DIFFERENFIAL CORREC‘FIGNAL TREATMENT PROGRAMS AND MODIFICATION OF SELF-IMAGE Thesis for ”10 Degree of DIN. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Bruce Jerome Cohen 1964 THsts LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certify that the thesis entitled DIFFERENTIAL CORRECTIONAL TREATMENT PROGRAMS AND MODIFICATION OF SELF-IMAGE A; . presented by D BRUCE JEROME COHEN ‘4 has been accepted towards fuifillment of the requirements for Ph.D. degree in Social Science ‘ («I J UI/‘ile 44105 £54 Major protessor Orden Snmcker Date November 23, 196 0-169 m “—— H...— - ROOM USE ONLY ROOM USE ONLY. ABSTRACT DIFFERENTIAL CORRECTIONAL TREATMENT PROGRAMS AND MODIFICATION OF SELF-IMAGE by Bruce Jerome Cohen This study explores the relationship between the ”treatment" programs offered at two Michigan correctional institutions for the youthful offender and the change in discrepancy between the inmates actual and ideal self-con- cept after a period of six months confinement.- A sample of 140 inmates were selected for this study. Seventy of the men were assigned to the Ionia Reformatory, a maximum secu— rity, industrial institution which received the most ”hard core" of Michigan's prison population. The remaining 70 were assigned to the Michigan Training Unit, a new, modern, educational institution which offered a great deal of indi— vidual counseling and rehabilitative training. Two scales, developed and validated by Cade, were used for assessing the actual self—concept and ideal self- concept of each inmate in the sample. The scales were administered upon initial assignment to either the reforma- tory or the training unit, and again after a period of six Bruce Jerome Cohen months confinement at the reSpective institutions. Because of the greater amount of individual treat- ment provided at the Michigan Training Unit, it was hypoth— esized that after a period of six months had lapsed, the inmates assigned there would display a sharper decrease in discrepancy between their actual and ideal self-concept than the men assigned to the Ionia Reformatory. Due to the opportunity provided to adjust to their state of delinquency, it was predicted that there would be more discrepancy between the initial actual and ideal self- concept scores of "first-timers” than for recidivists. It was also predicted however, that after a period of six months the "first-timers” would tend to show a sharper decrease in discrepancy between their actual and ideal self- concepts scores than the recidivists. Since it is believed that the more formal education an individual has obtained the easier it may be for him to realize his own limitations and adjust to present conditions, it was hypothesized that after a period of six months con- finement, those men who have achieved at least a 10th grade education would show a sharper decrease in discrepancy between their actual and ideal self-concept than the men who have received an eighth grade education or less. Because of the tendency for a heightening of self- acceptance as the individual grows older, it was predicted Bruce Jerome Cohen that after a period of six months confinement we would expect more of a discrepancy between the actual and ideal self—concept of those inmates under 20 years of age than of those over 21 years of age. The inmate sample assigned to the Michigan Training Unit displayed a statistically significant reduction in discrepancy between their actual and ideal self-concept after a period of six months confinement. The sample at the reformatory diSplayed no such tendency to reduce their discrepancy, for their scores remained relatively stable over the six month test period. In the case of the recidivist portion of the sample, there were no significant differences found between their initial actual ideal self—concept discrepancy scores and the scores of "first-timers." After a period of six month con- finement, however, while the "first-timers” displayed a significant reduction in discrepancy, this tendency was not found among the recidivists. For those inmates who had received at least a tenth grade education, a statistically significant reduction in discrepancy was noted after a period of six months between their actual and ideal self-concept. In the case of in- mates with an eighth grade education or less there were no significant differences recorded. Finally, there was no statistically significant Bruce Jerome Cohen reduction found after a period of six months between the discrepancy scores of the inmates either over 21 years of age or under 20 years of age. It was suggested that for possible future research, similar studies be conducted using larger inmate samples at the other correctional institutions within the State. Copyright by BRUCE JEROME COHEN 1965 DIFFERENTIAL CORRECTIONAL TREATMENT PROGRAMS AND MODIFICATION OF SELF-IMAGE By Bruce Jerome Cohen A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY College of Social Science 1964 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to express his most sincere appreciation to the following people who made the writing of this thesis possible: 'Dr. Orden Smucker, my committee chairman, for his kindly concern and guidance through three years of graduate studies; Dr. Arthur M. Vener for his support, encourage- ment, editing and theoretical contributions during the writing of this thesis; Dr. Douglas Dunham, Chairman of the Social Science Department, for his assistance and cooperation while the author was a member of his staff; Dr. Alex J. Cade for his assistance in collect— ing the data and for the use of his scales; To my other committee members, Dr. Charles R. Hoffer, Dr. Louise M. Sause, and Dr. Joseph A. Schlesinger for their assistance and support; To the following members of the Michigan Depart- ment of Corrections-~Mr. Gus Harrison, Director; Dr. Ernst Shelley, Director of Individual Treat- ment; Mr. Howard Grossman, Director, Reception- Diognostic Center; Warden Edward Colbert, Ionia Reformatory;-Warden Richard Handlon, Michigan Training Unit; Dr. Donald Thurston, Director of Treatment, Ionia Reformatory; Mr. W. J. Knopf, Counselor, Michigan Training Unit; To Miss Marie O‘Brien for her help in preparing the manuscript; To the inmates for their patience and willingness to cooperate. ii TO LOUIS SIEGEL AND SARA SIEGEL GOODMAN TABLE OF CONTENTS .Chapter I. TRANSITION OF SOCIETY AND THE CRIME PROBLEM Transition from a Rural to Urban Society . The Crime Problem Summary II. CRIMINOLOGICAL THEORY AND SOCIETAL REACTIONS Physical- Type Theories . . Major Contributors to Physical Type Theory Psychological Theories of Crime and Mental Deficiency . Economic Theory of Crime - Sociological Explanations of Crime Multiple Factor Approaches . Societal Reactions to Crime Through Penology Summary III. IONIA PENAL INSTITUTIONS AND DEVELOPMENT OF HYPOTHESES Ionia Reformatory Michigan Training Unit Hypotheses ' IV. METHODOLOGY Measuring Instruments Scoring System Construction of the Inventories Validating Procedures . The Sample and Collection of Data Means of Analysis of Data iv Page 18 29 31 33 37 43 54 61 71 80 88 91 93 101 111 114 114 118 122 124 126 127 Chapter Page V. RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 Representativeness of the Sample . . . . . 131 Changes in Actual Self-Ideal Discrepancy as a Function of Institutional Programming . . . . 134 The Relationship Between Recidivism and Actual— Ideal Self— Concept Discrepancy . . 137 The Relationship Between Age and Actual— - Ideal Self-Concept Discrepancy . . . . . 142 The Relationship Between Educational Achievement and Actual-Ideal Self- Concept Discrepancy . . . . . . . . . . . 145 VI. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS . . . . 149 Limitations of Conducting Criminological Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 REFERENCES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Table 10. LIST OF TABLES 1950, 1960 Population of Selected United States Cities . . . . . . . . Offenses Known to the Police, January to December, Inclusive, 1940 City Crime Rates, 1960, by Population Groups. Index of Crime, United States, 1960 . . . . City Arrests of Persons Under 18 Years of Age, 1960 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Characteristics of Total Population and Sample at the Ionia Reformatory and Michigan Training Unit . . . . Pre—Test Means and t-Values for Actual Self- Concept and Actual Ideal Self-Concept Discrepancy Scores . . . . . . . . . . . T—Values for the Significance of the Difference Between Pre and Post Actual Self-Concept Means and Actual-Ideal Self Discrepancy Means for the Ionia Reformatory and Michigan Training Unit . . . . . . . Pre—Test Means of Actual Self-Concept and Actual-Ideal Self-Concept Discrepancy Scores for Recidivists and ”First-Timers” with CorreSponding T-Values . . . . . . . ,T-Values for Significance of Differences Between Pre and Post Actual Self-Concept Means and Actual-Ideal Self-Concept Discrepancy Means for Recidivists and "First-Timers" vi Page 11 20 21 22 27 132 134 135 138 141 Table 11. 12. Page T-Values for Significance of Difference Between Pre and Post Actual Self- Concept Means and Actual-Ideal Self— Concept Discrepancy Means for Inmates Under 20 Years of Age and Inmates Over 21 Years of Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 T-Values for Significance of Differences Between Pre and Post Actual Self- Concept Means and Actual—Ideal Self— Concept Discrepancy Means for Inmates With an 8th Grade Education or Less and for Those With a 10th Grade Education or More . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147 vii LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix Page I. Ideal-Self Scale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 11. Actual Self-Concept Scale . . . . . . . . . . 174 III. Characteristics of the Sample . . . . . . . . 188 viii CHAPTER I TRANSITION OF SOCIETY AND THE CRIME PROBLEM The prime concern of this thesis is an analysis of the causative factors of criminal behavior and application of modern penalogical theory. Before we can investigate this, however, we must have a firm understanding of the transition that has taken place in American society over the past several decades that has transformed our nation from an agricultural economy to a giant urban industrial complex. Accompanying this change, the rates of crime and delinquency proceeded to grow to enormous proportions. The problem of a highly industrialized society today regarding the crime rate is twofold: first, to deter the entrance of new deviants into the arena of antisocial behavior and, second, to lower the rate of recidivism among known viola- tors. It is through successful rehabilitation in our penal institutions that we hope to make the second of these a reality. The American people have been blessed by an abun- dance of natural resources, ingenuity, creativeness and skill. By manipulating and developing these resources it has been possible to reach a stage of development never before thought possible. We have not been able to do this, however, without sacrifice. Our great urban and industrial complexes have not developed without suffering and hardship on the part of many individuals. Nations today, can be categorized in terms of economic development. We can place any society on a contin— uum from underdeveloped to highly developed and get some indication of how advanced their technology really is. From this information we tend to introduce some kind of value judgement and assess the usefullness and productivity of its people by using our own society as a standard of excellence. Economic development can be measured in terms of wealth, urbanization, industrialization, and education (47). If a nation can score consistently high on these indices, we believe that its technology has reached a high order of development. The United States serves as our prime example, for here we have achieved a technological, industrial, and educational level that has placed us among the world leaders. We enjoy a higher standard of living than any other nation, with a per capita income in 1960 of $2,217 (72). We have such a mass distribution of consumer goods that this would be looked upon as fantasy in many countries. In the year 1960 alone, the American people purchased a total of 6,674,796 passenger cars valued at $12,164,234,000, with the average family having more than one car in their posses- sion (4). Again using 1960 as our base year, we produced 5,700,000 television sets with a retail value of $825,000,000 (27). Formal education is an institutional process that has received a considerable amount of attention in the United States in recent years. We have come to realize how depend— ent we are on this process, if advancement is to be contin— ued in technological development and new channels opened for vertical mobility. It has been observed, that over the past few decades, our class structure has undergone significant change. We are gradually beginning to shift from the old pyramid-shaped class hierarchy with a large lower class, to a more diamond—shaped structure with this lower class shrink— ing in number and the middle class taking on great dimen- sions (10). One reason for this development is the in- creased opportunity provided for lower class children through our public systems of education. For the elementary and secondary schools alone in 1960, we spent a total of $15.6 billion to provide our young people with the education they so deSperately need (73). Even with this enormous fig— ure, the costs of higher education are not even taken into consideration. Transition from a Rural to an Urban Society In Spite of our apparent abundance of wealth and productivity, we have been left with numerous social prob- lems which have emerged as a latent effect of this prOSper- ity. In order to move from a rural agricultural society to a technological one, many transitions had to be made. In the early stages of our nation's history, it took nine men engaged in agriculture to support one man in the city. Today, eight of these people have been liberated from the farms, so that it is now necessary to have only about ten per cent of our population tending the fields. The problem that immediately concerns us, relates to the difficulties encountered, once these migrants gave up the farm for city life. How difficult was their task of accommodating to the heterogeneity of the cities, and were they ever able to fully adjust? To help illustrate this transition, I will provide a simple rural-urban continuum: RURAL URBAN X X Sacred Society Secular Society Gemeinschaft Gesellschaft Homogeneous Heterogeneous Folk Science Agricultural areas tend to be traditionally reli— gious (2). The lives of farm people, while tied to nature and the soil, are forever dependent upon the natural elements for success or failure. Religious practice and belief thus become an integrated part of their way of life. Although in the urban centers there is not an absence of religious in- stitutions, there is, in addition, a secular orientation or what we may call a more worldly outlook. Concern is focused on the present and future, using the knowledge of the past as a guide toward rational judgement. Growing out of a technological orientation, a desire is thus created to con- trol and manipulate the natural environment rather than sim- ply submit to the elements. ~Rura1, isolated society is based on a gemeinschaft type of social organization (48). Under this structure, the small primary group is of central importance. Here the fam- ily is dominant, with relationships and statuses being of an ascribed nature. The division of labor is based on age and sex, with the male parent typically occupying the para- mount position (40). Relationships between members are intimate, personal and face-to-face, emotion is expressed freely and can easily be conveyed from one member to another. Control is exercised in an informal manner; if the individ- ual does deviate, it most likely will be against the ex- pressed wishes of the family. As a consequence of these close ties, delinquency is usually held to a very low level. A gesellschaft type of social organization character- izes the urban centers (9). Under this more formal struc- ture, we concern ourselves with a relatively large group. PeOple enter into a Special relationship with one another because it is the most practical means of achieving their objectives. Modern bureaucratic organization, which has developed in reSponse to the needs of urbanized, industrial society, may be used as an ideal example of the gesellschaft. Characteristically, we have a large impersonal group, which functions according to rational and objective means. Within the organization, selection of personnel needed to occupy the hierarchy of positions is based on ability and training. The relationships between members are of a formal and non— emotional nature, with the primary goal being production with maximum efficiency (9). By presenting this scheme I do not wish to imply that the family has been replaced by a bureaucratic giant in the cities. What has happened is that the family now must share with other agencies some of its formerly exclusive powers and functions. Even though it has now lost some of its authority, the family still remains the most powerful integrative institution in our society (47). When the new migrants arrived in the cities, often they were unable to cope with the multitude of problems that confronted them. Because of this, it was necessary to devel— op formal agencies to supplement the functions of the family. People in rural areas are much more likely to be homogeneous in character. Nearly all are engaged in agricul— ture, which is not only an occupation, but an entire way of life. Because of the common concern that is thus generated, farm populations are likely to be in agreement on most issues of a social or economic nature. Most apparent among the characteristics of rural populations are: one dominant political ideology, a lack of multi-church affiliations, and homogeneity of race. Thus, these people live in a social environment in which conflict is held to a minimum, and con- sensus is the order of the day. In the urban areas we have quite a different situa- tion, for here we witness a large mass of people who have been brought together to support the technological institu- tions. They come from many diverse backgrounds, and in the larger cities represent nearly every race, religion, nation- ality and political belief. This is truly a heterogeneous social structure. These migrants did not have a common set of beliefs, attitudes, norms and expectations, but instead carried with them value systems of their own. Thus is cre— ated a situation which produces a considerable amount of conflict, with common solutions not always arrived at. To illustrate the extent of heterogeneity within an urban area, a brief description is provided of the ethnic groups found in the city of Cleveland: In the anonymous masses that make up the living city, Cleveland is almost a Midwest anomaly. The white stock of native parentage comprises only a quarter of the population; eight percent are Negroes and the remaining 67 percent are either foreign-born or the offSpring of foreign or mixed parentage. Once almost entirely Nordic or Celtic in makeup, Cleveland was transformed by the ex— panding steel industry into one of the most racially diversified communities in the United States. Forty-eight nationalities have repre- sentatives here, more than forty languages are Spoken in the city. First in number are the Czechoslovaks followed by the Poles, Italians, Germans, Yugoslavs, Irish and Hungarians. Where they concentrate in nationality groups, their native tongues are Spoken almost as commonly as English (2). Finally, we note that during the transition from a sacred to a secular society, there is a substitution of scientific knowledge for the folklore of the past (55). In the United States we have moved from a world of tradition, superstition and myth, to a new arena where conventional wisdom is not an adequate substitute for empirical inquiry and fact. This transition was not an isolated occurrence, but rather, one that eventually affected the future of every individual. The old beliefs had become so firmly incorpo- rated into the socialization process, that it was no easy task to separate fantasy from reality. Thus, another ele- ment is introduced into our new conflict producing urban environment. I After examination of this rather disheartening de- scription of urban life, we must ask ourselves, what motivat- ing force was reSponsible for the mass migration to the cities? 'Why did people leave the farms that their families had worked for generations? It appears that three signif- icant factors influenced this movement. First, the large urban centers provided a place of refuge for those who were undergoing severe pesecution. Roger Fulford,when Speaking of the migrants in London during the last century, says: From the harsh countries of eastern Europe, driven out by terror, purges and privations, they drifted to London in the certainty that they would be free from persecution and in the hope that they might be able to scratch together a livelihood (29). 11711115, many of the great cities attracted an enormous mass c>1? people, who wanted only the opportunity to make a better life for themselves. Our most modern examples can be seen .i.11. the political exodus from Cuba to the southern shores of t he United States, and from the Communist block countries to cities 'round the world. Our second motivating force, takes us back to the period prior to the industrial revolution. There was in ope ration at this time, an order of manufacture known as the ? ’domestic" or "putting-out” system (16). Under this Scheme, S imple'industry was brought to the peasants, who worked to- get her as a family unit. Goods had to be produced within a <2”6331?1:ain period of time, with compensation determined by the (111a lity and quantity of finished products. This task was ‘1th rtaken in addition to their labor in the fields. Tech- (3“J~C>g1cal development grew too rapidly, however, to continue 10 with this time-consuming method. It seemed to be more economically sound to centralize and integrate production within a single factory, by bringing the laborers to the cities. Thus, the urban areas grew at a rate which corre- Sponded to the migration of industrial workers. After arrival, these families had to be provided with food, Shelter, clothing and other essentials, if they were to survive in this new and sometimes hostile environment. In turn, this necessitated the employment of additional person- nel, to satisfy the needs of the migrants. Third, the cities provided opportunity for work and employment which was not available in the agricultural areas. AS noted earlier, it is only necessary for 10 per cent of the population to work the fields to support the 90 per cent who live in the cities. With remarkable improvements being wit- nessed in the area of agricultural technology, this low fig- ure is even capable of further reduction. The farm birth rates far exceed the number of workers needed for replace- ment in agriculture. One of the consequences of an advanced agricultural technology is the creation of a surplus in the rural labor market. It .is out of necessity then, that many of these people migrate to the large cities (31). We find this to be eSpecially true for women. Most of the jobs on the farm, because of a division of labor, long-time tradi- tion, and the necessary physical strength involved, fall into the hands of the male population. Thus, it becomes 11 very difficult for a woman to find employment in the agri- cultural regions. In the urban centers, however, the expand- ing factories were in need of women, not only to work on the assembly line, but also to maintain the offices and provide the secretarial and clerical services that were so vital to efficient operation. The mass movement from Puerto Rico to New York City in recent years, is illustrative of an economic migration. Cities continue to grow at an alarmingly fast rate. This is eSpecially true for metropolitan areas that are located near our agricultural regions. The table below lists some key American cities, and also the city of San Juan, on the agrarian island of Puerto Rico, to illustrate their rapid rate of growth during the past ten years (70). Table l. 1950, 1960 Population of Selected United States Cities . Population C t 1 y 1960 1950 Milwaukee, Wisconsin 741,324 637,392 Atlanta, Georgia 487,455 331,314 Columbus, Ohio 471,316 375,901 Witchita, Kansas 254,698 168,279 San Jose, California 204,196 p 95,280 Jackson, Mississippi 144,422 98,271 San Juan, Puerto Rico 432,377 224,767 12 In 1950, urban residents in the United States accounted for approximately 64 per cent of our total population. In 1960 this figure jumped to almost 70 per cent. AS the great influx of migrants moved into the cities, they carried with them their own value systems and conceptions of morality. Many of these peOple found them- selves in a state of conflict, for no longer were they liv— ing in a social environment of harmony and consensus. Not only was there a basic difference between rural and urban living patterns, but in addition, race, religion, political ideology and nationality added to the heterogeneity of the city. Within this developing, complex social system, numer- ous social problems were to emerge. In the cities, there existed a new set of expecta- tions and conditions that had to be met. The family was perhaps the institution that felt the hardest blow, for its basic structure of authority was under constant attack. While living on the farm, the male head of the household occupied the primary Seat of power. The family was econom- ically dependent upon him to guide them through a successful harvest. After arrival in the cities, however, it was in- deed rare if several members of the family, including the father and mother were not employed. Thus, there were sev- eral sources of income which contributed to the welfare of the group. In turn, these newly created economic conditions, began to destroy the basic dependence upon, and authority of, 13 the male head. Accompanying this transition, the criterion for acquiring status also began to change. What has been wit- nessed, is a move away from a society of ascribed status positions, handed down from one generation to the next, to one of achieved positions (49). It was now necessary for the individual to go out and earn his own place in the com— munity, for no longer could he be solely dependent upon what his father did before him. Many times, because of the phys- ical strength and youth required, the children were able to surpass their parents by making a greater economic contribu- tion to the family. On numerous occasions this necessitated some structural rearrangement of familial authority. The agencies of social control also changed hands during this transition. Within the gemeinschaft type of social structure, which preceded the migration, an informal system of social control had evolved, with the primary group exercising a good deal of restraint upon the overt behavior of the individual. The dominance of ”intimate face-to-face asso- ciation” in the Small town naturally entails as one consequence the almost absolute surveillance and control of the individual by the community. In the small town, public opinion enslaves and controls individual and family behavior and gossip represses variations from the stereotype of "good" family behavior (11). In the large urban centers, the newcomers were able to easily escape this primary control. All that was 14 necessary was a stroll to the adjacent neighborhood, or even the next block, and a person would become completely anony— mous. Now, he was out of the immediate grasp of the family, and his behavior patterns could take on entirely new dimen- sions. To deal with this problem effectively, it was neces- sary to establish formal control agencies. As a consequence, law enforcement organizations have emerged at the city, county and state levels, maintaining a constant surveillance over the broad Spectrum of social activity. With the development of this new, highly industrial- ized social order, "Specialization” became the key to effi- ciency and success. No longer did the craftsman produce in his own shop, use his own tools, and create his own master- piece. Now he worked but as a Single link in an integrated, uninterrupted, well-organized chain of production. Peter F. Drucker so ably expressed this new condition of apathy when he said: In fact, the worker no longer produces, even in the plant; he works. But the product is not being turned out by any one worker or any one group of workers. It is being turned out by the plant. It is a collective product. The individual worker usually is not even capable of defining his own contribution to the productive organization and to the product. Often he cannot even point to a part or a process and say: this is my work (24). This new atmOSphere created within the work plant was strange to the craftsman; as suggested above, no longer did he enjoy the intrinsic satisfaction of seeing his 15 finished product with the pride that accompanies completion. In many cases he diSplayed an attitude of apathy or indiffer- ence, which did not vanish at the end of the work day, but instead was carried with him to his home. This influenced his extra—job relationships, as well as his interest and performance at work. The laborer in the plant was not the only one that had a Specialized function to perform, for this was a qual- ity that was beginning to take a firm hold throughout all of society. Due to the transfer of institutional functions, which accompanied the Shift from a rural to an urban commu- nity,,the family could no longer provide for itself all of the services that it once did. While the family was at one time relatively self-sufficient, it was now basically a unit of consumption rather than one of production. They became increasingly dependent upon other agencies to provide the products that they themselves could no longer render (38). In the area of education we found perhaps our most drastic institutional change. While the socialization of the young was once a major function of the family, in the urban environment, the public educational institutions now assumed this most important reSponSibility. This transfer- ence had more deepseated effects than might be observed on first inspection. In most cases the educational level attained by the first generation migrant was not very high, 16 therefore, he could transmit to his children only what he had informally learned. For the second generation of urban migrants, these conditions were not quite the same. After exposure to the formal educational institutions, many were able to achieve a higher position than that of their parents. This, in turn, threatened the traditional authority of the family. The questioning of authority was not the only con- flict producing situation which resulted from the introduc— tion of formal education, another concerned itself with values. Behavior which might have positive sanctions ap- plied to it at home, may not be tolerated in the academic situation. A middle-class value orientation with its cor- reSponding set of rewards and punishments was developing in the schools; this new set of expectations proved to be vast— ly different from that which the child had been exposed to in the working-class home. Often, as an escape from this tension-producing atmOSphere, the child would engage in deviant activities. What was eventually created amounted to a psychological "tug—of—war,” with the home on one side and the school on the other. AS these conditions persisted and intensified, major social problems began to develop in the cities. Park, Burgess and McKenzie reflect this theme when they suggested that: 17 All the manifestations of modern life which are peculiarly urban—-the skyscraper, the subway, the department store, the daily news- paper, and social workers are characteristi- cally American. The more subtle changes in our social life, which in their cruder man- ifestations are termed ”social problems," problems that bewilder us, as divorce, delin- quency, and social unrest, are to be found in their most acute forms in our largest American cities. The profound and "subversive” forces which have wrought these changes are measured in the physical growth and expansion of the cities (57). This was written by American sociologists thirty-nine years ago, who believed that the cities were in a state of social disorganization. Today, these very same social problems have been magnified by Significant proportions. In 1900 we had a marriage rate of 9.3 per 100,000 population (709,000 marriages), the divorce rate was 0.7 per 100,000 population (55,751 divorces). In 1960 the marriage rate dropped to 8.5 (1,523,000 marriages), and the divorce rate jumped to 2.2 (393,000 divorces). Thus is presented an increase in divorce rates of 300 per cent (74). The problem of unemployment offers us another area for investigation. According to the Bureau of Labor Statis- tics, in January 1960, out of a total civilian labor force of 68,168,000, we had 4,149,000 workers who were unemployed (75). If we may hypothesize that many individuals afflicted with mental disorders are a product of their social and eco- nomic environment, then this problem assumes even greater 18 dimensions. According to a recent estimate: In 1960 at least 3 million people, including about 250,000 children, were treated for some form of mental illness in hOSpitals or clinics or by private psychiatrists. Many more who needed help never sought or received treatment (59). It has been noted that most of the severe cases of mental disorder are concentrated among the lower classes. Perhaps the most serious social problem that has emerged in terms of disorganization, destruction, and per- sonal loss, is in the area of crime and delinquency. In the section to follow, this will be our central concern. The Crime Problem Accompanying the new order of industrial urbaniza— tion, a Significant increase in rates of crime and delin- quency were noted. Daniel Bell, when discussing the effects of this transition, says: At the turn of the century the cleavage devel- oped between the Big City and the small-town conscience. Crime as a growing business was fed by the revenues from prostitution, liquor and gambling that a wide-open urban society encouraged and which a middle-class Protestant ethos tried to suppress with a ferocity un- matched in any other civilized country (6). By comparing the number of offenses in the cities in 1940, with corresponding figures for 1960, we find that there had been an astounding rise in number of crimes per 100,000 population (76, 77). (See Tables 2 and 3 below.) While there was an average total increase in population of 30 19 per cent in our cities, there was a dramatic surge of 152 per cent in number of offences committed. Table 4 is presented below for the purpose of estab— lishing an index of the total volume of crime in the United States as you move from the rural sections of the country to the metropolitan areas (77). In every category except murder, non—negligent manslaughter and forcible rape, there is a sharp increase in rates per 100,000 population as one approaches the larger cities. This trend can be noted in Tables 2 and 3. Examination of data representing the number of in— mates in State and Federal prisons and reformatories, also show a correSponding increase over the years. In 1940 there were 173,706 prisoners under custodial care; by 1960, this figure had ascended to 213,125 (71). The increase Shown here is nowhere near the 152 per cent increase in number of offenses committed over the same period of time, but we must be cognizant of the fact that many of these cases were un- solved, and when they were, because of already over—crowded conditions, not every defendant received a prison'sentence. o d ”.0 O . a” on “ON 0.0 00‘ Q0“ rooooooooooooooooooooooooooowoooooOoooo-so . 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H0“ 093 MON-ON mom-HQ WfiO-nw hwnndd {finnn 000 “CO MON-NR.— NC-OOH ooaanonoaoaoooaoooooaaoooa'ooaoo dUUOU VOUwhfihUQN enm.a~ mon.on ~¢n.mo Noo.a haw.~ was “we m-.aea se.~w« nm¢.auo.nm NOHQN QSOQW OoQOW NOQO “.05 Need 00¢ @aNNMH onno.oncoco...cocoooo-ooooooooOooo OUCWUfiQEG.‘ COO-CO.— HOQ QUQM uo¢.~n~ moo.~mn won.sao coo.~c~ oma.om om~.~d oom.n “do.-n.d No.oo~ ................................ dauou ouuae«uau ~n~.~o~ coo.oon eoo.-o moo.mm ewa.e~ nad.u~ d-.m ono.Hn¢.~ N¢.eaa ................ mauunonou m-aauua aou< 2.4.436: 8.2 “3:333 aauzoaouuo: Bevan; Noahd QoSN Oofiflow OoNN Ooaow ham Hon Oohmonn ao.so.oooooooon-nace-uncenooouoaoa OUEUflgfid COO-OOH “On— ”Us ~oe.-n aao.¢~e ~no.-u on~.ona o~m.mm www.ma ona.a ao~.aom.a naa.n~n.ana ...............J.............. “anon .uuaum venue: nounwaaam . uo>o -aaa uuopu ou=< vaa ow” huagwuam uuaaaaa unannom oaau uaomwdwoa gauow aouuafiaaom aou< haauuaq vuua>auww< oanfiouom uaoc use . novuai ooo~ .mopaum wouwsa .oawuo mo xoocu .e oHDaH 23 This brings us to a most important question, just how reliable and accurate are the crime statistics for the United States? It has been suggested on numerous occasions that criminal behavior resembles an iceberg, with the num- ber of known delinquents representing that portion which Shows itself above the water line (58). The most accurate reporting System available is published by the United States Federal Bureau of Investigation in its Uniform Crime Reports (59,61). This reporting system is conducted on a voluntary basis, by securing information relevant to "known offenses” from local law enforcement agencies. Although the Bureau does not receive absolute cooperation, coverage includes about 85 per cent of the population. By tabulating this information, a crime index is calculated by utilizing seven major categories of offense: murder, forcible rape, robbery, aggravated assault, burglary, larceny over $50 and auto theft (56). 'Still to be accounted for, are several factors capable of distorting the reliability of these statistics. The diagram below is illustrative of the disposition of criminal cases, in relation to the total volume of crime in the United States. As can easily be observed, the chances are not very great that an individual will move from step 1 through step 7 of the pyramid. 24 A Commitment to penal institutions Probation or Suspended sentence fi\x Convictions \\ Cases handled by courts #UIO // 3 \\ Cases handled by agencies out- side of court // 2 Offenses known to police [/f 1 \\\ Total offenses committed First, there is a rather serious question concerning the criterion used for defining an act as criminal. The legal codes of our fifty states are not homogeneous, therefore, there is not illicited a high degree of consensus. What is interpreted as auto theft in one state, may be defined as joy riding in another. When attempting to arrive at a sat- isfactory definition of criminal behavior, we must take into account two important conditions, the seriousness of the offense, and the difference between the juvenile delinquent and the adult criminal. Most people, at one time or another will commit a crime, however, we do not look at the entire population as being criminal. Perhaps the most frequent infractions fall within the area of traffic violations. Many young boys will act disorderly, or take a quick swim in a pool which is "off-limits“; some are apprehended, others are not, yet both 25 groups are engaged in identical behavior. An inevitable question that must be posed, concerns the existence of a hierarchy of crime in terms of severity. Does Such a hierarchy exist? The answer is a definite yes. By violating some codes, we are transgressing on the prOp- erty of others, or doing them actual or potential bodily harm. By violating another set of laws, the deviant is per- cevied as being potentially injurious to himself. Gambling is not considered to be as serious an offense as aggravated assault, vagrancy is not as severe as criminal homicide. In calculating the nature and extent of deviant behavior, these factors.must be taken into consideration, and offenses placed in proper perSpective. .Who is a juvenile delinquent? The definition ascribed to delinquency is usually dependent upon the inter- ests and jurisdiction of the source. The Children's Bureau uses a legal definition: . Juvenile delinquency cases are those referred to courts for acts defined in the statutes of the State as the violation of law or municiple ordi- nance by children or youth of juvenile court age (15). Sophia Robison, Assistant Director, Juvenile Delinquency -Evaluation Project of the City of New York, defines delin- quency as: . . . any behavior which a given community at a given time considers in conflict with its best interests, whether or not the offender has been brought to court (61). 26 Thus, some agencies have defined delinquency in terms of legal status, others on the basis of Social and cultural expectations. In general, however, a delinquent is usually defined as anyone under the age of 18 years, whose behavior is in violation of a legal code, whether apprehended or not. The exact age will be dependent upon the State of residence and sex of the offender. Even though juvenile offenders account for only about 14.3 per cent of our total crime volume, we have Shown great concern over this figure, due to its rapid increase in recent years. Table 5 provides statistical data for those persons arrested under 18 years of age in the year 1960 (77). This young age group accounted for a significant proportion of offenses in the major crime catagories; including 27.8 per cent of burglaries, 49.2 per cent of larcenies, and 62.1 per cent of auto thefts. The causative factors that have been hypothesized to explain this phenomenon will be fully discussed in the following chapter. Second, there is the question of who will have jurisdiction over the case. In many communities, agencies other than the police and courts will assume initial re- sponsibility. In the case of juveniles, schools and welfare agencies have become quite active, and now play a Signifi- cant role in our large urban centers. When big business becomes involved in any question of legality, the case 27 Table 5. City Arrests of Persons under 18 Years of Age, 1960 (2,460 cities over 2,500, population 81,660,735) Number of Persons Offense Charged Arrested Percentage Total Under 18 Under 18 Total 3,673,836 526,905 14.3 Criminal homicide: a . Murder and nonnegligent manslaughter 4,507 346 7.7 to. Manslaughter by negligence 1,766 131 7.4 11c>t5bery 29,396 8,154 27.8 Aggravated assault 52,277 6,074 11.6 Other assaults 134,538 13,544 10.1 IStlzrglary-breaking and entering 110,047 56,221 51.1 Larceny-theft 207,548 102,093 49.2 litaftco theft! 54,024 33,558 62.1 meezzlement and fraud 32,550 841 2.6 stolen property; buying, » 17<2<2eiving, etc. 10,049 2,754 27.4 IT'CDI‘gery and counterfeiting 18,958 1,493 7.9 Porcible rape 6,068 1,242 20.5 r?stitution and commer- O C lalized vice 25,851 424 1.6 131'1er Sex offenses (in- <:-]—11des statutory rape 44,532 9,205 20.7 ma r cotic drug laws 23,430 956 4.1 §apons; carrying, possess- oEng: etc. 34,520 6,567 19.0 fénses against family and L? h a. ldren 34,203 698 2.0 iguor laws 86,818 16,690 19.2 I) - D]? 1 Ving while intoxicated 146,381 1,128 .8 D: SOrderly conduct 449,444 51,729 11.5 Vauhkenness 1,326,407 12,936 1.0 grancy 146,105 9,143 6.3 (3 Aimbling 119,243 1,730 1.5 3111 other offenses 453,462 166,945 36.8 S picion 126,782 22, 303 17 .6 \ 28 frequently goes before a regulatory commission or administra— tive board, rather than a court of law. This will tend to (listort the relationship that appears to exist between crime aruj the lower classes. Edwin H. Sutherland, has labelled tr1is kind of activity "white-collar criminality." White collar criminality in business is expressed most frequently in the form of misrepresentation in financial statements of corporations, manipulae tion in the stock exchange, commercial bribery, bribery of public officials directly or indirectly in order to secure favorable contracts and legisla- tion, misrepresentation in advertising and sales- manship, embezzlement and misapplication of funds in receiverships and bankruptcies. These are what [one underworld character] called "the legitimate rackets." These and many others are found in abundance in the business world (65). 1:1: has been estimated that through the activities of ”white <3110rma1 behavior of any type were primarily demonological. iITI1£1t is, the individual was thought to be possessed by some Since he had no SLlpnernatural spirit, namely the devil. (2‘:>111:rol over his overt behavior, he could not morally be 11(ill—0:1 reSponSible for his actions. Consequently, if the “Individual was to be cured, the only alternative was to 3! IZ’SEBEit the devil out of him.” This of course involved severe I>l‘13’sica1 punishment for the innocent victim, even though it not directed at him personally. was. The 18th century introduced the classical school of Ztr‘erninology, with Cesare Beccaria acknowledged as its found- E: . . . 1‘ ~ The major position of this school was that the 1nd1v1d- 11 . . . Ei‘JL's behavior was guided by rat1ona1 judgement and free 31 32 will. He would engage in criminal activities because of the anticipation of the pleasure they would bring. Therefore, he Should be held morally reSponSible for his actions. In punishing this person, enough pain Should be inflicted, so that it would outweigh the pleasures gained by the criminal act. The neo-classical school, which arose during the .19th century, modified this position. Because children and time insane were not capable of discriminating right from vvrwong and could not make intellectual judgements, they were 't<3 be excluded from punishment. The reaction to crime was 11<> longer exclusively punitive; whether an individual was t:<) be punished or not was dependent upon the circumstances involved. . Our contemporary criminological school of thought "t?£il:t?-5Lrnarily as a criminal anthropologist in search of a “ IDJ-Plysical criminal type," in his later writings his approach 1: . . C) (:rime causation was altered to include a mult1tude of 33 factors. Today, we have essentially three Schools of thought in the United States, each struggling to explain the causes of crime and delinquency; the Constitutional School (phys- iological), the Psychogenic School, and the Sociological School, the last two being the most influential. Let us now proceed to examine some of these explanations. Physical-Type.Theories The theoretical foundation of the physical type 'tluezories rests within the biological and physiological/ 551:1ructure of the individual. It was hypothesized that the czzrziminal would be a biologically defective and inferior human specimen. In the process of gathering empirical data ‘t C) :support this hypothesis, it was thus necessary to system- £1"CI—ically obtain the physical measurements of the subjects ii¢riV\’c>lved in each study. Criminologists who Subscribed to .t'ljwi—Ss school of thought were referred to as Criminal Biol- O*g i 8 ts or Criminal Anthropologists. Physical type theories, used as explanations of C - I? :1~IILina1 behavior date far back into history. Vold states, ‘t t he belief that unusual physical characteristics mark off ‘t 13Loa mo. .mcmoe poop med pom mud on unmofimflcwflm Ho: u mz looaooa>oo pumocmwm H mm ”some n 2 "was: wcficfimufi :mwflnofiz u .D.H.2 ”>H0pmeHomom menoH u .m.H - x mm u z om.mmmnam mo.owvuam mo.ww “Om mo.¢manmm. own mo .mu> Hm Ho>o mz wz HO OH Hmaoo mopmsaH mh.H.Nn.veHumo.oweu2 oo.¢monz. ww.a No.0m: ow.momu2 wb.momuz .D.H.2 we u z mo.onuom mo.ommuom ow.mw new kw.ew now own mo momma .mz - wz om can» mmoH moumEcH @o.a nw.omu vo.mmmu2 Hw.mwmu2 NN.H Ho.mmn 00.0mm”: oo.mmmn2 ., .D.H.= Hm u z so.mamuom ma.mmmuom mo.omanom oe.mo now own mo .mo> Hm oo>o mz mz HO OH fiasco mowmenH oo. mo.w H>.moou2 oo.mmouz cm. 00.0 oo.onmu2 oa.mwmu2 .m.H . em u z ma.wamuom mo.ommuom wa.eoauom mm.moauom om“ mo momoa mz mz om soap mmoH mowmecm mm. mH.eHn mm.waou2 .mwummouz Hm. mm.mw HV.H©NHE vo.oomn2 .m.H we u z Ho.nmmnom N¢.Nomnaw m>.oaanaw mm.oaauom 6mm mo mumo> Hm mz mz uo>o Ho Hmswm mmumEGH oH.H mw.Ha- ww.mmmuz omueeouz oH.H mo.mm-wmnommuz omwaomuz oHoENm Haooe on u z ae.kemuom we.memuom ow.oo now Hm.eo now own mo memos m2 m2 om swap mmoa momecH vw. Hw.emn Hm.osmn2 mo.moonz ed. Hm.man ua.mvmn2 mm.wmmn2 madamm HmuoH a .wmfio “mom mum u .mwflm umom mum mmuoom >ocmaouomflo HmooHuwHom mmuoow “doucoOumew Qsouw ow< mo whom» Hm uo>o no ow Hosvm mopmeqH one om< mo mummw om noon: mopmscH How mono: >ocmmonomfia “doUGOOIMHom HmooHuHmnpo< one mama: «moocoo nwaom Hmzuo< “mom one mum coospom moocouommfia mo oocmofiwflcwfim now monam>ue .HH oHDmH 145 For the total sample as well as the sub-sample at the training unit, in the case of inmates under 20 years of age, the reduction in mean discrepancy scores displayed on the post—test was considerably less than that which their older counterparts had achieved. The data thus obtained indicates only a tendency in the direction postulated in the hypothesis. On the basis of statistical significance, how- ever, hypothesis number 4 is not supported. The Relationship Between Educatiopal Achievement and Actual-Ideal Self—Concept Discrepancy77_ ‘ The final problem embraced by this study was to determine what, if any, relationship existed between the level of educational achievement and the probability of change in the discrepancy between the individual's actual and ideal self-concept. Because of the desirability of mak- ing educational grouping as similar as possible in number, and also because there is a considerable amount of difference between junior and senior high school students in terms of level of academic achievement, discrepancy Scores of those inmates with an eight grade education or less were compared with those who had attained at least the tenth grade level. Hypothesis number 5 was stated as follows: After a period of six months those men who have had at least a 10th grade education would tend to show a sharper decrease in their actual ideal self- concept discrepancy scores than those men who have received an eighth grade education or less. 146 After calculating means and standard deviations for the distribution of pre and post-test discrepancy scores for each educational group, the t-test was employed to test the significance of differences between these means. The same operation was performed for the sub-samples within each of the two institutions. Presented in Table 12 below are the resultant t-values for these groups. As a group, inmates with an 8th grade education or less within the total sample markedly increased the mean discrepancy between their actual and ideal self-concept over the six month period by 57.10 points. Their mean actual self—concept scores were likewise increased by 21.56 points, thus indicating a lowering of self-concept. A similar ten- dency was noted for the corresponding sub-sample at the re- formatory where mean increases were recorded of 73 points for the discrepancy Score and 27.52 points for the actual Self-concept Score. At the training unit, even though there were sizeable reductions recorded for both the discrepancy and actual self-concept scores, these did not prove to be statistically significant. For those inmates who had attained at least a 10th grade education, both within the total sample and also at the training unit, there was a statistically significant reduction noted over the six month period in terms of the degree of discrepancy between their actual and ideal self- 147 $0025.09 0UCOHOWMMU Flli llll .. ll. .wmflo ”Sowafiooooco H m lao>oa mo. .mcmoe “we“ «won pom mud pm unmofimwcwfim Ho: n mz ”GOflpmfi>oo oumocmum H mm ”some n 2 ”Hana wcflcfimufi :mwfinoflz u .D.H.2 m>uonEuomom macoH u .m.H O? N Z 0HOE oo.mamnom on.mnmuam mm.ow Ham co.moauam uo :ofiamosoo oomum mo.vo mo.vo zooa now: moooeoH SH.N n>.oaanmo.mamnz mw.qmon2 mm.m mm.weu no.0Hmnz mm.womu2 .D.H.2 m N Z WWOH No.mmmuaw Hm.vomnam OH.mo ”Ow wo.mHHqu no cofiumosoo oomuw m2 m2 cum saws momecH mm. on.awn oo.ammu2 oe.oomu2 um. ow.uau 00.0mm": ow.wmmn2 .D.H.2 ON N Z 0HOE oo.omNuQm ow.mwmuom ow.oo new mm.moaumm no :oflpmonoo oomum m2 m2 nuoa Sufi: moumeaH oMmH oe.woauoa.mmon2 om.Hownz SN.H ma.ov: ov.owmu2 mm.oamn2 .m.H mm H z mmoa Ho.wmmnom om.Hmmuom mo.wmfiuom oo.ow now no souoooooo oomom wz mz sum sue: mopmecH Ho.H oo.mn oo.voon2 oo.HomuE Ho.H mm.nm ma.wnmnz mo.ommn2 .m.H CO N Z 0HOE wo.ommnom mm.HwNqu Ho.mo Mom wo.ooanom Ho scepmozoo oomuw mo.vo mo.vo nooa now: moomeoH o¢.m oo.maaumo.aomu2 mo.nnon2 ov.m No.mv: wn.wmmnz ov.ewmn2 madsmm Hmpofi mm H z mmoa mo.wmmnam oa.oomnam mm.mmauom mm.ow now Ho coopmonoo oomum mz mz new spa: moumecH ww.. oa.nm oa.oeou2 oo.owmu2 ow.. om.am om.onmuz eo.wvmu2 madamm Hmuofi u .MMMQ “mom ohm w .wwflo pmom ohm mouoom >ocmmouomfio “moocoOanom mouoom ammoGOUumHom. ouoz Ho :oflpmosom . momuw nuoa m ape: omonH How one wmoq no :ofimeSUm mowuw cum cm.npfi3 mmmeGH How memo: >ocmaouomfla pooUCOOIMHom HmooHnHm3uo< new mono: paoocoo umHom Hanuo< pmom can mum coozpmm moonouommflo mo mocmoMMflcmfim How monam>uH .NH mHDmH 148 concept. A statistically Significant improvement was also recorded for their actual self—concept scores over the same period. This tendency, however, did not hold true for the comparable tenth grade plus educational group assigned to the reformatory. On the basis of these findings, it appears as if hypothesis number 5 is unquestionably supported. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS The major concern of this study was to explore the relationship between exposure to differential "treatment” programs and the tendency for change in the diScrepancy between the actual and ideal self-concept over a six month period. Once this had been accomplished, our total sample was controlled for recidivism, age, and educational achieve- ment. We then explored the relationship between these vari- ables and degree of change in the actual-ideal self discrep- ancy over the same six month period. The most critical issue confronting us was to deter- mine the significance of influence generated by the different institutions upon the inmate. It was anticipated that the differential impact of these institutions would be reflected in changes in their discrepancy scores after the six month test period had concluded. After analysis of the pre-test mean discrepancy scores, no significant differences were found between the reformatory and training unit samples. On the post-test, however, while the reformatory sample fluctu— ated by an insignificant .56 of one point, the training unit sample reduced the discrepancy between their actual and ideal 149 150 self—concept by a mean of 94.25 points, which proved to be statistically significant at the .05 level. Due to the fact that the only condition changed during the period between the pre and post tests was assignment to either institution, on the basis of the statistical evidence present, we can con- clude that the reduction in discrepancy among the training unit sample was influenced by an aspect of their “treatment” program which was lacking at the reformatory. Next, our attention was focused on the recidivist portion of the sample, for we wished to compare their dis- crepancy scores with those of the "first-timers” in two ways. First, to examine the pre-test performance of each group, and second, to note any statisticallysignificant changes that had taken place over the six-month period as reflected in the post-test scores. In the case of inmates within the total sample, as well as for sub—samples at the respective institutions, there were no significant differences between recidivists and ”first-timers" in terms of the pre—test dis- crepancy between their actual and ideal self-concept. On the basis of this empirical evidence, we must reject the hypothesis suggesting that recidivists, because of continual involvement in crime have adequately adjusted to their state of delinquency. This condition was not reflected by a ten- dency on their part to be more accepting of themselves when compared with "first—timers.” 151 After employing the t—test to reveal the signifi- cance of differences between the pre and post—test discrep- ancy means for the recidivists and "first-timers” within the total sample, it was found on the basis of the statistical evidence elicited that a significant reduction in discrep- ancy had taken place among the "first-timers.” The recid— ivists, on the other hand, displayed no significant change in discrepancy after the Six month period had terminated. On the basis of this evidence, we can conclude that the non- recidivists, because of a limited amount of involvement in delinquent activities, had not become fully socialized into the Criminal arena, and therefore were better able than were their recidivist counterparts, to reSpond to the treatment offered at the institutions by accepting the social stereo- types of conforming behavior. Our next problem related to age groupings within the sample and the discrepancy between the actual and ideal self-concept over the Six month period. For this purpose, all inmates under twenty years of age were compared with a correSponding group over the age of twenty—one. Although the mean reduction in discrepancy among the older age group doubled that of the younger inmates, this was not statisti- cally significant. There is a good possibility that a prob- lem existed with respect to the size of the sample, thereby producing these results. A discussion of this possibility will follow later in the chapter. On the basis of the 152 statistical evidence elicited, however, we must, at least tentatively, reject the hypothesis suggesting that the older inmate will Show a greater reduction in the discrepancy between his actual and ideal self-concept after being sub- jected to a correctional institution. Our final problem necessitated controlling the sam— l _ ple on the basis of the level of academic achievement at— ‘ tained by the inmate. Inmates who had received at least a 1 tenth grade education were compared with those reaching only i the eighth grade level or less in terms of change in actual— ideal self discrepancy scores after the six month test period had concluded. Upon examination of the statistical evidence elicited, no significant changes in discrepancy were found among those inmates who had reached only the eighth grade level. In fact, the mean discrepancy score had actually increased on the post-test, for the total sam- ple of "low achievers" as well as the sub-sample at the reformatory. For the group that had completed at least the tenth grade level, a statistically significant reduction in discrepancy was noted on the post-test. This was true for the superior educational group in the total sample as well as the sub-sample at the training unit. In the case of the superior educational group at the reformatory, however, there was no statistically significant reduction in discrep- ancy, which strengthens our hypothesis suggesting that the narrowing of discrepancy between the actual and ideal self 153 may be more a function of institutional programing than any other factor. We can thus conclude, on the basis of our present evidence, that the tendency for reduction in discrep- ancy between the actual and ideal self, is influenced by the educational level that the individual has attained, provided that he has been assigned to a correctional institution which attempts to provide the ultimate in rehabilitative activities. Limitations of Conducting Criminological Research During the course of an empirical investigation involving the use of inmate samples, two limiting factors may emerge which are capable of distorting the interpreta- tion of the data obtained. The first of these relates to the size of the sample, the second to the nature of the sam- ple. Let us proceed to examine how these conditions may have influenced the results of the present study. The original sample pre-tested at RDC consisted of 182 inmates, of which 91 were assigned to the reformatory and 91 to the training unit. As was stated in Chapter IV, the pre-testing occupied a three-month period during which time every inmate who could read and write was administered the Scales after assignment to either the reformatory or the training unit. Upon termination of the six-month test period 21 inmates were lost from each group, thus reducing the sam— ple at each institution to 70. 154 In employing the t-test as a measure of the sig— nificance of mean change in discrepancy scores at the two institutions over the six month period, the sample of 70 served as an adequate number. However, considerable dif- ficulty was encountered in using the t-test when the Sub- samples were reduced in number as a result of manipulating the controls necessitated by the remaining hypotheses. To illustrate this point let us examine the differences in mean pre and post test discrepancy scores and their correSponding levels of significance for two selected groups. For the total sample (70) at the training unit there was a reduction in the mean discrepancy score noted on the post-test of 94.25 points, which was significant at the .05 level (Table 8, Chapter V). When the men assigned to the training unit were controlled for recidivism, a reduction in the mean discrepancy score of 140.80 points was found on the post- test (Table 10, Chapter V). This, however, was not signif- icant at the .05 level, the reason obviously being that the sub-sample of recidivists contained only 15 inmates. (By referring to the Tables in Chapter V, we noted that less than 7 points separate the pre—test means for these two groups). During the course of analyzing the data obtained in this study, the writer was confronted with this problem on several occasions, and thus could indicate only a tendency on the part of the subjects to move in one direction or another. This tendency, however, could not be supported 155 statistically on the basis of the limited amount of evidence available. While a criticism of the size Of the Sample may be justifiable, we must not lose sight of the fact that the major concern of this study was to determine the signifi— cance of the role played by the institution in changing the actual-ideal self discrepancy of the inmate. .Conditions within correctional institutions tend to change over a period of time. Perhaps even more important than the established penal philosophy and treatment program itself, is its imple— mentation on the part of the staff. At an institution such as the reformatory, the personnel diSplay a high degree of mobility, which is perhaps generated by the physical and social conditions present. According to the professional staff at this institution, one of the most pressing problems seems to be the lack of ability to attract and maintain a good working force. Because of the general state of flux in staff activity, it was not feasible to continue the pre- testing beyond the three-month period. If testing were ex- tended we would cease1x>havezasample at the reformatory that had been subjected to similar influencing factors. My second limitation relates to the problems encoun— tered in studying criminal samples. Of Specific importance is the honesty of the inmate in answering a number of ques- tions concerning the personal qualities that he may possess. It is the opinion of the staff at RDC that the new inmate 156 wants to present as favorable a picture of himself as he can, in an attempt to receive a desirable assignment. Even though he is told prior to eliciting his responses to our two Scales, that his performance will in no way be entered on his prison record, there is nevertheless the possibility that he will remain skeptical and select those responses that will pre- sent him in the most favorable light. In general, there is very little that can be done to overcome this ever present hazard. While securing informa— tion relative to a prison sample, whenever possible (as was done in some instances in this study), the researcher Should go direct to the original files rather than attempt any solicitation from the inmate himself. .It seems to be the consensus of opinion of the penal administrators interviewed that when questioning an inmate, certain sensitive areas should be avoided if you wish to secure accurate, detailed information. Among these areas are the type of offense com- mitted (eSpecially sex offenders), degree of recidivism, amount of formal education, and stability of their home life. Considering these limitations, what alternatives remain? At best, criminologists are working with only a Small sample of a prison population, consisting of a minute percentage of the total criminal population in the United States. This represents virtually the only group of delin- quents that researchers have access to. If criminologists 157 are to continue their work they must make the best possible use of the resources available. While conducting research in the field, it is thus necessary to constantly seek im- provements in methods of investigation and data collection. At the same time we must not neglect the needs of the inmate himself. For the most part he is interested in the answers we are attempting to find, and is more likely to cooperate if we express our sincere interest in trying to help him as a person. Too often, researchers simply tell their inmate samples that they are taking a psychological test, without any explanation of its purpose and use. Implications Solving the crime problem in the United States does not merely consist of apprehension and imprisonment of offenders with the hope of rehabilitation. Our recidivism rates are too staggering to suggest that this conventional approach has served as an effective remedy. Social scien— tists and laymen alike must become cognizant of the enormous dimensions of this problem and therefore attempt to isolate the underlying causes of criminal behavior from their overt manifestations. {It is of utmost importance if we are to have an effective correctional system, that we treat the true disease rather than launch an attack upon its symptoms. If an unemployed man commits a crime for economic gain as a last resort to meet his familial obligations, and this 158 illegitimate alternative was forced upon him because of un- equal educational opportunity or lack of proper vocational training, is the criminal act itself in need of treatment or is the system? It is time for a reexamination of the purposes and functions of our basic social institutions, with an evaluation made of their effectiveness in meeting the needs for which they have been created. It is of prime importance for us to assess-the role played by our correctional institutions as an effective~ deterrent to crime. Do the programs instituted at our pris- ons and reformatories meet the rehabilitative needs for iwhich they have been established or do they really reinforce deviant patterns of behavior? Examination of the "treatment" facilities available in two most important rehabilitative areas, academic training and mental hygiene will reveal the inadequateness of our present system. For the most part, the lack of adequate treatment in these areas serves as a principle causative factor related to criminal behavior. Once the offenders are received by the prisons, however, because of overcrowded conditions and understaffed personnel, they can do little to correct these underlying faults. In many of our penal institutions all that is offered for the psychotic inmate is custodial care, aimed at sedation and restraint rather than development of a treatment program directed at facilitating his recovery. 159 In terms of providing academic and vocational train- ing most penal institutions have fallen far short of that which is required. Again, because of the lack of adequate funds, qualified teachers, and proper books and equipment, this most important need is not fulfilled. .Often, an inmate teacher who has not graduated from high school himself, will be given the reSponSibility of instructing classes at a lower level. In this reSpect many correctional institutions have failed at the task of rehabilitation. What they have pro- vided, however, is an increased opportunity for exposure to a delinquent element and further socialization into the criminal sub-culture. On the outside the potential deviant at least has a choice of contacts and associates. As Sutherland has hypothesized (Chapter II), the potential for involvement in crime is dependent upon the frequency, dura— tion, priority and intensity of an individual's legitimate and illegitimate contacts? If he has an excess of illegit- imate contacts (and has thus internalized a criminal behavior pattern) he stands an excellent chance of committing a devi- ant act. What we have created, for the most part in the penal environment, is a social system void of the opportunity for legitimate associations which were available to the in- mate prior to incarceration. He is thus left with no other alternative than to associate with criminals. 160 If our penal systems are self-defeating and destruc- tive in this sense, what alternative methods of rehabilita- tion can be used in the case of the youthful offender? In the United States there has been exhibited a reluctance to experiment with so-called unconventional methods. As Tunley (69) points out, many European countries on the other hand, have developed new techniques of attacking the problem which have prOven to be relatively successful. Among these alter- natives have been probation, citizenship training groups, short-term arrest homes, and the halfway house. Probation, although widely used in the United States, is practiced in name only. Because of the lack of operating expenses needed to maintain the penal institutions, many young people are placed on probationary status, whereby a Specially trained officer assumes responsibility for their good behavior. Under this system they are given the oppor- tunity to remain in the community and continue their academ- ic or vocational training. However, if any of the condi- tions of the probation are broken, the youngster is brought before the court for immediate sentencing. The case loads .that most of the probation officers carry are enormous, leaving little time for individual counseling. It has been estimated that an average of seventy-five cases are assigned to each officer working in the metropolitan areas, with most of the correSpondence between them and the youngster being in the form of a report post card mailed once a week (69). 161 High qualifications coupled with low wages have been cited as the principal reason for the lack of adequate personnel to do an effective job. If we take into account the high cost of sending an offender to prison:%this money might better be used to improve the efficiency of the probation system, since it at least permits the youngster a choice in choosing his associates. The Citizenship Training Group was established in Boston for boys who needed "more than probation but less than custody." The assumption is made that most delinquents are not emotionally disturbed, but rather are in deSperate need of Specialized training. Instead of being sentenced to a penal institution, the boy is assigned to a training pro- gram for two hours after school each day. The program is directed at correcting physical problems as well as vocation- al shortcomings. Since its inception twenty-five years ago, 2,100 boys have received training. Seventy-three per cent of these boys have never appeared before the courts again (69). Although this program has not been adopted by any other major city in the United States, it has been readily accepted in England, where it now operates in forty differ- ent sections of the country with considerable success. At the short-term arrest home, which is a German innovation, there is considerable flexibility allowed in sentencing policies. Instead of committing a youngster to a long term in prison, in which case he would have virtually 162 no contact with the normal law-abiding society, the time spent in confinement is reduced to shorter periods. The youth may be incarcerated on weekends, for a week at a time, or in extreme cases up to four weeks. During his stay he is given work to do which he completes with the other inmates. The great advantage provided under this system is that the youngster still has access to his legitimate associations. German courts feel that this alternative has been so success- ful at reducing the recidivism rates, that nearly half the youths found guilty of juvenile delinquency are assigned to the program (69). The hostel or halfway house has served as a success— ful alternative to imprisonment in such countries as England, Germany and Switzerland. The youth is normally assigned to a house for a year or more. During his stay a job is secured for the youngster in the local village, thereby making it possible for him to pay for his room and board at the hostel. To cite an example of the success of this program we may look at Les Ormeaux, which is located just outside of Geneva, Switzerland, where the recidivism rate has been reduced to a meager 5 per cent (69). Obviously all hostels cannot boast of this fine record, but it certainly seems to be a step in the right direction. Keeping in mind the relatively low rates of success that our present rehabilitative programs are yielding, it 163 seems appropriate that we begin to experiment with alterna- tive methods of treating the delinquent. The Michigan Training Unit approach appears to have a promising future. At this institution the conventional methods of "treatment” are set aside, having been replaced by an educational program which prepares the youngster to assume his responsibilities and take his place in society upon release. The relatively low rate of recidivism from the unit when compared with the other institutions for the youthful offender in the State of Michigan offer us considerable encouragement. However, we are still in need of an expansive research program if we are to access the value and effectiveness of our correctional system2§£It is suggested as a follow-up to this thesis, that a similar study be conducted involving inmates assigned to the camp programs and other institutions throughout the state. We must concern ourselves not only with the rates of recid- ivism, but also with the ability of an inmate to adjust to a rehabilitative program2£NWith the establishment of new, modern institutions suéh as the training unit, the specula- tion for the future in the field of corrections is bright, for our prisons can be emptied only if we want them to be. APPENDIX I IDEAL SELF SCALE 165 PLEASE DO NOT PROCEED WITH THIS INVENTORY UNTIL THE FOLLOWING INSTRUCTIONS ARE WELL UNDERSTOOD You are asked to express your feelings concerning the traits you would really like to possess. Try to establish a mental picture of the person you would really like to be and rank the traits in each of the 52 numbered items according to importance. In the parenthesis ( ) before the trait, place the number (1) if you feel that this trait is more character- istic of the person you would like to be than either of the other three listed under the item. Place the number (2) be- fore the trait which is the next most desirable for yourself, the number (3) before the third most desirable and the number (4) before the trait which you feel you would like leaSt (of all four traits) to possess. YOU MUST RANK ALL TRAITS. EXAMPLE : ' 0. The person I would really like to be is one who . is a free thinker has charm . is lively is progressive. AAAA HbNOJ VVVV Q0 0‘93 In the above example, let us suppose that you would like to possess all of these traits. However, you might feel that to be ”progressive" is more characteristic of the person you would really like to be than the other three traits. In this case you would place the number (1) before the letter (d) which correSponds with this trait (as we have done in 166 the example). Again, let us assume that you feel that the next most desirable trait for yourself is to "have charm,"‘ the third most desirable for yourself is to be a "free thinker" and it is least characteristic (of all four) of the person you would like to be to be "lively.” Then you would place the number (2) before the letter (b), the number (3) before (a) and the number (4) before (c), as we have done in the example. 167 TAKE YOUR TIME AND THINK BEFORE RANKING THE TRAITS YOU MAY ERASE AS MUCH AS YOU LIKE The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is self-satisfied ( ) b. has a knowledge about government ( ) c. is gracious ( ) d is reasonable T erson I would really like to be is one who a. does not Speak out of turn b. is mobile c is creative d has charm The p rson I would really like to be is one who ( . is a good companion (. . has religious convictions ( . is resourceful ( . has vocational skills VVVV e a b c d T e p rson I would really like to be is one who is secure is happy is versatile treats others as he wishes to be treated AAA/\‘J‘ e a b c d VVVV The person I would really like to be is one who ( a. is able to use what is available to the best advantage . is aggressive is able to know others has a purpose in life AAA vvv V an 0" The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) understands human nature ( ) is willing to teach others ( ) is capable of happiness in marriage ( ) is a good Sport CLOUD) T e person I would really like to be is one who a. has an understanding of nature b. is lively c. has ability to select good associates d. believes in democratic principles 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 168 T e person I would really like to be is one who a has self-esteem b. does not use obscene language c. has faith d T e person I would really like to be is one who a. has group Spirit or esprit de corp b. is thrifty c. has fortitude , d. has the ability to do sound reasoning rson I would really like to be is one who . does not judge other people gives generously of himself is not complicated is undogmatic Q-OO'SDGJ rson I would really like to be is one who is affectionate attempts to improve himself is able to see the good in others . has dignity QOU‘WG erson I would really like to be is one who a. is able to Speak other languages b. has pride in his fellowmen c. is patient d is loyal erson I would really like to be is one who a. is modest b. is devoted c. is obedient in appropriate situations d is able to look forward e ) a has personal ability ) b. tends not to gossip and use small talk ) c tends to make the most of himself ) d. is interested in good reading material e a. is alert b is able to accept the notion that there unattainable goals c. has understanding for others d. has common sense tends to give without a pressing need to receive are .d‘.--"l O 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. _T T e p rson is d. is rson is QOUWW erson a. is b. is c d VVVV T e p rson AAAA :3‘ vvvv e a b c d is The pe ( ) a is ()b ()c ()d e p rson . is . is . is . is AAAA {3' VVVV e a b c d e a b. has a sense of humor c has esthetic sensitivity 169 I would really like to be is who patient with himself one generous I would really like to be is who magnanimous able to concentrate kind interested in other people one I would really like to be is one who mature kind toward nature tactful interested in Sports who I would really like to be is one has social status realistic believes that all men are equal . has ability to get along with others I would really like to be is one who genuine flexible . has the ability to love has honor . I would really like to be is one who . tends to seek perfection in all things . has many interests . has charity compatible rson I would really like to be is one who willing to learn : controls his temper . has high reSpect for non-material things of life . has a pleasing diSposition I would really like to be is one who outgoing a good listener easy going reliable 170 T e person I would really like to be is one who a. is somewhat uninhibited b. is a good provider c. has individuality d. has respect for others The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. loves life ( ) b. makes decisions easily ( ) c. is interested in community affairs ( ) d has emotional control The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is respectable ( ) b. is intelligent ( ) c. is decent ( ) d. is persistent The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a is able to express himself well ( ) b. is courteous ( ) c reSpectS his parents ( ) d has imagination The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. conforms ( ) b. accepts changes easily ( ) c. has no racial prejudice ( ) d. is sincere The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is useful ( ) b. has a Spirit of competitiveness ( ) c. strives to get ahead ( ) d is neighborly The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is objective ( ) b. is courageous ( ) c is stable ( ) d is conservative The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. does not push his way into groups ( ) b. accepts himself ( ) C is helpful ( ) d is popular 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. T e p rson is is e person is is is is Qtficrm rson is is Q()Crmfb rson is e a b. is c d is T e person a. b. is c. d. is a. is is e person is Q(\CTN is . has ability to take concrete has Sense of reSponSibility doesn't object to voicing 171 I would really like to be is one who sensitive interested in recreational activities e a. b. has respect for the aged c d has good health I would really like to be is one who adventurous self-reliant level headed patient with others I would really like to be is one who thankful frank with others action I would really like to be is one who . has ingenuity cultured sexually adjusted not selfish be is one who his opinion I would really like to organized does not drink fair be is one who able to follow as well as lead b. understands himself c. has Self-confidence d contented with what he has I would really like to be is one who not self-righteous neat conscientious a good conversationalist I would really like to be is one who progressive has poise exercises self-control 'industrious 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 172 The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is not nosey ( ) b. is willing to forgive others ( ) c. is an educated person ( ) d. is concerned about self-preservation The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. tends to plan before acting ( ) b. is rigid ( ) c. has sufficient hobbies ( ) d. is devoted to his family The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a is capable of giving himself to a worthy cause ( ) b. tends to encourage others ( ) c is truthful ( ) d is capable of leading others The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a exercises good conduct ( ) b. has respect for authority ( ) c is interested in learning new things ( ) d enjoys his work The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is able to accept criticism ( ) b. is discreet ( ) c. can hold a friendship ( ) d is an honest person The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a has a humanitarian interest ( ) b. is economically secure ( ) c. does not practice snobbery ( ) d is not envious The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. appreciates music ( ) b. has pride ( ) c. is physically attractive ( ) d. does not smoke The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is willing to receive as well as to give ( ) b has high moral standards ( ) c. has confidence in others ( ) d has courage to admit when he is wrong 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 173 The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. is capable of thinking constructively ( ) b. is humble ( ) c. is friendly ( ) d. has intellectual curiosity The person I would really like to be is one who ( ) a. has a sense of justice ( ) b. is temperant ( ) c is practical ( ) d is tolerant T e person I would really like to be is one who ) a. likes to be on time ) b. is not overbearing ) c is active ) d can put himself in another's position T e person I would really like to be is one who a. is appreciative b. is able to maintain a confidence c. keeps bills paid d. has will power The person I would really like to be is one who ( has compassion for others ( is adaptable ( is consistent in action ( has a good reputation vvvv QC 0‘ N APPENDIX II ACTUAL SELF-CONCEPT SCALE 175 PLEASE DO NOT PROCEED WITH THIS INVENTORY UNTIL THE FOLLOWING INSTRUCTIONS ARE WELL UNDERSTOOD Below are a number of traits or characteristics which a person might have. Everyone might possess most of these traits, but to varying degrees. You are asked to rate yourself on each trait. The scale following each trait provides for you five degrees "unlike" yourself to "like” yourself. Place a check mark in the parenthesis (J) cor- responding to the extent or degree to which you feel you possess each trait. Place only one check mark after each trait, but be sure that every trait has been checked somewhere on the scale. REMEMBER: THIS IS NOT A TEST. THERE ARE NO RIGHT OR WRONG ANSWERS. 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OEHH E0 on Op OxHH H .EOH . . . . pEmHOHOH Em H .OOH APPENDIX III CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SAMPLE 189 CODE Institution 1 - Ionia Reformatory 2 - Michigan Training Unit Recidivism 1 - "First-timer” 2 - Recidivist Offense l - Auto theft 2 - Armed robbery 3 - Breaking & entering, day time 4 - Breaking & entering, night time 5 - Carrying concealed weapon 6 - Embezzlement 7 - Escaping prison 8 - Felonious assault 9 - Forgery 10 - Grand larceny ll - Gross indecency 12 - Indecent liberties l3 — Kidnapping l4 - Larceny from building 15 - Larceny from person 16 - Manslaughter 17 — Murder lst degree 18 - Murder 2nd degree 19 — Rape 20 - Robbery unarmed 21 - Sodomy 22 - Statuatory rape 23 - Uttering & publishing 24 — Violation check law Race 1 - White 2 - Negro 3 — Other I.Q. = Intelligent quotient A.G.A. = Average grade rating. aoeu asuaggo uotieonpg wSFAFPFDBH 33V [(o-smMz]; 190d (o-sz)3 150d [(O-S)HM?]3 9ch (0-33)3 91d UOTanF15UI JaqwnN atdmes 6.1 95 10 10 21 323 521 146 217 598 261 001 002 22 782 290 14 20 22 735 752 1,192 304 274 925 726 1,106 376 302 428 224 003 004 005 006 007 12 14 15 21 470 227 18 16 582 354 534 669 264 296 548 474 190 150 243 291 117 203 20 19 16 16 21 746 749 497 325 310 224 008 009 010 011 012 013 18 18 113 144 223 126 61 258 233 153 21 19 344 492 784 635 526 16 17 319 381 014 015 10 21 321 347 1,006 371' 140 154 174 20 27 162 404 242 388 971 016 017 018 8.5 111 14 12 389 253 17 25 490 601 16 888 231 336 115 851 345 019 020 18 16 212 77 aoeu asuaggo uotieonpg wSIAIPIDaH 98v [CO-S)HM3]3 150d (01:); 150d [(O‘S)HM?]; 91d (5)-S 3); 91d UOF1anJSUI JaqwnN atdmeg 18 18 1,105 448 903 366 021 11.3 44 114 10 11 20 345 860 363 445 355 167 236 022 386 480 269 892 1,265 161 222 023 18 19 19 20 20 17 19 16 20 20 20 024 15 20 142 362 419 836 771 183 356 329 025 026 8.6 112 191 493 266 027 028 580 302 676 288 340 10 138 263 241 796 029 631 501 364 728 386 170 030 031 9.7 126 10 315 183 ‘256 199 ' 536 95 229 147 299 032 592 033 034 280 676 328 705 160 302 17 18 20 20 24 21 035 390 19 561 281 231 162 036 037 132 136 234 220 461 90 178 367 428 466 038 039 144 11.9 12 10 10 288 151 271 040 190 684 SDBH asuaggo gotleonpa WSFAFPFDGH 98V [Co-91043]; 150d ($33)? 150d [(2)-smug]; 91d (2)—S3); 91d U0T1HJIJSUI JeqwnN atdweg 17 440 189 341 405 865 713 184 377 041 12.0 123 15 12 23 770 042 043 19 19 21 472 200 286 292 301 208 238 203 225 322 22 709 682 255 505 819 518 563 381 532 764 1,105 044 045 14 21 139 216 046 047 ' 192 6.7 69 106 134 20 19 22 11.0 12 10 336 048 854 736 355 446 289 049 050 051 052 053 21 314 771 20 839 893 1,007 355 364 395 654 1,407 270 561 10 17 19 17 955 385 12 12 10 19 19 22 543 1,149 245 457 535 826 207. 337 054 055 800 634 591 1,293 346 266 253 698 300 274 497 056 057 22 632 1,234 8.9 112 10 19 18 19 058 059 516 166 497 213 6-7 80 437 156 70 060 'b‘I 8383 asuaggo notiBOnpg WSTAFPF3QH 38V [(o-smmz]; 150d (3‘83)3 150d [CO-SNIMB]; 91d (3'3393391d UOF494¥4SUI JeqwnN ardwes 8.4 91 1,471 21 592 136 591 219 270 061 062 063 064 065 18 15 19 18 18 22 300 1,124 653 419 444 213 204 456 266 835 352 632 349 161 121 271 3.5 80 18 22 629 684 741 268 245 066 067 193 300 302 271 609 279 20 11 20 21 155 312 327 068 069 593 699 19 20 24 655 372 267 818 504 1,018 070 071 11 178 222 412 23 881 517 319 239 072 11.2 122 14 12 21 775 284 1,123 328 135 451 073 6.2 11.5 98 128 18 19 21 343 430 119 126 179 074 24 10 075 109 273 276 63 234 228 076 10.6 124 10 12 17 19 520 759 646 647 077 308 175 078 22 19 18 393 223 656 279 079 10 10 102 180 84 080 aoeu asuaggo uorieonpg wSFArprvau 38V [(O-S)HM3]3 150d (3‘33); 15°61 [(O-S)HM3]3 91d (0-83); 91:1 UOF1n1T15UI JaqwnN atdwes 8.4 11.7 88 136 113 18 19 18 22 762 836 504 306 346 235 639 743 452 267 342 "222 081 082 083 11 10.2 14 24 10 10 12 98 600 1,002 231 406 779 305 364 084 085 086 087 8.0 23 908 391 416 8.1 10.5 106 129 21 436 415 196 195 178 194 12 12 11 19 20 205 309 264 261 11.5 136 106 112 140 267 774 088 089 303 668 485 434 573 11.2 19 18 19 17 653 616 395 651 8.8 16 14 10 218 204 230 228 090 191 279 091 10 092 093 23 ‘24 10 18 21 575 458 196 11.4 132 489 210 287 694 288 248 356 094 095 10.2 106 19 10 23 691 609 873 407 10 12 20 734 296 282 141 335 239 261 096 097 10.3 117 21 181 369 261 281 18 18 21 800 464 611 921 539 098 099 8.9 106 20 11 664 100 9383 asuaggo uorieonpg WSFAIDTDSH 98v [(O-S)HM3]3 150d (3‘83); 150d [(o-smmz]; 91d (3‘83); 31:1: UOFJH1TJSUI JaqwnN atdwes 11.5 20 19 18 19 19 17 21 524 210 207 166 548 901 229 101 135 119 10.6 1 2 1'1 506 378 356 102 228 245 102 103 196 522 577 10.6 125 11 10 10 326 161 144 104 105 13 67 259 8.7 111 616 246 569 241 233 106 107 195 22 16 22 18 20 17 - 21 130 122 540 248 627 240 203 111 271 108 109 92 352 201 23 10 867 467 946 376 110 111 101 633 907 256 376 8.4 22 15 827 986 344 112 113 5.6 85 389 810 741 334 324 227 12 11 18 18 19 23 915 384 165 114 115 11.2 110 379 929 500 932 8.1 114 392 403 116 117 15 119 456 403 70 171 228 122 10.6 22 10 106 21 389 138 118 119 120 85 111 165 206 340 525 165 220 10 17 468 aoeu asuaggo uotieonp3““ WSFAFPFDBH 98v [Co-9201333 4508 (013)? 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