THE SCOTTISH WARS 1°E~5TIHE¢EPWAR§§Vfl ~<

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James Os‘borngfihapman
19.51

 

This is to certify that the

r thesis entitled

THE SCOTTISH WARS OF THE EDWARDS

presented by

James Osborne Chapmen

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

MasteLQLAn‘LEL degree mm

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Major professor

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James Osborne Chegmer
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Submitted to the school of Graduate Studies of Kichigen
State College of Agriculture and Ayplied Science
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

LALTER CF AfiTS

Department of fiiStOTY

1951

The author wishes to express his sincere thanks
to Professor marjorie Gesner for her guidance and
assistance in the preparation of this paper. Greatful
acknowledgement is also due to the Mitchell Library of
Glasgow Scotland and The Peoples Friend of Dundee for

furnishing information not available in this country.

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Introduction .

Chapter

I. CluU

1.

0
be

()1
C

II . HE

1.
2.

5.
4.
5.
6.

1.
2.
5.
4.
5.

IV. T41
1.
2.

5.
4.

I?

J-J

r_ TWO
Huh.)

Conditions

or T52

TMflE CFCGWLH

..'\
‘1‘! :‘B e e e e o o o e e

in Scotland After

Alexander' 5 Death

The Settlement of the Issue of the

Throne
Immediate Causes of the War

Tne

FOLICI;
SCOTTISH HARS

OF THE EDWARDS IN H3

The Downfall of Balliol

Edward's First Attempt at Conciliating
Scots

the
The
The
The

Testing of Edward’s Policies
End of Leniency

Character and the Policies of
Edward II.

The Policy of Edward III

LPOLIC

T'T‘C

111A)

IT"

‘ ‘ f‘ | (‘t
TAIL SUC’TD e e e e e

The Failure of the Nobility
The Rise of William Wallace
King Robert Bruce

The Greatness of Bruce
David Bruce

LILITARY SIDE OF

The Raising,

of the English Host

The Organization, Equipment and Tove-

ment of he Scottis; Host

The
The

Conclusion . .

APP dJDIX

O O

Warfare of the Castles

Field Tactics of the Scottish

Appendix A.
I!

BIBLIOGRAPHY .

f“
U0

0

THE SCOTTISH WARS

Organization and Equipment

rage

()1
DD

84

116

172
174

177

Introduction

The land of Scotland and of the Scots has long
furnished much material for story, song and romance.
The strains of the bagpipe, the swirl of the hilt or the
picture of some mysterious and beautiful loch, is sufficient
to call up a romantic train of thought in many people. This
interest in things Scottish is no less strong today than
when the romantic story of that land was first diSplayed
to the world by such masters as Sir Walter Scot and Robert
Burns. It is all part of a general admiration for the
Scottish nation and its long struggle to maintain its inde-
pendence.

my own interest in Scotland was greatly stimulated
by a visit to that country in the summer of nineteen fifty.
I had an opportunity to see at first hand many of the places
and monuments made famous by Scottish history. Such places
as GlaSgow and the lofty castle of Edinburgh, as well as
York, Ripon, Durham, Newcastle-upon-Tyne in England increased
my interest in the period of the Scottish Wars of the Edwards.

Perhaps no period in Scottish history is more color-
ful than this thirteenth and fourteenth century epoch, which
witnessed the rise of legendary figures like Wallace, Bruce,
and Douglas. PeOple acquainted with this period in the
history of Scotland have frequently been amazed that the
Scots managed to marshal such resistance against their

1

 

Ill: I'lllllll'IHll 111'li

ii
overwhelming enemy. Scotland was poor and thinly pOpulated,
but the Scots chose the path of independence and rebellion
rather than submission to England.

The purpose of this paper is to try to shed some
light on the resistance that Scotland offered England. It
will not be possible to attempt an exhaustive study of the
Scottish Wars of the Edwards. The materials at hand and
the scope of the project make that a difficult under—
taking. Rather, an attempt will be made to analyze the
military aSpects of this turbulent time, along with the
fortuitous circumstances which played into the hands of the
participants.

In order to do this, one must know something about
the causes of the Scottish Wars of the Edwards and the
general and Specific policies of the leaders. The battles,
while important in all wars, are not always the deciding
factors in determining future policy. Rather, issues are
settled by the use made of available resources and the
ability of the commanders to find and adOpt a workable
formula for winning. These, then, will be the factors with
which this paper will deal: (1) causes of the war (2) policy
and character of the commanders as these two factors relate
to the prosecuting of the war and (5) an analysis of those

military factors ’hich enabled the Scots to maintain their

independence.

iii
It is hoped that this will also clarify the means
by which one nation was able to hold off a vastly superior
enemy until it could unite with its adversary on favorable

terms and conditions.

CAUSES OF THE WAR

1. Conditions in Scotland after
Alexander's Death
The Scottish Chroniclers agree that one of the most

tragic events that ever happened to their land was the death
of Alexander III in 1285. Subsequent events bear out this
opinion. Andrew of wyntoun,in particular, sets forth the
great sorrow of the Scottish peOple over the death of Alex-
ander and the great loss to the kingdom.1 John of Fordun,
in his turn, tells of an old prophecy which had been made in
Scotland, and observed that all of it came true after the
death of Alexander.

While twice three years, and moons

thrice three roll by

Under no pgince the widowed land

shall lie.
Alexander gave Scotland good government. Not only was Scot-
land peaceful and prOSperous, but her relations with England
were excellent. Scottish documents indicate the pains both
Alexander of Scotland and Edward of England took to maintain

this good relationship between their respective lands.3

lAndrew Wyntoun, The 0 al on kil o S ot
ed. David Laing (Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, l827§,

II, 305.

 

2John Fordun, Chronical of The Scottish Natign ed.
William F. Skene, (Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1871),

II, 305.

3Calendar of Documents Relatigg to Scotland Preserved
in Her Majest; 5 Public Record Office, ed. Joseph Bain, (Edin-

burgh: H. M. General Register House, ”1884), II, 23.
1

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2
It is possible that if Alexander's children had
lived, there might never have been a Scottish War for any
Edward. Alexander had three children but only one of them
lived to produce an heir. His only daughter, Margaret, who
was married to the King of Norway had died and left an only

daughter, Margaret. The succession to the crown had been

accordingly determined and would fall to the newly born
daughter of Margaret, if Alexander failed to produce a male
heir.4 This order of succession was necessary because Marga-
ret died shortly after the birth of her child. In 1285,
Alexander, in hope of an heir, married "Yolet", daughter of
the Comte de Dru, but he died before a child had been born.5
Alexander met his death in 1286. Thg Lanergost

Chronicle, which was composed by a contemporary, says that
on the nineteenth of March, 1286, the wind and rain were so
strong that a man could not face into the storm. That same
evening King Alexander had been holding a council at Edin-
burgh castle. When the storm reached its height, Alexander
decided he must join his new wife at Fifishire. He insisted
on plunging out into the wild night. In Spite of the many

warnings he received along the road, the King would not be

deterred. In the storm, Alexander's horse slipped and the

4Andrew Lang, A History of Scotland From the Roman
Oggupation, (New York: Dodd, Lead, and Co. 1900), I, 124.

5Ipid,gxl£5.

3
King was found dead on the sea shore.6
After the death of Alexander, there ”rose great

strife for the crown of Scotland:7 Various Scotsmen saw
an opportunity to feather their own nests. Factions formed
around John Balliol and Robert Bruce, contenders for the
throne. The action was taken despite the pledge demanded by
Alexander before his death, of allegiance to the Maid of
Norway. In spite of the turmoil and quarreling, the Estates
of Scotland came together for the purpose of considering who
would govern the realm. By the consent of all the kingdom
was to be governed by six Wardens

to wit by the venerable Lord BiShOp of Saint Andrews,

Sir William Fraser, Lord Duncan, Earl of Fife, and

the Lord John de Comyn Earl of Buchan, on the North

side of the water of Forth; and on the South side

there were three others, to wit, Robert, BishOp of

Glasgow, Sir John Comyn, and James, Steward of

Scotland.8
However this settlement did not succeed in quieting the
trouble,for the Earl of Fife, one of the guardians, was am-
bushed and killed soon after his appointment. The Scottish
Lords never forgot their petty differences,eand although

6Th§ Chronicle Of Lanergost 1212-1568, ed. Sir

Herbert Maxwell, Glasgow: James Maclehose and Sons,

Publishers to the University, 1915) p. 42.

7Sir Thomas Gray, Scalacronica, A Chroniclg of

England and Scotland from A. . MLXVI to MCCCL (Edinburgh:
Printed for the Maitland Club, MDCCCXXXVI) p. 283.

8The Book of Plu carden, ed. J. H. Skene, (Edinburgh:
William Paterson, 18805, II, 84.

 

 

4
swift justice was meted out to the perpetrators of this crime,
William and Patrick of Abernethy and Walter of Percy, the
breach left in the ranks of guardians created a scramble for
the position which proved disastrous to the unity of Scotland.
Patrick of Abernethy did, however, escape to France.9
The situation was not healthy for the remaining

guardians. They had to contend with the open war between the
two major contenders Balliol and Bruce. Such a combination
of circumstances greatly assisted Edward in his subsequent
actions. In relation to the strife between Balliol and Bruce,
a document was sent to Edward in the year 1290 on behalf of a
gathering of persons calling themselves ”The Seven Earls".
This instrument illustrates the growing tension for ”The Seven
Earls” were friends of Bruce. The Document states:

The throne being vacant by the death of Alexander III

and lest they, the BishOp of St. Andrews and John

Comyn so acting as Regents of Scotland together with

the small portion of the communitors of Scotland to

them adhering should of their own authority appoint

any king for the government of the kingdom, to the

prejudice of the rights of the Seven Earls ... he the

Procurator ... acting in the name of the before men-

tioned Seven Earls, ... doth thereby appeal to the

presence. or the person, of Edward King of England ...

and the Procurator places the bodies of the Seven Earls

of Scotland, ... and all their kith and kin, ... upger
the protection and defence of the King of Englan .

 

9Fordun, Chronicie, II, 515.
lQDpcuments and Records Illustrating the History of

,§cotlapd and the Trancactions between the Crowns of Scotland
and Eggland. preserved in the treasury of her Majesty's Ex-
Qheguer., ed. Francis Palgrave, (Commissioners in the-Public
Records, 1851), I, X.

 

§l

\Is

5
2. Edward's Attempts at Dominion
Over Scotland

In the meantime the English King was overcome with
temptation and he began Operations to obtain control over
Scotland. The English sources are very vague about many of
his subsequent actions. The English writers insist that
Edward had every right to declare himself Lord Paramount as
he later did. But he did not at once take action to support
this title. The Scottish Chroniclers on the other hand
recognized Edward's machinations but felt that the Scots
were too weak and disunited to defend themselves.

Indications of the future appeared as early as Febru-
ary 20, 1289. Edward knew of course, as well as the Scots,
that the Maid of Norway was next in line for the throne.
Edward's first attempt to obtain a hold over Scotland was
to have his son, the future Edward II, given in marriage to
the Maid of Norway.11 Finally, on February 20th a memorandum
dealing with "certain secret letters touching the affairs of
Norway”, indicates Edward's intentions.12 On the same day
the King ordered the BishOp of Durham to take possession of

the late King of Scotland's lands in Penrith and T'yndale.15

~

llFordun. Channels. II. 505.

12Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 98.

lsIdem.

6
The reader gets the impression from the order that Edward
had requested this of the BiShOp before and had perhaps
started his maneuvers for the throne of Scotland even earlier
than the date of the order.

All this activity took place behind a facade of be-
nevolent interest displayed by Edward for the contenders for
the Scottish throne, Balliol and Bruce. He even cleared the
way for Balliol to obtain the lands of his mother Drvorgilla.l4
But Edward went ahead with his own plan of the marriage for
his son to the Maid of Norway. Six Special envoys were sent
to the six wardens of Scotland to arrange the marriage ”be-
tween his son and Heir, Edward of Caernarvon, and the said
Maid of Norway, Margaret, the Heiress of Scotland."15 On
March 17, 1298, the guardians and Estates of Scotland gave

their assent to the union.16

Ambassadors of Norway met with
the Bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow and treated with Edward
in regard to the prOSpective marriage.17 The Scottish writers

insist that appended to the marriage contract were certain

 

l4Ibid. ,p.181..

lsPluscarden Chronicle, II, as.

16Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 101.

17Calender of Patent Rolls, Preserved in the Public
Record Office, Edward I A.D., Prepared under the superin-
tendence of the Deputy Keeper of the Records, (London:
Published by the Authority of Her Majesty, 1894), III, 327.

 

7
agreements specifying definite conditions pertaining to the
marriage. These agreements provided that "all rights and
customs, both lay and eccelesiastical ... would be free and
quit of all thraldom."18 One more step was needed before
final arrangements could be made. This was a Special diSpen-
sation which was received from Pope Nicholas XIV on November
16 granting to Edward of Caernarvon the right to marry Marga-
ret.19 This was necessary because the Maid of Norway and
Edward were cousins germane.

The King of Norway was loath to part with his daughter,
either for purposes of his own policy or because of a genuine
attachment for her. The Scots had urged him to send the Maid
immediately after they had agreed to Edward's prOposition.20
.Again on April 17, 1290, the King of England urged the Nor-
‘wegian Monarch to send "his daughter to England without delay."21
,In.the meantime extensive preparations went forward to receive
IMargaret and to fetch the Maid from the Orkneys to which point
‘the Norwegians were to conduct her. After a long delay there

zappears in the documents an extract stating that John de Tundale,

Inessenger to the BishOp of St. Andrews, had landed. This worthy

—_

laPatent Rolls, II, 527.
19Bain, Sgottish Documents, II, 327.

EQPatent Rolls, II, 528.

 

ZlBain, Scottish Documents, II, 107.

8

brought letters from his lord to Edward reporting the arrival
of the ”Damsel of Scotland" in the Orkneys.22 In Spite of
this notation, there were hints that the Maid was already
dead.25 In this way, Edward's first plan went astray and
the marriage was never concluded. It removed the last hOpe
of a satisfactory succession to the throne and gave the con-
tenders for the throne a free hand. This event destroyed
the last hope of Scottish unity under Alexander's heirs.

Edward was not to be so easily thwarted in his de-
signs on Scotland. Soon after the death of Alexander, the
Scots say Edward had begun gathering and falsifying infor-
mation from the various monastaries and abbeys in England to
build up a legal claim for the overlordship of Scotland.24
Even Florence of Worcester, an English monk, states that
Edward had the chronicles carefully inspected. Florence
wrote, "It appeared plain to all and each, that the supreme
right to the kingdom of Scotland was vested in and belonged
to him [Edwardld'g5 Edward sent an order to the Prior and

Convent of Cheater on March 2l, 1291, in which he repeated,

A

22Lang, History of Scotland, I, 166.

231bid., 157, The maid's death was confirmed a month

24F uscarden Chronicle, II, 137.

5Florence of Worcester, The Chronicle of Florence
of Worcespgr with Two Continuations; Comprisinngnnals of
English HistoryiFrom the Departure of the Romans to the
Reign of Edwardgl, trans. Thomas Forester, (London: Henry

G. Bohn, York Street, Covert Garden, MDCCCLIX), p. 328.

later.

9
”his late command to inSpect their chronicles, and to transmit
any extracts touching England and Scotland without delay."26
Furthermore, Edward's intentions in Scotland are revealed in
the fact that he had forced on them the BishOp of Durham in
1290. This agent of Edward was supposed to treat with the

keepers of Scotland over problems ”touching the state of their
"27

queen and of the realm of Scotland.
Edward began to put his second plan into operation to
capture the Scottish throne. On May 10, 1291, after Edward
had completed his research on his right to Scotland, he
issued an invitation to the BishOps of St. Andrews and GlaSgow
and the Nobles and Magnates of Scotland to meet him at Norham.28
The purpose of this meeting, so far as the Scots knew, was to
discuss the succession to the throne of Scotland. The English
Chroniclers indicate that Edward had been officially invited
by the Estates of Scotland to decide the contention of the
succession. his seems a strange action for the Scots to
take, in view of their anti-English sentiment. Fordun claims
that the Scots invited Edward to judge the diapute, by this
time in full force, because he was the only prince powerful

enough to enforce the results of the decision among the

 

26Bein, Scottish Documents, II, 110.
27Patent Rolls. II, 372.

28Rain, Scottish Documents, II, 110.

10
fl ‘ ' ‘ ~ 29 ' '1 1 "s

contenders Ior the Scottlsn tnrone. PoSSIbiy tne scots
did not tent to reveal that they themselves were virtually

. a .- 1. L: O rm- W , H. '..C A',
forced to cttend this isctssion. Ine Iact Ielalnu that
tiere is no official document extant that could be construed
as an invitatIOn from the Scots to ask Edward to intervene.

In any case, dw -ld went to great lengths to re-

assure tne Scots. He promised fai' {lay before the Council
met. Safe conducts were given with the following words:

That this shall not be a precedent to the prejudice of

Scotland."Ol

But at the Same time, he planned the entire
Opera ion carefully with a viewin his own success.

An order in the Close Rolls dated April 13, 129

 

co Limanned "Pobe rt de St utewsll and sixty others to be at

\‘7 1 _ 7- ~ ~ - * . ' —' 1 fl "32
hornam with horses and arms In 81X weeks from master next.
This action gave the in lish a strong talking point 1'.'1'len
Edward made his demand to be recognized as Lord Paramount,
for he would then be able to back his demand with force of

arms.

 

F

29 - . . ..
Fordun, Cnronlclc, II, 007.

 

'7
00 T1 _ 1 o
Idem. Fordun says the guardians an nobles of
Scotland sent for Edward to become "supreme judge" in this
matter.

'7,
VlBaln, Scottish Documents, II, 110

 

r
55C'lender of Close hollsL_Pleccrv>d in tile P~i olic

Repord Oiiice, Prepared under the superintendence oi the

De puty Keeler of the Recor S, (London: Published by Authority

of her Lajesty, 1894) III, 19 6.

 

 

11

Had Edward confined himself to the avowed task for
which he convened the assembly, all would have been well.
Unfortunately the English King was driven on by a vaulting
ambition. During the first business of the council with the
Estates of Scotland, Edward declared himself to be Lord
Paramount, a claim that made him virtual ruler of Scotland.53
In addition he backed his claim with documents.54 ‘The Scottish
nobles must have been thunderstruck, for they displayed a
strange lack of action in a peOple accustomed to vigorously
proclaiming their rights. To understand the basis for this
extraordinary claim, it will be necessary to take a look into
the past relationships of England and Scotland to discover
the basis for Edward's contention.

The Chroniclers agree, with some slight differences,
that Kenneth, King of the Scots, had sworn fealty and bound
himself to military service by land and sea to Edgar the
Pacific.55 The land he did homage for, however, was Cumbria
and not the whole of Scotland.56 A second submission of

Scotland came when the King of Scots bowed to 'Cnuto the Dane"

..k

35Lang, History of Scotland, I, 168.

54Florence, Chronicle, p. 328. The documents were
those Edward obtained from the monasteries. Fordun and
Langtoft say the same thing.

35Florence, Chronicle, p. 73.

36Fordun, Chronicle, II, 163.

12

37 Submission number

1031, again for the Lordship of Cumbria.
three apparently occurred when Malcolm submitted to William
the Conqueror. Scotland had become involved in difficulty
with William because of Malcolm's interest in the English
peOple, which was reinforced beralcolm's marriage to Saint
Margaret, sister of Edgar the Atheling.~ Malcolm performed
homage for only twelve towns which he held in England.38 0n
the other hand, Florence states that William reduced Scotland
in 1072 A.D. and forced Malcolm to do fealty for all the
Land.59 The fealty must have been a strange victory for
William because Malcolm was soon busily ravaging Northumbria
in 1079.40 In other words, Malcolm's homage was apparently
half-hearted and insecure. -

In 1174, England and Scotland were again at war when
William the Lion of Scotland invaded England, then under
Henry II. The English King was having difficulty with his
sons. William felt he had a chance for conquest because the
eldest son of Henry invited William to march against his

father. But this campaign resulted in the capture of the

Scottish King. Henry lost no time in forcing him and his

 

57%., p, 176.
583314., p. 204.
39Florence, Chronicle, p. 177.
403415;” p. 180.

15

lords to do homage for all of Scotland. Nonetheless, Henry

41

“suffered Him (William) freely to govern Scotland." The

final homage was Alexander's in 1278.42 This long series of
submissions seems to indicate that Edward had some justi-
fication in claiming the throne of Scotland. On the other
hand, Edward's case is weakened when one is aware that the
homage of the Scottish rulers was limited largely to border
areas and not to the whole of Scotland.

Even in the case of William who submitted to Henry
for all of Scotland, Richard Cour de Lion exonerated him
from all homage for Scotland when William paid Richard
12,000 pounds.45 According to Florence, William was at this
time also reinstated in his 'dignities and honours which his
predecessors held in England."44 All of this information
would certainly not indicate that England ever had held full
sway over Scotland. Further support of the Scottish claim
of independence was found in Alexander III submission. He
performed his homage at Edward's cornation, "without preju-

dice to all his dignities ... for his lands in England.'45

41Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 13.

421bid.,
45

a 33.

’U

5.

()1

Ibid., pg
44Florence, Chronicle, p. 395.
451pig., p. 500.

14
He was only going to do service for his possessions in
England.46
It is apparent from first to last Edward's claim
to be overlord of Scotland was shaky and he had no establish-
ed right to be declared Lord Paramount. In fact, the BiShOp

of Glasgow answered Edward's claim.47

Edward, by now, how-
ever, had his army at Norham, and there was little the Scots
could do to Oppose him. The subtle pressure exerted by the
army did produce results at Norham as can be seen from the
letters patent of the competitors, ”agreeing that seisin of
the Kingdom of Scotland and its castles should be delivered
to the King of England."48 This instrument was sealed on
June 6, l291.

On June 3, 1291, documents were drawn certifying
the Guardians of Scotland and indicating that the "afore-
said Guardians, with 27 other Earls and Barons of Scotland,
swore fealty on the Holy Evangels. Whereon the King as

Overlord proclaimed his peace throughout the whole realm."49

46}%fl_grave, Scottish Documents, p. 2
47Wyntoun, Chronicle, II, 501-
48Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 492.

49Ibid., pu,.122.

15
Edward's second plan had thus far been successful.50 The
Estates of Scotland accepted this order as binding, though
not without bitterness at the presence of armed force. The
whole incident illustrates Edward's thoroughness and lawyer-
like qualities. Certain Scottish Castles were subsequently
turned over to Edward as Lord Paramount. For instance,
"Ralph Basset, Knight," was appointed keeper of Edinburgh
castle at “one mark per diem for himself and retinue."51
During the year of 1291, the Patent Rolls show many protections

issued for men going on the King's service into Scotland.52

5. The Settlement of the Issue of the Throne

After Edward had gained his point by overawing the
Scots with a show of force, the major business of considering

which of the contenders should have the throne of Scotland

 

5OLanercost Chronicle, p. 814. A complete submission
document was preserved at Lanercost, it reads:"For as much
as we the Scots Lords have all come to the faith of the noble
Prince, Sir Edward King'of England, we promise for ourselves
and our heirs, so far as that is within our power, that we
shall be loyal and serve you loyally against all men who may
live and die; and that so soon as we know of any thing to the
detriment of the king or his heirs, we shall Oppose it to the
best of our power, To this we bind ourselves and our heirs,
which we have sworn upon Holy GOSpels. Moreover, we have done
our fealty to our Lord the aforesaid King in these words, each
one for himself. I will be faithful and loyal, and bear faith
and loyalty to King Edward of England had his heirs, with life
and limb and earthly honour against all men who may live and
die."

51Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 112.
52Patent Rolls, II, 454.

16

was placed before the assembly. The number of the pretenders
was large and not all the Chroniclers agree on just how many
there were. The list generally includes: Florence, count of
Holland, John Balliol, Robert Bruce, John Hastings, John Comyn,
Patrick, Count of March, John Viscy, Nicholas de Sowlis,
William de Ross, and Patrick Galighitly.5:5 Also Norway's
interest in the Scottish throne had already appeared. A
paper giving a claim put forward "by the procurators for
Eric, King of Norway" is found in the Scottish Documents.54
The rest of the pretenders had previously set forth their
reSpective claims for consideration at Norham.

Edward now made preparations to decide among the
contenders. As the author of Pluscarden states, ”Edward of
England chose twenty-four men distinguished by learning,

C-
"d5 to come to some decision

character, and age and loyalty,
on the problem. The number was made up of twelve men from
Scotland and Twelve men from England; however the exact number
is vague in most sources. The men chosen to judge were
supposed to check records and report back to the King and

Assembly who should be King of Scotland.56

 

5y’Gray, Scalacronica, p. 142.
54Bain, Sgottish Documents, II, 142.
55P’luscarden Chronicle. II, 86.

56Fordun, Chronicle, II, 307.

17

There is some diSpute between the Scottish and English
writers over Edward's handling of the case. Existing docu-
ments show that Edward made a gesture towards justice in regard
to the Count of Holland's claim on the Scottish throne. In
this case the English King appointed both Scots and English
to inspect the records as to the Count's contention.57 In
Spite of Edward's efforts, however, one must admit the Scots
took a dim view of all proceedings when they considered
Edward's past actions. For instance, although the proceedings
of the deciding council were supposed to be secret, Edward had
admittance to the Chamber. He sought added assistance and

prestige for the decision from the learned Paris Doctors.58

This fact is not mentioned by any of the English Chroniclers.59
According to the Scots, Edward falsified the case when

presenting it for the judgement of the Paris Doctors. The King

claimed there was no general or accepted custom for placing

a king on the throne of Scotlandjhnd that, moreover, the

English Kings, being the Overlords of that Kingdom, took the

 

57Bain, Scottish Documgnts, II, 126.
58Pluscarden Chgonicle, II, 88.

59In all fairness to the English Chroniclers it must
be admitted they wrote at the time these events took place and
so perhaps did not have all the facts available. Added weight
must be given this idea when it is considered that only Edward
and his council knew of this request to the Paris Doctors.
Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 88. The majority of the Scottish
writers, on the other hand, did most of their work after the
Scottish Wars of the Edwards had become history. Hence only
the Scots mention the decisions of the Paris Doctors.

18
said land into their hands” until such time as the question
was settled.60

Perhaps the most important aspect of the deliberations
of the Paris Doctors is that it does give some indication of
how the field was narrowed to Balliol and Bruce and what
principles governed the decisions.61 Two opposing views were
eXpressed. One contended that if there is no established
custom in selecting the King, recourse must be had to Roman
Law. This law declares that when "two claimants to a given
throne trace in the collateral line to the king last deceased,
... the one a step nearer stands first in the succession, not
withstanding primogeniture or the other side.”62 If this law
had governed the decision, Bruce would have come to the throne.
For Robert Bruce was a step nearer in degree, but the eminent
men of France said that if the lands were held in fee from
England, then England could govern the choice. Thus the rule
of primogeniture decided the case and Balliol was favored.65

However, the Paris Doctors were not agreed on either

of these two judgements. One of the doctors declared that if

6OPluscarden Chronicle, II, 89.

61Agenealogical table based on one from Fordun will
be found in appendix (A) of this paper. It is hOped this
table will afford some assistance in the following rather
complicated claims.

62Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 89.

6:5Idem.

 

19

Scotland had any custom regarding the succession of a king,
that custom must take precedence over that of England, even
though Scotland was held in fee.64

The Scots believed that the correct method in choosing
a king was by Roman Law which would have given Bruce the
Throne. It must be remembered, however, that these men were
writing after the time of both Bruce and Balliol and were
looking at the situation in the light of later develOpments.
They were prejudiced in favor of Bruce because his heirs had
come to the throne and needed support. They argued that
Scottish usage had demanded originally that the most direct
relative rule if the Scots decided he was fitted for the
throne.65 After the time of Malcolm Canmore this was altered
to the principle that the nearest living relative "should
receive the kingdom without regard to fitness." The document
continues: "Failing the royal line the next heir begotten of
a collateral stock should have the inheritance."66 This
supported the Scottish position, but it looks like primo-
geniture, although the Scots called it Roman Law.

As the litigation continued, the field was narrowed

until only Bruce and Balliol were left. The Scots, as before,

 

641bid., p, 92.
65Fordun, Chronicle, II, 134.

661bid., .p. 155.

20

charged Edward with working against the best interest of
Scotland. Fordun claims that Edward's free entrance to
the Council Chamber showed him that the choice seemed likely to
be Bruce, whereupon he called his own council at once.67
The English King at this time had no particular interest in
which candidate obtained the throne so long as he, Edward,
was in control. However, Anthony of Bek, BishOp of Durham,
warned the King against such a strong man as Robert Bruce.
The King is reported to have replied, "By Christ's blood!
thou hast sung well."68 i

It was further suggested to Edward that he obtain a
promise of homage from one of the two remaining contenders
before he decided which of them should receive the crown of
Scotland. Bruce was called in first and was offered the
throne in return for his homage, He answered, "I shall never
in gaining that kingdom for myself reduce it to thraldom.”69

The question was next put to Balliol wno readily agreed to

accept Edward's terms. Upon the announcement of the decision

 

67Fordun, Chronicle, II, 208.

68Idem.

69Idem, II, 308. All information concerning Edward's
offer of a crown to Bruce and Balliol can be found on page 308.
The account is for the most part the same as found in other
Scottish Chronicles.

21
Bruce is supposed to have withdrawn from the assembly without
ever tendering his homage to Balliol, the new King of Scotland.70
Edward, efficient as always, saw to it that all arrange-
ments were carried through and that Balliol lived up to his
part of the bargain. John de Balliol performed his homage to

his Overlord Edward for the Kingdom of Scotland on December 26,

at Newcastle-on-tyne.71
4. The Immediate Causes of the War

Edward began his role of Overlord with commendable
restraint. Many instances of his kindly offices exist. A
case in point was the English King's prompt action in turning
over to Balliol all of Scotland together with all the castles
and forts of that land. A document dated January 2, 1293,
gives proof of the transfer. It will be remembered that while
litigation was being conducted, Edward held Scotland in ward
as Lord Paramount.72 In addition to Edward's prompt handing
over of Scotland, he, "of his Special favor pardons John de

Balliol King of Scotland 30,000 pounds ... due his relief."75

 

7OIbid., pm 309. The decision against the claim of
Bruce was given November 6, 1292 (Bain, Scottish Documentg,
II, 151). John de Balliol was pronounced King of Scotland on
November 14, 1292 (Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 152. Lang
says November 17, page 175).

71

 

Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 152.

721bid., p. 153.

751bido , p_0 1570

C.
N

2
Edward followed up this kind office on Kay 3, 1293, by order-
ing his "officers to deliver the lands of Tyndale to Balliol
King of Scotland because the last king held them."r74 Almost
as an afterthought the scribe added "Balliol must do hcmage
for Tyndale."

The English King silo.ed later, on the other hands, that
his first actIOns were indeed but pretense. In the light of
subsequent events, Edwa'd' s actions werefifiise. The English

King had gained a tremendous success over Scotland. Just how

great the acnievcncnt was can be understood when it is con-

(0

ide red at ainst the background of a very difficult war Ed‘ssard
had been forced to wage against the Jelsh. In the contention
with Scotland, Edward, without striking a blow, had obtained
Overl ords hip of a populace and country much larger than that
of Hales.

The roll of the kindly father in the Edward-Balliol
relationship did not last long and the true character of
Edward's position soon made itself felt. The English King
has been accused oI' deiibe rctely driving Balliol to rebellion.7O
Certainly thzsre wei e Opportinities provided for Edward to
accomplish this purpose. One of the first moves that brought
Balliol crashing down was p°ovided by one oI his own country

J.

men. The Scottish Ciiioniclers mainta :Ln that Balliol was not

 

74Close Rolls, III, 28

f- 1? o r. x - ,5
70Lang, history oI Scotland, I, 170.

 

23

liked nor was he well supported by a considerable number of
the nobility.76 If this is true it would in part eXplain
the actions of Macduff in bringing suit against Balliol in
Edward's court. The suit was the result of the slaying of
the Earl of Fife which has been discussed in a previous
section of this paper.77 Macduff was the Earl's heir and
there were those who would not give up to him the lands of
Fife. Macduff had first brought his case to Balliol but had
received no satisfaction. He then took the case to the Court
of Edward, Overlord of Scotland. The action was a contributing
factor in causing the later struggle between Edward of England
and Balliol of Scotland.78

Wyntoun, a Scottish Chronicler of the period, has
left a rather complete account of Balliol's disgrace.79 After
Macduff had placed his case before Edward, the King of Scots
was cited to appear in person in his Overlord's court, a
request not unusual under the circumstances. ”However, such a
summons could hardly be called a gesture of friendship. A

summons in itself was bad enough but Edward's next step was

to call Macduff to confront his adversary.

 

(LIN?)
76Fordun, Chronicle p. 319. He+quotes from the St.

Albans Chronicle, King John, “opened not his mouth, fearing
the frenzied wildness of that peOple the Scots ... so dwelt
he gfifh them as a lamb among wolves." Lang, History of Scotland,
‘ ‘50
See page 3.

BW .
wyntoun, Chronicle, II, 325.

79Ibid., p. 326.

24
When the Macduff case was called, Balliol arose and

stood in his place. A procurator appointed by Balliol went
to the bar to present the Scottish King's side of the case.
This action that Balliol took was in accordance with a
courtesy given to great lords such as he. Edward, however,
was determined to humiliate Balliol.

The Kyng Edward off Ingland

Bade hym ga to the bar and stangO

And his spek thare on thame lay
Wyntoun agreed with John Balliol that he was not "tretted
as kyng in the proces.“81

No reference to the Macduff case appears in any of

the documents of the time, nor is it mentioned by the English
Chroniclers. It can be safely assumed, however, that such
an incident did occur because the case is mentioned, by all
the Scottish writers. Moreover, a document does exist which
tells of a case similar to the one under discussion. In
April of 1293 the following instrument was executed: "The
King as Overlord of Scotland, to the Shireff of Northumber-
land, commands him in person to cite the King of Scotland
to appear and answer the complaint of John Mazum at West-

minster on the Morrow of ascension next.”82 Balliol in this

 

80Idem,
8

 

lIbid., p. 527.

 

82Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 160.

25

instance was able to avoid the summons by sending a letter
of explanation to the King of England.83 I

As a result of such humiliations, King John was fast
approaching the breaking point, a condition Edward both
desired and deliberately fostered. Suddenly the complexion
of this relationship was changed. Edward found himself in-
volved in a contention with Philip of France over Gascony
and was forced to seek aid from Balliol. Edward now demanded
assistance from Balliol whom he had formerly humiliated. On
June 29, 1295, a military summons was sent to Scotland order—
ing "John King of Scots and 18 of the magnates of Scotland to
join him (Edward) with their force at London."84

John at last saw his opportunity. He called a
Parliament but not primarily to consider Edward's summons.
When the Estates of Scotland met, John proceeded to set forth
the treatment he had suffered at the hands of the English
King. The Estates of Scotland found Balliol not to be the
least bound by the summons because the King of Scotland's
oath of homage had been extorted from him by force and
intimidation. Moreover, the Lords pointed out, that John
could not have taken an oath such as he did without consulting

the three estates of the realm. In effect, if the above

 

851bid. ,p.l62.
84Ide .

6

t0

reasoning .vas correct, John had taken a private oath which

. . . . 8”
had no force on a public office. 0

Additional reasoning has been mars hal led by the
Scottish Chronicl ers in support of the Scot' s actions towaI d
Edward's summons. To have complied with Edward's summons,
so the Scots maintain, would have been to perjure Scotland
in the eyes of the World. he Scottish Kingdom could not
have proceeded against the French had they wished to do so,
because an alliance already existed with Francefi6 According
to Fordun, the first treaty was sealed in 787 at Aachen with
Charles the Great.87

Perhaps, knowing the dangerous advisary they con-
fronted, the Scots made a more binding treaty with France at
this time. The details involved the marriage of Ealliol's
son, Edward, to the niece of the King of France along with
the usual marriage portions. The heart of the treaty dealt
with an alliance against England as well as Germany, "both
by land and sea."88 Also in the treaty are to be found
elements of the grand strategy for drawing off the English

from whichever land, Scotland or France, Ed? ard chose to

 

 

attack.
85:31? t‘ t " 1A II P
“1 c rden Chi nicle, , 100.
86Idem.

Q - \ o n
”7bordun, Chronicle, 11, 10b.

88Pluscarden Chroniclg, II. 109°

27

Langtoft, in his turn, tells of further machinations
on the part of Balliol and his lords. The English Chronicler
Was a contemporary of Edward's time and very bitter against
the Scots. In prefacing his remarks regarding these dis-
simulations Langtoft gives voice to the wish that Scotland
may be cursed by the Mother of God, thus illustrating the
ill will the English bore the Scots. The English Chronicler
continues with an account of an attempt on the part of Balliol
to win the Pope to his side in the disPute, "The mad King of
Scotland with the advice of his mad barons has sent messengers
to the court of Rome."89 The Scottish envoys were to set
before the Pope the full circumstances under which Balliol
received his crown. This effort produced results, as shall
be indicated.

Philip, the King of France, doubtless with no little
delight, sent to Edward the terms of the treaty between
France and Scotland October 25, 1295.90 On the same day the
Scots' King sent his letters patent dealing with the French

treaty.gl

Edward, even before Balliol's transactions with the

Holy See,had taken considerable action against Balliol and

 

89
Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 221.

9OBain, Scottish Documents, II, 166.

911big., p . 166. 7

28
his subjects. Part of Edward's reprisal took the form of
seizing and selling the lands and goods of Scots taken on

90 . .
L This was Increased and extended

their manors in England.
when Edward received confirmation of the Scottish-French
alliance.95

The new reprisals put into Operation at the behest
of Edward, were carried too far to admit of a reconciliation
between the Eonarchs of England and Scotland. Balliol
probably could not have controlled his nobles and the
Scottish King himself under the lash of humiliation would
hardly be willing to exart a restraining influence. The
result was a foregone conclusion. The Estates of Scotland
in the year of 1295 dISpatched a document to the English
court reciting the injuries inflicted upon Scotland and their
King. Balliol Speaks of "violent occupations of his castles
and possessions ... and therefore he renounces the homage
extorted from him by violence and his fealty for his lands

in England.”94

The Abbot of Arbroath received the doubtful
honor of delivering this instrument to Edward. Fordun claims

that so great was the rage of Edward upon receiving the

 

92Idem.
93Lang, History of Scotland, I, 177.
94Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 167.

29
intelligence that the good Abbot almost lost his life not-
withstanding his religious character and the fact he was an
envoy.95

Edward summoned Balliol once more to stand trial for
his insufferable actions, but John showed little interest in
such a proposition. Edward now retaliated by having laws
enacted depriving Balliol of his kingdom, but these laws had
no effect in Scotland.96 On December 16, 1296, the King of
England regarded war as his only solution, for in the figllg
appears an order to the Earshal of England and many others
to come with horses and arms and to proceed against ”John
King of Scotland who had committed actions, contrary to his
oath, to the injury of the King's crown."97

The claim of the Scottish writers now is that Edward
chose to review his first judgment and called to him Robert
Bruce II, the son of the pretender Robert Bruce. The elder
Bruce had died in the month of April, 1294, according to
papers dealing with the settlement of his estate.98 The

crafty English King now told Robert that the decision which

gave the Crown of Scotland to Balliol was imprOperly rendered
95Fordun, Chronicle, II, 515.

96Ibid., ,p., 316.

97Close Rolls, III, 501.

98Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 164.

SO

and that if he, the younger Bruce, would help Edward in the
coming war against the Scots, he should have the throne of
Scotland.99

Preparations for war now began in earnest with the
English moving toward Berwick. This walled town was doubt-
less picked because it possessed as good a port as any near
that part of the Scottish-English border. Moreover, if
Edward did not occupy that city, the Scots would not only
have an excellent supply inlet but a good base of operations
for taking the English in flank when that army moved farther
into Scotland. Lang adds another cause to the list of reasons
of why the English chose to strike at Berwick. He says some
few English citizens were murdered when members of the
Scottish population rose up in anger.100

The Scots took steps to defend themselves aware that
some such move would be made by Edward. King John, on the
advice of the Estates, sent "all the nobles and freeholders
as well as the rest of the valiant men of ... Fife to ...
defend the town of Berwick."lOl Further action was taken
against the English during and after the fight at Eerwick.

Balliol, with the help of the BishOps of Scotland,

 

99Fordun, Chronicle, II, 516.
lOOLang, History of Scotland, I, 177.
101

Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 111.

31
now proceeded to remove all persons of English birth, both
temporal and ecclesiastical, from all positions of trust.
The commonalty of Scotland assisted in the purge by driving
the English from the soil of the EOther Land.102
The stage was now set for the series of terrible
wars which were to all but deStroy the Scottish nation and

prevent the English from realizing her Imperial ambitions

for almost 500 years.

 

1021mm, p. 112.

II. THE POLICIES OF THE EDWARDS
IN THE SCOTTISH WARS

1. The Downfall of Balliol

The policies which Edward used in the conduct of the
Scottish Wars, set precedents which were followed by his son
and grandson in later years. This chapter will deal in part
with Edward's method of obtaining dominance over the Scots
and holding them in subjection. The counter movements of
the Scots in attempting to withstand the onslaught of the
English will be discussed in the next succeeding chapter.

In examining Edward’s policy of attempted domination, we get
a clear view of the English attitude toward Scotland for
almost a century.

After Edward had assembled his force he lost no time
in coming to grips with the town of Berwick. The most sig-
nificant fact in the capture of Berwick that is revealed in
the Chronicles is that Edward resorted to ”cunning". The
Scots say that this involved a staged retreat as if Edward
had lifted the siege on the town. The English forces, when
beyond view of the watch towers of Berwick, arrayed them-
selves in the Scottish formation with Scottish standards and
the cross of St. Andrews dISplayed. As this disguised force
advanced on Berwick the garrison and townSpeOple, believing
they were delivered, rushed out to greet what they supposed

were their deliverers - the army of Scotland. The Scots

32

55

recognized their mistake too late and the English soon gained
the walls.1 As the Lanercost Chronicler writes, "the pride
of these traitors was humbled almost without the use of force."2

Edward wished to make an example of Berwick and ordered
a general slaughter of the Scottish soldiery and perhaps, as
the Scottish chroniclers insist, civilians. Fordun says,
“neither sex nor age was Spared."3 This carnage apparently
affected Edward even though he had ordered it. On seeing a

woman slain, he is reported to have cried out,

"Lasses, Lasses," then cryid hi:
"Leve off, leve off," that word suld be.

4
There is some evidence that the feeling of the English was so
strOng against the Scots that a massacre was a foregone con-
clusion. Langtoft expresses the hope that "nothing remains
to them [the Scots) ..., except only their rivelings (shoes)
and their bare buttocks."5

The actual number of individuals killed that day is
difficult to determine. Fordun places the dead as high as

6

7,500. The Lanercost Chronicler outdoes this figure by

declaring ”15,000 of both sexes perished.”7 The Langtoft

 

lFordun, Chronicle, II, 518.
2Lanercost Chronicle, p. 155.
5Fordun, Chronicle, II, 518.
4flynton, Chronicle, II, 555.
5Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 255.

6Fordun, Chronicle, II, 518.

7Lanernnqt Chrdninlg- n- 135-

 

54

Chronicle sets the number of the fallen at 4,000, a figure
perhaps closer to the truth than either of the former.8
The Chroniclers are well known for their great exaggeration
of numbers participating in battles and the numbers slain.

The English King had now conquered a stronghold and
his future policy reveals that he recognized the value of
Berwick and intended to hold the port for England. Since
Berwick had fallen through trickery, little damage had been
done to the walls, the fortifications were strengthened and
around the town, "a wide and broad foss” was dug.9 The town
of Berwick was then staffed from tOp to bottom with English-
men. On April 2, 1296, the King at Berwick gave an order,
"that Sir Robert Clifford with 140 men-at-arms and 500 foot
shall keep the March of Scotland till three weeks after
Easter next, taking hostages of Selkirk forest, the moor of
Covers etc."lo In the same month "Edward forced William,
son of John of Perth, Bernard 1e Mercer .... burgesses, and
the whole community of the town of Berwick to swear fealty.ll

Edward's next move was decided for him by the Scottis

attack on the English under Warenne besieging the fortress

8Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 255.

 

9Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 255.

 

loBain, §ppttish Documents, II, 170.
llIbId.jIIa7.

55
of Dunbar.12 Because of the inept handling of the troops
and the dissension within their own ranks the Scots took a
beating from which they did not soon recover.15 This battle
will be dealt with to a greater extent in the following
chapter.

One of the significant aSpects of Edward's policy
towards the Scots is seen in his treatment of prisoners.
These men were not taken to any one place of confinement
but were separated into small groups of two or three men.
The purpose of this was to prevent conSpiracies and plots
against the English which might develop from close associ-
ation of the prisoners. The earls went to the tower of
London and the rest of the noble prisoners were placed in
various castles throughout England.14 Proof of this diapo-
sition of prisoners exists in a document dated May 16, 1296,
listing the castles to which the Scottish prisoners of
Dunbar were committed.15 In the list may be found the names
of Earls, Knights, and Esquires. The common folk are all
omitted. Langtoft says of the Scots after the Battle of
Dunbar, ”the Scots have lost in the field their heads with

their ears. "16

 

l2Lang, History of Scotland, I, 178.
l:5Lanercost Chronicle, p. 140.

14
Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 251.
15Bain, Sgottish Documents, II, 176.

l6Langtoft, Chronicle. II, 249.

56
At this point Edward made a grave error which later
proved expensive to him and his heirs. After the Battle of

Dunbar, Bruce, the son of the pretender, insisted that Edward
keep his promise with regard to the Scottish throne.l7 He
had, as has been noted in the last chapter, promised the
throne to Bruce. However, the arrogant Edward replied to

this request, "Have we nothing else to do but to win king-
doms for thee?"18 Bruce was enraged and crushed by the answer
and he withdrew from the war and left Scotland for good. His
son Robert inherited the task of avenging Edward's insult to
his father.

The Battle of Dunbar broke the back of the Scottish
resistance. On that fatal field a large number of those who
supported Balliol were either slain or imprisoned. The re-
mainder of the campaign consisted of a series of sieges
against the strongholds still held by the Scots for Balliol.
Edward conducted the rest of the campaign with mildness, con-
sidering the times and his earlier behavior. The English
King gave orders that no man should plunder or burn and that

a fair price must be paid for all supplies.lg

 

l7Fordun, Chronicle, II, 519.

18Idem.

19Lanercost, Chronicle, II, 149. Lang says Edward
was harsh and ”invited all the outlaws .... to join his army."
,Lang, History of Scotland, I, 178. The number indicated in
the Patent and Closg Rolls does not bear out Lang's contention.
As near as I could count there were 200 such cases. A small
number of men in an army of 10,000.

 

 

 

It'l1ll1l..

57

Edward advanced as far as the castle of Forfar where
he was met by John Comyn who then submitted to Edward.20
Perhaps Comyn hOped to salvage as much as possible for his
King by this act. It was obvious that with disunity in Scot-
land and many Knights in the hands of the English, that the
war could be prosecuted no longer.

Whatever Comyn's reasons were, he contracted to bring
John Balliol and his son Edward from Aberdeen to Montrose,
a place appointed for the Scottish King's submission.21
Here Balliol gave up the charge of Scotland in a moving scene.
"King John stripped off his kingly ornaments, and holding a
white wand in his hand surrendered up with staff and baton, ...
all right which he himself had or might have, to the kingdom
of Scotland."22 Letters Patent dated July 2, 1296, declared
that, "John by the Grace of God King of Scotland confessed
his offence against his liege lord and delivers up to him
the kingdom of Scotland and its peOple."25 The document is
followed by a long list of the Knights and magnates of the
realm of Scotland, coming into the king's peace and swearing

fealty to their overlord Edward.24 Balliol and his son were

 

ZOBIuscarden Chronicle, II, 114.

lebid.JI115.

ggFordun, Chronicle, II, 520.

7I..
2"’Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 179.

24Idem.

58

kept in close confinement in London for some time.25 The
confinement, however, was not severe for appearing in the
Close Rolls, November 22, 1296, is Edward's grant of a hunts-
man and a household page to John Balliol.26 Ex-king John was
at last allowed to return to his old family lands in France
where he died; his son was held a few years after the release
of his father, but was subsequently allowed to join him and

inherit his lands.
2. Edward's First Attempt at Concilmming the Scots

Edward now proceeded to consolidate his conquests.
He first dealt with the Scottish nobles. With John Comyn
and Simon Fraser another leader in the foray, he was some-

what more severe than he was with the rest of the nobility.

Both these men had to pay fines equal to their holdings.27

John Comyn had to swear to serve Edward against France.28

Likewise Andrew Fraser had to swear on the "Holy Evangels
(Sic) and relikes and the Lord's body" to serve the King of

England faithfully in his wars against the King of France.29

 

25Plusgarden Chronicle, II. 1160

26Close Rolls, IV, 1.

27Bgltuli Parliamentorum; ut et Petitiones. et.
Placita in Parliamento Tempore Edward R. IIIIZn.p. nig?
vol. 1, 211. .

28Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 255.

29Ibid.gx254.

59
All those nobles who had participated in the war were sent
South beyond the Trent.30 Thus the crafty king got trouble-
some Scottish nobles out of the land of Scotland and used
them against the French.

Generally Edward changed only the top administrative
positions and the wardens of certain key castles and strong-
holds. Furthermore, Edward's legislative policy demanded
that all the Flemish and French living in Scotland be required
to leave the realm. These peOple were to be henceforth per-
mitted to enter Scotland only to trade.31 The supreme
authority as Guardian of Scotland was vested in John de
Warenne, Earl of Surrey.52 Ormesby was Justiciar with five
justices to administer the law.33 Cressingham was treasurer
and had the exchequer at Berwick-on-Tweed.34 These men were
serving in Scotland as appears from the documents in the
Close Rolls. On April 25, 1296 appears a memorandum to keep
the property of John de Warenne safe while he is on the

king's affairs in Scotland.55 De Warenne was definitely given

 

50Langtoft, Chgonigle, II, 275.

SlIdem.

521d m-

 

_lose Rolls. III, 510.

40
the title of "Keeper of the Land of Scotland" in September,
1296.:56 Ormesby was a justice on the Scottish side of the
Trent but nothing is given of the affairs of his office.37
The documents indicate that Cressingham actually administered
the office the Chroniclers report. The appointment was probably
made shortly before Edward left Scotland in September of 1296.

Previously, Cressingham had been serving in other capacities.

The document reads, "Protection with clause volumue, for one
58

 

year, for Hugh de Cressingham, treasurer of Scotland."
Other than the above officers and a few men in minor capacities,
Edward, "did not change the captains or the other officers of
justice."239
After the new officers were installed, Edward traveled

about Scotland and seized some objects of veneration, such
as,

their king's seat of Scone

Is driven over dowza,

carried to London.
It was Edward's hOpe to utilize these in commanding the respect

and awe of the Scots. In addition, Edward took records and

documents from Scotland. Perhaps the better to prove his own

 

36Patent Rolls, III, 196.
57:1656 Rolls, IV, 582.
38Patentholls, III, 201.
5ggiuscarden Chronicle, II, 116.

40
Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 265.

 

41

claim to Scotland to the Pope should that be necessary and
make it difficult for the Scots to prove their contentions.4l
This fact along with the many recorded burnings of monasteries
would eXplain why these very important sources of Scottish
History are largely unavailable.42

In these arrangements Edward failed to effectively
restrain either the BishOps or the humble priests of Scotland.
This oversight was to cost him dearly. The prominent role
played by the Scottish clergy makes it necessary at this
point to take a close look at these men in order to see why
it was necessary for them to be under the control of Edward.
As we have seen it was the nobles with whom Edward dealt
most severely. The Scottish nobility, while more colorful
than the clergy, never, with the exception of the great
Scottish hero Wallace, moved the common people of Scotland
as did their BishOps and priests. Those of the higher clergy
such as Wisheart, BishOp of Glasgow, might be found changing
sides in the Scottish factions and going and coming in and
out of Edward's peace, but always it seems with the intention
of keeping Scotland free.

Balliol, during his short tenure as King of Scotland,

was supported by many of the clerg . Both the Bishop of

 

41Lang, ngtogy of Scotland, II, 178.
42Langtoft, Chronicle. II, 271.

42

St. Andrews and Henry, abbot of Awbroath, were loyal to John
when he first broke with Edward.45 It was the latter man who
delivered Balliol's letters Patent to Edward recalling his
homage and fealty.44 King John recognized the importance of
the Scottish clergy to his cause for he drove out all the
English beneficed clergy and gave their places to the Scots/15
Sir David Hailes, a reSpected writer of Scottish History in
the nineteenth century, believes one of the principal aims
in driving out the English clergy was "to animate the loyalty
of the Scottish clergy by views of preferment.“46

tThat King John did indeed get this support is certain.
According to the Lanercost Chronicler, priests took part in
the defense of Scotland not only by their exhortationstxi
the peOple but by wielding arms.47 Edward knew of the
activity of the Scottish clergy but he did not foresee their
unwillingness to bend to his authority. Consequently,when

he had subdued Scotland for the first time,he attempted to

win the loyalty of the ecclesiastics by granting to the

 

43Pluscgrden Chronicle, II, 117.
44Fordun, Chronicle, II, 516.
45Eluscarden Chronicle, II, 112.

46David Dalrymple of Hailes, Annals of Scotland from
The Accession of Malcolm III to the Accession of The House
of Stewart, (Edinburgh: Printed for Archibald Constable & Co.
and Fairbairn & Anderson, Edinburgh; and Hurst, Robinson & Co.
London, 1819) I, 291.

47Lanercost Chronicle, p. 140.

 

45
. , , , . . _ . . . . "48
BisnOps, 'tne pr1v11ege of bequeating their effects by Will.
In this case Edward had not found nor did he use the proper
measures to carry out his plans.
Wisheart, BishOp of Glasgow, supported all of the
Bruces for the most part as being stronger than the Balliols

49 Yet when Wallace came

and better able to defend Scotland.
to the fore, already a popular leader, flisheart threw his
support to him and caused the common people to rally to

50 After Bruce began

Wallace and to the cause of Scotland.
his Spectacular rise, Wisheart once again returned to his
former allegiance,this time accompanied by a goodly number
of the Scottish clergy. Even the BishOp of St. Andrews, now
convinced that Balliol would do no more good for Scotland,
changed also to Bruce. The BishOp also played the part of

a protector to James Douglas Who had been forced to live in
France after his.father's disgrace at the hands of Edward.51
Another nationalist and a supporter of Bruce was the Bishop
of Morray. He was hounded to the Orkneys by Edward for

supporting Bruce in the murder of Comyn.52

 

48Hailes,Annal§, I, 297.
49Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 114.
50Lanercost Chronicle, p. 165.
51Barbour, Chronicle. p. 19.
52Ciose Rolls, v, 527.

44

After the battle of Methven, Edward appears to have
awakened to the reality that nothing less than punitive
measures would stOp the Scottish clergy. He proceeded to
imprison both the BishOps of Glasgow and St. Andrews.52>

It was not the nobles of Scotland then, so industrious
in seeking after personal advantage, who were cast in the role
of patriots and would be liberators of the home land, but the
clergy of Scotland.

After these precautionary measures, Edward returned
to England to carry out his plans against France. With some
justification the English King felt that his difficulties
were behind him but such was not the case. During the first
Parliament after the Scottish campaign, he encountered stiff
opposition to his request for funds for his French venture.
An opposition motivated by the fear that he was setting at
naught the Great Charter. The principal opposition came
from men like the ArchbishOp of Canterbury.54 Although Edward
finally gained some support from his nobles and clergy, they
granted it only with concessions on Edward's part which gave

r
the Scots an opportunity to rise again."5

 

55Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 575.
54Langtoft, Chroniclg, II, 271.
55Idem. The quarrel between Edward and his nobles

came to the ears of the Scots and encouraged them to strike
for liberty.

45

The rule of Warenne and Cressingham was satisfactory
neither to Edward nor to the Scots. Warenne was growing old
and lacked decisiveness. Lang says Warenne disliked the
cold dampness of Scotland and stayed at his English Estate
much of the time.56 This arrangement pleased the fat and
greedy Cressingham.57 He was a good administrator but as
treasurer, he apprOpriated large amounts of the king's money
for himself during Warenne's absences. As a result English
troops stationed in Scotland went unpaid and they soon
deserted.58 Edward apparently did not trust Cressingham,
for in return for a sum of 2,000 pounds Cressingham had to
"refund the money from the issues of Scotland by the Gule

59

of Auguest next." Edward's administrators were dishonest

and incompetent. John Barbour, the author of The Bruce

 

describes the gnawing system by saying that the minor officials
of Edward, “were wholly cruel, wicked and covetous."60
Cressingham, perhaps set the example.

Rumblings of discontent were heard as early as July

25, 1297. At this time William Wallace appears on the scene,

 

56Lang, Histogy of Scotland, I, 182.

57Hailes, Annals, I, 298.

58Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 299.

 

R
”gaein, Scottish Documents, II, 235.

6 H
OMaster John Barbour, The Brucel_Being the Aetrical
History of Robert The BruceL_King of Scots, trans. George
Eyre-Todd (London: Gowans and Gray, 1907), p. 8.

46
after the uprising at Lanark Which will be discussed at
length later. Cressingham reported, "the submission of
the Scots to Percy and Clifford [two of the English captains
stationed in Scotland to keep the natives calm), but that
Wallace still holds out in Selkirk Forest."61 Douglas, one
of the foremost Scottish leaders, participated in this up-
rising for which he was imprisoned at Berwick.62 Barbour
insists that this leader Spent the rest of his days in prison

where the English murdered him.63

5. The Testing of Edward's Policies

The measures instituted by the English wardens of
Scotland did not prove very effective. A part of this
failure was due to the fact that neither Wallace nor Wisheart,
the BishOp of Glasgow, the strongest national leaders, were
placed under restraint. The Lanercost Chronicler places the
most blame on the latter man for stirring up the Scots.64

There are many indications of increasing unrest in
Scotland. On the 7th of September John de Warenne is rather

curtly ordered to "stay in Scotland because the condition

 

61Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 916.

6Zlge .

6z’Barbour, Bruce, p. 8.

 

64Lanercost Chronicle, p. 165.

47

of the realm is disturbed."65 Several weeks later on
September 24, Warenne is commanded a second time on no
account to leave Scotland until conditions were more
settled.66 Robert de Clifford, another officer appointed
by Edward was ordered to join the earl de Warenne with his
whole power.67

It soon appeared that Wallace was the chief of the
Opposition among the Scots to Edward. He was even more of
a problem than Wisheart, the Bishop of Glasgow. So greatly
did Wallace harry the English that at last the English
guardians of Scotland decided on a show-down with Wallace.
Intelligence of his movements informed the guardians that
the Scottish leader was besieging Dundee castle. The
English force was soon set in motion towards the approaches
to Dundee South of the Forth. Warenne's force was perhaps
adequate to handle the Scots. The Lanercost Chronicler
says, however, that James, the Steward of Scotland, though
serving on the English side in body, had his heart with the
Scots. James informed Warenne he would need only a few

picked trOOps to bring Wallace under his power, thus con-

tributing to the English disaster.68

65CIose Rolls, III, 65.

66Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 245.

67Idem.

68 i .
Lanercost Chronicle, p. 165.

48

The English arrived South of the Forth at a place
called Stirling bridge only to find the Scots already posted
on the North side. Instead Of attempting to secure the
bridgehead Warenne and his trOOps went to bed while the
Scots reenforced their own position at the bridgehead
Opposite the English. In the morning the forces of Warenne
and Cressingham made no attempt to find a ford across the
river, partly because Cressingham did not want to incur the

69 Wallace

added expense such an operation would enforce.
struck hard at the first English trOOps crossing the bridge
and cut them Off from the main body of troops. Others

were driven back in a weltering mass of horses and men.70

"There knights and serjeants took their leave."7l
In the ensuing flight, Hugh de Cressingham fell

under the horses because of his lack of horsemanship.

Harry the Minstrel, biographer of Wallace, maintains that

Wallace ran Cressingham through with a Spear.72 In any case

his body fell into the hands of the Scots who inflicted a

savage revenge upon the former treasurer Of Scotland.75

 

69Lang, History of Scotland, I, 185.
7OLanercost Chronicle, p. 165.

71Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 299.
72

 

Minstrel, Wallace, p. 176.

73Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 501. This author says
the ribalds of Scotland cut pieces of flesh from Cressingham.

49

The Lanercost Chronicler condemns Wallace by saying that he,
”caused a broad strip to be taken from the head to the heel,
to make there with a baldrick for his sword.”74 On September
21 in the documents appears the King's command, "Hugh de
Cressingham being reported dead, the escheator of Trent is
commanded to take his lands in the Ks hand."75 The engagement
at Stirling Bridge on September 11, 1297 was a smashing defeat
for the English and gave Wallace a free hand until Edward
advanced at Falkirk.

Edward had been deprived of his Scottish prize but
events were working for him. At last peace was made with
the French and Edward was free to renew his expedition against
the Scots. He was able to do so both by reason of the peace
and because of the renewed support of his nobles. In 1297
he had been forced to confirm Magna Carta by granting his
barons the right to approve taxation. Indications of English

76 Edward's son

4—.

had been intrusted with the guardianship of England in his

military activity appear in the Patent Rolls.

father's absence in France and he was charged with the

reSponsibility for organizing military forces.77 Preparations

 

74Lanercost Chronicle, p. 165.
75Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 224.
76Patent Rolls, III, 297.
77Ibid.,p506.

w

50
were begun in October 23, 1297, to go against the Scots
although little came of this effort.78

When Edward returned home, activity again increased
in April 1298, which was the prelude to the Battle of
Falkirk. This battle is significant because it offers an
excellent example of the requirements of successful English
prosecution of the war. Under good leadership and organi-
zation the English were invincible but against clever Scottish
tactics mismanagement of the English could lead, and did
later, to disasterous results.

Edward had learned of a growing antipathy for Wallace
on the part of the Scottish Nobles. Pluscarden describes
these men as "imps of the devil [who] conSpired against and
devised mischief against him, (Wallace) framing lies and back
biting him.”79 Edward contributed to the difficulties of
Wallace by secretly winning over “certain magnates of the
Kingdom of Scotland who had a lurking grudge against the

80 The Scottish writers claim that

said William Wallace."
Wallace knew nothing of this feeling until the battle of
Falkirk. although this seems somewhat incredible in a man

of Wallace's talents.

L

78Ibid.JL315.
7gfilscarden Chronicle, II, 120.
BOIbid.Jll2l.

51

In this campaign the aim of Edward was to penetrate
into the West and there end the war.81 Edward, however, was
encountering considerable difficulty in executing this plan.
He found himself without provisions and with dissension in
his army.82 He had actually begun to retire with his army
to the English borders when he learned of the whereabouts
of the Scots.83 In the resulting engagement, which will be
dealt with in the 4th chapter, the Scots were completely
routed. Edward in this battle of Falkirk distinguished him-
self as a field commander and demonstrated the terrible effect
of the English longbow.84

Edward was unable to follow up his victory at Falkirk
because of lack of supplies and was forced to fall back into
England, deSpite his great victory, building what defenses
he could against the Scots.85

Edward's great adversary, in the meantime, had, under
the diapleasure of the jealous Scottish nobility, been forced
to give up his guardianship.86 This hardship did not stOp

Wallace from making difficulties for Edward. The Scottish

—‘

8lHailes, Annals, I, 512.
8ZIdem.

85Igem.

U4Charles Oman, A.History of the Art of war In The
Middle Ages From the r‘oulth to the bourteenth Century (New
York: G. P. Putnam & Sons, 18 98), II, 567.

85Pluscarden Chroniclgs, II, l2 .

 

86Fordun, Qhronicle, II, 325.

52

hero continued his operations against the Englis. with a
small band of men who believed with him in a free Scotland.
Evidence of his activity can be found in the Close Rolls
for 1302. An order was given to the captain of the Forth
to return to the abbot of Reading his island of May as
“William 1e Waleys and his accomplices lately insurgent
against the king in those parts ejected the abbot."a7 The
above information may be also taken as proof of Wallace's
Oppression of the English clergy.88 A

When the English King offered Wallace a great lord-
ship in England,if the Scottish hero would come into his
peace,Wallace refused the offer with contempt.89 On the
other hand, the vitriolic Langtoft writes that Wallace was
ready to submit in return for life and woods and cattle for
himself and his heirs. In his Opinion the English King
would have nothing to do with his great Scottish opponent
and "promises three hundred marks to the man who makes him

90

[Wallace] headless.” Sir John de Menteith, a Scot, is

reported to have captured hallace in 1507. Langtoft asserts

m . , r. . 9
that wallace was taken With his concubine. l

 

87giose Rolls, v, 244.
88Lang, History of Scotland, I, 184.
09Pluscarden Chronicles, II, 170.

90 . . a s
Langtoft, Chronicle, II, oSo.

91 ._ fl fl
Ibid.gxoeo.

53

A great question still remains as to the events be-
tween flallace's capture and death. Few documents are found
which deal with Wallace. Although the English Chroniclers
maintain that he had a trial, it would seem doubtful. These
men claimed that Wallace was convicted of robberies, slaughters,
and burnings of "towns and churches and monasteries."92
Wallace was thereafter hanged, cut open and his heart and
bowels burned. His body was cut into four parts and each
part was placed on diSplay in various sections of England.

93

His head was sent to decorate London bridge. A document

which deals with Wallace's death records and reveals the fact
that Wallace was delivered from the Tower August 18, 1505.94
It is possible that Edward felt he had to make an example
of such a dangerous foe or see all his policies set at naught.

Perhaps this is also an example,revealing the great Plantagenet's

own weakness,while he vented his Spleen upon a helpless though

courageous foe.
4. The End of the Leniency

With the resignation of Wallace the guardianship of

Scotland went to John Comyn, son of the pretender. Associated

 

92Idem.

 

93’Ihid. 41563.

9 .
4Lang, History of Scotland, I, 199.

54

95 Peace,or at least a truce,

with him was John de Soulis.
was now arranged through the good offices of Philip, King
of France.96 On June 26, 1298, letters patent were sent
by Philip, ”signifying that a truce had been agreed upon
between himself and his allies and the K of England ...
that he had authorized an exchange of prisoners, and sent
Special envoys to require observance of the truce towards
the Scots."97

Both sides needed a rest. Scotland was in shambles

and Edward was involved once more in a bitter diSpute with

.his nobles. The King had asked for more funds for his wars

.in Scotland and the nobility lined up solidly against him.98
Iiis problems were increased by the Papal Bull of July 10,
99

.11398, which ordered Edward to cease his war with the Scots.

Although Edward used this Bull to regain the support

()1? his nobles, who disliked Papal intervention more than the

eascactions of their king, it raised the question which Edward
‘VVEas never able to answer. Boniface pointed out that at the

13ime of Alexander's death Margaret of Norway was the direct

\ .k ,.

95Foroun, Chronicle, II, 524.
gelggm.

97Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 254.
98Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 325.

993ain, Scottish Documents, II, 255.

 

55
heir of her grandfather Alexander III, although a minor and
incompetent, as the Pope maintained, and in support of the
Scots that,
That ward of her body, nor her goods,
Nor her heritage, by land or by water
0r of her realm the value of a penney . 100
at that time couldst thou [Edward] rightfully claim.
This action forced Edward to diSpatch an envoy to Rome to
plead his case while he used the Bull to subdue his nobles.lOl
But Edward could not forget his ambitions in Scotland.
AS soon as the truce expired he sent another force against
the Scots. The English were defeated in the Battle of
Roslyn.102 At last, in 1303, Edward was free once more to
égive his undivided attention to the Scots because the French
llad withdrawn their support from the Scots in the treaty of
.Amiens.lo5 In the same year Edward again over-ran Scotland,
Irunre thoroughly and repressively than before. This time, the
LDLLan that Edward and his nobles had decided upon was to pass

tzklrough Galloway, long a troublesome section of Scotland,

Eilld live off the land. AS Langtoft writes, “of cattle to

 

 

looLangtoft, Chronicle, II, 393.
lOlBain, Scottish Documents, II. 296.
logFordun, Chronicle. II. 545-

‘, lOELang, History of Scotland, I, 192. The treaty
“’Eis made in Paris Hay 20th, 1303. "where in, all mention
(:Ef‘ the Scots is industriously avoided. What Philip hOped
<3 gain by desertion of his ally is not clear. Hailes,

%, I, 333.

56
salt, where he [Edward) found enough."104 Here Edward was
borrowing a technique from Wallace. A second section of the
army under the Prince of Wales was to do a similar job of
deSpoiling Scotland in the West. A third unit of the army
was Scheduled to enter Scotland by the important port of
Eerwick.105
This plan was, in the main, carried out. However,

the Scots frustrated a portion of Edward's scheme by laying
waste the country side over which the English would advance,
a strategy later advocated by Robert Bruce.106 The English
Chronicler relates the Scottish retaliatory measures when
he says:

The country is warned, the pe0ple informed of it

Drive their cattle among the bogs

Into the moors and marshes to such depth 107

A.foreigner knows not wnere to hold his feet.

The English army was further frustrated by not being

able to meet the Scots in a decisive battle. The enemy
"108

always fled before Edward, "Skulking in moors and woods.

Edward was not to be denied. He had withdrawn to Linlithgow

 

104Langtoft, Chronicle. II. 525°

105Lanercost Chronicle, p. 172.

loeLang, History of Scotland. I. 137-

107Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 325.

108Lanercost Chronicle, p. 267.

57

for the winter and made every appearance of remaining there

until the following Spring.109 After burning hamlets, and

towns, granges and barns, Edward settled down to his occupation.
The Scots detested this arrangement of having Edward
in Scotland for the entire year. Accordingly they sought

110 Edward now received the sub-

111

the king's peace quickly.
mission of all the communities, fortresses and castles.

Only Stirling Castle held out under William Oliphant and of

112

course the irreconcilable Wallace. At last even formidable

Stirling Castle was given over to Edward and the warden

Oliphant was imprisoned.115

The English King had once more quieted Scotland and
brought it into reSpectful submission. The castles were once
more rebuilt as well as other strongholds that Wallace had
destroyed. Edward now appointed only men of his own choice

114

to command fortifications, towns, and cities. Sir Simon

Frazer was imprisoned. Many other nobles either suffered

the same fate or were sent abroad.115

 

loglbid., p. 172.

llOLanercost Chronicle, p. 174.

 

lllFordun, Qhronicle, II, 328.

112Wallace it will be remembered did not meet his

death until loos.
ll3’Ihig. ,psao.

ll4Idem-
llSLang, History of Scotland. I. 1940

58

Edward also attempted to make the unity of England and Scot-
land more complete. Thanks to the English guardians, the
land of the Scots had been for some time under English law.
Now Edward dealt with the Scottish laws.

With reSpect to the laws and usages for the

government of Scotland, it is ordained, that

the custom of the Scots and the Brets shell

for the future be prohibited, and no longer

practiced.ll

The English King again returned to his homeland
satisfied that at last he had done a good job. Once more,
however, he was to have little peace of mind. Intelligence
arrived from John Comyn disclosing a secret agreement with
Robert Bruce III whereby Comyn was to receive Bruce's lands
in exchange for Comyn's assistance in raising Bruce to the
throne.ll7 Edward was at first disinclined to believe the
information. Comyn had perjured himself before and, more-
over, in view of Edwards past labors, it may have been some-
thing in which he did not wish to believe.118
A short time after Edward had received Comyn's message,

the King confronted Bruce with the damning evidence, and gave

Bruce a chance to clear himself. Bruce disappeared, an

incident which caused the gravest concern. The worst was

.___

116Hailes, Annals, I, 349.
ll7Barbour, ngce, p. 13.
llBIbid., p. 18.

59

realized when on the 27th of March 1306, news arrived of
the Slaughter of Comyn by Bruce and the murderer's subsequent
elevation to the Scottish throne.llg ’

Edward, who had labored so long to make Scotland and
England one, now found himself in more difficulty than at any
previous time in his attempt to subjugate Scotland. One can
well believe,as Barbour says,that upon hearing of Bruce's
coronation Edward, 'went very nigh out of his mind."120~

Edward lost no time in diSpatching Sir Aymer de
Valence, Warden of Scotland since the disgrace of Warenne,
against Bruce. The forces of Bruce and Edward clashed at
Methven in which engagement Barbour feels the English
triumphed by very underhanded means. The English, Barbour
charges, attacked the Scots at night when the former had
agreed not to do so. A very strange charge considering all
the perjuries and deceits of which the Scots were guilty.121

The following of Bruce was routed and forced to flee
into the hills. The aftermath of the Battle of Eethven re-
vealed a vengeful English King. The earl of Athol, and
Simon Fraser were taken at Methven and executed.122 Also

captured in the same battle were the bishOps of Glasgow and

¥

llgFordun, Chronicle, II, 333.

lZOBarbour, Bruce, p. 10.

lgllbid., p. 22.

12ZIdem,

60

St. Andrews. This time little reSpect was shown for their
high church offices and they were taken to the South in
fetters, there to be held in separate prisons.125 The
terrible vengeance seems to have increased "the number of
those willing to establish him (Bruce) in the realm."124

Every day the situation became more deSperate for
Bruce. He and his adherents remained on the Scottish main-
land. The English closely pressed Bruce's broken band.
Moreover, Bruce had been driven on the borders of the Lord-
ship of Lorn. The Lord of Lorn was related by marriage to
the dead John Comyn and for that reason was eager to revenge
his relative.125 At last Robert was forced to send away
the ladies and disband most of his remaining troops because
of lack of food.126 The consequences of this action were
anything but pleasant. The enraged English King was now
permitting no leniency. Robert's Queen was captured by
William, Earl of Ross, who turned her over to the English.
The queen was not to return to Scotland until after the

battle of Bannockburn.127 So also did the English capture

 

lgsLangtoft, Chronicle, II, 373.
124Lanercost Chronicle, p. 182.
125Hsiles, Annals, II, a.
126Barbour, nggg, p. 42.

127Fordun, Chronicle, II, 334.

61

Nigel Bruce along with many of the knights and ladies who
had sought refuge in Kildoumie castle. Fordun claims that
Nigel Bruce as well as persons of both sexes suffered capital
punishment.128 There was to be no relenting in Edward's
severe policy until his death. The added distance of land
and water did not protect the supporters of Bruce from
Edward's wrath. A letter sent to the King of Norway asked
that monarch to arrest the BishOp of Morray, a stout-hearted
adherent of Bruce, who had fled to the Orkneys.129 The
whereabouts of Bruce, even when he had fled to the islands,
was known to Edward. In an endeavor to capture him, full
use was made of the trusty captor of Wallace, John de Nenteith.
Shipping from Ireland was ordered to join John and "assist
him in burning ships, and to go against the islands of Scot-
land where Bruce is 1urking."lso.

In the meantime every effort was bent toward the
complete subjugation of Scotland. “Three hundred knights

of account in truth were dubbed at the cost of king Edward".l$l

Orders were issued to the Sheriff of Lincoln on April 6, 1306

....— A

128Ibid.gi335.

lggClose Rolls, v, 527.

l301bid.gn482. The Irish had served with Edward

on other of his Scottish campaigns.

lSlLangtoft, Chronicle, II, 372.

62

concerning all tournaments and jousts. These were to be
prohibited and all men-at-arms of the district were to
prepare at once for Scotland.152 Edward was taking no chances
with his men before his huge army advanced against the hated
Bruce.135 A complete canvass was made of all churchmen to
Squeeze the last penny due the king for their services. The
sheriff of Kent had to order all archbishOps, bishOpS, abbots
and priors who ought to do service, to have their men at
Carlisle or pay their fines.154 Even the men of Dover did
not escape this draft and were ordered to have Ships ready
with "fencible men" to proceed against Robert Bruce}?>5 In
the past the men of the port of Dover had been exempted from
such duty as the Scottish expeditions in order to guard the
coast against the ever present danger of a French landing.

During the month of May the English army rolled
toward Scotland. After his many hard wars, Edward was in
poor health and frequent steps in the progress were necessary.156

While the English army was making its slow advance, three

columns were sent forth from the main body with the hepe of

—

lBgQLose Rolls, v, 453.
155%.9435.

134Lang, History of Scotland, I, 211.
155Close Rolls, v, 435.

136Lang, Historygof Scotland, I, 211.

 

65

37 , . ,
l The enterprise was cnecked by a

ferreting out Bruce.
Scottish victory at Lauden Hill. Intermittent warfare
continued until such a time as Edward would be well enough
to take the field in person. This time, however, never
came and one of the great English kings died July 7, 1307

within sight of Scotland at Burough-on-Sands.158

5. The Character and The Policies of Edward II

"When he [Edward I] died, his son succeeded to the

crown, but not to the understanding or prowess of his father."159
In these words is to be found almost the entire story of the
reign of Edward II. The policies used against the Scots were
the same. Many of the leaders who had in former times
trounced the Scots were the same, but we now have to do with
a king whose character was vastly different from that of his

140 We find that instead of a change in policy there

father.
is a greater tendency toward dissimulation, with the Pope
being used as one of the principal pawns in the game.

Edward II has been portrayed as an entirely disrepu-

table character, without honor or Shame, who sought out the

 

157Lanercost, Chronicle, p. 184.

 

138Lanercost Chronicle, p. 211

15gsir John Froissart, Chrogicles of England, France,
Spain and the AdjoininggCountries From the Latter Part of
the Reign of Edward II to the Coronation of Henry IV, trans.
Thomas Johns Esq., (New York: American Book Exchange) p. 15.

140Gray, Scalacronica, p. 290. Aymer de Valence, Percy,
Clifford were all still men in the prime of their lives.

64
company of the lowest sort.l4l In this condemnation I believe
the chroniclers and writers have dealt much too severely with
Edward. His main fault seems to have been that he loved
pleasure more than his many pressing duties would permit and
that his interests were neither those of his time nor of his
class.

Tout has described the king from the sources as "tall,
graceful, and handsome, with magnificent health and exceptional
bodily strength", in effect all that a young prince should be.l4“2
Here, however, the resemblance to his great father ended. His
father seems never to have been able to interest him in state-
craft and the young prince outraged the nobility by taking
little or no interest in tournaments or battles and Spent his
time instead at such activities as play acting, music and
mechanics.145 The reference to the mechanical.arts is inter-
esting in view of the frequency with which it is mentioned.
Had the king lived in a different time he might have contributed
greatly to the advance of mankind. Edward's great interest
in these so-called mechanical arts is further indicated in

the Lanercost Chronicle. which says "Edward wrought as a
144
II

 

 

 

craftsman with his boon compainions by night. Why was
l4lScalacronica Idem, and Tout History of England,
III, 236.

142Tout, History of England, III, 236.

145mm. ,p.237.
144Lanercost Chronicle, p. 222.

65
this done at night? Was it because Of the great disapproval
with which the barOns looked upon such activity or was it
also because the king and his mechanics dared not show what
they were achieving in that superstitious age?

The resulting contempt and scorn of his own class
caused him to find companionship that was considered far
beneath him. In the words Of Robert 1e Messager, a contempo-
rary of Edward II and a member of his household, the king,
'fraternized with buffuons, singers, actors, carters, ditchers,
oarsman, sailors and others who practiced the mechanical

145

arts." Gray says the king, too, much sought "the vile

company of maryners, wher by he lost much favor Of his

people."l46

In that day and age it appears little deviation was
allowed to those who did not conform to the accepted pattern.
Perhaps because of his rejection by those who should have
been his fellows, he plunged into his long orgy of Spend-
thrift living and the chase. One has only to look into the

Patent Rolls to see the many documents having to do with

147

his indebtedness. His other pleasures are indicated in

145Hilda Johnstone, "The Eccentricities of Edward II,"
The English Historical Review, XLVIII, . ed, C. W. Previte-
Orton, (1933), 265-7.

1146Gray, Scalacronica, p. 291.

l47Patent Rolls, Ed. II, III, sac.

66
documents dealing with his mews, his verge and his horse

stud.148

0n the face of it,the record is indeed damning.
However, as Kiss Johnston a modern writer who deals with
the eccentricities of Edward, points out much of the testi-
mony by such as Robert 1e kessenger must be taken with a
grain of salt.149 It Seems that Robert had been imprisoned
by the king only to be released by Halter Reynolds, arch-
bishOp of Canterbury at the instance of the king's wife,
Queen Isabella.150 Both of these persons were unfriendly
to the king as later events were to prove. It looks very
much as though 1e Kessenger was a creature of the archbiShOp
and the queen who, for reasons of their own, worked against
the king.

Here, then, are the elements of the tragic life that
was to follow. Ill-treated by those who should have been
his chief counselors, and with more problems than ever his
illustrious father was forced to face,it was small wonder
that he failed. The nobles were more bent on destroying

Gaveston, the king's favorite, than attending to the land

of Scotland.

-‘

148Ibid., 271, 520, 392, etc.

149 g. a . . .
Johnston, lne EccentriClties Of Edward II, p. 266.

150Idem.

67

Not the least in the unhappy king's undoing was his
close friendship with Gaveston, a Gascon Noble.151 Outside
of the new king's nephew, Gilbert of Clare, Peter seems to
have been the only other man Of rank Edward loved or reSpected.
Although the Old king had tried to break up this association,
no sooner had he breathed his last than his son recalled
Gaveston to court in high favor.152 The Gascon appears to
have been a man of some ability but he was a foreigner and
therefore the English nobles could not brook his rapid advance-
ment over themselves. Peter did not help his own cause by
giving voice to his caustic wit. He called the earl of
Warwick, "the Black Dog of Arden."153 When Warwick was
informed of this appellation he replied, "I will bite him
so soon as I shall perceive my opportunity."154 A statement
that was to be very prophetic.

In Spite of his nobles Obvious dislike for Gaveston,
.Edward continued to shower high Offices upon his favorite.
On December 26, 1307, Gaveston was appointed “keeper of
England during the king's absence beyond the Sea."155 In

1308 Gaveston was allowed to deal with wardships and marriages,

h

151Lanercost Chronicle, p. 184.
l521mm, p. 185.
l551bid., p. 194.

154Idem.

155Patent Rolls, Ed. II, I, 307.

68
. , . p , ,, , 156
always a tiCklish problem wnere the nonles were concerned.
He was made earl Of Cornwell and was given the king's niece,
, _ . _ . , 157 '
Margaret, in marriage.

At last the nobles could stand it no longer and in a
document preserved in Rotuli Parliamentorum the king is in-
formed Of the bad practices Of ”De Pieras de Gaveston" and

[,7

that he is in fact an enemy of the king.l"8 Edward was forced
to banish his favorite to Ireland but not before he made

. 159 1 .r .
Gaveston king S lieutenant in Ireland. The action of
the barons forcing Peter out and Edward placing him back in
power continued until Lancaster took Gaveston prisoner in a
castle and,with the connivance of Warwick,had the unfortunate

Gascon beheaded.160

It was necessary to dwell at some length
on Peter Gaveston to Show the disastrous Split his person
caused between the king and his barons. Such a Situation in
turn played right into the hands of the Scots and Robert Bruce.
After his father's death Edward did attempt to carry
on his father's work by an unsatisfactory campaign into
Ayreshire.l6lfl He retreated perhaps because Of lack of food

.. ,. . 162
or because of his approacning marriage to Isabella of France.

*

Idem.

 

158Rot. Par1., Ed. II, I, 282.

159Patent Rolls, Ed. 11, I, 308.

160Lanercost Chronicle, p. 198.

16 .
lLang, Hist. of Scotland, I, 212.
l

 

62Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 180.

69
Before returning to England he took the oath of allegiance
from the magnates, c1ergy,and peOple of Scotland at Dumfries.
"Others [of the Scots] drew back and fell away from him"
because of his lack of strong policy.165 Yet another mistake
which would make Operations simpler for Robert Bruce.

Now wherever in the past he had failed, Bruce enjoyed
phenomenal success. Although the Scottish king was ill in
1508, he succeeded in routing Comyn, a relative of the slain
Comyn, at Inverness.164 This victory was followed up by a
ravaging of Galloway where the Macdowls were hostile to

165 Next the Macdowls of Argyll and the men of Lorn

Bruce.
were badly defeated at Loch Awe in 1309.166 One after another
these Scots who were friendly to the English cause were either
forced out of Scotland or compelled to recognize Bruce as king.
Such action seriously decreased the English hold on Scotland
nd added to the growing problems of the unfortunate English
king.
Edward's vacillation in regard to his wardens and

keepers of Scotland has been roundly condemned by later

historians.167 An explanation for his action could be found
165Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 160.

l64Fordun, Chronicle, II, 537.

165Lanercost Chronicle, p. 187.
166Fordun, Chronicle, II, 558.

167Lang, Hist. of Scotland. I. 509-

 

70

in the simple fact there were few nobles he could trust.

According to the Patent Rolls John de Bretannia,168

169 Jo

William de Ros, hn de Segrave,170 and Robert de

Umframville,l7l all either followed one another in quick

succession or served at the same time with overlapping

. . . . 172 i , . A ,

Jurlsdlctlons. what could the king do? as the Lanercost

Chronicler points out, Edward was reduced to the support of

Hugh 1e Deepenser and his son, Sir Nicholes de Sergrave and

O o u’. 0 -. 173 4' -

ulr william de Buriord. Even the poweriul Despensers

q 174

were at best sell-seekers.
In the same year Edward was at Open war with his

nobles. Lancaster, one Of the leaders in the faction

Opposing Edward had been in active communication with the

175 Andrew de Harclay, a king's man, stOpped Lancaster

and turned him and other nobles over to the king's justice.176

Scots.

‘—

leaPatent Rolls, Ed. II, I, 51.

ngIbig,Ji79.

l70;g;g,;»2o4.

l7lgggg.g»79.

172%. ,p.79.

175Lanercost Chronicle, P- 187°

174Ibid., p. 229. The DeSpensers, after the death of
Gaveston had become the chief counselors of Edward. In 1320
the barons forced the king to banish both father and son. The
Deepensers were back in high favor after Lancaster had been
finished. flugh 1e DeSpenser made a treaty with the Scots which
Was tx>lt£t 13 years. Lanercost Chronicle, p. 246.

l751bid., p. 229.

71

Because of this good service Harclay was made earl of
Carlisle and one of the keepers of the Scottish Earch in

”er l7? ‘ _. , 4i 1 .,1 ‘ 4. - .. I ..4- ' A
loss. nouevar, he colic not, or J uld not, OOntinue to
support Edwar . Just one year later he was discovered
dealing with the Scots and a few trusted English nobles
were ordered to "degrade Andrew de darclay, earl of

_ . , . . . ., %.mm ., ‘ "17S
Carlisie, a traitor to the king and realm.
”itn all of the doubledealing in his own backyard,

F!

1r Edward carried out any military Operations

[‘1

it is a wond

(

against Scotland. Of the two large campaigns which attempted
to reduce Scotland to submission, one resulted in the dis-
astrous bsttle of Bannockburn. The second, an invasion in
520, was only partially successful due to the old Scottish
principle of sweeping the land bare of food before the

'1 O .
*7“ The overall picture

English and retiring into the hills.
for England was one of dismal military failure.

With tenuous, or no support at all, in his own country
and with a challenging and resourcefil Opponentn with whom
to contend, Edward was forced to use his father's policy of
machination more than his policy of direct action. Part of

Edrmuofs policy consisted of an attempt to secure to himself
Idem.

l7bPatent Rolls Ed. II, IV,

 

(7

‘0
N

(

 

7 _ . ,. . . , .
l 9Bannockburn Will be discussed in the 4th cnapter.

72

Scottish nobles by giving them lands and thus Split Bruce‘s
following. Evidences of this attempt appear in the Patent
Rolls for 1515. Lands and Special privileges were to be given
the lords Of Man and Lorn.180 Some success must have met
this endeavor, because, in the so-called "Black Parliament
of Scotland", Soulis, Mowbray,and Sir David Eerchim were all
found guilty of conSpiracy with the English and punished by
death.lel

A degree of success also rewarded Edwards efforts
to get himself in the good graces Of the Pope and thereafter
use the Holy Office against the Scots. The Rolls Of 1316
Show something of Edward's actions. Requests were mace to
English merchants to pay for certain gold vases and other
jewels, to be made in Paris and “to be presented on the king's
behalf to the Pope'.‘182 The good relationship must have con-
tinued through 1324 in Spite of the activity to discredit
Edward on the part of the Scots. The Pope, in 1524, agreed
to renounce all words in a letter which appeared to Edward

"185 T

tO be "prjudicial to the crown. he Pope, at Edward's

request also agreed not to sanction Scotsmen elected to

episcopal Office in their land. Edward's reason was, "the

___¥

lBOPatent Rolls, Ed. II, I, 300.

lBlPluscarden Chronicle, II, 188.

langtent Rolls, Ed. II, I, 605.

lagPatent Rolls, Ed. II, v, 21.

 

73
Scottish prelates are they who cherish the nation in its

«184

rebellion and contumacy. Again in 1319 the Pope gave

- . . ,. , . . 85
Edward backing in his attempt to purchase Scottish traitors.l
Perhaps one of the shar est strokes of Edward's Olicy
I P

was one which he initiated but had to leave to his son to
complete. It will be remembered that Edward Balliol, son
to the ex-king of Scotland, had been given his freedom to
join his father in France. In July 2, 1324, it became evident
that Edward intended to make use of a pretender against the
Scots. A safe conduct was issued for "Edward de Balliol

. , , , . . ,NISS
coming from beyond the seas to the king at his command.
Yet another safe conduct was issued to Balliol in December

7, 1325.187

So Edward II used his father's methods of
dissimulation to achieve that which he could not gain by
force of arms.

The time for Edward's disgrace and tragic end were

drawing near. Isabella, his wife, and her paramour, Mortimer,

led a force against Edward which forced him from the rule of

lQ4Hailes, gunaia II. 137-
lBSLang, Hist. of Scotland, I, 228.
186Patent Rolls. Ed. II. VI. 434.

187Patent Rolls, Ed. II, v, 4.

74

England.188 In 1326 Edward turned over many important State

., 1 .-.- ,i- I ‘ 189
papers to Isabella thus lfldlCaClng his defeat. After
December 5, 1326 the unhappy king must have begun his imprison-
ment because from that date on in the Rolls the orders to the
officers of the realm are signed by the queen and king's

._ 190 ° ,5] '1 ° - ‘ ‘\ h I"
first born son. It is generally believed, Isabella and
Mortimer had Edward murdered on the night of September 21,

pg 191 ' ,,.‘ - ' I? HM"
1327. In this tragic manner ended a king who was not of
his time or of his class. His reign showed a frustrating
lack of energy at those places where it was needed and mis-
placed energy where no action at all might have been the best

solution.
6. The Policy of Edward III.

The reign of Edward the III began in almost as bad a

situation as that of his father's just ended. The young

¥

laaganercost Chronicle, p. 249. Isabella had been
sent to France either to make peace between France and England
or as a good way of getting an untrustworthy subject out of
the kingdom. It was in France that she met Eortimer already
having been expelled from England for questionable conduct.
Now the plotting against Edward began in earnest. These two
conSpirators enlisted the aid of the knightly count of Hainault.
The count gave his services,conditional to a marriage between
his daughter and the queen's first born son when he should
Comm to the throne. With the power of Hainault and the anti-
Edward nobles of England, Edward was run to ground and forced
to submit.

lagPatent Rolls, Ed. II, v, 337.

lgOIdem.

lngout, Hist. of England, III, 303. The DeSpensers
had already been killed in the advance of the insurgents
Without a trial. Md... :9. 300.

75
king was in his minority and was almost completely ider the
' w I -, , w . 192 “q . c
thumb of his mother s paramour nortimer. The iealm itself
was in a state of unrest.
In view of England's crippled condition, Bruce lost
. . . M . p' . 193 . .
no time in attacking horham and its castle. The young
king with the assistance of his future father-in-law, the
count Of hainault, marched on the Scots and succeeded in
trapping them,for a short time,in StanhOpe Park. Under
their commander, James Douglas, the Scots escaped into the
., 9 . . ... ...n
night.1 4 Hailes believes that part OI the Englisn difiiculty
came from a lack of good military commanders, whereas the
Scots had the services of such active men as Douglas. Kore-
Over, the English in their first movements were over-cautious
and marched in battle array rather than adapting their for-
. n o 195
mation to the fast movement of the Scots.
By this time the situation of England was serious.
The treasury was almost exhausted, the French were in an
unpredictable mood, and the Scots continued their ravages

. . 96 n .
on the Englisn border.l Although Isabella and aortimer

¥

lggLanercost Chronicle, p. 264. "Sir Roger de hortimer
at that time was more than king ..., forasmuch as the queen
mother and he ruled the whole realm."

193Ibid., p. 255.
l94Ibid., r. 257.

196,_ a .
Lanercost Chronicle, p. 258

 

76
were bitterly condemned for it, they made a treaty with the
Scots at Northhampton, Kay 4, 1528.197 An instrument for
the arrangement of the peace is found in the Eatent Rolls,
April 25, 1527.198 At the time this arrangement was probably
about the best the two archconspirators could make but it
supplied a basis for their downfall.

The treaty provided that Bruce was at last to be
recognized as king, a privilege for which he was to pay
20,000 pounds.199 All the lands which Bruce had awarded to
his own followers were to remain as they were except for the
lands of Henry Percy, the lord of Buchan, and the Lord of
Liddesdale.2OO This latter provision was to be made a tool
of policy by Edward against the Scots. The treaty was sealed
by the marriage between Joanna, a sister of Edward, to David,
the son of Robert Bruce.201 The treaty and the marriage
must have been respected by Edward to some degree, for by
his sister's intercessions at the request of David Bruce,

a Richard de Swyneburn was pardoned for riding with the

Scots in the war during the year of 1528.202

 

197Ibid., p. 260.

lgBPatent Rolls, Ed. III, I, 95.

99
l Lanercost Chronicle, p. 258.

2OOLang, Hist. of Scotland, I, 254.
golficalacronica, Gray, p. 298.

zozPatent Rolls, Ed. III, I, 518.

77

As time went on the young English king grew more and
more restive under the authority of Mortimer and his mother.
In addition the relationship between Mortimer and Isabella
was not well concealed and word of the affair had come to
the Pope. The head of the Catholic Church seemed to have
assisted the king in some measure in diSposing of both
Eortimer and his mother.205 There are few indications as to
how the removal was accomplished, but hortimer was seized
and condemned by Parliament without trial.204 Shortly after-
wards on November 29, 1550 he was hanged on the "common
Gallows".205 Edward forced his mother from her place of
power and she was allowed to live on her dower manors.2O6

Now that Edward could rule-in his own right he began
to take action against the Scots. Once more Edward Balliol
was invited to the English court.‘2O7 Although Edward did
not admit it at the time he probably had something to do
with the meetings between Balliol and all the lords who had

been deprived of their Scottish Estates for supporting the

 

205C. G. Crump, "The Arrest of Roger Mortimer and
Queen Isabel", EnG ish Historical Revi w, Vol. 26, 1911, p. 552.
Edward carried on a private correspondence with the Pope in
which he would sign a special word to that which he wished
the Pope to take seriously.

204mm. ,p.5ai.

Tout, Hist. of England, III, 509.

   

205

ZOBIdem.
207

Patent Rolls, Ed. III, I, 547.

 

 

78

English.208 Balliol and these nobles now carefully recruited

. i . 209
a force of some 450 men-at-arms and about a thousand archers.

Edward, in the meantime, attempted to show the Scots his

intention to keep the peace by forbidding any armed force to

. . 210 . . .
cross the Englisn border. Nothing, however, was said and

. . 211
no questions were asked when this same force put to sea.

The invasion of Balliol and his disinherited came
at an Opportune time for the pretender. Bruce had died in
212

1529, some chroniclers say of leprosy. His death had been

followed, two years later, by the death of the distinguished

215 Scotland's king was

Scottish guardian, the earl of horay.
too young to rule and the government of the realm had been
left to the guardian earl after the death of Robert Bruce.
Upon the death of Loray all the dissentient forces broke
loose in Scotland.2l4
Balliol and his disinherited nobles must have known

of the Scottish situation when they sailed. The Scots met

 

“Ogégnercost Chronicle, p. 266.

209Ramsa , Eng. Hist. Review, 25, 507.
210 .. i
Tout, dist. of England, III, 016.

leIbiQo ,p.517o

SlZGray, Scalacronica, p. 294.

215L . . n
anercost Chronicle, p. 268.

214Fordun, Chronicle, II, 545.

 

79
the invaders with a large but disorganized array, overconfident
to a fault. At the Battle of Duplin Moor the forces of the
young David Bruce were badly defeated. The Scots blame part
of the defeat on countrymen who still choose to support the
Balliol line and played the Spy for Edward Balliol.215 The
remainder of the campaign was a great success for the dis-
inherited and Edward Balliol received the crown of his father
at Scone in September of 1552.216
The POpe as well as the French urged Edward III to
stOp the forces of Balliol in their progress. Edward pointed
out he could not war on his own subjects and, in addition,
he added, Scotland had not lived up to the treaty because
she had returned the lands of only one of the three nobles
designated in the treaty/.217 Edward's thought in this may
have been that he wanted to do business with a prince to
whom he was bound by no treaty obligations.218
The Scots were not to be so easily put down and,
under a new guardian, forced Balliol out of the kingdom

faster than he had conquered it.dlg Edward Balliol now

 

215Pluscarden Chronicle, II, l99.

gleFordun, Chgonicle, II, 547. A short time after

Edward Balliol's coronation he rewarded those men who had
assisted him in the conquest. Patent Rolls. Ed. III, II, 555.

r
517Gray, Scalacronica, p. 295.

glaldem.

219
Pluscarden Chronicle, 11, 200.

 

80
collected his disinherited for another attempt. This time
against Berwick. Edward III now dropped all pretense and

“20 The Scots, in attempt-

went to the assistance of Balliol.
ing to relieve Berwick, were badly defeated in the disastrous
battle of Halidon Hiii.22l
The new English king, a true grandson of Edward I,

now overran Scotland in what was a well executed campaign.222
He again used his grandfather's method of setting up a chain
of strong places and forts with which to keep the Scots in
check.225 Activity is found in the Patent Rolls. The castle
of Hirbodil which had been destroyed during the Scottish War

224 William de Eonte-Aucto had to

was repaired in 1556.
furnish and fortify castles and towns.225 An attempt was
also made to suppress those Scots who had eluded Edward.
Efforts of this type were seen in the order to merchants
going to Scotland, "not to trade with the king's enemy, the

Scots."226

 

Zéoeray, Scalacronica, P- 297°

Salpordun, Chronicle, II, 548-
222Gray, Scalacronica, p. 297-
225Idem.

224Patent Roiis, Ed. III, III, 255.
225gpgg.dhsa4.

226%. ,p.256.

81
As Hyntoun says, Edward now filled all the strong
places with Englishmenfl‘g7 The Scots were removed from all

228 An English sheriff was once more

positions of trust.
appointed for each district. A Chamberlain was appointed
for that portion called Lothean which Edward III had annexed

2°9 At last it looked

upon concluding the Scottish conquest.
as if Edward had completed the work of his grandfather.
However, like his grandfather Edward had over-reached himself
in Scotland and without knowing he had done so turned his
attention to France.

In his conquest of Scotland, Edward made Balliol
cede so much land to England that the new Scottish king had
very little opportunity or power with which to establish
himself. Host of the land in question was in the South from

229a

which much of Balliol's support would come. Eoreover,

other Scots, friendly to Balliol, were not at all pleased

.. . a. . q o . . - , a . 250
With his ceding large tracts OI Scottisn land to England.
The result of such policy was another rising in Scotland

supported by the French.251 Balliol was again forced out

of Scotland.

 

227wyntoun. Qhronicie, II, 408.
2‘z’BIdem.

n
629Hailes, Annals, II, 2l0.
229am a . .

ine mouthern section was the most pOpulous and
the richest section of Scotland.

2‘I'Y’OPluscarden C-ronicle. II: 199°

25lIbig.,p.2£:2.

82

By this time Edward was so engaged with his French
venture that Scotland was once more freed of the English.
Now David Bruce, who had been forced to flee to France,
‘- a - A , ,ei. . . , 252
returned to Scotland, and led a great eXpedition into England.
It was thought by the Scots that so many English men-at-arms
would be in France that there would be no force left to oppose
. ~_ . . . . 255 . , . 7g, .
them in England. However the lords of the narcn proved
their mettle and the Scots absorbed a punishing defeat at
Neville's Cross. Here King David and many nobles were taken
- ' , C r - . . V ' ‘ _ w” 234
prisoner and many more met their deaths.

Although the Scots were forced by their terrible
defeat into peace for some years, they were by no means
conquered. As has been pointed out, Edward had overshot his
mark and had tried to force upon the Scots a king whom many
of them disliked. Having made this fatal error, he added
to this mistake by an enterprise which, however, glorious
was too much for the strength of the England of that day.
With a strong feeling of Scottish nationalism in the ascendant
it was not very wise of Edward to force the ceding of so
much land to Ekugland. If his policy in Scotland was to

have any chanCe at all his move should have been to leave

 

Zézcray, Scalacronica. P- 301'

235Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 224.

254 , . .
Gray, Scalacronica, p. 501.

85
his man Balliol as strong a king as possible. flithout the
cooperation of same of the Scots, only a huge army could
have kept the Scots in subjection. The failure on Edward's
part to carry out these policies resulted in plunging the,

two countries once more into their age-old blood bath.

III. THE POLICIES OF THE SCOTS
l. The Failure of the Nobility

An analysis of the counter movements and policies
of the Scottish Chieftains is necessary to an understanding
of how a minor power like Scotland was able to hold off the
might of England for so many years. As we have seen, the
Scots were greatly aided both by the foreign entanglements
of tie English kings and by their difficulties with the
English Barons. The rest of the story can perhaps be gained
from the policies employed by the Scots to keep their land
free.

Now that the English had actually attacked at
Berwick, March l296,the Scots speeded up their previous
preparations to help that town in its plight. In order to
gain all the economic power they could muster, the Bailiffs
of Scotland seized all the English goods and turned them
over for safe keeping to those castles held by Scots.l A
manpower levy was also forced upon the Scottish kingdom.
The levy was called a "Wapinshaw" and demanded that all who
were capable of military service were to meet the call of
their country. Included were, "all who had power, wealth,
arms and strength."2 When this army discovered that Berwick
had already fallen, it moved to assist the Scots in another

quarter.

 

lLanercost Chronicle, p. 128.

2lbid., p. 129.

85

In the meantime the Scots retaliated by invading
England under John Comyn of Buchan. His force was not large
but it was used so effectively that Comyn set an example
for later Scottish forays. The idea was to destroy as much
English prOperty as possible. Moreover, since the Scots
were a poor but thrifty race, they took everything of value
back with them to Scotland.3 Apparently, the Scots them-
selves were not above cruelty to their enemy for Lanercost
tells the horrors perpetrated by the Scots in this raid.
He writes, the Scots, "surpassed in cruelty all the fury
of the heathen."4 The old were killed as well as women in
childbed and their children. In the process of this foray
the Scots caused extensive damage to English prOperty. The
towns of Tindale and Carbridge were burned as well as the
monasteries of Hexham and Lanercost. The damage done to
the last named monastery no doubt influenced the Chronicler
in his wrath against the Scots.

The Scottish King Balliol found that problems as
well as victories ensued from Comyn's raid. In the course
of the raid, Comyn besieged Carlisle, which was held by

Robert Bruce, the son of the pretender.6 Balliol now had

 

5Ibid., p. 155.

 

Idem.

 

5Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 257.

6Lang, Hist. of Scotland, I, 177.

 

86
not only the English Opposing him but the Bruce faction of
Scotland. The ill-feeling of this faction had grown pro-
gressively worse and the BishOp of Glasgow, leader of the
Bruce faction in Scotland, seized upon this time of national
distress to stir up internal trouble. He was supported by
a large part of the Scottish Knights.7 Fordun laments that,
”through the quarrel, the harmless rabble, eXposed to the
ravenous biting of these wolves, lay mangled far and wide
over the land."8 National disunity was one weakness of
King John's realm, and the failure of his ally to provide
effective assistance was another.

As soon as the French learned of Edward's Operation,
they attempted to keep their treaty obligations. On the
basis of a report from their Spy, Thomas de Tuberville, the
French planned a naval attack on the shores of England. The
expedition, however, was disastrous for the French, either
because they had been misinformed of the strength or nature
of English defense, or they could not match their enemy's
skill as sailors. Out of the huge fleet of French ships in
the attack only two reached the shores of England with an
effective fighting force. The survivors of this ill-starred

attack were all driven back to France.9

 

7Wyntoun, Chronicle, II, 555.
8Fordun, Chronicle, II, 519.

9Eanercost Chronicle, p. ll9.

 

 

lfl‘fi «was,

87

The real weakness of Scotland in the light of its
many difficulties was revealed in the Battle of Dunbar.
Shortly after the fall of Eerwick the Dunbar fortress was
under siege by Earl Warenne.lo Sir Richard Seward, a former
servant of the king of England, now held Dunbar for the
Scots.11 Chivalry demanded that Seward be allowed to inform
Balliol of Dunbar's condition before the English attack.12
Langtoft states that Seward was dishonest and had known that
the Scottish force was already on its way to his aid when
he asked for the rights of Chivalry.l$ After giving hostages
to the English, Seward sent a messenger to the Scots urging
them to attack the English. The messenger further stated,
"your peOple of the castle will see you by their watch and
will make a sally upon the English who eXpect not their

..14 T

coming. his action would, of course, trap the English

between two forces.

 

lOLang, Hist. of Scotland, I, 175.

 

llLangtoft, Chronicle, II, 241.

lzlbid.4h24l. Another example of this right to
inform one's commander was the siege of Stirling which
resulted in the battle of Bannockburn. Tout, distory of
England, III, 258.

lz°Idem. In giving the English version for this
battle Langtoft goes into far greater detail than do any
of the other chroniclers concerning the Dunbar engagement.

14Ibid.gn245.

8

Co

The Scottish army began the attack, though in some
disorder.15 The English at once advanced to meet the Scots.
Accounts of he Scottish reaction disagree. Langtoft says,
“the Scots see them come, turn tail upon them [the English]
like as quail."l6 On the other hand, the Scots, according
to the Lanercost account were holding their own in the field
when the knights fled leaving the foot alone to face the
enemy.17 Fordun says that this cowardice of the knights was
instigated by supporters of Bruce, namely the earls of Mar
and Athol.18 William, earl of Ross and other knights loyal
to Balliol fled to the castle of Dunbar after the battle was
lost. The Traitorous Seward, true only to himself, turned
the Scottish nobles over to his alleged enemy, the English.lg
There is some indication that the Scots had in their ranks
several priests. Lanercost asserts that, "several tonsured

20

[priests] were found among the dead." Among the common

 

15Fordun, Chronicle, II, 518.
l6Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 247.

17Lan§gcost Chronicle, p. 140.

18Fordun, Chronicle, II, p. 519.

19Langtoft, Chronicle, II, p. 251. Langtoft has left
a rather interesting picture of the procession made by the
prisoners as they rode off to prison. The prisoners were,
"Two and two together mounted on a hakney, some in carts,
with fetters on the feet.“

20 a . i, , , .
Lanercost Chronicle, p. 159. The part the priests
played in the Scottish wars has been discussed.

89

. . , ‘ . . A.
folk tne number of executions must nave been high.

Lanercost places the number for the Scottish dead at

2

2
10,000.

After the battle of Dunbar the Scots were forced
. -. . - . 23
back until King John submitted to Edward at hontrose.
Small wonder that Scotland came under the oppressive sway
of England. The very classes that should have furnished
leadership against the invader were divided in council. In
the face of this factionalism the only group which had the
interests of the Scottish nation at heart were the clergy.
So exhausted was their land that the Scots might have
settled down to a peaceful submission. This was not to be
for the harsh English laws and the worse administrators
brought, for a time, the dissentient groups of Scotland
together against the now hated English.

So soon as Edward had left Scotland the magnates of
the land assembled in a Parliament at S"-cox’1e.24 For the
moment petty differences were forgotten in the face of a
common enemy. Twelve wardens of Scotland were appointed.

These men at once set about repairing castles and prepared

 

ZlLangtoft, Chronicle, II, 249.

(‘ “‘\ 1 ‘ 1 n h
darordun, Chronicle, II, ole.

 

25Plusca§den Chronicle, II, 115.

 

24Ibid.,p~ll7.. .

 

90
in every way to meet the attack of the English. In the
meantime, John Comyn, earl of Bauchan, advanced at the
head of an army into England and besieged Carlisle but
_ 95 m

without goou results. We have already seen what effect
this activity had on the English wardens of Scotland. The
tempo of the fighting increased and soon the rebellion was

to be greatly assisted by the rise of a national hero,

Wallace.
2. The Rise of William Wallace

A Wallace appears on the scene in connection with
the Scottish war in l296. In a document bearing the date
of August l, 1296, a complaint was made by Cristiania of
St. John at Per h alleging she had been robbed of 55 worth
of beer by, "Mathew of York and William le '-.'\(aleys.“2'6
Although there is no positive proof that this was the
Scottish leader, the English Chroniclers constantly refer
to Wallace as a "chief of brigands." Moreover, Perth was
part of the stamping grounds of ‘«'."allace.27 On the other
hand the Wallace wanted for theft of the beer may have been

an English soldier as a man by that name does appear on the

 

25Idem.
26

 

Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 131.

27Lanercost Chronicle, p. 163.

\MLFD' Ul'..lll.fl -

91
. . 28 . , .
English army lists. In Spite 01 the lack of clear eVidence,
it has been established that William was a younger son of
0' T" '0‘ ‘.’“- - 29
ulr halcolm "allace of Ederslie.

William Wallace is described as tail of stature,
strong of body, pleasant and merry of countenance, kindly
to all his friends, ter‘ible to his foes, bounteous in gifts,

. . . . . 50 ..

and most righteous in Judgement. uallace Spent his boy-
hood in Renfrewshire where he learned the use of such weapons

. a . . , _ Bl _, . . ,
as the sword and dagger. During his boyhood ne also ob-
tained his almost fanatic desire for freedom. During his
school days his master told him:

my son I tell thee soothfastlie

No gift is like to libertie;

Then never live in slaverie.

Some time in the year 1246, the young Wallace was
sent to the town of Dundee. The Sheriff, Shelbe of Dundee,
had a son who delighted in taunting the rustic Scots.03 He
noticed Wallace and his excellent sword. The Shelbe man

asked Lallace what a Scot did with such a fine weapon. At

 

28Lang, Hist. f Scotland, I, 180.

a Idem.
30g ,_ _. A
gluscarden Chronicle, II, llo.

slHenry the hinstrel, The Actis and Deidis of the
Illustere and Vailzeand Campioun Schir hilliam wallagg,
Knight of Ellerslie, ed. James noir, (Edinburgh: "illiam
Blackwood and Sons, LDCCCL XXXIX) p. 7.

aghinstrel, flallace, p. XXVII.

3511310.. , p. 80

92
last the taunts became too much for William nallace, and in
the fight the Sheriff's son was killed. Wallace beat a
hasty retreat down the winding streets of Dundee with the
supporters of the sheriff at his heels. He escaped only
through fortuitous circumstances. A Scottish girl, a Miss
Bradfute, saw Wallace's position and whisked him into a
house. Wallace was kept out of sight until nightfall and
fled under cover of darkness}64 He later married his bene-
factress. She was put to death by nazelrig, the sheriff
of Lanark, for her part in fiallace's escape.

News of this tragedy was brought to Wallace who was
already an outlaw and at the head of a growing band of
deSperate men. Jith his following, Wallace stole into
Lanark and killed Hazelrig with his own hands.55 In the
resulting fight the English and their supporters were empelled
from the town and Sir Thomas Gray, the father of the author
of Scalocronica, was wounded.36 “From that time there were
gathered unto him (Wallace) all who were bitter in Spirit
... under the unbearable domination of the English nation."37

The Chronicler of Lanercost says that Wisheart,

BishOp of Glasgow, and James, the Steward of Scotland, made

 

34Minstrel, Wallace, p. 8.

55Ibid., p. 18.

56 , .
Gray, Scalocronica, p. 284.

57
Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 117.

93
common cause with Wallace and helped him to gain domination
over the Scots. The entire proceeding was accomplished in
an underhanded manner because they feared to break Openly
with the English.38 Fordun, on the other hand, ssvs William
Wallace, without help from anyone, forced the magnates of
Scotland to obey his commands and that, moreover, Wallace
remained always loyal to Balliol;59 The loyalty of Wallace
to his deposed king, however highminded, was to prove
disasterous on the field of Falkirk.

As we have learned, Wallace had been engaged in
reducing Dundee Castle with the citizens of that town
assisting him. It was while engaged in this activity that
he received news of the English advance. Leaving the
burghers of Dundee to continue Operations against the English
in Dundee castle, Wallace marched off to meet Warenne,
Cressingham and Clifford.40 The Scots arrived North of the
Forth before the English and prepared to receive the force
of flarenne. According to Blind harry, the bridge crossing
the Forth was sawed in two and hinges were placed over the
cuts and concealed with clay. This enabled Wallace to

order the bridge collapsed at a signal.41 with these

 

58Lanercost Chronicle, p. 163.

ngordun, Chronicle, II, 522.

4OEinstrel, Wallace, p. 176

,
dem.

 

94
preparations made, he waited with his men to attack. The
results of these measures and the battle have been discussed.

The Scottish hero proceeded at once to increase the
resistance to English rule in the realm. Like Comyn, Wallace
used methods familiar to the Scots. He was not only an eXpert
organizer but a strict disciplinarian, a necessary quality
in the light of the task before the Scots. For instance,
Wallace inflicted severe punishment on the men of Aberdeen
and other Northern Scots who refused to obey his commands.
These men "were hanged as rebels and traitors to their
country. By whose example, others being put in fear, his
II 42

commandments were the better obeied. Wallace ordered a

gallows set up in every domain so that deserters in battle
"might be hanged thereon without mercy."43
Wallace now embarked on a systematic reduction of
all English strongholds. Many of the castles were taken by
starvation.44 Others were taken by storm and some were

destroyed. The equipment seized was used to build up the

Scottish army. The rest of the plunder was distributed

 

4"Bamhaell, Holinshed, Chronicles of England and
Scotland and Ireland, (London: Printed for J. Johnson,
F.C. and J. Rivington T. Payne; Wilkie and Robinson Longman,
Hurst, Bees, and Orme; Cadell and Davis; and J. hawman, 1808),
V, 552.

45Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 119.

44Lanercost Chronicle. p. 165.

1' _

95
among the followers of Wallace.45 As his successes grew,

many of the Englisn wardenssurrendered or retreated without
n

a struggle.40 Furthermore, Wallace efficiently managed the
problem of supply for starving Scotland. He decided to
winter his trOOps in England and thereafter invaded Allen-
dale which he ”burned up."47 In this way he not only brought
destruction to England, but also relieved his own poor

country of feeding a large body of men.

1,”

uallace was not long to manage the organization of

his country. In 1298 it was evident the English were

48

moving in great force against Scotland. Wallace was

forced to meet the English with a disasterous breach in
his own ranks. Blind Harry claims that just before the
battle hallaoe had some idea of the disloyalty within his
own force. Many of the great men of Scotland looked down

on him from envy or pride and did not feel he was a fit

person to lead them.49 The Steward of Scotland, urged on

by the Comyns, insisted on leading the vanguard of the army.50

45Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 119.
46Idem.
47Fordun, Chronicle, II, 552.

48Patent Rolls, Ed. I, III, 513.

49Minstrel, Wallace, p. 300.

50Idem.

96
Wallace had other plans. As we now know this dissension in
part cost both Wallace and Scotland the Battle of Falkirk.
William Wallace was plunged into the deepest gloom.5
So over come was he by the treachery of the Scottish nobility
that he resigned his command, "and charge which he held as

':2

guardian."“ He took this action rather than bring ruin on

the common peOple through his leadership.55

Even with the help of the Scottish Chroniclers, the
further career of Hallace is exceedingly difficult to follow.
He may have gone to France to gain the assistance of the
king of that country in pleading the Scottish cause in Rome.54
Some proof of this is found in a document in which Philip of
France "to his lieges at the Roman court, commands them to
request the POpe’s favor for his beloved William le Jaleis
of Scotland knight, in the matters which he wishes to forward

C:
with his iloliness."5‘2

 

51Pluscarden Chronicle, II, ISS. Pluscarden
illust‘ates the high resolve and unselfish patriotism of
Wallace. Bruce is reported to have contacted Wallace as the
latter *as in retreat and to have roundly upbraided Wallace
for serving a lost cause wnen all the honors and riches of
the world awaited him under Edward. William in his turn
chided Bruce for his own role which was that of, "but half
a man.“ Upon hearing these words, Bruce is supposed to have
resolved that, "no low pursuits should taint the lofty soul."

5zFordun, Chronicle, III, p. 325.

as
V‘1’Idem.

C;
u

dolinshed, Chronicle, C, V, 334.

(D

C
”Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 305.

97
Although Wallace continued his Operations against the English
he was " ways in danger of capture not only from the English
but from the Scots as well. The treachery of his capture and
his tragic death were discussed in the second chapter.
The office of fiallace now fell to John Comyn, a po-
sition he held until he was compelled to submit to Edward one

at

year later.U John de Soules, who was associated with Comyn

in his office, set on foot the Scottish plans to gain aid

of Boniface VIII.57

Taking advantage of the truce which had
been arranged through the good offices of France, three
commissioners were sent to the Pope to "lay bare unto him
sundry and manifold hardships brought upon the kingdom of
"58

Scotland by the enmity of the ... king of England. The

activity of the Scottish commissioners resulted in the issuing
of the Papal Bull sent to Edward in 1298.59
In the meantime, Comyn and Simon Fraser, another of
the guardians, deSpite the truce, attempted to wear down
the English officers in Scotland. This was done by sudden

attacks both by day and night on English forces or strongholds.

 

56Fordun, Chronicle, II, 524.

57Ibid. p.525.

58Idem.

59Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 255.

l'fl-‘fl

98

After the attack was made the forces of the Scots would
diaperse into the hills.6

The Operations must have stung the English for
they advanced under Ralph Confrey in an attempt to stop
the activities of the guardians. The result was the battle
of Roslyn in which the Scots, taking advantage of the loose
formation of the English, defeated each of three English
formations in turn and thus won the day.61

Although the battle of Roslyn was a glorious victory
for the Scots they were not able to withstand the power of
Edward when he advanced against the guardians in 1505.62
We have already examined the attempts the Scots made to
stOp the English by a scorched earth policy. All proved
to no avail and the majority of Scotland submitted to Edward
in the winter of 1305.63 In Spite of the success which
attended his skill in arms, Edward, had learned nothing
from his previous eXperience. Again the repressive measures
which Edward had formerly instituted were employed. The
results were also the same, that of preparing Scotland for

rebellion, this time accompanied by the rise of Robert Bruce.64

 

60Fordun, thpngglg, II, 526.
6J'Pluscarden Chronicle, II, l69.
62Fordun, Chronicle, II, 528.
ealpld,ix529.

64
Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 170.

 

99
5. {ing Robert Bruce

Bruce, it will be remembered, had during his meeting
with Wallace, taken a solemn oath to be true to the nobler
part of himself. With what success he kept this vow we shall
now see. Before embarking on his road to glory the future
king of Scotland had followed the path of many other great
lords, that of serving his own self interest above honor and
above nation. He had wavered in his alliance to Edward more
than once when it seemed as if a change would be to Bruce's
advantage.

During the campaign of 1503 Bruce was once again an
adherent of Edward and managed the siege-train for the king
when the latter was engaged in reducing Stirling Castle.65

Bruce, always Open to a proposition, proved a ready
listener when John Comyn, on the occasion of Edward's
Scottish Parliament, broached the subject of the kingship
of Scotland. Comyn, either to make peace between their re-
spective houses, or for darker reasons, suggested the pro-
gram whereby both men stood to gain.66 Because Comyn be-
trayed this agreement to Edward, Bruce was forced to flee

for his life.

 

65Lang, Hist. of Scotland, I, 193.

66Barbour, Bruce, p. 13.

100

The earl of Gloucester is said to have warned Bruce
about the changeable temper of the English Monarch who had
granted Bruce time to clear himself,67 a caution Robert must
have taken to heart. Knowing his serious position, Bruce
rushed to his chambers in company only with his clerk and
locked the door. This man and Bruce quickly made prepa-
rations for flight and departed by a secret way toward the
Scottish border that same night. Robert paused only long
enough in his flight to pick up his brother, Edward, at
Lachmabar. From him he learned of John Comyn's presence
at Dumfries.

In hot haste Bruce rode to Dumfries where he found
his man before the high altar in the church of that place.
Bruce promptly confronted him with his own letters patent.
John stoutly denied the charge whereupon Bruce, "with
laughing countenance reft the life of him".68 This deed
was to be a black mark against Bruce Which he was never
quite able to live down in all of his subsequent career.
Even Barbour, his admirer, admits "there is no doubt that

. , , 69
Bruce Sinned there greatly."

 

67Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 174.
68Barbour, Bruce, p. 18.

69Idem.

m

101

Action was taken at once to assemble all those who
would follow Bruce. Within a few days after the death of
Comyn, Bruce hastened to Scone where he was crowned on the
27 of Earch 1306.70 The BishOp of St. Andrews, long one
of the major Bruce supporters, is reported to have said upon
hearing of the slaying of Comyn; “SO help me God: I have
great hope he Bruce shall be king, and have all this land
under his rule."71 From the moment of his coronation Bruce
underwent a strange chaIge. He now emerged as the embodi—
ment of courage in the face of all adversity.

Among those Scotsmen who rallied to the standard
of Bruce was James Douglas. This man was the son of the
martyred Douglas.72 James had been forced for a time to
reside in Paris when his father was imprisoned. Under the
protection and good offices of the BishOp of Saint Andrews
he now returned to Scotland. Douglas was persuaded by the
bishop to support Bruce. James was further prompted to this
course because Edward had refused to restore the Douglas
lands to James.73

Barbour has left a very interesting picture of James

Douglas. From the description one would gather James received

 

7OFordun, Chronicle, II, 556.

 

7lBarbour, Bruce, p. 19.
72Ibid., p. 6.

75Ibig., p. 9.

102

the name Black Douglas from his appearance as well as from
his deeds.

He James Douglas was most fair in demeanour, wise,

courteous, and debonair, He was liberal and kind

also, and above all things loved loyalty ... In

visage he was some what grey, and he had black

hair, but his limbs were7zell made his bones great

and his Shoulders broad.
Douglas met Bruce while the latter was on his way to be
rowned at Scone. "And when Bruce had heard his desire he
received him with much pleasure, and gave him men and arms."75

Bruce soon found after his defeat at Methven that
he had undertaken no light task. Under the pressure of the
hounds of the English King, Bruce was forced to disband his
forces with what disasterous consequences we already know.
He was now forced to fight on almost singlehanded in an
attempt to save himself.

The romantic wanderings of Bruce which now began
were in reality an attempt to stay out of the clutches of
unfriendly Scots and English. In one case Bruce was not
able to slip through the lines of Lorne's men without a
struggle.76 King Robert was forced to beat off an attack

in which he killed three of Lorne's men in single combat.77

 

74Ibid., p. 10.
75Ibid., p. SS.

76 i _ . ,
Lorne was a sect related by marriage to the Comyns
and thus was eager to revenge John Comyn's death.

7Barbour, Bruce, p. 53.

105
More reductions in both Bruce's fortunes and manpower, deSpite
occasional success, forced him to leave the Scottish main-
land. He Spent a period in the Isles of Bute and Rathlin,
biding his time.

With improved fortunes Bruce was able at last to
return to Carrick. A Spy was to have set a light if the
peOple of Garrick were favorable to his return. A light
was seen to shine above the shores Of Carrick but, as the
Spy later confessed, it was set by no mortal hand.78

The slow and painful conquest of Scotland now began.
The policy of Bruce was based on that of Wallace but acquired
a much harsher tOne as the campaign progressed. After a
fortress was reduced, the garrison was put to death and the
fortress destroyed. All arms and spoils found within the
English strongholds were used to equip Bruce's motley army.7g

During this phase of the conquest Douglas sought,
and was granted, permission tO conquer his inheritance. It
was during this eXpedition that the war cry of "Douglas",
destined to strike fear into the hearts of the English, was
first used.80 Upon destroying his own castle Douglas Observed

that if the Scots attempted to hold any strongholds they

 

78John Barbour, Selections from Barbour's Bruce,gBooks
I-X, ed. Prof. Skeat, for the Early English Text Society in
1870, 1899. (Bungay; Richard Clay and Sons Limited, 1900) p. 96.

79Fordun, Chronicle, II, 555.

80
Barbour, Bruce, p. 117

104
could never depend on succor from their own peOple.

The work of reducing Scotland now reached a feverish
pitch and Douglas returned to assist Bruce in this great
work. During all of Bruce's wanderings he had not been
forced to meet an army in the open fields since Methven.

As a result when Aymer de Valence, the English warden of
Scotland, challenged Bruce to battle in an open field Robert
accepted.82 A closer examination needs to be made of this
strange behavior. The support of Bruce, in Spite of his
success in the reduction of castles, was wavering. Bruce
had only off and on support from his own faction. He could
depend on much less from the rest of the Scottish nation.
Even the great Douglas was not always above suSpicion.85
The resulting state of affairs may have influenced him in
picking up the English gage of battle. Bruce hOped he would
be able to prove himself a commander with whom to reckon.

To make as certain of success as possible, Bruce
picked a meadow which was located on a side of Louden hill.

Such a position would force the English to charge up the

 

81Idem. The diSpositions of the Scottish Lords were
such that they changed with the wind. Under this situation
and the fact that Scotland always had difficulty in raising
a large enough army to meet the English, relief of a large
number of strongholds was impossible.

 

821bid., p. 184.

833Lang, Hist. of Scotland, p. 211.

105
slope. In addition to the marsh in front of his men, trenches
were dug along the sides to strengthen the Scottish formation.
In the resulting battle Sir Aymer was trounced. Bruce was
said to have used but COO prime fighting men.84 According
to Barbour, Sir Aymer de Valence was so crushed by this

OE
‘ ‘ I Q I . Ud
defeat that ne never again snowed his face in Scotland.

4. The Greatness of Bruce

At the death of Edward I Robert Bruce was by no means
in control of all Scotland. From the hour he killed John
Comyn he never lacked dangerous enemies in the rest of the
Comyns.86 In future wars this family was to be among the
staunchest supporters of the English kings.

As we have seen, however, Bruce's task was made in-
finitely more'simple by the tribulations of the new English
king. Bruce, during the course of Edward II's reign, was
forced to beat off only two serious English military invasions.
One resulted in the great Scottish triumph at Bannockburn, the
other was the campaign in which Edzard marched all over Scot-
land only to have his foe elude him. Bruce's major efforts,

therefore, were concentrated on reducing the Scots to his

84Barbour, Bruce, p. 184.
851bid., p. 183.

86Pluscarden Chronicle, II, p. 150.

lO6

rule and counteracting the dissimulations of Edward, par-
ticularly where it concerned the Pope. This section will
attempt to show how Bruceixuxded'the English thrusts and
at the same time neutralized Edward's dangerous machination.

We have already observed Bruce's victories over
such Scots as Lorne and the men of Argyll. Bruce enlarged
upon this beginning by defeating Donald of the Isles and
the Golloway men.87 Bruce's harsh policy as he continued
in his successful campaign seems to have become less severe
than when he first began his Operations. Captured strong-
holds were still levelled to the ground88 in keeping with
the Scottish idea that they would be more useful to the
Eiglish as instruments of oppression than they would to the
Scots as a means of defense. This policy was also extended
to the towns. In this case all walls and battlements were
destroyed.89 Under the new policy the common people found
in the strongholds were generally Spared.90 The nobility,
the English, and those Scots who were disloyal were executed.
In executions, Bruce seems to have adopted the English practice

. . 9
of draWing before execution. l

87£1uscarden Chronicle, II. 181°

88Fordun, Chronicle, II, 338.
89Idem.
Idem.

91Fordun, Chronicle, II, 538. The condemned person was
fastened to a horse and drawn through the jeering crowds.

 

lO7

On his many forays into England, Bruce reduced both
the towns of Perth and Berwick.92 The eXpeditions were
still conducted in the Scottish manner of burning and de-
stroying.95 To the old practices Bruce added a type of
extortion. In return for not destroying a town or a monas-
tery the inhabitants were compelled to pay large sums of
money. The Lanercost Chronicle mentions one instance in
which the people of a community had to pay 2,000 pounds to
prevent the destruction of the town while at the same time
promising Bruce, "safe passage and retreat through the land
of the bishopric.“94

The disaster that the Scots wrought on the English
at Bannockburn will be discussed in the fourth chapter.
dhen the English king made his second unsuccessful try,
Bruce avoided an encounter and instead drew away with the
Scots army all animals fit for food.95 The English army,
because of Bruce's action was forced to retreat some distance

.for they had advanced as far as Edinburgh.96 When the English

92Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 182. for Perth. Fordun,
Chroniclg, II, 540. for Eerwick.

9:I’P’luscarden Chronicle, II, 182.
94Lanercost Chronicle, p. 119.
95Fordun, Chronicle, S42.

96Idem.

lOB
retreated the Scottish army, not unlike that of Russia in
the French retreat from Loscow, hung on the flanks of the
English army causing wideSpread damage.

The political wisdom of Bruce expressed itself in
many ways. One was Bruce's prudent attempt to settle the
difficult question of succession once and for all.98 The
general council decided that in case Robert died without
male issue the crown would pass to his brother, Edward. If
this arrangement failed, the crown was to go to the male
issue of Marjory, Robert's daughter. The first succession
arrangement fell because of the subsequent death of Edward.
A new succession agreement was then made whereby David,
the newly born son of Robert should come to the throne. In
case of a minority the earl of Moray was to have the kingdom
in his charge. The latter part of the first succession stood
and proved to be wise. Marjory married halter Stewart.
David Bruce, the son of Robert, came to the throne but died
without legitimate issue. The descendants of Marjory
eventually re:igne£i as the Stewart kings. Another
problem was the question of his brother, Edward Bruce.
Though a gallant soldier he has been described as a "mettle-

some and high-Spirited man, and would not dwell together

 

Idem.

 

98Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 185.

 

109
with his brother in peace."99 An Opportunity now offered
itself to diapose of and at the same time reward, a po-
tentially dangerous adversary. Men from a section of Irelani
came to Bruce and asked him to place a king over them and
to drive out their enemies which included both English and

100 , . , . ,.
Robert baCked his brother as king. In taking

Irish.
this action his hOpe may have been to get in a sharp blow
at the English as well as to reward his brother. The
campaign in Ireland went well at first and Edward Bruce was
elected king.lOl Unfortunately, Edward was not of his
brother's stature and was later killed in Ireland by the
English.log
Bruce also answered Edward's policy of dissimulation
in two ways. One method aimed at Edward's tampering with
the loyalty of the people of Scotland. Edward also attempted
to divide the Scottish nobility. The strategy with which
this move was connected is not clear. It seems to have been
a wide-spread conSpiracy for fourteen persons of high rank

103

were executed for their part in the plot. Harsh regu-

lations were then passed. One forbade any person to invent

 

99Fordun, Chronicle, II, 540.
lOQHaiies, Annals, II, 76.
lOlPluscarden Chronicle, II, 186.
1021331., p. 187.

Ibid., p. iss.

 

110
. ... .‘ , M. 104
or Circulate rumors against the king.
To save his own country as much eXpense as possible
a law was passed forcing all people on their way to join
the Scottish host, "to live at his own charge without
0 ‘I 1 "105 w,_\_ ‘ “. ,
OppreSSing the country. One other blow truce struck
was against the English and Edward's ally the POpe. It
was declared a capital offense for any man to supply weapons

to the enemy.l06 In addition all English absentee owners

. . , , . -07 . .
were forbidden to draw money out 01 Scotland.1 Against
the Pope Bruce disabled the Scottish ecclesiastics from

, .,_ _ g, 108 . , , . . . , _ .
sending money to nome. The head of tne Catholic cnurcn
on his own part but doubtlessly at the request of Edward
as well, sent legates to Scotland, "to exhort Bruce to

. , _ . H . ”109 v

deal more mildly With the English. To answer the
insinuations of Edward, Bruce diSpatched ambassadors to

110

the Pope. One of these men, Randolph, was a peculiarly

good choice. He not only got the Pope to take a more

—_—..A

lO4Hailes, Annals, II, 107.
lOQIbid., p. 105.

106Ibid., p. 106.

lO7Idem.

lOBIdem.
logPluscarden Chronicle. II. 189-

llOFordun, Chronicle, II, 545.

111
clement view of Scotland but succeeded to some extent in
getting him to recognize Bruce as king.111
when Bruce's unhappy adversary went down to his
worst and last defeat, the Scottish king broke the truce
he had made with Edward II in order to take advantage of
the new king's minority and the unsettled state of England.
Robert'could of course not foresee all of the effects a

minority was to have on Scotland.
5. David Bruce

During the last days of King Robert, Scotland knew
A _. , _ g _ 112 . _ _ ,
proSperity and greatness. sucn as she had not known Since
the days of Alexander III. Eighty England had been forced
to beg for peace and had sealed it with the marriage of a
daughter of her royal house to the son of Robert Bruce,

David. The days of this greatness were all too soon to

Bruce, for the last years of his life, had been
afflicted with some strange disease. The Lanercost Chronicle

called it leprosy. At any rate he died on the 7th of June

i 115 , - . r ,
1029. The death of n'uce was followed closely by and was

lllHailes, gppglg, II, 158. Randolph pointed out to
the Pope that, in order for his Bulls to receive attention in
Scotland, they must be addr ssed to King Robert Bruce. In
this way Randolph not only obtained some recognization for
Bruce but caused distrust between the Pope and Edward.

112, .
Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 192.

llSIdem.

 

112

connected with the death of James Douglas. On his death bed,
Bruce asked Douglas to carry his heart to the holy land as
he had always meant to go there on crusade. Douglas faith-
fully undertook this mission but died fighting the Saracens
in Spain.114

Under the terms of the second act of succession,
Randolph, the earl of Moray, was appointed guardian during
the minority of David.115 Under the earl Scotland continued
to enjoy prOSperity for a time. Unfortunately the earl died
in 1332. Pluscarden says because of poison administered by
a traitor.116 Upon the death of the earl, the dissentient
elements within Scotland broke loose. Chief among these
were the Talbots, the Iowbrais, and the Beaumonts.117 In
order to have more power for themselves they now elected the
weak earl of Mar as guardian.l18

To what depths of degradation Scotland had sunk by
this time is shown by the ease with which Edward Balliol

conquered Scotland.119 In the battle of Duplin Moor the

 

l‘14Fordun, Chronicle, II, 345.

115Hyntoun, Chronicle, II, 383.

 

ll6Idem.

ll7Ibid., p. 382.
llalbid., p. 584.

llgLanercost Chronicle, II, 289.

 

113
earl of Ear, as well as many others of the great captains of
9

Scotland, i‘e11.l‘D

In later engagements Andrew Murray the new guardian
of Scotland was taken a prisoner as was William Douglas, a
. ,.., ' . , r ‘ ' 1. ' r r, 121 I
relative of James and a knight of LiddeSdale. n a
relatively short time Scotland was deprived of its best
military leaders. We have observed that Scotland was sub-
sequently over—run and subdued by Edward III, only to rise
once more when Edward made the mistake of turning his at-
. . - . 122
tention to brance.

When David Bruce returned to his homeland it seemed
as though Scotland was well on the road to recovering all

) . _ _ _. _ _ ~. o 123 c; 1 ‘_
of her iormer power and prestige. one once more could
rely on the services of William Douglas who had won his
_ 124 . ' ' . 1 1 -V- -

freedom by ransom. how, however, the Frencn king was in
grievous need for help from the Scots and urged David strongly

to take the offensive against the English.125

 

120Wyntoun, Chronicle, II, 392. By this time the
situation had become so bad in Scotland it was thought advisable
to send young King David to France where he did stay for some
years.

121Pluscarden Chronicle. II: 201°

1 gwyntoun. Chronicle» :1, 394'

lgafilyscarden Chronicle, 11. 221°

164Ibid., p. 209.
125m , . , , , g ,
wyntoun, Chroniclg, II, 470. Edward had launcned
his greatest campaign against the French and everywhere English
arms were successful. Tout, Hist. of Englaid, III, 359.

114

The young Scottish king accordingly raised an army.
At once difficulty came to the Scottish host. It was the
old curse of Scotland, bitter factionalism among the nobility.
The earl of Ross because of the hatred he bore Ranold, lord
of the Isles, had him put to death as he slept in his tent.126
The incident proved very harmful in its effect on the newly
assembled army. William Douglas urged a return to Scotland
and the punishment of Ross for his crime.127 David, though
greatly angered by the action of the earl of Ross, was sur-
rounded by young hot heads like himself and determined to

. . 8 . , . .
pusn on into England.12 It is apparent that the Scottisn

. . H . . . 29
army moved forward with the benefit oi little or no scouting.l
The younger leaders seem to have had complete confidence in
the idea that "the king of England and all his trusty men

_ , , "130 -F , -.

are now in brance. we have learned what disaster befell
the Scots as the result of this attitude. Scotland was indeed
brought low in the Battle of Neville's Cross. David and
Douglas were both captured along with a great number of other

Scottish magnates.lsl John Randolph, the brother

 

 

 

126Eluscarden Chroniclg. II. 255°
127Wyntoun, Chronicle. II. 475°
128

Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 223.

lzglbid., p. 224.

130 . H
Ibld. ’ p. 220.
131 , . .
Gray, Scalacronica, p. 301.

 

115
of the former guardian of Scotland, was killed as were the

152 The entire realm

Chamberlin and Marshal of Scotland.
of Scotland might, at this time, have been brought under

the power of England once and for all had Edward not been
occupied in France. As it was, Scotland was not able to
return to her former eminence for many years.

In Scotland one element seemed always necessary to
keep that land strong and prOSperous. That was a strong
leader without which even the patriotic clergy were able to
do little. The Scots had received good leadership and sound
laws from both Whllace and Bruce. But, when the leadership
was not strong, the good policies were often set at naught
and Scotland was plunged once more into the holocaust of

civil war and invasion.

lSZPluscarden Chronicle, II, 223.

IV. THE EILITARY SIDE OF THE SCOTTISH WARS

1. The Raising, Organization
and Equipment of The English Host

Edward I and his illustrious grandson were not able
to accomplish everything by statecraft alone. Great states-
men though they were they ultimately had to demonstrate good
qualities as military leaders. What was true of the English
was even more so for the Scots who, except for some aid from
the French were unable to command material or moral support
from outside their own land.

Policy, diplomacy, and the other arts of statesman-
ship were not enough to decide the issue. In almost every
case in the Scottish wars the arts of diplomacy was to be
implemented and had at last to rely on force of arms. For
a better understanding of the subject with which we have to
deal, an analysis of the arts of military science in the two
countries may perhaps be revealing. The problems of recruit-
ing, supply, tranSport, discipline, strategy and tactics had
to be solved and were common to both the Scots and the English.
How these problems were met and solved, how effective the
tactics were in the field, will be the subject of this chapter.

The methods of recruiting the English hosts were many
and the variety of them often times confusing. The old
Standby, summons of the feudal host, had long since given way

as the sole means of raising an army, although this method

116

ll?
still furnished troops for the wars we have under discussion.
John Hewitt, a reapected writer on armor of the last century,
has made an excellent analysis of the various methods the
Edwards used in recruiting their forces.
The feudal tenants were summoned to perform the
services on their fiefs. (2) The aged, the infirm
or females who had succeeded to the inheritance of
knights fees, and the cle*gy, were bound to send
substitutes, or pay such a sum of money as might
be necessary to provide them. (3) Men were summon-
ed by writ from the various counties, to be at the
king's wages. Enufl (4) Troops were furnished by
contract with certain barons and knights, who en-
gaged to supply such numbers as might be determined,
to serve for a given time at so much per man.
.An.instrument dealing with the feudal levy appeared in lZ9l.
lIt consisted of an order to Robert de Stutewell to meet the
Icing at Norham, "in order to perform his service to the king".
3:. ., . , 2
he line to Sixty-seven others.
In the feudal type of levy the earl Marshal and earl
c:onstable were the officers in charge. An example of this
‘tlype is shown in a document of 1295. The king ordered the

lllarshal, of England with many others to "come with horses

EELnd arms to go against John, King of Scotland.”5 The first

\_

lJohn Hewitt, Ancient Armour and Weapons in EurOpe,

:Eprom the Iron Period of the Northern Nations to the End 0‘

JEdhe Seventeenth Century, (Oxford and London: John Henry and
ames Parker, 1855) II, 4.

        

ZEatent Roll, Ed. I, III, 198.

30105e Roll, Ed. I, II, 501.

118
and third method might be combined as shown in a document
found in Egin-where the magnates of the realm were to join
the king's son to put down the Scottish rebels who have in-
vaded England, he commands them to levy 1000 foot from
Northumberland etc., to be at the king's wage. The total

number of men listed amounted to 29,400.4

The second methOd of recruiting, that of forcing

the old and infirm and the churchmen to send substitutes

or make payments was much used. On July 14, 1297 the king
ordered Theabold de Verdun, in spite of the fact that he
‘was infirm of body and the death of his eldest son John,
‘to come, or lacking this, "the king recollects ... his
:second son is able and strong enough to supply his brothers
;Ldace."5 The heavy demands the clergy had made upon its
=5ervices is indicated in a document of the reign of Edward I.
"If the king-summon his army in time of war the prior and
<3onvent shall not be bound to service therein for its prOper
ciemesne knight fees."6 The instrument was no doubt intended
£38 a reward for some service the convent performed for the
(ing. On the other hand the Sheriff of Kent was required
1to order all the clergy of his county to either perform

‘their service or pay their fines.

‘

4Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 956.
5Close Rolls, Ed. I, III, 42.
6Patent Rolls, Ed. I, III, 604.
7Lang, Hist. of Scot., I, 211.

119

There were, in fact, occasions where the clergy
performed their obligations in person. An instance in
point was the battle of Myton in which 300 ecclesiastics
were slaughtered.8

The method most used was that of selecting soldiers
at the king's wages. One example of this Sistem is pre-
served in the Patent Rolls of 1301. In this document,

Richard de darle and Richard de Immere [are appointed]
to select in the county of Salays within liberties and
without 900 foot men, and to conduct them to Berwick-
on-tweed, where the king prOposes to be by midsummer,
so as to have them there on a day hereafter to be
fixed to pgoceed thence, at the king's wages, against
the Scots. .

CDhe men appointed to recruit the trOOps were called arrayers.
CDheir duties also included inspecting the troops to see no
JTraud was committed. One of these men, a William de Papper-
tworth, reported a soldier in question to be "an able-bodied

and sufficient man and had] a barbed horse for the K.s

EScottish eXpedition."lo

The method of paying great lords for bringing their

13r00ps to the host was also used a great deal. An example

-_

8Lang, dist. of Scot., I, 229.

9Patent Rolls, III, 595. The remainder of the docu-
Inent shows the apportionment of the men per county and names
12he arrayers. For example the county of York was to provide
4;,OOO men with John de Byron and Robert Ughtred appointed as
Eirrayers. Northumberland had to provide 2,700 etc.
loBain, Scottish Documents, II, 170. A barbed horse
VVas one that had either protection of mail, quilting or some
<Dther form of protection.

120

of this system was "Aymer de Valenceia" and his men who were
"to be payed of the King's wage."ll Those nobles who were
hired on contract in turn recruited their mercenaries on a
contractile basis. This point will be discussed in connection
with the pay of the trOOps. When the host was made up largely
in the above manner the king appointed his own marshals, usu-
ally two in number.12

The king, as has been mentioned, did force a few men
into service by reason of crimes they had committed. One
instance was the pardon given to William Gerberge for murder,
”on condition that he straightway set forth with the king to
stay on.the king's service at his own expence for so long as
‘bhe Scottish war lasts."ls Other types of troops came to
'the king of their own accord. Some were very welcome, but
Jnot all of these soldiers were dependable. On one occasion
Imen came from Holland, Brabant, Flanders, Picardy and Gascony
.just for the joy of fighting.14 Others came to improve their
15 Soldiers

:fortunes from any booty that might come their way.

twere also hired from other countries from time to time. It

-_

llCIose Rolls, Ed. I, Iv, 200.
12Hewitt,§gcient Armour, II, 6.

lSPatent Rolls, Ed. I, III, 591.
l4Holinshed, Qhrgnicle of Scotland, IV, 345.

lsIdem.

121

will be remembered that Edward III used the services of his
father-in-law, the Count of Hainault, in a campaign against
the Scots.16 Troops from Ireland w re in almost constant
use in the Scottish wars.l7 At times when the kings had no
money the towns were asked to pay for the troops they
furnished.18

When the English kings no longer depended on the
feudal levy, huge sums were needed, especially during the
period of almost continuous warfare of the Edwards. The
difficulties of obtaining grants of money from Parliament
iiave already been discussed in the first chapter. The kings
(do not seem to have always abused the Parliament grant when
‘they did gain the cooperation of that body. Essex was to
liave contributed a Specified amount but had its portion
Slightened because of a bad crOp year. In all cases of
‘the grants to the king the requests were handled in a firm
13ut polite manner. In one case the king "requested the
Imayor, bailiffs, and commonalty of Lenne to forward the
:Subsidy of 300 marks granted to the king, for expenses of

‘the war in Scotland."‘?‘0 In another instance the king thanked

l6Lanercost Chronicle, p. 257.

l7Patent Rolls, Ed. I, III, 583.
18Froissart, Chronicle, p. BO.
lgPatent Rolls, Ed. I, III, 589.

ZOPatent Rolls, Ed. II, I, 559.

122

"the archbishop of Canterbury and the clergy ...

for the Speedy payment of the tenth." This

courtesy out of the way, Edward II, "asks them

to grant him a further aid of 12d in the mark

on all spiritual property to enable him to carry

on his war in Scotland."“
This last request illustrates the poverty and almost continual
need for money the Edwards experienced in prosecuting their
wars.

Armies of 23,000 men seem small to us today in view
of the huge international armies put in the field. But one
must remember the relative differences in population and
the difficulties of assembling a force in that day as compared
to this. In looking through the materials one fact does come
to light and that was the surprisingly complicated organi-
zation the Edwards used in their campaigns. Eoreover, the
‘trOOps received pay depending on their position within this
complex organization. Examples of the structure of the armies
and the methods of pay are to be found in Bain's Scottis‘
.Documents. Most of these instruments give only the pay of
a body of men and not that of the individual soldier.2 A
better table is supplied in Hewitt's work which at the same
time shows something of the ranking, the organization, and
the proportions of troops used in the English army of that

time. The muster shown was that used for the army Edward III

‘

21Ibid., p. 541.

 

1

22 . . . w
Bain, Scottisn Documents, II, 016.

 

125

took to Calais, but the ranks will be about the same as those

used in Scotland.

The Prince of Wales (per diem) 1 pound.

13 Earls, each Ss-Bd.

44 Barons and Bannerets, s.

1,046 Knights 23.

4,022 Esquires, Constables, Centenars and Leaders ls.

5,104 Vintenars, and Archers on horseback 6d.

500 Hobelors 6d.

15,480 Archers on foot 5d.

514 Masons, carpenters, smiths, engineers, tent-makers,

miners, armours, gunners, and artillers at 12d, lOd,

6d, and 5d per day.

4,474 welsh foot 4dnger day.

16,000 Mariners 2d.0
Some explanation needs to be made of the duties of some of
these grades and their equipment. Althsugh many of the trOOps
ggiven are the same and do like work in the armies of today
<3thers no longer exist. The Earls and Barons were officers
.in.their own.right by virtue of the great lands they held.
TIhe Bannerets might be Barons, or they might be simple
lknights, who had by hard work and the accumulation of wealth
.and military skill advanced to the Banneret rank. In such
ea position they might have several knights attached to their
jpersonal command. The number of knights differed but it
.seems that even so small a number as two knights and their
Iattendants were enough to support a Banner hence the name
IBanneret.24 The combinations of Bannerets could, and often

did, become quite confusing. In the case of the great

‘

BSHewitt, Ancient Armour, II, 25.

24Ibid., p. 10.

124
Banneret, Aymer de Valence, one document mentions at least
two Bannerets under him and there were undoubtedly more.

Each of these Bannerets, in turn, was entitled to the 4s a

day paid to all men of that rank.23 The Indentures between

Amyer and his men illustrate this point well. The instrument
states that,

"Sir Thomas, lord of Berkele ... shall remain in
the said nymer's mennage with his banner and 5
knights, drawing yearly both in peace and war in
England, Wales, or Scotland 50 pounds and robes
for his knights, besides diet at Aymer's table
for himself and them, 2 esquires to serve him,

4 eSquires to serve his 4 knights, 5 vallets ...
carrying the goods] of himself and his knights;
and in war he shall have a bannerits pay 45 daily
and each of his knights, 25, each qrmed eSquire
with barbed horse 12d so that he Sir ThomaQ
shall have 24 barbed horses in all in said Aymer's
service ... the horses Iéhalg be valued ... and
if lost at sea or elsewhere, Aymer shall pay the
value in 40 days."

A Sir Marice was also of the banner of Aymer with his own

r.

banner of 3 knights and eSquires and 11 barbed horsesf6
Below the Bannerets was the knight bachelor or simple

.knight. He offered only his own services and those of his

attendants, though there were times when a knight had all

he could do to provide himself with horse and arms.27 The

esquire at this time was still an apprentice to knighthood

n
“SBain, Sgottish Documents, II, 256.

26Idem.

27Hewitt, Ancient Armour, II, 9.

125
, i . 28
and ranked next to the knight. he vas a warrior as fully
equipped as his master and, indeed, if his equipment was not
all that it should be he lost in pay. Indicatiors of this

practice appear in pain with a listing of eSquireS with barbed

and unarmed horses. The esquires with armed horses received

1005 each, the eSquire with the unarmed horse 605.29

The Constables were officers in charge of the cavalry,

the Centenors were in charge of one hundred men and the leaders,

. OO 1 'I '
of various groups. The personal arms of the leaders varied
with the wealth of the man and with the times. During the

reign of Edward I, Barbour still Speaks of bacinet and

. , 51 , , . . , , . 52 m
hawbrICks, the Chain mail that covered the bouy. ihe
equipment listed for the armour of John de Britannia included
‘tissues, and silk laces for same, ... 4 horses to carry

armour, leather for saddles, an iron bacinet. Also included

35

‘were sacks for carrying his cloths. There was constant

change in the equipment described above during the reign of

‘the Edwards. The change is well described by Hewitt.

('3 -,. r1. . q -

“awyntoun, Chronicle, p. 452. "Thaine deyd two
:3cottis squeris. AS thai war governard thaine archerys,
.idan Eoyd and Jhone off Stryvelyn."

 

29Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 285.

30Hewitt, ancient Armour, II, 8.

BlTurn to Appendix C.
32Barbour, Bruce, p. 224.

3? _. , . L a
UBain, Scottish Documents, 11, 2o.

126
"The knights ... dissatisfied with their old panoply
of chain-mail, searched in every direction for some
substitute; and ... accorded the preference to armour
of plate, in which, toward the close of ghe fourteenth
centur‘, they became completely encased.Q

The Hobelors were an interesting division in the
English army and used much against the Scots. They were
light cavalry and were the only mounted force able to keep
up with the rapid movement of the Scots. Their name was
derived from their small mounts called hobbys from which
came the name hobby horse.35 Their equipment was the gambeson
which was either a shirt of quilted stuff or of mail, the
bacinet, and gloves of iron completed the defensive armor.36
In addition they probably had a small shield, a light lance,
and sword.

The archers, during the reign of Edward I, came
prominently into the picture. Edward had learned of their
deadly ability in the Welsh wars and they were used increasing-
ly throughout the Scottish campaign and the Hundred Years War.
The best archers in England came from forest areas. The

idea of mounted archers was another attempt of the English

to establish a fast moving force.57 From an old picture

 

34Hewitt, ancient Armour, II, 3.

 

551bid., p. 17.

 

6Ibid., p. 18.

 

()1

7Ibid., 9. so.

 

127
in Hewitt's work it appears the equipment of the archer, in
addition to their major weapon, consisted of a hooded coat
of mail, over which was worn a long sleeveless surcoat,
belted at the waist. Their quipment was completed with a
1 I 58 1 Y‘f' r~ _ II“
Skull-cap of steel. The welsh foot were Spearmen. hey
also carried shields, a short sword, and were armed with

hauberks or shirts of mail.:59

There appears to have been
some attempt at uniform as in the Baron's war against
Edward II. Here the followers of the Barons wore surcoats
of parted yellow and green with a band of white placed on
or around the coat.40 Later the English outfitted many of
their troops in white surcoats with a red cross on the
breast or with one on the shield.41

The remaining personnel of the English army were
charged with those occupations which their names imply.
The miners were those who dug under enemy fortifications
and caused them to.fall away. Gunners and artillers were
also in use during the time of Edward III. A document exists

in which Edward sent an order to the Tower of London for

..— ......

58Ipid., p. 18.
591bid., p. 12.

4’OGrafton, Chronicle, p. 515.

41E.A. Racinet, Le Costume Historique, (Paris,
Librairie de Firmin Didot et Lie, 1888 , Tomb IV, Fig. 25.

 

128
"guns and pellets."42 The artillers were, and had in the
past, been charged with the more con‘entionai siege equip-
ment of the middle Ages, wnich will be discussed in the
third section of this chapter. Other types of personnel
included chaplains, clerks, eSquires of the household with-
out horses, vallets on foot, and messengers.45 Crossbowmen
were also used but they are not mentioned on the Roll at
Calais because Englishmen in that campaign were not used in

44 T

that capacity. he importance Edward I placed on archers

is shown from the king's division which accompanied him to

c. -. .. 45

uCOtlaflQ in laa9.
The numbers of divisions in the English host depended

upon its size. The smallest unit consisted of twenty men

under the command of a leader. The Centenars had charge of

100 men, which groups were at last massed into divisions

of 1000 men.46 The armies of that day as they still do in

42Ramsey, "Firearms in England", Eng. hist. Review,
Ed. R.L. Poble, v. 26, (1904), 666. Firearms were known in
England by 14th century.

40Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 516.

 

44Hewitt, Ancient Armour, II, 25.

45Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 513. "This force
under the K in person, consisted of about 6,800 men, entirely
on foot except their officers, and a few light horsemen or
hobelors, they were all archers, except 20 crossbowmen, 20
masons and 20 miners; to each of which two last companies a
lageman or executioner was attached. A body of 20 men was
attached to the Ks person."

46

 

Hewitt, Ancient Armour, II, 8.

 

this moved to the call of a trumpet. Froissart gives an
excellent description of how the army was directed and formed
during Edward IIIs first Scottish campaign.

"At the first sounding of the trumpets, the horses

were to be saddled and ready, at the second, every

one was to arm himself without delay, at the third

to mount Zheir horses immediately and join their

banners.”
This medieval order of the day continues with the command,
that, “each one was to take one loaf of bread with him, slung
behind him in the manner of hunters. All unnecessary arms,
harness, and baggage were ordered to be left behind."48 T‘
purpose of this order clearly demonstrates the English efforts
to give greater mobility to their force.

The English camp life appears not to have been un-
comfortable. The army lived in tents and pavilions. Huts
were used in places where the force was to stay for a longer
period and were provided for the common troops and camp fol-

. 49 - , . .
lowers. Cooking for a large number 01 men was done in
lead cauldrons. An order of 1513 sent for ”10 good leaden

cauldrons to be used for the king's service."50 The camp

was often fortified with a wall of mud, trenches and palisades

 

7 . .
FrOissart, Chronicle, p. 21.

48Idem.

 

Idem.

 

150
61 m. . . . .
made of wood. ine Englisn did not always enJoy such
comfort. Froissart mentions one occasion where the entire

army was forced to lie on the banks of a river in their

hold their horses by the bridles

R0
v...

armor and at the same tim

(D

as there was no place to tie them.
Although the English kings made some attempt at

quartering their armies on the country, for the most part
they were forced to rely on a regular supply of food from
England as is the case of modern armies. Various officers
of the king had to requisition or purvey food from their
reSpective districts. At times the purveyance was in place
of a payment of money and at other times was in addition to
such payments. An ex ellent example of purveyance is the
mandate to John Woagn, the justiciar of Ireland,

to purvey 5,000 quarters of wheat, where of 2,000

are to be boulted flour clear of bran, safely packed

in tuns, and 1,000 quarters are to be in pure dry

grain not in tuns, 3,030 quarters of oats, 2,000

quarters of crushed malt, 500 quarters of beans and

peas, 200 tuns of new wine, 600 quarters of salt,

10,000 stock-fish and 6 lasts of herring, for the

maintenance of the kégg and his company mustering

at Berwick-on-Tweed.

With sucn preparation as this, traISportation was

an absolute necessity. This was provided in two ways, by

-

 

51Pluscarden, Chronicle, II, 206.
C10
W"Froissart, Chronicle, p. 2l.

 

R v
v5Patent Rolls, I1, 665.

151
land and by sea. Most of the burden fell to the ships and
we can see why Edward was so desirous to secure the port of

64 . . . . . ,
erwick. Ships were requISItioned in mucn the same way

hi

as all else that wac needful for these campaigns. Not only
were the vessels used for tranSport, but also to supply a
navy. On llarch 27 of 1501, Ralph de Sanduico was appointed V
to eXpedite, "the senning by midsummer to Berwich-on-Tweed
of the ships which the king ordered to be prepared against

ER
”UV

the Scots. The list which followed began with the mayor
and aldermen of the city of London, 2 ships and contained
the names of many other seaport towns. It seems the English
navy had no more appeal among the men of the 15th century
than it did with those of the 17th. A writ of aid was
directed to "sheriffs, bailiffs, minsters and all others
the king's lieges ... for John Arnold, master of a king's
barge, to whom the king has given power to impress mariners
and other men to man the barge for a voyage to Scotland."56
The warships of the English navy of this day carried

a
such equipment as arms, gold, wax, timber and poles.”7 The

armament consisted of "bombards, crossbows, archers, Springalds

 

54Supra, p. l.

O5Patent 801 s, so. I, Iv, 561.
56Ibid., p. 352.

7Lanercost Chronicle, p. 109.

 

152
. 58 ‘ ‘ 1 w
and other artillery." It was sucn an Englisn fleet that
delivered the grand assault on Berwick when Edward first
- , . 69
conquered that city.
The land transport consisted not only of the baggage
trains which accompanied the army but also supply trains.
An order was given to the sheriff of Northumberland "to
.. _ , . J ‘ ,\ - -- 60 ,_
prov1de safe escort and carriage for these sergeants and
their company, who are going to Scotland with arms for the
o 6 - ‘l
K [ing s castle." l The vehicles and means of conveyance
were, carriages, wagons, wains [large wagons], sumter horses,
. . . 62 .
and carriages for engines. an order for transport on York
tells us it took four horses to pull each cart and eight
. . 6 a. . . .
oxen to pull the wains. 5 dith sucn tranSport the English
enjoyed some degree of comfort and had endurance in the
field but it was not the type of equipment to stOp the quick
forays of the Scots as we have seen.
Such a mighty force passing through the countryside

caused considerable damage in Spite of the strict discipline
66 ,F. - . A , , , m A _ .. D
GIaIton, Chronicle, p. 576. lurn to appendix s.

69 . .
Pluscarden Chronicle, II, Ill.
60 - . ., , .
Oman, medieval warfare, p. 570. The se'geant is
the most usual term for the horseman of lower status han
61Bain, épottish Documents, II, 256.
6 ..
2Ibid., p. 516.

5 _
Close Rolls, Ed. II, I, 40.

 

on

15
enjoined on the troops. Yet the king tried to make good the
damage his soldiers caused in such places as Coldstream.64
Discipline had to be enforced on the trOOps from the time
recruiting and impressing began. The second son of Lord
Theabold as we have seen came to the host in place of his
dead brother. It was also true that those who left their
lands to avoid service in Scotland were punished with im-
prisonment. William de fiytyngham was so accused but he was
acquitted.65

Officials were also guilty of questionable activity
in regard to recruiting. In one case the king demanded an
inquiry into "a charge against certain bailiffs and bedalls
of having received money from the footmen of Nottingham at
Blyth and elsewhere on their wry to join the army of Scot-
land and permitting these men to return home."66 In con-
nection with the army itself the king tried to restrain the
hot-headed charges of his nobles which disorganized the

cavalry. In consequence of such disobedience, Adelimus de

64Bain, Scottish Documents, II, 170. Damage was done
to beasts, horses, carts, wagons and timber, wheat, beans
malt, was all to be made up to the owner. Ibid., p. 169.
Also commissions to Henry de Cobeham the younger and John de
Northwade to inquire into the county of Kent touching excesses
and offenses committed by archers and other men on the way to
Scotland in the king's service.

652atent Rolls, Ed. II, I, 51o.

66Bain, Spottish Documents, II, 285.

154
Wheltone was summoned to answer the king,
"That whereas John Lovll, marshal of the army of
Scotland on monday next after St. John baptist
day proclaimed in the K[ing.s name, that on pain
of fortiture, no one shoul go before the banner
of the counstable and Larshal, the said Adelimus 67
presumed to do so (imprisoned at the kfina s will )"

One amusing incident which occurred among the common
soldiery was the charge lodged against William of Ladelame.
Three other soldiers accused him of,

"conceling a red horse, worth 10 marks which they
found when plundering the K fingfl s enemys on a manor
in Scotland. William said it was so weak he could
not drive it away. (fined)."U

One of the attendant factors in wars was the truces
granted and the treatment of prisoners. Too often in feudal
warfare the nobility were treated with some consideration
when captured while the commonalty were butchered like cattle.
An example of this occurred after the battle of haledon hill
when Edward III ordered all the prisoners killed except some

of the nobles.69

Another example of the treatment was that
of Dunbar discussed in chapter two. Thomas Seton son of
the captain of the town of Perth was not so fortunate as

other well born persons. Edward felt the senior Seton had

not upheld his part of a truce and had his son hung on the

ioid., p. 191.
681bid., p. 167.

 

69Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 202.

156
gallows erected before the town with the unfortunate mother
and father witnessing the execution.70 Terrible though
these measures were they were the usual procedure. The
severity of warfare was somewhat mitigated when the king
attempted to regain such of his men as had fallen into the
hands of the Scots. At the prayer of Mary, the wife of
William fitz Warin and other friends of prisoners in both
Scotland and England, the king empowered the bishop of Durham
to negotiate the exchange of prisoners with the Scots "body

7 - . . , , i .
1 In all sucn functions as the exchange 01 prisoners

for body."
and the arrangement of truces, go-betweens were necessary. when
in the field the job of ambassador generally fell to the
standard bearer and heralds.72
The organization and force of the English army was
unquestionably good. Their masses of heavy cavalry, though
at times flighty, were almost invincible in the charge. The
newer weapon of the bow, which was eXploited by Edward I, gave
the English a tremendous advantage on the field over all
EurOpean armies for many years. Yet small poorly armed
Scotland was often able to give as good as she took. Some
of the reasons for this astonishing ability will be discussed

in the following section.

b _

70Ibid., p. 201.

1.. .. ..
Bain, Scottish Documents, 11, 270.

72
Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 197.

 

2. The Organization, Equipment and hovement of
The Scottish Host

The Scottish methods of recruitment and organization
were of necessity more crude than those of the English. It
will be remembered that from the fall of Balliol until the
middle of the reign of Robert Bruce, Scotland was disorganized
and in fact not even united. As a result, the methods used
by the various Scottish leaders were those which the were
able to utilize most effectively. As was brought out in the
third chapter, the Scottish army under Balliol was raised

by the "Wapinschaw" which demanded that all who were capable

of military service we*e to meet at the call of their country.70

However, after large parts of Scotland had been occupied by
the English such a method could no longer be used.

After this time the raising of an army became a situ-
ation where the Scottish leaders either appealed to or command-
ed the Lairds to do his service, as in the case of Wallace,
who brought “all the magnates of Scotland under his control

74 Or as in Bruce's case, assembling

all those who were willing to support him until such a time

whether they would or no."

as he was able to bring the majority of Scotland under his

75Lanercost Chronicle, p. 129.

74§luscarden Chronicle. II. llB.

 

157

sway.75. This system rested on the feudal principles but it
was of a different type than that found in England. The
difference was based on the clan system which had evolved
largely in the highlands but was found to a degree in the
lowlands as well. The system increased greatly during the
12th and 15th century and was based on the Celtic tribal
system.76 King David, in 1124, did introduce the English
feudal principle of that time to Scotland. However, it was
more the restraining influence of a central authority on the
Lairds than the principles of the more centralized authority
found in England on the eve of the Scottish Wars.77 In other
words, there was an English feudal system superimposed upon
the clan system but not altering that system except in the
case of the relations of the magnates to the Scottish king.

The clan system differed from English feudalism in
that members of a clan were all related and belonged to one
family which descended from an "actual or mythical ancester."78
The Laird was the father of the clan and the clansmen were

his children.79 Hence if the Laird declared for one or the

y

7
ssupra, p. 69.

76Unpublished information concerning the Scottish
dress of the l4th century was supplied to me upon my request
through the kindness of the Litchell Library of Glasgow,
Scotland.

77L~ g, Hist. of Scot., I, 132.

78 1 o ; ' u u -, "‘\ ‘ a
George P. Collie, Algfllflhfl uress, (London: Penguin
Books, 1348), p. ll.

 

791bid., p. 12.

158

other of the Scottish leaders the entire clan supported his
choice since what was a quarrel to one was a quarrel to all.
Such a situation also was reflected in the deadly clan feuds
of Scotland.80

In some ways the system of raising an army was much
simpler in Scotland than in England. The national leader
provided he enjoyed the support of the Laird, had only to give
notice to these clan leaders. Each Laird then raised his clan
by the old Celtic method of sending the ”Firey Cross red with
the blood of a sacrificed goat" through the land.81

The holders by knight service, a rather tenuous
condition during the war until Bruce came to power, comprised
the feudal chivalry. These men were bound to bring to the
host a certain number of men-at-arms. The Scottish chivalry
then supplied the cavalry in full defensive armor.82 The
equipment was much like that of the English. Many of these
men had also been great lords in England as well as Scottish
lords. Next in rank were the chiefs of the clans who were
often knights themselves and so contributed to the cavalry

strength.80 The Scots also possessed a large force of light

cavalry comparable to the Hobelors of the English, mounted
8Onoiinsned, Chronicle, V, 24.

8 W.
1Lang, hast. of Scot., I, 218.

82;p;g,, p. 155.

85
Holinshed, Chronicle, V, 24.

159

,_ , q . 84 , h r . .
on geldings and hakneys. Next came the mass of men fit to
bear arms. To this class belonged the Scottish pikemen and

. 85 , . - ., .
the arcners. The Scots also had men who unoerstooa aedieval
artillery principles because they used such engines as the
C, . . ., , . . 86
opringalos in their Sieges.

The equipment of the commonalty of Scotland was quite

varied. Besides the national arms they had, as we have
earned in chapta?three, English arms and later quite a few
H . 87
arms were brought over from France.

The native equipment consisted of a Spear, the targe,
or shield, and the dirk.“8 Bows and arrows were also used
but they were not, apparently, equal to the English long bow
judging from the results of battles. According to information
received from the Mitchell Library in Glasgow, the bow and
arrow was used only in the initial assault by the highlanders
after which it was thrown away.89 The Scots also used hand
axes with which Grafton claims they "gave ... many sore and

9 1 o
cruell strokes." O The body armor conSisted of leather

 

84‘Elizabetn Kendall, source Book of English Historl,
New York, the hachillion Co. 1900), p. 92.

85Lang, hist. of Scotg, I, 154.

86Pluscerdencnroniole, II, 214.

87Fordun, Chronicle, II, 571.

88Holinshed, Chronicle, V, 24. The dirk was a large

dagger.

o . . . .. V "H ‘ .

“ Unpubllsned information from the aitcnell Library,
Glasgow, Scotland.

0
“OGrafton, Chronicle, 876.

140
pilches made of buck skins and an iron or steel bacinet.9l
The highlander completed his equipment with a kilt which was
also used by some of the lowlanders. The nearer to the English
border the Scot lived, the more closely his dress resembled
that of his Southern foe.92
In the days of Robert Bruce, more elaborate equipment
was ordered for the host, probably in part as the result of
more English material falling into Scottish hands.95 In the
order of 1318 Bruce attempted to use the feudal formula of
the English. He ordered that for purposes of defense, those
peOple who held land worth from 405 to 1005 were to have a
bow and arrows, a dagger and a knife. Every person whose
substance included the possession of a cow should have a
spear, or a good bow and sheath with 24 arrows and a hand-
axe. This class, no doubt, continued to use the simple body
armor described above. The owner of chattels to the value
of 40 marks was to have a horse, an habergeon or sleeveless
coat of mail, a Chaplet, an iron skull cap without visor,

.. 9
a sword, and a knife or dagger. 4

91Holinshed, Chronicle, V, 440.

 

92" v 1 o . o - --. ‘ '1 . .
unpublisned information from the mltcneil Library,
GlaSgow, Scotland.

93 . .
Supia, p. 65.

94Charles Rogers, Social Life in Scotland, (Edinburgh:
Grampion Club, 1884) II, 278.

14l

For the still more affluent, it was ordered that
every layman who had 10 pounds in goods should have a suf-
ficient acton (a padded and quilted coat which protected, not
only the breast but the lower part of the body as well); a
bascinet or light unvisored helmet; gloves of plate; a Spear
and a sword. The acton and bascinet might, however, be re-
placed by an habergeon and "a hat of iron".95 The Scottish
army also seemed to have a definite uniform. The soldiers
wore a white surcoat to which was affixed the cross of St.
Andrews.96

The soldier of Scotland seems to have received no
such stipulated wag as his English Opponent but went to
the wars at his own cost.97 Bruce, it will be remembered,
had insisted on such a practice in his order that all on
their way to join the Scottish host must live at their own
charge. The most reward the Scot received, other than the
privilege of fighting for his country, was the rich booty
he captured.98

The Scottish Army, other than the clans' warriors,

had an organization much like that of England. The two chief

-—-__

_ 95Louis Barbe, In Byways of Scottish history,
(Glasgow: blackie, 19127 p. 867.

96Holinshed, Chrqniple. V. 24.

97Pluscarden Chronicle, II, 119.

 

9'Cl’Lang, Hist. of Scot., I. 154-

 

142

leaders of the army were the Constable and Earl Marshal.:
These offices were hereditary but, as we have already seen
in the Scottish wars, the leadership evolved upon whoever
could raise a sufficient force to diSpute the English. The
smallest unit in the army was one of five men, one of whom
was appointed leader not unlike our squad today. The next
division was one of ten. The leaders and men from the lowest
to thelnghest had to obey their superior or be summarily put
to death. The next largest unit was 25 then 50, 100, 500,
1,000 and so on depending on the size of the host.100

The Scottish army also moved to the sound of trumpets
and pipes. Froissart tells that during Edward's first c“ -
paign against the Scots the army kept the English awake at
night, "with such a blasting and noise with their horns,
that it seemed as if all the great devils from hell had
come there.”lOl The bagpipe was used at this time and pipers
were found on both sides of the Scottish border. This instru-
ment was soon, however, to become more closely associated
with Scotland. Every clan chief had his own pipers which
functioned regularly at clan gatherings. As early as 1352

old records state that a sum of forty shillings was paid to

 

99Lang, Hist. of Scot., I, 154.

 

looPluscarden Chronicle. II» 118-

lOlm-oissart. Chronicle. p- 83-

145

102 , ,, , .
The standard 01 the leader as well as

the king's pipers.
the pipes and trumpet was used as a signaling device. bruce
used to diaplay his standard in order to assemble his trOOps
3 . _ , - _ . ,,, . 105
alter they became scattered over the battlefield.
It is known that the Scots lived off of the land of
their enemy to a considerable extent. What other food the
army had was carried with them. Each soldier supplied him-
self with meal which was made up into cakes. Also, in case
no food could be obtained in a country through which they
were passing, the Scots carried with them a food consisting
" . ,p, .1 . 104 g
of butter, cheese, meal, milk and Vinegar. The army ate
no meat except what they captured. This meat was eaten only
partially cooked because it was believed the juices from the
_ u . .. 105 1 1 .
meat were very nour snlng. The army also tOOk great Joy
. . D _ 106 . .1.
in a strong ale mane oi barley. This liking for strong
drink got the Scottish army into difficulty on such fields

as Duplin Loor.107

 

102The PeOple's Friend, (Dundee, John Leng & Co. Ltd.
May 2, 1981) p. 1. The pipes of that time had only two small
drones. The bass drone was not introduced until the 18th
century and yet a picture of the Miller from "The Canterbury
Tales" shows him playing pipes whicn had what looks to be one
bass drone. Social England, Ed. d.D. Trail & J.S. Mann,
(London: Cassell & Co. Ltd., 1902) II, 291.

10 m -m
sharbour, nruce, p. 25.

104» . , , .
nolinsned, Chronicle, V, 25.

 

105Idem.
loelbid., p. 19.

lO7§luscarden Chronicle. II. 199-

 

144

The progress of the Scottisa host was not impeded as

the English were 1’1it2’1 heavy gear and lum beiiw w- agons. £1.11

‘ r 1 ‘
eicelient e

.L.

scription of the unnamn1ied mov-e ment of the

(1‘

Scottish army is revealed in the wor‘s of Froissart.

{-3

"T1ese Scottish men a e right hardy and sore travail-
ing in harness and in wars. For when they will enter
into England, '.'.-'ithin a day and a night t 162: will drive
their w1ole host 24 1ilec ior they aie all a-horseback
witli out it be the trandals and laggers of the host, who
follow after afoot. The knights and squiies are well
housed and the common peOple and-others on little
hakneys and geldings, and they carry with them no carts
nor chariots for the diversities of the mountains that
they must pass in the country of Northumberland."155

During Edward III's first Scottish expedition Frois sait tells

us,

A

"’The Scots were to the numbers of four theisand
men-oi- -arns, knights and scuires mounted on good
horses and other the11 thousand men of war were
arrned aiter th eir guise ribht hardy and fierce,
mounted on little hachnezs. The which were never
tied or kept at hand."i5

glimpse into the Scottish cams and the manner in which they

J.

prepared their food is also given by the all seeing Froissart,

"They take with them no purveyance of bread nor wine,
for their111sage and soberness is such in time of war,
that they will pass in journing a great long time on
flesh sodden, without bread, and drink of the river
water without wine, and they heather care for pots

nor pans, for they seethe the bee s s in their own shins.
They are ever sure to find plenty oi be asts in the
country that they will pass throug1. Therefore they
carry xith then none other purveyance but on their

horses between saddle and the panel they truss a

 

CO

108Kendall, Book of Sources, 3

 

logIdem.

145

broad plate of metal and behind the saddle they
will have a little sack full of oatmeal to the
entent that when they have eaten of the flesh,
then they lay this plate on the fire and temper
a little of the oatmeal: and when the plate is
hot, they cast of the thin paste thereon, and so
make a little ca"e in the manner of a crackrall
or biscuit and thit they eat to comfort withal
thei1 stomachs."

When the English occupied a Scottish camp from which the
lattei had retreated tley found,
"Three hundred caldrons made oi le ather with the
hair on the outside which were hung on the fires
full of meat. There were also upwards of athousand
Spits with meat on them piepared f01 ioasting also

m01e than 10, 000 palfl old worn-out shoes, made of
undressed leather.

In this camp the Scots had been living in crude huts.llg
This was not always the case however, for the Pluscarden
Chronicler has one of the guardians of Scotland receiving
the envoys of England in golden lobes and sitting in a
golden tent.lls
From the third chapter we know how Wallace disciplined

his army. In addition to th se methods there existed the rule

whereby a soldier, if found in the field without his flint and

 

tinder box, was severely whipped.114 The man who sold or
1101;11:21-
lllFrOissart, Chronicle, p. 23.

 

ll‘(albidu p. 22.

ll5Pluscarden Chronicle. II. 196°
114

 

nolinshed, Chionicle, V, 24.

 

146
mortgaged his equipment was cut from his company and banished
as an exile.ll5 The punishment for a man fleeing from the
battlefield was very harsh. The guilty man was executed
wherever he was found without judgement and all his goods
were confiscated to the prince.116 It might be pointed out
that nobles do not seem to have come under this harsh regu-
lation. Comyn, for example, was not so punished when he
left Wallace on the field of Falkirk.

It seems from the evidence that this last mentioned
punishment was little needed what with the vying among the
nobility to lead the van. If a captain got into difficulty
through too much diSplay of his valor his band would rush
to his aid and attempt to help him out or die in the attempt.
It was deemed a great shame to outlive the leader.117

As far as the treatment of prisoners and truces are
concerned, what was true of the English was generally true
of the Ecots. The Lanercost Chronicler maintains that when
the Scots captured and destroyed the fortress of Leddel they

118

also executed many of the peOple within it. The Scots

also seem to have had a dislike for churchmen fighting on

ll51b1a., p. 24.
116Idem.

ll7fiolinshed, Chronicle, V, 24.

118
,Lanercost Chronicle, p. 330.

 

147

the side of the Opposition. This deSpite the fact that their
own clergy were up to their ears in the war. In one instance,
Fraser, one of the Scottish leade's, questioned an English
priest his men had taken captive.

"Now art thou found here with out alb and with out

amice, In hauberk of iron which is not the habit

for clergy of holy church."ll
The English priest was then put to death.

Enough has been said in the foregoing section to show
that while the English had the more abundant and necessary
material, the Scots equipment, such as it was, was more in
keeping with the rough country in which most of the war was
waged. Also the Scottish system of supply and their equip-
ment of light harness enabled them to far outdistance their
formidable rival and to get in lightning-like strokes when

conditions permitted.
5. The Warfare for the Strongholds

At the time of his first conquest of Scotland, Edward
had made a beginning on his chain of fortresses which aimed
at the complete subjugation of Scotland. The warfare that
took place in and around the grim walls of these castles
furnished much of the material for the Chroniclers of those
wars. When compared to the almost continuous fighting of

this nature the Engl'sh expeditions into Scotland and the

 

llgLangtoft, Qhronicle, II, 345.

 

I48
Scottish forays into England became mere interludes in the
bitter struggle.

Time and experience taught the English kings that
only first class garrisons and fortifications stood a chance
against the Scots, once the English army returned home. As
it was, the English held most such strong places. This be-
ing the case, it might be well to take a look at their con-
struction, equipment and personnel.

In each of the successive campaigns into Scotland
attempts were made to build castles so strongly that the
Scots could not pull them down. The care Edward I exercised
in the fortifications of Perth was a case in point. He
ordered the walls to be built very strongly of stone and
mortar and to strengthen the walls he ordered towers and
gates to be erected of a suitable height and strength.120
Within the fortress many of the buildings were constructed
of wood.121 Other measures instituted to help protect the
fortress and the garrison within are illustrated by the work
performed on the castle at Newcastle-on-Tyne. On the walls

122

of the fortress twigs were bound. The twigs were freshly

 

lZOPluscarden Chronicle, II, 215.
121A. Ballard, "Castle Guard," Englisn Hist. Review,
Vol. 25 (1910), p. 713.

122 . .. \
Bain, Scottish Locuments, II, 26l.

 

149
out from the forest and were green. Perhaps the idea was to
use them as a cushion against the shock of stones catapulted
against the walls as well as to prevent buildings from catch-
ing fire from the incendiary attacks of the enemy.

From accounts of the same castle, we also learn that
targets were made to hang at embrasures outside the wall for
the protection of the soldiers.125 Tree trunks and other
heavy objects were hung around the walls with the intent of
drOpping them on any enemy who came under those walls.124

Within the fortress we find machines for stretching

OF:
1““ Inside the

crossbows, and a hand mill for grinding corn.
walls was also found the armament. This included crossbows,
1,000 earthern pots to cast lime, stones for the balestae
_ + ,. . 1 . 126 ,
and to put out fires, a bucmet for water. The account
also mentions a Springald manufactured within the castle.
We know from the listing of supplies that the engine was
. , - . . . . 127
made of wooo, iron, tin, brass, lard, string and canvas.
Perhaps now is as good a time as any to examine the
medieval artillery which both the English and Scots used.

The springald was a large crossbow mounted on a frame with

-—._‘

[—4

25Idem.

 

 

 

dem. For picture turn to Appendix B.

 

150

:heels like the field pieces Of today.l'08 It discharged huge
. , . , , . . , 129 H. .
quarrels which had 1ron heads and iron feathers. Nlthln

. . . . 130
a castle these macnines were mounted on platforms and were

probably capable of being turned and fired in any direction.
Between the Springalds and the crossbow was a class of weapons
known as arblasts. This instrument could be handled by one
man and took its name from the mechanism necessary to Operate

, . 1 3 . . ,
the poweriui bow.l l The arblast came in two Sizes. The
arblast, "de tour", shot bolts of two feet in le gth and the

- _ _ . , 132
small arblast used one foot oolt.
The balestae was a casting engine which, in this case,

threw stones. The Scots used a similar engine to fire back
. ,_ , . ,, , , ,. 155
the bOdy of a squire wnom they had taken and xilled.
These casting engines Operated by the means of a counterpoise.
This could be a beam, a stone, or the counterpoise could be

34 T

. .: . l 1 , '!
supplied by men pulling on rOpes. here were a vast number

of these machines with a bewildering variety Of names but

—h

n
168Hewitt, Ancient Armour, I, 553. A good illustration
of this machine can be found in Trails Social England, 248.

129Bain, Scottish Documents. II. 261°

lSOIdem.

Hewitt, ancient Armour, I, 326.

 

l52 . 1 ., i s
Rain, Scottisn Documents, II, 015.
158

Wyntoun, Chronicle, 1:, 434.

134Hewitt, Ancient Armour. 1» 545-

lSl
generally they Operated on the above principal.

From a list of personnel given for Edinburgh castle
we are able to tell something about the makeup of the garri-
son. It consisted of a Constable; lS knights, with their
Squires, grooms, and horses; two Carmelite friars; the engi-
neer and his boy; a sheriff and his two clerks; the almoner;
pantryman, cook and boys. The list continues with the baker

and his boy; 2 brewe s; a boy keeping the swine; the miller;

r-v
r

the cooper; the granary man and the harper.l‘)5 Included on
the roster is the ever important office Of watchman; two
carpenters; 2 smiths; two malsters,

"two carters, a water carrier, a sea coal carrier,

a herdsman, the bowyer and his b y, Geoffrey the

messenger, Elias the marshal and his shoer, a n

candle maker, 15 crossbowmen" and 60 archers.lo6
The total number of men-at-arms was 67, the number of the
garrison including archers, hobelors and others amounted
to 547 people.137 All in all a diversified and almost self-
sufficient community. Of course not all castles were so
strongly held as Edinburgh but the list does give a picture
of the personnel within these structur s.

It was the Scots who, for the most part, besieged

the castles and the English who defended them. The Boots

155 ,3 ° '1‘ ' 1 T -_ (‘x If:
. Bain, uCOttlSfl documentg, II, 409.
lseldem.

_————

lO7Idem.

152

appear to have had as mucn knowledge as the T'“nglish in the
art of siegecraft but often lacked the equipment necessary
for such an endeavor.158

The account of the siege of Carlisle by the Scots
which the Lanercost Chronicle describes illustrates the
ingenuity used to reduce castles in the Riddle Ages. The
first Operation involved burning all the crOps in the sur-
rounding area to make it more difficult for those besieged
in Carlisle. Next came a grand assault with the Scots
attacking all three gates of the city and their machines
casting missiles against the walls. The English within put
up a vigorous defense and answered with "volleys of darts

“159 The defenders accomplished this with

arrows and stones.
the help of eight engines in the city consistiig of Springalds
and casting engines. The Scots were forced to draw Off and
make extensive preparations.

Several days passed in which the Englisn could only

.. 6,...14o.. a .
watch, prepare, and wait. This time the ocots struck in
great force and with almost every device known to medieval

warfare. During the night a force of Scots approached the

 

158There are more accounts of the Scots taking
fortresses by subterfuge than by siege Operations.
Pluscarden Chronicle, p. 220.

logLanercost Chronicle, p. ElS.

l4OIbid., p. 215.

153

moat under the protection of mantlets (shields mounted on
wheels and pushed before the men). he attackers then
attempted to fill up the moat with "great numbers of fascines
of corn and herbage ... so they might pass over dryshod."14‘l
In the early dawn came men swarming up to the wall with
ladders. A sow, a huge moveable protective shield armed with
a sharp instrument with which to undermine walls, was pushed
up against one of the walls only to be destroyed by a huge
stone dropped from above. The Scots continued the assault
by moving a huge wooden tower toward one of the walls but
the men of Carlisle had not been asleep and had built yet
a higher tower. The attacking force in this instance was
not even able to come to grips with those on the wall as
their heavy tower s* k into the earth and could not be moved.
In another quarter the besiegers attempted to bridge the moat
with a log contrivance mounted upon wheels. This bridge was
pulled by men. The fighting lasted for the better part of
the day with severe losses on the part of the Scots who were
at last beaten off and were forced to retreat.142

During similar sieges the English were not always
forced to sit in their strongholds but at times were able

to issue out and drive the besieging forces away. On one

 

 

154
such occasion, Sir Thomas Gray was not only able to save his
castle but assisted a lml ght in gaining fame The Scottish
forces were engaged in besieging Grayr's charge at Norham.
There was among the English knight Us in the castle a Killiam
Marion who was urder vow to ma”e famous a helm pres e;ited to
him by his lady. In the words of Gray, or rather his tr' 5-
lator, "William richly arrayed as al glittering in gold,
and wering his ladys present"143 issued from the castle with
the English force..
“Then sayd Thomas Gray to Marion, "Syr Knight, ye
be come hither to fame your helmet. mount up on
yor horse, and ryde lyke a valiant man to your
[enemies] even her e at hand, and I forsake God

if I rescue not they body dzade, or a lyue, or
II myself wye dye for it. "1

Sir Karian being a valiant man clapped his Spurs to his horse
and charged into the midst of the Scots. What Gray had done
was to get the enthusiastic harian to create a diversion
among the Scots long enough for him to make an effective
cha-ge upon the enemy force. The Scots were thrown back
before the shock of the attack and Sir Karian was rescued,
now famous, if a bit the worse for wear.

The tedious method of reducing a fortress, such as
the Scots attempted to use at Carlisle, was not the method

they preferred. Being limited in both men and supplies

rat, Scalacronica, p. 29l.

 

they attempted and did take many castles by artifice. One
such operation was successfully executed by William Douglas
against the stronghold at Edinburgh.

For this eXpedition he obtained the serv
clever sailor by the name of William Bullock. It was to be
his task to pose as an English merchant sent to sell food
and wine to the English garrison. The constable of Edinburgh
fell for this bit of trickery and gave orders to his men to
let the merchant and his goods enter when he returned in the
morning. This is just what the Scots wanted. Early in the
morning the main force under Douglas hid in the ruins of an
abbey at the foot of the eminence upor whicn Edinburgh
castle was situated. Bullock then climbed up to the castle

‘

with a string of pacn animals and other men posing as his
helpers. The gate was duly opened to the supposed English
merchant. At once his helpers began to unload the merchan-

dise in the gateway. The English within quickly understood

what was going on but were unable to close the gate because

the merchandise held the gate Open and Bullock and his fellows
defended the position. They were able to hold off the English
until Douglas arrived with his force and captured the castle.l4‘5

The English were 'ather slow to learn this trick and had it

played on them many times to their sorrow.

 

145Pluscarden Chronicle. II: 220°

 

156

In this castle warfare the Scots under both Uallace
and bruce sought to cut off communications between the enemy
strongholds and the homeland. By so doing the Scottish
leaders were able to bring the whole of their slender re-
sources to bear against one castle at a time and thereby
reduce it. When the castles were under the strong hand of
Edward I this was not easily done but under the troubled

reign of his son the Scottish strategy worked to perfection.

4.‘ The Field Tactics of the Scottish War

As the Scottish Wars progressed new and improved
methods of fighting were introduced. So long as either
contestant in the wars (1) continued to change with the
times and (8) did not violate certain basic principles, all
went reasonably well for the side who adhered to these two
rules of conduct. however, as we shall see,the English soon
found their way to disaster when during the reign of Edward II
the southern forces returned to the old concept of the charge
of the heavy cavalry unsupported by archers.

The Scots on the other hand were too often guilty
of having too few archers and no cavalry support for them
or for their infantry. Of the many battles waged, I have
picked Falkirk and Bannockburn as examples of how the two
sides had to conduct themselves if they were to win. In the

battle of Falkirk the success went to the English, not only

157
because of the brilliant generalship of Edward I, but also
because of the hard luck of Wallace. The same thing may be
. said of the defeat of Edward II in his disasterous engage-
ment with Robert Bruce at Bannockburn.

The majority of the battles we read about in the
history textbooks give little or no idea of the color, the
sound, and the hand-to-hand contest with which we in this
present day have only the bayonet charge toc:ompare. Instead
we have the bare scientific facts showing where this general
made his error and that leader performed a brilliant maneuver.
The human element, the excitement and danger of the battle,
is all but lost. One gets the impression from reading these
analyses that the losing captain must have been a complete
dullard not to have seen what was plainly before him. From
the occasional glimpses that can be gotten from the chronicles,
it can be seen that battles were not fought in the perfect
quiet and with the calm deliberation of a checker game.

From the sources dealing with the Scottish wars, I
will attempt to show what a medieval battle might have been
like before plunging into another cold analysis.

The medieval host must have been a very colorful
sight. Barbour describes in some detail the English force
Opposed to Bruce in one of his many battles. He Speaks of

the brightly colored surcoats, the coats of arms, and the

158
colorful housings of the chargers. As the English host
approached in serried ra ks, Bruce's men could see the
proud pennons waving on lofty lances, the sun flashing on
the armor, bascinets, and helms of the advancing men-at-arms.146
With the call of the trumpets the first ranks ar“anged them-
selves into a formation in preparation to charge the Scots.
Again as the call of the trumpets rang out the troops raised
their shields, lowered their lances and with heads bent and
Spears straight rode closely together against the oncoming

147 . . , ., . ,
Scots. "The Shook was so mighty and fierce that many were

“148

run through and bereft of life. "Once the charge had

been made the lance was cast aside and the contest was carried

. , . I49 , . . . r ,
onVVitn tne sword." The battle nad been acined and the

L

conflict was continued with "trumpets blaring, shields
clashing, arrows flying ... wounded men yelling and troops
shouting," amid, “sundered armour, broken heads and many
layed low on the field."150 Such was the medieval battle
carried on amid the color and violence of that distant age.
Keeping this background of the battle in mind, some-

thing of the difficulties encountered by the commanders may

 

6 . an
14 Barbour, Brqu, p. an .

l47Ibid., p. 118.
148Fordun, Chronicle, II, 537°

149T - -. u n ,—.
dewitt, anoient armour, I, oO7.

 

150
Lanercost Chronicle, p. 34l.

159
be appreciated. The causes and effects of Falkirk have been
discussed so there will be no need to dwell on that aSpect
of the engagement. We also know of the demoralizing conditions
within the Scottish host about which the chroniclers of that
country maintain Wallace knew nothing. The effects of this
condition will shortly be seen upon the Scottish fortunes
at Fr kirk.

Edward had seen all but a few of his garrisons ex-
pelled from Scotland by the energy of his clever foe. The
English king, so soon as he had gained sufficient support
at home, went at once to work to recruit his forces for
Scotland. The Welsh made heavy contributions to Edward's

151 Additional men, 1,000 each

52

army with over 14,500 men.
from Chester and Lancaster, are also listed.1 Contingents

were sent from York, Westmoreland, Cumberland and Northumber-

land but the numbers of these latter groups are not available.155
These figures do not reveal the actual number of mounted
warriors. Some indication can be gathered from the Scottish
campaign of 1299. At this time twelve Earls and one hundred

154

and four Barons and knights were called to the king's service.

lSlPatent Rolls, Ed. I. III, 341°

 

lsglbid., p. 542.
153Close Rolls, Ed. I. IV: 195.
l54ibid., p. 306.

160
The men under a particular noble, or "standard", varied and
only a very rough estimate of the number of armored horsemen
can be attempte”. Perhaps there were 400 to 500 men of the
heavy cavalry. The total number of this force probably
reacned within the neighborhood of 20,000 men. Edward en-
countered some little difficulty and delay in his advance
because of some East Lothian castles threatened his army in

T‘ O

ishop Beck was detached to neutralize these
1

the rear.

01

5

strongholds. Additional difficulty came from lack of
supplies and the fact that the devastated country side could
provide no food. In all this time Edward had not been able
to come to grips with the main body of the enemy. He was
almost determined to retreat to Edinburgh when word reached
" vn 1 1 - r .1r'1r 156
him the boots could be fOJnd at Falkirk.

Wallace had, when he heard of the English advance,
immediately organized to defend himself against the enemy
. ,. 1 a g . , ,h . ,, C ,. u 157
on the field of Talkirk near the edge of belkirk forest.
Again, as at Stirling bridge, he picned a river to furnish
the main defensive line of the Scots and removed the bridge

across it. To prevent a direct frontal attack on the part

of the English force, Wallace placed sharpened stakes in

 

155 u: {| IT- ,“ ...v,‘ 1'?
Tout, hist. oi England, III, 210.
156Idem.

1571,8115, iiist. of Scotland. I. 186.

161
fords Opposite his position, probably below the water level
so they could not be seen. Where the water was not deep
enough, he dredged the river.
No accurate estimate can be made of the army Jallace
assembled at Falkirk. Langtoft says, "the peOple of Galloway
and the Iarches came to the Scottish host, each with a Spear

. . .. 159 . . , a . , a
in his fist." The arcners oi attriCk iorest were also

160 Gr

added to the strength of the Scots. eat lords in the

army furnished cavalry including the Comyns and Stewart as
, 1. 6 . . 1
well as macduff of rife.l 1 Oman believed there were less
than 20,000 men in the Scottish host, and of that number
, 162
less than 100 cavalry.
Langtoft, describes the arrangements of both the
Scots and English well. Of the Scots he writes,
“In their vanguard, back was placed against back,
and point of lance on point, in Squadrons so serried63
Like castles in [a] plain surrounded with [a] wall.
The formation was called a schiltron, the mechanics of which

are described by Oman:

The front ranks knelt with their Spear butts fixed
in the earth; the rear ranks levelled their lances

 

RD . - -r ~rr '1 '
lVUElan harry, wallace, p. 298. Lang calls darry's
river a peat bog. Lang, dist. of Scot., I, 186. -

logLangtoft, Chronicle. 1. 313-

leOLang, Fist. of SCOto, I: 186°

 

lélElind Harry. EaIIQSEJ P° 500‘

168 . w
Oman, art of war, p. 567.

1637
.LJ

 

angtoft, Chronicle, II, 515.

over their comrades heads; the thick set grove

of 12 foot Spears waswgir too dense for the

cavalry to penetrate.‘
The Scottish horse was stationed to the rear of the formation,
their job being to protect the archers, who filled up the
gaps between the schiltrons, against the charging heavy

165

cavalry of the English. The combination and organization

was made necessary under the new conditions of battle created
by the English long bowman as we shall see.

The battle was begun by the charge of the English
heavy cavalry. King Edward, "shouts to his barons, 'Let
us advance in God's name!" "Then earls and barons Spur their
steeds, he HJO Can iun quiCAeat goes into the battle.

The Scottish vanguard of the schiltrons withstood
the first shock well and could perhaps have exhausted the
English had it not been for the actiens of the Scottish

\ 167 . . 1 , . ._ , , . ,..

horse. As soon as the battle was JOiheu, the Comyns with
their following fled the field and left the archers to the
mercy of the English cavalry. Wallace, caught up in the rush

. . , - , A . , . . . 68
of the horse, was also forced to flee into Selkirk forest.l

 

1
*640man. Art of War, P- 567'

165Idem.
166

 

Langtoft, Chronicle, II, 5 5.

 

167Wyntoun, UhrODiCle. II» 549°

16 -\ -- 1 . hr—
8rordun, Chronicle, II, 5oé.

 

 

165
Edward had learned the use of archers from the welsh in his
campaign against that people. At Falkirk a well balanced
action between cavalry and archers now took place.
In the meantime Lnthony of back, BishOp of Durham,
with Robert Bruce who was that day fighting with the English,

169 The

forded the river and attacked the Scots in the rear
Scottis: writers feel that this, plus the flight of their
horse, caused the Scots to lose the day. The attack on the
rear of the Eorthern force was undoubtedly a factor but by

no means the most important.

Edward now pulled back his cavalry after the Scottish
arcners had been destroyed and sent his own bonnen forward
without fear of Scottish fire. The English archers thinned
out the ranks of the brave Scots in their schiltrons}.7O
Finally Edward sent his cavalry charging through the gaps
in the ranks and routed what was left of the Scottish army.

In this engagement the English lost only one man of
note,Brian de Jae, a Templer, who followed the Scots too far

172

ahead of his fellows and was slain in a slough. The Scots

lost many men on that fatal field including John Stewart and

 

an , Pkljt Of 1""qu , 5 6 7 o

, diet. of Scot., I, 187.

 

 

172a - n . i s
bordun, Chronicle, II, 52o.

 

164
hacduff of Fife though probably not the 60,000 suggested in
the Lanercost Chronicle.l75

Undoubtedly Edward won this victory as the result of
his very real ability. Yet it is always a great temptation
to add the great If. What would have happened If, for example,
Nallace's cavalry had stood fast. No one of course can answer
such a duestion. However, by studying a battle fought under
somewhat similar circumstances it is possible to learn what
might have happened.

The Battle of Bannockburn has been maiy times dis-
cussed so my purpose here will be to tell what happened in
the battle and to point out the differences on both sides
between Falkirk and Bannockburn.l74 The constable of Stirling
castle had, during the reign of Edward II, been besieged in
his charge by the Scots. Edward of course at this time was
preoccupied with the troubles which were to at last put a
period to his unhappy reign.

Taking advantage of the predicament of the Southern
king, Eruce was even then prying the fing rs of England from
its last hold on Scotland. Stirling was one of the few strong-
holds worth the mention still held by the English. The siege

was pressed hard but Stirling evidently was a hard nut to

___.

 

l75Lanerpost Chronicle, p. 166.

174Refer to Appendix C’

165

crack because the Scots agreed to a truce wiereby the castle
would be surrendered to them if not relieved by June 24.175
The Scots knew if "Stirling were lost, all of Scotland would
be lost" to the English.176

When Edward received the intelligence of Stirling
he at once egan to gather his host but met with many diffi-
culties. Major Eecke, in writing of the subject of Bannock-
burn for the ngplete Pee'age believes that Edvard took with
him an effective infantry of only 7,060 foot. He bases this
idea on the lateness of the summons, the number of men who
would not come, and the numbers of those who were injured
both on the way to join the host and in its advance on Bruce

177

at Stirling. For cavalry Edward was forced to depend on

his household trOOps, friends, and family, a group of not

. - . 79
more than 500 heavy cavalri.l U
T‘ 1 m 1 8 . 1 . .
doth rout179 and Beck 1 O pOint out the poor condition

the English must have been in when they arrived near the

 

l75Tout, diet. of Enro. III: 253°

l76Ibid., p. 259.

177Major A.F. Becks, "The Battle of Eannockburn",
(appendix H), The Complete Peerage. G.E. Cokayne, QQmAlete
.Egerage of England,_£cotland, Ireland, Great Brit. and The
United Kingdom, Extinct, or Dormant. (new Ed. Revised and
Edited by the non. Vicary Gibbs, 1910-1949, is vols.)
London, The St. Catherine Press.

1781.
dem.

 

l79’I‘out, mist. 0f 33., III: 260’
180

 

.Beck, Bannockburn, p. 15.

 

166
Bannockburn. Edward was forced to move rapidly to meet the

'7

deadline for relieving the castle. he had only assembled
the army on June 10 at Eiark.181 Becke points out the English
host had to force march over poor dusty roads in full harness
in the heat of summer.182

No very accurate estimate can be made of the Scottish
forces but it must have been less than that of the English.
As Eecke points out Sruce still had much disaffection with
which to contend in Scotland and that some Scots went so far
,as to have members of their family fighting on both sides

. n Q3
just to play sale.lU

The Scots were organized into four
companies and drilled in these formations. All clansmen who
came in late were held in a reserve so as to have only trained

184 Of these formations three mUSt

men in the formations.
have been organized as schiltrons and the fourth was the
horse. Earbour calls them “battles" and does not mention

cavalry as such although the Scots were known to have had

such a force.lUS Horeover, neither Sir Edward Gray whose

 

18:l-Idem.

lBgIbid., p. 14.

 

155Ibiu., p. 12.

184John Barbour, The Sruce, ed. Jalter R. Skea ,
(Edinburgh & London, printed for the society by william
Blackwood and sons, hDCCCXCIV) I, 281.

:1 '1' r. H - ’ n
lavlout, hist. or England, III, 260.

 

l6?
father was captured theregfi’6 nor the Lanercost Chronicler
mention more than three schiltrons.

The Scottish king made his disyositions very much
the same as ”allace had ordered his host at falhirh. Robert
organized the force within the Thorwood near Stirling castle
so as to make a charge difficult fOr the Lnglish cavalry.
From a chart based upon one by Beche we can see the positions
taken by Bruce and his men. One of these formations must

‘- “1'1

have been his cavalr‘. as at ralhirk, holes were dug near

“

the entrance to the park of Stirling to trap the Lnglisn
l 7

(D

horse.
The English army began arriving, probably about mid-
day. The van moved forward along the road to feel out the
Scottish positions. It was at this time that Robert Bruce
performed his famous exgloit of braining the fully armed
knight Sir denry de thun when he attacked Bruce.188
While the English van had moved forward, Clifford
and Sir Thomas Gray with 500 men crossed lower down the
Bannockburn very much as Anthony of Beck had done at Falkirk.
This force attempted to go around the Scottish rear and
contact Stirling castle. This movemen was frustrated by

the schiltron of thi Earl of Moray who moved to intercept

Gray, Scalacronica, p. 289.

Barbour, Eruce, I, 2‘2. Turn to Appendix C.

168

Clifford.189 How would have been an excellent time for the
use of horse archers but the English apparently did not have
them in the host. Clifford was checked and all the English
could do was to circle the schiltron very much as the American
Indians did in attacking a wagon train. The valor of Sir
Thomas Gray was questioned with the result that he drove his
horse against the forest of pikes which killed his mount and
caused his capture.190

The remainder of the English force, not making any
headway, now fell back on the main body which had declined
the prepared positions of the Scots and had moved across
the Eannockburn and took up a position near a waterlogged
carse.191 The day was far Spent when the English settled
down in their uncomfortable quarters for an uneasy night.

Gray says in the morning Eruce came early and moved

192 A glance

close to the English camp thus forcing a battle.
at the map will show the precarious position in which the

English cavalry and foot were placed. To the right of them
they had the Forth and to the left the carse over which the

footing was doubtful. Thus the ground for maneuvering was

dangerously small.

 

Q A ,
18"Gray, mcalacronica, p. 289.
190

 

Idem.

lngout, Hist. of Emmy. III: 361°

192 H .
Gray, ocalacronica, p. 289.

 

169
Nothing seems to have been in order in the English

camp. Certainly every rule practiced by Edward I was broken.
The English archers were sent out to meet the Scottish archers
who had begun a harassing fire.195 No English cavalry was
sent to protect the English archers and while they succeeded
in disgersing the Scottish archers they in their turn were
driven off the field by a quick charge of the Scottish

I94

horse who had not left the field as at Falkirk.

The fact that the three schiltrons continued their

9 t . g . . a
l 5 must have rattled the English still more. no

advance
attempt was made to get their archers into working order

again nor did the English horse go after the Scottish cavalry
as they should have done. Such an operation would have allowed
the archers to again take the field and thin down the schil-
trons, again as at Falkirk. Instead, the impetuous English
knights without he restraining hand of a strong leader

196 Such

dashed madly against the dense clump of spears.
activity did nothing but pile up dead and wounded horses and
men and imreded the attaca for those who followed. The

Scottish cavalry for once had functioned as it should. If

 

195Lanercost Chronicle, p. 207.

194Idem.
l95

‘V

Idem.
lgerid., p. 208.

170
they did not protect their own archers, the force at least
diSpersed those of the enemy. Eruce's well trained schiltrons
continued to advance two ab east with the third in close
support, all keeping their formations and cutting through

197 v

the disordered English as they pressed forward. now one

of the most competent English commanders, the earl of

198

Gloucester, was killed. With his fall a general rout

. ,. , .. . . I99
took place in wniCh many died trying to cross the Bannockburn.
In this sorry retreat were killed Sir John Comyn, Sir Pagon
de Typtoft, Sir Edmund de horley and many other leaders of
200
note.
Edward was forced to flee to Dunbar with the Scots

.. r ,1- h 20]. 1 ' ‘ IDA. ' -r.
pusning him all the way. Thus did the English pay for
breaking almost every rule of warfare they had so painfully
learned in the long and bitter struggle. Robert Bruce, on
the other hand, distinguished himself as a brilliant and resource-
ful commander. Once he saw his prepared positions were to do
him no good, he forced the English to fight at a time and

place where the adV“utages were for the most part with the

 

197Ibid., p. 207.
lgalbiao , p0 2080

199Fordun, Chronicle, II, 559.
200 a, . .
Lanercost Lnroniclm. p. 20S.

BOlIbid., p. 209.

I71

Scots. As Fordun writes, "From that day forward, the Whole

202

land of Scotland, ... overflowed with boundless wealth.

202Fordun, Chronicle, II, 340. The boundless wealth
Fordun speaks of came from the many angliSh ransoms.

 

CCNCLUSICI

From the many factors which enabled the Scots to
remain free, one emerges above all others. This factor was
the will of the common people, kept alive and nour'shed by
the clergy, to keep Scotland a free and an ind pendent
count°y. without this element all the brilliant leaders
and tactics would have been merely of passing interest.

The will to be free came about and hardened in the heat

of battle. This force arising from the peaple proved strong
enough to sustain itself until worthy leaders appeared to
lead Scotland to victory if not to long periods of prosperity
and peace.

Other factors involved in the Scottish hars included
the ability of the Scottish leaders to meet policy with
policy and subterfuge with subterfuge until they were able
to win even some degree of support from what had been one
of England's strongest allies, the POpe.

The astonishing military ability of the Scots stemmed
not only from able commanders and hardy soldiers but also
from wise use of available resources and equipment. “long
this equipment the military harness of the Scots was well
suited and adapted to the terrain, their swift movement,
and the hit and run policy of the Scottish leaders. herein

was one of the pr ncipal failures of the English, although

I72

173
they did attempt to increase the mobility of their forces.

When all is said and done, England's best opportunity
was to unite, not dominate Scotland under Edward I. His own
imperious character and unfortunate choice of administrators
was to set his wisest policies at naught. It is doubtful if
ever again there was such an Opportunity to unite the two
lands as that during the first Edward's reign. After that
time the Spirit of the Scottish nation hardened into a
thirst for freedom. No amount of power that England brought
against Scotland was able to shake that spirit.

Perhaps the long, uneasy times of these two countries
point a finger to the present day and our own uneasy times.
Scotland and England were not to end their strife until a
leadership could be established that was acceptable and
common to both, in that case a king, perhaps in ours a

United Nations.

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BIBLIOGRAPAICAL NOTE

Libraries

The libraries used in both the survey and the actual
preparation of this paper were, those of the University of
Chicago, the University of Kichigan, Kichigan State, and
the Newberry Library of Chicago. While all of these Libraries
have collections of documents, the set containing the Patent

and Close Rolls at Michigan State was most helpful.

 

Document 5

Of all the source material dealing with the Scottish
Wars of the Edwards, the most revealing and accurate materials
are found in the documents of the period. Considerable time
was Spent in the search for and use of these documents. The

‘l

tasm was made easier because of the extensive collection
contained in the michigan State College Library. This il-

cludes an almost complete set of the Fate t and Close Rolls

“-0

 

 

published by the British Record Office for this period. Egg
Patent Rolls have been published through the reign of Edward
III. The documents were sent out as Open letters of the
English king with the great seal pendant and deal with a
vast multitude of subjects such as military summons, domestic
relations, inheritance, supply, safe conducts and many other

aSpects of the life of the time. ghe Close Rolls date from

 

177

l7S
1804. They are much like The Patent Rolls in that they also
contain copies of the king's letters, in this case primarily
letters of instruction. —

The Close Rolls were sealed letters, sent to individu-

 

als and, as a rule, of less public interest than the Patent
Rolls. These volumes contain a vast mine of unexplored infor-
mation. Unfortunately the indexes, while helpful, are not
always accurate. The best way to use these books is to go
over them page by page in the period in which research is
being conducted.

Another collection of documents which proved to be
of great assistance was the Calendar of Documents Relating

to Scotland, edited by Joseph Baine. The book is filled

 

with documents concerning the Scottish Wars of the Edwards
and is an excellent piece of work. The uOtUli Parliamentorum

were consulted in connection with the trials of the DeSpensers

as well as the punishment given to the Scottish Nobility.

Chronicles of Scotland

Another source of materials dealing with the Riddle
Ages is the chronicle. While not always as dependable as
the documents they still preserve much of the color and
flavor of a bygone day.

The great dearth of trustworthy contemporary source

material exists in this period of Scottish history. host of

179

the chroniclers either lived during the reign of Edward III
or after the close of the Scottish Wars. Perhaps one of the
oldest writings which came down to us is the work of John
Barbour. Reference to the full bibliography will indicate,
that three different editions of Barbour were used. The
work translated by George Eyre Todd, while not a complete
text was valuable. The editions edited by Walter R. Skeat,
supplied much detail pertaining to the background of The
Bruce in the notes and introduction. A more complete edition
of the text was used which covers the entire period of Bruce.

John Barbour was born about 1320 so that he was a
contempo'ary for most of the great events and drew from eye
witnesses of the period. In some cases his chronology was
defective. These discrepancies can be checked with the
documents and more trustworthy primary and secondary work .
Both flyntoun and Fordun depended on Barbour and as they were
almost contemporary with him they cover much of the same period.

The work on Wallace by Blind Harry has been much
criticized as being untrustworthy. Yet by correcting his
chronol gy as in Barbour, Blind Harry is found to agree not
only with other Scottish Chroniclers but with the English
as well. Blind Harry, or Henry the Minstrel, as he was also
called, stated he based his work on an earlier one written

by one, John Blair, who was said to have been chaplain to

lS

Wallace. If this is true, as seems possible, it would make
”of Blind harry an excellent source as well as the only one
whicn deals in detail with the life of the Scottish Hero.

The Book of Pluscarden proved to be very valuable
for its detailed descriptions of legal questions wnicn arose
during the period and for details of military tactics. This
work was not published until the twentieth century and it is
assumed the chronicle was written by Maurice Buchanan and is
contemporary only from 1380. DeSpite this fact it checks
well with early sources as well as with documents found in
the Patent Rolls. Moreover, much of the work is based on
an early one by John Bower, which was not available to me.

The Orygynale Cronykil of Scotland_by wyntoun is in
a class with Barbour and was written about the same time.
fiyntoun's work is recommended by Tout, Skene, and La.e.
Todd, the editor of Wallace, Speaks of the "indubitable
evidence of nyntoun." Another Chronicler of the same period
is Fordun. He began his work about 1585 but was at this time
already past the age of 30. He was thus to most of the period
a contemporary and had access to peeple and documents which
went back much farther than his own life. Fordun's work was
taken over by Bower, Abbot of Inchcalin. The good abbot was
contemporary with the later portion of the Scottish Wars and
not only put Fordun's work in order but wrote several passages

hilfls elf o

1

Holinshed's Chronicle of England; Scotland and Ire-

land was very valuable in the preparation of this paper

 

eSpecially volume five. This is a translation of the work

of Hector Boece, a Scot, who lived shortly after the Scottish
Wars of the Edwards. dolinshed's work seems to be reliable,
indeed he tells of the great pains he took to present his
material accurately. In reality, volume five is a Scottish
Chronicle by Boece. Hector Boece is particularly good for

the excellent descriptions of life in Scotland and its islands
before, during, and after the Scottish Wars of the Edwards.
Lord Hailes, Annals of Scot and though old, are still in most
cases accurate. He also quotes from contemporary documents

that I was unable to obtain from other sources.
Chronicles of England

In making use of the English Chroniclers we are on
more solid ground. In almost every instance, the material
is that of a contemporary and in regard to Sgalacronica, a
work of a man who fought in the Scottisi Wars.

The Cironicle of John Hardyng is not contemporary
nor is he altogether reliable for the period covered by this
paper. dowever, some of the details he supplied could be

obtained from no other source. The Chronicle of Lanercost

 

was of great value, though not always fair to the Scots.

,QO
vu

It is always contemporary and sticks more to history than
does the usual monastic work which dwells at great length
on Saint's lives, miracles and such. Moreover, Lanercost
monastery was located on the border and was often a scene of
action during the Scottish Wars. In more than one case the
monks wrote of what they saw with their wn eyes.

The Chronicle of Pierre de Langtoft also illustrates
this point of View, all the English did was right and all
the Scots did was in concert with the devil. However, for

good as Froissart. Sir John

pa
(1

detail Langtoft is almost
Froissart and his Chronicles of England, France, Spain and
the Low Countries have received the highest praise from
Hewitt who says, 1'Among the Chroniclers of this time - of
all time - Froissart stands foremost." In no one case did

I find a more accurate, readable or colorful chronicle than
that of Froissart.

Sir Thomas Gray who wrote Scalacronica while being
held a prisoner of the Scots gives excellent eye witness
accounts concerning what both his father and he saw. Gray
perhaps dwells too much on the exploits of his father but
his descriptions of such battles as Bannockburn are good as
they are given from one who was at the scene. The Chronicle

of Florence of Worcester, though excellent for background

 

material on the Scottish Wars, is not helpful beyond the

3

(n

l
time of the decision rendered in favor of Balliol for here
the writing ends. huch can be learned about Edward I's
doubtful claims from this Chronicle, which relates to causes

Of the “Tar.
Books and Publications

Secondary books of great assistance were Tout's
A Political History of England l2l6-1377 and Lang's A.Histo;y
of Scotland from the Roman Occupation. Not only was Tout
helpful for background, but the excellent commentary on
source material and the evaluation of that material contri-
buted greatly to this project. Andrew Lang's book was filled
with references to source material relating to the history of
Scotland. Also of great value on Special subjects are John
Hewitt's Ancient Armour and Reapons and Charles Oman's

'I“

A History of the Art of war. Hewitt's work, in addition to

 

his discussion on armor, gives extenSive treatment to other
phases of medieval warfare. Much of this information is
quoted at length directly from documents or based upon con-
temporary monuments of the Riddle Ages. Sir Charles Oman
supplies much information on the techniques of battles.

In a study, such as this, great assistance can be
had from articles and unpublished material. Examples of this

were Major Becke's description of the Battle of Bannockburn

184
found in The Complete Peerage. A great deal of information
and sound material was found in The English Historical Review.
The Mitchell Library of Glasgow Scotland and The Peoples
rrR nd of Dundeswere most h3lpful in fuInishing information

com ,ile d and composed by them from sources not available in

this country.

BIHLIOGILHXI'I .L
Documents

Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Documents
Relating_to Seotland, ed. Joseph Bain, 2 vols.
Edinburgh: Published by the authority of the Lord's
Commissioners, The Deputy Clerk Register of Scotland,
H. H. General Register House, 1884.

 

Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Close Rolls
Edward I, 1272-1507, 5 vols., London: Publisned by
Authority of His Hajesty's Stationery Office by Hachie
and Co. L. D. 1904.

Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Patent Rolls
Edward I 1271-1501, 5 vols., London: Published by
Authority of Her Hajesty's Principe Secretary of State,
Printed for Her Hajesty's stationery Office by Eyre and
Spottiswoode, 1895.

 

Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Paten Rolls
dward II 1307-1327, 5 vols., London: Published by
:uth0rity for Her Hajesty' 5 Principal Secretary of State,
Printed for Her Hajesty' s Stationery Office by Eer and
Spottiswoode, 1894. -

 

Great Britain, Public Record Office, Calendar of Patent Rolls
Edward III, 152‘7-1377, 16 vols., London: Published by
Authority of HeI Ha jesty' s Principle Secraet dy oI State,
Printed for Her Hajesty's by Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1691.

 

185

Great BI itain, Her Hajesty's Ltchequer, Documents a.d Records
IllustI ating The His orv and the Transactions Between
The Crown of Scotland ani England, vol. I, ed. Francis
Palgrave, Published by Commissioners in the Public
Records of the Kingdom, 1851.

Great Britain, Rotuli PaIlia entorum Ut E Petitiones Et
Placita In -aIiiamento I moOIe E ward I H II, 5 vols.,
(n.33_~._ n. d. )

Scottish Chronicles

Barbour, John, The Bruge, ed, Walter R._Skeat, 3 vols.,
EdinbuI gh, william Blachwood and Sons, HDCCCXCIV.

BarbouI, Jm ‘ m, Selecti0ns From Barbour's Bruce, ed. Rev. Skeet,
Bungay: Richard Clay and Sons, 1900.

BarbouI, John, The Eric e, trans, George Eyre Todd, London:
GOVu-CIIIS {311:1 L11. my Ltd., 19070

 

Fordun, John, Chronicle of Scotland, ed. William F. Skene,
5 vols., Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas, 1871.

Hailes, avid Dalrymple, Anna s of Scotland From the Accession
of Halcolm III to the Accession oI the House of Scenart.
2 vols., Edinburgh: Printed for Archibald Constable and
Co. and Pa irbain and AndeI son Edinburgh and Hurst,

, Robinson and Co. London, 1819.

Henry the Hinstrel, Commonly known as Blind Harry, The Actis
and Deiiis of the Illustere aId Vailzeand Campioun
Sohir William Wallace Knight of Ellerslie, ed. James
Hoir, Edinburgh and London: Jilliam blackwood and Sons,
HDCCCL XXXIX.

 

Holinshed, Ralph, Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland,
6 vols., (tran. from the work of Hector Loece and Jonn
Bellenden) London: Printed fOI J. Johnson, F. C. and
J. Rivington, T. Payne, will tie and RobiIlson, Longman,
Hurat, Ress, and Orme; Cadell and Davis, and J. Hawman,
ISOB

The Book of Pluscarden, ed. F. H. Skene, 2 vols., Edinburgh:
nilliam Paterson, 1880.

 

186
Wyntoun, AndIew of, The Crygynale CIOH’Kil of Scotland, ed.
David La ing, 2 vols., Edinburgh: Edmonston and Douglas,
1870
.L N.

English Chronicles

Froissart, Sir John, ChIonicles of .: gland France, Spain and
The M IciAIng_CountIIIa,_IIom th; Latter Part c: the
Reign oi Sduan II to the Coronet: on of Henry IV, trans.
Thomas Jones, Bed. New York: AmeIican Book Exchange,
1880.

Gray, Sir Thomas, Scalacronica, tran ns. John Leylande, Printed
for the Haitland Cluo, LdinbuI g1 : H'DCS XXKJI.

Hardyng, John, The Chronicle of John 1HFAYII In Letre from
the First Begyninngr Englance unto the Heigne of Edward
Fourth Londini, (n.p.) 1545.

 

The Chronicle of Lanercost, trans. Sir Herbert Maxwell, Baronet,
GlaSgow: James Haclehose, and Sons, 1915.

 

Lang toft, Pierre de, The Chronicle of Pierre de, Langtoft, From
The Earliest Period to the Death oi King_deard I, ed.
Thomas Jright, 2 vols., Published by the Authority of
the Lord's Commissioneis of her Hajesty's Treasury, Under
the Direction of the Keeper of the Rolls, London: Long-
mans, Green, Reader, and Dyer, 1868.

Vorces teI, Florence of, The Chronicle of Florence of Horcester
trans. Thomas Forester, London: Henry C. Hohn, 180;.
Secondary Sources
Bain, Robert, The Clans and Tar aIs of Scotland, London and
Glasgow: Col1ins, n.p.

Barbe, Louis A., In Byways oi Scottisn Hi story, 2 vols.,
GlaSgow: Blacnie, 1912.

Collie, George F., Highland Dress, London, Penguin Book, 1948.

187

Hewitt, John, Ancient Armour and Teaoons in Europe from the
Iron Period of the northern Lations to the end or the
Seve11teenth Centurv w:Lth Illustratizns from Contemgorsrx
Lonumemit 0 vols., Oxio1d and London: John nenry and
James Pe1lzer, 1860.

 

Lang, Andrew, A.Histor: of Scotlerd from the Roman Occupation,
3 vols., New 101K: Dodd, Lead and Co., 1900.

Longman, William, The History of the Life and Times of Edward,
The Third, vol. I, London: Longmans Green and Co., 1869.

 

Oman, Charles, A History of the Art of her, The fiiddle Ages
From the Fourth to tne Fourteenth Centurx, new lorK:
G. P. Putnam's Sons, 159:.

Racinet, H. A., Le Costume Historique, Tomb. IV, Paris:
Librairie, de Firmin Didot Et. Lie, 88 .

Rogers, Charles, Social Life in Scotland, vol. III, Edinbur*h
Grampion Club, 1&04.

Source E001: of English History for Use of Scr 0015 and Peed
ed. Eli saoeth L1mbcl Kc-nu L11, New York: The LacLi 11%
Co., 1900

GI‘S

Tout, T. F., gLFblit ' cal list or3 of B131cnd From the Accession
of Henry Ill to tl1c Deat1 of 2d are 111, (12 6-1372)
vol. III, London: L on‘msns Green and Co., 1920.

Traill, H. D., Socie 61 En,” land, vol. II, London, Paris, New
YorK, and Lelboulne, 1902.
Articles
Ballard, A., "Castle Guard and Baron's House", The English
Historical Review, vol. 25, 1910, 712-715.

BecKe, Lejor A. F., "The E ttle of Bannock Earn" The Complete
Peerage, 1949 edition vol. XI, Appendix, 1 -1o.

Crump, C. G., "The A1rest of 10 er Lortimer and Queen Isabel",
The Eng;:1ish Hist ori cl Pe Vi€vV, vol. 26, 1910, 551- 302.

Johnston, Hilda, "The Eccentricities of Edward II", The English
Historical Review, vol. 48, l9éb, 265-267.

lee

Johnston, nilda, "England: Edward I and Edward II", The
gambridne Ledieval distor*, 1956 edition, vol. VII,
590-4ct.

Eanning, Bernard L., ”England: Edward III and Richard II",
The Cambrfcge medieval History, 1966 edition, vol.
VII, 454.

 

Terry C. Sanford, "Scotland to 1528" Th
V

: ire Cambridge Ledigval
aisierxs 1956 edition, vol. 11, 545-566.

Tout, T. F., "Firearms in England in the Fourteenth Century",
2;;lish historical Review, vol. 26, l9ll, 666-688.

Unpublished material

The Kitchell Library, Glasgow Scotland, "Scottish Dress,
14th Century", April 26, 195 .
The People's Friend, Dundee Scotland, "The Bagpipe",

May 22, 1951.

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loom USE ONLY

 

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