BEJUCAL: SOCIAL VALUES AND CHANGES IN AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES IN A CUBAN RURBAN COMMUNITY Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY George MiIIer S'i'abler 1958 .2 --:. n ._ _ '- Date This is to certify that the thesis entitled BEJUCAL: SOC IAL VALUES AND CHANGES. IN AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES IN A CUBAII RURBAN COMMUN ITT presented by GEORGE MILIER STABIER has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Sociolog and Anthr0pology Major professor July 29, 1958 LIBRARY Palighiv-‘en Ram: University 3 on"~ -. e “mums This is to certify that the thesis entitled BEJUCAL: SOCIAL VALUES AND CHANGES. IN AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES Ill A CUBAN RURBAN COMMUNITY presented by GEORGE MILLER STABIER has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Sociology and Anthr0pology Major professor Date July 291 1958 0-169 LIBRARY Midliv an \"mzc University BEJUCALt SOCIAL VALUES AND CHANGES IN.AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES IN A CUBAN RURBAN COMMUNITY By George Miller Stabler AN ABSTRACT Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies of Michigan State University of Agriculture and Applied Science in.partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and.Anthr0pology Year 1958 Approved—M M George Miller Stabler iii ABSTRACT Research conducted in Bejucal, Cuba, in 195h employed a community ethnographic survey and a questionnaire interview survey of fortyufour farmers. The ethnographic research was preliminary to the questions naire study which was focussed upon the general question: What pat- terns of personal background, career experiences, social relationships,~—~ occupational definitions, value commitments, self-definitions, and Operator role performances are associated with an advanced technologi- cal status for an individual family-sized farm operator? The community survey found the municipality to be predominantly urban in population and in cultural orientation. The economy was privately owned, moneyboriented, secular, and organized in.many small shops, factories, retail outlets, and farms. Political life was organized in parties and personal followings. Governmental functions were administered bureaucratically. 'Hhile Roman Catholic religious belief was widespread, participation in religious practice and ritual was limited to only a small number of people. Recreational and wel- fare activities were locally organized by family, kin-group, and voluntary associations. The family was the most important group in the lives and emotions of most people. Rural people composed a dis- tinct class and lived in scattered homesteads on their farms. Host farms were small, owner or renter-operated units, producing milk, fresh vegetables, eggs, chickens, and pork for the Havana market. George Miller Stabler iv A category of twenty-two of the most advanced Bejucal farm Opera- tors was identified by a panel of judges. Each of these farmers was paired with one of his adjacent neighbors not so advanced technologi- cally. A survey of their farming equipment and.methods of operation revealed systematic differences between the two categories of adjacent neighbors. The two categories were not significantly different in age, fanm or career background, formal education, or’mobility. Almost all were raised on farms, learned farming from their fathers, had married and had children. Both categories of farmers possessed strong family ties. The formation of a debtor-creditor relationship between the more advanced.farmers and commercial harvester-businessmen was the principal channel for the introduction of irrigation systems and the farm.traotor complex in association with cash crop vegetables. The spread of new traits involving no changes in either power sources or enterprises occurred chiefly from farmer to farmer, most usually as friends and neighbors. The higher technological status of the advanced category of farmers did not result in their breaking completely with the traditional social relationships, traditional evaluations, or traditional self, other, and role definitions held by their adjacent neighbors. Nor did they view themselves as deviants from.the customs of the community. They were distinguished from their neighbors by farming larger acreages, doing a larger gross annual business, their greater likelihood to advocate and employ the services and counsel of the agricultural GeoPi George Miller Stabler v inspector (county agent), and the use of credit for capital improve- ments on.their farms. The technological innovations they had adopted were chiefly diffused from the more technologically advanced nations of North.America and Europe, through interosocietal role networks of a governmental and commercial nature. BEJUCAL: SOCIAL VALUES AND CHANGES IN AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES Ill A CUBAN RURBAN CWUNITY By GEORGE MILLER suntan A THESIS Submitted to the College of Science and Arts Michigan State university of Agriculture and Applied Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and Anthropology 1958 C- 7 93A ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The writer wishes to acknowledge the assistance and guidance of many people in the preparation and completion of this dissertation. The opportunity to conduct research in Cuba was the result of the efforts of Dr. Charles P. Loomis, Head of the Area Research Center. Dr. Loomis also served as chairman of the writer's guidance committee. For his assistance and counsel the writer is especially grateful. The field research in Cuba proceeded under the guidance and assis- tance of Dr. Olen E. Leonard and Professor Kenneth Tiedke. At Michigan State University, Dr. John‘Useem, Dr. Duane Gibson, and Dr. Joel Smith generously gave their advice concerning the analysis of the data. The preparation of the final form of this dissertation has pro- gressed under the direction and generous advice of Dr. Iwao Ishino. The writer also wishes to thank the other members of his guidance oom- mitteez Dr. Charles Hoffer, Dr. J. Allan Beegle, and Dr. Lawrence Witt. He is grateful for their encouragement and their suggestions. For her many hours of typing and her unceasing encouragement, the writer thanks his wife, Jeanne J. Stabler. To his friends in Bejucal, too numerous to name, he is grateful. Without their kind hospitality and cheerful cooperation the research efforts of the writer would have been difficult indeed. The writer also extends his thanks to Dr. Ralph.lllee of the Interquerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences and to the many able members of the Project 39 staff in Havana, in 195h. ii VITA George Miller Stabler candidate for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation: Bejucalx Social Values and Changes in Agricultural Practices in a Cuban Rurban Commnity Outline of Studies Major subjects: Sociology and Anthropology Minor subject: Agricultural Economics Biographical Items Born, March 28, 1928, Ridley Park, Pennsylvania Undergraduate Studies, hrlham College, l9h6-50 Graduate Studies, University of Wisconsin, 1950-51, Sumner 1953; Michigan State College, 1953-55 Experience: Graduate Assistant, University of Wisconsin, 1951, Graduate Assistant, Michigan State College, 1953-55. Assistant Professor in Sociology, Colorado A. and N. College, 1955-56, Instructor in Sociology, College of Wooster, 1956-57, Assistant Professor of Community Dynamics and Sociology, Earlham College, 1957- Hember of Alpha Kappa Delta and Phi Kappa Phi et': fa: org; Vere he". 'as iii ABSTRACT Research conducted in Bejucal, Cuba, in 1951: employed a community ethnographic survey and a questionnaire interview survey of forty-four farmers. The ethnographic research was preliminary to the question- naire study which was focussed upon the general question: What pat- terns of personal background, career experiences, social relationships, occupational definitions, value commitments, self-definitions, and operator role performances are associated with an advanced technologi- cal status for an individual family-sized farm operator? The comunity survey found the municipality to be predominantly urban in pepulation and in cultural orientation. The economy was privately owned, money-oriented, secular, and organized in-many small shops, factories, retail outlets, and farms. Political life was organized in parties and personal followings. Govermental functions were administered bureaucratically. While Roman Catholic religious belief was widespread, participation in religious practice and ritual was limited to only a small number of people. Recreational and wel- fare activities were locally organized by family, kin-group, and voluntary associations. The family was the most important group in the lives and emotions of most people. Rural people composed a dis- tinct class and lived in scattered homesteads on their farms. Host farms were small, owner or renter-operated units, producing milk, fresh vegetables, eggs, chickens, and pork for the Havana market. iv A category of twenty-two of the most advanced Bejucal farm opera- tors was identified by a panel of judges. Each of these farmers was paired with one of his adjacent neighbors not so advanced technologi- cally. A survey of their fanning equipment and methods of operation revealed systematic differences between the two categories of adjacent neighbors. The two categories were not significantly different in age, farm or career background, formal education, or mobility. Almost all were raised on farms, learned farming from their fathers, had married and had children. Both categories of farmers possessed strong family ties. The formation of a debtor—creditor relationship between the more advanced farmers and comercial harvester-businessmen was the principal channel for the introduction of irrigation systems and the farm.tractor complex in association with cash crop vegetables. The spread of new traits involving no changes in either power sources or enterprises occurred chiefly from farmer to farmer, most usually as friends and neighbors. The higher technological status of the advanced category of farmers did not result in their breaking completely with the traditional social relationships, traditional evaluations, or traditional self, other, and role definitions held by their adjacent neighbors. Nor did they view themselves as deviants from the customs of the community. They were distinguished from their neighbors by farming larger acreages, doing a larger gross annual business, their greater likelihood to advocate and employ the services and counsel of the agricultural inspector (county agent), and the use of credit for capital improve- ments on their farms. The technological innovations they had adopted were chiefly diffused from the more technologically advanced nations of North.America and Europe, through inter-societal role networks of a governmental and commercial nature. I. II. III. IV. TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION Background of the Research . . Purposes of the Research . . The Research Design . . The Organization of the Dissertation O 111E SETTING: CUBA, CUBANS, AND THE CUBAN SITUATION An Historical SketOCh s s 0 Resources and Climate . . The Population of Cuba . . Cuba am The United States . A SURVEY OF BEIUCAL, A CUBAN RURBAN COMMUNITY The Commity s s 0 Agricultural Enterprises and Farm Technology Agricultural Marketing . . land Tenancy . . . Other Roles in Agriculture The Agricultural Inspector The Fain-1y Farm 0 0 Farm Labor . . Attitudes toward Land The Daily Routine . Changes in Family Norms Rural Homes . . . Diet s e e e a Rural Health . . . Dress . . . . Famer-Bodegero Relations The Famers' Cooperative: A Case Study Bejucal Stratification: The Famer's Pla Friendship Networks . . . . Mution s e e a Farm People and the Pass Media Political Activities . . Military and Police Organization The Court System. . . . Goverrmental Aid for Farmers Religion . . . . Beliefs with Respect to Relations between Hen Mutual Aid Patterns in Rural Bejucal Bejucal and the Region . . . A STUDY OF TWO CLASSES 0F BEJUCAL FARMERS Research Design and Eatecution . The Technological Inventory . . Step Two . . . . . . . Limitations of the Research . . sseecsosaeeoooeeeosseoo V. THE TECHNOLOGICAL INVENTORY RESULTS . Animal Production and Food Crops Fruit Production .An Index of Technological Status IN FARMIM} Careers in Farming . Communication and Group Relations Smary VII . Farm Operator Role Conceptions . The Values in Farming and in Farm Changes Farmer Self-Conceptions Sumary VIII. APPENDIX A APPENDIX B APPENDIX C BIBLIOGRAPHY HYPOTHESES AND CONCLUSIONS Two Types of Farming Technology Channels for Technological Change Sous Practical Implications for Programs of Stimulated Change Bea ucal and Turrialba Bejucal and latin America Suggestions for Further Study BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS AND LIFE EXPERIENCES FARM OPERATOR ROLE CONCEPTIONS AND SELF DEFINITIOIB 97 97 100 103 108 116 122 136 138 138 161 170 173 173 176 181 1811 188 192 196 199 216 218 vii 1. 2. 3. h. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 12. 13. 1h. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. LIST OF TABLES Size of Family of Origin Contrasted with Family of Pro- creation of 18 Non-Random Bejucal Rural Married Couples December 1953 School Enrollment in Rural Bejucal Selected Elements of.Anima1 Production Selected Elements of Field Crops Production Elements of Fruit Production Farm Buildings Technological Status Scores Age of Farm Operators Past Work Roles EXperienced Farm Operator Geographic-nobility Method of Obtaining Farms or Parts of Farms fiAgricultural.Iadder" Movements Education of Farm Operators The Hhrital Status of the Farmers Surveyed Position in the Family Cycle Number of Children Years Operating Present Farm Reported Farm.EXpenditures Year before Survey Reported Farm Taxes for 1953 of Owner Operators Amount of Rent Paid by Renters, 1953 Farmer Practice of Keeping Books Farmer Planting Plans viii F5” 58 72 98 101 102 101; 109 ' 109 110 1.12 112 11h 115 116 118 118 119 121 121 List of Tables, Continued 23. 2h. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 3h. 35. 36. 3?. 38. 39. 110. 1:1. Relationship of Persons and Numbers of Times Persons Reported to Be “People with the Greatest Interest" in "the_Farmer's.Activities and Success“ 2252. 123 Farmer Responses to Question “Do They Empect Improvements?" Farmer Response to Question "Have They Spoken of Improvements?" Number of Times per'Week Farm Operator Visits Bejucal Number of Hours He Spends Visiting Daily Bodegas Patronized by Farm Operators Number of Years Purchased at Same Bodega Time Spent per week at His Bodega Reported Sources of Information about Agricultural Practices Source Farm Operator Believes Is the Best Place to Get Information When.the Farmer Last Searched for Information Farmer Readerso£.Agricultural Magazines Organized Farm Group Membership Communication and Use of Selected Recently Introduced Technological Changes Some Farm Operator Role Conceptions Farmer Rankings of Management, Land, Credit, Knowledge and Generous Bodegero as Factors Contributing to Farming Advancement and Prosperity Farmer Ranking of Contribution of Six 'Social Factors" to Farmer Advancement or Prosperity Farmer Ranking of Highest "Economic" and Highest "Social" Factors in Success or Prosperity Farmer Reaponses to Question: If a Person Has Money, Ought He to Loan Some to Friends, Neighbors, and Family Members? 12h 12!: 126 126 127 128 128 129 130 130 131 131 133 Ibo 1112 11:5 1145 11:5 List of Tables, Continued Page 112. A170 1:8 . 1:9. 50. 51. 52. 53. 5h. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. Sources of Loans in the Past 1146 Amount of Money Farmer Believes He Could Borrow 1&6 Farmer Beliefs and the Risks of Borrowing Money 11:? Farmers' Savings 11:8 Summary of Data in Response to Question: Who Is the Best Farmer You Ever Knew? 152 Relation of Farmers Named Best to Respondent Farmer 152 Residence Location of Farmers Named Best and Locality Direction of Farmer Choice 153 Categories of Responses to Question "Why Was Best Farmer the Best Farmer Y0u Ever Knew?" 153 Current Plans for His Farm 156 Components of a E53225 Farm by Farmer Definition 158 Farmer Ranking of Four upenditure Alternatives 160 Farmer Responses to Question: Do You Think That It Is Necessary to Sacrifice Family Expenses to Get Ahead on the Farmt 162 Farmer Responses to Question: Do You Think That the Farmers of Bejucal Need a Strong Governmental Program to Provide Credit and Other Facilities? 162 Farmer Responses to Question: Do You Think That the Farmers of Bejucal Need Badly a Program of Information on How They Can Improve Themselves with Their Own Resources? 162 Famer Self-Conceptions with Bejucal Farmers as Reference Group 165 Farmer Answers to the Question: Are Your Own Resources Sufficient to Allow You to Make the Changes You Desire? 16? Farmer Answers to the Question: Do All of Your Neighbors Have the Same Improvements You Have? 168 Farmer Comparisons of Themselves with the Best Farmer They Ever lines. 169 LIST OF MAPS 325?. MAP OF CUBA 10 MAP OF PROVINCIA DE IA HABANA 20-a MAP OF BFJUGAL 27 MAP OF URBAN BEJUCAL 32 MAP OF RURAL zom's OF BEJUCAL 3h I. INTRODUCTION Background of the Research From.January to September of 195k the writer was a research assistant in.a joint research program in rural sociology and applied anthropology conducted by the Area Research Center of Michigan State University and the IntereAmerican Institute of.Agricultura1 Sciences. This program of cooperative research, including social science research training was started in 19h7. One of its educational purposes was to train scholars in sociology and anthropology and in social scientific research methodology. Its research objective was to provide reliable knowledge of Latin.American rural communities and to learn how their residents might be assisted in raising their material levels of living through applied technology and adult education. Before 1953, almost all of the research done under this program had been conducted in the Turrialba Valley in Costa Rica, site of the IntervAmerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences. Since then, rural sociological research was also conducted in Cuba as a part of the program of the Interquerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences' execution of Project 39 of the Organization of American States. Project 39 was, and is, aimed at raising rural levels of living by the development of.Agricultural Extension agencies and community develop- ment methods. In 19Sh leadership of the program was the responsi- bility of A. B. Lewis, Director of Project 39, Dr. Ralph M. Allee, IntereAmerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences, Dr. Olen E. Leonard, 2 Director of the Northern Zone of Project 39, and Dr. Charles P. Loomis, Director of the Area Research Center, Michigan State University. They collectively viewed social scientific research as essential to the development of the change promotion program.of adult education and of great importance for the social scientific training of the graduate students and Extension personnel affiliated.with the program.1 The writer, a graduate assistant in the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at Michigan State University, arrived in Cuba with his wife and a. year old daughter in January of 1994. He moved almost immediately to a small city named Bejucal located about twenty miles south of Havana. A Under the guidance of Professor Kenneth E. Tiedke of Michigan State University, who was in Cuba under the cooperative pro- gram, the writer began an ethnographic survey of the people of the town and its surrounding countryside. Using an ethnographic outline as a guide, the;writer observed a wide variety of community activities and discussed the town's patterns of social relationships with informants drawn from new age and occupational levels. In general, the people of Bejucal received the writer and his family warmly, after some initial suspicion concerning their motives for being in the locality and asking so many questions. Having A‘ A 1. . 1. Ralph H. Allee, "Turrialba Contribuye a1.Advance de la Ciencia .Agricola en las Americas." Pamphlet. Turrialba, Costa Rica: Insti- tuto Interamericano de Ciencias Agricolas, 10 pages. See also Olen E. Leonard, "Informe‘Anual -- 1953," Instituto IntereAmericano de Ciencias Agricolas, Programa de Cooperacion Tecnica sobre Ensenanza Tecnica para el Mejoramiento de la Agricultura y de la Vida Rural, Havana, Cuba. Mimeographed, 1h pages. previously been interviewed for census and educational purposes, the adult citizens of Bejucal were familiar with the respondent's role in It soon became quite widely known His wife, through information-gathering surveys. that this was the purpose of the writer's presence. friendship with neighboring women gained additional information which a male interviewer could have gathered only with great difficulty, if at all. Part of each day was spent recording notes of observed events and information gained from informants. Occasionally short notes were taken in the field, but usually they were recorded upon returning home. The writer's ra miiwrfiomantsmwagflegtcellent $3,990“ all cases. The etW lasted five and one-half months. Then, in the summer of 1951:, the writer interviewed forty-four Bej ucal farm operators to learn more about their farming technology, their life experiences, their value commitments and their attitudes. This survey of farm operators forms the primary data of this disserta- tion. The ethnographic data provides background information for the Burvey findings. Purposes of the Research The investigation to be reported in this dissertation was intended to deal with a single major problem and a number of related sub- Problems. The principal problem was as follows: What patterns of per‘Bonill background, career experiences, social relationships, occupa- ticml definitions, value commitments, self definitions, and operator ’01: performances are associated with an advanced technological status f0"? an individual family-sized farm operator? The problem arose in response to both practical and theoretical considerations. First, it arose in response to the practical desire of the agricultural educators connected with Project 39 to understand why some farmers readily accepted recommended innovations while others either delayed in accepting them or did not accept them at all. These educators also wished to be able to predict which farmers would make the most rapid progress if educational efforts were started in the com- enmity. Second, it grew out of the writer's theoretical interest in the relationship of technological change to social relationships and to value systems. Third, it was believed that a contribution could be made to the Tunialba Valley, Costa Rica, research through the study of the tech- nical changes of individual fem operators on family-sized farms. In the research in the Turrialba Valley, Charles P. Ipomis and associates, found that in communities of relatively small family-sized farms certain farmers were much more important than others in spreading information and in influencing others to change their farming proce- dures. It was found that these farmers held central positions in informal networks of visiting and friendship relationships between neiglibors and family members.2 In his study of San Juan Norte, a conlmanity of family-sized farms in the Valley, Alers-Hontalvo found tht the adoption of a new practice in the fields of agriculture, health, and nutrition was dependent upon a need being felt for it, its \ Le 2. Charles P. Loomis, Julio Morales, Roy A. Clifford, and Olen E. I 0mm, editors and directors. T_ur_rialba: Social Systems and the Munich of Chang. Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1933. 5 ability to fit into the culture of the group and "objective proof" of its workability.3 He also found other variables to be of lesser importance: the sponsor of the item, the image the group had of him, the method used in the attempt at change, the social status of the innovators in the group, and the position of the innovator in the leadership structure of the group.h These studies focused upon com- munity social systems and upon case studies of particular changes. This dissertation shifts the focus to the individual farm Operator and his acceptance or rejection of change in a comnity which provides multiple opportunities for making changes. The Turrialba Valley find- ings encouraged such a shift, finding that in communities of small farms the operator generally has the authority to accept or reject changes proposed by others. why he does so is not determined for him by others -- as in the hacienda -- but by his decisions as operator. But the Turrialba Valley data already suggest clearly that such "indi- Eli-$31" decisions are not made without reference to comunity social arrangements, internalized socially shared values and definitions, and The the experiences of social actors in interaction with others. investigation reported in this dissertation is a study of the operation 0f Such components of individual decisions to accept or reject tech- nical change so that the general question posed above can be answered. While economic questions of resources, proportionality, and scale of 1 V1 3. flannel Alers-Montalvo. Cultural Cha e in a Costa Rican $5: Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, East Ewing: HcEIgan fits ° ege, 1953, 185 pages. 1:. Ibid., p. 156. 6 . enterprise are undoubtedly involved in the successful or unsuccessful adoption of technical change on family-sized farms, the focus of this i. W dissertation is upon social, cultural, and social-psychological fac- tors. SOme attempt to control variations of this sort is made in the research design to be reported below. The Research Design The solution of the major problem of this dissertation was under- taken in two steps, each of which is briefly sketched here. Each is considered in more detail in later chapters. The operational definition of the phenomena of technological status in agricultural production in Bej ucal, Cuba, and the develop- slant of a scaling procedure by which the relative technological status of individual farm operators could be determined was the first step. This was accomplished by: (a) the identification of a category of "the most advanced farmers" in the community by a panel of judges who knew the farmers well; (b) matching each 'advanced farmerfl identified by the panel with an adjacent neighbor not so identified but possess- ing natural resource opportunities approximately equal; (c) making a 1“chlsological inventory survey of the machinery, implements, crops, “ad livestock employed on each of the farms in the sample of 'advanced" far“liars and paired "neighbor“ farmers; (d) analysis of the survey data to determine which technological items differed (in an direction) hatween the two categories by statistical test; and (e) the ordering of the sample farmers on a technological scale by numerically weighting thofie items which differed between the categories to determine whether 7 or not the “advanced" farmers were more advanced by this objective set of criteria. The idea of technological status in agricultural production was developed in somewhat the following manner. In Bejucal it was ob- served that farmers who lived on adjacent farms sometimes differed radically in the technology they employed. At the extreme of dif- ference there were neighbors, one of whom employed modern irrigated mechanized farming practices in raising vegetables and livestock and the other of whom farmed with hand-powered and animal-powered imple- ments of the sort that were deve10ped in the eighteenth or nineteenth century (or even earlier). The "advanced" farmer kept his fields in activity all of the year by irrigation during the dry season and used fertilizers and insecticides. He had a reputation for being "ad- vanced.” The neighbor farmer using traditional methods was able to Plant only in certain seasons, left his fields to fallow to restore some of their fertility, had no protection against insect damage and had no reputation of being "advanced.“ The research problem imedi- ately presented itself: how could such obvious differences be reliably and validly measured so that technological status could be related to Other variables? The second step was the testing of certain concrete hypotheses concerning the differences between the category of farmers having r ela‘lzively high technological status and a category of their adjacent neighbors having a relatively lower technological status. On the br°aclest level of generalization, it was proposed that there would be Signilficant differences between the categories of farmers in their 8 personal backgrounds, career experiences, social relationships, occu- pational definitions, value comitments, self definitions, and operator role performances. .The differences tested are given later in this dissertation. They were tested by the administration of a pre-tested questionnaire to each farmer in the two categories and a statistical analysis of the data gathered in this manner. The Organization of the Dissertation The next chapter, Chapter Two, introduces the Cuban setting within which the city of Bejucal and its agricultural activity exist. Chap- ter Three presents a brief description of the comunity of Bejucal. It is an ethnographic survey emphasizing the farming people, their activities, and their changing culture in the comunity. These data are presented to provide background information for the sample survey of farmers. They were employed in the research operations both in the preparation of meaningful questions for the survey questionnaire and as a body of background information for the interpretation of the data gathered from the farmer respondents. Chapter Four explains and considers the research procedures used in the study of two categories of Bejucal farmers. The findings are Presented in Chapters Five, Six, and Seven. In Chapter Eight hypo- 1:bases and conclusions based upon the research data are presented. Alacs , in Chapter Eight, the findings are related to both the Turrialba valley findings and to selected schemes devised by scholars for order- 1‘38 modern Latin American socio-cultural materials. II. THE SE‘I‘TING: CUBA, CUBME, AND CHEN-AMERICAN RELATIONSHIPS An Historical Sketch Discovered by Christopher Columbus and claimed by him for God and the Queen of Spain, Cuba was destined to play a crucial role in the The island became the most impor— Spanish conquest of the new world. tent Spanish base at the entrance of the Caribbean. Finding no gold nor other easily exploitable wealth, the Spaniards used Cuba as their northern American source of ships' stores and food, and as an expedi- tion headquarters. The island received the name the "Key of the New World“ (Dave is} Nuevo Mundo).1 The city of Santiago at the eastern end of the island became important because of its excellent natural harbor. The exploitation of the inland areas proceeded slowly under Spanish rule with the growth of cattle-raising and horse-raising ranches. The original Indian inhabitants of the Island were few in number. In only a few years the Spaniards had either exterminated them by war- fax-3’ destroyed them with European diseases, or driven them off the island, No aborigines remained. The Spaniards learned enough of thair ways to build bohios (palm thatched huts), to smoke cigars of new wor 1d tobacco, to grow corn, and to incorporate a few words and place wine; into the emerging Spanish-Cuban tongue.2 \ l. Levi Marrero. Geographia de Cuba. Cuban Counterpoint: Tobacco and Sugar. . nop . . La Habana:Alfa. 1951, p.11. “ Tr 2. Ortiz, Fernando. ‘ anSlated by Harriet de 0 s. ew or : . 10 spaces 36 on ads. 11 Later it was discovered that Cuba had an almost perfect combina- tion of soil, temperature, and rainfall for the raising of sugar cane. The rapidly rising Spanish population was supplemented with the intro- duction of Negro slaves from Africa. The Spaniards who came were Castilians, Andalusians, Galacians, Basques, Catalonians, and Spaniards from the Canary Islands; Portuguese and Mediterranean.Jews also came. The slaves were brought from the Gold Coast, from Nigeria and other sections of Western.Africa, from Senegal, Guinea, from the Congo, from {Angola and from Mozambique on the eastern shore ofAfrica.3 To the Caucasian segment of the population were later added a few Frenchmen, Englishmen, and North Americans. And, in the nineteenth century, Chinese laborers were brought from Macao, Canton, and other sections of China. All contributed their labor, their racial heritage and some of their cultural ways to the composition of the modern Cuban nation.h The land of Cuba was granted by the King of Spain and his Viceroys to members of the Spanish nobility in large circular tracts. The grants were large haciendas, most commonly two leagues in radius.5 In the interior the King also expected the recipients of grants to estab- lish towns and cities. For example, in 1713, according to the Cuban historian Pertuondo, the King created the title of the Marquese of San . Felipe y Santiago and granted to Don Juan Nunez de Castilla the right 3. Ibid., pp. 98-100. h. Ibid. 5. Fernando Portuondo. Curso de Historia de Cuba, 3rd ed. Havana: Editorial Minerva, 1957} p. 3BI. 12 to found a city and establish a hacienda in a place called Bejucal. Later the Marquess was granted a senorio 22 vasallos, a Feudal charter, giving him Feudal lordship privileges over the people of the city which he had raised at his own expense.6 Thus, Spanish institutions and classes as well as Spanish people were transported to Cuba in the new world. Even the practice of slavery which took many new world forms had something of the Spanish in the way it operated. Cuba was destined to remain a part of the Spanish Empire longer than.any other American possession with the exception of Puerto Rico. ‘ Independence efforts started in Cuba during the American Civil War but were unsuccessful until the Spanish-American War brought the intervention of the United States and resulting independence, after a brief.American occupation. Except for a short period of American intervention before‘World War I, Cuba has been a relatively sovereign nation. The "Flatt Amendment" to the United States-Cuban treaty that ended the first occupation by United States forces, granted to the United States the right of intervention in Cuba if the government of Cuba could not maintain "public order." In l93h, however, the expanp sion of the "good neighbor policy" made such a treaty untenable, and the Platt Amendment was abolished] The two brief United States occupations resulted in some changes in Cuban institutions. Laws were codified, legal and administrative 6e Ibide, p. 228s 7. Marrero, ap.cit., p. 12. 13 practices changed, new governmental services (such as public primary education) established, and a formal division of legislative, execu- tive, and judicial powers established. Private property and enter- prise was encouraged in economic affairs. ‘while these changes have subsequently been.modified, they did leave a changed Cuba. Their influence is still felt. Resources and Climate Cuba is separated from the State of Florida only by the Strait of Florida through which flows the Gulf Stream. The island is long and relatively low. The geographer Mhrrero says that it was up and down under the sea many times in its geologic history, becoming a separate island about twenty million years ago.8 The island possesses approxi- nately three thousand, five hundred kilometers of coastline containing over two hundred bays and harbors. It is hh,16h square miles in area. Located between the Atlantic Ocean and both the Gulf of Hexico and the Caribbean Sea, and between North and South America, Cuba possesses a great strategic importance in this age of air and naval transportation, and of air and naval warfare. Cuba is the largest and most populous of the‘west Indies. The island lying east and west is 759 miles long and varies from thirty-six to one hundred and ninety-five miles in width.9 Besides her location the chief resource of Cuba is her soil. Much of the best soil is red clay formed from the dissolution and 8. Ibid., p. 32. 9. The‘west Indies and Caribbean Yearbook,_1953-l95h. London: Thomas Skinner'&,Co., I95h. 1h breakdown of limestone, of which the island has an abundance. A few minerals are present and some mining is being done at the present time. However, the annual value of minerals is small compared to income from other sources. Oil in commercial quantities was recently discovered in the Province of Camaguay and elsewhere. ' The climate of Cuba is called savanna by the geographers. It is also termed subtropical. Part of the year, the winter and early .1"! spring, there is very little rain and the island is dry. The rainy season begins in May and June and lasts until the end of the hurricane season in early Nevember. Cuba is close enough to the United States to be subject to the large cold air masses of the winter and early spring, although the island does not receive frost. Frequent thunder- showers in the rainy season and the Atlantic northeast-southwest trade winds keep the island cool, although its distance to the equator equals that of some of the earth's hottest lands. Temperatures over one hundred degrees Fahrenheit are very rare in any part of the island, although summer temperatures over ninety degrees are common. . . Cuba is in one of the four principal hurricane areas of the world. The most western province, Pinar del Rio, experiences the most frequent blows as Caribbean or South.Atlantic spawned hurricanes move into the Gulf of Hexico. Packing winds of seventybfive to one hundred and twentybfive miles per hour, these storms do great damage to farm houses and buildings, to crops and livestock, and considerable damage in the towns and cities. Since 1880 the Province of Havana has been hit directly by hurricanes in the following years: 1888, 1896, 1909, 15 10 1915, 1926, 1933, and l9hb. Hurricanes that pass near but do not hit directly may still cause wind and rain damage.. The central area of the Province of Havana where the writer's field research was con- ducted usually receives fifty to sixty inches of'rain a year. much greater amounts of rain fell in hurricane years. The wettest months in the Province of Havana are June and October and the driest December, January, and February. The Pepulation of Cuba The population of Cuba has increased steadily since the census of 1827. In.his.At1as de Cuba, Gerardo Canet gives the following figures for the Cuban population:11 1827 - - - - 70h,h87 18m ' ’ - - " 1,007,000 1861 ----- 1,357,800 1876 ‘‘‘‘ 1,500,000 1887 - - - - - 1,631,687 1899 ----- 1,572,797 1910 - - - - - 2,388,000 1931 ----- 3,962,3hh 19h} ----- h,779,ooo Another census was taken in 1953 and the Skinner Year Book gives the figure of 5,870,528 as the result of that tabulation. This is slightly under 133 people per square mile which is over twice the density of the United States but much lower than the other large west Indian.islands. In 19h9 Canet reported about fifty-five per cent of lOe mmro, OEe Cite, ppe 87'88e 11. Gerardo Canet, con la colaboracion de Erivin.Raisz. Atlas de Cuba. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, l9h9, pp. 10-11. 16 the people living in cities.12 The p0pu1ation is distributed widely over the island with the greatest concentrations occurring in the eastern Province of Oriente and in the Havana metropolitan region. Canet believes that some concentration of rural people in villages is going on, in view of the steady increases in reported numbers of places under 2,500 in population. The age pyramid of Cuba shows an even decrease of age groups with the exception of the smaller size of those age groups born.during the Revolution of Independence (1895- 1898), and the larger proportion of males born in the immediate post- :war years (1899-1900 especially).13 The 19h3 census showed a slightly higher median age for males than for females. Today the Caucasian race accounts for about seventy per cent of the Cuban population, Negroes and mulattoes accounting for most of the remaining thirty per cent. From about 1790 to 1850 the colored popu- lation exceeded the white. ‘While a few contraband slaves were shipped into Cuba until 1880, few slaves arrived after 1850.114 Lowry Nelson cites white immigration before 1895, the successful conquest of yellow fever, the restoration of political stability, and the rapid economic expansion of the nation as the chief factors in the great population 15 increase since 1850. He shows that since 1898 the increase in the 12. Ibid., p. 28. The Encyclopedia Britannica'world Atlas (1957 edition} reports 57% of the people living in places of 2,500 or more, 1953 census. 13a Ibide, pp. 28-29. 1h. Lowry Nelson. Rural Cuba. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1950, p. . 15. Ibid., pp. 25-26. 17 Cuban population has closely followed the rise in sugar production -- the chief national enterprise.16 Cuba has over two hundred and eighty "Urban" centers with over 2,500 population, over thirty with over 10,000. Cities with over 8,000 inhabitants have been growing as is general over the world. Havana, the national capital and chief metropolis, has gradually in- creased at the expense of the country with over one-sixth of the entire Cuban population at this time living in the city or suburbs.17 With the elimination of yellow fever and the great reduction in malaria, the Cuban death rate approximates that of the industrialized nations at only eleven per thousand per year. The infant mortality rates for the first year of life are still high, twice that of the United States. A high percentage of the population, particularly the rural people, are afflicted with intestinal worms. A smaller percent- age have amoebas. In 19h3 the average family of Cuba consisted of 5.18 people, and nine-tenths of the people lived in the 922,500 families then in.exist- ence. Less than one per cent of the pOpulation was divorced.18 Host of the families of Cuba are Roman Catholic in religious affiliation. There were 312 Catholic churches in the island in 19h3 and 225 evangelical (protestant churches) and "varies" (various) Jewish synagogues as well. 16. Ibid., pp. 26-27. 17. Canet, Op. Cite, pe 350 18. Ibid., p. 3h. 18 The work force of Cuba fluctuates by season. The greatest number of people are employed from January to may during the sugar cane har- vest. This is the "busy season." The "dead season," the rest of the year, finds fewer people working. About one-third of the Cuban people are in the hired work force, not including women and children who work without wages on farms. 0f the half’million people who work in the mills and fields in the cane harvest, only about forty per cent have jobs during the rest of the year.19 Bejucal, the community studied in this dissertation, is located in the Province of Havana on the edge of the sugar cane growing areas of that province. It was to this town and municipality that the writer and his family came in 195h to conduct his research. Cuba and the United States ‘Hithin the first few weeks in Havana and Bejucal, it became ob- vious to the writer that Cuban people and, more particularly, Bejuca- lefics, were profoundly influenced by the people and culture of the United States. The geographical and functional nearness of the two societies, and the many connections they have with each other, clearly played a significant part in the social and cultural change occurring in Havana and Bejucal. The adequate conceptualization of the nature of this influence of an expanding American society and culture is, in the opinion of this writer, of considerable importance for understanding agricultural 19. Ibid., pp. 318-350 19 change in Bejucal, to say nothing of other kinds of changes in the com- munity. The paragraphs below represent the writer's attempt to under- stand what is happening. Although both Cuba and the United States are functionally inde- pendent of each other in the sense that either society could survive even if the other disappeared, the two societies inter-penetrate and relate themselves actively to one another in.a great many ways. They are both geographically and socially near to each other. ‘With such nearness has come interdependence but, as can be easily observed, this interdependence is not mutual; Cuba is very much more dependent upon the United States than vice-versa. To the traveller to Cuba the most obvious interrelationship between Cuba and the United States is that of international trade in material goods. Almost everywhere in Cuba people ride in American- made cars, busses, and trucks, eat American imported rice, beans, and pork products, dress in clothing made in Cuba on American-built machinery according to American styles (in part), employing.American yarn, use tools and machines made in the United States, see American movies, watch television sets and listen to radios manufactured in the United States, and so on. Cuba in return ships many thousands of tons of sugar to the United States (with which Americans sweeten their food) as well as small amounts of metallic ores, fruits, and other products. American corporations have established subsidiaries in Cuba to manu- facture and distribute a wide variety of goods - from baby foods to oil products, from washing detergents to drugs and medicines. Ameri- can corporations also sell products through dealerships in the 20 distribution of goods. Automobiles and trucks, gas and oil, farm machinery and feeds, canned foods and movies are all distributed in this manner along with many other products. In Bejucal, the writer observed, American-made machinery and finished goods play an important part in the economy of the city and the country. The many carpentry shops in the city employ'Americanr made power and hand tools as well as tools from England, Germany, and Japan. The clothing factories employ.Americanrmade sewing machines and use American.made yarn and dyes. The few telephones and telegraph are American.made. The machine shops use Americanpmade machines and repair.American-made automobiles, trucks and other machinery. The peOple buy and consume large amounts of Americanpgrown rice, beans, lard, hams, and canned goods. The farmers use Americandmade plows, machetes, and other hand tools, tractors, pumps, and so on. They may feed their cows American-produced soybean protein supplement or feed their chickens American-produced growing mash. They may raise American-bred chicks, or the descendants of imported cattle and pigs. In the commercial gardens of Bejucal, European and American flowers are grown to supply the Havana market for fresh flowers. The people of Bejucal watch television on.Americanemade sets, listen to American- made radios, watcthmerican movies, dance and listen to Americantmusic. Furthermore, they use a great variety of products made in Cuba in firms which are subsidiaries of American corporations. In return, much of the Bejucal manufactured tobacco is smoked in Americanrmade cigars and in American pipes. L" Jkn (Traced from up by Gerardo Canet) Provincia de Ia Bahama . 20a 21 The Cuban police and armed forces play a crucial role in Cuban politics. They are represented by strong contingents in Bejucal which are armed with.American-made weapons and other equipment. Some of these weapons are purchased from the United States while some were granted free of charge as a part of reciprocal agreements for hemi- spheric defense. The writer learned that interpersonal contacts between Cuba and the United States are of many kinds. They range from the formality of the relations between diplomats to the informality of a love affair. The content of the cooperative activities range from a mutually pro- fitable business deal to a discussion of.Afro-Cuban.music between intellectuals. American tourists, businessmen, agricultural experts, musicians, boxers, winter baseball players, students, social scientists, communications technicians, engineers and many others some to Cuba to engage in professional, business, and leisure-time activities. Cubans also go to the United States for travel, for study, for business, on professional duties, and as diplomatic representatives. In each . country the visitors meet people of the other in many contexts. Again such contacts may vary from the formal -- such as the waiter-patron relationship in a restaurant -- to the informal and intimate -- such as the friendships of a Cuban boy in a boarding school or college in the United States. Bejucal people have been influenced directly by‘a great many of these contacts. Two American businessmen own plants in Bejucal -- one a cloth factory making cloth from imported synthetic fibers, the other a furniture factory making stuffed furniture of modern design. 22 ‘An.American surveyor has for some time lived in Bejucal while employed by a Joint CubanaAmerican geographic survey program. (American,mis- sionaries have worked and are working in Bejucal. In the past Baptist and Pentecostal missionaries have made efforts to convert Bejucaléhbs. More recently the efforts of the wesleyan Methodists have been extended there. Bejucal men belong to fraternal and business groups spread from.the United States such as the Chamber of Commerce, the Lions, and the Masons. They also play American developed sports such as baseball and basketball. Bejucal basketball teams have played games against teams of sailors from American ships visiting the Havana harbor. Bejucalefios have contact with American tourists and some contact with American social scientists and agricultural and homemaking exten- sion personnel. Many Bejucal families have relatives in the United States, particularly in Tampa, Florida. ‘When.American duties were imposed on imported cigars, many firms started to manufacture cigars in the United States using Cuban fillers and wrappers. Some of these firms moved to New York City, others to Tampa, Florida, and people followed from Bejucal, following their cigar-making trade. Letters are sent and visits made back and forth between these relatives, thereby communicating much information.and many folkways as the Tampa- Cubans become increasingly acculturated to North American ways. At the time of the investigation, at least one Bejucal youth attended school in the United States. Others have also studied there in the past. Bejucalefibs receive a great deal of information concerning the United States through the mass media. United States news is an 23 important part of the contents of a newspaper, radio news broadcast, or a news magazine. In Bejucal there are a few people who follow the personalities and events of United States politics. Many people can name the President. A few know the names of the ambassadors of Cuba to the United States and from the United States to Cuba. More people follow the fortunes of American baseball (particularly Cuban players) and the changes in American women's fashions. Others follow the boxing news very closely. Professionals (doctors, lawyers, teachers, agriculturalists, etc.) receive journals and professional news maga- zines directly from the United States and also learn of American developments in their fields through their own professional journals. The Interquerican Institute with which the writer was affiliated in its conduct of Project 39 of the 0.A.S. is attempting to get Cuban farmers to employ rational means and procedures largely developed in or inspired from the United States. A joint United States-Cuban project developed a hybrid seed corn adapted to Cuba's conditions which is being promoted to farmers. The use of.American-made protein feed supplements, American-improved livestock, American-developed fertili- zers and insecticides is being encouraged. The program is attempting to devise ways of transferring the American experience of agricultural extension to the Cuban Ministry of Agriculture and to the agricultural inspectors in the various Cuban municipalities. The Americans related to this program bring to Bejucal and to Cuba their notions of efficient program.organization, efficient farm practice, research methodology, and so on. From the Cubans they learn the language, place-names, customs, and practices common to the situations which they encounter. 2h The training of Cuban professionals in the Program holds further por- tent for intersocietal-penetration and change. In relative interdependency, it is clear that the size, power, and wealth of the United States result in Cuba being dependent to a con- siderable extent upon her continental neighbor. The United States would suffer only a temporary shortage of sugar and cigars and certain tropical fruits if Cuba were completely destroyed by some natural catastrophe. Even small changes in the United States are likely to have large repercussions in Cuba. Cuba still maintains her boundaries with respect to the United States as with other nations. American citizens enter on visas (but not passports), and they must pass through legal ports of entry. American companies must operate under Cuban laws (some of which Ameri- can businessmen.dislike). But, it may be said that the boundaries of the two societies with respect to each other have an easily permeable nature. There has been official recognition of this social and cultural nearness in special advantages in trade treaties extended by each nation to the other and in the ease and freedom with which the nationals of each country may travel and study in the other. While there are persons and groups in each country who oppose this inter- dependency, on one ground or another, it seems likely to this writer that the present trends toward greater and greater interrelationship and mutual permeability will continue. The Cuban opposition to close United States-Cuban relations comes from both the extreme left -- who feel that Cuba has "sold" her autonomy to the "decadent Capitalist 25 United States" -— and from those on the right who strongly support traditional Colonial Cuban folkways and values. To the latter the introduction of great masses of American goods, of American family customs, the spread of religious diversity and the control of so much of Cuba's resources by Americans is a grave threat to their conception of the ”good Cuba." Neither the left nor the right, at the present -fl' time, seems to have the power or even the potential following to reverse present trends. Certainly the extremes were not numerous in Bejucal. Chapter Three describes the Bejucal community and the place of . the farming people in its life. 26 III. A SURVEY OF BEUUCAL, A CUBAN RURBAN COMMUNITYl Bejucal is a city, a municipality, and a community. Located only about eighteen miles from the national capital, Havana, Bejucal contains an urban center of over eleven thousand people and a rural T1 2 zone of about two thousand people. In the rural zone there is one small line village, facing a highway, named 923352 Caminos. The rest of the rural population is scattered on the two hundred and fifty farms of the rural zone (see map, page 27). As an ecological community ~Bejucal extends farther than its political limits as a‘Municipio (municipality or small county). When the founder of Bejucal planned the city in 1712, he divided the land into square blocks, laying out streets which ran in a grid pattern.3 The center of government and religion he placed facing a l. The ethnographic survey data were ordered in terms of the categories of the ethnographic survey outline prepared by Professor Kenneth E. Tiedke of the joint Michigan State and Interquerican Insti- tute program. It was not possible to gather complete data about a community as complex as Bejucal on any one category. Still less possible was the obtaining of "complete" data on all categories of activities and social life of the community. The report to follow, consequently, should be considered as a preliminary introduction to the culture of the community focused upon the farm people of the come munity. Informants supplying information were people from all sta- tions in life who were engaged by the writer in conversation. These conversations were as short as a few minutes and as long as many hours (extending over a number of days). The conversations were in Span- ish. See outline in.Appendix A. - n'x 2. The historical and population data were gathered from the Bejucal unofficial historian Sr. Miguel Llamport, a well educated man, life-long collector of historical information in the area and Secretary of the Junta Electoral, the governmental election-control and census office. 2? .eouaaadoon Handosaam on» use eueom annex usaaeodmaH magnum ev 39.6.35: 23 no a! sauce nem 28 central square. The town was later divided politically into four barrios, or voting units numbered from one to four. The business dis— trict grew up around the central square. Thus, the governing, reli- gious, and business centers were placed where they would be easily accessible to the residents of all sections of the city. The rural area was divided into large ranches and, later, sugar plantations. The rural zone took the names of these large farms and kept them as locality names even when, following World war I, the large tracts were broken up and sold as small farms. The four largest rural localities so named are Beltran, Cuatro Caminos, Santa Barbara, and Aguas Verdes. The map shows other locality names used by residents to indicate where they live. Since its founding the city has grown considerably. Starting with thirty families, steady growth has raised the figure to about two thousand families today.h Physically the city has grown to accommo- date these added people. Since it has not been conventional nor economical to build upward, the city has expanded laterally. New homes were being built on the southern, northern, and northwestern fringes while the community was being studied. New subdivisions, called repartos, are being started regularly. Although exact figures are not available, the rural population of S Bejucal has been declining in recent years. The decline has been 3. Ibid. h. Ibid. 5. Ibid. 29 both a decline relative to the urban population and an absolute decline in.numbers. Farm mechanization, the desire to have the conveniences and benefits of the city, and the spread of the small family pattern in the rural area have probably been responsible for the net out-migra- tion from rural Bejucal to urban areas and in the absolute decline in rural population. 'Women, in particular, expressed to the writer a preference for living in town over country living. They cited the benefits of electricity, running water, convenient shopping and health facilities, less loneliness, and greater recreational opportunities of the town as their reasons. The rural population lives on scattered family-sized farms for the most part. Sometimes the rural dwellings are located on the principal rural roads, but more often they are situated at the end of a lane to the house (away from the public rural road). Thus, most rural homes and farm buildings are located at the center of the farms (fincas). Consequently, many houses are one-third to three-quarters of a mile from any other house. ~Usually the farm lane leads off a public road or path, but there are some farms which must be reached through the private roads of others. The stores and small population concentrations in Caguazo, Santa Barbara, Cuatro Caminos and Beltran.make these locations neighborhood centers of trade, recreation, gossip, and informal interaction. The Community Peopled largely by Spanish Caucasian people, plus a few descend- Elnts of Negro slaves and imported Chinese laborers, the community of 30 Bejucal is a complex and changing community. ‘Within the history of both the rural and the urban areas, there have been major shifts in activities and in social arrangements. The long-run trends, as well as could be gathered by this writer, have been these: 1. From a town and countryside of (a) craftsmen, tradesmen.and livestock producers to (b) craftsmen, tradesmen and sugar cane pro- ducers, to (c) industrial producers, craftsmen, traders, dairy, vege- table and fruit producers and general farmers. Each of these activity shifts has resulted in increasing population and in changing local social organization. The latest change -— occurring largely since ‘World‘War II -- is the growth of the suburban residential function of the town for people who work in Havana but prefer to reside in Bejucal.6 '2. From a feudal social order based on Spanish renaissance insti- tutions to an "open” capitalistic and "democratic" social order. This shift has meant that titled nobility who ruled in the early days (under grants from the Spanish crown) have been replaced with locally elected and appointed officials of commoner background. It has also meant that there has been a shift of political power toward the masses of citizens away from the control of the family-appointed few; it has meant the greater separation of economic and political power and posi- ‘tion; it has meant the greater openness or accessibility of the com- :nunity to outside influences and communications; and it has meant both the decline in the authority and influence of the Roman Catholic Church 6. Ibid. 31 and an increase in religious diversity. It has also meant the break- down of the feudal system of estates or inherited ranks and the emer- gence of an open class system permitting vertical social mobility. The city today is a city of governmental buildings and offices, of stores and other business enterprises, factories, schools, parks, and private homes. As part of the survey a map was made of the city locating each of the major activities of the city. As the map on the following page indicate; within the rather compact city there are' buildings housing a wide variety of activities. There are also about two thousand residential units -- often combined with small shops or trade outlets, but more often used exclusively as a home. As detailed as these maps are, they surely omit some of the small industries which are being carried on within homes and not visible from the street to the roving mapmaker .(even with city children accompanying him). As the writer moved through the streets, making his survey, he could see people talking on the corners, boys playing stick-ball, trucks taking fruit or vegetables to the Havana Central Market, business- men having thick coffee in the small combination bars and coffee houses, housewives talking on the porches of their houses, students going to or coming from school, and.many other sights common to many European and Latin.American towns. Some of the buildings had solid walls and doors facing the street, but most homes, he observed, faced the street *with pillared porches which he soonolearned were favorite places to talk and rest. Above bars, clubs and a few homes were television serials. / p/ / ’fi- Govermental Offices / ’ B- School \ C- Industries and Shops E D- Bodegas MAPA DE BEJUCAL 33 The writer saw many American-made cars and both European and Americanrmade retail goods for sale. The people seen on the street were dressed in factory-made clothing, some in work clothes, others in casual dress, and others in western style uniforms and dress clothes. At most times of the day he could hear music issuing from a juke box or home radio. Occasionally it would be someone taking a piano lesson. In the evening the writer would sometimes watch the promenade in the central square -- boys going one way and girls going the other. He sometimes visited one of the men‘s recreational societies facing the square and watched games of dominos, chess, cards (Spanish style), or he merely sat and talked. On Sundays he could see a baseball game if it was a winter or spring month. He might occasionally also watch basketball or a highway bicycle race. Or he might take a trip to the country. The rural zone of Bejucal is today largely divided into small farms. Some of these are general farms producing little to sell. These are largely subsistence farms. There are other farms having one or more cash specialties. Probably dairying is the most common, with fruit and vegetable production close behind. There are only three or four farms producing sugar cane for shipment to the nearest sugar plant (Central Toledo) and only one producing any tobacco for commercial sale. many farmers raise chickens (for eggs and meat), and a few raise pigs for urban sale. The map (on the next page) indicates some of the areas of specialisation. The rural barrio, named Beltran, is a relatively flat region of rich.Hatanzas red clay soil, having water for irrigation. Except for 3h \ \ \\\\ \\\\ \\\\\ \\\ \ \\ m n gnu :m ’ ' II ’ ' II dd 0 0 U .n o b \ \ \\\\\:::\\ \\N ' 00.55. m. G i 5 M d OGON manna Ho ISON HCHWM 23.3 a 03H. / OQON o I, I” I, I, z 91 . Op . u . m , m 8o 83 , .1 35 certain fields it is relatively stone-free. It is the best agricul- tural zone in Bejucal. The area around Cuatro Caminos has the same soil and typography as in the first zone, for the most part. However, drilling here has not discovered water veins of sufficient volume to make irrigation possible except on one farm. In the third zone, Aguas 7: H Verdes, grey and black clay soils predominate; it is hilly with rocky terrain and less well suited for plow agriculture. In the first zone vegetable production produces the greatest amount of income although there are also excellent dairies and good flocks of chickens. In the second zone some vegetables are grown, but they are supplemented with sugar cane, grain, and general fruit and livestock farming. In the hilly zone, dairying is a big producer of 'wealth, with fruit production also significant. Here, there is a great deal of general farming. Both in Cuatro Caminos and at the western edge of the city, cultured flowers are grown on irrigated fields for the Havana fresh cut-flower market. In the rural area a visitor could visit palmpthatched homes lack- . ing any of the facilities of modern urban life. He could also come upon tile-roofed frame houses and an occasional steel-reinforced con- crete roofed home with electricity, running water, and, sometimes, a bathroom. Almost everywhere he would.meet a friendly people, polite and, with little encouragement, talkative. If, as was the case with the writer, the visitor comes to learn, he will have little difficulty in finding people, rural and urban, willing to talk with him about their experiences and beliefs. 36 Agricultural Enterprises and Farm Technology While the importance of the major agricultural enterprises varies considerably from farm to farm and zone to zone in Bejucal, there are a few subsistence or minor enterprises engaged in by all farmers. The raising of a flock of chickens, "una cria,” is an almost universal farm T1 trait. These are flocks of "crillo" (the traditional Cuban breed in every animal is called "crillo") or cross-bred chickens which live .L without pens or houses. They sleep in trees, nest in barns and hedge- rows, lay their eggs on the ground, and hunt for a large part of their feed. Every farmer must feed his cria some supplementary grain to prevent their wandering to some other farmer's flock. Grain, millet (millg), and corn (maiz), is scattered on the ground once or twice adaily. Only one farmer encountered fed his chickens any commercially prepared mash. Raising chickens this way results in some losses to predatory animals and heavy losses to epidemics of Newcastle disease. However, this method is profitable. One farmer who keeps records reported better than thirty per cent profit on his large flock main- tained in this fashion. Heavy infestations of lice were observed by the writer. Farmer informants knew little about such matters, believ- ing,in.many cases, that poultry diseases “came from.the wind." In flocks such as this, some hens' nests are not found until they appear with their broods. When this does not reproduce the flock rapidly enough, a farmer will set a willing hen on eggs in a simple ‘Booden nestbox. New young stock is purchased only when the farmer desires to improve the size or the bloodline of his flock. Disease 37 and the rigors of‘complete out-of-doors raising are too much for most purebred chicks. Crosses with the "crillo' stock do well. Dairy production may be a major enterprise on.a Bejucal farm or only a subsistence activity. In the latter case, only one or two cows will be kept. In the former case, the farmer may have from five to twentybfive or more cows. The cows are chiefly holstein grade stock crossed with 'crillo” stock; There are some purebred animals and the farmers are steadily improving their herds through purchase of higher producing cows and through breeding to higher quality bulls. Most Bejucal farmers have milking barns or sheds in which they milk their cows twice a day. A few milk out-of-doors. Milking, with a few exceptions, is a male activity. Galvanized buckets and a small stool are the principal tools employed, plus an occasional rope to tie the hind legs of an uncooperative cow. The cows are usually fed chopped forage or smashed sweet potatoes during the milking process. The forage is occasionally the entire stalk and ear of green corn, but more often it is chopped sugar cane. Many farmers have gasoline motored forage grinders, but most chop forage by hand with.a machete. Occasionally cattle are fed millet which has been thrashed by beating the grain from the chaff with a stick or walking horses around over the millet heads. Ground corn.may also be a part of the dairy feed, but it is more often fed to pigs and chickens. Few of the smaller Bejucal dairy operations have bulls. The farmers generally take their cows to be bred by the bulls from larger dairies. By tradition there is no charge for the service when the farmers are neighbors. This prac- tice has resulted in the rapid spread of superior blood lines to all 38 the farms of Bejucal, since the larger dairy farmers have been buying young bulls (calves or yearlings) from the dairies of wealthy upper class Cubans in other municipalities. Calves are separated from their mothers a few days after birth and taught to drink from.a bucket. They are raised in small pens in sheds or under trees. They are generally thin and poorly fed by modern (American) dairy standards. Bull calves, not desired for breeding purposes, are raised as beef unless they are suitable for use as oxen. In this case they may be sold or trained by the farmer himself. The 1952 Census of Livestock of the Cuban.Ministry of Agriculture found that the two hundred and fifty-three Bejucal farms had a total of h7h3.9 hectares of land in farms of which 2217.6 hectares or h6.7 per cent was in pasture.7 This pasture land is left fallow and naturally seeded with local.weeds and grasses, many of which cattle will not eat. This pasture occupied an average of 8.8 hectares (21.8) acres) per farm.8 This land was left fallow one to three years. .Most farmers believed that this was necessary to replenish the fertility. No farmer encountered had heard of plowing under legumes as fertilizer. All knew that animal manure was excellent for enrich- ing the land. Twa hundred and forty of Bejucal's farms, 9h.9 per cent, reported 9 having dairy cattle in the 1952 census. They had a total of 1,866 7. Ministerio de Agricultura (Republica de Cuba). Memoria del Censo anadero 1952. La Habana: Seoane Fernandez y Cia. I953, p. 5 . 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., p. bl. 39 head of which l,hlS were milk cows, and 51h oxen. In.Aguas Verdes, lSl farms (93.2 per cent) reported 879 milk cows, 365 dairy bulls and young stock, and 326 oxen. In Beltran, 89 farms (98.8) reported 536 milk cows, 86 bulls and young stock, and 188 oxen. The health treatment of cows involves an occasional visit of the veterinary to the larger Bejucal dairy farms. All farmers may pur- chase medicines in the city and carry them to their farms in order to treat an ailing cow. However, often the poorer farmers take no action at all. ‘While no systematic count was taken, it appeared to the ‘writer that losses to disease were frequent and the incidence of minor sores on cattle seemed higher on some farms than on others. Almost every farm.in Bejucal has some pigs. In some cases only one or two pigs are maintained to meet family demands. In this case they are probably raised largely on family garbage. Some farmers, however, are commercial breeders. ‘Where they have good soil for producing grain they sometimes find hog production highly profitable. The 1952 Agricultural Census lists 1,862 head of pigs on lSO.Aguas Verdes farms, and 862 pigs on 6h Beltran farms. Only a few Bejucal farmers have any American or European meat-type pure bred hogs. Host raise the fat, swaybacked, "crillo" breed or crosses between "crillo" and.meat-type animals. The diet of hogs consisted of corn, millet, garbage, and palmiche (the fruit of the Royal palm). No one encoun- tered fed protein supplement or even knew of its value (although a number of larger dairy farmers fed it to their milk cows). Pigs are raised variously -- in the farmyard running loose (a declining method), in pig pens of several types, or in fenced lots ho having shade trees. Vaccination for hog cholera is becoming more common since severe epidemics of the disease have swept through the community. In one epidemic, before the writer arrived in the commu- nity, the Inspector Agricola joined forces with the Rural.Army to give free (government financed) injections on a mass scale. Butchering hogs on the farm occurs once or twice a year. Since the farms do not have refrigeration, it is often a family affair with some division of the meat among kinship group members. The pig is killed, strung up, entrails removed, scalded, and cut up by men. ‘Women cook the meat and that which is not immediately eaten is stored in glass jars under the strongly salted fat in which it was cooked. The meat will keep for many months like this even without an airtight seal. A few sheep and goats are kept on the farms of Bejucal. They are raised chiefly for their meat although the goats are milked. A few goats are kept by poor people in the city and fed daily along the highways around the city. In the Census of 1952 the sheep and goats on Bejucal farms totaled 252.10 Horses are kept on many farms and in a few stables in the city. Fine horses are still widely admired as they were in colonial Cuba. Compared to the care they give their oxen, the horses of Bejucal are excellently treated by the owners. They use them for going to town, carrying their milk, eggs or chickens to the bodega, and for visiting and recreation. In Bejucal a few horses are hitched to small carts 10. Ibid., pp. 70-710 hl but most are ridden. No work horses are used in the fields. The Census found 150 Aguas Verdes farms reported 219 horses in 1952. Sixty-four Beltran farms reported 100 horses, some farms in.each Barrio without any.11 A blacksmith in Bejucal shoes some of these horses. A few farmers shoe their own. Fruit trees are usually scattered along fencerows, along roads, and gathered around farm homes and buildings in Bejucal. Only occa- sionally are they grouped together in orchards. Even where this is the case, livestock are allowed to graze under the trees. The eggs: £523 (avocado), which is the chief fruit income producer, is a tall tree with many branches. Chickens frequently sleep on its many limbs. Due to its size, picking its fruit, in June, July, and August, is an arduous task. Often one harvester climbs into the tree with a long pole having a hook on the end with which he breaks the stem of the agmacates, dropping them to another harvester, often a boy, on the ground, who holds a piece of canyas or cloth in which he catches the falling fruit one at a time. Except for the fall from the tree no great handling care is necessary because of its tough skin. Some mangos, meme, lemons,and other fruit are grown for commercial sale, but most of these minor fruits are consumed on the farm or allowed to fall from the trees unused. One Bejucal middle-class businessman, owner of four farms in.Aguas Verdes, developed an aguacate of superior size and flavor, and his variety is becoming spread throughout the community. Since the trees of this variety are still 11. Ibid., p. 122. 142 small on most farms, farmers reserve these fruits for presents and home consumption. Most of the farmers of Bejucal still do not own tractors, but over one-half of them hire men with tractors to plow and harrow their land at planting times, chiefly spring and fall. ‘Where they do not own tractors, the planting, covering of the seed or plant section, and the digging of the root (if it is a root plant) is done by a team of oxen. TWO types of plows are pulled behind the oxen which are yoked together with a wooden yoke above the horns. One is a wooden plow having a metal point which throws the dirt to the sides. The other is an iron plow with a steel point which has a moldboard for turning the soil. The homeemade harrows in use on these farms are simply logs lashed or nailed together with wood or metal spikes on the underside. The traditional way of planting corn is for one man to precede with the team of oxen breaking the furrow. The other follows, dropping the grain and covering it with his foot. Halanga and sweet potatoes are dug the same way: the man.in front with the team uncovers the row with a plow, and the man following picks up the uncovered vegetables. Cane, corn, and millet are harvested with the machete, the Cuban farmer's all purpose tool. They are loaded on carts drawn by oxen or horses and carried to storage huts or barns. Corn and millet are planted two or three times per year. If the farmer has no irrigation, the winter planting will bear fodder but little grain. Corn and other row crops are hoed and sometimes harrowed to keep out weeds. Some- times beans or melons are planted in the corn rows. Yucca, sugar cane, and some other root plants are planted by cutting pieces of the h3 stalk and planting them in the ground. Where they have a joint they send out roots and new shoots. Tomatoes are planted from seed in small welldwatered patches near the house and later set out in the fields. They are then hoed and on a few farms watered. The farmers grow both a small Cuban developed tomato and the 1arger.American vari- eties. The small Cuban tomato is preferred by many Cubans for its firmer body and stronger tomato flavor. It is often eaten green, either fried or smothered with olive oil. Green beans and lima beans are also grown to meet the Havana demand. Like the tomatoes they are often sold before they ripen to a marketer who harvests and hauls them. Host farms have a barn or shed which is variously used for milk- ing, housing of calves, pigpens, and storage of grains and tubers. Farm tools are also stored there. The storage of grain encounters the destruction of rats, mice, and insects. Insect damage may be severe. A few farms have storage houses, but they must use their grain rapidly. There is no haymaking or silage-making in Bejucal. Fabruary, march, and the first part of April are the months when there is a severe shortage of green forages on Bejucal farms. During this dry period farmers feed chopped sugar cane to their horses and cattle. This feed will maintain energy and body fat but will not pro- duce milk at the same level as natural grasses or corn. The fences on Bejucal farms are usually either barbed wire or thickly planted rows of a slow-growing cactus. There are also-some stone walls. Gates are usually made of three or four barbed wires loosely strung between poles. A few of the wealthy farmers have purchased a single aluminum gate for their main entrance. 14b Farmers with tractors plow their fields, harrow and level them with their tractors and implements. They also often prepare the land of their neighbors to help pay for their machinery. Tractor repairs are made by some of the farmers and also by mechanics and the machine shops of the city. There are many fields in.Aguas Verdes having large stones, and tractor owners are reluctant to do custom'work on those fields for fear of breakage to their equipment. Since little harvest- ing machinery is as yet owned with tractors, they are idle much of the time. Import duties so raise the cost of tractors and implements that few farmers can afford to buy very much machinery. Irrigation in Bejucal involves the digging of a deep well by a commercial well-driller, the use of a gasoline or diesel driven pump, and the delivery of water to the fields with pipes and hoses. The most usual way of applying the water is for the farmer to spread it with a large canvas hose, walking from one portion of his field to another in his bare feet or in rubber boots. Only a very few farmers use ditch methods and none have sprinklers. Fertilizers and insecticides are universally applied by hand, and little control is maintained over the amount applied. The writer encountered one farmer in the hill region of Agnes Verdes who applied too much fertilizer in a season when it rained little and, as a conse- quence, burned his corn. This farmer believes that chemical ferti- lizers will not work on his grey soil as a result of his experience. Besides the machinery and tools already mentioned, farmers typi- cally have woven wood baskets for carrying grain. These baskets are made in Bejucal by people who know the skill. Axes, hammers and 115 mile, and hand saws are widespread. Picks, hatchets, digging bars, a knife for cutting cactus fence, grinding stones, and other small tools are also fairly comon. Agricultural Marketing The farmers of Bejucal produce a surplus of goods above their family needs. They market the surplus in a variety of ways depending both upon the product and upon the particular arrangements which they have made. The principal products marketed in Bejucal are milk and dairy products, poultry and eggs, tropical fruits, and truck and vege- table products. The nearness of the large and prosperous Havana market is the chief reason for the successful diversification of farm products in Bej ucal. Milk is marketed in three ways. Some produce milk for Havana. They place cans with milk at the end of their lanes if they are on an all-weather road; otherwise they may carry the cans on horseback or in carts to the highway for the truck to pick them up. Other farmers bottle the milk at their farms and carry it to Bejucal in cloth pockets on the sides of their horses or in small two-wheeled carts. These famers sell their milk both to bodegas and households. The third systen of marketing is for farmers to sell their milk to small middle- men who deliver the milk in Bejucal. These middlemen may be town or rural dwellers, and they own small horsedrawn carts or motored delivery trucks. In milk volume the first of these marketing systems is the most important. The system of fresh vegetables and fruit marketing varies free that of the milk-marketing system described above. The 89.1 ucal market h6 is able to absorb only a very small percentage of the vegetables and fruit produced by Bejucal farmers. Thus, most of these products move to the Havana market and to the international market. The small quan- tities purchased by the Bejucal customers are brought to Bejucal by the farmers on horseback or in carts and in the trucks of middlemen ‘who do their.major business in Havana. A.few of the larger fruit and vegetable farms have trucks with which the farmers deliver their own produce, and sometimes the produce of their neighbors, to the central market in.Havana. In each of the cities of this region, including Bejucal, there are a number of people who make their living as middlemen. They are truck owners who purchase produce from farmers, assemble it, sort it, pack it, and sell it in Havana. It is customary for these middlemen to buy the entire harvest of fruit and certain vegetables before the farmers have grown it or before it ripens. The farmer does not have to wait until the harvest before he receives income for his efforts. Also the risk of crop failure due to insects, weather or other natural causes is removed from.his shoulders and shifted to the middlemen. The farmer is also spared the necessity of locating labor to help him in the harvest, since generally the middlemen provide their ownharb vesters. Consequently, the farmer need not have any money saved to pay wages. On the other hand, if weather conditions are favorable and the harvest is very good, the middleman will reap the profits, not the farmer. Some of the fresh fruits and vegetables of Bejucal go directly to the harbor of Havana and are shipped to the United States. p h? Eggs and poultry are marketed in a similar manner. A few farmers have the facilities to deliver them personally to the Havana market. More farmers sell them to Bej ucal bodegas for city consumption. Host eggs and chickens are marketed through the hands of middlemen who collect them in the country and sell them to both retail and wholesale outlets in the city of Havana. Land Tenancy Only about a third of the farmers of Bejucal are owner-operators. Slightly more than a third are renters. Pam renters in Cuba enjoy a special legal status designed to protect the renter and guarantee him security on the land. The renter end eye the right of accioh. This right guarantees him the privilege of staying on the present farm as long as he desires without being moved so long as he complies with the national laws, pays his rent, and complies with the terms of his written contract (if there is aw). This right includes a system of . rent control to protect the renter against being forced off the land by raising the rent. Under this system all rents are registered and can be raised only by agreement and upon the payment of increased municipal taxes. In practice this system goes far towards giving the rural renter security in his tenure and on the land. The law is generally obeyed. The right of acciof also protects the renter in the value of improvements which he makes on the farm. Before the renter can be moved he must be paid what is considered a just (if necessary, assessed) price for the capital and physical improvements he has made to the farm. The accioh, itself, has economic value and he must also be purchased. One farmer interviewed by the writer first developed a dairy farm as a renter until it was an efficient and pros- perous unit. Then he sold out his accion and his accumulated capital, making it possible to buy a larger but undeveloped farm having greater ultimate potential in his evaluation. He was paid more than ten thousand pesos't for his share. Informants reported that prosperous renters had more security under this law than poor renters. I A still lower ranking tenure class are the partidarios, or share- croppers. This class of farmers receives fifty per cent of the net income of the farm. In this case the owner may provide the operating capital of the farm. There also are a few salaried managers operating farms in Bej ucal. Property relations toward capital goods may be very complex in Bejucal. The writer met, for example, a farmer who was buying a cater- pillar tractor and a set of agricultural implements in partnership with an urban laborer whohwas a tractor driver and a mechanic. The total cost of the equipment was over ten thousand pesos. It was being pur- chased on time payments, making the farmer a debtor in partnership with his companion. To help finance the tractor, the farmer also borrowed from the goverment bank for agricultural developnent. This borrowed money made the tamer a debtor to the government corporation, and he was required to become a member of the famers' loan program carried on by that bank. The farmer did the contracting for plowing and otherwise Preparing land for his neighbors and others in the region. «It At the time of the study, one Cuban peso was equal to one DOS. domre 1:9 Contractual relations involving money, movable goods, and fixed goods are sometimes written and sometimes arranged by verbal agreement. Verbal agreement which was quite general in times past is gradually giving way to the written contract. It is interesting to note in this respect that when asked how well they read, many rural men answered, "I read well enough to defend myself." In number, if not in economic value, umritten contracts still outnumber the written ones. In a week a small entrepreneur with a truck may make dozens of purchases without immediate cash and dozens of sales all conducted without the use of written notes or contractual agreements- Other Roles in Agriculture Besides the positions already mentioned, there are some other jobs of economic importance to Bejucal agriculture. The tregdor is a royal palm fruit harvester. He travels from farm to farm with a rope, a climbing stirrup, and a knife, with which he climbs royal palm trees, bringing down their oily, berrylike fruit. He is paid by the tree and may earn from two to eight pesos a day. Customarily the farmer or hired man accompanies him, loading the fallen palmiche on an ox cart to be hauled to the pigs. The veterinarian also plays a role in the production system. He engages in both preventive medicine, such as inoculation of animals, vaccination, advice on cleanliness, blood tests on cattle for tubercu- losis, and curative medicine when farmers solicit his help in the sav- ing of sick animals. Most farmers in Bejucal do not use his services. Dairy farmers are required to have tuberculosis and bangs tests on their milk cows, but some farmers avoided this obligation. 50 The Lagertador is a farmer who makes a part-time living grafting fruit trees for farmers of the community. He buys high quality scions from nurseries near Havana and grafts them to stalks grown by the farmers from seeds. He has been responsible for introducing new high quality strains of tropical fruit on the farms of Bejucal. Other roles found in rural Bejucal are the cattle buyers, egg and poultry buyers, and fruit and vegetable buyers. There are also men who gather forage in small carts to be fed livestock kept in town. Other men sell lottery tickets, tinware, cloth, and bread to farm families. The Agricultural Inspector Another important person in rural Bejucal life is the Agricultural Inspector. He is a technically trained agriculturalist hired by the national Ministry of Agriculture to maintain an office in the munici- pality dispensing agricultural advice, gathering agricultural statis- tics, and inspecting conformity to national agricultural laws. He is also responsible for contracting for the use of governmental machin- ery by farmers and for the administration of the national forestry laws which require a farmer to pay a fee in order to cut trees on his farm. Much of the Inspector's time is spent in correspondence with the various governmental officials to whom he must send reports. Since the income of the office is low, the Inspector in Bejucal spent only about one-half of his working time in this capacity. For his Professional work the Inspector has a jeep. Officially, maintenance and repair of the Jeep is the responsibility of the Hinistry of 51 Agriculture; actually, in order to get repairs done, the Inspector must appeal to the Buyer's office for assistance. The Inspector in Bejucal is very popular with the farmers. It is significant to note that in the ten years in which he has been in Bejucal, he has never exercised his investigatory powers in such a manner as to injure any farmer. In carrying out his administrative duties, the Inspector has the part-time assistance of a typist. The Inspector deals directly with the officers of the Rural Am, relative to the administration and up- keep of the farm machinery maintained in Bejucal under the govermnent's program of farm mechanization. The machinery is under the surveillance of the Rural Am and is sent to farms only when the farmer presents the proper receipts of money paid to the Inspector. There is a civilian driver who is paid for managing the light tractor and the implements. The difficulty of gaining repairs to the tractor and the machinery, which must be obtained through the Captain of the Rural Am, reduces the effectiveness of the government's program. Hhile the tractor does not run for need of repairs, farmers who have already paid their money must wait for repairs, thereby delaying their planting programs. Haw famers, consequently, hire more expensive tractor services from other tractor owners. The Inspector is also responsible for assisting farmers who come to him requesting information to help solve their farm problems. Pew farmers use this service, although many farmers mention the Inspector as the one to whom they could go if they had some question which needed answering. 52 The Family Fem While a few Bejucal farms are managed by Bejucal businessmen and a few are country retreats for wealthy people from Havana, over ninety per cent of the farms are family operated farms. On the vast majority the family lives on the farm and provides the bulk of the labor in the farm enterprises. The farm Operator is both manager of the farm am___ father-head of the men. As operator, the father directs the labor of the family members an! arw hired laborers employed on the farm. The operator, plus his sons, any other relatives, and his hired help, does the labor on the fan, and his wife is an almost indispensable helper in the maintenance of the farm home. For Bejucal fem people it is almost unthinkable that a man might maintain a rural home without a woman to cook, wash, and otherwise care for him and the house. The fan: wife works chiefly in the house and, except for gathering eggs, feeding pigs, chickens, and other live- stock, she leaves the fam labor to her husband and his male help. When she, rarely, goes into the field to work alongside her husband or brothers, it is usually to harvest a labor-demanding crop such as tomatoes or green string beans. She may do other work if the husband is ill or otherwise unable to work. Rural farm women, of necessity, work long hours. On dairy farms "men may assist with the milk bottling, bottle washing, and loading 11' the farmer delivers milk in Bejucal. Women kill, pick, clean, and Prepare chickens for the table. They also assist when a pig is 53 butchered to prepare the fat and meat for eating and for deep salty- lard storage. In the poorest homes women help with the milking and care of cattle and calves. Even in rural Bejucal the sphere of the woman is supposed to be within the home and, as the wealth of the family increases, her amount of outside work, other than some flower gardening, declines. (may rural women prise flower gardens.) ~ Some rural women help to maintain vegetable gardens with their husbands and children, but the pattern of growing a garden is not very widespread. Almost every rural home has a few fruit trees which rural homemakers use to add to the diet. Children on De.) ucal farms are given responsibility for farm and household tasks as soon as they are able to carry them out. Girls help their mother in the house, and boys help their fathers outside, first with the regular chores and later in the fields. Children are expected to play, however, and are encouraged to do so. Like urban people, rural parents show public affection for their children and express concern for their health, safety, and general welfare. J udg- ing by verbaliaed responses, one of the prime work motives of Bejucal farmers is to provide for their children the food and clothing they need. As in the city, children are rarely punished by more than verbal shaming. On the farms of Bejucal, father-son work groups are very salmon. In work situations, fathers tend to be strict and directive toward their sons. The latter are expected to be obedient and responsive. Such expressions of authority are not necessarily the dominant rela- tions of father to son in other than work situations. If farm families 5h hire more distant related members of the family, the hired person will be treated as a member of the family although he will work as an em- ployee. V Older persons in rural Bej ucal contime to do economically impor- tant work as long as they are able. They therefore retain a high sense of personal morale and sense of personal worth. On fame elderly people pointed out with pride to the writer the fruits of their labors. Where the older couple continue to maintain a home separate from others, they continue to retain full authority over their respective spheres of activity. where they live with their children, they accept the shift in economic and domestic authority to the younger couple. When elderly peeple become very old and possibly ill, the children then plan, apart from the elderly ones, what they think will be the best way to share the care of them. The family as a nuclear unit and as a kinship unit has prime responsibility for the care of its members. Farm Labor A large proportion of the farmers of Bed ucal have no regularly employed labor. All but the very smallest hire supplementary help during the times of the year when they are planting or harvesting their crops. Sons who can help with the farm work are highly prized. But man farms require the employment of one or two wage laborers. These laborers, if related by kinship to the family, may live on the farm; otherwise they usually live in Bejucal and commute. At planting and harvesting times, supplemental day laborers are likely to be employed. SS Attitudes toward Land While the fanmers of Bejucal do not have sentimental attachments toward particular farms or the land in general, they do feel that it is wrong to sell land gained through inheritance. Otherwise land is considered as a comercial and status-granting camodity. As an investment farmers feel that land is a great source of security for themselves and for their descendants. land is one of the most important types of property in rural Bejucal. It is known that the amount of land a man.farms is an imporb tant determinant of his wealth and status. In Bejucal the present trend is towards increasing sise of farming units. ‘Hhere the family owns sufficient land, it may be divided among the sons when they attain adulthood. Often, however, there is no division of the landed property; In one case encountered, the grandfather was the owner of the farm. The family now farms it as a unit, two brothers farming it coopera- tively. Other brothers and sisters who have left the farm make no claim on it. In a second case, the farmer had one son and seven daughters. The son.and grandsons now farm.the place, the daughters making no claim.on.the preperty. Occasionally the land is sold, and the children divide the money among themselves. One farmer encountered was endeavoring to pay off his brothers to gain complete control of his farm. The value of farm.land varies considerably in Bejucal, from the irrigated, flat, rich soils of Beltran, to the hilly, rocky, grey soils of.Aguas Verdes. is a consequence, the amount of taxes, rents, and the values of landed inheritances vary as well. The Daily Routine The daih' routine of the people of Bejucal varies considerably by the age, employment status, occupation, and family status of the indi- vidual. Farmers are among the earliest arisers. Host farm families are up between four-thirty and five-thirty in the morning. The men and boys go out to feed livestock and milk the cows. Their wives and mothers prepare the coffee—with-milk and cracker breakfast. After a brief break for this light breakfast, the morning work continues until ten-thirty or eleven o' clock, when lunch, alnuerso, is eaten. Almuerso is a large meal, as is dinner at night, 1.: £033, since they are the two chief meals of the day. La comida is eaten at times varying from five-thirty to eight o' clock. If the family is planning to go visit- ing or is going to town, the time will be earlier. If heavy farm work delays milking or feeding activities, it will be later. During the afternoon farm work is resumed except when it is interrupted by rainy season showers. ~ Rural women maintain the same general house maintenance schedule as urban women. This involves preparation of breakfast, washing dishes, making of beds, washing clothes (several times a week), clean- ing of floors (mapped or swept daily), general house straightening and cleaning, preparation of almuerzo and care of children, if any, in the morning. After almuerzo the dishes are washed again, and then the women have free time to sew, listen to daytime serials on the radio or otherwise to was themselves“ In late afternoon they wash, change clothes and put on makeup, prepare and serve la comida, wash dishes, 57 and talk in the family living room until bedtime. Outside work will vary this pattern, but the prime responsibility of rural women is in the home. Children and older people generally arise with worldng adults unless the latter are very early risers. Depending upon their ages, children aid in housework and farmwork until it is time to dress for school. School hours in rural areas run from eleven-thirty MI. to four or four-thirty 9.11. (Most city children attend either morning or afternoon, there being two shifts.) Rigid time schedules are not the rule in rural Bejucal. Meal times, bedtimes, and even arrival at school may vary considerably from day to day. Special days, fiestas, trips to town, and other unusual events may upset the meal and activity schedule considerably. The family members accept these disturbances and look forward to holidays. Changes in Family Norms A small family ideal is spreading in Bejucal associated with ris- ing living standards. Rural and urban families are limiting the size of their families by the use of birth control methods and techniques. Marv families in which the mother is still young enough to bear more children indicate their. desire to have no more, often stopping with only two or three. The age separations between children and the mew years since the youngest was born in some families, indicate fairly secure control over conception. Contraceptive devices are purchased at drug stores. The valuational trend from the previous generation is fairly clear: fewer children are wanted and (in some families) 58 fewer are born. The attitudes of the people support small families strongly. h'llam' children create problems like the devil," said one man. I'Iiith many children there isn't enough to feed and clothe them,‘. said another. Economic and educational considerations seemed impor- tant to the people with whom this matter was discussed. The table below of eighteen families in the rural zone may indicate that the adoption of the small family pattern is a relatively recent matter, for these families at least. The eighteen families do not represent a carefully drawn cross-section of rural Bejucal; they were encountered as the writer conducted the interviews. TABLE 1 SIZE OF FAMILY OF ORIGIN CONTRASTED WITH FAMILY OF PROCREATION OF 18 NON-RANDOM BUUCAL RURAL MRIED COUPLES _- —-_-‘. - _ -_-- w.- ..o Family Number of Children in Number of Age of -_..——-___..__---_‘_-__.-~V...._., Family of Origin Children Youngest Husband wit. 1 8 9 3 6 2 - h l 2 3 10 lO 2 2 is 9 3 3 3 S 7 6 o - 6 8 . 11 3 1i 7 2 7 h 12 8 6 h 3 S 9 10 b 2 12 lo 10 7 9 3 ll 11; '- 3 1% 12 7 - 3 16 13 9 ' 15 8 7 1h 5 3 S 21 15 6 7 o - 16 6 - 2 6 l7 7 8 2 8 18 8 15 3 S S9 The mean number of children possessed by the families of the fathers (excluding the families on which no data were gathered) was 7.8 (PI-17 ), the mothers 7.5 (NI-15). while in their current families there was an average of 3.1 (ll-18 ). Clearly not all of these families have had all of the children they will have, so their average is lower than it will be when their families are completed. Rural Homes Host of the rural homes in Bejucal are of the rustic type with whitewashed wood walls and palm thatched roofs. The poorest homes have only beaten earth for a floor, and few, if any, windows. In such homes the doors will be rough boards which, by urban standards, are crudely hung. There will be one dining table. The cooking will be done on a stove of a home-made variety, using firewood as a fuel. Having no chimney, such stoves blacken the roof of the m, as these houses are called. Their furniture is of the simplest wood-frame type. Chairs have leather seats, and beds have the least expensive of mattresses. More costly rural homes have tile roofs, and there are a few steel-reinforced concrete-roofed homes. They have either concrete or stone and concrete floors. Many rural homes have priveys, but not all have them. Few of these are flyproof or otherwise sani- tary. Town houses and the better rural homes have heavy shutters which are closed at night, and often during the day, to keep out the sun. any city houses and a few country ones have bars on their windows. Diet The diet of rural people in Bejucal is abundant in starches and fats. Besides beans and rice, the most basic starch staples, the people eat a great deal of sweet potatoes, yucca, malanga, Irish pota- toes, and some green corn. The cooking banana, the Blatano, is also an.ever-present starchy food in their diet. These starches are either boiled or deep-fat fried in lard. All of these starches are eaten in large quantities at the two mainlmeals of the day. 'Hhen.they are boiled in stews and thick soups, green.and yellow vegetables may be added in small quantities.. Coffee, sugar, salt, seasonings, white bread, eggs, milk, and meat are the remaining parts of the most typical diets. The meats consumed are locally raised chickens and other fowl, pork, and town-purchased beef. Chicken and pork are the preferred meats, but few rural families consume very much.meat of any kind compared with the United States levels of consumption or upper-class Cuban consumption patterns. The very poorest families consume very little milk per person, and little meat. In season, vegetables, fruits, and ground green corn are added to this diet. No families are without an occasional soft drink, piece of candy, sweet cake or cookie, and the male population, with only a few exceptions, drinks cdfiac, rum, and beer. Increasing wealth does not bring major shifts away from the basic foods, but higher family income does result in the consumption of more meat, cake, dairy products, costly oils, canned goods, and so on. In the meat category, increasing wealth greatly increases the consumption 61 of the preferred meats - pork, ham, and chicken. Chicken with rice is probably the most widely liked dish of all classes below the highest. ENen though starch consumption still predominates, certain families in the laboring and white collar classes have learned in school, from doctors, and from the mass media,about the nutritional value of fruits and fresh vegetables, and their sale is increasing. Milk is consumed at breakfast by almost all people. Adults drink it in the form of “cafe con leche" or hot coffee and boiled milk mixed together. In some families children are given.milk any time during the day they want it. Adults rarely drink any more milk during the day. Although rural people have their own fruit trees and often have an abundance of fruit, except for an occasional pitcher of lemon or lime- ade, the chief use of citrus fruits is for seasoning. Their daily use for children and adults, while an inexpensive possibility, is not the custom. Other fruits, such as mangos, mane, papaya, and avocados, are eaten in season. Rural peOple raise their own pigs, chickens, guinea hens, turkeys, and pigeons. These they rarely purchase in the city. Their food purchases are most frequently of rice, black beans, bread, coffee, salt, lard, sugar, and, occasionally, beef. In the city the I higher economic levels eat eggs as a part of the daily diet -- usually fried and mixed with rice. Rural people, who almost all produce eggs, eat few of them. They are rarely fed to babies or small children; the common belief is that they are harmful. Cubans prefer eggs produced in Cuba by native hens to eggs imported from the United States. They also prefer "country raised" chickens 62 to chicken-house raised poultry. The preference is reflected the year around in higher prices for country raised chickens and in higher summer prices for Cuban than imported eggs when, during this slack season due to both rains and moult, Cuban hens do not meet the urban demand. The two chief meals of the day, almuerzo and la ggmidg, are eaten with the whole family gathered at the table in most homes. In a few, however, the men eat at different times than the women. In any case, the women are responsible for serving the food and seeing that everyone is satisfied. In rural families extra starches are cooked for each almmerao because the housewife is fattening a pig with family garbage. Canned foods, being expensive, are purchased mainly by the upper economic classes. Laboring class families will purchase a can of preserved fruit for a special occasion such as a birthday party. Hbst Bejucal homes have no ovens, so foods are boiled, fried, and roasted over charcoal. Babies are fed cow's milk from bottles from a fairly early age in Bejucal. Their diet consists chiefly of milk and mashed tubers (malanga believed to be especially beneficial). Orange juice is fed to a few babies, and hard bread is given to them when they are teething. The upper classes can afford to supplement this diet with canned baby food and they, therefore, sometimes feed their babies soup and fruit. Adult food is ordinarily started with soup and soft starches until the teeth of the child permit the eating of harder foods. Cuban doctors and public health officials are concerned with the low vitamin and protein content of the diets of the Cuban people. In I ll Inll'lIQ‘I III-ll. 1"“ TIIII ‘ I... fl [III] ‘ull All! ‘II. . . l I 11.! l . i. m I III! j1ij1 63 They believe that these lacks result in.many cases of disease and in health problems such as low blood pressure and lack of vitality. On the basis of the writer's observation, the farmers who work the hardest in Bejucal (and expend the most bodily energy) are also those who have the most adequate diets by "modern" health standards. Rural Health The fanm families of Bejucal have a wide variety of traditional, non-scientific beliefs concerning the causes and cures of ill health. However, modern medical knowledge is slowly spreading in the community, and farm people are learning new ideas concerning disease. There were elevennmedical doctors in Bejucal in l95h, and rural people patronized them for severe illnesses and for accidental injuries. There was no hospital in the city (excepting a heapital for aged people, maintained by an order of Roman Catholic nuns), and people needing operations or hospitalization for any other reason had to travel to Havana. The municipality of Bejucal maintained an.ambu1ance for carrying severe cases or bedridden patients. The doctors of the town generally carry out their private medical practice independently of each other. However, a group of doctors recently formed a prepaid insurance-type medical plan, open to anyone who desired to join. iHembers pay three pesos and fifty centavos per month per person and receive medical care and some medicine. This medical group has competition from a larger one located in.Rancho Boyers, but this is too far for many people in Bejucal to go. While a few rural people are members, most rural families are unable or use willing to pay the high cost. 6h Besides doctors, dentists, nurses, and midwives practice in Bejucal. Host babies are born in the home with a midwife in attend- ance. The pharmacies in the town dispense modern drugs and medicines. There is also a private medical laboratory for diagnostic tests. Dress Clothing serves many important functions in Bejucal besides that of protecting the body from heat and cold. The people have adopted modern mass produced clothing, or homemade copies of such clothing. But different clothes indicate status and role differences in wealth, in age, in sex, in occasion, in occupation, and in group membership. Generally speaking, the lower the socio-economic level, the less expen- sive the clothes worn for working and for evening or festive occasions. Children wear special clothes made for them, and elderly people wear styles now out of fashion for younger adults. The clothes of play are not those of work, of a party not those of the classroom or a factory. White collar workers wear Western style business suits or white Cuban shirts called Eyaberas and slacks. laborers and farming people work in homemade and store purchased inexpensive washable clothing. It is usually loose fitting. Farmers tend to be easily identifiable in their work dress since they usually wear a broad-brimmed hat, a white or ten riding pant and leather leg-guards above high work shoes. Far- mers who rise in wealth until they are equal to urban middle income store owners in wealth wear ”urban style" sports wear when they visit tmm. 65 Many occupational groups besides farmers are identifiable by their dress. Members of the armed forces, the police force, medical doctors, nurses, dentists, pharmacists, Roman Catholic priests, bus drivers, chauffeurs, taxicab operators, and others wear uniforms indicating their occupational identity. Students wear uniform shirts and dresses to school. In the evening, after work hours, there are fewer occupa- tional differences in dress because farmers, laborers, and others on the same socio-economic level dress in informal sports clothing, while white collar workers put on informal evening attire. Farmer-Bodegero Relations Every farmer in Bejucal maintains a continuing business relation- ship with a general store owner in the city of Bejucal or in some other nearby city. The general store manager, the bodegero, provides the farmer with short term credit, reduced prices, and special considera- tion, plus emergency assistance, in case of crop failure or sickness in the family. In return, the farmer is informally obligated to purchase all of his family's staples at that store. This means he will buy beans, rice, coffee, lard, salt, sugar, and countless other daily necessities from the bodegero. He may market some of his eggs, milk, tubers, or tomatoes through the bodegero as well. This rela- tionship'with his bodegero is one of the farmer's:most important urban contacts and may function to assist the farmer in any development plans the might have for his farm and in spreading new information from the city to the farm. Some farmers maintain their relationship with a Particular bodegero for many years. The Farmers' Cooperative: A Case Study On the basis of the promotion of a professional man fromeuivican (a neighboring city), the farmers of Bejucal organized a farmers‘ cooperative association shortly after“Hor1d‘War II. Their enthusiasm was high, according to informants. The cooperative was designed both to supply farmers with food and household necessities and to market farm produce. However, it has largely failed at both. The writer tried to determine the reasons for this, and he decided that the effort failed for a number of reasons. The most important reasons for failure seemed to be the inability -- due to the lack of capital and the viola- tion of custom - to replace the services produced by the bodegero on the one hand, and by the commercial marketer on the other. For a farmer who has been a regular customer, the bodegero provides ready credit, security in case of crop failure, and a dependable urban sup- porter. The farmer cooperative 22225: ran its business on cash and did not have credit or other aids to extend. Nor was the manager cone cerned with the relationship of the traditional bodegero to his farmer patrons. The marketing functions of the farmers' cooperative never really got going except for small amounts of Bejucal consumed produce. The assumption had been made that the farmers would harvest and deliver their fruits and vegetables, livestock and eggs, to Bejucal. However, the farmers of Bejucal are accustomed to receiving payment for their .produce and livestock at the farm. The payment of the farmers before the harvest -- customary with fruit and some vegetables -- could not be mfinanced nor could necessary transportation and harvesting activities. 67 Given these disadvantages, farmers were reluctant to commit them- selves completely to an.untried program, and.many initial dues payers to the seeperative association.dropped out. In l9Sh there were only a few members left, although the bodega was still functioning. The failure of the attempt to fulfill their hopes resulted in.a widespread cynicism among farmers who had expected a great deal. Local analyses of why the project failed are varied. Some heard by the writer from farmers were these: the failure of farmer leadership, the opposition of established.merchants, the deep traditionalism and non-cooperative individualism of the farmers, the suspicion of corrupt management on the part of the bodega management, the fact that prices were no lower in.the cooperative, and so on. Clearly the attempt to spread coopera- tive principles was abortive. But, the failure to provide the cus- tomary services seems to this writer to be a more significant reason; if the organization.had had more capital and had organised to provide these services, plus extra benefits, it surely would have succeeded. The Cuban government at the time was favorably disposed toward such ventures. Bejucal Stratification: The Farmer's Place Farmers are conceived of as a special occupational class,distinct from others, by both themselves and by other classes in Bejucal. They* are called guajiros. The highest income farmers rank as high as :middle-income urban people. Slightly less prosperous farmers rank comparably to urban skilled craftsmen and small shopkeepers. Farmers ‘who are only agricultural laborers or who have control over a minimum 68 of resources rank about the same as the lowest urban wage laborers -- just above the “people without shame." ‘Agricultural laborers, while very low in.rank, may receive meals and sometimes room and bed on the basis of equality with their small cash income. If they are young, they may look forward to climbing up the agricultural ladder of tenure. People in Bej ucal on the lower levels of the status continuum look on the system as being a dual one of "rich" and “poor." They, of course, define themselves as "poor people" and define their life chances as those of “poor people." People who work in the low paid professions, small businesses, clerical.work, and low paid white collar jobs, either define themselves as poor people or as people of medium prosperity - neither rich nor poor. Some farmers who have accumu- lated property and the symbols of higher status also identify with the middle group, although most farmers in Bejucal think of themselves, and are thought of by others, as belonging to the category of "poor people.” There is differential association in recreational contexts, in marriage, and in voluntary groups among these categories - upper, middle, lower, and farmer - with farmers and urban “poor people“ typically identify- ing each other as equals. Prosperous farmers who have risen in status do not segregate themselves and their families from other farmers unless they takeup urban residence and cease to operate their.farming activities themselves. Racial identity is another criteria whereby people are ranked in Bejucal. People of Negro and Asiatic identity are ranked below Cau- casian people. There were no non~Caucasian farm operators in Bejucal at the time of this survey, although a number of farmers employed Negro 69 hired help. There are a few Negro farm.operators in other munici- palities in the Province of Havana, and many in the more eastern pro- vinces of Cuba. No Negro families lived in the rural zone of Bejucal. Friendship Networks In Bejucal the best friends an adult person has are most commonly family friends. ‘While children and youth may highly value peer group friendships, for adults the situation is often different. Friendship activities such as visiting and informal recreation are carried on largely within.the family or kinship structure. This is even.more true for rural Bejucal than for urban Bejucal. In the city there is more informal association of adults as unrelated neighbors and as people pursuing a comon recreational interest. Even in the rural area women are sometimes intimates of neighbors they “grew up with" and rural men sometimes have friendships which are based upon common interests and not on kinship. But these are the exception. Most commonly friendship is perceived a family or family-like matter. One informant told the writer that he had.many "conocidos' (people he knew), but only one "friend," his father, since his father was the only person he knew who was willing to sacrifice anything for his benefit and protection. Not all Bejucal farmers, however, define the content of friendship in the same way. Another farmer felt that he had a good friend in the person of a man.with whom.he had only occasional inter- action. It seemed to the writer that the more mobile a farmer was the greater was the probability he had people he called friends who ‘were not related to him by any kinship relationship. 70 Education Bejucal farm people learn most of their habits and attitudes ‘1 within the family group. It is there that they learn the habits of language, of personal care, ‘of proper behavior toward others, and of conventional ways of thinking. It is there that boys learn the occu- pational skills of farming and girls learn the skills of homemaldng. J Neighborhood and community visiting brings farm children together with other children, generally children related to them by kinship. However, rural children interact less in age peer groups than urban children because of the isolation of their homes and because of their involvement in family and farming activities. Farm people in Bejucal have ambivalent attitudes toward formal 1 education for their children. Meagan in‘readim, writing, and _W tion is often looked upon as unnecessary. However, if formal educa- simple arithmetic is believed necessary, but additional formal Induce:J tion “involves professionalntraining or training in sane skilled trade, then it is looked upon as very valuable. To work with one's hands without skills is recognized as being the poorest paid and the lowest prestige kind of work. Thus, education or training which will result in a professional or skilled trade position is looked upon as worthy of considerable individual and family sacrifice. For farm boys leav- ing agriculture and taking up an urban occupation this is especially true. The study of Cuban history, national geography, and world affairs is supported by many parents, but few support a "wider" con- ception of education with arm enthusiasm. 71 There were thirteen rural'schools in Bejucal, with a total of three hundred and ninety students, in.December of 1953. All but two of the schools were one-teacher, one-room schools, with both sexes and five grades (one to five) in the same room. In the two slightly larger schools there were two rooms and two teachers in each. Thus the fifteen rural teachers had an average of twenty-six students each. The attendance on any one day was usually less as a result of rainy weather, heavy farm work, or illness. Rural parents are reluctant to send their daughters to mixed schools when.they are near or beyond puberty. Table 2 shows clearly the impact of this reluctance. Mothers also desire their daughters at home to help them and to learn home-making skills. Cuba has a law of compulsory education which can legally be enforced by the urban.police and by the rural army (the Guardia 3252;) who police the rural zone of Cuba. However, in Bejucal this power is not used. There are some children in both the urban and rural areas who rarely if ever attend school. They are generally from very low income families where little value is placed upon schooling. Clearly some rural Bejucal students did not start school at six or seven years of age, the legal ages. One reason for this given.by informants was the reluctance of rural parents to allow their children to travel to and from school by themselves until they are eight or nine years old. Children of six or seven with older brothers and sisters also in school ‘were allowed to go with them. There was in Bejucal a group (the Junta contra Analfabetismo) promoting the abolition of illiteracy, and there were two nig'xt schools having older students (as the table indicates) 72 conducted by the government in Cuatro Caminos and Caguazo (schools with electrical lighting as well as convenient location). TABLE 2 13mm 1953 SCHOOL ENROLLMENT IN RURAL amen, GRADE 1-6, 31 AGE AND SEX fears of.Age In.First Grade All Grades Hales Females Males Females 6 17 15 17 1s 7 16 15 19 21 8 6 9 18 21 9 6 8 13 3h 10 S 1 29 15 11 3 2 2h 11; 12 l l 32 15 13 2 20 13 1h 1 22 7 15 3 16 o 16 h o 17 h o 18 6 o 19 to 25 l5 0 26 to 30 3 1 ' over 30 l 1 Source: Office of Education, Bejucal, cubs ‘Uith all five grades in one room, the rural teachers divide the c1assroom.day among the grades, working with each separately. Class- room discipline is strict; quiet, orderly behavior is maintained by the teachers. Farm People and the Mass Media Farm.peopla in.BeJuca1 read few newspapers or magazines, but radios are very widely spread throughout the population. .Almost every home had a receiving set at the time of the survey. Since most rural 73 homes lack electricity, most sets were battery radios. Song programs, news, daily serials, and entertaining shows of various kinds were the preferred programs. Only one Bejucal farmer encountered by the writer had a television set at the time of the survey (and it was not paid for). However, some rural people occasionally watched television shows in the city where sets were found in every barbrestaurant, in a political party headquarters set up by the mayor, and in a few homes. There was no farm magazine which reached the homes of Bejucal's farm people. A very small.minority of farmers did read the journal ‘Agrgtecnia published for agricultural engineers by their association and distributed by the Cuban Ministry of Agriculture. Although two weekly papers were published in Bejucal in l9Sh, the writer found no copies in rural homes. Few rural people read them unless they read them in the homes of city relatives. Political Activities While the survey was being carried out, there were vigorous poli- tical activities being conducted in the community. Party affiliations were being sought by each of the major parties having candidates for elective office. Voters were being registered, and campaigning was being carried out in both urban and rural areas. In these varied and, at times, aggressive political activities, the rural peeple of Bejucal play largely a passive role. They move into political action only as compelled or led by the force of the state, for the most part. ‘While, in the l9Sh party affiliation drives, 7h about three per cent more of the rural electors affiliated than urban electors, this was probably the result of the more efficient house-to- house campaigns carried out in the rural areas. Rural people, being widely suspicious of the established regime, were slightly 1... willing to affiliate with the party in power than were urban people. The rural people believe that Cuba has been governed for years by people ambitious for their own.wealth, exploiting their authority to get money from farmers. many rural people also expressed disapproval of the rural army which patrols and polices the rural areas. Military and Police Organization The locus of military and police power in Bejucal lies in the office of the highest officer in the Rural Army in Bejucal. He is the Captain of the Rural Guard. The Captain has charge of the activi- ties of the Rural.Army and the National Police unit stationed in the town. His subordinates have a monopoly on the legitimized use of violence between peOple in Bejucal. They are constantly ready for any attempt by revolutionaries or criminals to challenge that monopoly. .Armed men.remain on duty twenty-four hours a day at the cuartel, the headquarters of the Rural Army, and at the police station in the middle of town.facing the Central Park. They have other functions as well. They are responsible for supervising public conformity to laws regard- ing property, public order, taxes, licensing, agricultural laws, and traffic regulations. In practice, they spend their time patrolling, supervising traffic, assisting at fiestas, and attending courses pro— vided by specially trained officers of the army. Furthermore, they are responsible for supervising the execution of court orders. 75 The Rural Guard patrols the rural area on horseback daily. They also have men on duty at fiestas or big gatherings in town. Their area of control is generally limited to outside the city. They main- tain rural peace, inspect farmer conformity to the forestry and agri- cultural laws, and bring rural law violators to court. In structure, the Rural Army is headed by a small group of commissioned officers and non-commissioned officers who are career men. Beneath them are the enlisted men who do the physical work of the police functions and main- taining the cuartel. .All levels are responsible for personal clean- liness and neatness, at which they excel. As a consequence of the position of the army as the predominant political force in the nation, the Captain of the Rural Army is certainly the most powerful person in Bejucal, yet in practice he exercises this power only when there is a threat to public order and to his control over the monopoly of violence. The Court System The court structure in Cuba is separated from the legislative and administrative structures at the municipal level. Even with frequent administrative changes, the judge of the municipal court may retain his job. The occupant in Bejucal is a widely honored and respected person. Integrity and good works are his widespread reputation. All minor cases involving petty crimes or small disputes appear before his courts. Major crimes or disputes involving large sums of money are matters for the national court in Bejucal. Rural Bejucal recognizes the police and the courts as the correct means to settle disputes involving property relations. ‘When the '1‘. li I'll llitl will 76 writer asked informants what would be done if a neighbor stole another's chickens and refused to return them, farmer informants answered that he would go to the police and to the courts with his complaint. How- ever, a settlement of the wrong would be the chief objective, prosecu- tion only being resorted to as a last resort. In matters of conformity of rural people to the norms controlling property, family relations, heterosexual relations outside of marriage,and financial obligations, informal controls are usually effective. Petty crime occurs in Bejucal, but it is usually blamed on "people from Havana." The only case of organized crime encountered by the writer in the eight months spent in Bejucal was a case involving a group of men.who were stealing pigs and chickens to sell in Havana. One man was caught with a two hundred pound pig in the back of his car. He confessed to police that there were others, but the police were unable to catch them. The marketing of food products from Bejucal to Havana is one of the largest commercial activities in Bejucal. It is quite possible that more crime exists in this area than is detected. Governmental Aid for Farmers Besides the activities of the Agricultural Agent designed to assist farmers, the Cuban government has undertaken other welfare programs of benefit for rural people. The law protecting renters has already been mentioned. In another law of significance for rural people, the government established a program to assist localities in building all weather roads from highways already existing to their localities. The law provided that the residents of the locality desiring the road must 77 provide one-third of the necessary funds. In 1951; there were mo groups of farmers in Bej ucal who had organized themselves to collect money for this purpose. In each area the rainy season made the market- ing of local products difficult, if not impossible. One of these roads had already been built, the other was under construction. This program was administrated through the provincial governments and the local layers. The mayor of Bejucal was glad to assist. In the cele- bration of March 10, 19514, the second anniversary of General Batista's coup d'etat, the mayor presented a four thousand peso check to the farmer president of one road building committee. Farmer informants reported that political support for the mayor was an expected recipro- cal obligation for his assistance in getting the money. Rural peeple are also benefited by the anti-parasitical campaign being carried out by the Cuban governaent with school children. In the tests made as a part of the campaign, about sixty per cent of the rural school children of Bejucal proved to have had intestinal parasites of some ld.nd, some having severe infestations. Medicine was distri- buted free of charge to infected children if their parents agreed to cooperate in the program. The rate of reinfestation was lower in urban Bejucal than in rural Bejucal, but many rural people are making the changes necessary to prevent it. Pigs were being shut up in pens and buildings more frequently than in the past; more homes had concrete or concrete and stone floors, and more rural children were wearing shoes. Religion While the rural people of Bejucal identify themselves as Roman Catholics, in terms of participation in rites and organization, they 78 are non-active Catholics. Less than ten per cent of rural people regularly go to Mass. There are no rural churches, although there is a small shrine for worship in Santa Barbara. There are shrines in a number of the homes, and all children are baptised. Rarely are the other rites of confirmation, marriage, death and burial consummated under church auspices. The chief reason, given by the people, is the expense of these rites. When a person requests a rite of a 3352 (priest), the people believe the cure states a fee proportionate to how rich he thinks the person is. The cura never goes to the rural areas except occasionally to baptize children. His fee for this is two or three pesos. Marv rural men also explain their non-participa- tion in church activities in terms of distance to the church. Beliefs with Respect to Relations between Hen Beyond the family group, Bejucalenos believe there is a world full of risks and dangers. They believe these risks and dangers are the result of bad people who may hurt them. The way for the person to cope with this world is by knowing enough to "defend“ himself, to have friends who protect him, and to have a strong family group to help when it is needed. Not all members of all social classes view the world in this mamer. For example, certain businessmen, professionals, and govern- mental leaders support an optimistic world outlook in which society and mankind are good and improving with time. However, these people are exceptions, for the dominant belief is one of pessimism. The ration- alization given by farmers, laborers, and small entrepreneurs for the 79 benefits of education, hard work, individual self-interest, the Joining of fraternal clubs, the giving of small presents, the maintenance of strong familial mutual aid, and the loaning of money to neighbors, was in terms of self-protection in this world of danger. Even some of the optimistic community leaders proved not to be so Optimistic in world outlook when questioned pointedly about specific situations fac- ing people in Bejucal or in Cuba. Rural people share this mode of pessimism. The retort, “I am continuing to defend myself," was often made by farmers encountered after not having seen them for a week or two. Both rural and laboring class people expressed to the writer and his wife the sentiment that it must be terrible to be so far from one's family, as they obviously were. When asked for a reason, they invariably expressed the danger that existed for a person so far from his family. The establishment of friendship or mutual aid relations beyond the family is widely held to be very important for self and family pro- tection in this world of danger. For a man the necessity of engaging in economic and political relations beyond the family makes this more important than for a woman. hny men in Bejucal will go out of their way to do favors for people in high political and economic positions so that they might be in line for reciprocal favors at some later time. This world outlook, coupled with the necessity of individual choice in the selection and pursuit of occupational goals, results in considerable stress upon the adolescent boy. However, both in his family and at the place where he works, he is likely to find others 80 who will befriend him and thereby give him.a sense of security. Fre- quent violation of business and governmental norms by adult men is accepted as a part of life. To a varying degree the people of Bejucal also hold an outlook on life which is morally righteous. Many farmers said that the reason behind their discouragement with the possibility of beneficial governp mental.aid or a successful farmers' cooperative helping them, was some specific instance of past corruption of an individual of a public trust in money or proper performance of a position which they had heard about . . . but which did not hurt them at all. Concerning the conduct of gpvernmental officials, businessmen, and professionals, the adult Bejucal public has certain categorical ideas about what is just and right and what is unjust and wrong. Rural people often expressed their preference for country living in terms of the moral superiority of rural people like themselves. Bejucalefibe believe that an adult's primary responsibilities are his family‘s responsibilities. Government and the various agencies of govermnent are believed responsible for community-wide welfare. Host mutual aid activities are either carried on within families or are the result of governmental services extended to the population. This does not mean that neighborhood and community programs designed to benefit others will not be supported. It does mean, however, that such programs will receive most enthusiastic support when they are clearly of both public and individual benefit. For example, after hurricanes have passed, the first duty of the Bejucal farmer is to locate his livestock and mend his fences so that his animals will not 81 do damage to others' farms. Hurricane damage to houses will be repaired by family and neighborhood exchanges of labor, but a person's first responsibility, respondents reported, is to his own family and property. Mutual Aid Patterns in Rural Be: ucal Besides lending aid in emergency situations, rural neighbors help each other in other ways. Much, but not all, of such mutual aid is carried on by neighbors who are related by kinship. At the time of the study, farmers were working together in neighborhood patronatos to cooperatively build themselves rural roads, giving free service of improved bulls to their neighbors' native cows , helping each other build new farm buildings and put on palm roofing, and cooperating with- out cash payment in some harvest operations. Inter-fame gifts of improved animus and trees were also reported to the writer. Tool loaning and borrowing went on freely. Generous hospitality was the most approved norm of conduct toward the visitor whether he was a neighbor or a stranger. While not conformed to by all of the rural people of Bejucal, this norm received substantial behavioral support. Bejucal and the Region The people of Bejucal are not only engaged in local community affairs, they are also vigorously involved in regional activities in- volving other coununities and other cities as well. Some of these activities that were either directly observed or were reported upbn by informants are given below. 82 In economic activities, the ties of Bejucal to the metropolitan region of Havana are very close. Counting to Havana for daily work has already been discussed, as has the marketing of Bejucal agricultural products and marmfactured goods. The distribution of both imported and Cuban produced finished goods from Havana to Bejucal is a daily activity of many people. Land ownership is often a regional phenomenon with Bejucal people owning land in other comnunities and people in other cammmities owning land in Bejucal. The people of Bejucal do some shopping in Havana. The farmers buy most of their agricultural equipment, other than hand tools, in Rincon, Santiago de las Vegas, or Havana. Political affairs are also organised regionally. Voluntary groups, both parties and special interest groups, have regional organi- zations or federations. Tax collection, the court system, the school impaction system, the armed forces and other national govermental services all have some kind of regional organization. , Education beyond the grade school level is a regional phenomenon. Specialised schools draw both their teachers and their students fran the region and the nation. Health care is also regionally organised. Governmental inspections of new kinds are regionally conducted. In certain forms recreation is a regional phenomenon. Baseball find basketball involve inter-city competition. Dances are attended in neighboring commnities as well as in one's own. The mass media are regionally as well as nationally distributed. The traditional 39011; of cockfighting -- which still has a few proponents in Bejucal (urban and rural) -- 1. a regional sport. Trips to the beaches for 83 bathing and recreation are regional forms of pleasure seeking. Roving singers and radio personalities gain regional as well as national popu- larity. Higher income Bej ucal people are more likely than lower income people to be actively involved in regular regional forms of recreation because of their greater ability to afford transportation. However, the lack of wealth by no means excludes lower income people from such participation. These varied regional activities imply a number of socially impor- tant arrangements. The daily and weekly commuting from one city to another to work and a consequent separation of the place of work frm the residence and from the "horns" community is one implication. Another is the mobility of people from their original homes to new residences following changes in occupational locations. With such mobility come difficulties in fulfilling all the traditional reciprocal obliptions of the extended kinship system. 814 IV. A STUDY OF TWO CIASSE OF BENGAL FARMERS In the next three chapters the findings from a survey of two classes of Bejucal farmers are presented. The data were gathered to answer the chief research question of this thesis. 131a" What patterns of personal background, career experiences, social relation- ships, occupational definitions, value commitments, self-definitions, and operator role performances are associated with an advanced techno- logical status for an individual family-sized farm operator, which might be hypothesised as causal factors, in part accounting for this high technological status? It was recognised that this would be an exploratory project searching for relationships and patterns rather than a highly controlled natural experiment which would establish the validity of any specific prepositions. The writer viewed this as an essential first step in the research process of discovering the causes of individual technological innovation on small family fem in latin America. If relationships could be discovered, more specific hypotheses could be formulated and tested in later research. It was learned in the ethnographic survey that most of the "modern" or twentieth century developed agricultural techniques employed by Be: ucal farmers had been adopted since the end of World War II. This finding and the marked contrast in farming procedures on adjacent farms a‘ilggested that a study could be made relating a farmer's technological autus with some factors in his background experiences, his definitions, and his role performances. It was believed that since the changes 85 resulting in these marked technological differences were of recent origin and widely known about, they could be studied as indices of farm operator acceptance or rejection of technological innovations as measured by a farmer's technological status. Research Design and Execution The first task in the solution of the general problem was the develoment of a measure of technological status. This was conceived as a problaa in the development of a scaling procedure by which the relative technological status of an individual farm operator could be determined. In the research design this was outlined as a five-step process. In the first step a panel of judges who knew the farmers well identified those farmers they believed were "the most advanced farmers of the comunity in the techniques they used" in the following manner. A sample list of the 'most technically advanced" farmers in the community was prepared with the Agricultural Inspector of Bejucal and with the Sergeant of the Rural Arm who made the agricultural census the year before. Eliminated from the list were the seven or eight Bejucal farms owned by upper-class Havana businessmen, profes- sionals, and government policymakers. Also eliminated were the few Bejucal fame owned by wealthy Bejucal businessmen and operated as businesses, not as family farms. The list was then shown to a number of professionals and bodega owners with widespread knowledge of rural Bejucal to see if they had any additions or corrections. In its final form it contained twenty-two "advanced" family farm operators. ‘W *fiqk— —a—...1.____ H—h____ ~fi‘;, 86 In the next step it was planned that each of these "advanced" farmers was to be matched with an adjacent neighbor. As each '.ad- vanced? farmer was being interviewed, he was asked to list the names of the farm.operators on the farms surrounding his. The names were then ordered alphabetically, and one was chosen by reference to a table of random.numbers, thereby giving each an.equal chance of being selected. As was true for the advanced farmers, nonpoperating farmers were excluded and the choices were limited to farmers actually resident in the Muni- cipality of Bejucal. Farmers also on the list of advanced farmers were eliminated, so that each advanced farmer might be matched with a neighbor not so defined. It was felt that the use of this matching technique, which did not produce extreme categories of farmers on the single criteria of technological status had distinct advantages for this study (along with certain.disadvantages). First, the method employed tends to control the variations in technology which exist in Bejucal in response to land and water differences. There are, roughly speaking, three different types of soil and water table zones in Bejucal as were described in the last chapter. If a survey was made, ranking all Bejucal farmers on a technological status scale, and the extreme categories were selected for comparative analysis, the category at the most advanced extreme ‘would be chiefly located in the flattest and richest of these zones, the least advanced category chiefly in the hilly and poorest of these zones. In this case, analysis would probably reveal more about the differences in the agricultural possibilities of these different zones 87 than in the role-playing or role-definitional differences between the farmers involved. Secondly, it seemed reasonable to assume that there was a great probability of equality between adjacent neighbors on such matters as the distance to urban markets and facilities, and to sources of communi- cation and information, variations in neighborhood centers of gossip and informal conversation, and the geographic accessibility of the farmer to salesmen or to community leadership, matters which might influence opportunities for technical change. The least advanced farmer among the adjacent neighbors was not systematically selected for matching with the advanced farmers because the investigator wanted to know how it happened that the advanced farmers differed from any and all of their adjacent neighbors. Only a random matching technique would give each adjacent neighbor an equal chance of selection. The two chief difficulties of the method matching adjacent farmers temployed here are the small number of matched pairs (fl-QZ) and the imperfect homogeneity of the two categories. These difficulties create problems for the statistical analysis and the interpretation of the findings. But within the. time and financial limitations of the research project, compromise with “ideal" research considerations was necessary. The next three steps of the research design aimed at measuring technological status involved: first, making a technological inventory of the machinery, implements, crops, and livestock employed on each of the farms in the sample of advanced farmers and paired adjacent neigh- bor farmers; second, statistical analysis of the survey data to 88 determine which technological items differed (in any direction) between the two categories; and third, the ordering of the sample farmers on a technological scale by nmmerically weighting those items which dif- fered between the categories to determine whether or not the advanced farmers were more advanced than their neighbors by this objective set of criteria. The methodology and the findings are considered here. The Technological Inventory From the ethnographic observations and from participant observa- tion on two Bejucal farms, the writer was able to make up the following outline of the productive operations carried on in the principal farm enterprises in Bejucal. It is a highly generalized outline which ignores specific content concerning how the operations were executed, but it served as a guide in the preparation of more specific questions in the questionnaire. Outline of Productive Processes Employed by Farm Operators, Bejucal l9Sh Annmal_Productigg 1. Choice of variety and strain 2. Fencing 3. Housing he Breeding 5. Care of young 6. Feeding 7. Milking (of cattle) 8. Collecting or herding 9. Disease control and health maintenance 10. Transporting 11. Marketing 12. Home slaughtering 89 Growing of Field Crops 1. 2. Choice of variety and strain, selecting seed Making of calendar decisions (a) Number of times grown per year (b) Season grown Preparing seed and/or transplant Preparing soil Planting Cultivating and fertilizing Irrigating Controlling insects -- spraying or dusting Harvesting Hauling from fields Storing Transporting Marketing _§§uit Production 1. 2. 3. h. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. Choice of variety and strain Preparing seed or small plant and grafting Guarding of trees from damage Cultivating of trees and fertilizing Insect fighting -- spraying or dusting Pruning of trees Harvesting of fruit Transporting of fruit Marketing Building and Equipment maintenance 1. 2. 3. S. Constructing Buying and transporting Operating Storing Repairing The writer observed that these operations might be variously one- man, two-man, or three-man operations. Sometimes even more people would be involved in a single operation on a single farm; most usually engaged in.harvesting on the larger farms. The energy employed to carry out these operations was,variously, human labor alone, human and animal power, and human operation.with machine power. On the basis 90 of this outline, a questionnaire check-list was prepared and pretested in combination.with questions to be considered later.1 The two cate- gories were interviewed in their homes by the writer during June, July, and August of l95h. The data,transferred from the questionnaires to a master sheet, were subjected to analysis by both summary statistics and non-parametric analytical statistics.2 The results follow in Chapter Five. Step Two Having determined whether or not the pairs of adjacent neighbors were different by objective as well as reputational criteria, the second step of the research, if they were, was to test certain concrete t,____fi__‘__~“mwm hypotheses concerning the differences between them. On the broadest Mum-L" m - ..___r.— _“7 level of generalization, it was proposed that there would be signifi- cant differences between the categories of farmers in their personal fbaekgrounds,“career experiences, social relationships, occupational definitions, value commitments, self-definitions, and operator role_ performances. The technological innovations contributing to high . ‘technological status had been introduced by the present operators in/j almost every instance. Except for improved strains of livestock and the use of chemical fertilizers, the changes had almost invariably occurred since'WOrld War II. Consequently, it seemed reasonable to suggest that there should be researchable differences in the life ex- periences, relationships, role definitions, practices, etc., of the 1. Appendix B. 2. Appendix C presents a discussion of the statistical tests CEPIOyed a 91 advanced farmers and their adjacent neighbors which could be hypothe- sized as explanatory of the differences in technological status between the pairs. No highly specific hypotheses were posed at this point. Rather it was proposed that the paired farmers would differ on the variables and attributes found on the list below. The list was composed of factors bearing on the principal problem of this dissertation. It also reflects the rural sociological research on technological change in the United States. .Especially important were the studies of Wil- kening, Heels and Bohlen, Coleman and Harsh, Neal, and other rural 3 sociologists. A. Background Characteristics Age of Operator, place of birth, where he was reared, father's occupation, educational level attained, marital status, number and ages of children B. Careers in Farming Who taught him.farming, work roles experienced, how operator obtained farm, resources he had at that time, original plans for his farm, length of time farming this place, size of land farmed, tenancy status, organizational participation 3. Studies made by these scholars are found in the bibliography under their names. A summary treatment of their findings, printed after this research was carried out, is North Central Regional Publica- tion.No. 1, Agricultural Extension.Services, How Farm.People.Accept New Ideas, Special Report No. 15, Agricultural Mme, Iowa College, Ames, Iowa, November 1955, 1-12 pages. C. D. E. 92 Farm Operators Location of farm, enterprises on farm, rotations, gross annual expenditures as index of scale and commercializa- tion, savings, expected use of savings, equipment and livestock possessed, labor force employed, regular and seasonal employment, the daily round, visits to town, bodega buys in, years purchased there, marketing connec- tions, credit employed, credit could secure, sources of credit, farm plans (daily and long term), bookkeeping methods Changes in Farm Operation Changes operator has introduced, 3E2,921229ifl$flb how did he make them, which he thought were hardest to make, plans for farm now, what he has done to carry them out, are his own resources sufficient, what is lacking, if anything, use of selected improvements, who recommended them, where _a --""‘—-— he learns of improvements, reading of farm magazines, where he believes is best place to find information, use of credit to assist change, attitudes toward use of and extension of credit. C'- Conceptions of Farming Definition of what makes a better fem in Bejucal, name of best farmer he ever knew, relation to him, why he considers him best, self-comparison.with best farmer, people he believes have the most interest in his famm activities and success, does he think that they expect improvements, have F. 93 they spoken of improvements, does he believe that today's methods will work in the future, ranking of selected eco- nomic and social factors in improving a farm and for farmer getting ahead, attitudes toward how his father farmed, attitudes toward using large amounts of credit, attitudes toward necessity of land ownership in order to make farm.improvements, attitudes toward governmental programs to aid farmers, attitudes toward informational programs, attitudes toward opportunities which exist for Bejucal farmers, attitudes toward loaning money to neigh- bors and friends, ranking of five hypothetical goals for the use of his wealth: earn more on his present farm hy mechanization, increase the size of his farm or buy more land, educate his children (or grandchildren) in profes- sions or trades, build a new house of reinforced concrete on his farm, build a good house, and live in town Self-conceptions related to farming and change Ratings of self in comparison to other Bejucal farmers in terms of wealth, the amount of work done daily, the number of changes introduced on his farm, success as a farmer, luck as family provider, his luck or success in urban business deals, the quality of his farm administration, his skill in.repairing and using farm machinery, results in using insecticides and chemical fertilizers, his possi- bility of successfully paying off a loan from the govern- mental development bank or other bank, his political 9h influence, how well known he is it: the 90W1$Y9 kaIedge of what is necessary to better himself, conformity with the laws and customs of the commnity, amount of agicultural education he has gained, the desire of the farmer to better himself, and his willingness to sacrifice for the advance- ment of the farm. Questions embodying these hypothesized variables and attributes were prepared, pretested, and made part of the survey questionnaire administered at the same time as the technological inventory. During the pretest and during the interview, the writer often askedwthe respondent to answerwlw he answered as he did to learn both whether or not the question was understood and the context of experience and meaning related to the answer. No further reliability checks were possible at the time. Some of the questions asked of respondents called for statements of fact, while others asked them to express an opinion on some subject. In this survey report, the writer assumed the farmer's statements of empirical fact to be accurate. On page 11:8 one case is presented where this assumption may not, in fact, have been justified. . ,r (\ .1“ \z‘ limitations of the Research Limitations of research time and funds limited the range of possi- bilities open to a single student investigating the life of the people of a commit}! 88 large as Bejucal. Virtually no time was available for checking the reliability or validity of either the ethnographic ”my data or the sample survey findings. Sampling problems had to 95 be met at the moment and solved as expediently as possible within the personnel and resource limitations. However, even.with these limita- tions, the writer has confidence in the bulk of the data and believes {that the same general conclusions would result from any systematic replication of the study in the same community. His rapport was generally excellent and the questioning was extensive. The problem ofmthewgeneraligahility of the findings to other far- mers and to other communities is a serious one and not resolvable within the knowledge limitations of the writer. (It is possible that this is a serious weakness of the individual, narrow scope, research problemi) Some of the difficulty might have been avoided, however, if _ the writer had undertaken to test one or two highly specific hypotheses “min-.3!“ ‘“‘\¥‘1 tune!- fin. and had designed the research specifically to make this test. At the time when he undertook the research, both the practical demands for information of the agricultural demonstration program of the Pro- ject 39 office in Havana and the broad general interest of the author directed the research in the broad exploratory-research direction. Statistical analysis of data from sample surveys is facilitated by larger samples than were used in the study of the two categories of farmers. Shorter, more focussed questionnaires would have permitted the expansion of the sample,provided the sample of advanced farmers had been extended to other communities in addition to Bejucal. How- ever, in the situation.it was more economical to learn more from each respondent and have fewer numbers. The use of paired neighbors in the study has the difficulty that neither category of farmer by itself or combined with the other 96 category is representative of the universe of farmers in the community. However, it was believed, and has been demonstrated, that the sampling method used would supply information concerning the processes of tech- nical change. A simple random sample from the entire universe of Bejucal farmers would have included only very few farmers who had made extensive changes and would not have been very useful for the parti- cular purposes of this research. 97 V. THE TECHNOLOGICAL INVENTORY RESULTS Animal Production.and Food Crops Within the first activity area, animal production, some differences existed between the farmer categories which were relevant to the prob- lem of measuring farmer technological status. host of the differences were not statistically significant, as determined by the‘Nilcoxon test, but most variations were in the direction of larger scale, more modern practices on the part of the advanced farmers (see Table 3). This is also true in the area of growing field crops (Table h). The advanced farmers were significantly more likely to produce cash crop vegetables, such as Irish potatoes, tomatoes, and green beans, in commercial quanti- ties; they were significantly more likely to own a tractor and equip- ment for plowing and cultivating; and they had field irrigation in significantly larger numbers. For farmers with irrigation, the planting and harvesting of crops could be continued through all seasons of the year - wet, dry, and transitional. For those without irriga- tion, the number of harvests that could be grown.depended upon the nature of the particular crop and the distribution of rainfall. Corn, for example, was ordinarily planted two or three times a year, with the expectation of two good harvests of grain and one of dry-season foraging for livestock without irrigation. The same was true for millet. All of the irrigated farms grew cash crop vegetables for the Havana market and depended less upon the traditional products, such as 98 TABIE 3 SEIECTED ENNIS OF ANIMAL PRODUCTION Technological Category of Farmers Significance of Item Difference* Advanced Neighbor (Wilcoxon Test) was Number of Farmers Possessing Cross-bred cattle 19 20 N.S.D. Pure'bred Cattle 3 1 “0801). Cross-bred pigs 10 7 N.S.D. Pure-bred pigs 3 O N.S.D. Cross-bred chickens 9 12 N.S.D. Pure-bred chickens 2 0 N.S.D. THE DAIRY mm Number of Farmers Who Report “ilk PrOdUCtion 13 16 NeSeDe as a major enterprise Have ten or more producing 8 5 N.S.D. nrilk cows own thirty or more milk 1. 3 11.5.1). cows Have stable for cows 10 8 N.S.D. Have corrals for cattle 16 15 N.S.D. Have motored forage chopper 7 h N.S.D. Use medicines for sick cows 10 8 N.S.D. Carry milk to Bejucal and and market it there -- door I; 9 N.S.D. to door or to bodegas 3811 Milk to ewes 11 7 NOSOD. from Havana ' OTHER ITD§ Number of Farmers Who Use wire fencing \ 21 20 N.S.D. Have a pigpen 19 17 N.S.D. Have a pen for small chickens 15 16 11.8.1). Mean Number of COWS Md- 114.09 11.50 NOSOD. PIES 0m 12.27 12.131 NeSeDe Chickens owned 2h?.95 16h.18 N.S.D. ——_— * N.8.D. - No significant difference at the .05 level of signifi- cance. The statistical tests employed here and in the tables to {011“ are discussed in Appendix B. TABLE h 99 SELECTED WENTS OF FIELD CROPS PRODUCTION Technological Category of Farmers Significance of Item’ -— Difference* Advanced Neighbor (See note*1up.100) CROPS 1. Average number of man- 59.95 h0.57 N.S.D. ~ zanas under cultivation . Number of Farmers Who 2. Grow crops of corn (a) 1 time per year h 3 N.S.D. (b) 2 times per year 15 17 N.S.D. (c) 2.5-3 times per year 3 2 N.S.D. 3. Grow millet 21 22 N.S.D. h. Grow squash 10 22 Significan Dif- ference, x p<.01 S. Grow yucca 21 22 N.S.D. 6. Grow sweet potatoes 22 22 N.S.D. 7. Grow white (Irish) pot. 8 2 Significant Dif- ference, x?p-.028 8. Grow tObacco 1 0 N.S.D. 90 Crow mm 3 0 N.S.D. 10. Grow black beans 6 6 N.S.D. ll. Grow tomatoes 12 7 N.S.D. 12. Grow green beans 9 6 N.S.D. (a) Average number of crops per year 2.83 (N'9) 2.25 (N-6) N.S.D. 13. Grow cans for cattle 1h 17 N.S.D. 1b. Grow cane for sugar mill 1 O N.S.D. 15. Grow cash crop vegetables as a major enterprise 15 6 Significang Dif- AIDS TO CROP PRODUCTION ference’ x'p '006 Number of Farmers‘Who 16. Own tractors and equipment for cultivation 10 2 Significant Dif- ference, xg'.007. 1?. Hire custom tractor and 8 1h N.S.D. equipment for cultivation Elact‘xzp-.0612 18. Own or rent a planter for corn, millet, or potatoes 6 l N.S.D. 19. Own pickup for transporting 2 0 N.S.D. 20. Use hybrid or selected seed 13 8 N.S.D., p!.079 210 Use im80t101dea 16 11 “0301)., p-OO767 22. Use chemical fertilizers l7 1? N.S.D. 23. Have irrigation for field crops 9 2 Significant Dif- ference, xzp-.015 100 sweet potatoes, malanga, mani, yucca, black beans, and so on, for income. They still grew these crops for family consumption in most \ 038880 Fruit Production The production of fruit -- chiefly avocados and mangos -- is one of Bejucal's major agricultural activities (See Table 5). Mest farms have enough fruit to sell some on the market. In the advanced farmer category, all but one farmer sold fruit, and every neighbor farmer sold some. On.many farms, production was not large, however. One ad- vanced farmer and two or three fruit harvesters in Bejucal packed avocados for the international market, chiefly for the United States. Most farmers sold their fruit to harvesters who marketed the fruit in Havana. Over half of the advanced farmers and exactly one-half of the neighbor farmers used grafted fruit trees. No farmer encountered pruned his trees, but all put cactus, wire, or stakes around small trees to protect them from animals. No farmer sprayed or dusted his 'trees, although some farmers desired to start doing so. Cultivation of the ground under avocados was common. The farmers reported that 'the practice increased yields, but they did not know why. Almost every farm had a long pole with a knife or hook on the end for harvesting avocados and mangos in the method already described. The fruit was carried in carts and in wicker, woven baskets and boxes. Some * In Table h and tables to follow, the‘Wilcoxon test was used to test the significance of difference when means are given, Fisher's exact :2 test when frequencies are given. Where the latter test is used, the probabilities are given in the tables where they are statis- tically significant. TABLE 5 101 ELEMENTS OF FRUIT PRODUCTION Technological Category of Farmers Item Result Advanced Neighbor 1. Estimates of total number of economi-. cally profitable fruit trees 2,600 1,820 N.S.D. 2. 3. Methods of Harvesting Fruit: Number of Farmers Who (a) Sold crop to har- vester, did not help himself (b) Sold crop to har- vester, helped to harvest (0) Picked crop, trans- ported it to, and marketed it at, Bejucal, himself (d) Picked crop, trans- ported it to, and marketed it at, Havana, himself (e) Not determined Used Grafted Fruit Trees 16 15 1 Significant differ- ence, 12p-.0008 15 Significant differ— ence, x2p-.0009 3 N.S.D. O N.S.D. 3 N.S.D. ll N.S.D. Il‘liilllllll'lril-l’" 102 transportation of fruit was done on the backs of horses or in horse- drawn carts. However, most fruit was carried by trucks, varying in size from pickups to two or three ton trucks. All farm buildings observed by the writer were farm constructed, chiefly of "natural" (unfinished) raw materials. Most had palm roofs and log walls, a few had tin or galvanized iron roofs (see Table 6). TABLE 6 FA!!! BJILDINGS Wj___ __ ##4 WW :1: A A: Technological Category of Farmers Significance Item *—— A -——-—- of Advanced Neighbor #Differgnoe Number of Farmers Who 1. Had stable for cattle 10 8 N.S.D. 20 md storage bOhioa 19 21 N.S.D. Average number per farm 18.2 1.77 N.S.D. 3. Used electricity 9 3 Significant Differ- ence, p'.0hh From compare! 5 3 N.S.D. Fran motor generator LI 0 N.S.D. 1;. Had hurricane-proof ' bohio 17 15 N.S.D. .___.___—_ A A-._____‘ _‘_ A‘ -A Host advanced farms and many neighbor farms had two storage buildings. Host, also, had a hurricane-proof bohio used for storage as well as safety for the family in case a hurricane should strike. (m the more prosperous farms in each category, farmers were starting to get farm machinery under cover of buildings and sheds. Host farmers, however, do not cover their equipment except for hand tools. 103 .An Index of Technological Status The development of an index to measure technological status rests, it was argued, upon both those matters which distinguish the two cate- gories and which reflect technological change. The following items which differed between the categories were weighted in the indicated arbitrary manner to determine whether or not they could serve as the components of an.index. Item . ’ WeiQt Possession of pure-bred cattle Possession of cross-bred pigs Possession of pure-bred pigs Possession of cross-bred chickens Use of medicines for animals Sells milk to commercial company Has stable for cows Has pigpen Has motored forage chopper Grows cash crop vegetables Owns tractor and equipment Rents tractor and equipment Owns or rents planter Owns pickup Uses hybrid or selected seed Uses insecticide Has irrigation Uses grafted fruit trees Has electricity \nmmmmmmu \nmmmmmmumw \fl The weighted items for each farmer were added, and the raw scores ranged from.aixty-six to thirteen (See Table 7). The average score for the advanced farmers was 39.b5. and for the neighbor farmers was 2h.95. The two categories proved significantly different by the 1 Wilcoxon test (p <.01). In only three cases did the adjacent l. The MannéWhitney U test which assumes the distributions are independent of each other resulted in a Z of 3.88, p‘<:.001. 10h TABLE 7 TECHNOLOGICAL STATUS SCORES Pair‘Number Category of Farmers Advanced Neighbor 1 56 15 2 3h 13 3 h3 13 h 33 39 S 66 19 6 56 29 7 to 16 8 35 15 9 33 31 10 to 38 11 11 29 12 h3 26 13 38 30 1h 30 13 15 ‘ 23 51 16 he 28 17 23 19 18 to 23 19 51 26 20 28 20 21 h6 18 22 21 38 Total 868 5119 ”8811 390165 2110 95 105 neighbor have a higher score than the advanced farmer with whom he was paired. The chances are less than one in a thousand by the sign test of only three negative occurrences in twenty-two opportunities if chance alone determined the outcome (p-.SO, q-.50). Thus, the criteria identified and weighted, collectively proved to have some utility for the problems of this thesis. The chief diffi- culty lies in.the weighting process. Surely, a tractor and equipment, for example, have more impact upon a farmer's technical Operations than have a motored forage chopper or'many other of the items included. But, the writer knows of no way of determining this amount from the data at hand. Possibly the solution lies in developing some measure of energy inputs and outputs over time. 9 Also a matter of difficulty is the observation that some enterprises had been.more subject to change than others within the two categories of farmer. For example, some Bejucal farmers had adopted the complex of advanced factors involved in commercial vegetables production: tractors for plowing, planting, and cultivation, irrigation for dry season watering of their fields, the use of chemical fertilizers and insecticides, and the use of hybrid or specially produced seed. But farmers who had dairying and fruit raising as their major enterprises had not as yet adopted many of the basic changes in their enterprise fields (for example, mechanical milking, sanitary dairy walk-in milking parlors, insecti- cides and fungicides for fruit trees, etc.). This is a prdblem, but the writer knows no way for equating different kinds of changes in different enterprises. Pbssibly, again, the future so1ution lies in measures of energy inputs and outputs over time. 106 A third difficulty lies in the danger of omitting elements which may be of high discriminatory value. The writer inadvertently omitted, for example, the use of protein supplements for milk cows. His observation is that many more of the advanced farmers than neigh- bor farmers used it, but data are lacking to prove this. Possibly this question is deserving of special investigation. However, it was possible to state affirmatively: there are ways of measuring a farmer's technological status. Further refinement of the approach is obviously needed to test for reliability and validity and thereby to increase predictive ability. Likewise, it seems safe to say that according to the objective criteria studied, the advanced farmers were significantly more advanced than their adjacent neighbors in the farming technology they employed. The difference proved ade- quate to give considerable support to the original reputational identi- fication by the panel of judges of the advanced farmers as the most advanced in the community. Besides this major finding, that the two categories differed (Objectively) in their technology, it was found that the advanced far- mers had adopted, in significantly greater numbers, a twentieth century complex of power sources, implements, and techniques involved in the growing of irrigated cash crop vegetables. This involved the adoption of two major power sources: the gasoline or diesel-motored irrigation pump, and the gasoline tractor. .And it also involved the use of new implements, new varieties of crops and commercial seed, insecticides, chemical fertilizers, and the adoption of continuous, yearbround, cultivation of commercial vegetables. Not all of the farms possessing 107 some of these elements had or employed the use of them all. Advanced farmers in the zones of Bejucal lacking water for irrigation (at that time) had advanced their technological status by changes in fruit rais- ing and in livestock production, chiefly by the introduction of new varieties of plants and new animal bloodlines. Data gathered on these changes are given later. 108 VI. BACKGROUND CHARACTERISTICS AND LIFE EXPERIENJE IN FARMING This chapter reports the survey findings concerning the respondents' background characteristics and life experiences in farming. The pur- pose is to see if these factors are significantly related to the differ- ing reputational categories of farmers. As the data on Tables 8 and 9 indicate, the two categories of farmers proved to be almost identical in age and the work roles they had experienced. The mean age of the advanced farmers was forty-five years, and of their paired neighbors forty-five years and about eleven months. The data, however, did indicate a significantly larger number of neighbor farmers than ad- vanced farmers under forty years of age (12 probability - .03). But since the total of neighbor farmers under forty years of age was only eight farmers (36.11%) it is unlikely that age is a very important factor in distinguishing the two categories of farmers. It is, of course, possible that some of the younger of these farmers will be recognised as "advanced" farmers in the future. Only two of the advanced farmers (9.1%) and three of their neigh- ‘ bors (13.62;) had worked at jobs unrelated to agriculture. As Table 9 indicates, the advanced farmers more frequently worked as wage laborers on the farms worked by their fathers, and less frequently on farms of others than their paired neighbors. However, these differences were too small to prove statistically significant. Nor did geographic mobility prove to be associated with greater adoption of technological innovations and high technological status. (See Table 10.) The advanced farmers had not been any more mobile 109 TABLE 8 AGE OF EARM.0PERATORS AA A __ Category of Farmers Age Category _ 29:29 30-39 hO-h9 50-59 60-69 70 and over_ Advanced 1 1 17 o 2 1 Neighbor 2 6 10 o 2 2 TABLE 9 PRST‘WORK ROLES EXPERIENCED work Roles Category of Farmers Advanced Neighbor 'Hage laborer Share crapper Renter on another’farn Owner on another fern ‘wage labor for father Fruit harvesting Non-agricultural.work 10 3 MOSCOW“ WWSHQ 110 TABLE 10 PM!!! OPERATOR GEOGRAPHIC mBILITY ‘ ‘_ Degree of Category of Faraers Significance Mobility of Difference Advanced Neighbor A‘ __‘ Operate sane fern on which they were born 1; it N.S.D. Operate fame in the same barrio in which they were born 11* 9* N.S.D. Operate fame in the other rural barrio Of Bejucal 2 1 NeSeDe Moved to Be) ucal from neighborirg nunici- palitz # L#_u 12 A N.S.D.___ * Includes four who operate same fan on which they were born. lll horizontally than the neighbor farmers. The possibility that the ad- vanced famers had been more mobile up the I'agricultural ladder" was not given very strong support (see Tables 11 and 12). More advanced farmers than neighbor farmers inherited the title to their land or inherited the aggigé (renter's rights), but the difference was not statistically significant. Of course, inheriting the title implies little mobility. The data indicate that the two categories of farmers did not begin farming their present farm with exactly the same resources. ‘Hhile eighteen of the neighbor farmers (81.8x) had the same acreage of land they possessed at the tins of this study, eight of the advanced farmers (36.h$) had less land than they later were to accumulate, and two advanced farmers had more. In each category the farmers had fewer buildings and less equipment than they now possess. Only one farm (a neighbor farm) had a motor powered irrigation system already in opera- tion. None had tractors. Two advanced farmers had irrigation.systens in which the water was raised by oxen, using a trip-bucket-tank system still used for household and barnyard water supply on a few farms. Nest farmers brought with them a team.or two of oxen.and equipment for their use. Only three farmers in each category lacked even oxen when starting on their present farm. A few in each category brought cows and pigs, and most fanners brought some chickens to start a flock. Thirteen.fanners in each category (59.1%) had either saved money or borrowed, or both, to pay for buying the land and/or M so that they could take over the operation of their present farms. Informants reported that little of this money was left after the expense of 112 TABLE 11 METHOD OF OBTAINING FARE 0R PARTS OF FARJB 1 W Category of Farmers“ Significance Method of Difference _Advanced A lei ghbor Inherited the renter's accion S 3 N.S.D. Purchased full title 5 h N.S.D. Purchased accion 7 6 N.S.D. Negotiated shares 0 S N.S.D. Received some land by exchange with another famer O l N.S.D. Wag hired as administrator O l N.S.D. a The columns add to more than 22 because a few farmers have more than one such status. TABIE 12 A. ”AGRICULTURAL LADDER" Moms W.“ Category of Famers Significance Movement of Difference Advanced Neighbor ‘ _.__- Moved from wage laborer to renter to owner 5 h N.S.D. Moved from wage laborer to share crapper to renter 3 3 N.S.D. Moved from wage laborer to _renter 2 3 N.S.D. B. TRIANCY STATUS OF PARTIES Category of Farmers Significance Highest Tenancy Status of Difference Advanced Neighbor _ ___ _— A _‘ MC: 13 10 N.S.D. Renter 9 6 N.S.D. Share crapper O 5 N.S.D. Salaried worker O 1 11.8.1); 113 entering the farm. The advanced farmers saved or borrowed a total of 21,770 pesos, and the neighbor farmers 15,310 pesos. This difference did not prove to be statistically significant by theiHannJWhitney'U Test. (The tests for related samples were not applicable.) The seven.advanced farmers who borrowed money, borrowed considerably more than.the four neighbor farmers (average of 2,210 pesos to an average of 850 pesos). These did not prove to be statistically different by the HannJWhitney'U Test. All but one of the advanced farmers and all of the neighbor far- mere were reared on farms (see Table 13). Twenty farmers in each category gave their father credit for teaching them how to farm (see Table 13). There was no statistical difference between the categories of farmers in the amount of formal schooling they had attained. How- ever, the mean school grade attainment of the advanced farmers was nearly a full grade more than most of their neighbors. In every case in both categories, the principal occupation of the farmer's father had been farming, although some of their fathers had had other employment as well. I .Alaost all of the farmers in the two categories were or once were married (see Table 1h). Twenty-one farmers in the advanced category had had children, and nineteen in the neighbor category. Since the operators' ages varied widely, it is not surprising that the ages of their children varied from small children of two and three to adults in their late thirties and early forties (see Tables 15 and 16). It was expected that the advanced farmers would be more likely than their adjacent neighbors to have smaller families, and to have teeneage 11h TA 31.3 13 EDUCATION OF FARM OPERATORS W A. Item: ‘where the Farmer Grew Up ——-——‘ —_— AAH‘ Category of Farmers Location Significance _ Farm Town of Difference Advanced 21 1 N c D NeighborL _¥ 22 O '”' ‘ ' "—v— f B. Item: Source of Early Farm Training Category of Farmers SOQEPG Significance Father Uncle Neighbor of Difference Advanced 20 2 O N S D _*_ Neighbor 20 l l ' ° ' C. Item; Highest School Grade Attained Category of Farmers __ Grade Attaifed Significance None l-3 h-6 768 Mean of Difference Advanced 3 h 13 2 3.95 N.S.D.,‘Wilcoxon Neigxbor “j 7 10 O 3.05 Test (pg .05) TABLE in THE MARITAI.STATUS OF THE FARMERS SURVEYED Category of Farmers _ Marital Status Single Married Divorced Widowed Advanced 1 20 l 0 Neighbor 3 18 0 l 115 TABLE 15 POSITION IN THE EANILI CYCLE Stages in Family Cyclei" “$0801? of Famer Advanced Neighbor 0 8 11 2 Childless couples of childbearing age Families with children, oldest under in Families with children, oldest 15 to 36 Families with grown children, none dependent * From Ioomis, Charles P., and Beagle, J. Allan, Rural Social Systems, New York: Prentice-Hall, Inc. , 1950, p. 83. " ”CD00 TABLE 16 NUMBER OF CHILDREN Category of Farmers Number of Children 1:5» h36 7739 ‘10’and over ‘Hean Advanced 115 h 2 1 3.62 (N'21) Neighbor 11 h 1 3 u.63 (u -19) No Significant Difference ll6 working sons than the neighbor farmers, since large families compete with expensive technological changes, and working teenpage sons may provide the work force or source of ideas to stimulate the adoption of changes. The data did not support these expectations conclusively, but they varied in the predicted direction. Careers in Farming The data summarised in Table 17 indicated that the advanced far- more had been farming their present farms for an average of about two years and four months longer than their adjacent neighbors at the time of the study. They averaged fourteen years and approximately eleven months, while the neighbor farmers had averaged twelve years and seven months. The difference was not statistically significant. TABLE 17 YEARS OPERATING PRESENT EARHC * ___‘ A Category of Farmers Number of Tears Significance 1-5 6-15 16.25 25.50 of Difference Advanced (Mean ' 1h years, 11 months) A 8 8 2 N.S.D. Neighbor (Kean - 12 years, 7 months) 2 1h 3 3 ‘Wilcoxon T - 105! p) .05 w A basic index of scale in farming within a single community is the amount of land farmed by the farm operators. Using this item.as a criterion, the advanced farmers were significantly larger scale opera- tors than their adjacent neighbors; their farms were significantly larger. Only five neighbor farmers operated larger farms than their 117 paired advanced farmer partner. Three pairs operated the same acreage. The sign test shows that such a difference would be expected only thirty-two times out of a thousand 1f the pairs had been randomly selected (u-19). The mean number of mansanas farmed by the advanced farmers were 8h.78, while the mean number for the neighbor farmers was 62.57. The Hannéwhitney'u Test showed this difference to be signi- ficant (p=.oh27). Other variables reflecting the influence of size of operations likewise varied between the categories. The amount of money spent on all farm expenses the year before the survey proved to vary signifi- cantly in the same direction by both the Wilcoxon T Test (p (.01) and the thnéwhitney 0 Test (p-.0028). Significantly greater numbers of the advanced farmers spent over one thousand pesos in all of their farming operations (exact xzp'.0101)(see Table 18). The amount of money invested and spent in.any one year is not, of course, merely an index of scale of operations, but it is also an index of involvement in urban markets and commercial networks, and it may serve as an index of ability to make future innovations which may involve considerable expense (although some data on profits may be necessary at this point as weliL The amount of taxes paid by owner operators to the municipality . and the amount of rent paid by the renters varied in the same direction (see Tables 19 and 20). The advanced farmers paid more taxes and higher rents, for the most part, than their adjacent neighbors, although these differences were not statistically significant. 118 TABLE 18 REPORTED EARM.EXPENDITURES YEAR BEFORE SURVEY Expenditures Reported Category of Farmers Significance (P9508 ) Advanced Neighbor Of Difference 0 - 100 0 S Wilcoxon Test 101 - 500 6 7 T-h9, p<.01 501 - 1000 3 S 1001 - 1500 2 2 Mann-Whitney U 1501 - 2000 3 2 Test, p-.0028 2001 - 5000 6 1 over 5000 2 0 TABLE 19 REPORTED EARN TAXES FOR 1953 OF OWNER OPERATORS Amount of Taxes Category of Farmers Significance (Pesos) Advanced Neighbor of Difference 0 - lO 0 2 Mann-Whitney ll - 30 5 6 U Test, 0-30.5 31 - 50 S 2 $1 " 70 1 O NeSeDe 119 TABLE 20 mom or RENT PAID BY mm, 1953 Amount Paid Category of Farmers Significance (Pesos) Advanced Neighbor of Difference 0 - 100 1 3 Hanndwhitney U 101 - 200 2 2 Test, 0-32.5 201 - 300 h 2 301 — hOO 0 1 No Significant over 1100 h 1 Difference 120 Another index of scale of operations in farming is the amount of labor employed on farms. Data was collected concerning both permanent and seasonal employment. For youth and elderly laborers each farmer respondent was asked to estimate the proportion of a full man's labor they could perform. From this infonmation it was possible to estimate the number of man-months of permanent labor performed on each farm as well as the number of manpdays of seasonal labor. Excluding the labor of the operator himself, the advanced farmers averaged 23.56 manpmonths of permanent labor per year, or slightly under two full-time hired men. The neighbor farmers averaged 1h.lh manemonths, or just over one full-time hired man. The two distribu- tions proved significantly different by the Wilcoxon Test (p (.01). The farmer respondents did not prove to be very clear of memory con, cerning the number of manpdays of seasonal labor they hired in the year preceding the survey. Even with failures of memory affecting the data, it was possible to show that the advanced farmers had probably used more, significantly more, seasonal labor than had the neighbor farmers. Sixteen of the advanced farmers (72.? per cent) could remember using more than fifty man-days of seasonal labor, as against only four of the neighbor farmers (18.2 per cent) (exact x2-.01). The modal farmer in each category used seasonal labor two to three times per year. For the pairs of farmers studied, it can be seen that higher rank on these indices of scale was associated with the higher technological status of the advanced farmers. ‘As Tables 21 and 22 indicate, the two categories of farmers did not differ in the infrequency with which they kept financial notes and books or made written planting plans. 121 TABLE 21 FARHER PRACTICE OF KEEPING BOOKS _.__._‘ _.— A... A A“ Practice Category of Farmers Significance Advanced Neighbor of Difference Keeps Notes 3 3 N.S.D. Keeps Books 1 l N.S.D. Does Not Use Practice 18 18 N.S.D. 7 TABLE 22 PAW PLANTING PIAlB Plans Category of Farmers Significance Advanced Neighbor of Difference H83 Planting Plan! 21 22 NeSeDe Has No Planting Plans 1 0 N.S.D. Ha. Written Plan! 0 O NeSeDe 122 These administrative techniques which can contribute to greater rational control of the farm enterprise had been.adopted by very few farmers in.aither category. Communication and Group Relations Another broad category of variables and attributes investigated dealt with the communication.and reception of information and with the group relationships important to the farmer respondents. The findings seemed to indicate that for particular kinds of changes certain types of communications and relationships had been quite important in promot- ing technological change. Each farmer respondent in the two categories was asked who were the people with.the greatest interest in his activities and success. As Table 23 indicates, the two categories proved about equally likely to name family members, friends, neighbors, and people with when.they had commercial connections. The total number of persons mentioned by the two categories was almost identical. The interviewer did not I'probe" relationships to discover other people hmportant to the respond- out since relationships of high saliency in the thinking of the farmers were desired. Although the differences were not statistically signi- ficant, the neighbor.farmers seemed to have their important commercial connections more exclusively with their bodega owner, a traditional relationship, than with non-traditional,change-oriented commercial connections in addition to the traditional pattern. Such non-tradi- tional relationships existed as those between farmers and salesmen, prestamistas, and business partners. ‘why neighbor farmers named TABLE 23 123 REIATIODBHIP OF PERSOINB AND NUMBERS OF TIMES PERSONS REPORTED TO BE "PEDPLE WITH THE GREATEST INTEREST" IN "THE FARMER'S ACTIVITIES AND SUCCES" Category of Relationship Number of Persons A Significance A___‘ and TimesHentioned by of Difference Category of Farmer Advanced Neighbor Conjugal Family Total 39 3h N.S.D. Wife 20 l? N.S.D. Children 19 17 NeSeDe attended Family Total 35 hz N.S.D. Brothers and Sisters 1h 13 N.S.D. Parents and Grandparents 8 9 N.S.D. Aunts, Uncles, 001181118 2 5 NeSeDe Grandchildren 0 l N.S.D. Ill-laws 8 1h SeDe ,p'.a186 Other family members 3 0 N.S.D. Friends and "01.8th" 21 18 NeSeDe Owner of Farm 1 h N.S.D. Commercial Connections 21 21 N.S.D. Badega Omar 12 17 N.S.D. “$50713 'Other 9 h NeSeDe ,p'.070 Agricultural Inspector 6 l S.D., p'.083 Total Persons 123 120 N.S.D. 12h in-lawe more often than advanced farmers while they named other family members in about equal frequency, is not known. The respondents were also asked if they believed that these people expected them to make improvements on their farms and whether or not they had spoken to them about such improvements. Three more advanced farmers than neighbor farmers reported that they believed improvements were expected, but two less advanced farmers than neighbor farmers reported that any of these people had spoken with them about improve- ments (see Tables 21; and 25). These differences did not prove statis- tically significant. TABLE zh mam Respom T0 QUESTION '00 mm mec'r mama?" __ 1 i _. A. ‘— R°’P°"’° Significance Category of Famer 13s No Doesn' t Know of Difference Admced 15 6 1 NeSaDe Neighbor 12 10 , 0 N.S.D. TABIE 25 PARKER WISE TO QUESTION ”HAVE THEY SPOKEN OF IMPROVEMENTS?" Category of farmer 3959“” Significance Yes No of Difference Advanced 15 ‘ 7 NeSeDe Neighbor 17 S N eSeDe _“__‘ g L___ 125 Emery advanced farmer and all but five neighbor farmers labor on their farms with one or more hired workers under their authority. Eighteen of the advanced farmers (81.8%) and nine of the neighbor farmers have two or more workers they direct, including both full-time family members and hired nonpfamily'workers. The amount of labor employed has already been discussed. Here it is enough to note that part of the occupational task of almost every farmer in the two cats- gories was the coordination of the work activities of a plurality of workers. Often this included hired men, family-related.male laborers, and part-time assistance from women, children, and old people. It seems reasonable to assume, although it was not investigated, that extensive changes in agricultural practices would considerably affect the.farm.operator directed activities of these workers. Observation of work operations on different Bejucal farms supported such an assump- tion. Three farmers in each category were in debt at the time of the study, involving them.in another kind of social relationship. ‘Any preposition stating that the advanced farmers would have been meldm more extensive use of credit than the neighbor farmers was not supported by the findings. The nine advanced farmers who>rented their land, the six neighbor farmers who were also renters, the five neighbor farmers who were share- croppers, and the one neighbor farmer who was a salaried worker- administrator, maintained other kinds of social relations as well. The renters had to pay their rents to their landlords, the share- croppers not only had to turn over a fifty per cent share of the farm 126 proceeds, but also were responsible for maintaining the farm owner's capital equipment; and the one worker-administrator had to carry food weekly to the country estate of the patron in the municipality of Santiago de Ias Vegas as well as do the bidding of his employer. More frequent urban contacts and greater time spent visiting seem to be characteristic of advanced farmers as contrasted with their paired neighbors (See Tables 26 and 27). In neither case did the difference prove to be statistically significant, and in the second case the difference was of very small magnitude on the crude scale employed (the number of hours spent visiting daily). TABLE 26 NUMBER OF TIMES PER WEEK FARM OPERATOR VISITS BEJUCAL ____.. Category of Farmers Nb”. of V181“ Significance O - 2 3 or more of Difference Advanced” 6 15 ( Positive, Neighbor* 11 10 ( NeSeDe , ( 13.0075 it Note: One farmer in each category lived in town and was excluded from the table. TABLE 27 NUMBER OF HOURS HE SPENDS VISITING DAILY Category of Farmers Number of Hours Significance O - l 1 - 2 2 - 3 of Difference Advanced 20 O 2 NeSeDe Neighbor 20 2 O N.S.D. 127 As has already been indicated, one of the most important economic relationships formed by'a Bejucal farmer and his family is that rela- tionship formed with the urban store owner from whom he buys staples. These relationships last many years and involve a traditional recipro- city. It*was speculatively hypothesized that the advanced farmers might patronize bodegas different from those patronized by the neighbor farmers, that they might have purchased at their bodegas for more or for less time than the neighbor farmers, and that they might spend more time or less time per week in interaction with their urban.bodega owner. It was found that the ferty-four farmers traded with twentybfive different bodegas. The cooperative bodega had the most total patrons with eleven, seven advanced farmers and four neighbor. No other bodega had more than four farmer patrons from the two categories of farmers combined. The data, given in Table 28, show that fourteen of the advanced farmers (63.6%) patronize the same five bodegas that nine neighbor farmers (h0.9%) Patronize. ‘While these data slightly support the speculative hypothesis, the difference was not statistically sig- nificant (p-.O79, Fisher's exact x2 test). TABLE 28 BODEGAS PATRONIZED BY EARM OPERATORS t Category of Farmers N ‘r of Bod as r umbe e Pa onage Advanced Neighbor g w Patronized same bodegas 1h 9 S Patronised different bodegas 8 13 2O 128 In number of years of affiliation the advanced farmers averaged 8.0 years purchasing at the same bodega, while the neighbor farmers averaged 10.5 years (see Table 29). The range was from less than one year to forty years. The distributions did not prove significantly different from each other by statistical test. The same was true for the amount of time per week Spent in his bodega. The farmers reported from one-half hour to as much as five and one-half hours, but the means were close together (2.06 and 2.18 hours respectively) and the distri- butions were not significantly different statistically (see Table 30). TABLE 29 NUMBER OF YEARS PURCHASED AT SAME BODmA Number of Years Cate o of Farmers # 8” 0-2 3-6 7-10 11-15 over Mean 15 Advanced 5 6 6 3 2 8.0 Neighbor 1 5 10 3 3 10.5 TABLE 30 TIME SPENT PER WEEK AT HIS BODEGA Time in Hours Category of Farmers as n Dim 1 hour 1 - 2 2.25 - 3 Over 3 Know Advanced 1 9 3 2 7 Neighbor 3 9 h 5 1. 129 Few differences existed in the categories of peeple to whom the farmers in the two surveyed categories were related by non-kinship relations. However, when questions were asked about sources of infor- mation some significant differences did turn.up. ‘When asked, for example, where they received information about agricultural practices, significantly greater numbers of advanced farmers than neighbor farmers mentioned the Agricultural Inspector as a source (see Table 31). Also, significantly fewer advanced farmers than neighbor farmers said that they did not use or did not need information. TABLE 31 mm) swacss or INFORMATION ABOUT AGRICULTURAL PRACTICES Category of Farmers Significance Source Mentioned Advanced Neighbor of Difference Agricultural Inspector 12 h S.D., p-.Ollb Other Farmers 9 9 N.S.D. .Hass Media and.Advertising 10 12 N.S.D. Prentmsm 1 2 ".3000 Engineers of the Inter- American Institute A O N.S.D. His Own‘Experience h 2 N.S.D. Other Sources 2 h NaSeDa Does Not Need or Use Information 2 8 3.0., p-.0298 * Significance of Difference determined by Fisher's Exact x2 Test. The advanced farmers strongly supported going to the Inspector as the best source of information, and.more of them had actually gone some- where in search of information in the last year (see Tables 32 and 33). Significantly fewer advanced farmers than neighbor farmers mentioned 130 friends and neighbors as the best sources of information. However, an equal number of farmers in each category reported other farmers as actual sources of information. TABLE 32 SOURCE FARM OPERATOR BEHEVES IS THE OEST PLACE TO GET INFORMATION Category of Farmers Significance Source Mentioned Advanced Neighbor 01‘ Difference Agricultural IDBPCCtor 16 9 5.13., 13-00263 fiiGIflB and Neighbors 2 8 ”0501)., 13.002” Commercial Companies 1 2 N.S.D. Ministry of.Agriculture 01' upsrimerrt Station 1 2 NeSeDe Prestamista O l N.S.D. D068 not w 2 1 NeSeDe TABLE 33 'WHEN THE BARKER LAST SEARCHED FOR INFORMATION Tim Signifi- Category of Farmers Few Days 1-6 Last Many Yrs. Never cance of ‘Ago, mos. Year ‘Ago Difference Advanced 5 2 7 O 8 Test comp bining cate- Neighbor 1 2 h h 11 gories into 2 by 2 table p'.0271 Both categories of farmers reported receiving information.from the mass media (see Table 31). The neighbor farmers seemed slightly more likely to report learning from the mass media than the advanced farmers. The significance of this is not clear if it is valid (the difference 131 was not statistically significant). The advanced farmers were only slightly more likely to read agricultural magazines than the neighbor farmers (see Table 3b). A few.ncre of the former category were members of organised farmer groups than the latter category (see Table 35). The organisations in which manbership was held were the following: the association of dairymen, associations of harvesters of tobacco and potatoes, the industrial and investment bank membership organization (BKNFIAC) -- all located outside of Bejucal - plus the agricultural cooperative in Bejucal. TABLE 3h mm READER: OF AGRICULTURAL MAGAZINES Category of Farmers Read Did Not Read Significance of Difference Advanced 8 1h N.S.D. Neighbor 5 17 N.S.D. TABLE 35 ORGANIZED FARM GROUP MEMBERSHIP Category of Farmers Member Not Ember Significance of Difference Advmced 10 12 N.S.D. Neighbor 7 15 N.S.D. To study the operation of social relationships and commnication networks in farmer decisions to make changes in their agricultural 132 practices and techniques, five practices of recent introduction were investigated. These five practices were being promoted by the Inter- American Institute's (Project 39) agricultural engineers and the.Agri- cultural Inspector as I'good" and "profitable" practices at the time of the survey. The practices were (1) the use of chemical fertilizer, (2) the use of improved (hybrid) seed, (3) the use of chemical insecti- cide, (h) the planting and use of grafted fruit trees, and (5) the use of 'improved' strains of cattle. Excepting the case of the use of chemical fertilizer, more advanced farmers than neighbor farmers had used each practice (see Table 36). The process of summing the data for the five practices showed the advanced farmers had, to a signifi- cant degree, been.mcre frequent users of these practices than the neighbor farmers. There are few differences between the categories in the frequency with which they learned of the improvement from one source or another. The only exception to this generalisation is the observation that a significantly greater number of advanced farmers than neighborfarmers learned of these suggested techniques from the .Agricultural Inspector. Even in this case the importance of learning from the Inspector is relatively slight compared to learning from other sources for both categories of farmers. Considering all fortybfour farmers, the chief sources of recommendation of the practices were, in the following order: friends and neighbors, prestamistas, the Inspector, and salesmen. It is interesting that the two practices unrelated to the production of cash crop vegetables -- the use of grafted fruit trees and improved strains of cattle -- were not spread by the prestamistas but predominantly by friends and neighbors. Taken 133 TABLE 36 COMMUNICATION.AND USE OF SELECTED, RECENTLY INTRODUCED TECHNOLOGICAL CHANWEE A. Item: Use and Source of Chemical Fertilizer Category of Farmers Significance Use Advanced Neighbor of Difference (Fisher's exact x2 probability test) Had used 17 17 N.S.D. Had mt “Gd 5 S NeSeDe Who Recommended It? Prestamista 7 6 N.S.D. Salesman 1 3 N.S.D. Friends and Neighbors 2 h N.S.D. Agricultural Inspector l 2 N.S.D. Saw in store 2 1 N.S.D. Father used it 1 O N.S.D. Other 3 1 N.S.D. B. Item: Use and Source of Improved Seed Category of Farmers Significance Use Advanced Neighbor of Difference Had used ‘_A 13 #‘JJT—‘B-‘T A;_4 Had not “88d . 9 1h SeDe, 13.0079 Who Recommended It? Prestamista 7 6 N.S.D. Salesman l 0 N.S.D. Friends and Neighbors O l N.S.D. Agricultural Inspector h 0 N.S.D. Saw in store 0 1 N.S.D. Father used it 1 O N.S.D. Other ‘ 0 o NeSeDe 13h TABLE 36 (Continued) G. Ital: Use and Source of Chemical Insecticide Category of Farmers Significance of Difference Use Advanced Neighbor (Fisher's exact :2 , probability) Bad.ussd 16 11 NeSeDe, P'00767 Had not used 6 11 ‘Who Recommended It? Prestamista Salesman Friends and Neighbors ‘Agricultural Inspector NeSeDe S.D., p-.OlO6 F’C)F‘O\h)h)€' CDhDCJC>hihDUfl Saw in store N.S.D. Father used it N.S.D. Othflr N.S.D. D. Item: Use and Source of Crafted Fruit Trees Category of Farmers Significance Use Advanced Neighbor of Difference Had “80d 15 11 ”050D. find not used 7 11 ‘Hhc Recommended It? Prestamista O O Salesman _ 2 l N.S.D. Friends and Neighbors 8 h N.S.D. .Agricultural Inspector 1 O N.S.D. Saw in store 0 0 Father used it 1 O N.SoD. 'Nere on.farm 3 l N.S.D. Other 0 S NeSeDe l t l 7 135 TABLB 36 (Continued) 8. Item: Use and Source of Improved Cattle Category of Farmers Significance of Differenc: Use (Fisher's east 1:2 Advanced Neighbor probability) Dad used 18 17 Had Mt “88d h S N.S.D. [hp Recommended It: Prestamista O O Salesman O 0 Friends and Neighbors 12 1h N.S.D. Agricultural Inspector O 0 Saw in store 0 0 Father used them 0 0 Were on farm 0 1 N.S.D. veterimrm O 1 NeSeDe From work experience 1; 1 N.S.D. Other 2 O N.S.D. 1“. Item: Summary of Use of Five Practices Category of Farmers Instances of Use Significance Used Did Not Use - of Difference Advanced 79 31 12 - b.1051; Neighbor 61: ’46 p < .05. 0. Item: Summary of Sources of All Five Improvements Source Category °f Farmers Significance Advanced Neighbor of Difference Preatmsu 18 17 NeSeDa Salesmen 6 6 Friends and Neighbors 2A 25 N.S.D. Agricultural Inspector l2 2 8.0., p-.0013 Saw in store 3 2 N.S.D. Father used them 3 2 N.S.D. Were on farm 3 2 N.S.D. veterimr 1m 0 2 N. S a De Frau work experience 14 l N.S.D. Other 6 S N.S.D. 136 collectively, these practices seem to have been channeled to the farmer by the initiative or assistance of family member, friends and neighbors, comercial prestamistas, salesmen, and the Agricultural Inspector, with different practices being promoted primarily by different categories of people. Smary On factors of personal background, such as age, occupational ex- perience, and mobility, the two categories of farmers were not clearly distinguishable. The only statistically significant finding was that there were significantly greater numbers of neighbor farmers under forty years of age. They had had very much the same mobility experiences. Almost all of them were raised on farms, learned farming from their fathers, and almost all had married and had children. They had re- ceived about the same amount of formal education. Host farmers in each category had started farming their present farms with few resources beyond their own strength and their land. In the years since they had started farming their present farms, more of the advanced farmers had been able to increase their acreages and to adopt other means to increase the scale of their farming enterprise. At the time of the survey, the advanced farmers far-ed significantly larger acreages, had spent significantly greater amounts of money on all of their farm operations the year before, and they employed signi- ficantly more man-months of permanent labor and significantly more man- days of seasonal labor. On other indicss of management procedures surveyed, the two categories of farmers did not differ greatly. 137 With-the exception of the unexplainable greater importance of inelaws to the neighbor farmers, and the greater importance of the Agri- cultural Inspector to the advanced farmers, the farmers in two cats- gories were very similar in the persons they reported as those with the greatest interest in their activities and success. Members of both categories were strongly family-oriented in response to the question. This finding supports the prominent place of the family in their lives discussed in the ethnographic report. Other kinds of social relationship, likewise, showed little difference between the categories, except when questions were directed toward the acts of searching for and using agricultural information. Here the advanced farmers placed significantly greater value on the Agricultural Inspector as a source of information. They placed greater value on new information from any source. They had more recently searched for information. The advanced farmers in significantly greater numbers supported the value of a governmental program of infor- mation concerning how the farmer can improve himself with his own resources. ‘Nhen five particular technical practices were investigated to learn whether or not the farmers practiced them and from whom they had learned about them, friends and neighbors proved to be the most impor- tant source of new ideas for both categories. However, chemical fertilizer, improved seed, and other practices Closely related to the production of cash crop vegetables were most frequently spread by com- mercial prestamistas, salesmen, and the Agricultural InSpector. 138 VII. FARM OPERATOR ROLE CONCEPTIONS.AND SELF-DEFINITIONS In the last chapter the survey findings relative to the life his- tories and experiences in farming of the two categories of farmers were examined and compared. In this chapter, data relative to their farm operator role conceptions and self-definitions are presented. As was the case in the last chapter, materials from the ethnographic survey were extensively used in the formation of the survey questions. Fanm Operator Role Conceptions Another group of variables investigated concerned the differences between the two categories of farmers with respect to their definitions of farming. The definitions and beliefs investigated were the follow- ing (stated as affirmations): (l) The resources the fammers of Bejucal have, generally do not provide the opportunity to get ahead on the farm. (2) There are few opportunities for improvements.on a farm if the operator is not the owner of his land. (3) It is dangerous to borrow money in large amounts. (h) The best way to be a fanmer is the way one's father farmed. (S) The individuals in Bejucal who loan money, exploit the farmers and charge very high interest. (6) It is better to save for one's old age than to Spend to live comfortably now. 1 £1.53“ 139 (7) "Agricultural science" will work on one's (the respondent's farm). (8) Chemical fertilizers can help the crops on one's farm. As Table 37 indicates, in no case was there a significant differ- ence between the categories of farmers on their attitudes of agreement or disagreement with these affirmations. The two categories of farmers seem to have very shmilar'beliefs on these matters. In the ethnographic survey, the writer, while interviewing, asked a number of farmers how they accounted for the occupational success of this farmer or that relative to the success of themselves or other farmers. The respondents commonly said that in comparison with himself or others, the farmer under discussion had had.more or less luck, know- ledge of farming, management skill, land resources, credit opportuni- ties, and so on. In order to probe more deeply into farmer defini- tions of the factors that contribute to occupational success or pros- perity, five factors Bejucal farmers thought important for this outcome were presented to each survey respondent for rank ordering. The factors were (1) (good) management, (2) (amount of) knowledge, (3) credit, (h) land, and (S) a generous bodegero. These factors were selected from the field notes of the ethnographic survey. E2ch.farmer interviewed was presented with five cards having these factors printed on them, and.was asked to order them in terms of their contribution to farmer advancement on a farm. If the respondent protested that all were important and helpful, and many did, then they were asked to rank them two by two, under the condition that they decide which of the two they would rather have a great deal of if they had insufficient ‘43:,- “we. TABLE 3? SOME FARM OPERATOR ROLE CONCEPTIONS 1&0 Category Significance of Farmer Item of Difference (1) Resources and Opportunities to Get Ahead in Beiucal Agree Disagree Advanced 19 3 R Q U Neighbor 21 l ’f’ ’ (2) Opportunities for Improvement and Ownership of Land ‘Agree Disagree Advanced 19 3 Neighbor 19 3 (3) Danger of Borrowing‘Money in Large Amounts Agree Disagree Advanced 20 2 N.S.D. Neighbor 21 1 . . a (h) Best‘way to Be Farmer Is Like Father‘Was Agree Disagree Advanced 20 2 N S D Neighbor 19 3 ' ' ' (S) Creditors and EXploitation of Farmers Agree Disagree Don't Know Advanced 5 16 1 N S D Neighbor 6 12 h ° ' ' (6) Save for Old Age Versus §pendingfiyow Save Spend .Advanced 9 13 Neighbor 9 13 1&1 TABLE 3? (Continued) Category Significance of Farmer Item of Difference (7) “Agricultural Science"'Will ‘Work on.One's Farm Agree Disagree Don't Know Advanced 12 9 1 N S D Neighbor 11 9 2 ' ‘ ° (8) Chemical Fertilizers Will Help One's Harvests Agree Disagree Advanced 22 O Neighbor 22 O resources to have a great deal of each (assuming still that the goal was farmer economic advancement on a farm). In this case the respond- cuts were given each pair of cards until a rank order for all five factors had been established. The cards were then presented in the entire array and the farmer‘was asked if that was the order he thought they fell into. Thus, each respondent indicated the order of impor- tance he gave to these factors in advancing farmer occupational success (considered in terms of wealth). Every respondent ranked the five factors. The results of this ranking process are given in Table 38. It is an indication of considerable agreement within the categories that the advanced farmers employed only nine out of the theoretically possible one hundred and twenty pattern arrangements, and the neighbor farmers used only eleven. Five particular patterns were employed by sixteen of the advanced farmers and by fifteen of the neighbor farmers. 11:2 TABLE 38 mm RANKINGS or mmcmmm, mm, CREDIT, KNOWLEDGE AND cam-mus sonscmo AS FACTORS CONTRIBUTING TO FARMING ADVANCEMENT AND PROSPERITY W .A. Patterns Chosen by Advanced Patterns Chosen by'Neighbor Farmers (by Rank) Farmers (by Rank) +3 .9 is: 23., gg» :11 gégg meww 3g§§ hmwmy 3 2 0 P Pattern 3 a g “a: Pattern 3§§35 “fig Sfiuoo “fl h2315 6 z<__,\ 1.2315 1 141325 2 H “1325 1 “ “:1; 3 3:52: 1 :z 3 1 2 2 ‘Er---9’ < 3121.5 3H312h5 6 PR 321145 1 Elisa; 2 . 213h5 3 6......) 13 2 3 h 1 5 1 h 1 2 3 5 1 53h21 1 12h35 2 "2"2' 131125 1 114523 1 22 B. Interna1.Analysis of Farmer Rankinggfi Category of Farmer Number Placing management Over Land ...Over Rodegero Advanced 21 21 Neighbor 18 21 N.S.D. Number Placing Knowledge Over Land ' ...Over Bodegero Advanced 13 N eSeDe 21 Ne SeDe Neighbor 9 20 Number Placing:§redit Over Land ...Over Bodegero AdVBHOEd 15 21 N .301). Neighbor 5 22 Sons 1 2.0002 1&3 Consequently, in terms of pattern selection there was little difference between the categories. The number of advanced farmers placing manage- ment over land and knowledge over land in importance for farmer advance- ment is greater than the number of neighbor farmers making the same decisions; however the differences are not statistically significant. With respect to credit and land, the matter is clear: the number of advanced farmers placing credit over land was significantly larger. The factor management had the highest average rank of any of the factors for each of the categories. The neighbor farmers ranked management significantly higher (by the sign test, p<:.0h6) than the advanced farmers. 0n the other hand, the advanced farmers gave credit a signi- ficantly higher importance than the neighbor farmers by the same test (p<:.025). ‘While the advanced farmers tended to place land in a position of less importance than their adjacent neighbors, the differ- ence did not prove statistically significant by the sign test (p-.O72).1 There were no significant differences between the categories on their relative ranking of knowledge and a generous bodegero as factors in farmer advancement. Six "social factors" were ranked by the farmers in the same manner. The six factors were likewise drawn from the ethnographic survey, and the respondents were similarly asked to rank the factors in terms of their contribution to getting ahead or being prosperous on a Bejucal AA _A— .— .._ A —..-_.-_.__ _._ ___ 1. 'When ranks l and 2 and 3, b and S are combined in a two by two tab e, the rank of land proved'statistically different by Fisher's exact x test, p'.022. lhh farm. The factors were: (1) To be a well known and popular person, (2) To live decently in conformity with the customs of the community, (3) To have a large and wealthy family, (h) To obey the law all the time, (5) To have friends in politics and commerce, and (6) To be a good Catholic. Internal analysis revealed no significant differences between the categories of farmers concerning their ordering of the six factors (see Table 39). The farmers were also asked which of the two factors they ranked first in the two processes of ranking was the most important for farmer advancement. A possible hypothesis was that the advanced farmers would rank “economic” over "social" factors in greater number than the neigh- bor farmers. As Table to indicates, this hypothesis received no support. In order to learn if there were any differences between the farmer categories in their definitions of the capital accumulation process, questions were prepared dealing with savings and the use of credit. The advanced farmers proved no more likely than the neighbor farmers to support the rightness or necessity of those having money to loan some to friends, neighbors, and family members (see Table bl). As Table ‘h2 indicates, the advanced farmers proved more likely to have employed commercial sources of credit in addition to "traditional" sources in the past. Each farmer was asked how much money he felt he could borrow if he had any need to borrow a large amount of money. Nbst farmers in each category felt that they could borrow little. Table h3 gives the findings. The‘Wilcoxonumatched pairs test showed no significant lbs TABLE‘39 FARMEB RANKING OF CONTRIBUTION OF SIX "SOCIAL FACTORS" TO FARHER ADVAMFHENT OR PROSPERITY Average Rank (l-Righest, 6-Lowest) (Means) Factor Advanced Farmers Neighbor Farmers 1. Be well known am popular 2.86 2.6h 2. Live decently and con- form to customs 2.68 2.h1 3. Have large wealthy - ' family’ 2.h6 2.32 A. Obey the law all of the time 3.00 3.73 5. Have friends in politics and commerce b.5h h.h5 6. Be a good catholic 5.h5 s.us TABLE ho FARMER RANKING OF HIGHEST “EONOMIC' AND HIGHEST "SOCIAL" FACTORS IN SUCCESS OR PROSPERITY Ranking Advanced Farmers Neighbor Farmers Placed "Economic“ Factor First 17 19 Placed ”Social" Factor First 5 3 TABLE bl FARM RESPOAB‘EB TO QUESTION: IF A PERSON HAS MONEY, OUGHT HE TO LOAN SOME TO FRIENDS, NEIGHBORS, AND FAHILY WEBB? Category of Farmers Yes No Do Not Know Advanced Farmers ’ 21 1 o Neighbor Farmers l9 2 l __ 1A6 TABLE A2 SOURCES OF mANs IN THE PAST Source Category of Farmers, Number Mentioning Advanced Neighbor 1. Bodegero 7 3 2. Prestamista 9 h 3. Milk Company 1 O A. Family Members h h 5. Friends A 8 6. Farm Owner 0 1 7. Does Net Borrow Money 5 8 Commercial Sources (1, 2, and 3 combined) 17 7 (Differ- ence "Traditional" Sources Signi- (h, 5, 6, and 7 combined) 13 21 ficant, exact 12p-.Oll) TABLE 143 AMOUNT OF MONEY FARMER BELIEVES HE COULD BORROW Category of Farmer .Amount of Honey (Pesos) fi 0-1000 1001-2000 2001-1.000 Over hooo .Advanced.(mean.l,679.55 pesos) lO 2 5 2 Neighbor (mean 1,318.18 pesos) 1h 2 3 2 No Significant Difference (Uilcoxon Test) 11;? difference between the categories on their estimation of the amount of money they could borrow. However,-the categories did prove signifi- cantly different in their beliefs concerning their ability to take the risk of borrowing money. Significantly greater numbers of advanced farmers felt they could take the risk if it was necessary (see Table hh). TABLE Ah FARMBR BELIEFS AND THE RISKS OF BORROWING MONEY Advanced Farmers Neighbor Farmers Believe They Cannot Take Risk 9 _ l9 Believe They Can Take Risk 13 9 Difference Significant, exact pr-.OO2 Nine advanced farmers, as contrasted with four neighbor farmers, had any money saved at the time of the interview. Table hS presents the findings. The average advanced farmer saver had saved over twice as much money as the average neighbor farmer saver; however, the fre- quencies were too small and the overlap (between the categories) too great for there to be any statistically significant difference between the categories. Each farmer with savings was asked what uses he had in mind for his savings. Only three of the nine advanced farmer savers had farm improvement expenditures planned for their savings. The rest were going to use them for paying laborers, for meeting family expenses, planting and labor expenses, and for guaranteeing security. Only one TABLE AS FARMERS SAVINGS Advanced Neighbor Significance Farmers Farmers of Difference Number of Farmers Having Savings 9 - h N.S.D., . x2p3.070 Range of Amount Saved (Pesos) ZOO-7000 90-2000 Average.Amount Saved (Mean) 1288.88 622.50 (N -9) (n-h) N0 Significant Differences, exact x or Hahn-Whitney Test 2 of the three neighbor farmer savers had any improvements planned. The rest were planning to spend their savings on the rent, family expenses, and general farm operating expenses. In order to learn how the farmer respondents defined the changes they had.made on their farms, questions were asked of them as follows. Each farmer was asked what changes and improvements he made on his farm(s). The respondents recalled such projects as these: improving the house, building a stable, purchase and installation of pump and motor for irrigation, purchase of a tractor, purchase of pure bred or “improved“ cross-bred cows, chickens, and swine, planting of new vege- tables such as green beans, purchase of land, planting of grafted fruit trees, digging a well, and building a corn crib. However, the above list should not be thought of as exhaustive. Almost without exception, a stroll around the farm after the interview revealed that the farmer ‘ 119 had made improvements that he had forgotten to mention. The advanced farmers mentioned a total of forty-eight improvements, and the neighbor farmers mentioned thirty—six; however, the nature of the improvements varied considerably. The advanced farmer made more of the costly and more extensive changes (in their effects). ‘When asked which of these changes were the hardest to make, seven (31.8%) of the advanced farmers and two (9.1%) of the neighbor farmers immediately responded that the purchase, installation, and learning to use an irrigation system.was the hardest. Two (9.1%) farmers in each category mentioned their tractors as the most difficult changes they had made. Four of the advanced farmers (18.2%) and two of the neighbor category (9.1%) men- tioned the purchase and care of improved strains of cattle and swine as a difficult change. One of the advanced farmers and three of the neighbor farmers (13.6%) mentioned the accumulation of wealth for the purchase of land as being very difficult. The Values in Farming and in Farm Changes In order to study the goals, ambitions, standards, and norms held by fanmers in the two categories, questions were asked of each respond- ‘ent concerning these matters. Both direct and non-direct questions were used. Farmer reapondents were asked what plans they had had when they began farming their present farms. As has already been seen, the advanced farmers had been farming their present farms an average of fourteen.years and approximately eleven months, while the neighbor farmers had averaged twelve years and seven months (counting only the 150 farm of residence for those in each category who farmed more than one farm). The farmers were each asked to tell what their plans had been when they started operating the present farm. Their answers were highly general and seemed to indicate a vagueness of memory, if not a vagueness of purpose. This was true for most farmers in.both cate- gories. To provide a living for themselves and their families by growing crops and raising animals was the most common theme in the replies from both categories of farmers. .Also, fairly common was the desire to "echar adelante" ("to get ahead") and "to see if he could better himself.” For those who had borrowed money to buy the farm or rental rights to the farm, paying off of the debt was a prominent goal. Eleven advanced farmers (50%) and six neighbor farmers (27.3%) men- tioned that some particular agricultural improvement was a part of their original plans. It might have been expected that the advanced farmers would have been more likely to have improvements involving innovations in their original plans. ‘While this difference is in the predicted direction, it did not prove statistically significant (pr-.077 ). Each respondent was also asked a series of questions relevant to the person who was "the best farmer he ever knew." It was believed that responses to this question could serve as an indirect index of respondent farmer values, since it was assumed that their choices would reflect their evaluations.* Any proposition that the two categories ‘would name the same farmers or would name different farmers but agree within categories was not supported. Four farmers were mentioned by 151 at least one farmer in each category, while twenty-two other farmers were chosen by either one or two farmers in one of the categories. The four farmers chosen by respondents in both categories received eight nominations from the advanced farmer category and five from the neigh- bor farmer category. The other choices were scattered widely enough to indicate little consensus among the pairs of adjacent neighbors (see Table 146), or among the farmers in each category. Thus, the two categories of farmers did choose different people in response to the question Who is the best farmer you ever know?" However, there is clearly as much within category variation as across category variation indicating that within the two categories there is little consensus concerning who the best farmers are or were. This suggests that possibly the staniards of what makes a farmer "the best," vary as well. Table 147 indicates that in neither category were farmers very likely to name a masher of their family as the best farmer they ever know. No significant differences exist between the categories concern- ing the relationship of the persons named to the farmers choosing. With respect to the residence of the best farmer, the data are the same (see Table 148 ). Fourteen of the farmers in each category (63.31) chose someone from their own barrio. Any idea that the advanced farmers were more likely to name someone outside their neighborhood is not supported by the data. No significant differences were found between the categories with regard to their answers to the question of why the best farmer they had ever known was the best. The twenty-two advanced farmers mentioned very much the same criteria as the neighbor farmers. As Table 139 152 men: 1.6 SOME! OF DATA IN REPOIBE TO QUESTION: WHO IS THE BET PARKER YOU EVER KNEW - lumber Choosing Number Choosing Significance Same Four Farmers Other Farmers 01' Category of Farmers Differeg __ Advanced 8 ll; . N018hb0r S | 17 N e Sens flaunt between Pairs Number of Pairs Hiking Sane Choice - 2 Number of Pairs flaking Different Choice - 11: Number of Pairs in Which One Farmer ' "Could Not Say who Has Best. - 6 Egg“ within Each Categgg Huber of Advanced Farmers Choosing Sane Four Farmers - 8 Number of Neighbor Farmers Choosing Sane Two haters - h f nan: h? REIATION 0F FARHES MHED BEST TO RESPONDENT FARMER W Category 01' Fermat‘s" Significance Relation Advanced Neighbor of Difference number of Family 5 h 11.3.9. Friend 7 7 Neighbor 5 7 N.S.D. Pei-son Known 3 1 3.3.9. Former Boss 0 l N.S.D. No Reply to Question in Table 2 2 4* Some farmers mused more than one farmer, saying that they could not say which or: was best. 153 TABLE 1:8 RESIDENCE IDCATION 0F FARMS NAMED BEST AND IDCALITY DIRECTION OF FARHER CHOICE Residence location of Category of Farmers Choosing Famer Chosen Best ‘ (By Frequency) Advanced Neighbor City of Bejucal 2 l Barrio of Beltran 10 8 Barrio of Agnes Verdes 6 6 Outside Hunicipio de Bejucal 2 3 Chose within Own Barrio 11; 1h Chose Outside Own Barrio 6 3 runs 19 CATEGORIES OF REPONSB TO QUESTION, ”WHY HAS BET PAM THE BET PARKER YOU EVE! mm- Response Category Category of Farmers by (by theme) _ Numbers of Responses Made Advanced _ Neighbor Far-er Occupational Role Performance Total 3!; 3h Fitters o? Ia'riinififia—Eion lO - 10 Matters of nonledge 6 9 Matters of Harvests and Health 5 h Hatters of Occupational Advancement h 2 Other answers 9 9 Resources Possessed Total 6 5 Yes “311 Separaa mm, and Capital, Had Property '4 is Bad Good Fare l 0 Had Irrigation l 0 Bad Good Cows 0 1 3 8 Lamar Neighborhood Role Performances ———— 4 15h indicates, the answers were categorized into three classes referring to farmer occupational role performances, wealth and resources possessed, and farmer neighborhood role performances. The most frequently men- tioned criteria in the area of farmer occupational role performances were the following: his farm.wes well administered, he was a good administrator, took good care of his fans, of his livestock; he worked hard, was a hard worker, he had good ideas for working, intelligent, knew specialities, knew how to coordinate work, was advanced in ideas; he had high production, good harvests; he was poor and advanced to greater wealth, bought his own farm. Others mentioned were that the best farmer had had his family help him, he knew business deals, that he was 'a country farmer,“ saved his.money, was not afraid, he lived better, and he was dedicated to good harvests. In the class of responses referring to the resources possessed by the "best. farmer, the most common theme was that he was “well prepared” in.land and capital; he had property. Also mentioned were the posses- sion of irrigation and good cows. The most common response in the area of farmer neighborhood role performance was that the “best" farmer helped his neighbors, got along with everyone, that he was a good neighbor, a man of good character, a good person who protected and looked after his family. One neighbor farmer also mentioned that the best farmer he ever knew nlived on his farm“ as a factor in his favor. Questions were also asked concerning the current plans for fans improvements (if any) held hy farmer respondents. Here advanced farmers than neighbor firmers had plans for improvements at the time 155 of the survey, more had plans involving technological innovation, more had concrete plans for carrying out these desired improvements, and more had done something to carry out these plans. However, in no case were these differences of sufficient magnitude to be statistically significant (see Table 50). The plans varied also in how ambitious they were in terms of expense and the amount of innovation they involved. However, the variation was as great within each category as across the categories (see Table 50). If the two categories of famers had systenatically differing standards of farming, it could be argued that they would differ in the criteria by which they would define the components of "a better fare" in Bejucal. Table 51 sumariaes the findings which did not support the hypothesis. The two categories used very much the same defini- tional terns to give their conceptions of what was involved in 'a better fans in Bejucal." Had they held systematically differing standards of value, the into categories of farmers might have preferred to spend wealth in ways reflecting these value conitments. To discover whether or not this was true, each respondent was asked to choose between each of the following goals (presented in random pairs) as alternative uses for wealth, should he have it and want to spend it. (The goals were taken from the ethnographic survey.) The goals were: farm mechanization, increased land, building a new place (concrete, hurricane-proof) house on his farm, or building a good house and living in town. They were alternatives farmers talked about in the presence of the writer. rants 50 CURRENT PLANS FOR HIS EARN (a) Does Re Have Plans for Improvement of His Fare? 156 Category of Farmers Yes No Significance e, ’ i, of Difference Advanced 1h 8 Neighbor 11 11 "0300' (b) Nature of Current Plans for Farm Inprovenent Category of Banners Have Plans Have Plans Significance Involving Not Presently of Difference Innovations Involving <_‘Ignpvations Advanced 10 h N g D Neighbor 5 6 ’”' ° (c) Does He Have Concrete Plans Nada Now? Category of Farmers Ies No Significance ‘g_ _V of Difference Advanced 11 h Neighbor 6 S N.S.D. (d) Has Be Done Anything to Carry Out Bis Plans? aegory of Farmers Ies No Significance of Difference Advanced 7 7 Neighbor h 7 N's'n' i)’|’|’)' TABLE 50 (Continued) (e) Kinds of Plans and Hopes Farmers Rave Item or Improvement Improve Cattle Buy Irrigation System Build a Stable Increase Number of Livestock Sell Here and Buy Land Elsewhere Buy Tractor and Machinery Plow with Tractor Build Twodwheeled Cart Reconstruct and Build House Improve Flock Fumigate Trees Others Total Number of Improvements Desired 157 Category of Farmers Advanced a: UJNNNMNONHHNHW1 Neighbor H )W'NOOOOHOHWNUH __ All an s 158 new 51 comaurs or A me: man BI mm summon m Category of Farmers Factors Relating to land (Number Nentioning) Advanced Neighbor Good land 15 12 Few Rocks Water for Irrigation level Terrain Deep Soil Well Fertiliaed Close to Transportation Not Separated by Railroad or by Arroyo large in Size Has Rested Land Has little Mud Has Rocks Has Red Soil Has Black Soil wamr mom who GUN HHHHHN Factors Relating to Hanagement Good Management Farmer Knows Farming Farmer Has Confidence Crops Sewn in Season Better Income High Production, Good Harvests ow-I ran-om Factors Relating to Capital of Fame Better Preparation of Order and Capital Has Irrigation Has Good Orchard Has Dairy Res Good Fences Has Good Rouse ———— PM? HHNOC’O‘ }. 4 159 Table 52 shows that the advanced farmers would, more frequently than the neighbor farmers, prefer to spend on farm mechanization rather than increased land holdings. There was no significant difference 6 between the categories on the other goals. Both advanced farmers and neighbor farmers preferred spending to mechanics their farms to build- ing a place (concrete, hurricane-proof) house on their farms, or build- ing a town house and moving to the city. The two categories of far- mers were presented the alternatives in every possible two-by-two combination. Had they not held any ranking of preferences or values, - then there would have been only 37.5 per cent of the farmers in each category ranking the four alternatives in a perfect hierarclw of 1,2,3,h ranking.2 However, 86.1; per cent of the advanced farmers, and 90.0 per cent of the neighbor farmers ranked them in perfect hierarchies. The statistical test suggested by William R. Catton, Jr., showed these differences to be statistically significant. It is safe to conclude that although the differences between the categories were not great, the farmers in the two categories had hierarchies of preferences by which they ordered the four alternatives.3 Other farmer role definitions were studied. The advanced farmers proved significantly more likely to think it necessary to sacrifice u 2. Catton, William R., J r. , "Exploring Techniques for Measuring Human Values." American Sociological Review, Vol. 19, No. 1, p. 50. 3. In the questionnaire, another alternative was used for all of the married farmers, namely, ”to educate your children (or grand- children) in trades or professions." Every married farmer in the advanced category and thirteen married farmers in the neighbor category ranked this alternative in first position. 160 TABLE 52 mm RANKING or FOUR EXPENDITURE ALTERNATIVE m (a) Fraportion of Advanced Farmers 1 Rank Increase Earn More by Build Place Build Town Order Land Size Hechanisation House on Fara House and Live in Town 1 .3636 .2273 .2273 .01855 2 .2727 .5909 .2727 .1361: 3 .2727 .1361; .11091 .1139; h .0909 .1165 .0909 .7727 Number of Farmers Ranking Four Alternatives in Perfect h,3,2,1 Hierarchy - 19 in 1,1,1,h Pattern - 3 p<.02, Significant Difference from Random Response by Catton Test) 1/6 ' 2052 Pr0portion of Neighbor Farmers Rank Increase urn More by Build Place Build Town Order Land Size Mechanization House on Farsi House and Live in Town 1 .51451: .1818 .0909 .0855 2 .2273 .thS .2273 .0909 3 .0909 .2727 .5000 .1818 h .0165 .0909 .1818 .6818 Number of Farmers Ranking Four Alternatives in Perfect 149332,]. Hierarchy - 20 in h’1,1’1 Pattern . 2 pggl, Siggificarrt Difference from Random Response by Gatton Test, ' 3e1 (TABLE 52 continued on following page) a * In “Exploring Techniques for Measuring Human Values," American Sociolo%cal Review, Volume 19, No. 1 (February 19511), pp. 1:77:55;— am . Oatton, Jr., presents a table of statistical norms for "Score Esotors, Hierarch Indices, and Probabilities among Four Items," 800 p. e 161 1131.! 52 (Contimed) (b) Number of Farmers Preferring Increased Earnings from Mechanisation to Other Alternatives Alternative Category of Farmers Significance Advanced Neijhbor of Difference Prefer to Earn More from ”Mifltion 10 3 ( SeDe, p'.0192 No Preference 3 2 Prefer to Buy More Lend 9 17 ( exact :2 Test Prefer to urn More by Mechanisetion 13 - 1h ( No Preference 2 2 ( N.S.D. Prefer to Build Placa é House on Farm 7 6 Prefer to Earn More by Hechauiaation 18 20 NO Preference 1 NeSeDe Prefer to Build House and Move to Town 3 2 O family expenses to get ahead on the fam than their adjacent neighbors. Harv neighbor farmers responded that it would be impossible for than to sacrifice family expenses to get ahead; their incomes would not permit it. Both categories of farmers indicated that they would support a strong govermental program to provide facilities for farmers. The advanced farmers saw more value in a governmental program of informa- tion 'on how the farmer can improve himself with his own resources. than the neighbor farmers (see Tables 53, 58, and SS). Famer Self Conceptions The ethnographic survey had indicated that Bejucal farmers were thought of as a distinctive occupational class having both a distinctive 162 men 53 PAM RESPONSES TO QUESTION: DO YOU THINK THAT IT IS NEEEBSARI TO SACRIFICE FAMILY EXPENSES TO GET AHEAD ON THE FARM? .IEEEEEL. Significance Category °f Farmers Yes No of Difference Advanced 4 17 5 3213., Exact Neighbor ' 10 12 x p - .02h8 mam 5h HRHER REPOLBEB T0 QUESTION: DO YOU THINK THAT THE FARMERS OF BENGAL NW A STROM} GOVERNI‘IENTAL PROGRAM TO PROVIDE CREDIT AND OTHER FACILITIES? ‘ Category of Farmers Answer Significance Yes No of Difference Advanced 21 1 Neighbor 20 2 N.S.D. TABLE 55 FARMER REPONSES TO QUESTION: DO YOU THINK THAT THE FARHEPE OF BEJUCAL m BADLI A PROGRAM OF INFORKATION ON HW THEY CAN IMPROVE THEMSEINES WITH THEIR WN RESOURCES? .— ——__ _ L L— #3 ———‘ A—4 M AA ‘“ —_ Am Category of Farmers Answer Significance . Yes No of Difference Advanced 20 2 5,1». Bact Neighbor 12 10 x p - .0071 -‘ A“ ..— 163 occupation and a special way of life by themselves and by others. It also was observed that the farmer respondents compared themselves in prosperity, luck, and other matters with the rest of the farmers of the municipality. Consequently, it was felt that one way to gain informa- tion concerning their self-conceptions would be to ask respondents to rate themselves in comparison with other Bejucal farmers on various criteria or standards of comparisom. If there existed any signi- ficant differences between the categories of farmers in their self- conceptions, then it might suggest that self-conceptions may increase or decrease farmer willingness to change. In each interview the farmer respondent was asked to place himself in one of three categories of Bejucal fan-ere with respect to each category. For example, on the criteria of wealth, each respondent was asked into which of these categories he fell: the poorest farmers, the farmers who are somewhat poor, and the richest farmers. Besides wealth, the following criteria of self-comparison were employed: the amount of work done daily, the number of changes made on their fame, his success as a farmer, his luck as provider for his family, his luck or success in urban business dealing, type of administration of fem (conservative or advanced), his facility for using and repairing machinery, the results he has had with the use of insecticides and chemical fertilisers, the possibility of successfully paying off a bank loan from BANFIAC or other bank, his influence in politics, how well known he is in the community, lmowledge of what is necessary to better himself, his conformity with the laws and customs of the com- sanity, amount of agricultural education had by the farmer, amount of 16h desire to improve himself, and his willingness to sacrifice himself for the progress of his farm. Each respondent was also asked a few other questions: Are your own resources sufficient to allow you to make the changes you desire to make on your farm? Do all of your neighbors have the some improvements you have? If not, why not? How do you compare with the best farmer you. ever knew? What is the difference between you and him? On most of the criteria of self-rating there were no significant differences. To test for significance the data were grouped in two by two chi-square tables and tested by Fisher's exact :2 test (see Table S6). The advanced farmers proved significantly more likely to place themselves in the category of those who are somewhat poor rather than the poorest farmers. No farmer placed himself among '.the richest" farmers. Besides this matter of wealth, the advanced farmers, as con- trasted with the neighbor farmers, thought that they had (1) had more luck as providers for their families, (2) more luck or success in urban business dealing, (3) more advanced in type of adrfinistration (less conservative). (h) more facility for using and repairing machinery, (5) more likelihood of successfully paying off a bank loan from BANFIAC or some other bank, (6) more influence in politics, and (7) more conformity with the laws and customs of the community. The advanced farmers desiring improvements, believed more fre- quently than their similar-minded neighbors that their own resources were sufficient to allow them to make the changes they desired to make. {See Table 57.) More advanced farmers than neighbor farmers believed 165 TABLE 56 FARHER sszr-concmmus WITH BEIUCAL FARMERS As REFERENCE GROUP W Items and Categories Categglof Farmers 31311111“an Advanced Neighbor of Difference i Item: Wealth Possessed Group: The poorest S 13 3.0., exact Those who are somewhat 17 9 xzp - .011: poor Item: The Amount of Work Done Daily Those who work almost all day S 2 Those who work, hard N.S.D. all day 17 20 - Item: The Number of Changes They gave Made on Their Farms Those who have made few 10 11' N S D Those who have made many 12 8 ° ‘ ‘ Item: His Success as Farmer Those who had little 2 5 Those who had good 16 15 N.S.D. Those who had much it 2 Item: His Luck as Provider Those who had some 6 12 SéD” enact Those who had much 16 10 x p - .0116? Item: gig Luck in Urban Business Dealing Those Who had little ‘4 13 SQDO, met Those who had some or much 18 9 x p - .005 Item: Type of Administration on Farm Those who administrate conservatively 1 ll SéD" exact Those who administrate in x p s .0007 somewhat advanced fashion 21 11 TABLE 56 (Continued) 166 Items and Categories Category of Farlne_r_s Significance Advanced Neighbor °f Diff°r°m° Item: Ris Facility for Using 7 and Repadlingrflachimrx Those who had little 9 l6 85D" exact Those who had some 13 6 x p - .027 Item: The Results He Has Rad with the Use of Insecticides and Chemical Fertilisers Those who had few 8 9 N S D Those whohadsome orgood 1h 13 ' ' ’ Item: Pos bilit of Successful Pa Off a Bank Loan from BA or 0t er Ba Those who had little or some possibility 9 17 551)., exact Those who had good x p - .OOOOh possibility ll 2 Item: His Influence in Politics Those Who Md little 8 15 3513., Those who had some or web ll: 7 x p - .0276 Item: How Well Knowa He Is in the Commit! Those who are known only in their barrios l it Those who are known in N.S.D. all Bejucal 21 18 Item: The Knowledge of What Is Necessgv to Better Himself , Those who know little 2 5 Those who know some 12 1h N.S.D. Those who know much 8 3 Item: His Conformit with the laws and Customs of the Canmunity Those who conform little or some 7 111 sin" exact Those who conform absolutely 15 8 x p - .027 TABLE 56 (Continued) 167 Items and Categories Categog of Farmers Significance Advanced Neighbor of Difference Item: Amount of Agi cultural Education Bed by Farmers Those who had little or some 17 19 N S D Those who had much 5 3 ' ' ° Item: The Desire of the Farmer o rove e Those who desired little or some 7 9 N.S.D. Those who desired greatly 15 13 Item: Ris Willi as to Sacrifice Hansel? for the Frames 0? Es Farm Those who are not willing 3 6 Those who are sanewhat willing lO 9 N.S.D. Those who are very willing 9 7 TABLE 57 EARNER ANSNERS TO THE QUESTION: ARE YWR OWN RBOURCE SUFFICIENT TO Am YOU TO MAKE THE 01mm YOU DEW .4 Answer Significance category 03 Farmers m of Difference Advanced 11‘ 1 5’0" exact Neighbor 11 6 x2? " '0023 1& that not all of their neighbors had the same improvements they had, but the difference was not statistically significant (see Table 58). Table 58 also gives the responses to the question concerning the reasons they gave for their neighbors not having the same improvements ~they'possess. The responses are approximately evenly divided between those referring to differences in wealth and resources and those referring to differences in role perfonmanoe. new 9 FIRMER.ANSWERS TO THE QUESTION: D0 ALL OF YOUR NEIGHBORS METESWENWWMMWYWHMH ‘ category of Farmers Answer Significance Yea ' No Of Difference *‘mmmw 7 E 1; N81 ghbor 12 10 N 080D. (a) “If Not, Eh! Not?“ Frequency of Response Use by Answers Category of Farmers Mum“ NdflMr They lack resources, are poorer My farm is larger They don't have the same ideas, they don't dedicate themselves to the wmgmh Imfimomm They don't fight for these improvements IMwmmeMas IMwmwehw They don't own their land Amnunmuumnanmyfium Iflgthfi &mflms%qdw%huemmr I save.money and they don't I administrate the farm.business better I make more and don't go out and drink Doesn't want to say 3 HHHHHHN ma m HHHHH 169 When asked to compare themselves with the best farmer they ever knew, practically identical answers were obtained from the two cate- gories of farmer respondents (see Table 59). When asked further to explain the difference between themselves and the best farmer they ever knew, the farmer respondents gave answers similar to those in the former paragraph. TABLE 59 1mm COMPARISONS or museum WITH THE BEST BARNBR THEY EVER mm Evaluation Category of Farmers Significance Advanced Neighbor of Difference Better than him 0 0 Equal to him 13 1h N.S.D. ’orse than him 8 6 Don't know, no answer 1 2 (a) What Is the Difference between You and Him?" Category of Farmers Answers Advanced Neighbor He has (had) more productive power, more resources, more capacity He knows more about farming He has come out better He has more money He has more water for irrigation He knows more about the weather and natural agriculture I produce more ' I irrigate more we ought not put oneself before others He works more I work more Some have more, some have less I an old now I know only agriculture (not business) HHHU‘ HHHH HHHrm HHNHH 170 Sumner-y Questions directed toward farm operator role conceptions found few significant differences between the categories. When ranking five "factors in farmer advancement ," the advanced farmers gave signifi- cantly greater importance to credit than the neighbor farmers did. The advanced farmers also ranked credit over land in significantly greater frequency. This finding my be important since many Bejucal farmers feel themselves relatively deprived in land acreage and quality. The criteria by which the two categories of farmers judged the excellence of the “best farmer they ever knew. were closely similar. Possibly the farmers of Bejucal hold very similar standards of farming excellence even though they do not attain or approximate them equally. The topic of credit (and its use) was one of the most distinguish- ing subjects in the survey. Hhile the members of neither category were very much involved in debt at the time of the survey, major differences existed in their perception of the value of credit for farmer advancement (the advanced farmers ranked it more important or higher than the neighbor farmers ranked it) and their estimation of their ability to successfully pay off a loan if they borrowed money in large amounts. In significantly larger mmbers, the advanced farmers felt that they could pay off large debts if it was necessary, and placed themselves ahead of other Bejucal farmers in this capacity. Since none of the advanced farmers than neighbor farmers had contracted and paid off relatively large loans involved in the purchase of farm machinery and land, this result is not surprising. As a possible 171 reflection of this, the advanced farmers tended to direct their re- quests for funds more toward cormsrcial, non-traditional sources and depend less on family members, friends, and their bodegeros. However, on many attitudes toward the use of credit, the paired farmers did not significantly differ. They all seemed to view being in debt as a very undesirable state. All but one of the forty-four farmers felt that it was dangerous to borrow money in large amounts. In response to questions on farm improvements they had made, it was clear that members of both categories of farmers defined "changes" and 'improvements" broadly. In both cases their definitions covered both the acwmulation of traditional instruments and resources of production and the adoption of instruments and methods newly intro- duced to the conmmity. The advanced farmers in significantly greater numbers said they would prefer to spend money, if they had it, for mechanization rather than for land -- a traditional and highly-valued expenditure for peasants with a surplus income above consumption needs. Some sacrifice in family expenses for the advancement of the farm was looked upon as both possible and necessary by more advanced farmers than'neighbor farmers. In their self-conceptions revealed by self-comparisons with other farmers in Bejucal, it was found that the advanced farmers were more likely to think of themselves as more wealthy, prosperous, more success- ful in business and with the use of modern fanning techniques and credit, better educated in agriculture, more influential in politics, and more conforming with the laws and customs of the community. They 172 believed in significantly greater numbers that their own resources would allow them to make the changes they now desired to make. This concludes the presentation of the survey findings. The next chapter presents some hypotheses growing out of the Bejucal re- search and places the findings in the context of Latin American re- search findings. 173 VIII. HIPOTHESFS AND CONCLUSIOBB One of the customary objectives of exploratory research projects is to develop hypotheses which surmnarize and account for the findings and which give direction to future research. In this, the final chapter, some hypotheses of this sort are presented for the Bejucal survey of technologically advanced farmers and their adjacent neighbors. Beyond these lvpotheses, the ethnographic survey and the sample survey findings lend themselves to comparison and contrast with other research in Latin American rural life. The data also have implica- tions for the agricultural extension work of the Project 39 staff in the research and demonstration area in the Province of Havana. In this chapter a few such comparisons with other studies and practical implications of the findings are presented. They represent the major findings of this dissertation. Two Types of Fanning Technology ‘ The adequate conceptualization of the differences observed in the farm techniques eunployed by the farmers of Bej ucal is a difficult problem. The techniques observed ranged from the use of simple hand tools to the most complicated mechanized enterprises. It is here "" proposed that the farmers of Bejucal were (and are) in transition from a type of agriculture which can be termed a Nineteenth Century Peasant Farming Technology to a Twentieth Century Camuercial Farming Technology. ~——— In the paragraph to follow, this statement will be explained and 17h employed as a.hypothesis to order the changes taking place in Bejucal Fanning methods. The theoretical method employed is that of “con- structive typology."l Nineteenth Centugz;peasant fanning?technglg§z.2 Host Bejucal farmers employed farming methods and used implements characteristic of southern European.peasantry in the nineteenth century. This tech- nology can be characterized by human and animal-powered implements and tools; the use of management techniques passed from father to son (and therefore, traditional); a relatively high expenditure of time and resources for each unit of output; direct human hand contact to all plant products produced in the planting, harvesting, and transporting stages; dependence upon family labor and the use of cooperative inter- farm labor exchanges or hired labor only at planting and/or harvesting times; little or no control over the effects of nonsproductive natural forces such as insects, disease, fungi, dry seasons, and so on; and the production of much of the produce of the farm for farm family consump- tion. Specifically, in this type of agriculture the principal sources of energy are those of animals, human energy plus natural energy comp hined in plant food. It involves the tdewheeled cart, the wooden and iron plow, hand tools for cutting, harvesting, and building housing 1. Becker, Howard. Through values to Social Interpretation. Durham, North Carolina: Derrsity Press,if9'§0. 2. The concepts developed here are based upon the writer's ob- servations in Cuba and Mexico and the treatments of Robert Redfield, Peasant Society and Culture, An Anthropological Ap roach to Civili- zation. ‘Chicago: University of CEIcago PrEss, 19E5; afid T. fiyfifi Smith, The Sociolo of Rural Life,_Third Edition. New York: Harper and Bros. I953. 175‘ and implements. In this type of agriculture the farmer is peasant- like to the extent that he is tradition-oriented, respecting or revering the traditional means learned from his father or other family member, and not searching for new techniques or'market opportunities ‘which promise new rewards in monetary income. He is reluctant to take risks and thinks of himself as a rustic person relative to towns- men of higher station than.himself. He is sentimentally attached to his land and places high value on.land ownership. Twentieth gentury commercial farming technology: By contrast, Twentieth Century commercial farming technology is characterized by’ motor-powered machinery, machine tools, factory-produced implements for use with the power-driven machines, rational and opportunistic manage- ment procedures, relatively low expenditures of labor-time and resources for each unit of output, a minimum of hand labor, limited dependence upon family labor, use of employed and contracted workers, and a high degree of predictive control over output by use of irrigation, insecti- cides, fertilizers, etc. This type of technology is characterized as commerci§l_because it is dependent primarily upon production for commercial sale and, secondarily, for family use; the marketing of large volumes of products to make the factory-produced machinery, implements, and tools profitable; and farmer involvement in networks of credit, banking, and voluntary associational relationships for the defense of specific economic interests. The first hypothesis preposed here is that Bejucal farmers were (and are) in transition from a Nineteenth Century peasant-like farming technology to a Twentieth Century commercial-like farming technology. 176 No farmer encountered by the author had completed the transition to the point that techniques or instruments characteristic of the first had been completely supplanted by those of the second. Nbr would it have been necessarily economically rational to do so for most of the farmers of Bejucal. Channels for Technological Change The discovery that the two categories did differ Objectively in their technological status prepared the way for research on associated variables which might be hypothesized as contributing to the high technological status of the more advanced farmers as contrasted with their adjacent neighbors not so advanced. ‘wVariables of personal back- ground, career experience, social relationship, occupational defini- tion, value commitment, self-definition, and operator role performance 'were examined through the gathering of data in.a questionnaire adminis- tered to the twenty-two pairs of farmers. I In Bejucal the formation of a debtor-creditor relationship between farmers and prestamistas was the principal channel for the introduction of irrigation systems and the farm.tractor complex and the introduction of cash-crop vegetable production. The spread of new traits inwolving no changes either in power sources or enterprises (such as grafted fruit trees or improved blood lines) occurred chiefly from farmer to farmer, most usually as friends and neighbors. 'Where changes in techniques resulted from the establishment of the new economic relationships with prestamistas and others, they resulted in changes in.marketing and consumption experiences. Such 177 changes could occur in Bejucal as a consequence of the proximity of the large Havana.market for farm products. And such changes operated to bring about some changes in farmer attitudes, readiness to borrow further credit, and eagerness to continue the process of changing from a Nineteenth Century farming technology to Twentieth Century techniques. However, it is clear that the higher technological status of the advanced farmers did not result in their breaking completely with tra- ditional social relationships, traditional evaluations_orfltraditional “self," “other," and "role" definitions held by their adjacent neigh- bors. Nor did they view themselves as deviants from the customs of the community. By relating some of the ethnographic data to these survey findings, it is possible to pose certain hypotheses of a more general nature which may be applicable to other rurban communities in Latin America characterised by familybsized farming. In such communities, other __ thigafiggasmh~ -* I “N 1. Farmer adOption of newly introduced agricultural techniques involving new enterprises and/or new power sources is_a result of the establishment of interactive relationships with commercial or govern- mental change agents. At a minimum, these relationships involve (a) the communication of information concerning alternative techniques and their desirability, (b).sgme_farmerhconfidencefiin the dependability and value of the change agent and his information, (c) persuasive influence toward specific changes by the change agent, and (d) (for the more expensive changes) the extension of facilities or credit by 178 the change agent or some other agency, under the condition (a) that the agency extending the credit or facilities evaluates the farmer as "trustworthy“ and "a good credit risk." Channels of communication offered by family and friendship net- works proved very important in Bejucal in spreading certain types of technical changes to the farmers in the two categories studied. All of the Bejucal farmers surveyed seemed involved in large family net- works. The establishment of the commercial and governmental connec- tions and obligations did not result in any shattering of familial ties for those who entered them. 2. Technological changes in agriculture which result from indi- vidual farm Operator decisions to adopt technical alternatives may diffuse from farmer to farmer without the involvement of any change agency if the changes exist as alternatives in the community, if they involve no substitution or adoption of expensive new enterprises, and if they necessitate the use of no new power sources and convertors. with the urban "explosion" in Latin America, there may be a great many other farming areas on the outskirts of large cities where similar changes are, or could be, taking place. It is clear that in the case of Bejucal, intersocietal role networks (or chains) between agencies in the United States and in Guba facilitated the transfer of both technical information and instruments (physical goods, livestock, and plants). I: might be hypothesized that: _._/ 3. Given legal and normative sanctions encouraging (or at least permitting) such transfers of technology, the greater the number of intersocietal role-networks the greater the technological change in - 4L 179 the less technologically complex society. And the hypothesis may apply to change between comnamities as well. The significance of United States-Cuban interdependency and per- meability for Cuban cultural change can be hypothesized: )4. As the two societies relate themselves "intimately” to each other, the range of cultural alternatives of action open to Cubans in a wide variety of social positions will expand; those Cuban farmers who perceive benefit for themselves and for the groups to which they belong in adopting certain of these alternatives, will adopt these alterna- tives when they believe that they can do so advantageously. 1 In both the ethnographic survey and the sample study °f 393mm) farmers, it was observed that technological change was a regional .‘ phenomenon. The changes occurring in Bejucal were occurring in the } entire region of small farms surrounding the city of Havana. For a strategy of change, the implication is clear that the multi- community region should not be ignored in favor of community and neigh- borhood work, although certainly the former will not substitute for the latter. Since participation in regional organization and events is a socially differentiated phenomenon, it cannot be expected that region-wide programs of directed change will have equal impact upon all groups, classes, and commnities of maple. However, they may be an inexpensive means of starting some people in relatively “open" secular communities toward desired changes. Also implied in these varied regional activities is the growth of specialised associations of all kinds both to carry on these activities 180 and to regulate activities and interactions in accordance with mores and law. These implications are social facts in Bejucal. The spread of technological innovations in agriculture is already a regional phenanenon in many ways. Farmers buy new machinery, imple- ments, chemicals, seeds, and livestock from.regionally oriented distri- butors. The cash products they produce go into regional, national, and international marketing channels. The more mobile of Bejucal farmers are already observing how other farmers conduct their affairs in other communities and adopting changes on that basis. Improved livestock strains, imported by Cuba's wealthy “gentlemen farmers" have diffused to farmer milk producers within the region. New plant varieties developed at the Santiago de Las Vegas Experiment Station are becoming diffused throughout the region. Given the existence of alternative technological instruments and methods, the selective factors which influence farmer adoption or rejection of innovations seem to be multiple rather than simple. In Bejucal a few farmers said that they were too old to adopt new methods. Others were judged by commercial change agents as being poor credit risks. Still others lived onfarms so small or so bereft of natural advantages for farming that they were limited to only the least expen- sive changes, whatever might be their ambitions toward adopting new techniques. No simple law or regularity to deal with this variety of factors is immediately apparent to this writer. The findings suggest that: 5. Decisions to accept or reject technological changes involving innovations are a function of certain shared beliefs and expectations. 181 Especially important seem to be the following: farmer expectations of having the ability to successfully use the particular changes they are adopting and similar estimations of their prospects for success by' socially important change agents (or agents of diffusion) with whom the farmers interact. (The hypothesis might hold even when the techniques, the perceived bases of expectation, and the standards of estimation and success varied.) If the Bejucal findings are generalized to communities of the same type, then: 6. Changes in agricultural technology are associated (a) with few changes in farm.operator social values, standards, and attitudes toward others (excepting those persons and groups directly stimulating the changes), (b) with.measurable changes in the scale of farming operations, (c) with few changes in farm operator role definitions and standards of excellence or desirability in farming, and (d) with changes in.tarmer self-conceptions on indices of wealth, success, and progressiveness. In Bejucal the advanced farmers considered them- selves as distinct or different from others in.matters relating to farm operation and farm resources, but not necessarily distinctive in other matters. Some Practical Implications for Programs of Stimulated Change Some of the practical implications of a study such as this may be fairly obvious. Others are less distinctly self-evident. It should be understood, of course, that the implications (like the hypotheses) may apply only to communities of this sort. 182 Some of the implications for programs of stimulated or directed technical change in agriculture are discussed below. It is assumed that the change program will be introduced within the existing insti- tutions of property ownership and management. First, change programs designed to be made by individual farm» ‘1 operator decision may have to include the extension of credit and other facilities in order to bring about the adoption of technical changes too costly to be paid for by the surplus of income from any one crop season or year. Changes involving the introduction of new power con:J vertors may most commonly be of this kind. Second, programs of stimulated change in agricultural technology 1 may be assisted by socio-cultural factors in the life of the community:’ Such patterns as the following may be of positive value in Bejucal and similar communities: (a) The patterns of individual farmer acquisitive achievement, symbolized as a struggle or fight to advance and to defend oneself (now and in old age), possess considerable and widespread support and may be of distinct motivational advantage for the change agent if employed in change-oriented propaganda. (b) The high value placed upon assisting the career advancement of youth (particularly, but not exclusively, sons) is another such motivational resource which can be mobilized for change. (0) While individualism is strong, patterns of farmer cooperation are not absent in the community. They may be stimulated to encourage change. At the time of the study, farmers were working together in patronatos to cooperatively build themselves rural roads, giving free 183 service of native cows to improved bulls, and, through visiting and intra-family mutual aid, spreading knowledge about other alternative technical means of farming. Inter-farm gifts of improved animals and trees also were reported to the writer. Organizational energy could greatly increase the change potential of such cooperative patterns if coupled with adequate demonstration of the practicality and economic advantages to be gained through specific changes. Third, no major changes are necessary in the farming standards or1 occupational values of Bejucal farmers to persuade them to make changes in their technology. ‘What is necessary is to persuade them of the feasibility and profitability of the change for their farm, economic situation, and position in life.l At the time of the survey, this wasJ being done by friends and neighbors, by the Agricultural Inspector, and by prestamistas who stood to profit by farmer changes. ‘Expanded activities by the Agricultural Inapector’and by prestamistas could increase the rate of technological change. It is improbable with the I, low level of education of the farmers that they will be greatly in- / fluenced by either the mass media or written propaganda material. Visual materials and television could be used to stimulate change. At present, however, the low purchasing power of most Bejucal farmers makes home television reception.impossible. more than likely, per- sonal, face-to-face persuasive influence will be the most effective method in bringing about farmer decisions to change farming techniques. 18h Bejucal and Turrialba One of the purposes of the sociological and anthropological re- search in the Turrialba valley in Central Costa Rica was to make a contribution to the developing body of knowledge of LatinHAmerican people, their patterns of social organization, their institutions, theiersys of living and working, and their potentialities for economic and technological change. In order to assist the achievement of this purpose, some consideration of how the Bejucal findings compare with the Turrialba findings may be of insightful value. The cosperative research program established by the IntereAmerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences and the Area Research Center of Michigan.State University have already resulted in one book, four Ph.D. 3 dissertations, one master's thesis, and numerous journal articles. The book is a cooperative research monograph entitled Turrialba, Social Systems and the Introduction of Change, and it is edited by Charles P. Loomis, Julio O. Hbrales, Roy A. Clifford, and Olen E. Leonard. The principal theoretical frame of reference in the monograph is the rela- tionship of social systems to programs of change. The study includes a description of the setting of the research; findings concerning social status and communication, informal social systems, economic systems (especially large and small land holdings); studies of the ecological bases and demographic characteristics of the community; findings on the community health facilities, their use and the health 3. Of. the materials by Loomis, Alers-Montalvo, Aree, Norris, Powell, Painter, and Allee in the bibliography. 185 of the people; data on the religious organization and practices of the community, on the educational system and its use, on the political systems, and on‘Agricultursl Extension; analysis of levels of living on haciendas and small farms: and a concluding chapter on the study of the nstrategy of change on large estates and small farms in Latin America." The research procedures employed in the monograph and in the field research reported in the dissertations included sample sur- veys of the city of Turrialba and of the thirty-two outlying villages and open country households, participant observation of community life, and intensive surveys of particular villages and neighborhoods. The data analysis was carried out largely at the research center of the Interquerican Institute of Agricultural Sciences at Turrialba. There is not space here for a complete discussion of the Turrialba findings. A number of the significant conclusions of the research can be especially pointed out as pivotal ideas for the relating of the Bejucal findings to Turrialba. First, is the major discovery that the two chief forms of rural land and work organization differed in many respects of crucial impor- tance for strategies of change. They were the hacienda -- the large, centrally administered estate community -- and the community of rela- tively small family.fanms. Systems of social ranking, patterns of communication, and decisionpmaking all varied significantly between these contrasting types of communities, as did a great many other social patterns and processes. The authors concluded that for most programs involving change, particularly in their early stages, the authority pattern of the formal organization of the hacienda has the highest 186 priority of importance for communities of that type. In family-sized farming communities, the channels of communication offered by family- friendship groups are of highest importance for programs of change. By comparison of the information gained during an afternoon spent at Central Toledo (a corporate sugar plantation located near Havana) with his Bejucal data, the writer believes that some of the same vital differences between hacienda and family-farming types of communities apply to the Cuban scene as well as the Costa Rican. Bejucal is, of course, a community of small, familyboperated farms, and any conclu- sions from this dissertation probably cannot be extended to the other type of community. Second, in family farming communities in the Turrialba valley, the leadership and influence of high status, familybfriendship leaders proved essential to gaining legitimation of change efforts by outsiders and the communication of change information. In Bejucal, legitima- tion of the writer's research and the affiliated agricultural demon- stration change program.was effected through acceptance by the.Agri- cultural Inapector and the Mayor of the Municipality. No separate farmer leadership structure existed from which clearance was necessary. Consequently, no evidence from the Bejucal study was contrary to the hypothesis based on the Turrialba findings: I'The greater the rights of individuals and families, the less essential it is for the change agent advancing changes involving home life to gain permission, clearances, or support of the authorities."h 187 Third, the Turrialba research indicated that rural people more commonly identified with the neighborhood villages than with the trade center community. In Bejucal, the farmer people divided the rural "zones into named localities, but these accounted for only a minor por- tion of the interaction and did not involve strong sentiments. Their identification and the bulk of their interactions were family, trade- centered community, and occupational class oriented. Fourth, the social and cultural similarities between Turrialba and Bejucal are striking while not surprising, since the population of each community is predominantly composed of transplanted and adapted Spanish people and cultures. Similarities in recreational, educa- tional, health, and religious aspects of life are easily observed, although differences also exist. In the area of religion, the farm people of Bejucal are much less devotedly Roman Catholic than the farm people of Turrialba. Religion is much less important in their organi- zational life. In Bejucal, as in Turrialba, the small farmers value their way of life and its security. They value independence and desire to leave something for their sons (or educate them) so that they will be independent also. In each area they are proud of being land owners even if the amount of land is small. However, in Bejucal there was no evidence of love of the earth and the assumption of responsibility toward it, as there was in Turrialba.S In both areas the farmer can b. Loomis, Charles P., et a1., editors. Turrialba, Social Systems md meintrOdUCtiOAl} Of Change. opeCito, p. 28?. 5. .Arce, Antonio Manuel. §9cio-Eggnomic Differentials Associated with Leadership_in Turrialba, Costa Rica. Unpublished M.A. Thesis. East Lansing: Michigan State College, 1952, 110 numb. leaves. 188 be characterised as hard-working and highly conservative, both with regard to his style of life and.agricultural technology. No contrary evidence was encountered in Bejucal to AlerséMontalvots‘ hypothesis concerning technical changes: ”An item or practice will be accepted by a group so long as a need is felt for it, it fits into the culture of the group and there is objective proof of its workability." Nor was there any negative evidence to his conclusion that some changes are promoted more rapidly than others through the same channels.6 The) farmer perception of a "social chasm" between themselves and the "learned" change agent (making communication difficult) was encountered in Bejucal but seemed to be an attitude of only a.minority of farmers toward the Agricultural Inspector. The emphasis in the Turrialba valley research conclusions was upon the necessity for change agents to reach farm people in the localities where they live. In Cuba, change agents should not ignore the regional, multi-community, aspects of change if the number of people reached by change program is to be considered important. Bejucal and Latin America Numerous attempts have been made by scholars to order Latin American cultural data on a grand scale, one that applies to all of IatinHAmerica. In his article, "Modern Latin.American Culture," John 6. AlerséMontalvo, Manuel. Cultural Change in.a Costa Rican 1 Village. Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis. East Lansing: Michigan State_J College, 1953, p. 1560 189 Gillin lists thirteen complexes of cultural traits which he finds very widespread in the region.7 The Bejucal findings do not indicate that Bejucaleh’os are exactly typical of Latin America if the thirteen characteristics comprising Gillin's modern Latin American culture can-- plan: are considered as collectively comprising a norm. Specifically, the culture of Bejucal, as this researcher found it, was less Roman Catholic, more 'puritanical" (especially the rural people), more prag- matic and practical in the application of mechanics, more secular, placed less importance on ritual kinship and church festivals, less dependent upon the ex and the ass as traction and transport animals, more ready to adopt improved plows and other farming techniques, and more influenced in legal and governmental forms by North American patterns. In another paper on latin American culture, John Gillin identifies four uEthos Cmponents' or cultural "themes,“ which are widespread, if not universal, in Latin America.8 His first ethos component, the value put upon individual distinctiveness, personal dignity and pride, am self-assurance, was observed in Bejucal. However, the writer observed that not all adults, even all adult men, expressed this be- I havior to the same extent. 7. Gillin, John. "Modern Latin American Culture." Social Forces, v01. 25 (19h6‘h7)’ pp. 2h3"2h80 8. Gillin, John. "Ethos Components in Modern Latin American Culture.“ American Anthropologist, Vol. 57, No. 3, Part I (June 1955). pp. 1488-500. 190 The second major theme Gillin identifies in Latin American culture is the acceptance of social inequality. This was observed in Bejucal. The third ethos component he labels the "idealistic or transcendental world view." In this, the latin Americans are said to place a higher value upon words and concepts than things. While the writer observed this tendency in public oratory and in the philosophies of some people he interviewed, philosophies of pragmatism, materialism, and utili- tarianism were very strongly supported by people in widely varying class positions. The fourth component Gillin names is the I'search" of Latin Americans for “something more" beyond everyday life. He gives as examples, the I'allmost universal preoccupation with death, " the emphasis upon fiestas, and the educated man's “virtuosity of argumentation, phraseology, and theory" as his approach 'to truth and knowledge) There was little evidence in Bej ucal to support the hypothesis that this might be a central theme of the people there. Charles Wagley and Marvin Ihrris have made another attempt to create an empirically valid “Typology of Latin American .":3ubcultures."10 They identify nine subcultures which they believe are variations of a larger cultural tradition and nrepresent the way of life of significant segments of the Latin American population. '11 In Bej ucal the writer 9. Ibid., pp. 149144990 10. Wagley, Charles, and Marvin Harris. "A Typology of Latin American Subcultures.“ American Anthrgpologi st, Vol. 57, No. 3 (June 1955). Pp. 1:28-1:51. n- 922- he; 191 found no “tribal Indian," "modern Indian," "Engenho Plantation,“ "Usina Plantation," and "Metropolitan Upper Class" subcultures. How- ever, ”Peasant," "Town," "Metr0politan Middle Class," and “Urban Proletariat' - like subcultures were observed. Using a quite different approach, Richard M. Adams has classified Central American peoples in terms of their cultures or subculture“:12 For those Central Americans whose predominant "Cultural Tradition" he terms ”Spanish American" (comparable to the people of Bej ucal), he . . 1 identifies seven I'Cultural Components ,* as follows: 3 l. Cosmopolitan 2. Local Upper Class 3. allergent Middle Class h. Mobile Rural Labor 5. Stable Rural Labor 6. Independent Farmer 70 Urban 13130? To sane degree all of these cultural components were present in both Turrialba and Bejucal, although in both communities the first, the Cosmopolitan, was represented by only a few individuals and families. In their study of Puerto Rico, Julian H. Steward, Robert A. Manners, ard associates, identified, in addition to the horizontal strata of classes, certain special regional zones of the island pro- duced by typography and agricultural specialization in sugar cane 12. Adams, Richard N. "Cultural Components of Central America." American Anthropologist, Vol. 58, No. 5 (October 1956), pp. 881-907. 13. Ibid., p. 887. 192 production, coffee production, and tobacco and minor crops production.“ They found that the manifest patterns of kinship, religon, work, neighborhood ties, and property ownership were affected greatly by the influences of geog'aphy and crop specialisation. Lowry Nelson's study of Rural Cuba found similar regional and crop specialisation variations.ls In terms of Nelson's study, this disser- tation represents a more intensive study of town and fem life in the dairy and garden crop fringe area around the city of Havana. The findings of this study of Bejucal farmers complement, on a narrower and more intensive scale, the rather broad, survey-type findings of his research. Suggestions for Further Study Given the findings from the research in the 'Turrialba valley, this Bejucal report, and other materials accumulating on social and cultural changes in Latin America, the time has arrived for the design- ing of more rigorous studies of particular problems and particular hypotheses. The exploratory research studies have prepared the way by (l) defining various research situations, (2) providing data of a general sort on Latin American societies, occupational, and ethnic groups, and’ (3) raising a number of research problems and hypotheses 1h. Hammers, Robert A. , and Julian H. Steward. "The Cultural Study of Contemporary Societies: Puerto Rico." American Journal of Sociolog, Vol. LIX, No. 2 (September 1953): PP. 155-130. 15. Nelson, Inwry. Rural Cuba. Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1950. 193 relevant both to theories of applied social science as an "arm" of change programs and to general theories of social and cultural change. What is needed now is for research to be undertaken on specific problems and to test particular hypotheses in which sufficient controls will be introduced to provide some confidence of the answers to the problems and in the validity of the tests.16 In some cases the experi- mental changes might be deliberately introduced to classes or communi- ties of farmers (or other subjects of change) by cooperating change agencies. In others, changes already occurring could be observed and measured in situations offering contrasts and similarities, approach- ing the "natural experiment." If such studies are undertaken, the body of dependable knowledge of social and cultural changes in Latin America should increase rapidly. , The great worldwide demand for social scientific guidance in programs of directed change have ”put“ the various social scientific disciplines "on the spot.” They are individually and collectively faced with the task of providing general principles or laws of human behavior in contexts of change. In each of the disciplines, scholars are laboring to meet the challenge and the opportunity provided by this new demand for their ideas and services. All are, however, painfully aware of the inadequacy of their theoretical orientations, conceptions, and "established" generalizations for dealing with particular kinds of behavior in contexts of change. “- 16. The same concern for greater'methodological rigor is found in recent articles on technological change in.kmerican agriculture. For an.exce11ent example see Fliegel, Frederick C. RA Multiple Correlation Analysis of Factors Associated with Adoption of Farm Practices." Rural Sociolo , V01. 21, Nos. 3-h (Sept.-Dec., 1956), pp. 28h-292. 19h In sociology and cultural anthropology, the search for greater comprehension of change phenomena has been directed in various direc- tions. One such direction is toward the development of "middle- range" theories which specify particular classes of situations and the change in hmn behavior within each class under specified circum- stances. Such theories do not, for example, seek to explain all kinds of cultural change occurring when any kind of promotion effort is carried on in am type of community. Rather, they seek knowledge which specifies what kinds of changes occur when particular classes of promoters of change use particular kinds of change techniques in parti- cular types of communities, characterized by particular custcms, etc. This dissertation was designed to be a first exploratory step toward the development of this kind of knowledge for a single rurban coumnity in Cuba, namely Bejucal. It is hoped that further research may broaden the basis for generalization of the findings to other, similar communities in Latin America. APPENDIX A. Categories para una Exploracion Etnografica on Area de Demonstracion Cmpiladas por Mr. K. E. Tiedke B. The Survey Questionnaire C. The Statistical Analysis 195 196 A . INSTITUTO INTERAIIERICANO DE CIENCIAS AGRICOIAS Programa de Cooperacion Tecnica-Proyecto 39 Zone Norte Bahama-Cubs awesome PARA mu moms momma EN AREA as nmaosmcxon comma POR MR. x. s. TIEDKE _ DOWCION : 1 - Notas y memories descriptivas de incidentes y observaciones. 2 - Mapas, planos, diagramas, delineaciones y fotografias. 3 - Textos. b, - Datos genealogicos y censuales. Mots: Siempre es aconsejable e1 llevar un diario de actividades, el cual pemite registrar incidentes cronologicamente y suminis- tra un medic adecuado de controlar las categories 'de docmen- tacion que se mantienen separadas en los archivos. I - 1A BTRUCTURA SOCIAL l - Distribucion territorial de la poblacion. 2 - Poms do conducts relacionadas con diversas categorias cul- turales de sexos y edad. 3 - Ia estructura familiar: status, rol y funcion de sus miembros. h - Adopcion y' cuidado de los adoptados. S - Formas de amistad. 6 - Parentescox. cognaticos, agnaticos, uterinos y de afinidad. 7 - Configuraciones y normas de conducts particulazmente relacio- nados con 1as formas de embromar y de respetar. 8 - Estratificacion social. II - VIDA SOCIAL DEL INDIVIDUO l - Rutina diaria (varones y hombres, horarios y calendarios) 2-Canida 3 - Sueno h - Vestido 5 - Etiqueta, cortesia y hospitalidad 6 -.Adiestramiento, discipline y educacion 7 - Ciclo de vida: a) Concepcion b) Metodos preventivos y'de control de la natalidad was ,. UHF u es 197 c) Enbarazo d) Aborto e) Nacimiento f ) Infanticidio g) Formas y practices de la lactancia h) Formas y practices de destetar i) Origen y caracter de nanbres y sobrenombres J ) Pubertad k) Desviaciones del desarrollo normal (v.g. frigidez, impotencia, etc.) 1) Adolescencia . m) Matrimonio (edad, compraniso, prohibiciones, matrimonio obligado, dote, cambio de regalos, fuga, ceremonias, actitud antes y despues de la boda con respecto a la .conducta sexual, etc. n) Vejea y muerte (Creencias respecto de la muerte, e1 sui- didio, la disposicion de los cadaveres, tratsmiento di- ferencial en terminos de status y condicion, reliquias, formas comemorativas, etc.) III - ORGANIZACION POLITIGA l - Organizacion territorial ~ 2 - Relaciones entre grupos 3 - Sistema de gobierno h - Relaciones do Jefatura 5 - Consejoa y funcionarios 6 - Organisacion militar y policiaca 7 - Derecho y Justicia a) Sanciones b) Opinion publica 8 . Propiedad a) Clases de propiedad b) Derechos de 1as personas c) Herencia d) Tenencia de la tierra e) Rents 9 - Economia a) Produccion b) Mercadeo c) Consumo d) Credito e) Division del trabajo f) Ideologia g) Organizacion y caracteristicas de grupos IV - RITOS I CREENCIAS l - Con respecto a las relaciones entre hanbres 2 - Con respecto a lo sobrenatural 3 - Supersticiones 198 V - CONOCIMIENTO I TRADICION l - Medidas (peso, distancia, area, capacidad, tiempo, valor) 2 - Medicine folklorica 3 - Mites y otras creencias folkloricas h - Refranes (dichos, acertijos, etc.) VI -IENGUAJE l - Signos (gestos no vocales) 2 - Modismos (sobre todo, los que demuestran actitudes sociales) VII - CULTURA MATERIAL 1 - El cuidado personal, decoracion y saneamiento 2 - Vestido (Clases, materiales y situaciones en que se usan, actitudes) 3 - Habitaciones h - Comida (clases e instrumentos) 5 - Instrumentos (tipos, metodos do preparacion, actitudes, materiales, propositos) 6 - Tecnologia (Conocimientos y Resultados del uso de utiles) 7 - J uegos y diversiones. -1- Confidencial Los fines de este estudio son puramente educacionales. Numero Fecha 199 tienen relacion alguna con problemas de impuestos 0 de investigacion judicial. Tampoco sera usados estos datos on forms individual. 1. Hombre de la finca Barrio (locate on map) ‘ 2. Hombre del Jefe de la familia Hombre lst'apellido mar—ammo" 3. mad _. h. Lugar de nacimiento t j Barrio Temino S. Donde se crio usted? ____m una finca “Eh un caserio ____En una ciudad 6. Credo mas alto en la escue1a______0tros estudios? 7. Estado civil _____Casado_____Diverciado ____Viudo___Soltoro 8. Cuantos hijos tiene usted . numero 9. Cuantos anos de edad tienen? Varones Hombres 10. Occupacion de su padre?__ 11. Cuantos anos hace usted vive en esta finca? 81108 200 12. Tenencia de la finca? Propietario do cabellerias. Cuanto contribuccion___ ? Arrendatario do cabellerias. Guanto rents paga ? Socio do _______cabellerias. Partidario de _______cabe11erias. Paga §______Paga otra_____. Encargador de ___cabe11erias 13. Historia de trabajo. Qual fue su primers trabajo? Trabaégffiol Duracion (a) (b) (c) _ (d) .2- . Raza Inwentario de Canada Criollo Crusado Vacas Lecheras---------— en produccionp------- 88038-- -I- '- —--- ----—-- Vacas de carne----.----- Nevillos (lano y mas)--- Novillas--—------------- Terneros (menos 1ano)--- Toros ................... Bueyes .................. Caballos ................ Chives .................. Puercos----------------- Carneros y ovejas---—--- Gallinas y Pollos------- Guanajos ................ GUineos ................. Otros------------------- 201 Rose Arboles Frutales criollo Aguacates Mangas Mangos Platanos Mamey Manoncillo Iemones Naranaa china Naranja agria Coco limes Guayaba Cuayavana Zapotes Cultivos En uccion Cosechas Cans para Central - Cans para Ganado Papas Rosado Papas Blanca Tobaco ‘Maiz Calabasa Millo Yuca Boniato Melange Mani Tomatoes FriJoles Name Otros? Canine a la casa Otros caminos Campg§_en cultivgcion Potreros engpastos Potreros en_arboleda Qtroslpotreros cercas dg_pina gercas dialamlare“ Otros cercas _ Corralesppara_puercos Chiqueros ~‘_ Corrales para ganado_gacuno Otros corrales Polleros gghias de deposito Bohia Barentietta__ ggtablosgpara Canado canoe tranka Pesos criIIos Pozos medoradas gaseta Turbine Turbine Motor Caja distribuccion Canales concreto Canales maderas Tubelria ygpipa tamer» Tractor Iago de bueyeg _A}badaa. flags 1 equine Eggnstorne de discos Arado crillo Arado Americano Grade Carretones .Atomizadora Egpglvoreadora 92sechadora do pepas Rastra_para haler agua cubos Modassa Mblinos do main dg_fuerza_ Molinos do maiz de piedra Picadora de_pastos Botiias de leche Bote‘_ e de IBche adore Luz de electricidad do compania de motorcito gtros motores Insecticides __5Flitv Medicines para animales_ Eanastas Eon i _ Bales Hechas__ -h- 203 Machetes i_ ___ Guatacas gfilgglpara frutas _‘ _¢_ c o saca pine Piedra amelar Yunke Martillos Sierras y ceruchos Camion gickup Machine Jeep trailer garage . Casa do place Casa de techos Case do gugm con i_ Apdzo do cemento ‘_pizo de madera pizo de tierra Servicio Servicio Sanitariofifuere as la casa Servicio Sanitario dentro de la casa Electricidad en la case (This page is left blank for additignal comments and information.) -6- lh. Como logro ser propietario, arrendatorio, socio, pertidario, etc. _____Comprado (para cuanto?) pesos _____fibredado _____JCtro. Specify- (if inherited: (1) why did he get finca, (2) how was property divided?) 16. Cuando comenz6 en esta finca cuantos recursos tenia? En torrano cabellerias. En edificios establos bohias do almanacen .4“ [e 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 20h Otros Maquinaria f Dinero tomado a prestamo pesos. Dinero Ahorrado pesos. Obroros pagados hombres. Cuando comenzo en esta finco que planes or ideas tenia para el desarrollo do la finca? Con quien aprondio usted e1 trabajo do campo? Padre Otro familia Otro (Specify) Ha eprondido usted metodos 0 ideas sobre su manera do trabajo de gents no familiar? Si No / ‘ (a) Quien? 'JRelaccion a usted 1e usted alguna revista sobre agriculture? Si__ No___. (a) En el mes pasado? Si____ No___. Usted es socio do alguna organisacion? 81_ No___. (a) Cual? Tiene usted algunos planos para el mojeramionto do su finca? Si___ No— (a) Cuales (b) Para sus edificios (c) Para su maquinario (d) Para su ganado (e) Para su cria (f) Para su tierra (g) Para otro 23. 26. 27. 28. 29. .J 205 -7- Que ha hecho usted para llevar a1 cabo estos planes? (a) Tiene planes ya hecho? Si___ No__. Para hacer estos mojoramientos es sufficiento su propio trabajo y recursos? Si No___. Que 1e falta para hacer los cambios que desoa hacer? Dinero Otra ‘A‘ Use usted planes para el rotacion do one compos? Si____ No___. Cuanto dinero invertio el eno pasado en su finca? Menos do 100____; 100-500__; 500-1000__; 1000-2000__; 2000-5000__; over 5000-. (a) fue major cantidad que lo que usualimente inverts o no? (b) Que cantidad do dinero espera invertir este ano? m an opinion, sus vecinos tienen los mismos ambiciones? Si___ No No sabe___ Otro Donde obtiene usted informacion sobre practices do agriculture? ”Otros campesinos _Inspoctores agricolas ___Estecion experimentales ___Boletines . ____Periodicos ___Radio ___Cias Comerciales ____E1 Contra-1 __Otros ____Nonecossita miles J 30. 31. 32. 33. 3h. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. W. 206 Si un campesino necessite informacion sobre practices agricolas cual es el major fuente do informacion para mdarle? (a) Cuando fue 1a ultimo vez que usted he buscado informacion? Lleva usted libros do contibilidad? Si___ No____ Otro__ . .8- A que hora so levanto usted boy? _ AM (a) A one hora so levanto usted generalimente? - AH. Ayor que hizo usted en su finca? (or last full day of labor)? (a) por la menana (b) por la tarde (c) fue un dia de mas trebejo, memos trabajo, 0 un die typico en el cantidad do trabajo que hizo used? Man—Memos; Typico. Tiene planes para mnaha? Si No . Cuales Cuanto tiempo dedica usted diariamento a visitar a sus vecinos or familiaros? _Menos de una hora;__1-2 horas;___2-3 horas3__mas. Cuantos vecos a la semana 0 a1 mos va usted a los pueblos cor- canoe (a) a la Rabana En que bodega compra usted? Por cuantos anos ha comprado usted en esta bodega? Cualro usted va a1 pueblo durante el dia, cuantos horas dedica all! generalimente? ' Cuando a usted 1o falta dinero para la siembra u otra cosa donde va para consequirlo? ___Bodegero;__Banco 3 nigo o vocino;__faniliar o pariente; ___Prostamista (Indique quien)__ ___; Banfiac. ALE 207 hl. Cuanto dinero puede consequir para hacer una‘mejora en su finca? #pesosz Otro __ h2. Tiene dinero tomado on prestamo shore? Si___ No_. Cuanto 113. Tiene usted dinero ahorrado ahora demo? Si__ No . pesos. 11h. Para que fin tiene osto dinero ahorrado? Uso familiar ’ Soguro 3 Majorca de la finca 3 otros (specify) . “- hS. Tiene usted trabajo fuera do on finca? Si___ No____. (a) Que haco usted con ol' dinero Que gens? 1.3» (b) Gena mas do Is finca or do nogocios? Fines—3 Negocios . -9- 1:6. Fuerza de trabajo. Todo el ano. Trabejadoros ldad Rolacionllsses dio Babilided Actividad a1 traba- as tra-Hcomparado chores trabajo operator Jados bajados a un hombre del r mos cage l 117. Trabajadoros estacionales (incluyondo alquiler do macineria). f Arado,Siembra Iimpia , Vecos por ano fortilisacion, Aporque, Recolecion Otros etc. etc. Not lDias No. Dias lRo. HDias £0. Wis: 208 1:8. Elnora do venta nova al pueblo Lleva o1 merm— Vonde o Vendo Los principoles vontoo usted misno codo do 13 Bob- uno que a un ans usted misno recoge fondl- iar _ 119. Cree usted que los metodos do trabsjo que use. boy on dis servisn en los anos fixtures? Si No . Otro Ganentorio ____.__ L. 50. En que consiste una fingwgz Bejucal. A (Nunero do items: specificity, High__Hediun__lml .) 51. Quien es cl major canpesino que usted he. conocido on on vidn? Hombre (a) Todavia viva? Si__ ”0—. (b) Relacion con usted? (c) Donde viva (v1v1a)__ (d) Porquo es cl mojor? (specificity: High___ nodium___‘ low___) (e) En an opinion usted es tan buen canpesino coma ol 3 major que ol ; or poor que el . (f) En que consisto lo diferoncia entre cl y usted? .33 209 52. Cualos son los movos oquipos o nejor- practices que usted ha introducido on on finca? Muipiniontos Practi cos i Ganado Arbolos ingortados (a) Quion le ayudo a hacer estos cambios? (b) Todos sus vecinos tanbion tienen estos nojoras? Si___ Ho___ Ho sabo___ (c) 81 no, porquo tiene usted ostas nojoras mientros ollos no las tienen? 53. Entre las mjoras que usted ha hecho, cualos moron las mas dificilos do realizar? (a) Per que? Sh. Quienes son las personas quo tienen o1 mayor ontoros en sus actividados y sucoso com cauposino? Do familia: ' Otros Camposinos: Gents do la ciudad: (Numero: personas, do familia 3 canposinos__ urban ) (a) Que es nas corca do la verdad: (l)___Estan contontos conque usted siga trabajando cono ahora, (2) o esperan que usted hega sojoras en sus practicas. (b) Han hablado do nejoras en su finca algunos do ostas gents on conversacion con usted? 81 No No rocuerda___ (l) Quion? 31 210 SSe H3 usado usted: (a) abonos quimicos $1 No (b) soullla nejorado sI“ r5" (c) frutales ingertadas ‘3 13___ (d) insecticidas Si Bo - (e ) gonado nej credo .3!__-N3__ (a) Quien le recommendo el uso de estos? (a) (b) (c) (d) (o) (b) Dieron buenos resultados? - (a; Si___ No- (b 31 No (0) 81— No.- (d) Si"— Ila- (e) 81: No: 56. (a) Bay campesinos on Cuba que dicen que la ciencia agricola trabajo bastante bien en las estaciones exporinentales pero no sirve en. sus fincas. Usted esta do acuerdo_____? 0 a1 contrario___? I ,(b) Cree usted que los abonoe quinicoe puenden ayudar sus cosochas en la finca? $1_ No”. (c) Que es lo mas importante en an opinion: aherra dinero para sus ancianidad__, or gaetan dinero para vivir comfortable ahora _? Tiene usted dinero ahorrado para su ancianidad? Si___ No___. (d) Que cree usted ayuda use a un agricultor do Bejucal para echar adolante en una finca (l)___ gastan su dinero para couprar us terreno o nejor terrenos, o (2 )___gastan su dinero para hacer cambios in su metodos do trabajo. 5?. 211 (e) Hay composinos en Bejucal que dicen eso: "Generalinente los individuos que prestan dinero en Bejucal explotan al agricul- tor y cargan intereses nuy altos? Usted esta do acuorda___? or no osta la acuerdo____? ‘ (f) Cree usted que es necessario sacrificiarse nuche los gastas de la familia para echar adelante la finca? Si___ No____. Que sacrificias hace (hizo) usted? Voy a leer unas declaracianes. Digane par favor si usted esta do acuerdo a no esta do acuerdo. (a) Si- Na__ La nsnera major de ser campesino es coma hiza mi padre. (b) 81_ No___ Para un campesino do Bejucal coma usted as may peligrosa eager dinero prostado on cantidades grandes. (1) Es un riesgo que usted puede acceptor Si____ Ho . (c) Si___ flo____ Hey my paca apartunidad para nejoras una finca si e1 agricultor no es dueno de su terreno. (d) 31_ No___ Lo que necessite nae los campesinos de Bejucal es una program fuerte del gobierno para dar facilidades. (e) 81_ Na___ La que necesitanucha e1 agricultor de Bejucal es una program do informacion sabre coma puede majorarse can sus prapios recursos. Cual es nae inpartante (d)___ or (o)... . (1') Si___ Na____ Generalinente los recursos que tienen los campe- sinas de Bejucal no preveen la apartunidad para ir adelante en una fines. (g) Si__ No 31 uno tiene dinero debo prestar alga a sus amigos, vecinos y gento de la familia? S9. 212 58. Para nejorar una finca unos candiciones son mas importante que otros. Puede paner ostas en o1 arden do an inpartancia? Economic factors Social factors Toner nucha torrono a buon ___Ser una persona bien canacida terreno y popular Buen administracian do la ___Vivir decentenento, de acuerdo finca con las coetunbres do camanidad ___Saber nacho sabre agriculture Toner una familia grando y can t “Toner buen credito do algun — recursos ,, prestanista, familiar a ___Cunp11r 1a lay toda e1 tienpe amigo :‘l‘ener amigos en la palitica y ___‘1'ener un bodegero rico y conercia , generase __Ser buen Catalica a Bay otros condicionos que son inpartante para el pragreso do! un agricultor on Bej ucal? $1_ No____. Cuales_ Sabre ostas ideas la gente tienen diforonte apiniones. Quiora saber la suya. (a) Para usted cual do estos opartunidades prefiere? __Ganar mas el 1a finca que ya tiene par necanieacion. :Hejarar el tamana do In finca a conprar mas terreno. (b) . Educar sus hijos (o niotas) on oficios. ::I-lacor nuevo case do placa en la finca ' (c) ___Hacer buena casa y vivir en el pueblo :Dducar sus hijas (a niotas) on oficios (d) __Hacer nueve case do place en la finca :Ganar nee de la finca que ya tiene par nocaniswion (e) __Hejarar e1 tanana do la finca o comprar mas terror» __Educar sus hijas (o niotas) on oficios (f) Racer buona casa y vivir en el pueblo Dejarar ol team do Is finca e canprar II! terreno (g) Hacor move case do place en la finca cor buona casa y vivir en el pueblo (h) ___Bducar sus hijas (a niotas) on aficias :Gsmr mas do la finca que ya tiene par necanisacion 60. 213 (i) __Hojarar o1 tamana do la finca a comprar mas terrena ___Hacer nuova case do placa en la finca (J) __Hacer buena case y vivir on e1 pueblo ____Ganar mas do la finca que ya tiene par mecanisacian Si todas los composinos viven on Bejucal hen do sor dividida dentro do tree groupos do los sigiontes asuntas a que graupo area [ usted que porti Deco? Y 1: (a) tomato: Ls riquese que tienen (1)108 mas pobros__._ .... (2) los que son alga pabres___ (3) los mas ricos___ ‘ (b) Asunto: La cantidad do trabajc que bacon diariamento (1)-los que trabajan salamanto unos horas del dis 2) los que trabajan casi todo el die (3 )___los que trabejan dura toda o1 dia (c) Asunto: El numera do cambios que han hecho en sus fincas (1)—Ins que han hecho paces cambios (2) Los que han hecho algunos cambios (3 )____Las que han hecho nuchos cambios (d) Asunto: El exito coma composina (1)____Los que tienen paco oxito coma canposina (2) Las que tiene bueno exito cana canpesino (3 )___Los que tienen mucha exito coma composino (e) Asuntox- Su suerto cane provoodor para eu familia (1) los que han tonida paco suerto coma proveedaros para “sus families (2) los que han tonida alga do suerto coma pravoodores para -sus families (3) los que hon tonida macho suerto coma provocdoros para -sus families. (1’) Asunto: Su “suerto" on negacias urbanas (alternative *exito") (1) los que han tonida paces resultadas en su nogocias “urbams (2) los que han tonida algunos resultados en sus negocios —urbanos 1:, 43‘ 211; 60. (f) (continued) (3 )___los que han tonida nuchos resultados en sus negocios urbanes ‘ (g) Asunte: Aduinistracion que tiene e1 composine (1)-los que tienen administracien conservadera (2 )____les que tienen administracian alga advancade (3)____las que tienen administracien any advancada (h) Asunte: Bl facilidad del composine para user y reparar naquinaria (l) los que tienen pace facilidad para usar y reparar “Joaquinaria (2) los que tienen mediana facilidad para usar y reparar ‘maquinaria (3) los que tienen much facilidad para user y reparar .naquinaria (i) Asunte: El resultade que han tonida can ol use do insecti- cides y abenes quimicos (1 ) los que hen tonida pace resultades con el uso do insecti- —cidas y abonos quimicas (2) los que han tonida algunes resultadas con el uso de .insocticidas y abenas quimicos (3) los que han tonida my buen resultados con o1 uso de ”insecticides y abenos quimicos (3) Asunto: La pasibilidad do una buena salida en el uso do credite del Banfiac e otro banco (1)—los que tienen peca pasibilidad do une buona salida (2 )___1os que tienen medians posibilidad de una buena salida (3 )__los que tienen buena posibilidad do una buona salida (k) Asunte: La influencia polities (1)—los campesinas que tienen peca influencia peliticanente (2)___les canpesinos que tienen alguna influencia paliticanente (3 )___les campesines que tienen mucha influencia politicamonto (l) Asunto: Bl conecionionte do la cemmnidad sabre e1 agriculter (1) los que son conecides salamonto per sus families (2 )""'les que son conecides en su barrio (3 )___los que. conecides on toda Bej ucal 215 (m) Asunto: El canocieniente del agriculter sobre los que es necosario para mejararso. (1 ) los que saben peca sabre la que es necesarie mejararso (2 )__los que sahon alga sabre lo que es necesarie para nejorarse (3 )___lae que saben mucha sobre la que es nocosarie pare nejararse ‘w (n) Asunto: LI cenformidad con las loyes y custembres do la comnidad _ (1)___las que so canfornan peca con las loyes y custenbros (2 )___les one so conforman goneralinento a loyes y eustenbros (3 )___los que so confarman abselutamente a loyes y custambres .. v (a) Asunta: La educacion agicala que tienen los agricultoros (1)—los que tienen pacaxeducacian agricola (2) los que tienen mediana oducacion agricela (3 )___las que tienen mucha edueacien agricola (p) Lsunto: El desea del agricultor para mojorarse (1)_;__les que quioren peca aprender para mejorarse (2) los que quioron alga aprender para mej erarse (3 )____1es que quieron nucho aprender para med erarse (q) Asunte: E1 esta bien dispuoste a sacrificarse par o1 progress do la finca (l) los que no estan preparado (2) los que ostan alga preparado (3)___los que ostan may bion preparado s VA 216 C. THE STATISTICAL ANALYSIS In the analysis of the data gathered by the survey, two interpre- tations were given to the sample of farmers. First, they were con- siderod as two related samples and statistical tests appropriate to ’ such samples were employed. Second, they were considered as two “I unrelated or independent samples and appropriate tests were performed. In the first case, the fact that the two sets of famors are matched pairs, chosen because they are adjacent neighbors, is the focus of statistical analysis. It is assumed that they may be the some unless they have had experiences which have differentiated then. In the second case, the assunmtion is made that the advanced farmers are a sample of all similarlyadvaneed farmers and that the neighbor farmers are a sample of all neighboring non-advanced farmers in caumnitios of this type. I While the first interpretation is certainly the nest conservative and nest closely related to the actual research operations, the second ‘ may prove to be substantially correct when (and if) more data are . available. To make both assmptians nado it possible to enplay both those statistical tests used for testing the significance of difference between two related samples and those used for the same purpose between two indopoaiont samples. The two tests employed for testing the significance of difference between related samples were the I'sign test" and the Wilcaxen Matched- Pairs Signed-Ranks Tests." Where possible, the second of those tests .1 2.1.». 217 was used as it is more "powerful“ than the first since it utilizes magnitudes of differences as well as the sign of the difference which is all the information required for the "sign test.” Where the second assumption was made, Fisher's "exact probability 2:2 test" and the Hann- h‘hitnoy U test were used. 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