 81.67 percent of elders reported doing every day (78.95

percent of women and 82.93 percent of men) and household cleaning, which 93.33

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percent of elders listed as a daily activity (94.74 percent of women and 92.68 percent
men).

Participation in certain daily activities was signiﬁcantly related to gender (yet not
signiﬁcantly related to perceived or reported economic conditions of the elder household).
For example, washing clothes was a daily task that 78.95 percent of elder women
reported performing, but that only 31.71 percent of elder men included in their list of
chores (Table 10). On the other hand, 78.95 percent of women said that they never
participated in clan rituals, while of the minority of elders who frequently participated in
them (4.88 percent), all of them were male elders. Going to the market to buy goods was
also an activity more oﬁen reported by men than by women (78.05percent of older men
and 47.37 percent of older women), as was selling goods in the market (15.79 percent of
elder women and 31.7l percent of elder men). This likely put elderly men more often in
control of spend-able and consumable resources.

Findings about activities that were most surprising to me related to gender, work
and childcare (Table 10). No men said that they worked for wages, while 5.26 percent of
women reported doing so. (I suspect that the men at this age were formally retired if they
had received wages, whereas women continued to work in a less formal, but still waged,
capacity.) Over half of elder men (58.54 percent), reported that they still did farm work,
while only 36.84 percent of older women said the same. Participation in farm work was
signiﬁcantly related to age; only 30 percent of those in the “old-elder” category reported
doing farm work while 62.50 percent of “young-elders” said they performed farm work.
Also surprisingly, more elder men reported caring for children than did elder women

(26.32 percent of women and 41.46 percent of men). Yet .1 observed many women caring

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for young children — sometimes at the same time as they were in the ﬁelds — causing me
to question how deﬁnitions of“farm work” and “child care” might be different between
individuals or along gender lines.

Reported Recreational Activities

The survey asked respondents about their leisure and recreational activities, both
in terms of type and frequency (Table 1 1). One of the most common recreational
activities was watching television, with an overall 81.67 percent of elders reporting that
they watched television several times a week or almost daily. These people included
87.80 percent of elder men and only 63.16 percent of elder women. I suspect that
women were busier in the evenings with housework, perhaps preferred to chat with
friends, or chose other activities if they could not understand the Mandarin Chinese
spoken on television.

Just as interesting was what elders were not doing in Seven Mountains. Only a
few elders said that they occasionally played majiang, visited the temple, went to parks,
went ﬁshing, or went to the market “for fun.” No survey respondents reported doing tai
qi or qi gong during the past year, and all respondents said that they either “never” or
“rarely” visited scenic or historical sites during the past year. A signiﬁcant difference
along gender lines was the very small amount of women (5.26 percent) compared to their
male counterparts (48.78 percent) who said they read the news several times a week or
almost daily (Table l 1). This ﬁnding is not surprising based upon gender differences in
education level and literacy rates.

Hiking the nearby hills was a popular morning activity among elders in Seven

Mountains, although some older villagers said they were unable to do so due to health

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problems or the need to tend to morning chores of cooking or washing laundry. It was
more common to observe elder men walking up the hills in the morning for exercise
while older women stayed by the stove or courtyard. Some elder hikers combined this
activity with visiting with neighbors or praying at a temple. My own experience hiking
up the nearby hills showed it to be a challenging task, even in the cool early morning air.

Elders" Descriptions ofRoles and Activities

Compared to survey ﬁndings, elders’ descriptions in focus groups and interviews
of what they did tended to downplay their levels of activity and contribution within
households. One of the most prominent themes emerging from both focus groups and
interviews was many elders’ views that they “did not do much” or “did not do anything,”
besides “just” housework, cooking, childcare, and tending to or selling items from the
vegetable garden. Other activities that elders mentioned included feeding rabbits and
chickens, going out to the market to get a little food for the household, boiling rice or rice
porridge in the morning, and cutting rice straw. Speaking generally about elderly
people’s activities in the home, an old—elder woman’s comment summarizes many of her
peers’ viewpoints: “[Elderly people] do not really contribute. They help care for children
and do some housework, if you count that.”

In focus groups both women elders and men elders emphasized that older people
could not do heavy labor or farm work. Focus group participants generally agreed that
after age 60 and depending on household economic conditions, most villagers were not
expected to engage in heavy manual labor. (This ﬁnding is interesting because survey
results show 51.67 percent of elders reported doing regular farm work. Perhaps the

snowball sample of focus group participants were more likely to have “retired.”) A

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division between heavy farm work and household work seems to mark the distinction
between “doing” something and “not doing” something for the household. Mrs. Sun’s
words reﬂect this common sentiment:

Currently I don't contribute. I can't do any farm work. 1 also don't

contribute to the village. At most I can help with some family matters

and look after grandchildren a little.

Not all elders were willing to discount their activities and roles in the household,
however. Elders who did farm work in addition to housework would say that they “did
all of it” when asked about the distribution of work in and around the household. Older
villagers in more difﬁcult ﬁnancial situations also had more difﬁcult daily lives and less
leisure time, especially when they were also responsible for caring for their own parents
as well as their grandchildren. They were more likely to acknowledge their contributions,
as was 58 year-old Mrs. Lin:

1 get up about 6 o'clock. I'm very busy. My mother-in-law is over 80.

Since last year she falls out of bed. I have to look after her. . . . I must

grow vegetables and sell a little for money and manage the home subsidy

money. I am extremely economical. I buy just a little pork. The child

[her grandson] eats a little, my mother-in-law eats a little, but I don't eat

any. I also raise some chickens and ducks to eat only at Spring Festival.

Sometimes our luck is not good and at Spring Festival there is no chicken

or duck meat to eat. My life is very difﬁcult.

In open-ended survey responses, elders repeatedly cited “watching the house”
(kanjia) as the primary contribution of an older family member. To watch the house
might have included watching over school-aged children, welcoming visitors (especially
people who stopped by when other family members were out), making sure the
household livestock was well fed, and tending to the family vegetable plot. Only a few

respondents portrayed this work as itself important and signiﬁcant, understanding elders’

“new” roles in the household as meaningful in today’s world: “Before no one made

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money,” a young-elder woman explained, but “now elderly people look after the home
and young people go out and make money.” This perspective portrays elders as
contributing along with (although perhaps not as much as) junior family members.

Elders on Later Life and ”Burdens ”

While elders did not see themselves as helping other family members to a great
extent, they did at times emphasize that they were able to care for themselves, which
avoided placing additional burdens on their family. A young-elder woman was ﬁrm in
her statement during a focus group: “Elderly people don't just idle around at home eating
food. Elderly people still must go out and do work. We feed ourselves and cat by
ourselves.”

Based on elders’ discussions in focus groups and their responses to survey
questions, I further inquired through interviews the extent to which elders saw themselves
as burdening households or family members. When asked whether children felt they
were burdens, elders often denied it; rather, their children were very ﬁlial. Yet many
elders were quick to call themselves “burdens” in a way that suggested they did not ﬁnd
it a degrading label. For example, an old-elder woman explained:

Q: Do you think you are a burden to your household now?

A: You could say I'm a burden. I hope [my son and daughter-in-law]

can make money. The things that I help them do they can also do. Other

things 1 have no way to do.

Q: Do your children think you are burdensome?

A: No way. They don't dare. After all, it was so difﬁcult before.

These comments suggest that it was unacceptable for children to call their parents

burdensome, but that elders would say this about themselves or about their age group

generally.

164

Some elders’ own “burdens” had not been reduced greatly since their youth or
middle-age. Young-elders especially often continued to bear signiﬁcant ﬁnancial and
household responsibilities. A young-elder male focus group participant drew attention
to situations in which elders continued to support the household once children had
married or moved out:

Before I had to support children, now I still support my parents and my

wife. As before, 1 support three people. I'm also a bit old. But to respect

parents is tradition, a Chinese virtue — wouldn’t you say?

At the time of this research, relatively few elders (3.33 percent) reported on the survey
that they regularly cared for other elders. However, those who did say they cared for an
aging relative included more women than men.

More than once, the double use of the word “burden” (fudan) as both a noun and a
verb created an interesting misunderstanding and provided evidence that some elders felt
they indeed shouldered responsibility in the family, a responsibility that was shared when
family members returned from “going out.”

Q: Do you think elderly people are a burden to the household?

A: Of course they shoulder responsibility.

Q: Why do you think this?

A: I have to help do much work. I must support the household.

Q: I mean are you a burden to your children? Do you think you make them

tired?

A: Of course. If my son comes home his burden is deﬁnitely heavy.

Finally, few interviewed elders suggested that they contributed to the family
through providing guidance or information. One man mentioned that he was able to read
newspapers and learn about new policies, thereby keeping the household informed.

Another old-elder woman offered advice to family members — although clearly her role

was not authoritative:

Q: [So] if the family has some issue, they can ask you for
advice and give you some responsibilities?

A: Yes. Ifthere is some situation, my son will come and ask me about it. For
example, when my grandson wanted to go to university my son asked me where

would be a good place for him to attend. I said a medical college. It'sjust that
later my grandson did not want to study medicine.

Elders ' Views on Living Arrangements, Family Relations, and Filial Piety

Besides describing and explaining living arrangements and household conditions,
elders also offered their viewpoints on these situations through the focus groups, survey,
and interviews. Older villagers gave examples of“ﬁlial” and “unﬁlial” children and
commented on possible changes in power in intergenerational relationships.

Attitudes about Living Arrangements

In all phases, older villagers demonstrated a high level of continued support for
traditional arrangements in which elders live with children. The household survey
included a section inquiring into elders’ views and attitudes about living arrangements
(Table 12). Respondents were asked to rate their level of agreement with a series of
statements about elders living with children and grandchildren. In this phase, 94.87
percent of respondents agreed or strongly agreed that elders living with children and
grandchildren “make a big happy family,” and 81.03 agreed that living with children and
grandchildren “saves money.”

Almost all elders agreed or strongly agreed with other statements supporting
traditional living arrangements without signiﬁcant differences along gender or class lines,
including that “elderly living with children and grandchildren fosters support within
families” (98.31 percent), that “elderly living with children and grandchildren helps

elders,” (98.31 percent), and that “elderly living with children and grandchildren helps

166

younger family members” (again 98.31 percent). These ﬁndings from survey responses
suggest that elders in Seven Mountains continued to view positively multiple generations
living together. Indeed, 96.67 percent of respondents expressed agreement with the
statement that “three or more generations living together is ideal.”

Participants in focus groups and villagers in conversations also repeated the
common explanation that it is Chinese tradition for sons to care for and live with elders.
Some elders complained of deviations from this plan, noting that in too many cases in
Seven Mountains, “younger people do not eat and live together with older people: “[In
Seven Mountains] a hundred 80 year-old people eat by themselves,” a young-elder
woman bemoaned. Although there was variation in agreement to these statements along
age group and gender lines, these differences were not statistically signiﬁcant (Table 12).

Family and Age Relations

Living arrangements did not always dictate the character of family and age
relations in Seven Mountains. Elders who lived “separately” from their children or
grandchildren often lived in houses less than ten yards away. They could still share
meals with their children and be involved in the household chores or affairs. These types
of conditions were probably reﬂected in the low percentage (15 percent) of elders who
agreed that “elderly living separately from children do not need to do housework for
younger family members” (10.53 percent of women and 18.42 percent of men concurred)
(Table 12). The majority, 70.27 percent, of elder respondents agreed that “elderly living
separately from children and grandchildren allows both to live according to their wills.”

However, 96.15 percent of elders agreed or strongly agreed that “fewer conﬂicts occur

I67

when elderly live separately from children and grandchildren” (93.75 of older women
and 97.22 percent of older men).

In terms of age relations within the household, the survey found that 15.79
percent of women disagreed and 21.95 percent of men disagreed that “younger adults and
elders are equal in the household.” In whose favor the inequality worked is not clearly
discernible from the way this question was posed, but interviews and focus groups
suggested that many elders felt they held less power than did other family members. One
man in a focus group noted that “the [television] remote control is in the hands of the
young people." Another noted that “our lives depend on whether this next generation is
ﬁlial.” An old-elder man announced in a discussion:

I have a statement. Men and women are equal. But in our home the
phenomenon of honoring elderly and loving children is out.

Although a vast majority of elders said that women and men were equal in the
household (100 percent of women and 96.67 percent of men), elder men were more likely
to manage money in the household (21.56 percent) than were elder women (5.25 percent).
No survey respondents, women or men, said that they needed permission to leave the
house or go on errands. When faced with an illness, most elders (58.33 percent) said that
they decided with others whether they would receive medical care, some (23. 33 percent)
said that they decided themselves whether to seek medical attention, and in a relatively
minor number of cases some one else (usually a son) made the decision. Often surprised
by the “silly” question, most elders (88.34 percent) said that family members, usually
sons, would pay for their medical bills, while ﬁve percent said they would use their own

savings.

168

When asked in-depth questions about family and age relations in actuality (rather
than in an ideal setting), focus group participants’ comments displayed more variation in
perspective and experience. Many elders were happy with their living conditions,
explaining that they no longer had to do much work, nor did they feel very anxious about
having enough food or clothing, since they anticipated that children could provide for
them:

We don't worry about food to eat. Our children all help us. Also, before

we all had to tend to our own survival. Now you can work or not work.

If you don't work there is still food to eat. Children help us with chores.

We don't worry about food. Children can provide you with food [young-

elder woman].

Other elders were happier than in previous times, but did not express the same carefree
and conﬁdent view of the present, like this woman from a relatively poorer household
participating in the same focus group:

Life is much better. [But] elderly people have no way [to get an income].

Children don't give us food to eat. An elderly couple can only get their

own food. My daughter, where she is, takes care of elderly people over

80 years old. There is also a nine year-old grandson.

Repeatedly, it emerged in focus groups that if children’s economic conditions were good
and if elders were on good terms with children, elders would enjoy happy lives. Put
another way, elders with self-perceived “ﬁlial” children expressed much more
contentment than did their counterparts who implied or clearly stated that their children
were unﬁlial.

Views on F ilial Piety and Family Relations

In order to better understand such a seemingly important factor in Seven

Mountains elders’ level of contentment, 1 directly asked older villagers to explain what

the terms “ﬁlial” and “unﬁlial” meant to them, and to what extent they believed younger

169

generations were maintaining the Chinese tradition of ﬁlial piety. Although I expected
long or complex explanations, the concept of ﬁlialness appeared fairly straightforward
based on older villager’s accounts and examples. In general, “ﬁlial” children were those
who inquired into elders’ health, spoke respectfully, offered them food and called them to
meals, and who ensured that they received adequate clothing, medical attention, and
spending money. “Unﬁlial” children yelled at their parents, beat them, did not care
whether they were hungry or sick, and seldom or never visited or called. Several elders,
as well as a research assistant, summed up the concept of ﬁlial piety by saying:
“Basically it just means being good to your parents.”

Elders’ views diverged on whether or not children needed to have money in order .
to demonstrate ﬁlial piety. If children could only be ﬁlial in word, did this count as being
ﬁlial? Or was being ﬁlial mainly a matter of fulﬁlling ﬁnancial obligations and providing
material support? This old-elder woman’s words suggest the importance of wealth and
income in achieving ﬁlialness:

Of course I wish for good health and that my sons will get rich -- that they

will ﬁx up their houses to be a little more beautiful. If they have

money they can be ﬁlial. If I don't have money they could really be ﬁlial

to me!

Q: Do you think you have to have money to be ﬁlial?

A: If you don't have money you can only be ﬁlial in word. But in terms of

food, things would deﬁnitely be bad. I just hope the next generation carries

forward. Then I will be happy.

Mrs. Liu, 69 years-old, lived in Buddha’s Peak and struggled ﬁnancially. When asked
whether her children were ﬁlial, she responded:

They don't have money for themselves and their lives are not good. How

can they be ﬁlial to me? They can just care for me with words, say to me,
"Ma, take care of your health."

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For others, being ﬁlial or respectful “in word” did count for something. Some
elders who had no complaints about material conditions expressed wishes that their

9“

family members attitudes” toward them could be better, and in my observations Seven
Mountains’ elders certainly appreciated respectful words and actions, especially if they
felt that was all the younger person could offer due to their own ﬁnancial difﬁculties.

Whether or not current younger generations were more ﬁlial than those of the past
was also a point of divergence, with some elders conﬁdently claiming that present day
youth were clearly less ﬁlial, others equally insistent that the younger generation was
more ﬁlial, and some elders who were unsure or said that it depended on each household:

Q: Are today's younger people ﬁlial to parents? Are they better than

people before?

A: In this regard, young people are about the same. You must look at their

own living conditions. If those are okay, they will be ﬁlial to parents. If

they are not okay and they cannot solve problems with their own food and

shelter, they will not be ﬁlial to parents. But compared to people in the

past it’s much better [a young-elder man, 67 years old].

Elders who argued that the younger generations were more ﬁlial usually did so based on
the notion that ﬁlial piety mainly meant providing material support. That is, to the extent
that villagers had more wealth and income than in previous eras, they saw ﬁlial piety as
more likely and more common. Other elders cited modern, higher education levels and
“more~cultured” youth in explaining how it was that young people were able to be more
ﬁlial and respectful to elders.

Older villagers also gave many examples of “unﬁlial” children, and while most

older villagers tended to consider kindness and respect to elders a uniquely Chinese

cultural characteristic, a few like 78 year-old Mrs. Chen, who had traveled abroad to visit

17]

grandchildren, suggested that other cultures also emphasized respect and distinction in

old age, perhaps to an even greater extent:
lthink foreigners are the most respectful people. When 1 took a plane to
Australia, the staff gave elderly people a red card and ﬁrst brought them to

a special door to wait. Then they let elderly people [ﬁrst] board the plane.
Our own country doesn't do this.

A majority of elders with whom I spoke mentioned the ﬁlial piety of daughters.
Although continued son preference was acknowledged by most elders, some elders had a
viewpoint similar to that of 78 year-old Mr. Tan Dingshen:

I have one daughter. She is more ﬁlial than my son. Other people are
very pleased to have a son. I am more pleased to have a daughter.

In interviews, an overwhelming proportion of elders mentioned that daughters at least
occasionally gave them money, bought items of clothing for them, visited them, and
treated them kindly. In cases in which a daughter did not frequently give money, gifts, or
time, elders usually explained that it was because they had heavy responsibilities of “their
own household” (i.e., her husband, children, and parents-in-law) to attend to, or that they
simply lived too far away after having married out. In cases in which a daughter was
struggling ﬁnancially, elders were especially unlikely to expect any assistance, and
“wouldn’t dare” expect a daughter to provide ﬁnancial help. Still, it was clear that older
villagers appreciated daughters who provided care and support. Mrs. Tang (69 years old)
had a daughter whom she considered ﬁlial:

Every time she gives me a call, she says "Ma, do you still have money?" If

she hears from other people that I don’t have money, she will send money

to me.

Q: You're saying after your daughter married out, she still looks after you?

Yes, my daughter still cares more for me [than does my son]. She
frequently invites me to go to her place for fun.

172

While daughters would visit and speak kindly with parents, bringing new shoes or treats,
some oftheir brothers seldom visited parents living alone. Mr. Tan Mao (74 years—old)
had one son and ﬁve daughters. In an interview he told us:
[My daughters] frequently phone me and ask whether or not I am healthy,
what I need, and so on. Moreover occasionally they will come back and
visit me and bring me some things — for example, all different kinds of
fruit. Last time my daughter even brought me a pair of brand name leather
shoes! But actually my son seldom comes back.
In short, older villagers compared the behavior of daughters to that of their sons,
the latter receiving a less favorable evaluation. While elders in Seven Mountains
were proud and relieved to have ﬁlial sons who built new houses and provided
abundant material support, they appeared especially pleased with, albeit not
demanding of, daughters’ gifts of money, goods, and attention. This ﬁnding
suggests that daughters provide elders with important emotional comfort that they
do not receive from sons (see Gallin 2000).
Village and Hamlets: Elders ' Roles, Activities and Relations
Elders’ roles, activities, and relations in their larger communities were more
subtle and difﬁcult to detect than were their roles in households. Through focus groups,
participants represented elders as a group interested mainly in peace and social harmony.
They saw this characteristic as fulﬁlling a role within the community, especially during
contemporary times of increased competition and wealth. An old-elder woman explained
that:
We elderly people don't teach other people to do any bad things. Older

people are more kind-hearted. For example when other people are yelling,
we elderly people just will encourage them to be polite and friendly.

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Some elders were also active in community projects. The main road leading into
Southern Slope had been built with the contributions of households in the hamlet, and
much of this hind-raising had been done by village elders, many of them men. Elders
(mostly men) also attended clan meetings and helped organize festivals. While women
appeared less likely to be active in recruiting and fundraising, elder women — especially
young-elder women — helped host weddings and other celebrations, which defacto were
community and neighborhood events.

Many of the current physical structures in the hamlets had been planned, put
together, or funded by villagers who were now in later life stages. These actions were
performed in the past but continued to contribute to day-to-day present life in Seven
Mountains. Although this perspective is informed by my own theoretical “life course”
view, some elders also demonstrated this perspective. For example Mr. Tan Mao, 74
years-old, noted:

The village hasn't called on me to do anything. However, I help the village

ancestral hall in contacting people and obtaining money. Previously, I

contributed quite a bit more. I used my own hands to help build that arched

bridge in the village.

Participation in construction work continued for some elders, who helped family
members smooth cement, lay bricks, or perform other duties when building homes. Old-
elder women did not commonly haul gravel in wheelbarrows, but they swept and
maintained the construction work site area or otherwise helped younger family members
who were laying bricks and pouring cement. These images of older villagers wielding
tools, building materials, and cleaning equipment contradicted claims that older villagers

played no part in local development (as conceived in terms of construction and physical

174

changes to the landscape). Still, to the extent that elders deﬁned development as an
economic phenomenon based on waged work and income generation, they saw
themselves as unable to inﬂuence development — certainly less so than were younger
people able to do. In response to a survey question about elders’ role in local
development, 98.33 percent of elders said that compared to younger people, elderly
people played a less important role.

Age Relations

Age relations in Seven Mountains were marked by age segregation, especially
between old-elders and young adults. Yet, contrary to images of abandoned or ignored
elders, older villagers did not just passively or begrudgingly accept an imposed
generational separation. In many ways the “generation gap,” if not actually a mutually
fonned division, probably contributed to elders’ desires for an elderly person’s activity
center as a place where they could come together as an exclusive group. In an old-elder
man’s focus group discussion, one participant explained:

We watch the programs that young people want to watch . . . . [O]ur most

important need now is for an elderly person's activity hall. This way we

elderly people would not stay at home watching young people give us

dirty looks.
Elders’ gatherings in doorways and on porches afforded social activity where they could
not only engage in discussions and activities that interested them as a cohort but also
avoid generation-based family tensions.

DISCUSSION: RURAL ELDERS’ ROLES, AND RELATIONS IN LATER LIFE

Taken together, themes that emerged in focus groups, results from the household

survey, and narratives in interviews provided examples of rural elders’ roles, activities,

living arrangements, and age relations in a developing village. In this section I point out

175

key lessons to be drawn from this knowledge and suggest how this research contributes to
(1) studies of aging in China and (2) the sociology of aging.
Elders ' Invisible Contributions

From my vantage point, there was a discrepancy between elders’ reports of their
household and village activity level and what I saw elders doing. Although most
respondents did not believe so, I found Seven Mountains elders playing supportive but
mainly indirect roles in social change and development. I explain this discrepancy by
suggesting that elders’ perceived lack of contribution to households and communities is
an extension ofthe relative “invisibility of women’s work.” Much ofthe labor that elders
described doing was inside or near the household and involved cooking, cleaning,
growing vegetables, raising small animals for consumption, looking after grandchildren,
and washing clothes. These tasks were neither waged nor performed in the public sphere.
Harvesting rice and cutting rice straw, on the other hand, were tasks that most elders did
appear to “count” as work, probably due to the manual labor required as well as to the
possibility that the rice could be sold. It is not possible to claim that the devaluation of
elder’s work was either a “Man’s view” or a “Women’s view” in Seven Mountains, nor
was it an attitude that I found to be age-based. Rather, this perspective is suggestive of
gender-age inequality on a broad social level which continues to laud and make visible
the work done outside the home while not acknowledging the fundamental role that many
elders (and women) play by allowing family members to earn wages and participate in
public spheres -— including the sphere of “development.”

Deﬁnitions of development and concepts of social change strongly shaped the

extent to which elders saw themselves as contributing to village and households. Based

176

on older villagers’ explanations of village development as economic growth and industry,
it is not surprising that they did not see themselves as playing an active part in village
development. Because development was understood only in economic terms on a large
scale, and when social change was understood as a structural force examined at a ﬁxed
point in time, elders did not appear (or understand themselves) to be contributing to

9’ 66

“development, village development,” or “social change.” Only those respondents who
took a long-term view and considered their past contributions were likely to say that they
had played a role in developing their village or hamlets, and no elders believed that they
contributed to development through household work or indirect support of wage-eaming
family members.

I would argue that, to the extent that rural households are a key site of China’s
development (Croll 1994) and older people in Seven Mountains showed evidence of
being key actors in families (Silverstein et a1. 2006), Seven Mountains elders were
important, albeit indirect, players in village change and development. Along with
highlighting the “invisible” work of women, studies of social change and development in
developing nations should include work and planning done not only in waged sectors by
“working age” women and men, but also the active contributions of elders and even
children. Besides helping to avoid ageism in research, this inclusion would better
illuminate the processes of social change and development by showing how and by
whom change is “done” and what work is necessary (even if not sufﬁcient) to promote
what kinds of rural social changes and development. This approach is distinct from that
of projects aiming to encourage “participation” through contributions in the waged sector

or through volunteering for unpaid work in “social development.”

177

Elders" Roles and Activities: The Long-term View

Adherence to a life course view of one’s activities and contributions influenced
not only the extent to which elders saw themselves as contributing to development and
household change, but also whether elders thought their family members were likely to
consider them burdens. Elders believed that if members of the household remembered
how hard they worked for the family in the past they would be less likely to view them as
inactive or burdensome. This long-term view demonstrates that many respondents
understood and evaluated family relations not only in terms of the present, but as an
institution spanning decades and generations. The relationship between cultural norms of
family living arrangements and the tendency to adopt a long-term view of household
contributions could be further considered in studies of elders, household power relations,
and changing family structures. Scholarship and political actors might also learn from
this view of contributions over the life course when evaluating to what extent elders are
“unproductive” members of society.

Another simple lesson from elders’ daily lives that demonstrates the signiﬁcance
of views across time is that elders compared their present activities with those of the past.
A sense of relative leisure always — albeit to various extents — arose when older villagers
made these cross-time comparisons. Work that they did in the present day was much
easier than in prior eras when it was “a struggle just to be a person.” No matter what
chores they performed in or around households in the present, their workloads were
surely lighter than they were in the past. Unfortunately, the tendency to minimize current
work loads in light of past hardships may have effectively encouraged elders to minimize

the extent to which they were real and contributing workers within and around

178

households; their standards for evaluating “hard work” were shaped by their life
experiences. Cohort experience and frames of reference appear important both in elders’
senses of contributions and of well-being.
Studies of A ging in Rural China: Insights from Seven Mountains

This village scale study also offers some insights that might be applied to or
further investigated in future studies of aging in rural China. It highlights and debunks
some assumptions in the literature about growing old in rural Chinese villages,
particularly in terms of family relations, living arrangements, and effects of migration.

Family Age Relations, Offsets, and Relativity

As a “Westemer” taught that Chinese culture heavily emphasizes honoring older
people, simply “not beating, yelling at, or letting elderly people starve” was not the
minimal standard for acceptable elder treatment that I expected to emerge from
interviews and conversations with Seven Mountains villagers of various ages. One
explanation for the simple deﬁnitions and relatively low standards of ﬁlialness given by
villagers is that the concept is, indeed, difﬁcult to explain or to think through and thus
people caricatured or abbreviated it. It is also possible that deﬁnitions of ﬁlial piety
ﬂuctuate over time and space contexts, gender, socio—economic status, and family
background. For example, ancient examples of ﬁlial piety recounted to me by one of my
informants in another village consisted of stories in which children performed
magniﬁcent feats of martyrdom to ensure the comfort or survival of parents. The
“ﬁlialness” described in these dramatic accounts is starkly different from the
contemporary day-to-day images of children politely inquiring into parents’ health,

offering them snacks, and paying their medical bills. These ﬁndings suggest that the

179

concept of ﬁlial piety is unwieldy and mutable not only for “outsiders,” and energy might
be better spent by focusing on elders’ expectations and satisfaction with family relations
and dynamics rather than in attempting to understand to what extent “ﬁlial piety” in
China can withstand globalization and social change.

Still, another insight found in the perspectives of Seven Mountains older villagers
is that ﬁlial piety in contemporary China could be understood to be increasingly common.
Most studies ask how much traditional family values and ﬁlial piety are either holding
ﬁrm or disintegrating, seldom if ever asking whether there might be a strengthening of
family bonds or perceived increase in levels of ﬁlial piety that comes with globalization
or“Westemization” (lkels 2004; Zhan and Montgomery; Sher 1984). Yet, as some
elders’ comments imply, if “ﬁlial piety” is understood to be determined by children’s
level of “culture” and economic resources to provide abundantly for aging parents,
China’s “opening” could indeed promote ﬁlial piety. This argument, although
uncommon, could be simply a small-scale version of the claim that increased wealth will
solve the problem of supporting China’s aging elderly population.

Lastly, older villagers’ comments about age relations in households, combined
with their stated reasons for wanting an elderly village activity center (e.g., chatting
together with other elderly people) challenge the assumption of scholars and journalists
that elderly people desire to spend more time mostly with junior family members. Given
the option, it appears many elders in Seven Mountains would choose to visit with peers,
especially in cases where they ﬁnd themselves not easily relating to junior family
members, receiving “dirty looks” from young people, or not being able to select which

television show to watch. Findings suggest that for many elders, ideal companionship is

180

something that one gets from “one big crowd” of one’s cohort members, in addition to -
not exclusively from — children or grandchildren’s company. This understanding of later-
life companionship warrants re-consideration of concems that elders living alone or
whose family members “go out” have no opportunities to enjoy companionship and
meaningful social exchanges. On a positive note, it suggests that elders who stay behind
in villages when family members migrate to the city are not doomed to loneliness. At the
same time, it also suggests a major need for rural elderly activity centers, regardless of
levels of village development, rural-urban migration, or socio-economic afﬂuence.

Later Life Living Arrangements, Independence, and Well-Being

Unlike some other recent studies of aging in rural China (see Zhang 2004), I did
not ﬁnd elders in Seven Mountains expressing a desire to live and survive independently
from children in order to enjoy personal freedom. This situation probably reﬂects
maintenance of strong traditional viewpoints about family structure and living
arrangements. However, although elders might have been satisﬁed with a traditional
arrangement, they had other ideas about what was truly most ideal. Respondents without
pensions frequently pointed out in a wistful manner that elders with pensions did not have
to count on sons for survival. These elders could imagine an even better alternative than
relying on sons; a situation in which elders could but did not have to ﬁnancially depend
on children. Studies of aging in China and elsewhere have found that the most content
elders are those who know that children will provide personal care if needed and yet have
not had to draw on that resource (Li et al. 2005; Silverstein et a1. 1996; Lee et al. 1995;
Dunham 1995). Based on my analysis of elders’ views about living arrangements and

ﬁnancial support, I suspect that in Seven Mountains an ideal of having untapped available

181

ﬁnancial resources also existed — an ideal embodied by having both a pension and “good
children.”

Among research respondents who lived alone were a number of elders whose
children lived in the village or very nearby in separate households. This point should
caution against assuming that children and family members who can reside in the same
village as parents will live together with them. Probably most key to understanding rural
elders’ levels of participation in family affairs (in Seven Mountains and similar contexts)
are interpersonal relationships and household proximity rather than the dichotomous
variable of whether elders’ children do or do not live with them. In Seven Mountains, the
extent of elders’ ties with these sons and daughters-in-law appeared to depend on the
households’ economic conditions and personal factors. Notably, the economic situation
of their household appeared crucial to elders’ level of satisfaction with living
arrangements. This observation supports other research arguing for attention to overall
economic conditions in rural areas rather than mainly to a (potential) decline of family
values (Davis I993, Joseph and Phillips 1999).

Another assumption that interviews challenged is that elders living with multiple
generations of family members are content, well-cared for, and enjoy adequate
companionship. In most cases in Seven Mountains in which interviewees expressed
feelings of sadness and depression, they were not elders living alone, but rather, they
were living with other family members with whom they either did not get along or did
not have frequent positive exchanges. Extrapolating from this small scale lesson, I would
argue it is likely too presumptuous to suggest that elders will enjoy well-being and

happiness as long as traditional family structures are maintained in rural China.

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Migration, Elder Abandonment, and Eﬂects on Households

I did not come across any instances in Seven Mountains in which family members
had “gone out,” leaving behind elders who were unable to care for and feed themselves.
(Ifthere were cases like this in Seven Mountains, it may have been that 1 simply failed to
discover them or that they were kept from me.) There were elders who were left in the
village and were struggling ﬁnancially, but it is not possible to claim that their ﬁnancial
or physical hardships were caused by household members’ absence; remittances may
have in fact alleviated some difﬁculties. According to villagers, if elders were in need of
instrumental care, a family member (I suspect a daughter-in-law) would stay in the
village to care for them. Moreover, most elders did not suffer major physical limitations
until fairly high ages, at which point a young-elder would likely be present to care for
them. I suspect that abandonment of elders is more likely in settings of extreme poverty
where household members see no choice but to send family members to the cities, where
the local government is unable or unwilling to provide subsidies, and/or when family
relations are acrimonious to begin with. (In this latter case, it is likely that “unﬁlial”
children who live outside of the local area would be able to avoid social criticism and
pressure that they would otherwise experience were they living in their hometown.)
While rural-migration has certainly done much to transform China on a national level and
has been shown to affect dramatically some impoverished households, as well as to
promote social change (Zhang 2003, Davin 1998), this study shows that elders’ lives or
households are not necessarily dramatically affected by family members’ temporary
migration to cities or towns (see Chapter Four). Faulting rural-urban migration for

creating a situation in which older parents are physically abandoned is probably a

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spurious claim. Rather, research at multiple levels and in various contexts is necessary in
order to avoid caricaturizing the effects of rural-urban migration on households and
individuals.

Chinese Rural Elders and Daughters

Finally, this research provides an example ofa traditional rural setting in which
almost all interviews with elders (although not drawn as a random sample) included
reports of daughters frequently inquiring into parents’ well-being, visiting their homes,
and offering gifts of clothing, food and money — sometimes in reported excess of their
brothers’ gifts and visits. Moreover, many elders reported daughters and granddaughters
making substantial ﬁnancial contributions to households prior to marriage. These
ﬁndings demonstrate that systematic empirical research about rural daughters’ support in
mainland China is needed (see Gallin 2000 and Gallin 1986). Recommending that rural
daughters be held more responsible for parental support (Qiao 2001) implies that they do
not already greatly contribute, thus overlooking or minimizing the help that China’s rural
daughters may already provide. In fact, insofar as daughters care not only for their
husband’s parents but also provide help and support for their own parents, they are (or
will be) doing “double duty.”
The Sociology of A ging: Insights from Seven Mountains

Investigations into later life in a developing village also provide lessons and
insights that contribute to broader studies in the sociology of aging. In particular,
analysis of elders’ viewpoints contributes to knowledge about gender and aging, as well
as to the politics of aging. Seven Mountains elders rarely, if ever, explicitly connected

gender and their roles or activities in households. Women did not make comments about

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life “as an older woman,” nor did men label their experiences as those of men who were
growing old. Instead, both age- gender relations and the politics of aging in Seven
Mountains were phenomena that I had to observe and analyze from clues implicit in the
data.

Gender and Experiences ofLater Life

Differences in elders’ types of activities demonstrated a continued division in
later life between a male sphere located “outside” and women’s sphere “inside” or close
to the home, in addition to elders generally being more “inside” people in relation to
working— age family members. In later life older men performed more farm work than
did older women, and the elders who handled or raised large animals such as oxen were
men, while the women elders tended only the rabbits, chickens, and smaller livestock. It
is notable that this inside/outside division of labor has continued despite elder women’s
prior (and, in over a third of cases, continued) participation in farm labor and past years
of earning work points in production teams, not to mention “Liberation” and the Cultural
Revolution.

This “inside work/outside work” distinction was also reﬂected in other ways. For
example, although both elder women and elder men participated in religious rituals, elder
women did so by setting up small tables and burning incense inside or directly outside the
household door. Both my observations and survey responses show that elder men were
much more likely to venture out of the immediate household area and hamlet to the clan
ancestral hall. Elder men’s greater likelihood of reading newspapers, watching television,
and going to the market to buy goods also reﬂect a higher level of participation in the

“outside” world, just as the typical women’s task of washing clothes required daily

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presence in the home. Many ofthe elder women whom I met, especially those under age
70, appeared to maintain busy and active routines in the home during the day while their
husbands went “out to do errands.”

Because Seven Mountains’ older women are more encapsulated in the household
and because they may likely live to a later average age than elder men, elder women are
likely to be more intensely affected (both positively and negatively) by household age
relations, power dynamics, and living arrangements than are older men. Older women in
a desirable situation may feel particularly supported, while those in bad situations may be
especially vulnerable and unhappy. Women elders who do not live within multiple
generational households may suffer greater senses of loneliness and isolation, whereas
men elders are more likely to have public places to which to escape or avoid turbulent or
awkward relations within the household. To this extent, an elderly person’s activity
center may be particularly positive for the lives of elderly rural women.

Elder men’s greater participation in outside events and greater visibility in public
places also suggests that they continued to have more opportunities to play a role in the
village. Members of the seven—person village council were all male persons mostly over
age 55. Even if these elder males did not command the same level of respect and power
as their counterparts of the past, there still existed a role for some (particularly well-off)
older men in Seven Mountains in which they could exercise inﬂuence and make
decisions at the extra-household level. There was not a comparable role for older women.
Pensions, received by men who had held government or teaching positions, were present-
day reminders of previous participation and contributions at an extra-household level.

Moreover, a life course perspective allowed some men to regard their previous work in

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the village (e.g., construction or ofﬁcial work) as presently contributing to Seven
Mountains. But even a life course perspective could not inﬂuence the extent to which
most elder women understood themselves as affecting village changes or participating at
a community level. An elderly persons’ activity center might be especially important in
providing a space for elderly women’s participation in their communities.

Elder women in Seven Mountains were more likely to self-report poor health,
memory loss, and depression than were elder men. (This difference could be due to
women’s greater likelihood of having poorer health, memory, and greater depression, to
women’s greater likelihood of reporting these problems, or to both factors.) When
cognitive health is relatively poorer, a cumulative age disadvantage is likely at work via
lower education levels, years of less intellectually stimulating work, and smaller social
circles and spheres (see Zhang 2006). Still, the relatively greater prevalence of smoking
and (as I observed) of consuming alcohol on the part of men in the village causes me to
believe that these men will have a greater likelihood of facing heart disease and stroke in
later life. These behaviors, especially by young-elder men who performed little physical
labor in and around households (an unusual situation for young-elder women), will likely
lead to earlier death or greater morbidity. Indeed, although male elders overall reported
fewer difﬁculties with daily tasks, male young-elders generally reported slightly
(although not statistically signiﬁcantly) more problems with walking 200-300 meters than
did their female peers, and the survey participants who reported suffering from strokes

were men.
Along with evidence of cumulative disadvantage, age-gender relations within the

village suggest the presence of age-as-leveler phenomena. Changes in intergenerational

I87

power relationships within the household generally also brought men closer to the “level”
of women elders in terms of household status and decision—making. Also, in this setting,
older men who no longer performed farm labor or public work experienced relative
declines in status as they aged, whereas older women, accustomed to being primarily
identiﬁed with housework, probably enjoyed relatively more continuity across the life
course. However this continuity was a continuance of relative invisibility, and in any
case was not beneﬁcial enough to provide women with mental and psychological health
experiences equal to those of their male counterparts.

In sum, in Seven Mountains, both “leveling” and “cumulative disadvantage”
appeared to exist simultaneously in experiences of aging, even at an individual level.
Rather than seeking to bolster one or the other theory, studies might give attention to the
multiple ways in which power relations are leveled (or not leveled) and to what kind of
disadvantages accumulate under what conditions. Because economic conditions, wage
sources, and family resources were so important to shaping women’s and men’s
household experiences, socio-economic status must also be considered when studying
gender relations in rural households and communities. In other words, examining only
gender or only the categories of “women” and “men” without consideration for age, class,
and other social locations cannot produce adequate knowledge of life experiences and
social change in rural China.

The (National, Village, and Household) Politics of A ging

Finally, this research in Seven Mountains reinforces the signiﬁcance of current
and historical political-economic contexts in terms of elders’ experiences of aging and

development. For example, the past communal system and relative lack of private

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property precluded a situation in Seven Mountains in which older family members were
in possession of great wealth or resources to be passed down and divided among children
and grandchildren. (This situation will likely be different when today’s younger cohorts
are elders.) Much of the wealth in Seven Mountains, probably as in most other parts of
China, was newly found by junior family members. In particular, money to build houses
usually came from sons working in the city or proﬁting from recent business ventures.
To the extent that younger family members in Seven Mountains were able to make
enough money to build houses, buy vehicles, and travel while their parents possess scant
monetary savings and few things, generational power relations were indeed in favor of
the youth, supporting the argument that rural “modemizations” decreased the power and
status of elders. However, the process by which this occurred was likely different for
Seven Mountains’ elders than for their peers living under different political-economic
conditions. In this setting, elders experienced declines in household generational power
as their children and grandchildren began to make more money in a transitional market
economy - not through a seemingly apolitical, “natural” aging process or through elders’
relinquishment of assets in the form of pre-inheritance. The process of generational
power shifts is sure to shape experiences of aging, even if the outcome (e.g., children
gaining control over assets and resources) is similar (Albert and Cattel 1994, Amoss and
Harrell 1981). It is also important to recall that, although many older villagers owned
fewer and less costly private possessions than did their children, in relation to their own
previous lives, many elders now owned more things — “even cell phones.”

Indeed, I argue that, besides inﬂuencing elders’ views of current living standards,

offsets also more or less successfully mitigated elders’ perceived household power

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disadvantages in later life. It appears that for many elders, loss of age-based prestige and
power in later life was supplemented by increased relative wealth. Power itselfis also
multi-dimensional, and power that elders “lost” within the household was probably offset
by a relative sense of gain in personal effectiveness and autonomy in comparison to
previous years. Studies interested in ascertaining how to promote satisfactory living
conditions among elderly people would do well to explore existing and potential offsets

to changing power relations and household/family politics.

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CHAPTER 6: REFLECTING ON THE FUTURE: EXPECTATIONS, DREAMS, AND
WORRIES

Daily scenes in Seven Mountains were a visual conglorneration of past, present,
and future. Posters of Chairman Mao, stacks of burning rice straw, and portraits of
ancestors displayed in many households recalled earlier eras and ways of life, just as pop
music blared from radios, heavy trucks barreled down the road, and smoke stacks from
local industries were constant reminders of the busy pace of modern life. Villagers’
dreams of prosperity were manifest in piles of red bricks waiting to be formed into new
homes, construction equipment waiting to lay new roads, and school bags packed with
textbooks.

The purpose of this chapter is to describe and analyze elders’ expectations for
later life. Social change is shaped by the plans and expectations of people, and like other
villagers, older residents of Seven Mountains had their own hopes and concerns about the
coming decades. This knowledge about the nature and extent of older villagers’ future
needs, worries, and hopes for coming years is valuable for understanding the extent to
which families and the state will be able to support rural elderly people. Furthermore,
rural Chinese elders’ views of the future in this village challenged some common ideas
about happiness and contentment in later life and suggested areas for further inquiry.

The ﬁrst portion of this chapter addresses elders’ speciﬁc expectations for future
support from family and state, as well as what they most hoped for and worried about in
later life. After describing these perspectives, 1 forward suggestions as to how they

contribute to existing knowledge about aging in rural China and to the ﬁeld of

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sociological aging studies. I conclude with a brief section that examines what ﬁndings
from this and previous chapters say about elders, aging, and development in rural China.

As with other themes of later life explored in this dissertation, previous
experiences and political-economic contexts played major roles in how elders envisioned
the next decades and how they deﬁned adequate support, prosperity, and a happy life.
Thinking about the future elicited optimism for elders who had families with adequate
economic resources and who enjoyed harmonious family relations. Having survived past
hardships, it was difﬁcult for many older villagers to imagine times more bitter than those
they had already experienced. Even if food, shelter, and good health would be lacking in
the future, they would eventually only have the “burden” of themselves rather than
additional responsibilities to feed children and parents. However, older people whose
sons were not able to support them or who were not willing to support them (a seemingly
rare phenomenon in Seven Mountains) faced the future with hesitation and uncertainty.
These less advantaged older villagers planned to continue to work until they could no
longer work, hoped that their family conditions would improve, and kept faith that the
local government would eventually provide them with some support.
Who and What? Expectations for Family Members

Elders in Seven Mountains relied on families for future old age support. This
ﬁnding is not surprising in light of Chinese tradition and other research in China’s rural
areas (Li et al. 2004; Zimmer and Kwong 2003; Fan 2001). Yet ﬁndings from the
household survey showed that the support they expected from family members varied
according to gender, perceived household economic conditions, and the type of support

(ﬁnancial, instrumental, or psychological) anticipated (Table 13). They had expectations

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not only for sons, but for daughters-in-law, sons-in-law, and grandchildren, contradicting
villagers’ common remark that “Chinese elderly people rely on sons for support in old
age.” Of course, it is important to note that these ﬁndings do not take into account that
some elders may not have had sons or other particular family members from whom it
would be possible to expect help. Therefore, rather than reﬂecting the perceived
willingness of particular existing family members to support older villagers, these
ﬁndings represent elders’ perceived future resources based on existing family members.

Expectationsfor Financial Support

Survey results show that 76.67 percent of elders expected a son to provide
ﬁnancial support, while 60 percent reported expecting a daughter-in-law to provide
ﬁnancial support (Table 13). Thirty-seven percent said that they expected a daughter to
provide ﬁnancial support, and 30 percent of elders expected sons-in-law to do so. A very
small percentage of older villagers, three percent, expected a grandson to provide
ﬁnancial support. In this case, there was a signiﬁcant difference along gender lines: All
of those saying they expected a grandson to provide ﬁnancial support were women.
From my observations, older women spent more time with grandchildren, and perhaps
they anticipated that this investment would encourage reciprocation in the form of future
material support. An even smaller percentage (1.67) of older villagers expected support
from a granddaughter, with no signiﬁcant difference in terms of gender.

Along class lines, there was also a signiﬁcant difference in ﬁiture expectations for
financial support: Respondents who considered themselves to live in a “somewhat well-

off” or “very well-off” household were more likely than their poorer counterparts to

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expect ﬁnancial help from a daughter-in law. Likely, these “better off” daughter-in—laws
had enough to help pay for elders’ expenses.

In general, elders did not expect ﬁnancial support from a spouse. Notably, no
women reported relying on or planning to rely on husbands for ﬁnancial support. (Of the
elder men who said they expected wives to help provide ﬁnancial support, most of them
said that they would also provide support for wives. In other words, these men imagined
a mutually supportive situation.) A small portion of elders, 1.67 percent, said that they
did not expect that any family member, including themselves, would be providing
ﬁnancial support. Expectations for people outside the household unit to provide ﬁnancial
assistance appeared minimal, as only 1.67 percent of elders said they expected support
from a sibling, and no respondents were expecting aid from a friend or other person such
as a neighbor (Table 13).

Expectations for Physical Care

In terms of anticipated physical care, 58.33 percent of elderly respondents said
they expected a son would provide physical care, and about the same amount, 56.67
percent, expected a daughter-in-law to do so. Of those surveyed, 28.33 percent reported
that they expected a daughter to provide physical care, and 23.33 percent said a son-in-
law would help in this aspect. These expectations did not differ between elderly women
and elderly men (Table 13).

A signiﬁcant gender difference again existed with regard to elders’ anticipated
help from grandsons. While no men said they expected grandsons to provide physical
care, 15.79 percent of women did. This difference might again relate to grandmothers’

expectations of future reciprocation in exchange for physically caring for grandsons as

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children. Also, perhaps women also expected to live to older ages than did their
husbands, and therefore anticipated needing assistance with physical care. Only 1.67
percent of elders expected help with physical care from granddaughters.

In terms of spousal assistance with physical care, 10.53 percent of women
anticipated help from a husband, although quite a larger percentage (29.27 percent) of
men said that they expected their wife to assist with physical daily care. (This gender
difference might be due to women’s beliefs that they would outlive their spouses.) This
means that, overall, 76.67 percent of respondents did not expect a spouse would help with
personal care in the future. As with ﬁnancial support, 1.67 percent said that no one,
including themselves, would be available to assist in this aspect. No elders expected
physical care help from siblings.

Respondents who considered their households to be somewhat well-off or very
well-off were also more likely than their economically disadvantaged peers to expect
personal care both from sons and daughters-in-law. Perhaps these “better off” junior
family members had more time than did junior family members in households that elders
perceived as having just enough money to pay for expenses or not enough.

Expectations for Psychological Support

The third type of support about which the survey asked was psychological
comfort; that is, emotional support and companionship. As in the case of ﬁnancial
assistance, 76.67 percent of elders said that a son was expected to provide psychological
comfort (Table 13, third panel). However, more elders — 68.33 percent -- said that they
anticipated a daughter-in-law would provide psychological comfort. F ifty—seven percent

of respondents expected a daughter to provide psychological comfort, and 41 .67 percent

anticipated psychological comfort from a son-in—law. Older women and older men
differed signiﬁcantly in the extent to which they expected a son-in-law to provide support:
Over half of the older men surveyed (53.66 percent) said that they expected a son-in-law
to provide psychological comfort, whereas only 15.79 percent of women respondents said
the same. Perhaps male elders anticipated being able to bond with their sons-in-law
through passing down information and roles related to the clan history or other gender-
based activities. Elders generally did not consider grandchildren a future source of
psychological comfort; only 6.67 percent of elders listed grandsons as an expected
resource in this regard, and only 1.67 percent listed granddaughters. Roughly the same
amount of men and women said that they expected a spouse to provide psychological
support; 10.53 percent of older women and 9.76 percent of older men. No elders reported
expecting to receive psychological comfort from a brother or sister. There were no
signiﬁcant differences in expected psychological support from family members based
upon elders’ perceived household economic conditions.
Elders on Development, the State, and China’s Aging Population

Focus groups, the household survey, and interviews also asked older villagers to
describe their views and expectations for their lives and more generally for “the future”
of their village, China’s development, and China’s aging population. According to the
household survey, 55.17 percent of elderly people reported believing that China's aging
population would interfere with China’s future development, with no signiﬁcant
difference along gender or class lines. This question was not something that most elders
had previously contemplated, and they often expressed hesitation before answering.

Certainly such a broad question could be difﬁcult for many people to answer, including

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analysts who specialize in topics of China’s economic and demographic conditions.
However, the mixed nature of older villagers’ responses suggests that there was not a
widespread sense of crisis or concern among elders in Seven Mountains regarding
China’s population aging. The issue of China’s aging population was not as much ofa
perceived problem as was, for example, the challenge of China’s population size.

Whether or not their lives or the village would be affected by an increased
proportion of elderly people was an easier question for older residents to answer.
In focus groups and interviews, many elders said that elders would not and could
not inﬂuence village development, and only in cases of extreme poverty would
families be unable to support older family members. This old-elder woman’s
comments related the typical components of optimism about the future which
many Seven Mountains’ elders expressed:

The Communist Party state power is the best. My children are ﬁlial. We

don't need to do anything. Everything is good. Now the medical

technology is very advanced. If older people and children get sick, they

will be looked after well. Not like before.
This kind of perspective, combined with perceived beneﬁts related to age (for example,
having no children or grandchildren to look after), allowed older villagers to look toward
the future as an era of improvements and happiness, especially when imagined in the
context of their life courses. As reﬂected in the above quotation, they indicated a number
of explanations why the “1-2-4” phenomenon (an only child supporting two parents and
four grandparents) would not be a problem. Below, I elaborate on elders’ expressions
about the desirability of having many contemporaries, their trust in the Communist Party
leadership, the ability of technology to resolve challenges of an aging population, the

belief that families would ﬁnancially support elderly members as long as elders and

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children were “good,” and the faith that the earning power of one descendent would be
much greater than the earning power of several descendents in earlier eras.

The More the Merrier

Rather than being concerned about future support, elders regarded an increased
proportion of older people as a highly positive demographic change because it meant
opportunities for companionship with peers. Elders imagined a future of “having fun and
talking together” in excited tones and emphasized the importance of being able to go out
and “see people and communicate with them,” often in reference to people in their own
age group. A male elder who had traveled in China noted:

I've been to other cities. Older people all gather together. One big crowd.

One big crowd. Every one obtains their happiness. Sword dancing,

dancing,jogging...anything . . . .

Additionally, except for the most disadvantaged, older villagers were
overwhelmingly optimistic about a future in which they expected to “live long lives and
watch the changes.” Elders had already witnessed monumental advancements in
transportation, communication, and medical care and only expected to witness more of
these progressive changes in the future. They understood that China’s aging population
was partly due to people in their birth cohorts living longer lives, and they viewed
increased longevity as an undeniably positive social change.

Trust in Party, Nation, and Technological Advancements

Older villagers also expressed strong faith in the central state’s ability to oversee

appropriately the continued economic growth and progress of the nation, This trust in the

Party was inextricably linked to pride in the nation and conﬁdence that continued

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development of the economy and technological sectors would bring with it solutions to
China’s social problems:

There are more older people. Life spans are longer. It has raised China's

burden a little. But the nation will rise up strongly. The nation has money

and can handle this situation well.

Though some elders complained of improper implementation, the “Five Guarantees”
program and subsidies for poor families appeared to satisfy most elders’ expectations for
state support of needy elders. In particular, women in focus groups explained that the
Party would care for elders and that it was safe to assume the Party would do what it
could to help elderly people. Said one old-elder woman:

We go along with the government. It can take whatever and give it to us. We

are just ﬁne. We are willing to go along with the government. The

government can make its own calculations.

Although elder men also put faith in the Communist Party, they were inclined to
offer speciﬁc suggestions as to how and why the nation would succeed in providing for
older people. This young-elder man explained that less labor power would be needed to
feed China’s growing elderly population:

Compared to before, there are more rice seeds. Before, one mu [0.165 acres]

of land required 10 pounds of fertilizer but only produced 500 pounds of rice.

Now the best types of blends produce one or two thousand pounds of rice.

Many people can use a little land and eat . . . .

Other elder men expressed similar viewpoints, focusing on the ability of national
economic growth and advancements in agricultural technology to meet the challenges of

a larger proportion of aging people. Probably due to their own experiences and

occupations, they focused on issues of production and agriculture when talking about the

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extent to which China’s aging population might affect the prosperity of families or the
country:

The nation has developed. It can spur village development. The economy

has developed. The nation is prosperous. Of course this can resolve the

problem ofthe increase in elderly people . . . .

Previously people who depended on labor needed more manpower. Now

many people rely on machines, they don't need labor power. Most older

people are idle; younger people [also] don't have work to do and are idle.

Elders also expressed optimism regarding medical technology and quality of
medical treatment. The availability of ready-to-consume medicines (Western, traditional
Chinese medicine, and combinations of the two) and the development of surgical
techniques were positive changes in their lives that contrasted with previous experiences.
In earlier years traditional medicines were sometimes difﬁcult or costly to acquire and
required time-consuming preparation at home.

Faith in Family

Finally, although Seven Mountains’ elders generally portrayed shifts in age
relations as unfavorable to older people at the household level, they maintained
conﬁdence that families would continue to be a main, stable source of support for the
majority of elders in their village as long as economic resources (i. e. ,families to support
them, peoplefrom which to borrow or receive cash, enough money to pay for medical
expenses) were adequate. Due to the increase in wealth and income in comparison to
previous eras, many elders believe that an increased proportion of elderly people would
be a relatively minor issue:

As an elderly person looking at the situation right now, there will be no

inﬂuence. If it were before when everyone had no money, there would have
been a big effect [young-elder man].

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Mrs. Zhang, 79 years old, explained that ten years later her “grandchildren will be
ﬁnished with school, [her] daughter-in-law's business will be bigger and earning more
money and a house should be built.” A man ofthe same age from another hamlet echoed
this hope in family, envisioning that “at that time my grandson will be grown up and he
can help his father.” This old-elder man explained, “I am working so hard to bring [my
grandson] up -- he will also care for me and look after me.”

Older villagers also expressed willingness, ability, and intentions to look
after themselves to a large extent; to do work for themselves if able, to meet their
own needs, and to ﬁnd ways to entertain themselves and socialize that were
relatively independent of younger generations. Their doubts about family support in
the future were mainly regarding general household well-being, not about the extent
to which family members would lose “family values,” migrate to the cities, live
separately from elders, or not have enough siblings to help them shoulder the burden
of elder care. In fact, in Seven Mountains, large families did not guarantee support
for elders. In some cases, interviewees with ﬁve sons or more lived in relatively
poor conditions and maintained little hope for future prosperity. One old—elder
woman with many sons advised:

Older people should not have too many children. If you have too many

children they will try to pass along the responsibility. You should just have
one. This way at least there will be one to take care of you.

Dreams and Concerns about the Future

Judging only from focus group discussions it seemed as if Seven Mountains’

elders had little or no concerns about the ﬁiture. In interviews as well, many elders

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described their current lives as markedly better than the past precisely because they “had
no worries.” This relatively well-offold-elder woman was jovial in her description of her
current life:

Q: Do you worry about the future?

A: 1 don't worry. I just hope for world peace. In this case we elderly people
would feel relieved. Now we don't worry about food and clothing. The

most important thing is world peace.

Q: You don't worry about anything else? Do you worry about your health being
bad?

A: No. As long as there's money you can treat any illness. Moreover my sons
and daughters—in-law are all very ﬁlial. There was one time I went to

bed quite late. My son got up and saw my bedroom door was closed. When he
called out no one answered. He was worried about me and called someone to
use a bamboo pole to open my window. Ha ha! After that I didn't dare sleep
too late again . . . .

I asked older villagers to describe an ideal life for an elderly person. Almost all
elders described scenes in which their basic needs were met and they did not have to be
concerned about survival. Having enough food and being able to enjoy occasionally
some “special treats” was a source of great enjoyment. Mrs. Fei, who had earlier recalled
bitter times of eating leaves and wild grass, confessed:

I just think about eating and having something to eat. I want all sorts of

things to eat. Soon it will be the New Year! I love to eat all the oranges

and cakes.

These elders who did not worry about survival expressed contentment and ease about the
future, but less advantaged people like Mrs. Lin, 58-years old, dreamt of “having three
meals a day and eating until you are full, not needing to borrow money from other people,
having clothes to wear.”

Because a strong desire for an elderly activity center was evident in focus groups

and the survey, in interviews I asked elders to elaborate on what activities and qualities

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they would hope to see at such a place. Older villagers often said they hoped they would
have a chance to dance, sing, play musical instruments, and chat together. They
imagined playing games such as cards, chess, and majiang -- “but not for money” -- and
they suggested that elders could enjoy books, newspapers, videos, and television. Many
elders also envisioned an elderly activity center as a place where older villagers could
exercise. (Not everyone was able or willing to hike up the hills, and having seen the
exercise equipment in older people’s centers in other villages, towns, and cities, older
villagers were eager to enjoy similar facilities.) Most of all, an elderly activity center was,
as described by 79-year old Mrs. Sun (who lived in a relatively well-off household), a
place where “everyone could go, have fun, talk and laugh, and that would make the days
pass more quickly,” — opposed to her current daily routine in which she was “just idling
at home all day, with nothing to do.” Such desires for more recreation and entertainment
opportunities were also apparent in elders’ dreams of travel to scenic and historic places
in China, cities such as Hong Kong, or even overseas.

Hopes for Future Generations

Because family was a fundamentally important aspect of elders’ lives, it was no
surprise that their hopes often touched upon the circumstances of their children and
grandchildren. A 74 year-old widowed Mrs. Xu, with two sons and many daughters,
explained that:

R: Being so old . . . . I just want to go to the temple and ask the bodhittsatva

to bless my sons to do good business and make a little more money.

I: This counts as a wish. What else do you wish for?
R: Nothing.

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Many elders hoped that their grandchildren could receive good educations, that their
children and grandchildren would marry at appropriate ages, and that their sons could
prosper. In fact, villagers and research assistants explained to me that older people
seldom thought of themselves and were mainly concemed about the younger generations.
This elder man’s answer demonstrates the tendency to downplay elders’ needs and living
conditions:
I am old; whether I eat well or not doesn't matter, so I don't have any worries. I
just hope the next generation can be stronger and get better and better every day
(80 year—old man, Stone Flower).
Still, elders linked the prosperity of children and grandchildren to their own well-being,
suggesting that their focus on younger generations-was not based on a selﬂess altruism as
was sometimes implied by their juniors, but, rather understandably, on practical
considerations for their own well-being and survival. Mr. Tan Rui, 68 years old, lived in
a new house and had several children and grandchildren, yet he hoped that his family
would be still more prosperous, saying, “of course 1 hope for this,” since, “if the
household economic condition is good, elderly peoples’ lives will be good.” Mr. Tan’s
explanation echoed the viewpoint of many of his peers and demonstrates the importance
of socio-economic status in later life for Seven Mountains elders.
Besides family prosperity and good health, other dreams or wishes were
often difﬁcult to elicit from interviewees, many of whom claimed they were “too
old” to have hopes, did not have much time left to realize dreams, or felt that their
age somehow affected the value of their desires. In some of these cases, elders again
focused on future generations:

Q: What three things do you most desire?

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A: I've become old. Soon I will descend the mountain like the setting sun —

and to still talk about hopesl? If I really had to say, I hope my son can make

a contribution to the nation.

Q: What else?

A: I hope my grandsons and granddaughters have good health.

Q: And a third wish?

A: I hope the Communist Party leadership may live long.

(74— year old man)

Worries and Concerns

Despite the general optimism that older villagers expressed in focus groups and in
interviews, results from the household survey suggest that older villagers were actually
quite concerned about some of the basic necessities of later life. Elders answered
questions about the extent of their concerns over the adequacy of future housing, future
nutrition, future clothing, ﬁiture medical care, future help with chores, ﬁrture help with
personal care, and future companionship. In all but two areas, the majority of
respondents said that they were either “concerned” or “very concerned” about these needs
being adequately met (Table 14). Speciﬁcally, 61.67 percent of respondents said they
were concerned or very concerned about future housing, 65 percent of respondents said
they were concerned or very concerned about future food and nutrition, 50 percent of
respondents said they were concerned or very concerned about having adequate clothing
in the future, and 80 percent of respondents said they were concerned or very concerned
about future medical care. Just over half of respondents, 55.93 percent, said they were
concerned or very concerned about future companionship. The only areas about which
fewer than half of survey respondents said they were concerned were help with chores

(43.33 percent) and personal care (46.67 percent). Notably, there were no statistically

signiﬁcant gender differences in terms of types or extent of concerns about the future.

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As a sociologist, I argue that social factors at the individual and collective levels
structure people’s expectations about problematic future developments in their lives. In
order to assess what factors could affect the seven domains of concerns in Table I4, I
computed seven logistic regressions (one for each domain) in which four individual-level
factors were the predictor variables (Table 15a) and seven logistic regressions in which
six su‘pra-individuaI-level factors were the predictor variables (Table 15b).

The Likelihood Ratio-Chi-Square and its associated degrees of freedom, when
statistically signiﬁcant, indicates that the whole set of predictors signiﬁcantly reduces the
difference between the observed and the expected cell means over the difference arising
from the null model (no predictors). By this criterion, the set of individual factors well-
described the odds of being concerned about future clothing and future help with chores
and personal assistance (versus being unconcerned about these matters); and the supra-
individual factors did the same for the odds of being concerned about ﬁJture nutrition,
medical care, and companionship. For the sake of parsimony, I describe the ﬁndings
only from these ﬁve logistic regressions.

At the individual level, age, gender, education, and marital status were used to
predict concern (vs. unconcem) about needs for future clothing being met (column 4,
Table 15a). Ceteris paribus, age, gender and education were less relevant than was
marital status. The odds of being concerned about the adequacy of future clothing were
5.577 times as high for married people as for widowed people. It is difﬁcult to explain
this difference, but perhaps because widowed people were often eligible to receive help
from the “Five Guarantees” and since clothing is one of those items guaranteed, they

were less likely to feel concerned about adequate apparel in the future.

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Education level of respondents was related to their level ofconcem about future
help with chores and personal care (Table 15a). Respondents with a junior high
education or above were more likely than were 9.365 times as likely as elders with less
education to be concerned about help with future chores. Perhaps in this regard, more
education resulted in greater concern because these elders were more likely to read and
contemplate issues about old age support in China’s future. It is also possible that elders
with less education were more accustomed to physical labor and hardship than were their
more educated counterparts, and simply expected to continue performing chores and
looking after themselves in later life.

Elders’ concern about having adequate food to eat in the future varied by hamlet
(Table 15b). On this account, elders living in Southern Slope (the most well-off hamlet
considering household size) were signiﬁcantly less concerned than were their peers in
Stone Flower and Buddha’s Peak (the odds ratio for Southern Slope, 0.156, is
signiﬁcantly below unity). That fewer elders here were worried about having adequate
food in the future suggests that more elder households in the other two hamlets were still
struggling to overcome (or only recently had overcome) “absolute poverty?’ conditions,
in which the basic staples of survival were lacking. Indeed, the odds of being concerned
about future food and nutrition needs decreased with perceptions of being “well off’
(Table 15b). Elders in reported “well-off” households were less likely than were their
peers to report concern about food and nutrition (the odds ratio, .187, is signiﬁcantly
below unity.) Additionally, the number of CCP members in the household was inversely
related to concem about future food and nutrition (the odds ratio, .253, is signiﬁcantly

below unity) (Table 15b). This latter relationship probably reﬂects the higher

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socioeconomic status (SES) often related to Party membership and could also reﬂect
greater “faith” in the Party’s ability to provide sustenance for rural elders. Notably,
concern about future food increased with greater number of household members (the
odds ratio, 1.361, is signiﬁcantly above unity). This ﬁnding contradicts the idea that
living in big stem families provides a sense of food security for elders. Rather, it is
possible that elders saw living in big families with “many mouths to feed” as involving
more competition for food at meal times.

The domain over which the greatest percentage of elders expressed concern in the
survey — future medical care (Table 14) — was signiﬁcantly related to respondents’
perceived household economic status (Table 15b). Elders who reported being “well off”
were signiﬁcantly less concerned about future medical care than were those people who
saw themselves as less economically advantaged (the odds ratio, .197, is signiﬁcantly
below unity.) This ﬁnding suggests that elders’ concern about medical care in the future
was mainly about whether or not they would be able to afford it (rather than whether or
not it would be of good quality, for example.) Concern about future medical care costs
also emerged as a strong theme in interviews and focus groups. Older villagers were
aware of the rising costs of health care, and preserving their health was important not
only in order to maintain mobility and enjoy daily life, but in order to avoid heavy
ﬁnancial burdens on the household. The possibility of chronic illness or need for
expensive surgeries did appear to threaten a happy later life.

Survey respondents with larger household sizes were less worried than were those
with smaller household sizes (odds ratio of 0.66 is signiﬁcantly below unity; see last

column of Table 15b) about companionship. When asked in interviews whether they

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worried about companionship in the future, elders who lived alone or whose family
members were away minimized their concerns and pointed out that they could visit with
peers, watch television, contact family members by telephone, or even move to the city to
live with children. Notably, the majority of elders were not willing to leave the village
where they had spent so many years of life, even if it meant enduring relatively more
hardship. Seventy-eight year-old Mr. Tan Dingshan summarized the general reaction of
elders to the idea of moving to a town or city, even within the county, to live with
children:

I would not be willing. In the city I would not be familiar with the outside

environment. Staying in your room everyday is very boring, and you also cannot

meet people. Moreover, the food in other places is not like that in my home. At

one time I lived in [another section of the county] and was not able to get
accustomed to things there.

DISCUSSION: ANTICIPATING LATER LIFE IN RURAL CHINA

Data from focus groups, the household survey, and interviews provided examples
of rural elders’ visions for the ﬁrture, including their expectations for family members
and their own hopes and concerns. In this section 1 review how understanding these
perspectives contributes to (1) studies of aging in rural China and (2) knowledge about
how to address future challenges of China’s aging population.

Studies of A ging in Rural China: Insights from Seven Mountains

In analyzing ﬁndings from focus groups, the survey and interviews, some
apparent contradictions arose again. That is, older villagers in focus groups and
interviews often claimed that they had few or no worries, but in the survey, an overall
majority of elders reported being “concerned” or “very concerned” about basic staples in

the future such as clothing, help with chores, nutrition, medical care, and companionship

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(Tables 15a and 15b). Of course, the survey sample was random, unlike the focus groups
and interview samples. It is probable that focus group participants from the “snowball”
sample had more leisure time and came from households of greater economic standing.
Probably only the more well-off respondents (which may have been over-represented in
focus group) were willing to say that they had little or no concerns about future material
needs. Additionally, elders may have felt more comfortable expressing personal
concerns in a more private interview setting.

Still, contradictions in the reported levels of elders’ concerns can also be partially
explained through noting the importance of life experiences via the question contexts. In
focus groups and, to a lesser extent in interviews, discussions centered on past times
when life for all elders was difﬁcult and when securing enough food and clothing for
dependent family members was a major challenge. Within the context of these
discussions, elders’ present and future concerns about food and housing appeared
minimal. On the contrary, the survey asked elders to reﬂect on their current health,
family arrangements, resources, and mental health before asking about potential unmet
needs in the future. In contemplating future resources in light of current resources, I
found that elders appeared more likely to admit they were concerned about basic
necessities. Besides being a matter of question context, it seems that elders’ future
concerns were shaped and assessed within the overall context of a life-course.

Like their standards for current living conditions, elders’ future expectations were
relatively minimal (i.e., focused on subsistence), based on previous experiences of
hardship. The implications of these rural elders’ relatively simple expectations for the

future warrant consideration. For example, projects aiming to ensure psychological and

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physical well-being of rural elders might consider the lived experiences of the speciﬁc
birth cohorts under inquiry. This small scale study suggests that rural elders’ future
material needs (as shaped by their expectations) could be comprised primarily of the
basic necessities of food, clothing, and community. A focus on elders’ production levels
might obscure what are probably relatively minimal consumption levels and material
expectations of China’s rural elders; consumption levels and material expectations which
may differ markedly from their younger counterparts. At the same time, as household
incomes and the village economy grow, it is possible that elders’ expectations and
perceived needs may also rise. We see this change already in desires for new, large
homes with modern appliances and more expensive decorations. This may be especially
true for younger rural elders, who will live through more years of economic growth,
development, and urbanization. In short, studies investigating or attempting to make
projections about the well-being of elders must at least address in their analysis a
consideration of elders’ local standards of well-being, prosperity, comfort, health care —
and the fact that these standards might vary across time and place. Put another way, more
attention might be given to how elders’ actual “demands” relate and might relate to the
ability of families (and government) to “supply” adequately.

For about half of village elders, old and young, future physical care was not a
concern. What I consider a surprisingly low level of worry about having adequate future
personal physical care may again relate to older villagers’ experiences and environments.
While there were elderly people in the village who had suffered strokes and had difﬁculty
with mobility and daily living activities, I found through the survey and personal

observation that chronic illness, obesity, and conﬁnement to home were relatively rare,

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even as older villagers approached age 80. The challenges experienced by these elders
were probably understood as problems of health rather than as lack of personal resources
or of technology by which to minimize any future physical limitations and accomplish
daily physical care tasks. Many older people were ﬁrm in their viewpoints that elders
could and did frequently take care of themselves; and this sense of independence also
likely contributed to a belief, perhaps overly optimistic, that physical personal care would
not be lacking in the future. Still, as longevity increases in rural China, it is likely that
chronic disease and physical limitation will become more frequent — to an extent that
elders have not witnessed in their own lifetimes.

In my own view, health care education, improved healthcare quality, and
preventative health care will be needed in order to safeguard elders’ quality of life and to
minimize ﬁnancial loss due to illness. Opportunities to exercise at an activity center and
anti-smoking campaigns are examples of actions that would promote healthy longevity.
Education about cancer and early detection of chronic illness might also minimize
medical bills, as would instructions on how to treat common illnesses such as colds and
the ﬂu. In Seven Mountains, like many areas of China, people frequently went to
hospitals for small ailments and received unnecessary intravenous drips and even
multiple antibiotics. These expenses could be minimized through public education and
increased monitoring of the increasingly privatized health industry.

Smaller family sizes in rural China may inﬂuence the extent to which elders
receive adequate physical care and instrumental assistance (Du and Guo 2000). However,
the idea that “more is better” in number of family members is a traditional and common

belief that may or may not hold up under scrutiny and that elders also simultaneously

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questioned, as shown in interviews with women who had “too many” children. In terms
of receiving help with chores and personal physical care from children, it is possible that
having a few “extra” children might make up for the lack of ﬁlial piety of another child,
but that having too many children results in siblings passing along responsibilities to
others. Additional research on Chinese elders and family resources might investigate
whether there is an “ideal” number and sex ratio of children for rural elders and at what
point elders experience diminishing returns from high numbers of offspring (see Zimmer
and Kwong 2003).

The effects of China’s “one-child policy” probably contributed to a certain
amount of variation in elders’ responses about expected future support. The youngest
respondents, born in 1951, would have been in their late 205 when the policy ﬁrst became
most strictly enforced. These individuals may not have had either a male child or a
female child on whom to depend in the future, thus explaining their lack of reported
anticipated support from such a family member. Due to birth control policies, even more
elders also may have had only one grandchild, either male or female. In this case, they
may not have had a grandson or a granddaughter from whom to expect support. Still,
because most older villagers would have become parents for the ﬁrst time well before
their late 203 (according to villagers), and because age was not a major predictor of
whether elders reported anticipating support from particular family members (Table 15a),
it would seem that the effects of the “one child” policy do not fully explain variation or
gender differences in expected support from grandsons and from sons-in-law.
Understanding the expected roles of these family members and of daughters,

granddaughters, sons-in-law, and daughters-in-law may provide knowledge about the

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resources of elders and the actual practices ofrural old age support. The saying that
“sons take care of parents in old age” would seem to obscure the help expected and
probably received from other family members — particularly female family members such
as daughters-in-law and daughters.

The absence of family members due to rural-urban migration would seem to pose
a problem for future physical care and instrumental assistance, even if it provides
additional ﬁnancial resources for the rural household. Yet in Seven Mountains, there was
no signiﬁcant relationship between the number of family members “working out” and
elders’ concerns about future personal care or help with chores (Table 15b, sixth and
seventh panels). Most elders who expressed worry about help with chores and physical
care in the future lived with or had children and family members present in the village.
This situation challenges the idea that rural-urban migration was the major cause of
elders’ concern about future inadequate family resources.

Finally, interviewees’ overall unwillingness to relocate to a city or township in
order to live with children suggests that being reunited with children who go out of the
village may not be the number one priority for many older villagers in the future. Only in
cases in which a son or daughter lived in places that were “fun” did elders say they would
move to reside with them. This ﬁnding suggests that out-migration of working family
members may not necessarily rob rural elderly people of their most important sources of
future psychological comfort. The future mental health and happiness of rural elders may
depend just as much on opportunities for entertainment and participation in meaningful
social circles.

Reﬂecting on Rural Elders, Aging, and Development

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My argument has been that older women’s and older men’s viewpoints on rural
change, later life, and the future would provide complementary knowledge about China’s
aging. In this ﬁnal section of Chapter 6, I address what this “worm’s eye” view tells us
about aging, later life, and development in rural China. Just as perspectives from “the
top” are limited and local, Seven Mountains elders’ understandings of the relations
between development, China’s aging population, and the future of China’s elderly
stemmed from their own particular locations that reﬂected particular deﬁnitions of
development, day-to—day experiences, and priorities. Yet the point of inquiring into
elders’ viewpoints of China’s aging and future development was not to uncover the
“true” story about China’s elderly population and development which only older villagers
could relate, but to ask how their perspectives contributed to or challenged
representations of China’s aging and development issues.

Elders ’ Future Needs in Relatively Prosperous Rural Regions

Findings suggest that within a relatively well-off village in a prosperous province,
a fair proportion of elders are worried about their future material conditions. For
example, elders’ perceived economic conditions varied among respondents, and those
who did not see themselves as “well-off” were more concerned about future food and
nutrition. Although all elders felt that their economic standing had improved since earlier
eras, older villagers who had not been able to move into new homes or did not live in
self-perceived “somewhat well-off” or “very well-off" households had a different view of
the future than did their peers in more ﬁnancially secure situations. Socio-economic
status played a signiﬁcant role in shaping Seven Mountains elders’ understandings of

later life.

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As I argued in Chapter Four with regard to elders’ sense of relative poverty in the
present, studies of aging and well-being in China and other developing societies should
not overlook geographical sites of overall prosperity or assume that people in these
regions will not face difﬁculties and poverty in later life. Disparities can be understood
both as an issue of “absolute” poverty (in which requirements for human survival may
not be met) and of “comparative” (sometimes called relative) poverty, as poor elders
become increasingly aware of inequalities. As China’s markets continue to transition,
increasing inequalities may create for many elders a sense of anxiety over future well-
being — especially with regard to medical costs and social status— perhaps even for those
elders who are currently content with a few items of clothing and regular meals. At a
larger scale, that many elders in a relatively well-off village see their futures as uncertain
suggests that achievement of a relatively well-off (xiaokang) society at a national level
would be equally unable to assure elders of physical and psychological well-being in later
life.

Development “F or ” and "By ” Elders

Having become “old,” many elders described their lives and future needs as less
important than those of younger generations. Junior family members and younger
villagers pointed out these characteristics of older people proudly and affectionately,
noting that elders “just thought about other people, not about themselves.” I found that
many older people indeed expressed a willingness to sacriﬁce for their children and
grandchildren. Yet, promoting the idea of elders, especially women elders, as martyrs or

saints not only de-humanized older villagers, but in some cases condoned devaluation or

216

even neglect. Such a perspective also discouraged development or social change that
enriched elders as a group.

Elders in Seven Mountains had clear ideas about what they needed and desired for
future contentment. They wanted a village elderly activity center. In their vision, such a
center could take care of companionship needs, entertainment needs, and could provide
opportunities for regular physical and mental activity. (I suspect that elders’ interests in
China and the outside world could also be partially explored through videos and
photographic magazines at an activity center.) This “ground-level” solution to problems
of meeting later-life needs might be applicable in many areas of rural China.

However, because construction of buildings in Seven Mountains was largely
funded by private households, inequalities in wealth may have impeded development
“for” and “by” older people. As in many communities, villagers in Seven Mountains
were willing to donate money and time to build projects that directly beneﬁted them, but
roads or buildings needed in another hamlet or for a certain group were not considered
relevant enough to warrant personal ﬁnancial investment. Since an elderly person’s
activity center would not be utilized by the wage earners in the village, and because
elders were commonly seen as being “happy to make sacriﬁces,” such a venue was
unlikely to be built.

The extent to which elders will inﬂuence development at both local and national
levels is a question that will be answered differently according to deﬁnitions and goals of
development, participation, and how these are commensurate with the roles that elders
are able and willing to play in households and communities. At this site, the fact that

rural elders themselves saw little or no chance of participating in development — which

217

they deﬁned mainly in terms ofeconomic growth and construction of new buildings and
government services — suggests that this deﬁnition of development and elders’ roles in it
probably permeates multiple levels of society and will not easily be challenged.

An Aging Population: Problems and Solutions front a Ground-Level View

In focus groups and interviews 1 directly asked participants to talk about the
extent to which an increased proportion of older people would and could be a problem.
At the village and hamlet level, Seven Mountains did not appear to have a rapidly aging
population, nor were the larger geographical regions (city and province) widely perceived
to be rapidly aging. Therefore, questions about the “aging population problem” (which
has yet to materialize in many regions of China) were probably not extremely relevant to
elders’ daily experiences. Still, 1 was curious about the minimal level of concern and
asked elders to explain why, although the “aging population” has been a point of concern
at the national level in media since the mid-19803, people in the village seemed
unconcerned about family support of elders and the fewer number of young people
available to support their seniors. In all cases, elders either explained that earning ability
was more important than the number of family members, and/or they expressed a “more
the merrier” attitude toward their birth cohort’s longer lifespan and larger size.

This ﬁrst point reﬂected a perceived solution to the problem of material needs.
That is, although elders may have had only one or two (grand)children to support them,
they believed that their earning power probably would be greater than was the collective
earning power of several descendents in past decades. They would be better off than

were the elders in the days of their own youth. The second point demonstrates a

perceived solution to a problem of companionship needs. More elder peers would mean

218

a larger elder community, and in an age of increased migration and changing family
structures, the increasing proportion of elders was not problematic, but rather was a
solution. Village elders were also aware that part of the “aging population issue” was
linked to older people being able to live longer lives, a condition which, from their
viewpoint, could hardly be considered problematic.

These differences in viewpoints between ofﬁcial or academic understandings of
changes in China’s population composition and those of local rural elders indicates the
subjective nature of how China’s aging population issue is understood and represented.
Rather than allowing us to claim to what extent the aging population is or is not a
“problem,” elders’ views of the ﬁiture demonstrate how aging population issues can be
inadvertently or deliberately presented in various ways based upon the interests and
priorities of the viewer. This insight is important to keep in mind when thinking critically
about demographic conditions and changes.

Findings also suggest possible problems with solutions to elder support suggested
in the academic literature. First, Iobserved that elders’ social circles were relatively
small, especially those of old-elder women, who generally could not read newspapers and
only partially understood evening television dramas. Up until recent decades, travel
outside the village even within the township was difﬁcult and sometimes impossible.
Therefore, it is no surprise that many elders, although interested in other places, did not
feel comfortable residing even temporarily in a town or village even within the same
county. Suggestions that elders can simply move to new city homes with children or
grandchildren once they become frail may not be realistic. Additionally, in this particular

study no elders expected or relied upon siblings for help in the future due to custom and

219

to logistical challenges. Should this be the case in many parts of rural China, a goodly
amount of supportive policies might be needed in order to encourage sibling old-age
support.

Older residents’ experiences in Seven Mountains also demonstrate how rapid
development — in this case at a local level — does not automatically assure older people of
well-being in later life but simply creates variations in wealth and income that may cause
some elders to worry about “keeping up” with peers in the future. Bringing this lesson to
a national level, representations of development as a solution to meeting future
challenges of an aging population are built on the assumption that wealth and income
from-economic development and growth will be applied and distributed in ways that
beneﬁt elderly people as a group. In order to ensure that the aging population issue is
minimally problematic in the future, and that old age support is indeed fostered by
development, state—regulated distribution of the “goods and bads” of economic growth
and development would be necessary. However, this approach conﬂicts with the
fundamental design of China’s development, which is based on the argument that some
people and areas must be allowed to become rich before others, with competition a
driving engine of development (Xie and Hannum 19962952). Additionally, what are
traditionally thought of as typical needs or desires of elders (e. g., having washing water
brought) will probably be made obsolete as new needs or desires (e. g., elder activity
centers, cell phones) arise. Attention not only to national economic grth and family
socioeconomic status, but also to daily lives and changing requirements of elders is

necessary the fruits of local or national development address elders’ future needs.

220

Finally, in Seven Mountains, women elders who had unﬁlial male children or
unsupportive husbands were often not eligible to be helped by local subsidy programs.
Although probably well-meaning in intent, these policies can also foster age and gender
discrimination. Moreover, regardless ofthe ofﬁcial policies “according to the books,”
actual practices on distributing subsidies to elders and low-income families should be less
nebulous and more transparent to villagers, who understood accessibility to be more a
matter of having personal connections than of need. Clear explanations of why and how
these funds are distributed would help to mitigate feelings of unfairness and conﬁision, as
well as beliefs that local government ofﬁcials improperly distribute subsidies and are
unconcerned about the welfare of elderly villagers.

In sum, insights from Seven Mountains suggest that many ofthe ways in which
local, provincial, and state government could assist rural elders in their future daily lives
would be through general policies and approaches, not necessarily those in which the
word “elderly” appears in the title. Speciﬁcally, lessons learned in Seven Mountains
suggest the need for further attention to (1) socioeconomic inequalities, (2) the
distribution (not simply promotion) of the fruits of economic growth, (3) transparency
and clarity in local distribution of subsidies, and (4) public health education, quality of

healthcare, and preventative healthcare programs.

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CHAPTER 7: CONCLUSION

One of the aims of this dissertation was to contribute to population studies by
examining how changes and expectations of changes in China's population composition
and distribution "played out" in the daily life of rural elders. I intended to bring a topic
common to large-scale analyses of a demographic condition “down to earth” in order to
see what current and ﬁrture population conditions might mean to rural elders’ everyday
lives. Then, by comparing people’s daily experiences at the household and hamlet level
with views from larger-level analyses, I asked whether and how representations of aging
and development in China might beneﬁt stakeholders.

From this ground level, elders’ concerns about current and future well-being in
China were fundamentally concerns about household resources. When assessing whether
and how future conditions would affect their quality of life, elders considered their health,
their family members’ ability to make money, and the attitude and ﬁlialness of junior
family members. Elders’ assessments of the future were often positive due to their
perceptions of increased cash-earning opportunities and improvements in health care and
technology. However, many older villagers were still concerned about future survival,
and poorer elders and those in poor health, especially, expressed concerns about future
living conditions. This research supports other studies of rural China that suggest that
increasing inequality and difﬁculty of disadvantaged families to “get ahead” are more
fundamental causes for concern about rural elders’ well-being than are smaller family
size, erosion of ﬁlial values, or an aging population (Zimmer and Kwong 2003; Joseph
and Phillips 1999). A new ﬁnding from this research is that, at least in this rural site, not

only did China’s aging population fail to be a major source of concern for elders, but on

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the contrary, it was the cause of optimism for a long life amidst the companionship of
one’s peers. This discrepancy between “expert” and “village” viewpoints demonstrates
how interpretations of demographic conditions are shaped by age and other social
locations.

Another important demographic context in which rural elders were entering later
life was that of Chinese villagers’ wide-scale temporary migration to cities. This small-
scale inquiry gave an example of a setting in which Chinese rural-urban migration did not
result in abandonment of older villagers but instead produced various (or sometimes little)
effects on elders, depending upon other contexts such as socio—economic status, family
resources, and interpersonal relationships. Since it was not a particularly impoverished
region, it is likely that push-pull factors were not as strong in Seven Mountains as in very
poor rural areas. Still, this study suggests that rural-urban migration is neither always a
panacea nor a source of agony for “left-behind” elders.

Who beneﬁts from mainstream representations of China’s aging population issues?
First, elders’ views of the increasing proportion of Chinese older people indicate the
middle-age—based character of viewing large proportions of elders as a social problem. In
this case, common representations of Chinese elders as burdens cast junior family
members in the roles of hard-working heroes struggling to support unproductive elders.
Moreover, portraying rural elders as burdens on the nation obfuscates a history in which
these same villagers contributed enormously to the prosperity of China’s urban regions
and to the development of the nation as a whole (see Yang 1996).

Additionally, insofar as ofﬁcial statements imply or explicitly indicate an

automatic link between China’s “development” and adequate old age support (State

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Council Infomiation Ofﬁce 2004), the challenges of an aging population can be utilized
to promote what continues to be a main political agenda: economic growth. Publicizing
population aging issues as a “Chinese family challenge” is a way of afﬁrming the
responsibilities of families for providing support for elders while at the same time
indicating that the government is mainly responsible for promoting economic growth, not
for providing old age support. In the meantime, increasing inequalities and the negative
effects upon China’s elders of increased production (e. g., pollution) and “competitive”
development are obscured.

Representations of the effects on rural elders of China’s internal migration may
also reﬂect and promote certain interests. As Davin (2000) argues, rural-urban migration
is often represented in an exaggeratedly negative light in the Chinese press, with China’s
rural migrants “being blamed for its ills” (288). She suggests that rural migrants,
although they may indeed pose problems to the cities in which they work, are treated
unsympathetically, when in fact

[t]he problems and their treatment by the media are symptomatic of the

divisions between the city and the countryside or the core and the

periphery that already existed in Maoist China and that have, in many

cases, been exacerbated by the rapid and uneven growth during the reform

years (Davin 2000:288).

Davin asserts that the discourse on internal migrants in China “stigmatizes the
rural migrant in a way that we associate with racism” (20002284). Rural migrants,
usually less educated and less sophisticated, are often looked down upon by urban
residents for their “shabby clothing, their distinctive accents, and sometimes even
their darker skins, different physiques, and differing body language” (2000:288).

I take Davin’s argument further to suggest that China’s rural migrants are often

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blamed unfairly for problems in rural areas as well as for problems in the cities;
in particular, they are indicated in the abandonment of rural elderly. It is indeed a
serious social problem when older villagers who are unable to care for or support
themselves are left behind by migratingjunior family members. Yet my
exploratory research in Seven Mountains leads me to suspect that these situations,
if not overstated, may be oversimpliﬁed when blame is misdirected toward rural
migrants themselves rather than toward larger structures and institutions of
inequality such as past and current policies that perpetuate large urban-rural
disparities. The “rural elderly abandonment” issue as it is popularly presented
thus serves the interests of overlooking the role of China’s institutions of
inequality in perpetuating situations (however common or rare they may be) in
which households ﬁnd it necessary to send junior family members “out,” leaving
frail elderly alone.

Finally, from the ground level at Seven Mountains, it was apparent that increased
wealth and development at the village or hamlet levels did not guarantee the well-being
or satisfaction of elders. Rather, increases in inequality, regardless of whether the
economic tide had allowed “all boats to rise,” resulted in disadvantaged elders feeling
more poverty-stricken and ashamed than they had in eras when most villagers were even
poorer. A lesson to be drawn from this ground level insight is that local-level (and
probably national-level) economic growth may or may not be necessary, but certainly is
not sufﬁcient, to tend to the needs of older people. Instead, when the relationship
between China’s economic development and China’s aging is overstated or presented in a

deterministic fashion (either positively or negatively), the role of local government

225

ofﬁcials, central state ofﬁcials, and “everyday” actors in guiding the course of
development and in distributing the fruits of economic growth becomes minimized.

A second aim of this dissertation was to address a pertinent population issue —
aging in rural China — at a level that may complement prior large-scale research and
provide opportunities for comparison with studies in urban centers and in other rural
regions. First, research in China’s urban areas has suggested that daughters provide a fair
amount of support to aging parents (Whyte and Xu 2003; Sun 2002). Most recently, in a
study of three Chinese cities, Xie and Zhu (2006) found that adult daughters may provide
even more ﬁnancial support to parents than do sons. Some of the gender difference in
monetary support may relate to the common situation in which elders mainly receive
material support from sons in the form of co-residence and provision of food and daily
needs. Still, Xie and Zhu (2006) suggest that

a fundamental change has taken place in contemporary urban China:

intergenerational support to parents is optional and primarily symbolic,

and it serves the important roles of (1) binding family members across

generations, (2) distributing resources informally within the family, (3)

buffering in times of economic shocks, and (4) serving as a concrete
mechanism through which one can display the traditional Chinese value of

ﬁlial piety (17-18).

ls such a change occurring in rural China as well? Zhang (2007) suggests that new cash-

eaming opportunities in the cities are creating new ﬁlial roles for rural daughters and
increasing their economic value to parents. Evidence from my study in Seven Mountains
goes further to provide examples of how, in a fairly traditional and inland rural area, even
adult daughters who remain in a rural area may contribute a goodly amount of material

support to parents. Additional and larger-scale studies of rural daughters’ contributions

226

could conﬁmr and specify the extent to which rural elders already receive aid from their
daughters.

Another point highlighted by this small-scale study is the possibility that elders
have differing expectations for family members in amount and type of support, and that
these expectations vary according to the gender and socioeconomic conditions of elders
and the role, birth order, and gender of family members. Further understanding the
support roles and expectations of various family members may help to understand better
the family resources available to current and future senior family members. What
accounts for gender differences in expectations? Moreover, do these family members
(such as grandsons and sons-in-law) frequently feel obliged to meet expectations for
future support of grandparents and parents-in-law? These topics might be further
explored in larger-scale survey studies as well as through smaller-scale in-depth
interviews and household studies.

Additionally, this research in Seven Mountains provides a “new take” on elders’
need for companionship and psychological comfort. Findings suggest that studies focus
too much on the presence of junior family members, and too little on opportunities for
peer group socializing and entertainment. This focus probably stems from ageism or
middle-aged centered perspectives, from the traditional Chinese idea that households
ﬁlled with family bring greater happiness to elders, and by a “Western” emphasis on the
primacy of affective ties within family relationships (Wang 2004). Seven Mountains’
elders’ viewpoints suggest that elders are not relying upon junior family members to
provide entertainment or companionship, calling into question the extent to which out-

migration of junior family members is as necessarily psychologically troublesome to

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elders as might be assumed by middle—aged researchers. Better meeting the needs of
elders may be as simple as providing formal venues in which elders can gather, play
games, and enjoy entertainment.

A third purpose of this dissertation was to inquire into whether and how elders
actively interpret, respond to, and inﬂuence social changes in a variety of ways. In Seven
Mountains, elders played an important supportive role that in many cases allowed junior
family members to study or work outside the village. However, they generally did not
understand their roles to be signiﬁcant. It is understandable that elders would place
importance on earning wages in light of their previous life experiences, in which during
some eras earning wages was not possible for anyone. At the same time, this
understanding indicates a focus on economics, wage-eaming, and “outside” work
commensurate with national agendas of economic growth.

Still, research in this village found that elders were not victims of old age, out-
migration, or social change, and who, although in some ways “happy to sacriﬁce” for
juniors, were also ready to express dissatisfaction, particularly with regard to a need for
an elderly community and peer activity opportunities. Seven Mountains’ elders adapted
quite well to rural transitions, especially considering the rapid changes in technology,
household dynamics, and built environment. They were willing to accept “offsets” to
perceived negative changes and relatively seldom complained about current living
conditions. While some elders felt that they burdened families, most saw themselves as
able to care for themselves. Some continued to feel pride and self-worth that they had
contributed greatly to their families, village, and nation in the past. As health permitted,

elders continued to be physically active and contributing members of households. These

228

images contrasted with portrayals of obsolete and frail rural elders dependent upon the
goodwill of others.

A fourth aim of this dissertation was to investigate gender as an organizing
principle in the experiences and conditions of aging in China by inquiring into elderly
women’s and men’s aging experiences and analyzing how gender relations interacted
with the processes and contexts of aging. Supporting other studies of aging and gender,
the case of Seven Mountains suggests that gender has a cumulative inﬂuence over the life
course (Zhang 2006; Calasanti and Slevin 2001; Blakemore and Boneham 1994). In
particular, older women’s lack of education and opportunities to participate in public
circles shaped their self-perceptions of having made and continuing to make
contributions to the village and household. Their social circles were also smaller insofar
as they did not read newspapers and were less likely to speak Mandarin Chinese —
affecting their ability to listen to news or fully enjoy contemporary television shows.
Having married “out” and moved away from their natal families may also have
inﬂuenced the type and extent of their social resources (Zhang 2007; Watson 1991).
Women’s focus in interviews and in focus groups was located within their hamlets or
even within their households, while men were more likely to be familiar with details of
political issues and policies. As a result, villagers viewed elder women as less informed
and less able to understand their own lives. These gender experiences in turn probably
affected older women’s feelings of self-worth and accomplishment. Indeed, ﬁndings
showed older women to be signiﬁcantly more depressed than were older men.

Later life experiences in Seven Mountains also provided examples of how gender

shapes levels of continuity in old age. For the most part, elder women continued many of

229

the chores and activities they had perfomied for years, whereas men who formally retired
or who relinquished their main chores of heavy farm work to junior family members had
to adjust to new roles inside the household. Here, aging likely worked as a “leveler”
between genders. Moreover, in some cases, aging allowed men, but not women,
relatively more additional leisure time which, perhaps enjoyable, may also have created
experiences of anomie as they relinquished old daily routines and responsibilities.

Examining gendered-age relations in Seven Mountains over the life course
suggested that gender indeed shaped experiences of aging and household relations in later
life, but not as a sole factor determining the prestige, power, or socioeconomic status of
villagers in later life. In Seven Mountains, elder men’s status was higher in relation to
their wives, and yet these conditions were still inﬂuenced by age relations, production
and occupational conditions, and the past and current political economy. That is, the
spirit of the Cultural Revolution, past communal systems of production, and apparent
decreased authority of elders — not only gender -- strongly inﬂuenced the conditions in
which older villagers found themselves entering later life.

A ﬁnal general aim of this dissertation was to employ a “sociological
imagination” and a life course perspective in understanding the experiences, processes,
and social contexts of aging in rural China. First, a life course perspective revealed how
representations of old age as a period of loss and ineffectiveness can be apolitical and
ahistorical. That is, these elders had lived through a communist era in which it was not
possible to earn individual wages: when workers were awarded points instead of cash,
and when doing business would have been stigmatized, if not punishable. But they had

entered into later life at a time when opportunities to earn money had emerged and when

230

making proﬁts was socially acceptable. This shift allowed elders who sold vegetables or
helped tend a family business to experience increased senses of autonomy and
effectiveness in old age. Like gender, age (as a social location and experience) cannot be
examined without attention to sociopolitical-economic contexts.

Additionally, past conditions shaped elders’ views of current contexts and of the
future. It was clear that the hardship and bitterness through which older villagers had
lived inﬂuenced their assessment of the present and, even in light of present inequalities,
promoted a sense of current good (or at least better) fortune. Yet the distinct “generation
gap” between senior and junior family members also begs the question of how different
standards in evaluating ones’ quality of life might inﬂuence future support, exchanges,
and levels of satisfaction. Will rural elders continue to be easily satisﬁed in later life
with the bare necessities of food, clothing, and shelter, or will social changes and
increased standards in living conditions and wealth encourage elders to expect more from
family members, just as junior family members might raise standards for their own
material success? Are elders placing too much faith in contemporary opportunities to
make money, overlooking the commensurately high expectations and desires of younger
generations for their own lives? It may be important for studies contemplating the
continued fulﬁllment of generational contracts to consider the life—course experience and
birth cohort standards for both senior and junior generations.

An unexpected point suggested by adopting the life-course perspective was that
deﬁnitions of environment and of environmental degradation (or improvement) may be
understood by people within the context of their own lives and comparisons over time.

The extent to which people believed that environmental conditions in Seven Mountains

23]

had declined was probably at least partly shaped by birth cohort. Elders who lived prior
to electricity and paved roads had memories of a time in which, although the river and air
were clean, the daily surrounds created hardship. They were probably less likely than
were others to understand village development as having only negative effects on the
environment. For example, cohorts born in the 19705 grew up in an environment that
included electricity, relatively stable transportation, and telecommunications and yet they
still had memories of clear river water and fresh air. These people had experienced the
“best of both worlds” and, I suspect, were likely to see environmental changes of recent
decades in more negative terms.
Reﬂections on the Project

In evaluating this research, I have reﬂected on the choice of methods and on
mixed-methods research design. In retrospect, did all three phases contribute to the
research? Was utilizing three methods a wise approach? I have also considered the
limitations of the study.

Research Phases

One of the reasons for choosing to use multiple methods in three phases was to
address my questions at various (individual, household, group) levels. Focus groups
successfully gave me some insight into key themes of later life and acquainted me
generally with the “research terrain.” Interviews were helpful in examining more closely
at an individual level my research questions and the issues raised by focus groups and the
household survey. Conducted between these two phases, the household survey provided

information about how both individual characteristics and “supra-individual” level

232

characteristics related to elders’ conditions and attitudes. It was necessary and helpful at
both levels.

Overall, the household survey showed how elders’ individual-level characteristics
were — or were not — signiﬁcantly related to other living conditions and attitudes. That is,
evidence that particular variables were not signiﬁcantly related to each other was just as
important as was evidence showing a signiﬁcant relationship. Second, the randomly
sampled survey helped to corroborate or contradict my own observations and
subsequently elicit insights. For example, the survey gave evidence that Seven
Mountains elders indeed regularly performed work in households and showed how their
activities differed by gender. 1 could have argued these points about individuals’
activities based on my own observation and experience, but the random sample provides
me with reassurance that my sense of elders’ contributions was not erroneously based
only on experiences living within one village household, or on interviews with elders
whom I might have inadvertently selected based on their high levels of activity and
interest.

Similarly, the “supra-individual” perspective offered by the household survey
helped to answer questions about the relationships between elders’ individual conditions
and the community or household contexts. Most of these factors (e. g., hamlet residence,
number of household members, number of peOple “going out,”) were not as important in
determining elders’ future concerns, attitudes toward development, or health status as I
had. suspected, but this information is itself valuable. Such knowledge allowed me to
suggest that family living arrangements were not as crucial in determining elders’ views

on current and future conditions as might be assumed. Additionally, these questions

233

provided a baseline that could be compared with future research as village changes
continue. As such, in retrospect I would retain this element ofthe project and continue
to pursue lines of questioning regarding the inﬂuence of“supra-individua1” level
conditions on rural elders’ lives.

Mixed Methods

The use ofmixed methods in this project made analysis of the data more
complicated. Due to differences in aims of the methods, question contexts, and research
contexts, the various methods sometimes produced data that seemed to contradict or at
least to “tell different stories.” Employing mixed methods highlighted the weaknesses of
each method but also maximized strengths and minimized limitations of each method.
Focus groups overstated particular viewpoints and sentiments (probably due to the
relatively public arena and to the snowball sampling method), while surveys provided
important descriptive information but relatively few explanations, and interviews in
themselves were not broad enough to provide a picture of conditions at hamlet and
village levels. For example, focus groups suggested that elders worried little about the
future, while survey ﬁndings told a very different story and interviews offered insights
into how and why some (but not all) elders worried. At the same time, certain
phenomena were apparent in each phase such as, household inequality, elders’ sense of
improvement in living conditions, and concern about health and future medical costs. In
this way, the three methods served as both checks upon one another and worked
complementarily. lmportantly, had 1 analyzed and presented ﬁndings from different
segments separately, the conclusions of this study would have been very different and

possibly very fragmented. In other words, a mixed-methods study such as this one

234

required an additional step in the collection-analysis-conclusions process: that of
synthesizing and re-analyzing apparent contradictions until viable arguments and
conclusions were found.

Additionally, sequencing of mixed methods is likely crucial in shaping the
emphasis of conclusions from research, and should be considered in light of the aims of
the research. I started with focus groups, hoping to generate broad themes and thus
compensate for my outsider status and lack of insight into topics important in the lives of
elderly people. I chose to do interviews last in order to provide an opportunity to inquire
into “puzzles” and ask for elders’ explanations of data. However, had I started with the
survey, 1 might have chosen to engage different topics or themes in subsequent focus
groups. Had I begun with interviews, 1 might have altered the survey questionnaire to
include different lines of questioning. Although I believe my overall ﬁndings would not
have differed greatly, the points upon which I chose to focus and elaborate in this
dissertation might have been quite different.

Finally, as Creswell (2003) indicates, mixed methods usually (but not always)
require the researcher to emphasize the role of either qualitative or quantitative analysis
in the study. In this research, I focused on qualitative methods and analysis insofar as my
goals were to generate points of theoretical signiﬁcance rather than statistical signiﬁcance.
This approach was appropriate to the project, since the overall goal of the study was to
generate “ground level” insights, and because the survey was intended only to allow me
to generalize to the village as a whole. Another mixed-methods research project might
have different ultimate aims and need to emphasize a quantitative analytic approach. In

any case, it is key to remember that the goals of each research phase do not need to re-

235

state or match exactly the aim of the overall project, but rather that they must contribute
to reaching the largest goals of the study.

Limitations of the Research

In considering the limitations of this project I took into account its overall aims.
First, this research is not generalizable to rural China or even to other villages of similar
conditions and contexts. This study was limited to one village made up of three hamlets
in the southwestern comer of Fujian Province. A repeat study in an urban area and/or in
an area of China that has seen little development might generate additional lessons about
how conditions of urbanization and economic growth shape and are shaped by the lives
of Chinese elders. This study was also limited to Mandarin- and Hekkanese speaking
people of Han descent. A new analysis of one of the 55 ethnic minority groups (excused
from the “one child policy”) might result in different conclusions about relationships
between aging, family, and economic development in rural China. However, since the
aim of the project was not to produce generalizable ﬁndings, but rather to generate
fruitful insights, lessons, and examples, it would not be fair to evaluate the research on its
ability to represent conditions around China.

Additionally, this project is quite exploratory and descriptive. Both the research
questions as well as the focus group and interview questions I posed were in most cases
very general. Yet this level of speciﬁcity was appropriate to the relatively small amount
of scholarly knowledge about rural elders’ experiences, expectations, and perspectives
with regard to aging in a developing village. In the future I could pursue in greater detail

questions and points raised by this research.

236

Another limit ofthis research is the scope of knowledge upon which it focuses.
That is, the viewpoints and information highlighted in this project start and end mainly
with the perspectives of older villagers. It neither inquires into “ofﬁcial” knowledge
about local conditions, nor into the views and plans of rural elders’ family members. A
study focused on changing rural Chinese family dynamics rather than on rural elders
alone would probably include interviews with both senior and junior family members
(see Xie and Zhu 2006; Sun 2002). However, this focus is again commensurate with the
theoretical approach of the study (which seeks to highlight viewpoints of elders) and the
aim of complementing other studies that focus primarily on high-level analyses of
population problems or conditions of contemporary rural families.

Finally, this research did not a priori provide deﬁnitions of concepts such as

9, 66

“development, social change, and “aging” as clearly as some readers might expect, nor
did it operationalize these concepts in a way common to traditional studies. This
approach creates complexity in the analysis process but, I argue, is again appropriate to a
study intending to emphasize and produce knowledge about how elders understand their
own social worlds, roles, and futures. In other words, while extrapolating “local”
deﬁnitions from data is complex and “messy,” a more traditional or top-down style of
deﬁning in advance concepts such as “development” and then measuring their presence
in the research setting would conﬂict with my epistemology and theoretical framework.
A reas . for Further Research

Throughout the dissertation I have suggested some areas for future study,

including topics suitable for larger-scale population studies. For example, recent studies

in urban China show that daughters indeed provide as much, if not more, support for

237

elderly parents as do their brothers (Xie and Zhu 2006; Whyte 2003). I suggested that
similar studies might be conducted in rural areas to investigate the extent to which
daughters’ aid is also a contemporary rural phenomenon, and whether it is reasonable to
expect rural daughters to increase aid in the ﬁrture. Also, I noted how in Seven
Mountains, elders’ expectations for grandsons and sons-in-law differed by gender and
socioeconomic conditions, and with regard to type of support. I suggested that future
research ask: In similar and different contexts, how might elder women and elder men
differ in terms of anticipation of aid and in subsequent satisfaction levels? How do
expectations compare to practice? Is the idea that “sons support parents in old age”
indeed toosimplistic? Additionally, women elders in Seven Mountains report expecting
less psychological comfort from family members, friends, or others than did men. Is this
the case for women elders in other areas of rural China, and what does this say about their
later life resources? Where (or do) Chinese women expect to receive psychological
comfort in old age, and what social conditions and policies might foster reception of this
support?
Age Relations, Social Change, and Cohort-Based Standards of Well—Being

Another direction for future research that the ﬁndings of this study indicates is
that of the importance of lived experiences, or “cohort effects,” on standards of physical
and psychological well-being. A wide generation gap between China’s rural older people
and contemporary youth is evident. However, few studies have investigated what kind of
practical effects this generation gap has on the current and future lives of rural Chinese
older people. In terms of aging, how might different standards in living conditions,

personal possessions, and priorities shape rural elders’ experiences of aging? How does

238

a generation gap affect the fulﬁllment of psychological and companionship needs? A
larger scale study might investigate more thoroughly how rural older women and rural
older men actually regard the absence of junior family members, how they gain (or could
gain) a strong sense of community and ownership within villages, and what factors
provide and could provide sources of emotional and psychological comfort. Besides
suggesting how generation gaps shape senses of later-life satisfaction, this kind of study
could both draw on and contribute to general theories and studies of old age and
community integration.

Satisfaction Levels of Rural and Urban Elders, Comparative/y

Although elders in Seven Mountains acknowledged the superior amenities
available to their urban counterparts, they rarely expressed willingness to live in an urban
area. Elders who continued to perform work in and around rural households fulﬁlled
expected roles, likely achieving a sense of accomplishment and purpose. How do rural
and urban elders’ levels of satisfaction compare, and do the roles and activities from
which they derive a sense of fulﬁllment differ (see Silverstein et a1. 2006)? What do
similarities or differences in urban and rural experiences of aging contribute to theories of
aging? Although answers to these questions might be extrapolated from studies of urban
elders, a study designed to speciﬁcally compare experiences, roles, and satisfaction levels
of rural and urban elders might best provide knowledge about how to improve the quality
of life for both rural and urban Chinese elderly.

Who Goes Out in Rural Households?

Two-ﬁfths of households in Seven Mountains included family members who

temporarily migrated to other areas for work. The decision for a family member to go

239

out appeared strategic and ﬂexible, allowing for the possibility that they would need to
return in order to assist their family members. In this rural area, both daughters and sons
“went out,” supporting Zhang’s (2007) argument about the rise of China’s “new rural
daughters.” However, this research did not examine whether daughters were as likely or
more likely than were sons to migrate to work in a city, nor did it consider how birth
order inﬂuenced the likelihood of “going out” or staying in the village. Future research
on rural migration, aging, and family support could pose these questions.

Family members’ “going out” probably affected household members in different
ways and to different extents depending upon the age and gender of the migrant and the
family members staying behind. Understanding better how these decisions are made and
their effects on household members would add to existing knowledge about rural-urban
migration in China, as well as to knowledge about contemporary gender/age relations
within rural households. Likely, the motivations and experiences of out-migration vary
according to regional and household socioeconomic status, as well as with individuals’
social location and inter-household power relations (see Hare and Zhao 2000 and Yang
2000). On-site research investigating these motivations and experiences might produce
more nuanced understandings about the people and institutions involved in generating
China’s “ﬂoating populations” and might challenge negative portrayals of rural migrants
(Davin 2000).

Promoting Health, Education, and Health Care Reform in Rural China

This research suggests that poor health, chronic disease, and subsequent inability

of family members to earn enough money to cover medical bills are major concerns for

many elders — and ones which are probably based on realistic assessment of their

240

resources. More “ground-level” research is needed on how to promote and deliver rural
health education, most effectively encourage preventative health measures, and bolster
the quality of rural health services. Additionally, appropriate rural educational reforms
might provide the youngest family members with better resources by which to continue
on to higher education, establish their own businesses, and manage social networks that
will in turn bolster their ability to care for older family members.

Elder Abuse in Rural China

Finally, older villagers in Seven Mountains referred to instances in which elders
were mistreated or physically abused by family members, but it was difﬁcult to pursue
such a sensitive topic, especially as a foreign researcher. Chinese villagers might not
have wanted to project a negative image of family age relations to an “outsider,”
particularly when, as so many villagers explained, “to respect elders is a Chinese
characteristic.” To what extent is psychological and physical elder abuse a problem in
rural China, and what might be done to minimize elder abuse? Emphasis is often on the
neglect and physical hardship of rural elders whose family members are working in the
city (Ma 2008; French 2006; Yardley 2004), overlooking the possibility of neglect and
physical hardship of elders living in traditional stem family households. As older
villagers lose status in the household and yet continue to rely mainly on junior family
members for support, are they at increased risk of domestic violence or neglect? Older
Chinese women, who are more insulated in the family and whose social networks may be

smaller than those of men and of young women (see Zhang 2006:8108), may be at risk.

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Looking Outfrom Seven Mountains

Looking out from the rooftop over Seven Mountains each day, the view was one
of continuous changes, however stark or subtle. The patchwork of rice ﬁelds, new homes,
crumbling earth buildings, and construction equipment reﬂected the complexity of social
transitions shaping the lives of older residents. More hidden was the underlying work of
elders which supported these changes. In this village as in many parts of China,
economic reforms since the 19703 have shifted the intra-familial balance of power across
generations and between the sexes (lkels 2004; Entwisle and Henderson 2000; Davis and
Harrell 1993), in turn shaping elders’ experiences of later life. However, additional
changes brought by economic reforms, as well as the resounding echoes of previous eras,
also bear upon the lives of older villagers and challenge simplistic descriptions of the
relationships between aging and power, between China’s population change and
economic growth. Memories of the bitter past, new cash-eaming opportunities, and
contemporary technological developments work together with (and sometimes counter)
changes to elders’ household relations, social lives, and health — more often than not
promoting optimism about the future. Yet as development continues to be equated with
wage-based economic growth at both local and national levels, elders’ crucial but indirect
contributions to current Chinese society will likely remain overlooked along with their
past contributions to the nation and national development. Economic growth creates
opportunities but also inequalities, allowing some elders to feel pride and comfort in
personal and household entrepreneurial endeavors while peers experience shame and
disadvantage despite relatively improved standards of living. Indeed, China’s “left-

behind” elders are perhaps not so much those elders who stay alone in rural households

242

while family members migrate to the cities as they are those elders who live within

households unable to participate in new-found prosperity.

243

TABLES

244

Table 1a. Biographical Information on Female Focus Group Participants

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Year Born Highest *Hamlet Economic Status Health
Education (Self-reported) (Self-reported)
Level

Group 1

l 1947 primary BP ““Below Average”” “Above Average”

2 1945 primary (2) BP “Above Average” “Above Average”

3 1937 none BP “Average” ““Below
Average””

4 1939 none BP “Above Average” “Average”

5 1941 primary BP “Above Average” “Below Average”

6 1947 none BP “Below Average” “Above Average”

Group 2

l 1941 none SS “Above Average” “Average”

2 1937 none SF “Above Average” “Very Good”

3 1948 primary (5) SS “Average” “Below Average”

4 I93 7 none SF “Average” “Average”

5 1947 none SS “Below Average” “Average”

6 1938 none SF “Below Average” “Very Good”

Group 3

l 1932 none SS “Below Average” “Below Average”

2 I936 none BP “Very Good” “Very Good”

3 1929 none SS “Average” “Average”

4 1928 none SS “Below Average” “Above Average”

5 1933 none SS “Average” “Below Average”

6 1929 none BP “Below Average” “Above Average”

Group 4

1 1936 none SS “Below Average” “Above Average”

2 1930 none SS “Poor” “Below Average”

3 1932 none SF “Average” “Average”

4 1925 none SS “Above Average” “Above Average”

5 1928 none SS “Above Average” “Average”

6 1928 primary SF “Very Good” “Very Good”

7 1934 none SS “Very Good” “Above Average”

8 1936 none SS “Below Average” “Below Average”

 

 

 

 

 

 

* BP= Buddha’s Peak, SS = Southern Slope, SF = Stone Flower

245

 

Table lb. Biographical Information on Male Focus Group Participants

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Year Highest *Hamlet Economic Status Health (Self-
Bom Education (Self—reported) reported)
Level

Grou a 1

1 1939 grimary (2) BP “Above Average” “Average”

2 1939 primary Q) BP “Above Average” “Average”

3 1937 primary (4) BP “Very Good” “Average”

4 1939 primary (3) BP “Average” “Below Average”
5 1941 middle (9) BP “Above Average” “Average”

6 1940 primary (3) BP “Very Good” “Above Average”
Grou 3 2

l 1940 middle SS “Below Average” “Average”

2 1942 primary SS “Below Average” “Below Average”
3 1944 high school SS “Above Average” “Average”

4 1939 primary SF “Above Average” “Above Average”
Grou a 3

l 1930 primary (6) SS “Average” “Average”

2 1934 middle BP “Average” “Above Average”
3 1933 middle BP “Average” “Above Average”
4 I929 middle BP “Average” “Average”

5 1922 middle SS “Average” “Below Average”
6 1931 middle BP “Above Average” “Below Average”
Grou a 4

I 193 5 primary SF “Average” “Average”

2 1927 primary SF “Average” “Average”

3 1932 primary SF “Average” “Average”

4 1933 primary SS “Average” “Average”

5 1934 primary SS “Average” “Average”

6 I934 middle SS “Average” “Average”

 

 

 

 

 

* BP= Buddha’s Peak, SS = Southern Slope, SF = Stone Flower

246

 

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248

Table 4. Biographical Information on Interview Respondents

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

lD Sex US Age Hamlet Number and Marital
Gender of Status ID
Children
1 M 73 Southern 3 sons widowed
Slope
2 M 78 Southem 3 sons married
Slope 1 daughter
3 73 Southern 6 sons married
Slope 1 daughter
(dec.)
4 M 68 Stone 3 sons married
Flower 2 daughters
5 M 80 Stone 3 sons widowed
Flower 2 daughters
6 M 67 Stone 1 son mam'ed
Flower ' 3 daughters
7 M 74 Buddha’s l son married,
Peak 5 daughters lives alone
8 M 75 Buddha’s 3 sons married
Peak 1 dwhter
9 M 69 Buddha’s 3 sons married
Peak 1 daughter
10 F 69 Stone 3 sons widowed
Flower 1 daughter
I 1 F 61 Stone 7 sons widowed
Flower
12 F 79 Stone 3 sons married
Flower 2 daughters
13 F 69 Buddha’s 1 son married
Peak 1 daughter
14 F 73 Buddha’s 2 sons married
Peak 2 daughters
15 F 79 Buddha’s 1 son married
Peak 3 daughters
1 son in law
16 F 70 Southern 2 sons] married
Slope daughter husband
lives/works
outside
17 F 58 Southern 2 sonsS widowed
Slope daughters
18 F 78 Southern 3 sons2 widowed
Slope daughters

 

 

 

 

 

 

249

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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251

Table 7. Average Self-Rated Health By Sex and Age Group

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Self-Rated Self-Rated
Health Current
Memory
l= Very Poor 1: Very Poor
5 = Very Good 5 = Very Good
Total 3.50 2.95
Men 3.78 3.29
Young-Elders 3.87 3.40
Old-Elders 3.55 3.00
Women 2.90* 2.2] *
Young-Elders 2.80 2.30
Old—Elders 3.00 2.1 l
*pSDS

252

 

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253

Table 9. Depression Scale: Respondents’ Mean Scores and Tests of Correlation with

Select Variables

 

Respondents’ Scores By Gender and Ag Group

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Overall 42.48
Men 44.80
Young-Elders 45.13
Old-Elders 43.91
Women 3747*
Young-Elders 36.40
Old-Elders 38.67
Tests of Correlation with Select Variables
Household Member Depression Scale
Composition
-0.07
Number of Old-Elders in Household
Number of Young-Elders in 0.039

Household

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Number of Members Under Age Five -0.016
Economic Conditions
Perceived Household Economic 0326*
Conditions
2005 Income 0.225
Number of Household Members with 0.162
Steady Income
Household Expenditures
Food 0.105
Telephone 0.148
Transportation 0. 135
Education 0.183
Medical -0.084
Recreational 0.087
Spring Festival 0297*
Household Conditions
Number of Rooms 0317*
Amount of Farm Land 0.234
Number of People Working Out 0.069
Number of Household Members 0.085
Target Reﬂondent
Age -0. 166

 

* p 5.05 level

254

 

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03 0000 Z 0:00:00 5000 E00000 0000200000 00000000w0m 00000004 E000 0000M 0000 .02 030.0.

261

APPENDICES

262

Appendix A: Focus Group Questions (English Version)
"This focus group is part of my research for my doctoral degree in the United States. I
am studying the experiences of aging in rural China and how rural elderly people and
their families plan to meet challenges in the future. I hope to conduct 8 focus groups, and
this is one of them. Information from these focus groups can help me understand family
relationships and strategies in rural China, and I am grateful for your participation."
"Ice-breaker" Question: How long have you lived in Seven Mountains?
Opening question:
(1)China has experienced much social change and modernization in recent years. What
do you think are the most important ways that Seven Mountains has changed in the time
you have lived here?
Transitional question:
(2) What are some ways that the people in your household have been affected by these
changes?
Key questions;
(3) How have these changes made your life harder or easier?
(4) Most older people in China live longer than their parents or grandparents. How do
you think the larger size of the elderly population might affect China over the next 10
years? How will it affect this village and your lives?
(5) Is there anything about the welfare and participation of elderly people in this village
that you think I should know?

(6) Do you have any questions for me?

263

Appendix B: Survey Instrument (English Version)
HOUSEHOLD DEMOGRAPHY, CONDITIONS, AND SOClO-ECONOMIC STATUS
1. How many people belong to this household?

Comments:

 

 

2. What are the years of birth, sex, and education level of people of all people living in
this household? Please start with the person who is the head of this household.

 

 

 

Sex Year MaritalEducation* Relationship
of Birth Status Level to Head
Head
Person 1
Person 2
Person 3
Person 4
Person 5
Person 6
Person 7
Person 8
Person 9
Person 10
Codes for educational level
23- Number age 55'693 1. No formal education or less than primary
2b. Number 2 age 70: 2. Primary
2e. Numbers age 5: 3. Junior high
4. Vocational school
5. Senior high
6. Community college (including "5 types of
colege"
7. Undergraduate f colleges”)
8. Graduate

 

 

 

 

 

 

3. Researcher: Select type of household:

Type 1. Elderly person as household head, accompanied by spouse and children
Type 2. Elderly person as household head, accompanied only by spouse

Type 3. Elderly person as dependent, accompanied by spouse and household
head child(ren)

Type 4. Elderly as dependent, with no spouse, living with child as head

Type 5. Elderly as single parent living with children

Type 6. Elderly as the single resident in the household.

DUE] DUE]

 

 

264

DDDDDU

4a. Often people who belong to a household must spend time away because of a job or
other reason. Of the people we have just discussed, did anyone not sleep here last night?

Head

Person 1

Person 2

Person 3

Person 4

D Person 5

 

Person 6

 

 

Person 7

 

 

Person 8

 

 

Person 9

 

 

UDUDD

Person 10

 

5a. Do you expect any changes in living arrangements in the next year?

I.

2.

Yes ’ 5b. What
changes?

 

6a. Which household members have a steady income? (C heck all that apply.)

Who? 6b. Earnings per month (yuan)

Head 1
Person 2
Person 3
Person 4
Person 5
Person 6
Person 7
Person 8

Person 9
Person 10

[3000000000

7. What was your average total monthly household income in 2005?

Yuan

 

8. What was the approximate monthly income in your household 20 years ago, around

1985?

Yuan

 

265

9. What do you think ofthe economic conditions of your household?

1. Very well—off

2. Somewhat well-off

3. Just enough income for spending
4. Not enough income for spending

10. What was your household expenditure per month on the following items during the

last six months?

 

Monthly
Expenditure
(Yuan)

Type of Expense

 

103. Food

 

10b. Water, electricity, coal, gas

 

100. Telephone or telecommunications

 

10d. Transportation

 

lOe. Education (adult and child education)

 

10f. Medical expenses

 

10g. Newspapers, magazines,

 

10h. Recreational activities

 

101. Clan or lineage rituals

 

 

le. Other

 

 

 

l 1. How much money did the household spend last year on Spring Festival?

Yuan

 

12a. Last year, how much household money comes from the following sectors?

 

 

 

 

1. Waged employment Yuan
2. Business in the village Yuan
3. Pension or govt. aid Yuan
4. Farm work Yuan

5. Other Yuan—l

 

266

 

12b. If you had income from farm work, which crops do you sell?
(If not, proceed to question 13)

Rice

Tobacco

Fruit

Peanuts

Sugar cane

(other) Vegetables
Herbs or roots
Other

PONSV‘EAPP‘NS‘

 

12c. Have you started planting any new farm crops in the past ﬁve years?

a. Yes ’ 12d. What?

 

b. No

13a. Is anyone who belongs to this household a Communist Party member?

1. Yes
13b. Who? 13 c. Year of Initial Membership

Head 1
Person 2
Person 3
Person 4
Person 5
Person 6
Person 7
Person 8
Person 9
Person 10

00001313001313

2. No

267

14. Does the household own any of the following?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Yes No
15a. A motorized fan? 1 2
15b. A gas or electric stove? 1 2
15c. A telephone? 1 2
15d. A cellular phone? 1 2
156. A black & white 1 2
television?
15f. A bicycle? 1 2
15g. A dish sanitizer? 1 2
15h. A water heater? 1 2
15i. A color television? 1 2
15j. A motorcycle? 1 2
15k. A refrigerator? 1 2
151. An air conditioner? 1 2
15m. A car or truck? 1 2
15n. A computer? 1 2

 

15a. What is the main source of drinking water for the household?

1. Mountains, piped 2. Well, hauled 3. Well, piped 4.
Other

 

16b. Do you boil your drinking water?

1. Yes
2. No

16. What is the main source of water your household uses for washing and bathing?

l. Mountains, piped 2. Well, hauled 3. Well, piped 4.
Other

 

17a. What kind of toilet facilities does your household have? (Select and count all that
apply.)

1. Flush toilet 17b.#:__ 2. Floor toilet, inside 17c.#: _ 3. Floor toilet, outside
17d#: 4. Other l7e#:_

268

18a. What is the main source of lighting for your household?

1. Electricity 2. Other

18b. Is this the same source of lighting that this household used ﬁve years ago?
1. Yes (proceed to question 20)

2. N0*

18c. What was the source of lighting that this household used ﬁve years ago?

1. Electricity 2. Other

19a. How many rooms are in your household?

 

19b. Is this the same number of rooms that this household had ﬁve years ago?
1. Yes (proceed to question 21)

2N;

200. How many rooms did this household have ﬁve years
ago?

 

20a. What type of energy does your household mainly use for cooking?

1. Gas 2. Coal 3. Electric 4. Wood 5.
Other

 

20b. Is this the same kind of energy that this household used for cooking ﬁve
years ago?

1. Yes (proceed to question 22a)

2%

20c. What was the kind of energy that this household used for cooking ﬁve years
ago?

1. Gas 2. Coal 3. Electric 4. Wood 5. Other

269

21a. Type of house

1. Brick and steel

2. Newer earth and wood (built 1978 or after)
3. Older earth and wood (built before 1978)
4. Other

 

21b. Record observation:
Roof

 

Walls

 

Floor

 

22. Are you planning to buy some major equipment or decorations for the household?

1. Ye! 23b. What?

 

2. No

233. Does this household own any of the following livestock? (Select all that apply.)

Chickens
Ducks
Pigs
Rabbits
Ox

Fish
Other

Carma-9.6?»

 

23d . Which of the animals that your household currently owns are sold or traded?

a. Chickens
b. Ducks

c. Pigs

d. Rabbits
e. Ox

f. Fish

g. Other

 

270

23c. Which livestock did the household own ﬁve years ago? (Select all that apply.)

a. Chickens

b. Ducks
c. Pigs

d. Rabbits
e. Ox

f. Fish

g. Other

 

23f. Which ofthe animals that your household owned ﬁve years ago were sold or
traded? (Select all that apply.)

a. Chickens
b. Ducks

c. Pigs

d. Rabbits
c. Ox

f. Fish

g. Other

 

24a . Approximately how much land does this household have rights to farm?
Mu

 

24b. Is this more land or less land than this household had ﬁve years ago?
a. More

b. Less

c. About the same

24c. Is any of this land irrigated?

1. Yes 2. No (proceed to question 26)

24d. Was it irrigated ﬁve years ago?

1. Yes 2. No.

271

TARGET RESPONDENT’S HOUSEHOLD ACTIVITIES AND CARE WORK

25. For the target respondent, check which activities they participate in on a daily or
regular basis and approximately how many hours per day are spent on that activity.
(Additional Sheets will be provided.)

CI Bringing or Preparing Water _ Cl Going to ancestral hall
Cl Childcare Cl Buying at the market
CI Cleaning Cl Selling at the market
CI Cooking Cl Managing household money__
0 Working for wages_ CI Raising animals
Cl E1dercare___ Cl Gardening
CI Farm work___ Cl Studying
Cl Washing Clothes
C] Other

 

26. How many people living in this household "go out" for work?

 

27a. Who? 27b. How many
km away?

Head

 

Person 1
Person 2
Person 3
Person 4
Person 5
Person 6
Person 7
Person 8
Person 9
Person 10

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

DQDDDDUUUD D

 

27. Which household members [are/will be] primarily responsible for care of the
following children?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Child under 12's HH # Cared for by
Cl Person Persons__
Cl Person Persons
Cl Person Persons
CI Person Persons

 

 

 

 

272

28. In the past 12 months, elderly household members ( including yourself) have used
health clinics in which locations? (List member numbers and circle all that apply)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Person Shangxi Longtan F ushi K anshi Y ongding Longyan Other
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
l 2 3 4 5 6 7
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
l 2 3 4 5 6 7
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
l 2 3 4 5 6 7
1 2 3 4 5 6 7

 

 

 

29. Are the activities of any household member limited in any way because of a health

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

condition?
1. Yes
29a. Who? 29b. Since when? 29c. To what extent?* 29d. Helped
by whom ?
very slighty
[J Head 1 1 2 3 Person(s) _ _
CI Person 2 l 2 3 Person(s) __ _
Cl Person 3 1 2 3 Person(s) __ _
Cl Person 4 l. 2 3 Person(s)__ _
C] Person 5 1 2 3 Person(s) __ _
Cl Person 6 l 2 3 Person(s) _ _
Cl Person 7 l 2 3 Person(s) _ _
Cl Person 8 1 2 3 Person(s) _ __
CI Person 9 1 2 3 Person(s) __ _
Cl Person 10 1 2 3 Person(s) _ _
2' N0 *coding for limitations
'1. Very restricted, for instance, conﬁned to bed
2. Restricted, for example, having difficulty walking several hundred meters
3. Slightly restricted, for example, unable to do heavy housework or haul
heavy loads
30. Which household members have health insurance? (Select all that apply.)

CI Head 1
Cl Person2
Cl Person 3
CI Person4
Cl Person 5

273

[:1 Person 6
C1 Person 7
Cl Person 8
Cl Person 9
C] Person 10

31. Who does (or is anticipated to) provide primary ﬁnancial support to elderly family
members? (Select all that apply.)

Cl
C]
D
Cl
C1

C1

a. Son and daughter-in—law
b. Daughter and son-in-law
0. Male grandchild

(1. Female grandchild

6. Male spouse

f. Female spouse

g. Self
h. Sibling
i. Friend

j. Other

k. No one

[:1 I. Don't know

DDDDD

 

32. Who does (or is anticipated to) provide primary physical care to elderly family
members? (Select all that apply.)

Cl
E]
Cl
E]
Cl
C!

a. Son and daughter-in-law
b. Daughter and son-in-law
c. Male grandchild

(1. Female grandchild

e. Male spouse

f. Female spouse

g. Self
h. Sibling
1

Cl 1. Don't know

33. Who does (or is anticipated to) provide primary spiritual comfort to elderly family
members? (Select all that apply.)

CI a. Son and daughter-in-

law

Cl b. Daughter and son-in-

law
Cl c. Male grandchild

Cl (1. Female grandchild

Cl e. Male spouse

D f. Female spouse

Cl g. Self

[:1 h. Sibling

CI i. Friend

C] j. Other

CI k. No one
CI 1. Don't know

34. How concerned are you that the following needs of household elders will not be met

in the future?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Very Not Very Not at all
Concerned Concerned Concerned Concerned ??
Adequate housing 1 2 3 4 5
Adequate food and 1 2 3 4 5
nutrition
c. Clothing 1 2 3 4 5
Medical care 1 2 3 4 5
Help with household 1 2 3 4 5
chores
f. Daily physical l 2 3 4 5
personal care
g. Companionship 1 2 3 4 5

 

 

274

 

HOUSEHOLD AGGREGATION AND RELATIONS

35a. Do members of other households regularly eat their meals here?

1. Ye?35b. Who?

 

2. No
36a. Do members of this household regularly eat in other households?

1. Ye! 36b. Who?

 

+
36c. Where?

 

2. No

37a. When household members are sick or busy, do they ever receive help from other
households?

1. Ye! 37b. From whom?

 

2. No
38a. Does this household do business together with another household in the village?

1. Ye! 38b. Which?

 

2. No
39a. Are there any households in this village with whom your household raises animals

or crops?

1. .Yes> 39b. Which?

 

2. No

275

Now 1 would like to ask you some questions about aging and development.

40. How much do you agree with the following statements about elderly people and
China's development?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Strongly Agree Neutral/ Disagree Strongly
agree Unsure Disagree
a. The past few decades of 1 2 3 4 5
development in this village
have improved life for
elderly people.
b. Compared to younger people, 1 2 3 4 5
elderly people play a less
important role in local
develcmment.
c. China's aging population will 1 2 3 4 5
interfere with China's future -
development.
41. Do you have any additional comments or information regarding plans and concerns

about the care of household members in their old age? (Attach additional sheet if

needed.)

 

 

 

 

 

42. Do you have any other comments about the role of elderly people in the household?
(Attach additional sheet if needed.)

 

 

 

 

 

276

 

TARGET RESPONDENT

INTERVIEWER: GO TO NEXT (PROXY) MODULE IF YOU ARE REPLYING

ON BEHALF OF TARGET RESPONDENT

A1. How much do you agree with these viewpoints on elderly people living with
children and grandchildren?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Having elderly live with Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly
their children and agree Disagree
grandchildren:
Ala. Makes a big happy family 1 2 3 4 5
Alb Saves some money 1 2 3 4 5
Ale. Fosters supportiveness 1 2 3 4 5
within families
A ld Helps elderly household 1 2 3 4 5
. members
Ale. Helps younger household 1 2 3 4 ‘5

 

members

 

 

 

 

 

 

A2. How much do you agree with the following vieWpoints on elderly people living
separately from children and grandchildren?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

living together is ideal.

 

 

 

 

 

When elderly live separately Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly
from their children and agree Disagree
grandchildren:

A2a. Elderly and young people 1 2 3 4 5
can both live according to
their own wills.

A2b Elderly do not need to do 1 2 3 4 5
housework for young
people.

L A2c. Fewer conflicts will occur. 1 2 3 4 5
A3. How much do you agree with the following statements about status within rural
Chineselmusebelds?

l Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly
agree Unsure Disagree
A3a. Elders and younger adults 1 2 3 4 5
are equal in the household.
A3b Men and women are equal in 1 2 3 4 5
. the household.
A3c. Three or more generations 1 2 3 4 5

 

277

 

 

 

A4. How would you rate your health at the present time?

CI 1. Very Poor
Cl 2. Poor

CI 3. Average
Cl 4. Good

CI 5. Very Good

A5. How would you rate your memory at the present time?

D 1. Very Poor
Cl 2. Poor

Cl 3.Average
C] 4. Good

E] 5. Very Good

A6. Compared with 1 year ago, would you say your memory is better now, about the
same, or worse now than it was then?

C] 1. Better Now
Cl 2. About the Same
CI 3.Worse Now
Cl 4. Don't Know

A7. Now I will ask you whether you have any difﬁculties in doing the following
activities. Do you have no difﬁculty, a little difﬁculty, a lot of difﬁculty, or are you
unable to do this activity?

 

Activity A8.Difﬁculty Level

 

None Some Much Unable

 

Shopping for personal items

 

Walking 200 to 300 meters

 

Lifting or carrying a 10 kilo item

 

Standing for about two hours

 

Getting on a bus

 

Cooking

 

Getting Dressed

 

 

 

 

 

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Other

 

A10. Is the help adequate?

 

Al 1. During the past 12 months, how often did you do the following recreational
activities?

278

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

if there were on in the village.

Never Rarely Several Several Almost
times a times a every
month week day

Play ma jiang, cards, or board 1 2 3 4 5
games
Go ﬁshing 1 2 3 4 5
Watch television 1 2 3 4 5
Read newspapers or magazines 1 2 3 4 5
Visit relatives or friends 1 2 3 4 5
Go to the temple or ancestral hall 1 2 3 4 5
Do taiji chuan or qi gong 1 2 3 4 5
Attend clan or lineage gatherings l 2 3 4 5
Go to parks 1 2 3 4 5
Go to the market for fun 1 2 3 4 5
Travel to scenic places 1 2 3 4 5
A12. How much do you agree with the following statements about village life;

Strongly Agree Neutral/ Disagree Strongly

agree Unsure Disagree
1 would spend time in a EPAC 1 2 3 4 5

 

Pollution from the factories
has negatively inﬂuenced my
household.

 

 

Pollution from the factories
has negatively inﬂuenced my
daily life.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

279

 

 

A13.Please tell me what illness or symptoms of poor health, if any, you currently have.
How much influence has this illness (symptom) created for your daily activities?”
(Record up to ﬁve reported symptoms.) (From Sun 2004)

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Symptoms Influence on Daily Activities
not at all a little a great deal
a.
1 2 3
b.
1 2 3
c.
1 2 3
d.
1 2 3
e.
1 2 3
A14. Do you smoke tobacco? l1. Yes 2. No (proceed to question A15)
A9b. At what age did you start to smoke tobacco? years old

 

A15. Do you have difﬁculty with mobility?

1. Yes
a. If so, what is the primary reason?

CI 1. musculoskeletal difﬁculties
CI 2. weakness in limbs

Cl 3. respiratory difﬁculties

CI 4. paralysis

Cl 5. fracture or old injuries

CI 6. Confusion or anxiety

Cl 7. Other

 

2. No

280

 

iii Illilh

 

A16. When you become sick, who makes the decision for obtaining medical care for
yourself?

1. Myself only
2. Spouse only
3. Myself with spouse
4. Myself with others
5. Others only

 

A17. If your medical costs in one year were over 1000 Yuan, how would this bill be paid?

. Use savings

. Borrow money from family

. Borrow money from others

. Ask family members for ﬁnancial support,
. Ask others for ﬁnancial support

. Apply for government aid

. Other

UDUDUDD
\IONUI-bwm—

 

A18. Do you need to ask permission before you leave the house alone to go on an errand?

1. Yes > 46b. From whom?

 

2. No

A19. Who in the household usually decides what TV programs to
watch?

 

281

A20. For each of the following statements, please tell me whether you ever felt or
behaved in this way. I’d like to know, during the past week, whether you often,
sometimes, rare/y, or never had this experience.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

STATEMENT
Often Sometimes Rarely Never
a. I worried about little things. 1 2 3 4
I did not feel like eating. 1 2 3 4
I had trouble keeping my mind 1 2 3 4
on what 1 was doing.
(1. I felt very happy. 4 3 2 1
e. I felt lonely. 1 2 3 4
f. I felt depressed. I 2 3 4
g. I felt life was pleasant. 4 3 2 1
h. I thought my life had been a l 2 3 4
failure.
i. I felt that some people disliked 1 2 3 4
me.
j. I felt full of energy. 4 3 2 1
k. I did not sleep well. 1 2 3 4
1. I could not ﬁnd the energy to do 1 2 3 4
things.
m. I felt that everything I did was 1 2 3 4
an effort.
n. I felt this is the best time of my 4 3 2 1
life.

 

 

 

A21. To what extent do you agree that the following needs of household elders are not
currently being met?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Elders’ needs Strongly Agree Disagree Strongly
Agree Disagree
a. Housing is inadequate 1 2 3 4
b. Food and nutrition is inadequate 1 2 3 4
c. Clothing is inadequate 1 2 3 4
d. Medical care is inadequate 1 2 3 4
e. Help with household chores is 1 2 3 4
inadequate
f. Daily physical personal care is 1 2 3 4
inadequate
g. Companionship is inadequate 1 2 3 4
h. Other 1 2 3 4

 

 

 

 

 

 

282

 

 

A22. How concerned are you that the following needs of household elders will not be met
in the future?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Very Not Very Not at all
Concerned Concerned Concerned Concerned
a. Adequate housing 1 2 3 4
b. Adequate food and 1 2 3 4
nutrition
c. Clothing 1 2 3 4
Medical care 1 2 3 4
Help with household 1 2 3 4
chores
f. Daily physical personal 1 2 3 4
care
g. Companionship l 2 3 4

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

A23. How much do you agree with the following statements about elderly people and
China's development?

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Strongly Agree Neutral Disagree Strongly
agree / Disagree
Unsure
a. The past few decades of 1 2 3 4 5
development in this village
have improved life for
elderly people.
b. Compared to younger 1 2 3 4 5
people, elderly people play
a less important role in local
development.
c. China's aging population 1 2 3 4 5
will interfere with China's
future development.

 

 

 

A24. Presence of Others During the Interview
Appendix C: Semi-

Structured . ‘ yes No #_ Interview

Guide (English Children Under Age 10 1 2 __ Version)
Female Parent 1 2 _

Hamlet Male Parent 1 2 _ Age/Y ear

Born: Other Males 1 2 _
Other Females l 2 _

 

 

 

283

10.

11.

12.

13.

14.

15.

Gender: Children (sex and number)

What are some of your earliest memories living in this village? OR: What do you
remember about your wedding day?

Can you describe a usual day in your life now? For example, when do you get up?
Then what do you do?

If the village had an elderly person's activity center, what activities would you like to
see there?

In surveys, some people said that village development has not really improved life for
elderly people. Do you agree? Why or why not?

Do your sons or daughters go out for work? If they do, or if they did, what do you
think about that? How does or would it affect your own life?

What is an ideal life for an elderly person?

Do you worry about the future? (Elaborate as much as possible.)

Sons usually care for their parents. Do daughters also care for elderly parents? In
your family, do you think there are some daughters who will help their parents in old

age? If so, how?

Some people think that siblings will take care of each other in old age. Do you think
this is a realistic idea? Do you have siblings that can take care of each other in old age?

English does not have an exact word for "ﬁlial." Can you explain what ﬁlial means?
What does a ﬁlial child do? What does a non-ﬁlial child do?

Do you think that these days younger people are less ﬁlial than in previous decades?

Overall, do you think your life is better now than it was 2 decades ago? Why and
how is it better, worse, or neither?

Do you think your life will get better, worse, or about the same in the next decade or
two? (Elaborate as much as possible.)

In your view, what do elderly men/women contribute to their households? What do
they contribute to this village?

If you had three wishes, what would you wish for?

284

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285

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Angresano, James. 2005. "China's Development Strategy: A Game of Chess that
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Arber, Sara and Jay Ginn. 1991. Gender and Later Life: A Sociological Analysis of
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