THE CTTLTTTTTTTT OFFICE ATTET TTTE EMERGENCE OT THE ~~
‘ NATIONAL CONGRESS 0F BRITTSH WEsT AFRICA ” ‘
Thesis for the Degree 0T Ph D
' MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY
Gabriei lhTe Chmenye Buwa ‘5 '
1967

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This is to certify that the

thesis entitled

The Colonial Office and the Emergence of the West
African National Congress of British West Africa.

presented by

Gabriel 1. Eluwa

has been accepted towards fulfillment
of the requirements for

 

Ph 'D‘ degree mm
\ '1 ,r'
,~ /'/ I ' ,1 IE): 7 ”/2” I f" f 1 //
K/ Major professor

Date January 231 1967

0-169

 

ABSTRACT

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE
NATIONAL CONGRESS OF BRITISH WEST AFRICA

by Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa

For the better part of the latter half of the
nineteenth century Britain regarded the British West African
elite as allies in the establishment of her new regime in
West Africa. Opposition to alien encroachments came from
the traditional elements although in some cases the educated
aborigines joined forces with their traditional rulers in
such Oppositions. But by the turn of the century, Britain,
for various reasons, chief of which were economic and polit-
ical, had divested the educated elite of their privileged
position and "dispossessed" them of their "inheritance."
Those who had formerly been regarded as antagonists by the
imperial master, namely, the traditional chiefs and poten-
tates, were now taken into close partnership in the con-
struction of the emergent British West African Empire. This
reversal of policy the educated elite saw not only as a
negation of their cherished dream of an inheritance of a
modern, affluent and well-ordered state over which they were
entitled to rule by their prescriptive right of education
and economic wealth, but also as a threat to their immediate
interests, economic, political and otherwise. In fact, it

was the latter kind of frustration that gave an edge to

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa

nationalist reactions that culminated in the launching of
the National Congress of British West Africa. Opposition
to the colonial regime was not to that regime as such, but
to the "unwelcome" aSpects of it, to facets of it that worked
to the detriment of the people. (It was later that nation-
alist agitation was to demand the root and branch extermi—
nation of alien authority.) To the present nationalists the
most objectionable feature of the colonial regime that must
be actively opposed and removed was its policy of excluding
the educated elite not only from the higher appointments,
administrative, judicial and technical, in the Colonial Civil
Service, but also from significant roles in the political
system of the emergent modern state. This is not to under-
rate the importance of more general issues like the West
African land question, which was most dear to the West African
aborigine, and which could easily rally, not only the various
elements in any one community but also all the various com-
munities of all four British West African Colonies, against
"the objectionable policy" of the Imperial master. For the
moment, however, it was not as urgent as, to the Congress's
leaders, the "exclusion policy" issue which affected the
educated elite, and indirectly,their uneducated brethren as
well.

To remove this major "disability" from which the
educated elite suffered and also a multitude of others whose

relative values varied greatly, this "handful" but articulate

 

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa
and influential group of educated West Africans sought polit-
ical power as a surer means to their economic and related
"liberties." Hence,the question of the franchise——of the
introduction of the elective principle into the Colonial
Legislatures-—was paramount in the reform program of the
Congress‘s leaders. The concession of the principle would
be an admission by the powers that be,that they should be
guided in their policy and government by what the people
felt they wanted rather than what the Colonial Governments
thought the people wanted. The paternalistic system of gov—
ernment would yield, if gradually, to a truly democratic
system in which the elected member would be increasingly the
chief "determining agent” of government policy and the focus
of attention and influence. The winning of majority position,
with or without executive responsibility, for the elected
unofficial members in the colonial legislature would be
another landmark, after the introduction of the elective
principle in that legislature, in the constitutional progress
of the colony, until responsible government ushered in the
national independence of a modern democratic state. The
National Congress of British West Africa sought for the
meantime the twofold concession of the elective principle
and unofficial majority control over finance in the British

West African Colonial legislatures. For a while they were

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa
thwarted in their realization of the first, while the second
objective was to be the lot of their "progeny" to realize.

It was mainly the hostile denunciations of the
movement by the Colonial Governments that jeopardized the
chances of the success of the Congress‘s petition to the King.
In these denunciations, however, the Colonial Governments
were abetted by some aboriginal elements of British West
Africa and also by some foreign vested interests. The issue
of the "representativeness" of the movement was given a rel—
atively prominent place in the controversy that raged about
the movement. But it is clear on reflection, that a more
fundamental issue than the "indeterminate” one of represen-
tation was the place of the educated elite vis—a—vis the
traditional authorities in the new polity that was emerging.
It was the avowed policy of the Colonial Governments to
"enthrone" traditional authority even if it worked to the
detriment of the elite. It is probable that a still more
fundamental concern of the Imperial Master was what her
ultimate fate in her new imperial "estate” would be if the
demands of the articulate and "progressive" elite were pro-
gressively met.

The educated elite, however, saw themselves as
being worsted by the "unprogressive" policy of exclusion.
The opposition which they were able to offer to the Colonial

Governments proved distressing to those Governments and

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa
eventually productive of worthwhile results. Thus there was
a reassessment of the situation by the powers that be and a
growing recognition of the true place of that elite in the
new polity. Wise statesmanship might dictate limited and
gradual concessions but the logical consequence of the rec-
ognition of and provision for the oncoming "wind of change"
is clear, namely, a modification of colonial policy with the
educated elite gradually "reinstated" and reeprepared as the
major heirs of the new "inheritance"-—the modern democratic
nation once described by the Colonial Governments as a mere
figment of the imagination.

There was,perhaps,enough of internal motive force
to bring the idea of British West African Congress to fruition.
There was the inspiration as well as the precedent of indi-
genous precursor movements, and there was the immediate im-
pact of the "disabilities" from which the Congress's promoters
felt they and their people suffered. Casely Hayford, the
distinguished Gold Coast barrister, politician and dominant
personality behind the Congress movement, had in his various
works recounted these "disabilities" and argued the case of
his people for a just place in the Empire. In his thinking
and objective he was fairly representative of a group of
influential and articulate elites who gladly c00perated with

him in the move to realize the idea of a Congress of British

West Africa. In this move they were further inspired and

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa
stimulated by a number of external forces, among which were
Negro emancipationist movements, certain contemporary National
Congress movements and the climate of idealism generated by
World War I. Mooted in 1912, the idea was not realized until
March, 1920, chiefly owing to the intervention of the war and
the desire of the Congress's promoters not to "embarrass His
Majesty's Government" in its time of trial.

Although the idea of a Congress of British West
Africans was mooted by a Nigerian, Dr. Akiwande Savage, and
almost immediately taken up by the Nigerian Press, and al-
though Dr. Savage tried to realize his idea on his return
to Nigeria from the Gold Coast, leadership of the movement
to realize the idea soon passed on to the Gold Coast and
remained there. This was,perhaps,due partially to the ca-
pable, magnetic and inspiring personality of Casely Hayford
who turned out to be the "guiding genius" behind the Congress
movement, and partially to the maturer eXperience of the

Gold Coast vis-a—vis the other British West African Colonies

 

in the organization of ”national" movements. The Gold Coast
leadership seemed to have been gladly accepted by her sister
colonies which alsotook part in the preliminary activities that
eventually led to the Accra Conference of 1920. This was
attended by delegates from all four colonies. This historic
gathering which represented a more widely based British West

African nationalist movement than had hitherto been attempted

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa
justified its memorable first session of nearly three weeks
by the production, on vital issues affecting the four colonies,
of eighty-three resolutions which formed the basis and material
for the Congress's petition to the King later in the year.

In their approach to the King, the Congress's leaders
"by-passed" the Colonial Governors who took offence at what
they regarded as an unprovoked and unwarranted insult from the
Congress. Partly as a result of this tactical error of the
Congress's leaders and partly as a result of what the Gov—
ernors regarded as more serious objections to the Congress
movement, these Governors, who were at first mildly sympa—
thetic to the movement, now unleashed their devastating at-
tacks against it. Probably there were apprehensions from
these Governments as to what the ultimate objectives of the
Congress were, but for the moment, however, they saw the
movement as "diametrically opposed" to the Colonial Govern-
ment's policy of indirect rule, which stood for "natural"
and ordered development of the colonies. On their part,the
Congress leaders claimed that they were only asking for
"modest" concessions, while they saw no point in going through
the slow and grinding process of official machinery for the
removal of their grievances. In spite of its able presenta-
tion and defense of its case, however,the Congress's mission
to London was successfully undermined by the hostility of the

Colonial Governments.

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa

Although the Congress's London deputation had been
thwarted, mainly by Opposition from Colonial Governments,
those Governments soon had second thoughts which resulted in
a limited but significant concession to the legislative re-
forms advocated by the Congress. A few other relatively
minor concessions also followed. But it was clear that only
a small portion of the Congress's program had been realized
before its demise soon after the death, in l930, of its
founder, Casely Hayford. Although, however, the Colonial
Governments did not expressly own it, it was clear from of-
ficial correspondence and timing of these concessions that,
in spite of official antagonisms to the movement, the Congress
was becoming a force to be reckoned with in official circles.

The Congress had little separate existence in each
colony, and although it maintained a secretariat in Sekondi,
it really came to life only during its general sessions in
the colonial capitals. Various factors contributed to its
lack of vitality and eventually its demise, chief of which
were official antagonism, the movement's "exclusive base,"
and the great natural barriers and differences between the
colonies.

During its ephemeral existence the Congress made a
significant impact on the West African political scene, and
it blazed a trail to be followed by later and in some cases

more militant and radical nationalist movements. To the

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa
Congress's limited contemporary achievements must be added
those of "descendant" movements of British West Africa, to

which it at least provided an inspiration and a precedent.

THE COLONIAL OFFICE AND THE EMERGENCE OF THE

NATIONAL CONGRESS OF BRITISH WEST AFRICA

by

Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

Department of History

1967

ausoej
Mag/‘0 /

Copyright by
Gabriel Ihie Chinenye Eluwa

1967

PREFACE

This dissertation,based on my research work in
Britain,covers the history of the National Congress of
British West Africa from 1912 to 1930. Its main objective
is to show by documentary evidence the part played by the
Colonial Office and the various Colonial Governments in West
Africa in affecting the fortunes of the Congress, and also
to estimate the apparent failure and the positive achieve-
ments of the movement. Hitherto,there have been speculations
as to what part the British West African Colonial Governments
played in the decision of the Secretary of State for the
Colonies to reject the Congress's petition to the King in
1920. This work attempts to assess, on the basis of docu-
mentary evidence which has not,hitherto,been used by other
scholars,the above and other related questions, such as the
impact of the Congress movement on colonial policy in British
West Africa. On these issues, the relevant primary sources,
especially those of the Colonial Office located in the Public
Record Office, London, which have been incorporated in this
work, have cast a new light, and in this sense, this work,
which is based mainly and centrally on these records, attempts

a new contribution to knowledge in that area.

ii

The materials I have not used are in West Africa,
and they relate to the part played by Africans; these I hope,
however, to consult after I have returned to Nsukka.

The Colonial Office documents used are for the
years 1919 to 1923, and some for the year 1925. While
these are usually located at the Public Record Office, a
good number of printed primary sources are available not only
in this Office but also at the Colonial Office Library re-
cently renamed Commonwealth Office Library. (The former
name will, however, be retained for convenience.)

I must not fail to remark that I was fortunate to
have undertaken this work just at the time the vital Colonial
Office documents for this study were officially released by
the United Kingdom Government. Credit for the good fortune
of utilizing this opportunity attaches mainly, if not solely,
to my academic supervisor in London, Dr. J. E. Flint, who
disclosed the opportunity to me, encouraged me to take it,
and guided me in making the most of it. I must also express
my immense gratitude to him for his securing for me official
permission to consult the 1923 records, without which special
permission, I could not have gone beyond the 1922 records.

In this connection I must also express my gratitude to the
Colonial Office Librarian, B. Cheeseman, who allowed me to

take a "peep" into some relevant documents for the year 1925.

iii

Outside the C. 0. records referred to above, I have
for my primary sources, drawn largely on the West African and
British press,especially for the period before 1919 and after
1923. Needless to say, substantial use has also been made of
printed official documents including debates of the various
British West African colonial legislatures.

For the Introduction to this work I have largely
drawn from Coleman's Nigeria: Background to Nationalism

(California, 1963), Kimble's Political History of Ghana

 

(Oxford, 1965), which also has been very useful for the

period after 1923, from Flint's Nigeria and Ghana (New Jer-

 

sey, 1966), Fyfe's History of Sierra Leone (Oxford, 1962),

 

and Sierra Leone Inheritance (London, 196A),and finally,from

 

McIntyre's Colonies into Commonwealth (London, 1966). To

 

these authors I owe a debt of gratitude, as also to other
authors from whose works I have drawn something of value for
this chapter.

Valuable use has also been made of a multitude of
secondary works for various parts of this work. It is, how-
ever, impossible to acknowledge individually the authors of
these works. To them collectively, therefore, I would like
to express my gratitude.

There is not, to my knowledge, any major secondary
work on the National Congress of British West Africa, except
Kimble's book which devotes the major part of a chapter to

the subject, mostly in relation to Ghana. There is, however,

iv

lodged at the University of Legon, Ghana, a recent M.A. thesis
by one of the University's history students. This work I hOpe
to consult on my return to West Africa.

An attempt has been made to sketch the life—history
of Casely Hayford, the dominant personality in the Congress
movement, and to relate his political thinking to the emer-
gence and career of the movement. To the best of my knowledge,
his biography is yet to be written. I am, however, indebted
to M. J. Sampson's works, acknowledged in the text, for the
biography of Casely Hayford, incorporated in this work. In
this connection, I must also point out that the biographies
of the various colonial governors who played such an impor—
tant part in the affairs of the Congress, are yet to be
written. A biography of Gordon Guggisberg by B. U. Wraith
of the Institute of Local Government Studies, University of
Birmingham, England is, however, in press.

To the Ford Foundation Grant I am heavily indebted
for the realization of a project whose end product is this
work. In this connection I owe a special debt of gratitude
to my professor, Dr. J. R. Hooker,who drew my attention to
that source of sponsorship. I am also grateful to Dr. Charles
Hughes and his staff of Michigan State University's African
Studies Center, through whose agency the Ford grant was made

available to me.

I must not fail to record my appreciation of the
cheerful and prompt services of various officials at the Pub-
lic Record Office, the Colonial Office Library, the British
Museum, and the British Museum Newspaper Library (Colindale)
--all in London.

There are several learned friends and acquaintances
of mine who have contributed in various ways to the produc—
tion of this work. Two of these learned friends deserve
special mention. They are Dr. J. E. Flint, Reader in History,
King's College, London, who, as already mentioned, supervised
the work in London. Another is Dr. J. R. Hooker, Associate
Professor of History, Michigan State University, who was
forthcoming with helpful suggestions and who also reviewed the
final writing of the thesis. Were it not for these two, for
whose personal interest and goodwill, wise counsel and con-
stant encouragement I am profoundly grateful, this work
would neither have been undertaken nor completed. The merits
of this study I also owe to them, as also to all who helped
with valuable criticisms and suggestions. All errors of fact
and interpretation are, however, my sole responsibility.

Finally I must record my inestimable debt to my
beloved wife, Grace Ada Eluwa, whose moral support, sacrifices,
and untiring application to the task in hand made an invaluable

contribution to the production of this work.

vi

PREFACE
LIST OF

Chapter
I.

II.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

INTRODUCTION

PRELIMINARIES TO THE ACCRA CONFERENCE
OF MARCH, 1920 . . . . . . .

III. THE ACCRA CONFERENCE AND ITS RECEPTION
IN BRITISH WEST AFRICA

IV. THE LONDON DEPUTATION AND COLONIAL
OFFICE REACTION

V. THE CONGRESS'S CAREER AFTER THE LONDON

DEPUTATION

VI. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

vii

Page
ii

vii

A6

65

107

157
198

2114

II.

III.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Page
Maps of British West Africa . . . . . . . . . . A5
Photographs connected with the Congress
Movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
Photograph of the Colonial Governors . . . . . 156

viii

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

A study of the background to the emergence of the
National Congress of British West Africa reveals not only
that the germ of the movement was rooted in a fairly distant
past, but also that a variety of interesting forces of a
fairly recent occurrence "conspired" to ensure its propitious
birth. The incipient nationalism which the movement embodied
reflects a link in a chain of reactions to the British advent
into and "colonization" of West Africa. Britain's involve-
ment in this area was chiefly the result of her need to safe-
guard her trading interests. On the whole,her early regimes
in West Africa began with few preconceived notions, except
those emanating from the policy of "legitimate commerce"
which presupposed that the object of policy was abolition of
slavery within the colonial area, the discouragement of slavery
and the slave trade in neighboring African states, and the
development of lawful commerce.

In this task it was natural that the educated ele-
ments among Africans should be regarded as allies by the
-colonial master, and from the 18A0's to the 1880's Africans

rose to high positions in the colonial service. Thus,in

Sierra Leone, for example, William Fergusson,l Afro—West
Indian by origin, and a medical graduate of Edinburgh, was
appointed its governor in 1844, while John Ezzidio, a Nupe
ex—slave who had become a wealthy trader and a pillar of the
colony's Wesleyan Church, was elected a member of the Sierra
Leone Legislative Council in 1863.2 Most notable in this
respect was the case of Samuel Ajayi Crowther, a Yoruba ex—
slave who after sojourning in England for a time returned to
the colony to become the first student of Fourah Bay College
in 1827. Laterbhe was to take part in the official British
expeditions to the Niger in 1841, 1854 and 1857, and after
founding the Anglican Niger mission on the latter trip was
eventually to become the first African Bishop on the Niger,
in 1864.

In the Gold Coast3James Bannerman was appointed
Civil Commandant at Christianborg in 1850, while even as

early as 1820 he had been a Justice of the Peace in the colony.

In fact, the Governor of the Gold Coast had thought so highly

 

1The early generation of educated Africans generally
assumed European surnames, a practice not altogether extinct
among West Africans. Notice that Casely Hayford, in spite of
his "nativistic" tendencies, retained such a name although he
tagged on to it his native surname Ekra-Agiman,usually written
in brackets, while previously Rev. S.R.E. Attoh-Ahuma had been
answering to Rev. S. R. B. Solomon.

 

2W. D. McIntyre Colonies into Commonwealth,
(London, 1966) pp. 155—156; ChristOpher Fyfe, A History of
Sierra Leone (Oxford, 1962), pp. 229-232, passim.

 

of him that he had arranged for Bannerman to act in his ab—
sence in 1850, while on the death of the Governor at the end
of the year Bannerman had become the Colony's Lieutenant—
Governor.3 As late as 1883, of forty-three "higher posts"
in the Gold Coast, nine were filled by Africans, including
seven District Commissioners.

In Nigeria several thousand "liberated" Africans
who returned to their homeland in the old Yoruba Kingdom of
Oyo became spearheads in the introduction of new Western
EurOpean influences, and it is well—known that the most
notable of these was Samuel Ajayi Crowther. In the problems
of the war-torn Yoruba hinterland Governor Maloney of the
Lagos Colony in the 1800's saw useful allies in two African
clergymen, the Rev. S. Johnson and the Rev. C. Philips, whom
he utilized as peacemaking delegates into the interior.5
More significant still was Governor MacGregor's attitude to
the educated Africans. Thus,Sir William MacGregor, Governor
of the Lagos Colony from 1899 to 1904, not only mixed freely

with these educated Africans, but also admitted them to

 

3David Kimble, A Political History of Ghana, 1850—
1928 (London, 1963) p. 65.

ulbid., p. 94.

5J. E. Flint, Nigeria-the Colonial Experience 1880—
1914 Typescript of a chapter to be published in the forthcoming
Africa in the Colonial Era, edited by L. H. Gann and P. Duignan,
Stanford University Press; p. 22.

 

positions of trust within the administration. Thus,in 1900
he appointed Henry Carr, a Nigerian graduate who was already
Inspector of Schools, as Assistant Colonial Secretary with
special responsibility for native affairs, and even though
this appointment was not a success, Carr went on to become
Director of Education in the Colony. MacGregor also appointed
several Nigerians to the Legislative Council, "already re—
garded by the educated elements as an embryonic national par-
liament," even though there were no elected members. In 1901
the Nigerian doctor of medicine, 0. Johnson, and the lawyer,
C. Sapara Williams, joined the Legislative Council, while
MacGregor later appointed 0. J. George, an African trader,

as one of its members.

But these official "policies" were not destined to
last, for by the 1880's British attitude towards the employ-
ment of educated Africans in the Administration had begun
to change for a variety of reasons. In the first place, the
growth of racial theories in Europe after 1860 had undermined
the concept of a true imperial partnership, at least in its
African context. Thus,even in the C. M. S. Niger Mission,the
"brotherhood of man" had been disrupted by an ugly and debasing
struggle along racial lines, between black and white clergy.

If this was so in the missions, it was even more in evidence

 

6Ibid., pp. 35 and 36.

in secular life where racial conflict was intensified by the
competitiveness of the educated Africans whose ambition was
to show themselves as capable of doing jobs normally done by
EurOpeans. In the second place, with improved medical con—
ditions for EurOpeans by the 1890's, it had become easier to
recruit Europeans for Colonial appointments in West Africa.
Now these officers were able to bring out their wives and
children, and soon began to build a separate and exclusive
social life of their own. After 1880 it had become almost
impossible for Africans in the colonial administration to
rise to positions carrying decision-making authority.7
Kimble has observed that before the end of the 19th century
"the doors of African opportunity were closing fast," while
of two hundred and seventy—four officers listed in the Gold
Coast Senior Civil service in 1908, only five of these were
Africans, four of whom held appointments of "comparatively

junior rank."8 The Gold Coast position may be taken to be

9

fairly representative of British West Africa.

 

EASE J. E. Flint, Nigeria and Ghana, (New Jersey.
p. .

8David Kimble, A Political History of Ghana, 1850-

1928, (London, 1966), pp. 98—100.

1966),

9J. S. Coleman has observed that "despite the com-
paratively large number of Nigerian barristers, the Nigerian
judiciary remained predominantly EurOpean until the 1940's"
while "by 1939, there were only twenty-three educated Africans
in the senior service." - NigeriazBackground to Nationalism
(California, 1963), p. 154.

It was their exclusion from the administrative,
judicial, and technical branches of the senior civil service
which the educated African elements felt most keenly. In
the Gold Coast,for example, the curtailment of opportunity
for Africans aroused substantial and sustained adverse com-
ments from the African unofficial members of the colony's
Legislative Council, while even a EurOpean unofficial member
had,in 1910, criticized the abolition of the post of "Native
Commissioner."10 The decision in 1902 to exclude qualified
Africans, even those with proven eXperience, from the West
African Medical Service, later (1909) supported by a Commit-
tee appointed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies to
enquire into the issue,11 provoked scathing criticisms from

the Sierra Leone Weekly News, amongst others. Thus,this

 

paper in its editorials regretted the unwise and imprudent
policy of the Colonial Governments in failing to consult,
much less enlist,the services of "the best elements among
the educated Africans" on matters affecting the general pro-
gress of British West Africa. It saw the current British
colonial policy regarding West Africa as one of repression
aimed at removing "forever all black or coloured men from

the higher and more remunerative services of the State,"

 

lOSee Kimble, Op. Cit., p. 100.

11Christopher Fyfe, Sierra Leone Inheritance

(London, 1964), p. 299.

 

withflthe unveiled determination . . . to keep the African
down and mold him, perforce, for mere drudgery, helotry and
despisal." The paper finally proceeded to draw a warning
parallel between the arrogant British Empire of the early
twentieth century and the vanished empires Of Rome and
Assyria.l2

Yet,as the complexities Of government increased
it had become necessary to raise the qualification require-
ments Of incoming officers. In the Gold Coast, for example,
African candidates for the post Of District Commissioner had
now to satisfy the "specialized” requirement Of being either
solicitors or barristers. The position was not improved by
legally qualified Africans' preference for the higher re-
wards Of private practice. Yet3after the 1880's it was
noticeable that there was little or no enthusiasm in govern—
ment circles tO encourage those prepared tO go "through the
mill" Of relatively junior appointments,while no attempt was
made to create Opportunities for them to gain the necessary
eXperience or qualifications to take charge of government
departments; thereafter,the number Of Africans in senior
posts was tO drop,while no effort was made to find others to

replace them.13

 

12The Sierra Leone Weekly News, 5 March, 1910,
22 July, 1911, 26 August, 1911, and 2nd November, 1912.

13See Kimble, Op. Cit., p. 99.

It is a strong contention to argue that the con-
flicting pulls Of family and public loyalty Often created
difficulties in African appointments and tended to reinforce
Official fears and prejudices against such appointments, and
the question Of the efficiency Of African Officials seemed
to depend on the eye Of the beholder. In fact, the plea for
"the maintenance Of high standards" with regard tO the lat-
ter point seemed to smack of SOphistry when in certain cases
African junior Officials appeared to be doing much Of the
work and assuming a measure Of the responsibility,while their
white superiors had the power, the perquisites and the status.
Discrimination in senior appointments which worked tO the
detriment Of the African seems to have been based ultimately
on the economic interests of the colonial master, which in-
clude,those Of the European Officials,a1though the question
Of power and control was an important determining factor
also. In fact, as early as 19023the Government had come out
quite Openly on the issue Of discrimination. Thus,a pamphlet
Of that year drawn up for the new West African Medical Ser-
vice stated that applicants must be Of "European" parentage,
while an unpublished note made it quite clear that this was
designed to exclude Africans. Seven West African medical
students at Edinburgh University, including F. V. Nanka—Bruce,
had seen the pamphlet and had persuaded the Dean of their
Faculty to take the matter up on their behalf. The Dean did

not succeed in his efforts, but a letter from the Colonial

Office in reply, betrayed a highly revealing case Of illog—
icality:
. There are special difficulties in the way Of em-
ploying native doctors, even if fully qualified, tO
attend upon European Officers, especially when stationed
in the bush or at outstations. Qualified medical men of
African parentage, however, although it is not proposed
to employ them on the West African Medical Staff, are
not excluded from public employment in West Africa.1
The growing antagonism Of these frustrated educated
Africans against their British masters was aggravated by the
former's further exclusion from the field Of local govern-
ment, which was a practical expression Of the policy of in—
direct rule. With the rapid occupation Of the interior
between 1880 and 1900, the British had had to face the im-
mediate problem Of how to administer these areas. TO build
an elaborate network Of direct administration through district
Officers was out Of the question; such a system would have
been financially prohibitive and politically unfeasible.
Consequently,the British had to resort to maintaining the
traditional rulers as instruments Of local government, although
it was not necessary that those instruments should have been
virtually confined to those traditional elements. It was the
Lugardian policy in Nigeria, where indirect rule worked ex-
tremely well in the north, to exclude the educated elements

from the native authority system. In the Gold Coast the

British increasingly stressed, after 1910, their intention

 

1“Letter of 5th Of May, 1902, from Colonial Office

to Professor Sir William Turner — cited in Kimble, Op. Cit.,
p. 98.

10

Of preserving traditional authority, which the educated
elements saw as a move to make "native authorities" the sole
mode Of African political expression or to downgrade the
role Of the Legislative Council. Here,"Native Jurisdiction"
questions provided a field for battles between the Govern—
ment and the educated elements,whi1e on several occasions
the former had to amend, or even drop proposed legislation

15

on these issues. In fact,it was Lugard's policy in Nigeria
not only to exclude the educated elements from the native
authority system but also to prevent their contact with the
masses.16 And,after creating a curious situation whereby
the Government not only presumed that educated Africans were
unrepresentative but also Operated to keep them so, he ad—
vanced an argument which appears a curious rationalization
in the context in which it was put forward:

It is a cardinal principle Of British Colonial policy

that the interests Of a large native pOpulation shall

not be subject to the will . . . Of a small minority

Of educated and Europeanised natives who have nothing

in common with them, and whose interests are Often Op-

posed to theirs.l7

Educated Africans' Opposition to indirect rule increased as

they saw it as a very localized form Of self—government unable

 

15See Flint, Op. Cit., pp. 149—155, passim.

l6See Coleman, Op. Cit., p. 162.

l7Lugard, Report on the Amalgamation of Southern
and Northern Nigeria, and Administration, 1912-1919, Cmd.
468 (London H.M.S.O., 1920), p. 19.

11

to provide fully for their aspirations and as a form Of rule Tunder
which their traditional rulers became increasingly docile and
even subservient to an alien authority. On this authority
these traditional rulers were seen to depend increasingly for
their authority before the erosive influences Of the new so-
cial, economic and educational forces Of the new polity and
the emasculating effects on native authority Of the native
ordinances Of the colonial master. The situation was not im-
proved by the attitude Of the traditional authorities who
were on the whole,hostile to educated Africans, and regarded them
as lowborn, with dangerous ambitions, and foreign. Yet,while
this was generally so in Nigeria and Sierra Leone, and pro—
bably in the Gambia also, significant exceptions could be found
in the Gold Coast,especially before the 1920's, in the co-
operation that existed between the educated elements and their
chiefs in the Gold Coast Colony, a healthy phenomenon which
the principle Of election to Gold Coast Chieftaincy made pos-
sible.18

One should not be surprised, however, that the
addition Of so much territory in West Africa to Britain's
initial acquisitions on the coast at once made the educated
elements, which were almost entirely coastal and urban, no

longer "representative" Of Africans in the new and larger

 

18Note,for example,the Fanti Confederation and the

Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection Society,an associa—
tion Of the Gold Coast chiefs and the educated elements.

12

areas Of the hinterland. But the British did little to im-
prove their "representativeness" and to encourage cooperation
between the educated and traditional elements. Rather, the
British had called a halt to the development of Legislative

l9

Councils, and,to the educated and Christian elements,the

new British policy appeared to be a negation Of their aspira—
tions, with this curious reversal Of alliances in the Afro-
British relationship. In its new policy, however, the British
were regrettably failing to come tO grips with the inevitable
problem Of where the educated elements would fit in the total
picture Of the Colonial Government, and Of who would eventually
control the superstructure holding the native authorities tO-
gether in a modern political unit. The new educated elements
had come to stay in the new polity that was emerging and a

reconciliation Of the two "Opposing" forces—-new and tradi-

tional--was a desideratum and even a sine qua non to the new

 

 

society's healthy development and growth. In failing to see
this and in pursuing a native policy that tended to create or
aggravate tensions between the educated elements and their
traditional rulers instead Of reconciling both these elements,
the British showed a remarkable lack Of foresight and a
curious power Of self-deception. Time was to show that the
policy Of sharing "supreme" power with the educated Africans

was the wiser policy for the British to follow, Official

 

19See Flint, Op. Cit., p. 1A9.

 

l3

predilections notwithstanding. The Virtual exclusion Of
educated Africans from significant roles in the Colonial
Government,which became an ever more serious grievance with
the growth in the number Of these educated Africans,had given
an edge and an urgency to nationalist demands which were but
a reflection Of their frustrations administrative and other-

wise.

Yet,in spite Of the current conflicting interests
between the educated and the traditional elements, some con-
tinuity is traceable in the nationalist struggle as the
educated elements are seen to owe something Of a precedent to
their traditional authorities, at least in their Opposition
tO the menacing encroachments Of alien interest. In the be-
ginning, African Opposition to British expansion and author-
ity had emanated from traditional rulers or ruling groups
who in general fought for their independence and who were in
certain cases crushed by military means. Thus,as early as
the 1860's,King Aggrey Of the Gold Coast had come into seri-
ous conflict with the British authorities on the issue Of
self—government, and although the Fanti Confederation Of the

.A

20It is interesting that some European administra—
tors, such as Sir John Rodger in the Gold Coast, early ex-
pressed apprehensions at the contradictions inherent in the
British policy Of turning out "black and brown Englishmen"
by the score and then "cursing the finished article when the
Operation is complete" - The African Mail, 9th July, 1909.

 

14

1870's represented a union Of the educated and traditional
elements on the issue Of internal self-government, it can be
seen as a substantially traditional movement, though a "mod—
ernized" one at that.21 Another nationalist movement in the
Gold Coast soon followed. This was the Gold Coast Aborigines'
Rights Protection Society, an association Of "traditional"
and "educated" elements. Although practically run by the
educated elements, with the "Natural Rulers" as figureheads
in the nationalist agitation, it was essentially a continu—
ation Of its precursor movements. Formed in 1897 to combat
a new land law, 22 the Aborigines' Society was perhaps the
first organized protest on anything approaching a national
scale in the Gold Coast, and perhaps,in the whole Of British
West Africa. The Society, a "precursor" tO the National
Congress Of British West Africa, was later to be closely
associated with the Gold Coast branch Of the Congress when
leading Officers in the one also held Offices in the other
and when certain resolutions Of the Congress were utilized

23

in the Society's one—time petition to the King.

 

21For detailed accounts Of these tOpics see Kimble,

Op. Cit., pp. 192—221, 222—63.

22In 1894 the colonial Government Of the Gold Coast,
which was alarmed when speculators tried to get mineral and
timber right by doubtful means,sought to pass a Crown Lands
Bill to vest control over waste 1ands,forests and minerals on
the Crown; but this raised an outcry from the new elite to which
the traditional elements rallied — See McIntryre, Op. Cit.,
p. 269, also Flint, Nigeria and Ghana p. 157.

23

 

 

 

See Kimble, 9p. Cit., pp. 396-399 and 401—402.

 

15

In Nigeria traditional Opponents to alien encroachment in—
cluded King Kosoko Of Lagos and Jaja Of OpObO in the 19th
century, and later, the Fulani emirs such as the Sultan Of
Sokoto.2u

Although later nationalists owed something Of a
precedent to their traditional rulers, it was tO their
educated forebears that they owed relatively greater inspir—
ation in their nationalist cause. TO Africanus Horton25
belongs the credit Of having been the first to voice nation-
alist aspirations in the Gold Coast and probably in the whole
Of British West Africa. Horton challenged seriously the
widespread belief in the natural inferiority Of Africans
when he Observed that the "European nations . . . in years
long passed were themselves as barbarous and unenlightened
as the negro Africans are at present." And proceeding, he

recounted the ancient achievements Of the "Negro Race" which

even the ancient civilizations Of Greece and Rome admired.

 

2“See Coleman, Op. Cit., pp. 169—175; see also Flint's
works cited above, and also McIntyre's, pp. 264—265.

25James Africanus Beale Horton was the son Of an IbO
recaptive later settled in Gloucester Village, Freetown. He
was one Of the first Creoles who qualified as medical doctors
in Britain; Horton qualified in 1859 at the University Of
Edinburgh, Scotland. He entered the Army in the same year
and served for over twenty years, making the Gold Coast his
home. He published several medical books. A notable political
publication of his was West African Countries and PeOples,
British and Native, with the Requirements necessary for Estab-
lishing that self Government recommended by the Committee Of
the House Of Commons, 1865; and a Vindication Of the African
Race (London: W. J. Johnson, 1868).

 

16

Then he asked:

Why should not the same race who governed Egypt . .

who had her churches, her universities, and her reposi-

tories Of learning and science, once more stand on their

legs and endeavour to raise their characters in the

scale Of the civilised world?
He appealed to what he considered the law and cycle Of change
gas a source Of inspiration to his people. "Nations rise and
fall," he wrote, and "such being the tendency Of all national
greatness, the nations Of Western Africa must live in the hope,
that in process Of time their turn will come, when they will
occupy a prominent position in the world's history, and when
they will command a voice in the council Of nations." Re-
ferring to the 1865 Select Committee's Report on West Africa
he remarked that "the House Of Commons Committee has now set
on foot by resolution (and we hOpe it will soon be by actual
practice) that great principle Of establishing independent
African nationlities."26

But while Dr. Horton gets the credit for being a

27

pioneer in the field, the works Of Dr. E. W. Blyden from

the 1870's onwards had a much greater influence on West African

 

26J. A. B. Horton, West African Countries and Peoples

. . and a Vindication Of the African Race (London, 1868)
pp. 65— 68 and 73— 74.

27Edward Wilmot Blyden was born in the West Indian
island of St. Thomas in 1832, a descendant Of slaves imported
by the Danes, mainly from Christianborg in the Gold Coast.
He subsequently became a teacher at the College Of Liberia
which he later adOpted as his home. By 1865 he had become
the Liberian Secretary Of State, and later was appointed Am-
bassador to the Court Of St. James. In 1885 he stood for the

l7

nationalist thought. Blyden's major work is his Christianity,

 

Islam and the Negro Race,published in 1887. This work con-

 

tained vindications Of African capability and appeals to the
African Of both hemispheres to take worthy possession Of their
homeland, making as they should, a unique contribution to

humanity. This work, like Blyden's West Africa Before Europe,

 

published in 1905, became the treasured prOperty Of several
influential West Africans. In fact, Casely Hayford, who was
later tO play such a dominant role in the history Of the Na-
tional Congress Of British West Africa, wrote an introduction
to the latter work Of Blyden's, paying tribute to Blyden's
efforts "to reveal everywhere the African unto himself

to lead him back into self-respect," and to restore him tO

. . . . . 28
"hls true place in creatlon upon natural and natlonal llnes."

 

Presidency Of Liberia. At one time he was a minister in the
Presbyterian Church Of West Africa, and in 1890-91 he visited
Lagos where he had a strong influence on the foundation of the
United Native African Church. In 1901 he became Director Of
Mohammedan Education in Sierra Leone for whose Governor,JOhn
Pope Henessy,he had produced in the 1870's some interesting
schemes for a West African University. He censured missionary
teaching for failing to foster African self—reliance and ori—
ginality and felt a West African University would teach stu-
dents not to copy European models but develop their own ori-
ginality. Blyden's Views on various issues were certainly
influential among educated West Africans. He died in 1912.

See Hollis B. Lynch's forthcoming Edward W. Blyden, Pan-Negro
Patriot (London, 1966); also his "Edward W. Blyden: Pioneer
West African Nationalist," Journal Of African History, Vol. VI,
NO. 3.

 

 

28Casely Hayford, Ethiopia Unbound (London, 1911),
pp. 161-166.

 

18

Another important early contributor to West Afri-
can nationalism in general and Nigerian nationalism in par—
ticular was John Payne Jackson, a Liberian who later made
Nigeria his home. Jackson was a close confidant of Blyden's,
but for twenty—eight years, from 1890—1918, he lived and
29

wrote in Lagos. While Blyden emphasized the cultural as-
pects Of nationalism, Jackson stressed the more political
aspects Of it. From 1891 tO his death in 1918, and even
beyond, the Lagos Weekly Record, which Jackson edited, was a
determined agent in the propagation Of racial consciousness.
Its criticism Of the government, usually eXpressed in lengthy
editorials, was forthright, pungent and defiant:
One cannot refrain from speculating upon the bankruptcy
Of the New Imperialism and the apparent decay Of British
Imperial genius, so long as Great Britain continues to
transcend the limits Of political righteousness; to har-
bour the colour prejudice . . .; tO legislate away the
rights Of her coloured subjects . . .; and to remain in-
different tO the wishes Of her subject dependencies.30
Referring particularly to Nigeria, this paper warned that
"if the Nigerian system is not scrapped within the next five
years, the unfortunate experiences Of the Indian agitation

"31

will be witnessed in West Africa. It further urged that

 

29See Coleman, Op. Cit., p. 183.

30The Lagos Weekly Record, Feb. 26, 1910.

 

31lbid., June 11, 1919.

19

"every constitutional effort directed against the nullifi-
cation Of the Nigerian System is a consecrated duty, a moral
duty and a national duty," nay, that "resistance tO Oppression
is not only justifiable but necessary."

Early West African nationalism asserted itself in
the religious sphere also, which undoubtedly left its impact
on latter—day nationalism. Crowther's elevation to the Bish-
Opric in 1864 had been Opposed from the first by some Of the
white clergy, who from 1880 began mounting attacks on his
Niger Mission. When he died in 1891 in the midst Of the
crisis resulting from the hostility between the white and
black clergy, some Of the black clergy broke away to form
the United Native African Church. In fact, a similar break-
away African Baptist Church had been formed for similar
reasons in 1888. These break-away Churches began a movement
Of independence in religious matters which later resulted in
the foundation Of several new religious groups; they all
stressed "independent Government" as their main aim.33 Some
Of these sects had received encouragement from American Negro

34

sects. Directly or indirectly, trans—Atlantic contacts and
influences contributed appreciably tO African national con-
sciousness, especially in the cultural sphere. It is in—

teresting to note that Patriarch J. G. Campbell, organizer

32Ibid., June 14, 1919.

33See Flint, Nigeria and Ghana, pp. 157‘158°

 

34See Coleman, Op. Cit., p. 176.

20

Of the West African EpiscOpal Church,was a prominent figure
in pre—World War I Lagos politics and one Of the leading per—
sonalities in the West African Congress movement Of the 1920's.
Several other forces made their contribution to
national consciousness in British West Africa. In 1911 the
First Universal Races' Congress held in London was attended
by several Negro American leaders. Also in attendance was
Dr. MOjOla Agbebi, African pastor Of the Niger Delta Mission,
who read a paper entitled "The West African Problem," which

35

was published in the proceedings. In the same year Booker
T. Washington had convened the International Conference on
the Negro, which was attended by representatives from many
countries, including Casely Hayford,who contributed a paper
entitled, "The Progress Of the Gold Coast Native."36 In the
following year he was writing to Booker Washington, who was
considering how far methods used in his institute might be

37

apprOpriate for Africa. Soon after,there was a growing

interest in Pan—African and "Back to Africa" movements on

both sides Of the Atlantic.38

 

35See G. Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-racial Prob—
lems Communicated to the First Universal Races Congress
(London, 1911) As early as 1895, a Yoruba, Orishetukeh Faduma,
had attended the Congress on Africa held at Atlanta, Georgia,
and had contributed a paper to the theme "Africa and the
American Negro". See Coleman, Op. Cit., p. 187.

36

 

Coleman, LOO. Cit.

37Kimble, Op. Cit., p. 5A1.

38See G. Shepperson, "Notes on Negro American In-
fluences on the Emergence Of African Nationalism,” in the
Journal of African History (London, 1960), Vol. I, NO. 2.

21

Two developments among Negro groups in the early
years Of the twentieth century stimulated in a particularly
significant way the growth of national consciousness in West
Africa. One was the convening Of the first Pan-African Con—
gress in Paris in 1918-1919, by W. E. DuBOis and Blaise
Diagne, African deputy from Senegal to the French National
Assembly. Dr. DuBOiS,WhO had founded the National Associa-
tion for the Advancement Of Colored Peoples in 1910, organized,
with the assistance Of Diagne, his first Pan-African Congress
”to try tO impress upon the members Of the Peace Conference

the importance Of Africa in the future world."39 The
Congress and its resolutions which included the subject Of
self—determination were fully reported in the West African
Press, and DuBOis was known to have been in touch with Casely
Hayford concerning his subsequent plans. Three similar Pan—
African Congresses were held during the 1920's, meeting in
one European capital after another to secure maximum support
from their colonial subjects. The Congress movement stimu-
lated among politically conscious West Africans an awareness
Of belonging to a wider cause, and it probably helped them
tO acquire wider techniques Of organization. Later, West
Africans were to take a prominent part in the Congress move-

ment.

 

39DuBOis, The World and Africa (New York, 1947),

 

22

The second external development, highly significant
for the African nationalist cause, was the emergence Of the
militant and race-conscious Garvey movement. Marcus Garvey,

a Jamaican Negro, was the most spectacular Negro leader Of
the post—war years. He had visited London from 1912 to 1914,
and after learning there Of alleged atrocities in Africa, had
returned to Jamaica tO found the Universal Negro Improvement
Association, and its affiliate,the African Communities League,
to unite "all Negro peOples Of the world into one great body
and tO establish a country and government absolutely their

own."140

Receiving little support from his countrymen in
Jamaica,he went to the United States in 1916 and within four
years he was able to transform the Universal Negro Improve-
ment Association into the largest Negro mass organization in
modern times, and had also become its acknowledged leader.
Between 1920 and 1925, Negro conventions in New York City,
attended by delegates from many parts Of Africa,had made ela—
borate plans for the establishment Of a Negro state in Africa,
had adopted declarations Of independence and selected a flag
and a national anthem, and had elected Garvey as the Provi-

sional President Of Africa. Although Garvey had sought tO

incorporate in his nationalist idealogy the cultural, economic

 

uoRObert H. Brisbane, "His Excellency: The Provi—
sional President Of Africa," .Phylgn, X (Third Quarter, 1949)
p. 259. See also Edmund D. Cronon's Black Moses (Madison,

1955).

 

23

and political aspects Of Negro nationalism, he none the less
stressed the overriding priority Of political independence.
Thus,he pointed out that "prejudice Of the white race against
the black race is not so much because Of color as of condi-
tion; because as a race, tO them, we have accomplished no-
thing; we have built no nation, no government," yet "nation-
hood is the only means by which modern civilization can
completely protect itself;" since "every race must find a
home,” it had become imperative to raise "the great cry Of
.'Africa for the Africans'."ul
The ideas prOpagated by the Garveyite movement did

make deep impressions on some West Africans, including those

who would not embrace the movement Openly. The Gold Coast

 

Independent had drawn some encouraging parallels between the

 

1919 resolutions Of the U.N.I.A. and those Of the emerging
West African Congress, and had remarked that "Negro peoples
throughout the world are demanding, not as a favour but as

Of right, their place among the Nations Of the Earth," and
further warned that "anyone who stands aloof in order to buy
the whiteman's favour, betrays his country."42 Two years
later this paper hailed Garvey's U.N.I.A. as the "most potent
n43

organisation in the United States. It is significant that

 

ulAmy Jacques Garvey, ed., Philosophy and Opinions

Of Marcus Garvey (New York, 1923) p. 34, et passim.

u2The Gold Coast Independent, 1—8 March, 1919.

 

 

u3lbid., 22 Oct., 1921.

24

Casely Hayford himself considered that the U.N.I.A., with
whose constitutional aspect he was in sympathy, had done more
than any other agency to bring "to the notice Of world Opin-

ion the disabilities Of the African race."L‘lLl

A Lagos branch
Of the Garveyite movement established in the fall Of 1920
included Patriarch J. C. Campbell,“5 who was also a prominent
member Of the National Congress Of British West Africa. The
effects of the movement on future West African leaders like
Azikiwe and Nkrumah were considerable and it was reported
that a portrait Of Marcus Garvey hung over the entrance door
to the study Of late Prime Minister Kwame Nkrumah.“6

By 1919 there had been two associations formed by
Africans and persons Of African descent living in the United
Kingdom, which probably exerted some influence on West African
nationalism. One was the Union Of African Peoples and the
other was the Society Of PeOples Of African Origin. In 1919
these two associations amalgamated to form the African Pro—

gress Union,u'7 whose main Object was to uphold the principle

Of equal treatment for all within the British Empire. In

 

uuHayford, The Disabilities Of Black Folk and their

Treatment, with an Appeal to the Labour Party. (Accra, 19297.

 

uSCOleman, Op. Cit., p. 191.
46

See Coleman, Loc. Cit.

M7Kimble, Op. Cit., p. 549.

25

this Objective the association was anticipatory Of the Na-
tional Congress of British West Africa whose policy was "to
preserve strictly and inviolate the connection of the British
West African Dependencies with the British Empire and to
maintain unreservedly all and every right Of free citizenship

"48

Of the Empire The African Progress Union was to
play host in February, l92l,tO the Congress's London delegation,
and back in West Africa, Casely Hayford Observed that "the
African Progress Union forms a link in the heart Of the Em—
pire between the African at home and the African abroad.“49
In Britain, a sense Of African solidarity had also
been growing among the increasing number Of African students
there. These, with some West Indian Students, had founded
the Union Of Students Of African Descent in 1917. Although
the student organizations in Britain initially seemed to have
shied away from "Open” politics, they none the less did make
some subtle impact on the nationalist cause, while with the
formation Of the West African Students Union in 1925, a defi-
nite and Open attempt was made "to discuss all matters af—
fecting West Africa 'educationally, commercially, economically
and politically'; and in particular to cooperate with the

"50

National Congress Of British West Africa. Some mutually

 

u88ee C. 0. 98/33; The Congress Petition to the King.

ugHayford, Presidential Address; Sampson West Afri-
can Leadership, p. 75.

 

 

50Kimble, Op. Cit., p. 549.

26

useful contact existed between Casely Hayford, the dominant
figure Of the National Congress Of British West Africa, and
Ladipo Solanke,"the moving spirit" behind the West African
Students Union, while it is well-known that the Congress
delegates made some contact with certain West African stu-
dents in London during the former's mission to Britain on
the Congress's petition to the King.

Far away in India something Of inspirational value
to the West African nationalists was taking place at this
time. The Indian National Congress, founded in 1885, had by
1919 achieved notable successes in its political struggle,51
and had produced eager admirers in West Africa. When India
was invited tO be represented in the War Cabinet in 1917,
the West African nationalists asked why West Africa was not
invited as well. When India and the Dominions were invited

to the Peace Conference Of 1919, the inchoate West African

Congress, represented by its Gold Coast "steering" Committee

 

51These successes were reflected in the Government
Of India Act Of 1919, by which the Viceroy's executive coun—
cil was enlarged to include six members, three Of whom were
Indians. Although the central government still remained re—
sponsible to London, the central legislature became something
Of a bicameral colonial Parliament, with an upper house or
Council Of State composed Of sixty-one members elected for
five years and a Legislative Assembly with a majority Of
elected members. The franchise,based on property qualifica-
tion,was extended to five million including women. Although
the Government Of India was not made responsible to the cen-
tral legislature, some measure Of responsible government was
granted in the provinces. The Act took effect two years
later.

27

sent resolutions to the Western Powers through the Imperial
Government, so that "the voice Of West Africa" could also be
heard at the conference.52
In Ceylon, the Ceylon National Congress had been
formed the previous year, 1918, following the Indian prece—
dent. Spurred On by the reforms Of the India Act Of 1919,
the Ceylon Congress leaders had demanded reform in Ceylon,
and by the 1920's Ceylon had begun to advance along the road'
Of responsible government. A new constitution,announced in
1920, gave Ceylon representative government not unlike the
system in white—settled colonies in the early Victorian age.
After the Donoughmore Commission's Report Of 1928, a notable
advance towards parliamentary government was achieved in

Ceylon.53

Casely Hayford,in his 1929 Presidential Address,
was to refer to "the proposed changes in the Ceylon Consti—

tution" as a guide to future constitutional advance for

 

52See C. 0. 96/598; C. 0. 98/33, Letter and enclo-
sure Of 24th Feb., 1919 from Nanka-Bruce and WOOlhouse
Bannerman to Governor's Private Secretary, Gold Coast.

53The Donoughmore Report, implemented in the Ceylon
Constitution Of 1931, had prOposed to "transfer to the elected
representatives Of the peOple complete control over the in-
ternal affairs Of the Island." In practical terms, it had.
suggested universal adult suffrage and a system Of partial
responsible government with certain major ministries "reserved"
for the BritiSh Officers-Of-State, and other relatively minor
ones "transferred" to Ceylonese ministers made responsible,
by slightly indirect means, to the State Council. The three
British Officers-Of—State and seven Ceylonese elected mini—
sters constituted the "Board Of Ministers."

28

British West Africa. In an earlier address in 1923, he had

)
referred to the constitutional precedents "in the Indian and
the recently prOposed West Indian constitutions" as current
"models . . . tO go by."521l
Besides these movements, the effects Of the 1914-
1918 War on West Africans were politically significant.
Many West Africans, as a result Of their countries' partici-
pation in the war, had become conscious for the first time
Of international problems. The demand for equal status be-

tween the races was certainly encouraged by the sense Of a

common cause. As the Gold Coast Independent put it, "if

 

they [the West Africans] were good enough to fight and die
in the Empire's cause they were good enough . . . to have a
share in the Government Of their countries."55 In fact, Sir
Harry Johnston had even suggested in 1919 that the defeat Of
Germany had shaken European domination in Africa, arousing
a dormant nationalism, and stimulating "the beginning Of re-

"56

volt against the white man's supremacy. Besides, the

 

5“Sampson, West African Leadership, pp. 72 and 88.

 

55The Gold Coast Independent, 22 Oct., 1921.

 

56Johnston, Address to the African Society, 28th
March, 1919; West Africa, 5th April, 1919. Sir Harry Johnston
had earlier warned that the Imperial Government must "recog—
nise and re-affirm" the rights Of black citizens Of the Em-
pire as soon as the war was over. The Black Man's Part in
the War (London, 1917).

 

 

29

statements Of President Wilson and Prime Minister Lloyd
George regarding self-determination strongly affected West
African leaders of the time, despite General Smut's assertion
that the African aborigines could not possibly govern them-
selves.

It was Obvious that a small but growing number Of
articulate and politically conscious West Africans were feeling
the impact Of a variety of politically significant issues Of
the day. Thus,influenced by a number Of international events,
inspired by the examples Of "precursor" nationalist movements,
and stimulated by the climate Of idealism generated by the war,
a few educated and articulate Africans in the British West
African colonies organized and formally launched, in March,
1920, the National Congress Of British West Africa tO ensure
among other things, "the better and more effective represen-
tation Of our peOple" in the affairs concerning them and also

57

the promotion Of unity among them. Casely Hayford, a dis-

tinguished Gold Coast barrister and politician, turned out to
be the chief moving spirit behind the Congress movement; a
brief survey Of his life and political thinking in relation

58

to the movement seems pertinent and therefore follows.

 

57Hayford, Inaugural Address; C. 0. 98/33 — Corres-
pondence relating to the N.C.B.W.A.

58Hayford's political philosophy as enunciated be—
low may be taken to be representative Of that Of his group,
who,with him as the leading personality,proceeded tO launch
the movement.

30

Although the genesis Of the idea Of a "congress
of all natives Of British West Africa” is traceable to Dr.

59 it was chiefly Casely Hayford

Akiwande Savage Of Nigeria,
of the Gold Coast who utilized this idea and gave it birth
in the National Congress Of British West Africa. From
Casely Hayford the congress movement received the inspiration
that sustained it, and with his death followed its decline
and,almost immediately afterwards,its demise.

Joseph Ephraim Casely Hayford, fourth son Of the
Rev. and Mrs. Joseph de Graft Hayford, was born on September
29th, 1866. He belonged tO Cape Coast in the Central PrO-
vince Of the Gold Coast Colony where, in the Wesleyan Boys'
High School, he began his educational career. His early
signs Of promise encouraged his father to send him to Sierra
Leone for the furtherance Of his education, and there he be-
came a student Of the Fourah Bay College, Freetown. After a
couple Of years, he returned home to be the principal Of the

Accra Wesleyan High School. He subsequently took up a jour-

nalistic career, first working as sub—editor Of the Gold Coast

 

Echo. He was successively editor Of the Gold Coast Chronicle,

 

and joint-editor, with Rev. AttO-Ahuma, Of the Wesleyan

Methodist Times. After serving as an articled clerk to a

 

European legal practitioner at Cape Coast, Mr. EiOlart, he

 

59See below, p. 44.

31

proceeded to England and entered the Inner Temple as well as
Peterhouse College, Cambridge. Called to the Bar on November
17th, 1896, he returned to practice in Cape Coast, Axim, Se—
kondi and Accra.

He seemed tO have such a keen love Of journalism

 

that he never gave it up; he was editor Of the Gold Coast
Leader from 1915 till his death in 1930. He had assumed the
editorship Of that journal when Dr. Savage, then its editor,
returned to Nigeria.

Casely Hayford made valuable contributions to the
activities Of the Gold Coast Aborgines' Rights Protection
I Society; he was, for example, one Of the members Of its de-
putatiOn tO England in 1912, to make representations against
the Gold Coast Forest Bill Of 1911.60 He was nominated a
member Of the Gold Coast Legislative Council for the first
time in 1916, and, but for a short break, served continuously
on that Council until his death in 1930. He was elected the
Municipal Member for Sekondi in September, 1927. He was also
a member Of the Board Of Education and Achimota Council. He
served on several Government Commissions, such as those of
the Takoradi Harbour Construction, Town Council Re-organization,

60

This Bill was chiefly concerned with forest ore—
servation in the Gold Coast, but was interpreted by the Gold
Coast A.R.P.S. as a clever move by the Government to deprive
them of their lands. See Casely Hayford, The Truth About the
West African Land Question (London, 1913) p. 80 et. sq.

 

 

32

Achimota Constitution, and African Officials' Salary Scheme
among others. As a recognition Of his public services he
was awarded, in 1919, Membership of the Order Of the British
Empire (M.B.E.).61 In 1920, with the aid Of his "colleagues,"
Hayford founded the National Congress Of British West Africa
tO which he proved its main source Of energy until his death
in 1930.

Casely Hayford applied himself diligently not only
to politics but also to literary productions, including such

valuable works as Gold Coast Native Institutions (1903),

 

Ethiopia Unbound (1911), The Truth About the West African
Land Question (1913), and Gold Coast Land Tenure and Forest

Bill (1911 and 1912), and United West Africa (1919). Other

 

works, Of relatively minor importance, are William Waddy

 

Harris,4the West African Reformer (1919) and The Disabilities

 

Of Black Folk and Their Treatment with an Appeal to the

Labour Party (1929).

 

All these works give a valuable insight into his
thinking generally, and into his political thinking in par—
ticular. His public utterances which supplement and rein-
force these are equally valuable in this respect. A collec-

tion Of the latter is found in M. J. Sampson's West African

 

 

61For valuable information on Hayford's life -

history see M. J. Sampson, Gold Coast Men Of Affairs, Past
and Present, (London, 1937) pp. 160-173; also that author's
West African Leadership (London, 1951).

 

33

Leadership (London, 1951). It is intended, in the present

 

study, tO give particular attention tO Hayford's political
thinking.

In his literary expositions, Casely Hayford argues,
with regard to representative government for the aborigines
Of British West Africa, that the idea was inherent in the
people since "it is the very essence Of the Native State
system." In this system the right Of every adult member Of
the community to be represented in the "State Councils" was
fully recognized and provided for. In the Gold Coast, for
example, "you find already a system Of self—government as
perfect and efficient as the most forward nations Of the
earth can possibly conceive." Consequently, he argued, "a
peOple who could indigenously and without a literature, evolve
the orderly representative government which was Obtained in
Ashanti and the Gold Coast before the advent Of the foreign
interloper, are a people to be respected and shown consider-
ation when they proceed to discuss questions Of self-
government." In the light Of this fact,Imperial policy could
not justifiably limit the Operation Of representative self-
government to those British colonies whose peoples are "nearly
or wholly white." On the contrary, he continued, "wherever
a strong case has been made showing the capability and the
right of any given community in free alliance and friendship
with Great Britain . . . to manage its own internal affairs,"

Great Britain should "not be backward in extending to such a

34

community the blessing Of free institutions." Only on such
sound principles, he averred, could the Empire hOpe to sur-
vive. Casely Hayford, not content with this argument, ap-
pealed to imperial history to reinforce his case. The rela—
tions between Great Britain and the Gold Coast, he pointed
out, "originated in friendship, mutual trust, and commercial
alliance." Consequently the peOple Of the Gold Coast "have
a right tO mold their institutions upon their lines, Great

Britain being merely a protecting Power, . . . only concerned

with their relations with the outside world." But,since
Britain had failed to act on such a principle, he considered
her policy as rather "retrogressive," discouraging the "na-
tional spirit," and destroying "every vestige Of it in the
breasts Of the people." He envisaged and advocated as a
sound imperial policy for British West Africa, the fostering
Of a healthy development Of free native institutions. This
would be the basis of the emergence Of "Imperial West Africa."
In such a healthy imperial edifice all the parties concerned
stood to gain. It must, however, be recognized that the task
could be better accomplished only by the educated native who
would proceed on "aboriginal" lines, grafting on tO the na-
tive system what is desirable and best in modern civilization.
He then claimed that, in this "grandest conception Of the
twentieth century," the Gold Coast and Ashanti are destined

by their innate qualities to lead and guide the rest Of West

35

Africa, whose consent, however, would be forthcoming before
its realization.62

It was,however, later in his thinking that Casely
Hayford revealed the implications Of the self-government he
had been envisaging for British West Africa. Thus,he pointed
to the extension Of the franchise, accompanied by a measure
Of responsibility on the Executive side Of government for the
peOple. This stage he considered as really marking the entry
Of his people into the threshold Of self-government. From
this would follow ultimate attainment of complete self-
government and Dominion status. In fact, he went further to
envisage a British West African Parliament, which would,among
other things,be an embodiment Of the contemplated West Africa
Nation.63

Hayford also stressed the importance Of development
along "original lines" with regard to the intellectual eman—
cipation Of the race. He cited the intellectual contributions
of W.E. Burghardt DuBOis and Edward Wilmot Blyden on this

issue and was at pains to evaluate the relative value of their

works.

 

62Casely Hayford, Gold Coast Native Institutions

(London, 1903) p. 246.

 

63Hayford, Presidential Address, Freetown, Jan.,
1923; Sampson, West African Leadership, p. 72; also, Hayford,
The Disabilities Of the Black Folk and Their Treatment with
an Appeal tO the Labour Party (Accra, 1929).

36

Thus he wrote:

In the Afro-American school Of thought represented
by Du Bois the black man is seeking intellectually and
materially to show himself a man along the lines Of pro-
gress of the white man. In the African school Of thought,
represented by Dr. Blyden, the black man is engaged upon
a sublimer task, namely, the discovery Of his true place
in creation upon natural and national lines.64

He then concluded that this message Of Blyden, whereby he
tries tO get the African to see his true self and thereby
retrieve his self—respect, was the true motivating force which
should carry the race on "from victory to victory."

With reference to another wider issue Of African
nationality, he saw the white man, with all his exploitation
Of the African, as constituting a formidable Obstacle tO the
latter's realization Of his aspirations. He faced the issue
courageously and asserted that in all the disabilities that
confronted him, the African must recognize that ultimate re—
sponsibility for the amelioration of his condition devolved
on him for, as he argued, "the experience Of mankind shows

that reform never comes to a class or a people unless
and until those concerned have worked out their own salva-

65

tion." If this were so, the African leader then asked
justly for recognition Of his right to struggle on equal

terms with other peoples Of the world, as well as that Of

 

6“Hayford, Ethiopia Unbound (London, 1911),
pp. 163-165.

65

 

Ibid., p. 169.

37

his freedom to develop in his own way, according to his nat-
ural qualities and the peculiar idiosyncracies Of the race.
Casely Hayford believed in the power Of persuasion
as an effective means Of achieving the emancipation Of his
peOple. Thus,he asserted that their way to freedom "lies
not at present so much in the exhibition Of material force
and power, as in the gentler art Of persuasion by the logic
Of facts and Of achievements before which all reasonable men

"66

must bow. Behind this, however, lurked a sense Of real-

ism. Thus he asserted that "it is important that the African

should take the line Of least resistance in focussing public

67

Opinion upon African problems,"

68

nation Of forces against him.

and in meeting any combi-

Casely Hayford also believed in practical measures
and he was pragmatic in his philOSOphic attitude to life.
What was good was what worked, what was useful, and what would
bring the good things Of life to his peOple. It is said that
one of his well—known sayings was "take what you get, and get

69

what you want." It is because Of this practical utilitarian

 

66lbid., p. 168.

67Hayford, The Disabilities Of Black Folk and Their
Treatment.

 

 

68Hayford, Ethiepia Unbound, p. 168.

 

69See J. B. Danquah's Introduction to Sampson's
Geld Coast Men Of Affairs, p. 36.

 

38

spirit that his political actions were termed unprincipled
or Opportunist by his critics.70

In the struggle for emancipation and eventual na-

tionhood and national greatness, education was posited as a
Vital force, a crucial instrument Of victory.

History tells us how other people have risen to
nationhood, to economic security and power . . . that
path is primarily educational.. . . There must be an
educational awakening throughout West Africa greater
than at any time in African history, and when this
pentecost breaks in upon us, we shall begin to tread
the sure path to national emancipation.7l

But,a1though the potentialities Of Western education were
admired and cherished, care had tO be taken, in the interest
Of the African, to rid it Of elements that tended to "de-
nationalise" him. In order to preserve in the African his
national identity and the idiosyncracies Of the race a "na-
tional University" established on African soil was advocated
as a prOper training ground for his educational upbringing.

Casely Hayford felt very strongly about his peOples'

prOprietary right with regard to their lands. In the face Of
what he considered a threat from the Government to deprive

the people Of their lands, he advanced arguments both legal

and historical in defence Of the latter's rights. He argued

 

7OSuch, for example, is his conduct with regard to
the municipal elections to the Gold Coast Legislative Council
in 1927, which were initially boycotted by him and his col-
legues.

71Presidential Address by Casely Hayford, Lagos,
December, 1929. Sampson, West African Leadership, ch. v.,
p. 90.

 

39

that,at least as far as the Gold Coast was concerned,there
were no Crown rights to lands which had at no time been ac-
quired either by conquest, cession or purchase. It was his
belief that the fundamental proposition, that there could
be no land without an owner, namely, the aboriginal owner,

72 Whatever

applied to nearly all parts Of West Africa.
specious arguments might be advanced in defence Of government
encroachments, it was imperative,in the interest Of all con-
cerned,that the natives' "proprietary rights," should be re-
spected. Otherwise,Britain would required military surveil-
lance tO rule over an unwilling and oppressed peOple.

In the gloomy clouds Of the land controversy, how-
ever, he discerned a silver lining that promised to be a
powerful ally in his cause for a United West Africa. Thus,he

claimed that "One touch of nature has made all West Africa

kin. The common danger tO our ancestral lands has made us

one—-One in danger, one in safety. United we stand, divided
we fall." And continuing, he asserted that "United West
Africa . . . shall take her true part among the nations Of

the earth,"73 pointing out that "entire West Africa has

 

72Hayford, The Truth About the West African Land
Question, (London, 19133 p. 70. See also his Gold Coast Land
Tenure and Forest Bill (London, 1911 and 1912) forthe legal ex-
position Of the issue.

73

 

 

 

Hayford, The West African Land Question, pp. 99

 

and 112.

40

clasped hands over . . . a common constitutional demand
an effective voice in her affairs."7u
Hayford's realization Of the economic value Of
British West Africa to the Empire made him more acutely aware
Of the injustices his people were subjected to. His mounting
sense Of these injustices led him to assert "in no uncertain
terms" that taxation must go with effective representation,
and that equality Of Opportunity for all must prevail in that
part Of the world. In this connection, however, he was real-
istic enough to appreciate that the political freedom which
he advocated would be meaningless without economic freedom
and inthis way he forshadowed present—day sentiments Of Afri—
can leaders. Thus,he asserted that "if we want to be really
free, we must aim at financial and economic independence."
But "here as elsewhere, we ourselves must strike the blow
that would loose our bonds."75
In spite Of his awareness of this state Of apparent
injustice, his loyalty to the Empire and his faith in Britain's
sense Of justice and fair play remained unshaken. His belief
in the Empire, he declared, was founded on his knowledge Of
British traditions which are "honourable" and "based on fair-
play" and which would ultimately prevail against the current

unhappy state of affairs.76

 

7uUnited West Africa (London, 1919), p. 44.

75Hayford, Presidential Address, Freetown, Jan.,
1923. Sampson, Ibid.

76Hayford, The West African Land Question, pp. 12—13-

 

41

Neither was Casely Hayford a racist. His literary
ciiscourses and his public speeches never reflected any feeling
(of racial hatred. In fact, he dismissed racial antagonisms
aas unnecessary in view Of the basic identity Of the various
acacial classes Of homo sapiens. With regard to British West
.Africa he even saw cOOperation and fellow-feeling among the

different races as a desideratum, if not a sine qua non, to

 

its material and spiritual advancement.

He also advocated a patriotism that not only rose
above petty jealousies and sectional loyalties, but also grew
articulate in the current state Of the world when "the weak
Inust appeal in no uncertain voice" if he is to be heard by
‘the strong. Needless tO say, he urged on his movement the
IPesponsibility for counteracting the influences that worked
'tO the detriment Of those Africans in other parts Of Africa
‘Who were so distracted by their peculiar economic circum—
stances "that they can scarcely be eXpected to command the
Constitutional solution Of their immediate problems."77

Casely Hayford, like a good number Of the West
African educated elite of his time, was influenced in his
thinking by the liberal pronouncements Of President Wilson
and Prime Minister Lloyd George on the issue Of subject peo—

ples. Said he, "Today entire West Africa has clasped hands

77Presidential Address, Lagos, Dec., 1929; Sampson,
West African Leadership, ch. v., p. 89.

42

over . . . a common constitutional demand . . . She is asking

n78

for self-determination He also, as has been shown
above, was sympathetic tO "the constitutional aspect" of the
activities Of the Universal Negro Improvement Association,

and was Obviously inspired by the aspirations and achievements
Of the Indian National Congress, as well as the constitutional
developments in Ceylon and the British West Indies.

Finally, Casely Hayford expressed his view Of the
Colonial System and delineated the new order he envisaged.

He thought the Crown Colony System "archaic and anachronic
[sic]"because "it fails to take account Of the will of the
people." Furthermore, Crown Colony Government was plagued
with administrative abuses and "invidious distinctions" in

the Civil Service. Consequently,the system should be replaced
by one, where the separation Of powers was a recognized gov-
ernmental principle, and where "equal rights and Opportunities
for all" prevailed.

These ideas and reflections Of his were to provide
the motive force for the realization of the idea Of a Congress
Of British West Africans. In this, his task was facilitated
by the presence Of a sizeable and influential group Of edu-
cated native West Africans who shared his sentiments and

Objectives.

 

78Hayford, United West Africa (London, 1919), p. 44.

 

43

Casely Hayford was a man Of unbounded confidence
and Of great faith-in the potentialities Of the race. He was
also a man Of astonishing courage and unruffled calmness in
the face Of difficulties. As a man Of action he was not with-
out practical suggestions for the realization Of his ideas
and a dogged application that saw their realization through.
His patriotism seemed unquestionable to his admirers, while
his powers Of persuasion must have been inspiring and com-
pelling.

Says a native African author:

He alone could stand in all parts Of British West

Africa and speak and compel respect and admiration by
men of all shades Of political thought.79

From this impressive personality, however, certain
shortcomings seem tO present themselves. His unbounded con-
fidence in himself seems tO savour Of intellectual arrogance
by which he tended to ignore forces that would have proved
a boon to his cause. When he came to recognize the value Of
the support of the masses and the bulk Of the chiefs and to
enlist the same,it was tOO late. He also seemed to have
underrated some other formidable Obstacles in the way.

This was curious in a man who prided himself on his
being "a practical man." It is clear that little was done to
create the circumstances in which the emergence Of a "united
West Africa" could become a feasible proposition, even in a

limited sense Of the term.

 

79Sampson, West African Leadership, p. 25. This
view was endorsed by Dr. J. B. Danquah in his Introduction tO
the author's other work, Gold Coast Men of Affairs.

 

 

44

The failure to consult all interested parties, or
at least the bulk Of them, at the local level, and to enlist
an appreciable amount of much needed support before the des-
patch Of the London delegation,reveals a tactical error and
perhaps renders the motives Of the leading organizers Of the
movement suspect.

Yet, in spite Of all these criticisms, one must
neither overlook nor underrate the admirable qualities Of
the personality that was Casely Hayford, and the merit pep
_e Of the cause he led. That cause was, essentially, one
that, if halted for a while, could not be effectively

smothered for a considerable time nor indefinitely ignored.

Says West Africa:

 

A quarter Of a century ago the Indian National Congress
was, relatively to India, no more representative, no

more important, than the present Congress is to West
Africa today. Many Englishmen connected with India wish
now that greater consideration had been given to the re—
quests and criticisms Of the Indian organisation in those
early days. Let us see to it that we do not have tO re—
peat ggch regrets in regard to . . . Native West Africa

It is to their credit that Sir High Clifford,81 Governor Of
Nigeria at the time,recognized the oncoming "Wind Of change"
and led the way in an attempt to cOOperate with it, and that
Hayford blazed a trail that has been well followed by "his

progeny."

 

80March 6, 1926, p. 221. This paper was supposed to be
well informed on West African affairs. It was based in Fleet
Street, London, but last year saw the transfer Of its head-
quarters tO Lagos, Nigeria.

81See below for a short biography Of his.

45

 

 

  
  
   
 

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BRITISH WEST AFRICA IN THE 1920's

A. The Colonies in ”bold relief."

B. The Colonies with surrounding territories

CHAPTER II

PRELIMINARIES TO THE ACCRA CONFERENCE
OF MARCH, 1920

As far back as June, 1912,Dr. R. Akiwande Savagel
in the Gold Coast, had mooted the idea of "a congress of all
natives of British West Africa . . . for the exchange of
thoughts and the discussion of questions affecting the com-

2

mon interests of the race." This idea was promptly taken

up and given currency in Nigeria where suggestions were of-

3 But nothing con-

fered as to the launching of the project.
crete resulted from the proposal for some time, for although
the idea was warmly taken up by some other papers in the
Gold Coast and Sierra Leone the following year, and although
Dr. Savage and Casely Hayford had written to some leading

men in the various British West African colonies sounding

their opinions on the issue and had apparently received

 

lDr. Savage was a Lagosian (Nigerian) living in the
Gold Coast at the time. He later, in 1915, returned to Nigeria
where he tried to organize in Lagos a local branch of the pro—
posed congress. See The Lagos Weekly Record, June 26, 1920,
see also Coleman, Op.ICit., p. 192.

2The Gold Coast Nation, June 13, 1912. This sug-
gestion was made on the occasion of despatching a Gold Coast
Deputation re the Forest Bill of 1911.

 

 

3The Nigerian Chronicle, June 28, 1912, and July

 

12, 1912.

H6

47

encouraging replies, the war had intervened and led to a
suspension of plans.“

Early in 1915, however, the subject was resusci-
tated in the Gold Coast and was once again supported in the
sister colonies. The Nigerian papers even went so far as to
suggest the place of the first British West African confer-
ence as well as the formation of local committees.5 Dr.
Savage, who had by now returned from the Gold Coast,tried
several times to launch the scheme in Nigeria but failed.

In November, 1918, however, Dr. Savage received a
letter from Casely Hayford urging action on some serious
public questions affecting British West Africa. On the
strength of this, the former was able to summon a meeting of
influential gentlemen6 in Lagos on January 17, 1919, to

discuss the issues raised. The result of the deliberations

 

“The Lagos Weekly Record, July 10, 1920; C. 0.

98/33, British West African Conference - Inaugural addresses.

 

5The Nigerian Chronicle, March 12 and 19, 1915;
The Lagos Weekly Record, March 20, 1915.

6The following were in attendance: Dr. J. Randle
(Chairman), P. J. C. Thomas, Dr. Obasa, Hon. Kitoyi Ajasa,
Hon. S. H. Pearse (both the last mentioned were members of
the Nigerian Legislative Council), David Taylor, J. H.
Doherty, J. C. Vaughan, B. C. Vaughan, Hon. Eric Moore, A. W.
Thomas, Adeoye Deniga, Patriarch J. G. Campbell, Dr. A.
Savage, Sanni Adewale, Brimah Igbo, and Karimu Kotun. From
among these, Dr. Randle, Hon. Kitoyi Ajasa, Hon. S. H. Pearse,
Hon. E. C. Moore and Dr. Akiwande Savage were deputed to
interview His Excellency the Acting Governor of Nigeria on
Jan. 20, 1919. C. 0. 96/598 and C. 0. 98/33 - Correspondence
relating to the National Congress of British West Africa.

 

 

A8

7

of this meeting was the passage of certain resolutions
which were forwarded through the Nigerian Government to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies that same month. At this
same meeting also Dr. Savage had proposed another meeting for
the 24th of the current month for a projected conference of
British West Africans. This meeting was attended by all who
attended the previous meeting, except Hon. Kitoyi Ajasa8 and
Brimah Igbo. Those present, however, resolved themselves
into a local (Lagos) committee of the proposed conference,
with Dr. Randle as the Chairman and Dr. Savage and Patriarch
Campbell as joint—secretaries.9
By June of 1919, however, interest in the movement

had begun to wane because of internal dissension in the local

committee. Dr. Randle seemed to have found himself unable to

 

7These resolutions were protests against the return
of any African colonies to Germany and against the return of
Germany as a Government to any part of Africa, the asking for
West Africa of an effective voice in her internal affairs by
the granting of free institutions and the franchise, the re—
cognition of the rights of the natives to their ancestral
lands and the freedom of these lands from all interference or
exploitation, and the abolition of the liquor traffic through-
out West Africa. These resolutions were identical with those
forwarded by the Gold Coast (Eastern Province) Committee of
the Projected West African Conference to His Excellency, the
Governor of the Gold Coast on 24th February, 1919.

8Hon. Kitoyi Ajasa was opposed to the Congress move-
ment, although3ostensibly,to its methods only. He was later
to support Governor Clifford's denunciation of the movement
in the Nigerian Legislative Council in Dec. 29, 1920.

9In order,apparently,to pOpularize the movement
among the Mohammedan elements of the Lagos community,one
Mallam Karimu, an influential Mohammedan, was elected as
Assistant Secretary of the Committee.

L49

iwork with Dr. Savage. It was then thought desirable to form
a completely new committee. This was done and interest in
the movement was thereby revitalized. In addition, new
branches were established in various localities, such as
Ebute Metta, Ibadan, Calabar and Buguma. Interest in the
movement within Lagos was not as much as it was in other
areas in Nigeria, even though the Lagos Committee was the
parent body of the Nigerian section of the movement.

Nigeria's lukewarmness10 was apparently attributable
to the distractions of Lagos politics at this time, and its
inability to produce delegates had the effect of holding up
the first proposed Conference which had been scheduled for
Accra in October, 1919. Eventually,the Nigerian section was
able to produce delegates, including two from Lagos, for the
Accra Conference of March, 1920.11

Reaction in Sierra Leone to the projected Confer-

ence of British West Africa was favourable, and,in fact, more

energetic than in Nigeria. The Sierra Leone Weekly News,

 

which regarded the launching of the movement as "the inaugu-

ration of an epoch," had urged speedy action especially on

 

lOThe Lagos Weekly Record, July 10, 1920. The Lagos
Standard had appealed several times for more energetic support
of the movement. See particularly this paper's issues of
gEly 2A, 1918, July 30, 1919, October 15-22, 1919 and January
, 1920.

11See C. o. 98/33 — Conference of Africans of
British West Africa.

50

the preliminaries of the projected conference. This paper
had also appealed to the people to draw inspiration from
similar movements like the Pan—African Conference, the South
African Native Congress and the Indian Congress. By the end
of April, 1918,a public meeting had been held in Freetown,
Sierra Leone, and the idea of the projected conference ac—
cepted as "not only feasible but highly necessary.”12 The
meeting further urged action on the matter as early as pos-
sible and accordingly,proceeded to take steps to appoint a
local committee, composed of twelve gentlemen who were
charged with the duty of making arrangements for Sierra
Leone's participation in the projected conference at Accra.l3
This committee was apparently more successful in its task

than its Nigerian counterpart and by December, 1918, it had

produced a provisional program for the proposed conference

 

12The resolution read: "That this meeting of

Sierra Leoneians welcomes the proposal of a West African
Conference, in the belief that it will have the effect of
bringing the peOples in the British West African Colonies
into closer union, of stimulating interest in matters con—
cerning their common welfare, and of giving increased weight
to public Opinion in West Africa; and further pledges itself
to do all in its power to promote such a Conference at as
early a date as circumstances will permit." The Sierra
Leone Weekly News, May A, 1918.

 

13See the Sierra Leone Weekly News, May ll, 1918.
This assembly seemed to have felt a sense of urgency about
the movement. The Committee which was soon formed was com—
posed of the following members: Hon. J. H. Thomas, The
Mayor of Freetown, S. Barlatt, C. May, A. S. Hebron, L. E. V.
M. Carthy, S. J. Coker, R. O. R. Barlatt, J. A. Songo Davies,
R. E. Tuboku Metsger, J. A. Fitzjohn, Dr. G. N. Metsger and
Dr. 0. Faduma.

51

at Accra. Encouraging activities, especially in the Gold
Coast and the Gambia, led the committee to more vigorous
exertions and even to its enlargement by the addition of
twenty-two new members, apparently to be representative of
wider interests and to facilitate its propaganda work. For
the purpose of keeping the people abreast of the progress
of the movement as a whole, it was prOposed to establish
subcommittees in various places. Thereafter,the parent com—
mittee held frequent meetings and by July, l9l9,it was able
to report favorably to a mass gathering on the prospect of
the projected Accra Conference.lu Sierra Leone's partici-
pation in that Conference was assured, in conspicuous con—
trast to the situation in Nigeria.15
Not much is known of Gambian activities.l6 By the
latter part of 1919, however, the Gambian local Committee of
the proposed conference had been formed. This had followed
communications received from the Accra Central Committee
which acted as a sort of steering and coordinating committee

for all the British West African Local Committees. The

 

1“The Sierra Leone Weekly News, July 12, 1919.

15Sierra Leone sent three delegates as against
Nigeria's five, but one of its delegates was to act as the
Secretary of the London Delegation Committee. This was
Dr. Bankole Bright, a medical practitioner and Editor of
the Aurora.

16The present writer was unable to find any Gam-
bian papers on this period in the archives consulted.

52

Gambian Committee not only pledged support but also undertook
"to raise a handsome contribution" in support of the move-
ment, making at the same time a special appeal to Gambians
both at home and "abroad."17 For the Accra Conference, Gam—
bia was able to send a delegate in the person of Mr. E. F.
Small, who later served as a Gambian member of the Congress's
London delegation.l8

It was clear by 1919 that the Gold Coast had be—
come the center of the movement. Nigeria had taken the
initiative in giving wide currency to Dr. Akiwande's idea,
but later effective leadership in promoting it and bringing

19

it to fruition was to pass on to the Gold Coast. From 1915

Casely Hayford, supported by the bulk of British West African
papers, was persistently and energetically to nurture the
preliminaries until their ultimate realization in the Accra

20

Conference of March, 1920. Thus, in 1915 the Gold Coast

 

Leader,in support of Hayford's scheme,had declared that "the
time has come for leading West African Publicists to promote

the early meeting of the suggested West African Conference

 

17The Sierra Leone Weekly News, October 11, 1919;
The Aurora, May A, 1921.

18See C. O. 98/33 — Conference of Africans of
British West Africa; C. 0. 98/35 - The London Committee of
the National Congress of British West Africa.

19See below pp. 12 and 15. See Also C. 0. 98/33
and C. O. 554/54 - Congress Inaugural Speeches.

2OIbid.

53

for the purpose of discussing and focussing public attention

upon matters of common political interest to West Africa."21

In Nigeria the Nigerian Chronicle had come out in support,

 

declaring that matters affecting "the natives of the dif—
ferent Colonies" were such that prompt and concerted action
was imperative.22 This point of view was promptly reinforced

by the Lagos Weekly Record. Support was forthcoming not only

 

from the Gold Coast and Nigerian papers but also from the

Sierra Leone papers. The Sierra Leone Weekly News of March

 

13, 1915,had remarked that the Gold Coast Leader had "indi-

 

cated what,in our view, West Africa as a whole greatly needs,"
and that the questions proposed for discussion by the pro-
jected conference were those that "must interest every sens-
ible and patriotic West African." Thus supported, Casely
Hayford was encouraged to proceed with his scheme. He, how-
ever, did encounter some Opposition.

In its issue of February 11, 1915, the editor of

the Gold Coast Nation had remarked:

 

I fail to see the utility of politicians of the
different West African Colonies meeting together to dis-
cuss questions which, in so far as their respective
countries are concerned, do not affect the same common
ground as regards interests, conditions, and systems of
administration. Perhaps some day when West Africa shall

 

21The Leader, Jan. 30, 1915. To the Leader at this

time the land question was the most important issue facing
the proposed Conference.

22The Chronicle, February 26, 1915.

 

5M

have acquired autononomous government and the necessar

power to unify her divers conditions, political interests

and aspirations, a conference of leading men or politi—

cians may be possible. At present it seems to me a re-

mote possibility.23

The papers in support of the movement, however,

would not be deterred by this opposing View and they con-
tinued to give encouraging support for the project, often
coming out with concrete proposals for the preliminary ac—
tivities relative to the proposed conference. By early 1918
a more concrete and business—like proposal had come from the
Gold Coast Leader in response to a prompting from the Sierra
Leone Weekly News. Thus,it was suggested that Accra should
be the venue of the prOposed Conference of British West Afri-
cans, on account of its "most central" position for all the
various colonies concerned. It also prOposed the formation
of local committees which "should go to work at once and
materialize the grand object that is before West Africa."
From these Committees delegates could be selected for the

Conference?)4

The Gold Coast supporters of the movement now drew
both encouragement and inspiration from the vigorous activ-
ities of Sierra Leoneans. By August, 1918, something prom-

ising had been achieved in the Gold Coast. Thus,at a Cape

 

23The paper added that,for the moment,a more feas-

ible way of cOOperation would be "through the West African
Press."

2“The Leader, February 9 - 23, 1918.

55

Coast Committee meeting held on August 9, 1918,at the resi-
dence of one Henry Van Hein, President of this Committee,
Casely Hayford reported that the local committee had also
been formed at Sekondi in the Western Province of the Gold
Coast Colony.25 Among the members of the latter committee
were representatives of the chiefs of Shama and "Dutch"
Sekondi. When, however, the Cape Coast Committee approached
the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection Society,26 an
association of chiefs and educated elements, on the issue of
the projected Conference of British West Africans, the Society
refused to cooperate. It had, for various reasons, one of
which was the dissimilarity of conditions in the various
colonies, decided that "it would be impracticable to take
part in the proposed . . . Conference."27 The issue of how
far the Conference movement was representative of traditional
authority was one of the crucial factors affecting its for-

tunes.

 

25Sekondi was Hayford's home town. Cape Coast was
in the Central Province. Mr. Van Hein, President of the Cape
Committee,was to be one of the Gold Coast delegates to the
Accra Conference, and one of the members of the London dele-
gation. He was also elected one of the joint-treasurers of
the National Congress of British West Africa at the Accra
inaugural meeting.

26The Society originated from a Conference of the
Rulers of the Divisions or States of the Colony, held in 1897
at Cape Coast after the successful mission to England of a
Deputation sent by the Taramount chiefs. The Conference then
resolved itself into the said Society. Its educated elements
were mostly officers and members of its Executive which was
empowered to act in the chiefs' absence and to summon con-
ferences as often as occasion demanded.

27The Gold Coast Leader, August 2A, 1918 and Sept.
28, 1918; The Gold Coast Nation, Dec. 6-13 and Dec. 20-27, 1919.

 

56

28

By November, 1918, however, an Accra local com-
mittee of the projected West African Conference had also been
formed. Hutton Mills was its President, while Dr. Nanka-Bruce
and Woolhouse Bannerman were its joint-secretaries.29

Nana Ofori Atta, the Paramount Chief of Akim Abuakwa
in the Eastern Province of the Gold Coast Colony, had been
present in the previous meeting that later resolved itself
into this committee. At that meeting he had indicated his
personally favorable disposition towards the movement, which
he thought was of great importance to the interests of West
Africa generally. He, however, would not commit his district
until he had discussed the project with his councillors and

peOple.3O

When this Committee later, in January, 1919, ac-
quainted him with its resolutions, the Chief felt that the
information was unduly delayed and that he had been thereby

contemptuously treated by the Conference promoters. This

treatment he considered rather unwise:

 

28Accra was in the Eastern Province of the Gold

Coast Colony. Thus,it can be seen that the three provinces
of the Gold Coast Colony were all associated with the move-
ment,although the extent of their several involvements differed.

29Hutton Mills, exemember of the Gold Coast Legis—
lative Council, was also a barrister at law. For a fuller
note on his life history, see below, p. 66. Dr. Nanka-Bruce
was a medical doctor while Mr. Bannerman was a barrister at
law. 'The former was also to be Secretary of the Gold Coast

"Steering Committee" and also one of the Gold Coast delegates
to the Accra Conference.

30The Gold Coast Leader, Nov. 16, 1918.

57

The movement is one which should unreservedly claim
the warmest support of every native of the Colony, and I
should personally do everything that would help to fur—
ther the aims and objects of the proposed West African
Conference. But as we are looked upon as unessential
elements who could be spoken to after almost everything
had been accomplished, we all feel now that the position
is unfortunate.3l
Apparently,nothing was done by the Conference promoters to
conciliate the Chief and win his support for the movement.
The Accra Local Committee played a vital part in
the materialization of the projected Conference. Thus,with
Casely Hayford as the brain behind its special activities,
it coordinated the activities of the various local committees
not only in the Gold Coast but also in the sister colonies.
Eventually,this Committee was to play host to the delegates
to the Accra Conference of March, 1920. Interestingly
enough, one of its members, Hutton Mills, became the first
President of the resulting National Congress of British West

Africa, and also led the Congress's delegation to London in

1920-21.32

 

31The Gold Coast Nation, July 2u—31, 1920. Corres—
pondence between Nana Ofori Atta and the Accra Committee of
the projected British West African Conference. Nana's subse-
quent denunciation of the movement in the Gold Coast Legisla-
tive Council was supported by other African members of the
council present. His denunciation came only a day after Sir
Hugh Clifford's at the Nigerian Legislative Council and led
the Congress's promoters to suspect some collusion between
the two, who were apparently good friends.

 

328ee c. o. 98/33. C. 0. 98/35 and C. o. ssu/su _
The National Congress of British West Africa.

58

In the meantime the Sekondi local Committee in the
Western Province had been making impressive progress. Not
only was it receiving the enthusiastic support of a good num-
ber of people, but it was also commanding the zealous support
of the women of the area, who lost no time in constituting
themselves into a Ladies' Auxiliary of the local Committee,
and pledging themselves "to do all in our power to support
the Committee in its efforts to promote the Conference at the
earliest possible date."33

In the Central Province some influential and "en-
lightened" members of the Aborigines' Rights Protection So-
ciety like Van Hein and Prince Atta Amonu had come out in
support of the movement, in spite of the Society's official
position to the contrary. But more "significant" support
was to come from the Western Province of the Gold Coast Col-
ony.

A meeting which was arranged by the Executive Com-
mittee of the Axim Section of the Gold Coast Aborigines'
Society and which met on December 18, l9l9,in Axim, in the
Axim-Appolonia District of the Western Province seemed to
contain an impressive number of the chiefly element. This
is noteworthy also in View of the controversy on the repre-
sentative character of the movement in relation to the tra—

ditional elements. One of the resolutions of this gathering

 

33Gold Coast Leader, Jan. 25, 1919. Later, in 1923,
a Ladies' Section of the Congress Movement was founded in
Accra.

 

59

is highly interesting and it reads as follows:

That this Meeting of the Ahinfu and Chiefs and people
of Axim; The Representatives of the Amanhin of Attuabu
with the Ahinfu and sub-Chiefs of Eastern Appolonia:
The Regent and Representatives of the Stool of Beyin
with the Ahinfu and sub-Chiefs of Western Appolonia;
The Representative of the Omanhin of Barmiankor, now
assembled in conference with the Executive Committee of
the Axim Section of the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights
Protection Society and other Educated Natives and Resi-
dents of Axim, is fully convinced that the time is ripe
for a United West Africa and that the objects sought to
be attained by the British West African Conference now
about to sit at Accra, are calculated and will be con—
ducive to, the true progress of West Africa as a whole
and the Gold Coast in particular and therefore asso-
ciates itself with the British West African Conference
Movement and offers to support, to uphold, and advance
the same.3

The assembly further endorsed all that had been done so far
by the several Committees on the Gold Coast and in the sister
colonies and then directed that a local Committee for the
Axim area be constituted before the break up of the assembly.
Accordingly,a local Committee was set up, comprising among
its members, members of the Executive Committee of the Gold
Coast Aborigines' Society, Axim Section, and some representa-

35

tives of the chiefs. It was also enjoined that a copy of

the assembly's resolutions be sent to the Inaugural Conference

at Accra.

A

3”The Gold Coast Leader, March 6 — 13, 1920; C. O.
98/33. The Inaugural Conference of Africans of British West
Africa.

35The Committee consisted of 32 members, six of
whom were members of the Executive Committee of the Axim Sec-
tion of the Aborigines' Society. All the six were also some
of the officers of this local Committee. S. R. Wood who was

60

The close COCperation between Casely Hayford,
President of the Sekondi local Committee, and Hutton Mills,
President of the Accra local Committee, in furtherance of
the Conference schemes had led to both committees being
known in official circles in the Gold Coast by the early
part of 1919 as the Gold Coast Section of the projected West
36

African Conference. This Gold Coast "Steering Committee"
had kept in close touch with the various major Committees in
the sister colonies as early as the previous year, although
Casely Hayford himself had made earlier contacts on his own
initiative. It will be recalled that as early as January,
l9l9,the Lagos Committee had acted on what apparently was a
joint decision of the various committees. By February of
the same year the Gold Coast Committee had requested an
audience with the Governor of that colony. The purpose of
this interview was to hand in its resolutions on certain pub-
lic issues, for transmission to the Secretary of State for

the Colonies and through him to the Prime Minister, who would

convey its purport ultimately to the forthcoming Peace

 

Secretary of the Axim Aborigines' Society, was also Secretary
of this local Committee as well as one of the delegates to
the Accra Conference. Two other members of the Committee
attended that Conference, namely, W. G. Essien, and S. D.
Bervell (representing the Omanhin ofAtuabo, Appolonia).

36The promoters themselves referred to it as the
Gold Coast Committee of the projected Conference.

61

Conference. These resolutions, like their Lagos (Nigerian)
counterpart, protested against the return of any African col-
onies to Germany and against a German come—back to any part

of Africa. They also asked for West Africa an effective voice
in her internal affairs, and further requested that the rights
of the natives "to their ancestral lands" be recognized and
made secure from all interference and exploitation, and that
the liquor traffic be abolished throughout West Africa.37
The first set of resolutions, which hinted at a direct appeal
to the Peace Conference,"bypassing His Majesty's Principal
Secretary of State for the Colonies" and requesting that
copies of the resolutions be sent to President Wilson and
each of the Allied Powers,38 was withdrawn and substituted

by one devoid of these features. This is significant, in
that it underlines the West African Congress's leaders' in—
tention and declared policy of being "constitutional" in
their methods. When thwarted by officials, they still re—

mained ”constitutional" in renewing and pressing further

their demands.

 

37C. O. 96/598; C. O. 98/33 - Letter and enclosure
of Feb. 24, l9l9,from the Gold Coast Committee to the Gov-
ernor of the Gold Coast.

38C. O. 96/598; C. O. 98/33 — Letter and enclosure
of 17th February, l9l9,from Nanka—Bruce to the Governor's
Private Secratary, Gold Coast.

62

Before granting the audience, however, the Gover—
nor, Sir Hugh Clifford,39 asked to be clarified on the 1922s
standi of the Gold Coast Section of the projected West Afri-
can Conference. They replied that the Committees forming the
Gold Coast Section were composed of a good number of the
"enlightened and educated" elements of the Gold Coast, as
well as some of the principal chiefs, appointed at public
meetings sufficiently representative of the communities con—
cerned. Further,it was argued, in reply to the question on
mandate, that it was not necessary to have the mandate of
all the chiefs, since the educated classes were a substantial,
influential and intregral part of the people of the Gold
Coast. To the issue of how it could be possible to have the
resolutions in question when apparently the "projected" Con-
ference had not had the opportunity of discussing and endor—
sing the same, it was pointed out that there had been com—
munications between the various local Committees concerned
on the matters raised, which the Lagos resolutions substan—
tiated.

Apparently satisfied with these replies, the Gov—

ernor met the Gold Coast Committee's deputation led by

 

39Sir Hugh Charles Clifford (l866-l9Al),colonial
administrator; son of Sir H. H. Clifford; joined Malay Civil
Service, 1883; British Resident, Pahang, 1896—9, 1901-3;
Colonial Secretary, Trinidad and Tobago, 1903-7; Ceylon
1907-12; K. C. M. G. 1909; Governor, Gold Coast, 1912—l9;
Nigeria, 1919—25; G. C. M. G., 1921; Governor Ceylon, 1925—
27; Straits Settlements, 1927-29.

63

Hutton Mills, who until recently had been a member of the Gold
Coast Legislative Council. On the deputation were also two
James Town chiefs and eight "native gentlemen" resident in
Accra, mostly barristers and medical men. After this meeting,
the Governor informed the Secretary of State of the resolu-
tions received from "a body of influential, educated natives."uO

It was obvious from the rapport established between
this ”Steering Committee" at Accra and the other local Com-
mittees in the sister colonies, and from the enthusiastic
activities going on especially in the Gold Coast that the
materialization of the projected Conference was a foregone
conclusion. From now on, events moved steadily and progres-
sively until their culmination in the memorable Conference
at Accra in March, 1920. Clifford's questionings, however,
turned out to be ominous of the rough sailing ahead.

It is significant that the Gold Coast emerged to
be the leader of the movement. This seems to be attributable
to the fact that it was first in the field of organized
political agitation on a "national" scale against certain
acts and policies of the Colonial Government. Its compara-
tively greater experience in such organizations, as witness
the Fanti Confederation and the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights
Protection Society, placed the Conference's organizers in the
Gold Coast in good stead vis-a-vis their relatively less
mature counterparts in the other colonies. Furthermore, be—

tween the Gold Coast and Nigeria, two of the four British

 

400.0. 96/598; C. O. 98/33 — Telegram and Dispatch
of 7th March, 1919, from Clifford to Milner.

6A

West African colonies that might claim leadership over the
others because of their comparatively greater "size" and
economic develOpment, the Gold Coast turned out to be the
one to achieve a more coherent and efficient organization at
home and to offer guidance and present effective leadership
abroad, namely, to the other colonies, because of her further
advantage of being, relative to Nigeria, more compact and
less eXposed to internal communication difficulties. Nigeria
had the further disadvantage of witnessing at this time in
Lagos, its capital and the headquarters of its own branch of
the movement, the unfortunate and disorganizing experience
of Lagos politics as represented by the Eleko question.“1

It seemed natural that with such an effective and
"inspiring" leadership the Gold Coast should have been hon-

ored with the first and historic meeting of the projected

West African Conference.

 

MlThe Eleko (king) of Lagos, and head of the ruling
House of Docemo, was, on the annexation of Lagos in 1861 and
its~creation as a crown colony, given a pension on the condi-
tion that he would renounce kingship. But although deprived
of political power he was ordered in 1915 to urge his people
to pay a new water rate. When he refused, the governor de—
prived him and his chiefs of their salaries for more than a
year. Again, in 1919 recognition of the Eleko was withdrawn
for a month because he sided with a Muslim faction that op-
posed the water rate. Finally, in 1920, the Government pub-
lished a notice "ceasing to recognise" the Eleko, and subse-
quently deported him, because he refused to repudiate certain
misleading statements allegedly made by Herbert Macaulay in
London on the cession issue. The deposition and deportation
of the Eleko unleashed a wave of popular agitation which
disturbed and distracted Lagos for the next decade and mono-
polized attention that might have been otherwise directed to
such broader issues as "self—determination."

CHAPTER III

THE ACCRA CONFERENCE AND ITS RECEPTION IN

BRITISH WEST AFRICA

It is clear from the foregoing account that much
preparatory work went into the launching of the West African
Conference. The Gold Coast Committee had successfully co-
ordinated the efforts of the local committees in the various
colonies. The successful interviews with the Colonial Gov-
ernments on public issues concerning British West Africa had
boosted the morale of the promoters of the conference move—
ment, and might have been intended by these promoters as an
inspiring act to their sympathizers, pointing to the poten—
tialities of the movement. In March, l920,the projected
Conference of British West Africa became an accomplished fact.

In that month six representatives from Nigeria,
three from Sierra Leone, and one from the Gambia, with a
relatively impressive number of forty—two from the Gold Coast
assembled in Accra for the first and historic session of the

Conference.1 While the representative nature of the

 

lNigeria was represented by Prince Bassey Orok,
Edem Duke Ephraim, Essien E. Offiong, Adeniji Olugbile, Rev.
J. G. Campbell, and Professor Adeoye Deniga; Sierra Leone by

Fred W: Dove, Dr. H. C. Bankole—Bright and Leslie E. V.
M'Carthy; Gambia by E. F. Small. Of the Gold Coast

65

66

delegations from the other colonies seemed doubtful, that of
the Gold Coast appeared to have been fairly reasonable. It
should, however, be noted that in all the four colonies the
claim of "representativeness" could be made strongly only
with regard to the coastal areas. The justifiability of the
claim of an enlightened intelligentsia to speak and act on
behalf of their less enlightened brethren who might not as
yet be aware of the issues touching them is another matter.
However, an analysis of the Gold Coast contingent shows that
it was composed of four chiefs, seventeen lawyers, three
clerics, two medical men and two journalists, with the rest
conveniently classed as "nonprofessional" but ”independent
gentlemen." Casely Hayford, the main founder of this move-
ment, in his inaugural address, was at pains to analyze in
detail the extent of his support. He claimed the support of
Nana Amonoo, the Paramount Chief of Anomabu who "practically

represents the whole of the Fanti Tribes in the Legislative

 

contingent the following leading figures from various parts
of the colony were present as follows:
Axim: S. R. Wood (representing that section of the A. R.

P. S.), S. D. Bervell (representing the paramount
Chief of Atuabo, Appolonia), and W. G. Essien (re—
presenting the District of Axim). Cape Coast: H.
Van Hein, Prince Atta Amonu, W. Ward Brew, and W.
E. G. Sekyi, Chief Densel (representing Chief Biney
of Salt Pond).

The Gold Coast Leader of Oct. 30, 1920,claimed that many

other chiefs favored the new movement, but were deterred

from open support because of the attitude of the current

office—holders of the Gold Coast Aborigines' Society at

Cape Coast.

 

67

Council of the Gold Coast." He even cited Nana Ofori Atta,
the paramount Chief of Eastern Akim and a member of the Gold
Coast Legislative Council as having "not very long ago"
spoken "strongly in favour of the movement." He also men-
tioned the active support of some paramount Chiefs in the
Gold Coast, that is of a sizeable portion of the Gold Coast
Aborigines' Rights Protection Society. He further proceeded
to indicate concrete gestures outside the Gold Coast in sup—
port of the movement and cited the activities of Professor
Adeoye Deniga and Dr. Savage in Lagos, in promotion of the
project. Having done this, however, Casely Hayford proceeded
to emphasize the exclusive nature of the movement. Thus he
claimed that this was a movement of "the intelligentsia")of
the educated classes of British West Africa. But he pointed
out amidst applause that it would never be possible "to dis-

sociate the educated African from his uneducated brother.”

It was natural to expect that, as advances were made in edu-
cation, the former would become the leader of his people.2
This certainly was a clear break with tradition, for pre-
vious organizations had relied on support from the Chiefs or
else used them as intermediaries. Hutton Mills went even
further to develop a novel claim to leadership, which Nana

Ofori Atta later described as a new and dangerous doctrine.

 

2C. O. 98/33 - Conference of British West Africans:
Inaugural Addresses.

68

Thus Hutton Mills, claimed that since each delegate belonged
to a "Distinctive African Family," with rights of property,
they were the natural leaders of the peOple, and had in them—
selves the right to appeal to His Majesty's Government for
"such constitutional reforms as in their judgement are neces-
sary."3

The Conference which had started on the llth of
March lasted till the 29th. Its first business was the ap-
pointment of Officers, who included the following:

President: T. Hutton Mills,“ Barrister-at-law°

Vice President: Casely Hayford, M. B. E., M. L. C.,
Barrister-at-law.

Joint—Secretaries:5 Dr. Nanka-Bruce, M. B., CH. B.,
L. E. V. M'Carthy, Barrister-at-law.

Joint—Treasurers: A. B. Quartey-Papafio, Barrister-
at—law, H. Van Hein.6

All these officers, except one of the Joint—Secretaries,

namely L. E. V. M'Carthy, from Sierra Leone, came from

 

3Ibid., p. A3.

“T. Hutton Mills (1865—1931): Educated Wesleyan
Schools, Accra and Cape Coast, Gold Coast, Wesleyan High
School, Freetown, Sierra Leone; proceeded to England, 1891
and called to the Bar (Middle Temple), 189A; Barrister-at-
law, Accra, and Solicitor, Supreme Courts of the Gambia, the
Gold Coast and Nigeria; unofficial Member, Gold Coast Legis-
lative Council, on and off, 1898-1919.

5Soon after the Conference, S. R. Wood of Axim
took over the office of Secretary of the permanent Secre—
tariat at Sekondi.

Henry Van Hein, a layman, was a prosperous
merchant of the Gold Coast.

69

the Gold Coast. It seems, however, that delegates from the
other colonies had gladly accepted the result of the elec—

7 At the second and

tions and the leadership it implied.
third session of the Congress held in Sierra Leone and the
Gambia respectively, where the Gold Coast delegates were
much fewer than those of those colonies, the results of the
Congress elections were very similar to that of the Accra
elections with the President, Secretary and one of the Joint—
Treasurers of the Congress still coming from the Gold Coast.
It was clear after the Bathurst (Gambia) elections that the
Gold Coast had become the acknowledged headquarters of the
movement. However, at this Accra Session, six additional
Vice-Presidents were appointed to give some voice to the
other West African colonies.

This memorable conference was also attended by
prominent officials of the Gold Coast Government. These in—

cluded the Deputy Governor, the Acting Chief Justice, the

Secretary for Native Affairs and the Inspector General of

 

7West Africa of April 3, 1920,had commented; "The
first West African Conference has commenced well. The two

greatest Africans in the Gold Coast are to lead it."

8These were the following: Hon. J. P. Thomas,
J. P. (Sierra Leone), Prince Bassey Orok, Edem Duke Ephraim
and Rev. Patriarch J. G. Campbell (Nigeria), Hon. S. J.
Forster and E. F. Small (Gambia).

70

Police. Governor Guggisberg himself confessed that he would
personally have attended every meeting if he had not been
away from Accra on tour.9
A few interested unofficial Europeans were also
present. There was, however, no attempt to encourage them
to collaborate, although Casely Hayford, recognizing the con-
tribution to the progress of British West Africa from this
group, advocated in his inaugural speech, "that the capita-
list should be given a voice in the affairs of the country"

in addition to "an effective representation" of the indigenes

in the affairs of their own country. In fact, the Gold Coast

 

Leader later merely asked for their sympathy, but not their
participation, and denied that there was any exclusiveness

in trying to secure a voice in legislation for "ourselves"

in "our own country."10 The following year, however, Casely
Hayford, apparently more sensitive to criticism on this ac—
count, protested that they had been appealing for the repre-
sentation of the whole community, European as well as African.
He thought that those who provided the capital of the country
should "have their place in any scheme of electoral represen-

tation."11

 

9C. 0. 98/33 — The National Congress of British West
Africa and related Correspondence.

10The Leader, Oct. 30, 1920. Casely Hayford was also
Editor of the Gold Coast Leader although he was in London on
the delegation at this time.

llHayford, Legislative Council Debates, 25 April, 1921.

71

This comparatively long session of the Congress

had eleven major subjects on its agenda for discussion.

These were, however, preceded by a Presidential Address by

T. Hutton Mills, followed by some supporting speeches, in-
cluding that of Casely Hayford himself, and those of some
delegates from the other colonies.12 The speeches had as
their main purport the reform of the Legislative Councils

on some electoral basis, and equality of opportunity for all.
The speeches were characterized by extreme moderation of tone
while the speakers stressed the wisdom of being "constitu—
tional" in their methods. The appreciation of the benefits
of British rule and the sentiments of loyalty which were
given expression to in these speeches were obviously genuine,
and,in fact, received enthusiastic applause from the audi-
ence. These features were to be clearly evident in the sub—
sequent formulations of the Congress's policy and procedural
methods.

The aims of the movement were publicly summarized
by Casely Hayford, its main founder, and certainly its domi—
nant figure. These included better and ”more effective re-
presentation" of the peOple, a clear distinction between the
functions of the executive and the judiciary, "equal oppor—

tunities for all without consideration of creed or colour,"

 

12The speeches from Nigeria were delivered by Rev.
Patriarch J. G. Campbell, and Essien Offiong; that from

Sierra Leone by F. W. Dove; and that from the Gambia by E.
F. Small.

72

the peOple's own control of their lands, and finally the es-
tablishment of an articulate yet impartial West African Press
"to enable the powers that be to know what are our wants and

aspirations."13 He emphasized that these aims required
publicity before they could be realized:

We do not believe in subterranean grumblings. We
believe in Open explanation of our wants, because our
experience teaches us that when these wants are fairly
placed before the executive, generally they are attended
to, if not today, the next day or the day after.

Casely Hayford also pointed out that among these aims, and
basic to the realization of the others, was the promotion of
British West African unity.
Next the Conference proceeded to discuss the topics
on its agenda. All the eleven major subjects, each intro-
duced by a different speaker, were discussed. From the Gold
Coast came the following speakers with their respective topics:
J. E. Casely Hayford . . . . . . Legislative (including muni-
cipal) and administrative re-
forms

W. E. G. Sekyi . . . . . . . . . Education, with particular
reference to a West African
University

A. A. Sawyerr. . . . . . . . . . Judicial reforms with parti—
cular reference to an Appl-
late Court

Dr. F. V. Nanka-Bruce . . . . . West African Press Union

H. Van Hein . . . . . . . . . . The inauguration of the con-

gress of Africans of British
West Africa

 

l3Hayford, Inaugural Address.

73

Prince Atta Amonu . . . . . . . . Representation of West
African views in London

The following speakers and subjects came from Sierra Leone:

F. V. Dove. . . . . . . . . . . . Alien problems

L. E. V. M'Carthy . . . . . . . . Commercial enterprise

Dr. H. C. Bankole—Bright . . . . Sanitary and medical re-
. forms

From Nigeria and Gambia came the following:

Nigeria:

Patriarch J. G. Campbell. . . . . The policy of the Govern—
ment in relation to the
land question

Gambia:

E. F. Small . . . . . . . . . . . The right of the people to

self-determination

Each and every one of the subjects was discussed at great
length, after which a set of resolutions was formulated from
the conclusions of the debate. These several resolutions
constituted the final resolutions of the Accra Conference.lu

The number of resolutions passed reached the im-
pressive total of eighty—three; a Colonial Office official
was to remark that they "cover pretty well the whole field
of African administration." A few of them, however, which

are significant as well as representative of the major sub—

jects around which the resolutions revolve, merit notice.

 

luSee C. O. 98/33 or C. O. 55A/A9 - Resolutions of
the Conference of Africans of British West Africa, Accra,
Gold Coast, March, 1920.

7A

The first and foremost of these both in place and
importance, put forward requests for constitutional reforms,
both in central and local government, "to give the people an
effective voice in their affairs." Thus,it was resolved that
half the members of the Legislative Council should be elected
and half nominated, while a new House of Assembly, with spe—
cial financial powers, should be created. The Executive
Council, however, was to remain as it was. The new House of
Assembly was to consist of all the members of the Legislative
Council together with six other elected representatives, and
in this way there would be an elected majority for controlling
finance. The methods of election were to be through "such
local groups as may be found most convenient and expedient."
But where indigenous institutions did not provide a ready
means of ascertaining the will of the peOple, property or
educational qualifications would be necessary. For municipal
affairs, corporations with full powers of local government
should be established in each principal town of.each of the
colonies. The members of such municipal corporations should
be four—fifths elected and one—fifth nominated, who in turn
would elect from the elected members the Mayor of the Corp-
oration.

A close analysis of the Congress's demands and recom-
mendations on legislative reforms reveals that their requests
were far-reaching. The constitution of the new House of As-

sembly with control over finance meant a major and vital

75

change in the status quo, which Casely Hayford himself rec-
ognized as a "radical change," and which the Colonial Office
saw as a "disastrous” concession to make. Although control
over finance seems to have been a standard first step to-
wards responsible government in the colonies, both the Con—
gress and the Colonial Office seemed to have lacked the bold
vision of deviating from the accustomed part of constitu—
tional development and launching on the new course of com—
bining this financial control by unofficials with a measure
of executive responsibility for these unofficials. This bold
move could have helped to remove some cause of apprehensions
at the Colonial Office about the wisdom of conceding the
financial control prayed for by the Congress, while it would
have shown the Congress petitioners as making requests whose
concession would be utilized most responsibly; on either side,
the "chastening" and sobering function of executive respon-
sibility would have been recognized and provided for. It
seems, however, tempting to excuse the Congress's failing on
this line of action, since they might have thought it more
eXpedient to make "modest" demands and to go by ”instalments,"
especially in the face of what appeared to be determined of—
ficial policy of excluding Africans from the higher executive

l5

sphere of government. It was, however, best for all

 

15See Kimble, Ghana, p. 65, 33. seg.

76

concerned to recognize not only that a share in the Executive
function of government by the African unofficial Legislative
members was a necessary training for the responsibility that
was bound to come some day, but also that such a sharing was
desirable for the avoidance of the usual colonial ”feuds"

and stalements between the Executive on the one hand, and on
the other, that "controlling" portion of the Legislature
which does not share in executive responsibility. A more
serious contention from the official side would be how far
the franchise, if conceded, would go, in view of the need

for educating the peOple more fully on the issues involved
and of safeguarding all interests, including those of the
chiefs. The concession of the elective principle in the
Colonial Legislatures by "installments",seems the wise
course to take rather than the dismissal of the Congress's
demand on this matter on the ground that the Congress was

not representative of all the people of British West Africa
for whom it claimed to speak. No political movement or or-
ganization is or can be fully representative or satisfactorily
representative of all interests. It is the character of true
and wise statesmanship to decide how far demands from any
group of the community can be met without unduly sacrificing
other interests, and without also causing unnecessary frustra-
tions whose incidence might be deeper than appears at first

sight, and whose consequences might be disastrous. Hence, it

77

was to his credit that Governor Clifford of Nigeria observed
more than the superficial on the elective issue and took a
bold and wise initiative to meet it.
The Congress's resolutions on municipal government
seems to point to some serious shortcomings in the Colonial
Government's policy. If the intention was to train for re-
sponsibility from the local level, it seems curious that the
municipalities or town councils should be controlled by an
official majority and be virtually run by those officials,
thereby damping the interest of the indigines in municipal
government and by implication in local self-government.l6
It is idle and futile to contend that the people are too
"slack" to be entrusted with responsibility, which in any
case was bound to come some day. It is interesting to note
Governor Guggisberg's observation on the issue:
The Councils . . . have not been able to give to Afri—
cans a real interest in municipal administration. The
disadvantages of the present system are in my Opinion
obvious, and though the African members who have served
on the Councils cannot fail to have benefited thereby,
I consider that ToWn Councils if properly organised
would provide a valuable training school for the develop—
ment of the sense of leadership and responsibility among
educated Africans in administrative matters.

He then proceeded to suggest that the newly proposed Town

Councils be "freed from the immediate control of Government

by means of an official majority" thereby also removing "the

 

l6See C. O. 96/641 - Draft Municipal Corporations
Bill, Letter of Oct. 17, l923,from Guggisberg to Devonshire.

78

charge that they are merely minor Government Departments."
As a plea for his bold proposallme went on:
It is admitted that the principle of elective control
is new to West Africa and, to that extent, the proposed
legislation may be regarded as an experiment . . . I
have however no doubt that the experiment will be a
success and will satisfy to some extent the existing
desire and capacity for self government which so far
has had no opportunity for development.l7
It is fair, however, to observe that the people seemed reluc—
tant to tax themselves for the necessary expenses which their
new responsibility would entail. Yet with the growth of
"greater powers in the management and control" of their own
"local affairs" and the educative and sobering experience
gained thereby, and with the realization of the potential-
ities of the new responsibility this Opposition to direct
taxation in the form of Municipal rates would gradually have
disappeared. Guggisberg's new scheme was a step in the
right direction, which was thwarted by the peOple's suspi—
cion that it was intended by the government as a substitute
for self—government at the center instead of as a step to
that self-government.

Next in importance to the legislative reforms ad-

vocated by the Congress, were administrative and judicial
reforms. While in certain respects the administrative and

judicial issues were closely allied, points on them were not
very orderly set out in the Congress's resolutions. This was

probably due to the fact that the Congress members were

 

l7Ibid.

79

thinking of the abuses involved in the joint exercise of ad-
ministrative and judicial functions by the Colonial Officials
while at the same time considering the abuses implicit in
African exclusion from the higher posts in the Civil Service,
administrative and judicial. However, the Congress members
decried "the invidious distinctions in the Civil Service

by reason of colour." The Congress in particular deplored
"the Trades Union spirit of the West African Medical Staff,
which attempts to exclude qualified African citizens of Brit-
ish West Africa from entering the Medical Service of their
country" and urged that "duly qualified African Medical Prac-
titioners" should be allowed "free entry in the service and
be treated according to merit as to emoluments, rank, promo—
tion and leave." It suggested that "all future entries
should be based on merit by competitive examinations." It
was also pointed out that "the time has come to Open defi-
nitely to African practitioners of experience all Judicial
appointments."

It is clear on reflection that the exclusion of the
educated African elite from the higher appointments in the
Colonial Civil Service was one of the major causes of this
"elitist" movement. The frustrations caused by this exclu-
sion provided a potent motive force which conspired with
other forces to effect the birth of the movement. It is
doubtful whether the removal of the policy of exclusion was

not the paramount element among the factors that provided the

8O

raison d'étre of the movement. Congress seems to have had a

 

strong case. As is obvious in the introduction to this study,
the policy of excluding qualified Africans from the higher
posts in the Civil Service, seems to have been dictated on

the whole by the vested interests, economic or otherwise, of
the colonial master. It is an irrelevant rejoinder by the
Colonial Office to argue that "it is the desire of all gov-
ernments to appoint natives to whatever posts they are fit
for, and beyond that no government either can or ought to

" It is interesting to note that fairly soon after the

go.
Congress's agitation on the issue a number of significant
appointments of Africans to posts previously held by Euro—
peans were made.18 Casely Hayford was to observe, perhaps
with some truth, that "in the matter of openings in the
higher branches of the Colonial Service, the Congress had
not been more than a few months old when we were able to re-
port progress by concessions to men of our own race in the
several Colonies.”19
On the allied subject of administrative and judi-
cial reforms, the Conference condemned the joint exercise of

executive and judicial functions by officials of the Colonial

Government. It pointed out that "the exercise by the

 

18See particularly C. 0. 87/219; C. 0. 96/641;
C. O. 267/600, C. O. 583/120.

19Hayford, Presidential address, Freetown, Jan.,
1923; Sampson, West African Leadership, p. 72.

 

81

Executive of Judicial functions in the West African Adminis-
trations is inimical to the best interests of the people."
Further it urged that only "duly qualified and experienced
legal men should hold Judicial appointments" which should be
made on the same lines "as those of His Majesty's Judges in
England." On the specific issue of an Appellate Court, the
Conference recommended "an early arrangement by which ex-
perienced Judges outside the British West African Judiciary
might be appointed to form an Appellate Court for British
West Africa" while the attempt should be made to bring the
"Aboriginal Courts" into line with the Supreme Court on the
issue of appeals, and alsoto modernize those courts. The
employment of counsel in the courts, including the native
courts, was urged. Various "obnoxious" ordinances2O were
deplored and their repeal urged, while ”the barbarous prac—
tice of flogging African women for any offence whatsoever"

was deprecated.

 

20These were the Assessors Ordinance (Sierra Leone),
the Unsettled Districts Ordinance, the Collective Fines Ordi—
nance and the Provincial Courts Ordinance (Nigeria). In
brief:

' The Assessors Ordinance stipulated the trial of
cases by a learned Judge with the help of laymen judges known
as assessors. But while the Judge might base his judgment
on the verdict of these assessors, he had the power to over—
rule that verdict, and give a judgment that was contrary to it.

By the Unsettled Districts Ordinance restriction was
placed on the movement of "outsiders" into certain areas
judged by the government to be dangerous particularly to non—
inhabitants of those areas because inhabited by head—hunting
cannibals. The Ordinance was intended to protect "innocent"

82

The plea for the separation of judicial from exe—
cutive functions was well urged, for some of the European
Executive Officials were men who had no legal, if some mili-
tary, training. Yet these officials tended to administer
English law or modifications imposed by special local ordi—
nances. The serious implications become obvious when it is
realized that the utmost precaution was necessary to prevent
an innocent man from being wrongly condemned, and that in
practically all the courts where these officials presided
the aid of counsel was lacking. Furthermore, these "Polit—
ical Officers" might not absolutely have been as independent
of the control of the Executive as they ought to have been
in the interests of strict justice. The Supreme Courts in
all their.grades were an exception, as they "independently"
administered the law with the aid of legal practitioners.

Yet the objection against the political officers could not

 

adventurers into these areas and to reduce the temptation to
crimes practiced by their savage inhabitants.

' The Collective Fines Ordinance sought also to re-
duce the incidence of crime in these "savage" and "uncivi-
lized" areas. By that Ordinance a whole community was made
to pay a fine for failure to produce a wanted criminal or
help to find one where it was believed by the government that
the community could have been,helpful if they had wanted to be.
The imposition of such a fine also was calculated to improve
the community's moral sense as it came to learn that what it
condoned was in fact objectionable and punishable.

By the Provincial Courts Ordinance "Political Of-
ficers" were empowered to preside over courts known as Pro-
vincial Courts or District Courts where they, though usually
not legally qualified men, acted as Judges without the aid
of jury or learned counsel. The employment of counsel or
legal practioners in those courts was not allowed.

83

be seriously urged where the officers were experienced men,
well-versed in the customs of the peOple, a qualification

which is a desideratum, if not a sine qua non for an equit-

 

 

able settlement of local and "native" disputes. In fact, it
seems that these experienced and fair minded officials com-
manded the confidence of the illiterate masses.21 Neither
can the issue of the appearance of counsel in the courts be
strongly urged at this time except in serious criminal cases
prosecuted strictly according to English law. It is doubtful
whether the bulk of the common peOple wanted the appearance
of counsel in their native courts and highly dubious that it
was in their interest to permit it in the majority of those
courts at this time.

It was a sound contention of the Congress that
judicial appointments should be accorded to African prac-
titioners of ability and experience. The Colonial Office
admitted that such appointments had been made in the past
and would, ”no doubt, be done again in the future" provided
these African practitioners were prepared to work their way

22

up from the lower appointments. The case advanced against

the operation of the Assessors Ordinance by which an accused

 

21The early recollections of the present writer are

not without words of praise his father, uncle and elders had
for the impartiality of "white man's justice,” the District
Officer's justice.

22See C. O. 55A/A9 - C. O. Memorandum on the Con-
gress's Petition.

8A

person could be convicted by a sole "judge" notwithstanding
the opinion of the assessors to the contrary was sound. But
when it is realized that in some of those cases of apparently
outrageous judgments the native assessors were known to have
delivered an opinion dictated by corrupt influence, the argu—
ment loses much of its force and calls for second thoughts.
The case for an Appellate Court for British West Africa so
constituted as to prevent a judge sitting "on his own deci-
sion" was another good Congress resolution. In fact, the
Chief Justice of Sierra Leone was later to advance arguments
in support of such a scheme which would "remove what--I
think-~is a great reproach to the present system."23 The
modernization of the native courts might be validly urged if
the intention was to eliminate corruption and improve their
efficiency, while,however, providing against unwarranted en-
croachments of English law and English legal practice. But
while the practice of flogging women is repugnant to English
or even some native law, it is fair to add that the flogging
seemed to have been confined to the Mohammedan courts of
Northern Nigeria, where apparently it was not considered

an "obnoxious practice." Other so—called"obnoxious"ordinances
of Nigeria condemned by the Congress seemed to have been jus—

tified by their intended corrective and moralizing effects.

 

2
3C. O. 554/50 - Letter of March 17, 1921 from Chief
Justice Purcell to Governor Wilkinson of Sierra Leone.

85

The Conference next disapproved of the segregation
policy in the British West African colonies and went on to
recommend that in future more attention should be paid by
the sanitary authorities to the improvement of the general
conditions of the community than to the "fanciful theory” of
European segregation in cantonments. David Kimble observes

in his History of Ghana2u that the segregation principle,ad—

 

vanced by a conference of Principal Medical Officers of all
British West Africa in 1912, was never enforced in the Gold
Coast by Governor Clifford, but the principle seemed to have
worked itself out in a less offensive way in Nigeria. Seen
as a subtle attempt at racial discrimination it deserved the
Opposition it received from the Congress's leaders, in spite
of Dr. Majola Agbebi's observation that "the fad of segre-
gation is not distasteful to the un-Europeanised African."25
The Conference resolved that "the time has come to
found" a university "on such lines as would preserve in the
students a sense of African Nationality." The introduction
of compulsory education in the four colonies and the raising

of both Primary and Secondary education standards to meet

the educational requirements of the proposed university were

 

2“Kimble, Ghana, p. 38A (footnote).

2
5Agbebi, "The West African Problem," in Papers on
Inter-racial Problems Communicated to the First Universal
Races Congress (London, 1911), p. 3AA.

 

 

86

also urged. The Conference also resolved to promote a Na—
tional Education Fund supported by Government subsidies to
implement the new educational policy advocated.

The Congress's resolutions on education deserved
serious consideration. The vital role which education was
bound to play, not only in the success of most of the re-
mainder of the Congress's program but also in the implemen—
tation Ofeahealthy imperial policy,could not be disputed.
While all the parties seemed to agree on the need for im-
proving both primary and secondary education, there was
disagreement on the issue of university education, that is,
on the establishment of a British West African University.
Officialdom might argue that British West Africa was not yet
ripe for one, while ”enlightened" West African Opinion would
emphasize pithily that their resolution on this point "indi-
cates the present educational status of British West Africa."
It is tempting to argue in support of the former view that,

inter alia, secondary education was not advanced far enough

 

to ensure an adequate supply of students for a university,

that the requisite staff would not be available and that suf-
ficient funds would not be forthcoming. It is, however,
instructive to point out that similar arguments were used

later to oppose the establishment of the University of Nigeria,
whose creation has indicated the bold imagination and daring
courage of its founders. It is interesting that on the ques—

tion of a university for British West Africa, a Colonial Office

87

official remarked that he did "not regard it as premature if
private generosity were prepared to find the money or a large
part of it" and that "after all there were Universities in
England, and in every other European country, so far as I
know, centuries before there was any talk of educating the
masses."26 In either proposal for the establishment of a
university,what was vitally needed for its implementation were
men who could see the possibilities of the venture, who had
the confidence and courage to launch it, and who could com—
mand7directly or indirectly, the resources that would see
the venture through until it became safely self—supporting.
The Conference resolved that the Colonial Office
should be asked to consider whether the Syrians in British
West Africa "are not undesirables and a menace to the good
government of the land and consequently should not be re-

patriated from the West African Colonies." The introduction

of Immigration laws throughout British West Africa "so as to

 

26C. 0. 554/50 — Minute of 7/6/21, from Ellis to
Sir H. J. Read. In his confidential letter of 5/1/23 to Read,
Mr. Ormsby Gote, Parlimentary Under Secretary for the Colonies,
intimated that "the British merchants, Grey, Batty and Co.
would put up a large sum, and that . . . Harris could get a
very considerable sum out of West African natives if the Gov—
ernment at home and the West African Governments would back it,
cooperate, and take the initiative" and that "personally I was
favourable to the idea and would do what I could to explore
the ground."; C. O. 554/60 - The Congress's prOposal had been
"unanimously condemned by the Governors as hopelessly prema-
ture," C. O. 554/60 - Minute of 1/2/23 from Calder to Harding.

88

keep out undesirable aliens" was urged, while the "avoidance
of all discriminatory ordinances" against aboriginal emigrants
of the various colonies was advocated and the repeal of ex-
isting ones prayed for.

The Congress's resolution on the Syrian question
was vague, as it failed to specify to which colony the issue
applied. Surely the cause for that resolution was confined
to Sierra Leone and perhaps, to a lesser extent, to Nigeria,
and the Congress's failure to make some differentiation in
this respect exposed them to ridicule from various quarters,
and even to the charge of being irresponsible. This error,
however, does not dispose of the genuineness of the charge
as it applied to Sierra Leone. Yet it is doubtful whether
the delegates had sufficiently considered the full implica-
tions of the course of action they seemed to recommend. If,
however, the Congress's complaint still sounded fictitious
in some quarters, after allowance had been made for its
vagueness, it would be well to remember that Captain Armitage,
Governor of the Gambia, later admitted the presence of un-
desirables in his territory, although these happened to be
"the scum of French Senegal, who flock into the Colony and

27

Protectorate." Also, the Congress does not seem to have

considered the full implications of unimpeded flow in both

directions between aborigines of the various colonies. If

 

27C. O. 554/50 — Confidential letter of 7th May,

l92l,from Gov. Armitage to the Secretary of State for the
Colonies.

89

their resolution on this issue sounded noble, it did not fol-
low that it could work out in such a grand way in practice.
This is not, however, to condone too paternal a restriction
of the movement of the people within the colonies or between
them, as was the case of such a restriction within Nigeria,
namely, between Northern and Southern Nigeria.

There were also resolutions on economic questions
and these resolutions emphasized the Conference's disapproval
of the activities of the Empire Resources Development Commit-
tee, which aimed at "the exploitation" of "the natural re-
sources of the British West African Dependencies."28 Further,
the Conference strongly deplored the restriction of trade in
these colonies and urged its removal—~while at the same time
it recommended the promotion of indigenous cooperative enter-

29

prise in British West Africa.

 

28In 1917 the Empire Resources Development Committee

launched its agitation for the exploitation of Great Britain's
Imperial "Estate": The Committee promised profits large

enough to pay off the whole war debt and give to the British
workers increased wages and shorter working hours. Its propa-
ganda laid special stress on the great profits which could be
amassed from the African section of Britain's "estate." This
greedy and grossly materialistic conception of the Empire was
at its height in 1920. But the British West African administra-
tors were determined to prevent it from penetrating the ter-
ritories for which they were responsible, and this they even-
tually succeeded in doing. See Sir William Keith Hancock,
Survey of British Commonwealth Affairs (London, 1937), Vol. II,
Part 2, p. 190 et. §_q.

29It is curious that the resolutions on the Liquor
traffic, which featured in the earlier resolutions of the Con—
gress's promoters and were forwarded through the Colonial Govern-
ments to the Imperial Government, were absent from the entire
body of the present resolutions.

90

The Congress's resolution on the activities of the
Empire Resources Development Committee pointed to the genuine
fears of the people on the issue of the proposed exploitation
by alien interests. These fears were there in spite of of-
ficial dismissal of the E. R. D. C.'s program as a dead is—
sue.3O The Congress's resolution on the restriction of trade
was, interestingly enough, reinforced by Britain's Anti-
Slavery and Aborigines Protection Society's Opposition to
that policy. It is curious, however, that the Congress's
leaders, amongst all their resolutions, left out the Liquor
Traffic question, thereby laying themselves open to charges
of overlooking those objectionable practices that benefited
some or all of their members. It is no convincing rejoinder
to plead that they had already dealt with this issue in their
previous resolutions for they had also dealt with some of the
current resolutions. The Congress's recommendations for the
promotion of indigenous cOOperative enterprise was a highly
"constructive” and thoughtful one, pointing to the imperative
need of economic independence if political independence was
to mean anything.

0n the Land question the Conference pointed out that

"the principle of Trusteeship with respect to the lands of the

people of British West Africa by Government has been overdone,

 

30See, for example, Letter of 16th March, 1921, from
Clifford to Winston Churchill - C. O. 554/50.

91

811d that . . . the average British West African is quite ca—
Ibable of controlling and looking after his own interests in
‘the land." The Conference then proceeded to recommend that
‘the existing objectionable ordinances in this respect be
"modified" or "repealed" as the case may be.

The Land question was one about which British West
.Africa had felt very strongly all along. Controversies in
‘the local press on this issue, especially before the Con-
ggress's resolutions, were impressive; it is difficult to
remember any of the local papers that did not join in the
struggle against what appeared to them as the Government's
dangerous encroachments on the "proprietary rights" of the
‘people. Needless to say, Casely Hayford himself had advanced
able defense in his various works, while there had been dep-
'utations to England on the issue before this memorable Con—
ference, both from the Gold Coast and Nigeria. The right of
the peOple to their lands had been recognized, but there re-
Inained the fear aroused by Government's right to compulsory
land acquisitions in the public interest. This could be re-
Inoved by an independent tribunal for the determination of
compensation.

As regards the right of the people to self-
determination, the Conference resolved that it ”views with
alarm the right assumed by the European powers of exchanging
or partitioning Countries between them without reference to,

or regard for, the wishes of the peOple, and . . . that such

92

. . 1
ccyurse lS tantamount to a speCles of slavery."3

The Con-
fkerence condemned specifically the partitioning of Togoland
zand.the handing over of the Cameroons to Britain and France,
sand it requested to be assured by His Majesty's Government
izhat "under no circumstances whatsoever" would that Govern—
Inent consent "to the integrity of the four British West Afri-
<3an Colonies being disturbed."

The resolutions on the self-determination of Togoland
sand the handing over of the Cameroons, expressed genuine
ggrievances, especially as regards the forceful disruption of
lcinship relationships. In fact, the attitude of the Gold
(Boast Government on the Togoland question buttressed the
(Jongress's sentiment on the issue.32 It is tempting to point
1:0 the magnitude of the problem with its international
ianlications, but if the mandate principle were a genuine one,
tihe priority of the interests of the inhabitants of those
twerritories would seem to justify the Congress's stand on the
fisssue. Although their case seemed a hOpeless one, Casely
}Layford and his colleagues saw a new hOpe for British West

Adfrica, and even for Africa as a whole.

‘

31Dr. J. B. Danquah recalled that President Wilson's
(ioctrine of self-determination, which was being "pronounced
fflrom high places and from low in the chancellories of the world
gnawers" raised immediate echoes in West Africa, and was quickly
zadopted and adapted by the Congress leaders. See his Introduc-
‘tion to Sampson's Gold Coast Men of Affairs, p. 27.

32C. O. 554/50 — Confidential letter of 10th May,
l92l,from Guggisberg to Winston Churchill.

93

"Today," Casely Hayford wrote after the war,"en-
tixre West Africa has clasped hands over . . . a common con-
st:itutional demand . . . She is asking for self-determination
aJld we believe she will not ask in vain."33

The Conference also passed resolutions on the sub—
Jeect of a West African Press Union. Thus,it recommended that
51 committee of eXperienced journalists should be appointed to
iiivestigate the best means of promoting greater COOperation
iii the British West African Press. It was also resolved that

‘tlie Congress should publish its own quarterly magazine to be

jkniown as the British West African National Review, which was

 

'tCD be edited by Casely Hayford. The project did not, however,
rneaterialize. The Conference also deprecated and asked for the
r%3peal of laws in the British West African colonies that
trrreatened "the liberty of the Press."

Resolutions also were passed on the "representation
Of‘ West African views in London." Thus,it was directed by the
Coriference that "not more than two representatives from each
Of the four Dependencies be sent to London at the earliest
posssible date this year"314 to take legal advice on the best
metlhod to secure the franchise and the other reforms advocated;
tffiiir case was to be prepared "in the light of the resolutions

pfiflssed." In the meantime steps were to be taken to augment a

 

33Hayford, United West Africa (London, 1919), p. 44.

3“The Gold Coast Colony produced three delegates to
true London deputation.

 

94

Congress inaugural fund of £100,000, out of which the expenses
of the London deputation would be met. This was a fabulous-
sum in 1920 to expect of the inaugural conference. In fact,
it proved to be a wildly optimistic figure,35 although Hutton
Mills had contributed a thousand guineas to the fund.

Finally, the Conference, "fully convinced of the
importance of continuing and perpetuating its work," resolved
itself into a permanent National Congress of British West

36

Africa. The Congress was to be composed of the several com-
mittees already established; its headquarters would be in
Sekondi, the home of Casely Hayford at the time, while the
next session would be held in Freetown, Sierra Leone.

This newly constituted Congress then resolved "to
maintain strictly and inviolate the connection of the British
West African Dependencies with the British Empire, and to
maintain unreservedly all and every right of free citizenship
of the Empire and the fundamental principle that taxation

goes with effective representation." Thus,to leave no doubts

in the official circles as to its loyal intentions, in spite

 

35The Conference could collect only a little over
twelve thousand pounds at this session, while in 1930 the
Treasurer of the movement, Van Hein, was complaining that the
Congress could not boast of twenty thousand pounds in the
bank. See The Gold Coast Independent, Feb. 1, 1930.

36The resolutions embodying this decision was orig-
inally headed "The Inauguration of the Congress of Africans of
British West Africa," but later the term "Africans" seems to
have been quietly drOpped. The whole list of this Conference's
resolutions was, however, captioned: "Resolutions of the Con-
ference of Africans of British West Africa."

 

95

of what might look like a "radical" and revolutionary program,
the Congress had reaffirmed its loyalty to the Empire, while,
however, striving to uphold justice and fair-play that was the
corner-stone of that Empire.37

The Congress's momentous deliberations and the
equally memorable resolutions had justified its historic first
session of nearly three weeks. The resolutions were dispatched
to the Imperial Government through the various Colonial Govern—
ments, some of which apparently entertained no misgivings about
the spirit that motivated them or even about the content of the
resolutions themselves. Thus,the Governor of the Gold Coast
observed that there was scarcely any one of the more important
resolutions on which he had not previously invited the coopera—
tion of the African members of the Legislative Council and

38

other leading citizens. The Congress's resolutions might im-
press one as having attempted too much. But the very numerical
strength of the issues raised would appear to point to the

existence of some genuine and serious grievances somewhere, to

some real frustrations which must be removed if some unwelcome

 

37Although it was the intention of the Congress to
remain loyal, its main preoccupation in this profession of
loyalty was "the fundamental principle that taxation goes with
effective representation,” which absolute preservation of all
the rights pertaining to free citizenship of the Empire should
ensure.

38C. 0. 98/35 - Further correspondence relating to
the National Congress of British West Africa: The Governor's
Address.

96

consequences were to be averted. Later, however, the issue

of the representative nature of the Congress movement was to
emerge prominent to jeopardize the chances of these resolu-
tions, as embodied in the Congress's petition to the King,
receiving sympathetic attention for a time. The genesis

and merit of that issue will be examined later on in this dis—
course.

The inauguration of the first Conference of Afri—
cans of British West Africa met with enthusiastic reception
from a good number of peOple. Even from official quarters
the reception was favorable or at least mildly sympathetic.
The Governor of Nigeria, Sir Hugh Clifford, wished the Con-
ference well, while remarking that "the names of the President
and Vice—President are the best guarantee that counsels of
loyalty, prudence, and moderation will characterise your de—
liberations." The Governor of the Gold Coast, who had been
away from Accra on tour,was represented at the Conference by

39

his deputy, who was impressed by the extreme moderation of
tone and sentiments of loyalty that characterized the speeches.
The Governor himself sent his goodwill message to the dele—
gates from Coomassie, while eXpressing the hOpe "that their

wise and well—considered counsels will prove beneficial to

the cause of progress." The Governor of Sierra Leone, while

 

39The Governor said that he would have attended
every meeting but for his unavoidable absence from the capi-
tal due to his tour.

 

 

 

II The I920 Inaugural Conferencer at the Rodger Clucb Accra. ol the National Congress
Briti§h West Alri

Ir0III It'liloriglil. .Ti'tlll‘ll. A. B. Olli|ftcy()l-’flpali(l. H. anin. Dr H. C. Bankole Bright. F. W Dov vc (iii
Mn c..T Hulonl Mills. Manchu Kojo Aha bio. J. E Cvascly Hayl‘.ord Prince Bassey. Dukclmhraim Patriarch
J I.CIIInpbc| I
SIIIIII/I'Im: F. E. OlIiIing. Rcv.M .(. Huylor m. A. Ncwlun. Ii.0l‘ori..8 .IL. WOId.W. (i. ExsiL‘II. C. J. Bannerman.
. Ouagrninu. Adeniji ()lIIghilc. Adeoye DL-nigu . S. I). Bervell. J. B. NLIsIIn. W. WIIr IJ Brew. Akilab
Sawy er.J. I. Lminxunn. I. ArkIII uslr
BII/IIIII_:I' J Kimm Millx'. l .V. M"(urihy. J. II. (‘I IIIIx xL-y. J. M. IL I.In.I. (‘. A. I! hIrIILx. Dr, I. V. NIInk I-
HrIILc. J.‘I. AI.LJIy ( J. ILIiIiIlnII‘. W. l. (i. SLILy I. II (IJI; ILI I‘IIIIIIIILIIn. A. VILIIILI L-'L-.IpIIy I) I. .RCIINJOI‘I.

l'rIIIIL K. Allu AIIIUIIII. Ix ()II;IIIL\— I'.I|I.Iliu H .lLIlIII-I. .I (ilwur MILIII I M ()p-IIII'. IL. .8 5.:

 

 

II. ”It: I'L‘U I ImLILIII III-[\IIIIIIILIII ul IIIL' NIIIiLIIIIII (‘IIIIIII'I-xx
IIIIIII [r]! In I'Iulll. \I‘IIII‘II III II I" IIIIIIlLulr IIIIIIIII IhI- IIII II-IIIII-I. | IIIIIIIIII Mill. IhulIl ('IIIM. l'n-xnlL'III III
III: I'LIIIuII'w IIIILI III IIII- l mull-III IIIIIIIIIIII~I-),( IIII I IIIIIwI I Niun-IMIJ I.('II-.r|\ IlInI-ml U IIIIII ( 'IIIle). II. VIIII
III‘III H uIIII ('Imxi).

.8'IIIIIIIIIIII I urilmi .8lI\I'Iu|I INIuI-IIIII. II M .I-nux ((IIIIIIIIIIIIII. Ilr-IlIIII M'Inunl." II 'lml (Him I 'u I‘ru. II-
SL‘II I. I. M I mu Ixum ul ( IIII-I ()lmLIII. I W (8| I‘ZHI | I u .I .81IIIIII ((ulimll II).
... .- J... n —— - m- .—..

I’llO'l'OIIll/H‘llfl CONNI‘JC'I'I'ZI) WITH THE (IONGII’I'ISI‘I IVIUVEMENJ‘

 

98

sending similar messages of goodwill further remarked as folT
lows:

In attempting to develop the interests common to the in—
habitants of the British West African Dependencies, in-
terests not merely material but intellectual and spiritual,
and to bring into more complete sympathy with each other
the many races of which these Dependencies are comprised,
the Congress has a difficult task, but one which will have
the fullest sympathy from all who are interested in and
believe in the future progress of the West African peoples.

The Gambian Government, however, merely acknowledged the Con—
ference's notification of its inauguration.“O

West Africa, a journal representative of informed

 

British opinion, had something favorable to say initially.

In its issue of March 27, 1920, it described the Conference
as "a great step in the progress of West Africa" and further
observed that when the united front of British West Africa,
of which it was an embodiment, spoke, it would be "with no
uncertain voice," and it would be a voice which would compel
attention from those it was intended for. It even cast as-
persion at the View held until recently especially by Euro—
peans that the peOples of British West Africa were incapable
of uniting. Later this paper found highly promising and
gratifying the fact that this first great movement of British
West Africans had begun well, with "the two greatest Africans

in the Gold Coast" leading it.ul

 

40

For these messages, see The Gold Coast Leader,
March 20-27, 1920; April 3—17, 1920. See Also C. 0. 98/33 -
Petition of the National Congress of British West Africa.

ulWest Africa, April 3, 1920.

 

99

Back home in British West Africa, the jubilant ap—
probation with which the bulk of the local papers received
the successful launching of the movement was unmistakable.

The Gold Coast Leader regarded it as "the greatest event in

 

West African history" and saw in this "miniature parliament"
a highly promising future for the peoples of British West
Africa, both black and white. It is pertinent to note also
that an impressive gathering in the Western Province of the
Gold Coast Colony had anticipated this memorable event and
had recorded its enthusiastic approval. This meeting had in-
cluded not only the educated elements and the illiterate
masses but also paramount chiefs, chiefs and sub-chiefs of the
area concerned, not to mention that section of the Gold Coast
Aborigines' Rights Protection Society. This gathering was
duly represented at the Accra Conference that soon followed.
In Accra itself the continued presence of the Ga Mantse lent
a significant support from the traditional elements of the
community. A significant portion of the Cape Coast Section
of the Aborigines' Society, a section that had officially op-
posed the movement, also had lent its support. In addition
to all this, the inaugural Conference was duly attended by

find
the Editors of the Gold Coast Independent,fithe Eastern Star

 

and the Akwapem Chronicle.

 

In Nigeria the Lagos Weekly Record referred to the

Accra event as "another land mark" in "the history of West

Africa;" "the spirit of striving for a better world has caught

100

the Negro, and he has awakened to his responsibilities, not
only to himself but to the whole world." This view it claimed,
was abundantly supported by "the fact that representatives of
different West African Colonies have for the first time in our
history met at a congress at Accra to discuss matters affecting

the race."u2 The Times of Nigeria, had a comparatively "lo-

 

calized" view and saw the Accra Conference as "an achievement
that must inspire every native with great hOpes of the future"
as it marked the passage of "the regrettable old order" and
the dawn of "a glorious new." Thus while the Conference had
ushered in an era of cooperation and fellow-feeling, it had
also initiated a force that would compel a radical change in
Imperial policy towards British West Africa in the interest of
the latter also.”3
Almost the entire Sierra Leone Press had been in

support of the Conference movement. Its inauguration the

Sierra Leone Weekly News saw as an achievement that "must be

 

set down" as a thing of progress "on our part" as it had
grown "out of pure native thought and initiative." It further
was "a fact of West African history to which posterity will

point with reasonable pride."uu In addition, the West African

 

u2The Record, April 3, 1920.

”3The Times of Nigeria, March 22, 1920, April 12—19,
1920.

uuThe Weekly News, March 20, 1920.

lOl

NEE} urged that "all who complain of injustice . . . must sup-
port this movement."u5

The position in the Gambia with regard to press
reactions is not very clearl46 but it seems that there had been
some favorable official notice of the local committee which
included well known public men. The Gambia was duly repre-
sented at the London delegation which followed.

In addition to favorable press reactions, public
meetings were held to express appreciation of the achievement
of the Congress's promoters. In Sierra Leone, for example,

a mass meeting, approximately five hundred strong, gathered
in the Wilberforce Memorial Hall on April 19, l920,to wel-
come the delegates and to register their appropation and sup—
port for the movement. This big gathering which included
"students, workmen, ministers, barristers . . . and others,"
subscribed over a thousand pounds to the cause of the move—
ment.“7 Ladies were also present at the meeting and seem to

have participated actively both in the discussions and in the

enthusiastic subscriptions that followed. Later, a ladies'

 

”5The Mail, May 1, 1920.
“6The defective and imperfect nature of the Gambian
collections in the archives consulted has been noted elsewhere.

u7See The Sierra Leone Weekly News, April 2“, 1920,
July 31, 1920; West African Mail, May 1, 1920; The Times of
Nigeria, May 10, 1920.

102

branch of the Congress was formed in Sierra Leone under the
Joint-Presidentship of Madam E. J. Scotland and a Mrs. Rose
Palmer. .

In the Gold Coast eXpressions of approbation were
forthcoming not only from those known already to be supporting
the movement but also from such groups as the "Optimism Club,"
the “Akwapim Educated Community," and the "Cape Coast Literary
and Social Club." Furthermore, subscriptions from this col-
ony in support of the movement were comparatively substantial.
Thus,of over twelve thousand pounds collected at the inaugural
Conference, the Gold Coast contributed well over ten thousand

49

pounds.

In the Gambia subsequent meetings in respect of

the movement were held while subscriptions in support of the

movement were forthcoming.50 In Nigeria mass support seemed

to be comparatively limited although a belated mass meeting
of 16th October, l920,seemed to have been reasonably well at—

tended, lively in its deliberations and enthusiastic in its

51

support. Before this, however, a meeting seemed to have

 

uBThe Gold Coast Leader, April 3—17, 1920.

A
9R. E. Dennet, West African Congress and Govern-
ment on Native Fines (London, n.d.), p. 6.

50
51

The Sierra Leone Weekly News, October, 1920.

The Nigerian Pioneer, Oct. 29, 1920.

A8

103

been held in Lagos on the 21st June, l920,at which it was

resolved to establish a new branch of the Congress at Lokoja

in the Lokoja Province of Nigeria.52
The inauguration of the British West African Con-

ference, however, met with opposition in certain quarters.

It is clear that the parent body of the Gold Coast Aborigines‘

53 had as early as 1918 opposed the

Rights Protection Society
idea of launching such a movement. Its opposition was con—
sistently maintained through its official organ, the Gold_
Coast Nation. A more formidable and,in fact,devasting Oppo-
sition in the Gold Coast came from the highly influential and
forceful Paramount Chief of Akim Abuakwa, Nana Ofori Atta.514
He had cut himself and his people from the movement since its
leading promoters had failed, in what seemed to him a rather

contemptuous manner to enlist his cooperation and help. A

3

few months after the inauguration of the Conference, he

 

fi—

52The Lagos Weekly Record, July 10, 1920. No dis-
closures seemed to have been forthcoming with regard to the
size of Nigeria's contributions to the Congress fund.

53Its headquarters was at Cape Coast in the Central
Province of the Gold Coast Colony.

l5“Ofori Atta (1881-1943): Educated at the Akim
Abuakwa Grammar School; solicitor's Clerk to T. Hutton Mills;
clerk, Customs Dept.; Sergeant, Gold Coast Volunteer Corps,
1900; clerk, Governor's Office, Christianborg Castle; secre-
tary and judge, Omanhin's Office, Kibbi; Paramount Chief,
Akim Abuakwa State, l9l2-l9U3; member, Gold Coast Legislative
Council, 1916-1943; C. B. E., l9l8; King's Medal for African
Chiefs, 1921; first President Eastern Provincial Council, 1926;
K. B. E., 1927. 9

104

caused to be published in the Gold Coast Nation55 his and his

 

peoples attitude towards the Conference movement. His oppo—
sition at this time was to grow in strength until it attained
damaging proportions in his memorable denunciation of the
movement in the Gold Coast Legislative Council in December,
1920.

In Nigeria opposition to the Conference seemed to
be directed against the methods of the local promoters of the

movement. Thus the Nigerian Pioneer was later to point out

 

that "it is this gross mismanagement and a reckless assump—
tion of powers not granted that has alienated the bulk of the
public of Lagos from" the movement.56

Even in Sierra Leone, where the enthusiastic sup-
port of both the promoters and sympathizers of the movement
was an inspiration to the sister colonies, some opposition

was not lacking. Thus a correspondent in the Sierra Leone

 

 

Weekly News was at a loss to see "how such a united body of
representatives of men of Nigeria, the Gold Coast, the Gam—
bia and Sierra Leone can effect the centralisation of native
thought and native interest, when, not only is there such a
distance between them,but when our complaints are so diver—

gent; and our relative positions to the Government are so un-

common." This correspondent goes on to point to differences

 

55The Gold Coast Nation, July 2u_3l, 1920.

56The Pioneer, Oct. 29, 1920.

105

of race, and religion as further impediments to mere confed-
eration, let alone unity. He, therefore, would recommend
"the alternative step of acting independently of the other
races and colonies in presenting our social grievances." He
goes further to observe that "internal and local Union" will
make for easier and more effective concentration of efforts
"by narrowing the distance of communication between Colony
and Colony” and will further "eliminate all appearance of
intended political revolution and rebellion against lawful
authority which traducers may be inclined to saddle on the
combination of the Native Races."57

Opposition was forthcoming from some other quar—

ters, but this was directed against the methods of the local

 

leading promoters of the movement. Thus the West African Mail
complained that the bulk of "the common people of Sierra Leone"
had not been sufficiently consulted while it pointed out that
"there is some talk that all that is intended in the great
movement so far as Sierra Leone is concerned is to benefit
professional men, to better the condition of traders and men

of means, leave out the common class, and snub the aborigines.”58

 

57The Sierra Leone Weekly News, May 29, 1920.

58West African Mail, April 10, 1920. Subsequent
events in Sierra Leone were to prove that these fears and the
reactions resulting from them were not wholly unjustified.

106

But apart from these dissenting voices it was clear
that the successful launching of the movement enjoyed popular
support among the bulk of those who had sufficient knowledge
of the movement. The impressive note of approbation which

, greeted it was re-echoed in Britain not only by West Africa

 

but also by a notable dignitary, the BishOp of Accra, who,

for his part, declared the movement deserving of the greatest
59

respect, and its resolutions wise and prudent.

 

59The Gold Coast Independent, Dec. 18—25, 1920.
Letter of 20th Sept., l920,from Rt. Rev. M. S. O'Rorke (in
England) to Wood, cited in Kimble, Ghana, p. 385 (footnote).

CHAPTER IV

THE LONDON DEPUTATION AND

COLONIAL OFFICE REACTION

One of the Accra resolutions had directed that
propaganda and other "necessary and expedient" actions be
undertaken to represent British West African views in
London. For this,the several local committees were to en-
list further support in their various communities for the
cause of the movement, especially in the augmentation of
the Congress's fund. In addition, the major local commit-
tees were each to appoint "no more than two" delegates to
represent their various countries on the London delegation
that was scheduled for that same year. A special fund was
Opened at the Inaugural Conference for the delegation's
expenses, with an appeal for a Congress inaugural fund of
a hundred thousand pounds, of which the former would form
a part. To this fund T. Huttom Mills, President of the
Congress, contributed a thousand guineas, and,by the end
of the Conference,subscriptions had reached the handsome
total of twelve thousand pounds, ten thousand of which came
from the Gold Coast. Later, Sierra Leone was to provide an

additional contribution of a thousand pounds, while the

107

108

Gambia produced over five hundred pounds.1 The initial
target of a hundred thousand pounds seemed to have proved
a wildly optimistic figure.

The deputation did not wait for all the necessary
funds to be subscribed. The leaders managed to assemble a
small group who were able to contribute to the cost of their
passage and residence, or who wished to visit London for
personal reasons. It was apparent from the various com-
plaints raised that the delegation had been unduly hasty
and the choice of delegates objectionable in some quarters,
and there was doubt whether the propaganda work which had
been enjoined by the Congress had been properly conducted
before the despatch of the mission. In Sierra Leone some
correspondents complained bitterly in the local papers of
how "the mass of the peOple have been severely neglected
by the Committee" while the selection of the Sierre Leone

delegates had been "done“ in camera: The President and

 

Secretary of the local Committee replied, giving some ac—
count of the activities of the local Committee so far and
attributing the "non-calling of the meetings" to bad

weather. But it was clear from the rejoinders that a

 

1See The Sierra Leone Weekly News, March 27, 1920,
and Oct. 16, 1920; The Gold Coast Leader, April 3-17, 1920;
also Kimble, Op. Cit., p. 386. No definite statement of its
contribution to the fund seemed to have been forthcoming
from Nigeria, in spite of a mass meeting summoned by the
local Committee and held in October, l920,in which it was
resolved to help meet the Committee's financial needs and
commitments.

 

 

109

section of the people were being antagonized and alienated
by what appeared to them an "undemocratic act," nay, "a

"2 Similar

veritable insult on the good will of the people.
criticisms and resentments were not lacking in the Gambia
either.3

In Nigeria there were complaints in Lagos that
the formation of its local Committee had been made without
public knowledge, while for Nigeria's representation on the
London deputation "some peOple who happened to be in London
were . . . appointed by cablegram to represent" it. Such
"gross mismanagement and . . . reckless assumption of powers
not granted" were strongly deprecated and put forward as
responsible for "alienating the bulk of the public of Lagos"
from the movement.“

In the Gold Coast such complaints and criticisms
seemed to be minimal though its three delegates (maximum
of two for each colony was enjoined in the Congress's reso—
lutions) probably caused some murmurings. In any case, the

"rush" tactics of the Congress leaders were criticized by

West Africa,5 and it must have been objectionable to those

 

 

2The Sierra Leone Weekly News, July 2A and July
31, 1920; The West African Mail, August 7 and August 21,
1920.

 

 

3The Sierra Leone Weekly News, Oct. 2, 1920.

 

“The Nigerian Pioneer, Oct. 29, 1920.

 

5Kimble suspects that "several of the members of
the duputation had heavy commitments in the cocoa market
and were anxious to get to London as soon as possible owing

110

West African aborigines who had been criticizing the methods
of the Congress's leaders. Nana Ofori Atta, apparently expres-
sing a different fear, observed that if the Congress's leaders
of the Gold Coast had "any good intention, if there was an
honesty of purpose, there would have been little or no dif-
ficulty in getting the chiefs to discuss their suggestions
and proposals and to arrive at a decision." Since, however,
"they have undoubtedly some ulterior motive they absolutely
ignored the chiefs of the country."

AS to the representativeness of the delegation, it
would be recalled that some Gold Coast chiefs had objected
to the movement, an objection kept up through their medium,
the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection Soceity, or at
least a section of it, and also through the Society's organ,

the Gold Coast Nation. In addition, Chief Nana was to de—

 

nounce in a most vigorous way in the Gold Coast Legislative
Council the unrepresentative nature of the Congress movement
in general and of the London delegation in particular. In
his denunciation, he was supported by Nana Amonoo V., Para-
mount Chief of Anamabu, and such educated elements as Dr.
Quartey Papafio of Accra, and E. J. P. Brown, a legal

practioner of Cape Coast.

 

to the onset of the slump of 1920—21." He concludes that
"this would account for the haste with which they left."

A Political History of Ghana, p. 386 (footnote). A Sierra
Leonean correspondent doubted the wisdom of selecting Mr.
Dove as one of the delegates,since his interests in the
"Koko" trade would interfere with his propaganda work in
England. The Sierra Leone Weekly News, July 2“, 1920.

 

111

Although complaints and criticisms as to the meth-
ods of the local Committees in Sierra Leone amdthe Gambia might
merely cast doubts as to the representative quality of their
respective delegates, an influential and "enlightened" group
of the Lagos community came out unequivocally against the un-
representative character of the Nigerian delegation. In
their communication to the President of the London Congress
Committee, these educated elements intimated that while "the
idea of the British West African Conference and its aim and
objective have their hearty and unalloyed support and sym-
pathy, . . . they strongly protest against the methods adOpted
to represent Nigeria on that Conference, as in their Opinion,
such representation Should, on all occasions, be worthy the

6 It

dignity and importance of the Colony and Protectorate."
is interesting that none of these protesting gentlemen had
attended the Accra Conference, important though they were in
the Lagos community. If this technical point should appear
of minor significance, it is well to remember that many a

noble cause has foundered on wrong procedural methods,<n;atbemg

been bogged down in inexpedient ones. The Nigerian Pioneer,

 

 

6c. o. 98/35, Letter of 5th Sept., l920,from Dr.
Obassa to Hutton Mills: Further correspondence relating to
the National Congress of British West Africa. These educated
gentlemen were Hon. Kitoyi Ajasa, Member of the Nigerian Coun-
cil, Dr. John Randle, ex-Member of the Council, Hon. E. C.
Moore, Member of the Council, Hon. S. H. Pearce, Member of
the Council, Dr. Magnus Macaulay, J. H. Doherty, P. J. C.
Thomas, J. W. Vaughan, J. T. Cole, Andrew Thomas, and Dr.
Obassa.

112

while recognizing the merits of the movement, stressed the
need for proper representation, while correspondents of the

Sierra Leone Weekly News and the West African Mail pointed

 

 

out that if the support of the mass of the people was to be
forthcoming the local committees would have to take the for-
mer into their confidence and keep them well—informed of
the progress of the movement. Such a course of action was
imperative if the success of that "noble cause" was to be
ensured.

By September 1920, the delegates were in London.
Nigeria was represented by Chief Oluwa, who was already in
London on personal business. Another Nigerian delegate was
Egerton Shyngle, who probably was also in London on the
same business and seemed to be similarly appointed by cable...7
The Gold Coast delegates were T. Hutton Mills, J. E. Casely
Hayford, and H. Van Hein, with Hutton Mills acting as the
President of the entire delegation. Sierra Leone was repre-
sented by Dr. H. C. Bankole-Bright and F. W. Dove, while the

Gambian delegates were E. F. Small and H. M. Jones.8

 

7See The Nigerian Pioneer, Oct. 29, 1920.

8A short sketch on the personality of each of the
delegates might be useful: To Hutton Mills, of the Middle
Temple, Barrister-at-law, and Solicitor, Supreme Courts of
the Gambia, the Gold Coast and Nigeria; retired un-official
Member, Gold Coast Legislative Council; President of the
National Congress of British West Africa, and also of its
London delegation (or Committee). Casely Hayford, M.B.E.,
Barrister-at-law; Member of the Gold Coast Legislative Coun-
cil; Editor, The Gold Coast Leader; Vice—President of the

 

 

113

Of these nine delegates, three were barristers-at—law, three
merchants, one a medical practioner, while of the remaining
two,one belonged to the chiefly class and the other to the
category of "public men." On.their arrival in London, T.
Hutton Mills of the Gold Coast, the President of the Con—
gress, was appointed President of the Congress's London com-
mittee while Dr. Bankole-Bright of Sierra Leone was appointed
its Secretary.

The members of the delegation took what opportunity
they could to canvass their case in London. Contacts were

made with the League of Nations Union, the Bureau Interna—

 

tional pour la Défense des Indigénes, the Welfare Committee
for Africans in EurOpe, the African Progress Union, West
African students resident in London, various interested mem-
bers ofVParliament, and such prominent Afrophiles as Sir
Sydney Olivier,J. H. Harris and Sir Harry Johnston. Consider-
able importance seemed to have been attached to their meeting

with the League of Nations Union, which was presided over by

 

N.C.B.W.A. H. Van Hein, Merchant, Cape Coast; member of the
Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection Society; Joint—
Treasurer, N.C.B.W.A. Chief Oluwa of Lagos, member of the
Lagos Central Native Council. J. Egerton Shyngle, of the
Inner Temple, Barrister—at-law, and Solicitor, Supreme
Courts of the Gambia and the Gold Coast, and leader of the
Nigerian Practising Bar. H. C. Bankole—Bright, Physician
and Surgeon of Edinburgh University and Sierra Leone Senior
Native Medical Practitioner; Editor, Aurora; Secretary of
the Congress London Committee. F. W. Dove, Councilor, Free—
town, 1895-1917; Deputy Mayor, Freetown, l9lA-15; Merchant.
E. F. Small, Secretary of the Local Committee of N.C.B.W.A.
H. M. Jones, Merchant.

llu

Professor Gilbert Murray, the Vice-President of the Union.9
Possibly,the delegates were under a misapprehension as to
the relationship of the League of Nations Union to the
League itself. However, the meeting was an interesting one
and,in fact,one that apparently proved "rather distressing"
to the Colonial Office.10

Professor Murray,in his introductory remarks,
pointed out that the Union stood for "the carrying out in
the letter and spirit . . . the general principles defined
in the Convenant of the League of Nations." Under Article
22 of the Covenant, which dealt specifically with African
Mandated Territories, it was enjoined that "the stronger
Powers . . . are specifically bound to regard themselves

as trustees for civilization in undertaking the duties of

government" for those territories "which are . . . 'not yet

 

9The President, Lord Robert Cecil, was unavail-
able to receive the delegation.

10See C. o. 554/49. Report of the Meeting with
the League of Nations Union. The Meeting was held on
October 8, 1920. Those present were as follows: League
of Nations Union: Professor Gilbert Murray, D. Litt, Vice—
President of the Union; Sir Willoughby Dickinson, K. B. E.,
Late M. P. for St. Pancras; John H. Harris, organizing
Secretary to the Anti-Slavery and Aborigines Protection
Society; Charles Roberts, ex-M.P. for Norwich and one—time
under-Secretary of State for India; Dr. Maxwell Garnett
C.B.E., General Secretary of the League of Nations Union;
and Col. D. Borden Turner, O.B.E., Secretary for the Inter-
national Policy and Overseas Committee for the League of
Nations Union.

All the members of the Congress London delega—
tiongflus Herbert Macaulay and Mormodu Oluwa, Chief Oluwa's
Private Secretary, and son, reSpectively.

115

able to stand by themselves under the strenuous conditions

of the modern world.'" He further stressed that "the Manda-
tory, among other things, is debarred from making any pro-
fit out of his trust." He completely agreed with the Con-
gress'sxnxmemsresolution on "the way in which territories
were handed over" at the end of the war, an act that "was

a disappointment to all those . . . concerned in the League
of Nations." He did not think, however, that self—government
came under the special work to which his Union was pledged,
but he thought there was a general presumption in favor of
the constitutional demand the Congress was making. Dr.
Bankole-Bright, Secretary to the delegation, introduced the
delegates, indicated the object of the mission and summarized
the history of the Congress movement. He, curiously enough,
pointed to impending "political unrest in West Africa" which
the Congress was "disarming" by acting as a constitutional
safety-valve, and which British statesmanship would do well
to avert by meeting the people's legitimate requests. Casely
Hayford, the spokesman of the delegation, took great care to
establish the credentials of the delegates and to explain
their resolutions. He pointed out that the promoters of

the West African Conference were all men of responsibility,
some of them public men who had served on Legislative Coun—
cils. They were representative of British West African in-
telligentsia without, however, claiming a "monopoly of the

intelligence of British West Africa." Further, it was

116

erroneous to think that because they had reCeived a foreign
culture they'wera in consequenca'divorced from the institu—
tions and customs of our people," with whom they, in fact,
claimed identical interests. In asking for constitutional
reforms, they were giving expression to the will of "the
whole community" to whom representative government was in—
digenous. He expatiated on the evils of the current "dis-
abilities" of the British West Africans, constitutional and
otherwise. Hutton Mills appealed to that section of the
Covenant according to which members of the League Of Nations
undertook to secure just treatment of the native inhabitants
of territories under their control.

Sir Willoughby Dickinson, a member Of the Union,
did not hesitate to disclose his high impression of the
delegates, two of whom, Dr. Bankole—Bright and Casely Hay-
ford, he described as "fair representatives of the native
races" Of West Africa and of "equal mental calibre to the
inhabitants of European countries." He would advise the
British Government "to make the fullest use of the high in—
tellect and character which undoubtedly exists among these
races whom Europeans are apt to regard as incapable of self-
government." He thought education of ignorant public Opinion
to the conditions in the colonies was desirable, although
Charles Roberts, while agreeing with this view, stressed the
wisdom of proper timing in doing so. Members of the Union

stressed the importance of maintaining the contact already

117

established, and even of extending it, and while drawing
attention to the limited scope of the Union's task and
authority, promised their support.

After these preliminary contacts, the deputation
got down to its main business, namely, the addressing of a
petition to the King. This petition, in thirty parts, was
accompanied by a voluminous memorandum, in sixty—two parts,
with other supporting documents such as the Congress's
resolutions, the inaugural Speeches, and various other "ex-
hibits" including a credential from the Mayor of Freetown.ll
Matters in the petition were not set out in a very orderly
mannen but these significant points emerge from it.

The petitioners Claimed to be "the accredited
representatives of the National Congress Of British West
Africa," a permanent offspring of the first Conference of
Africans of British West Africa. They next claimed that
the Congress represented "the intelligentsia and the ad-
vanced thought" Of British West Africa and that it stood
for the fundamental principles "that have always actuated
communities that have arrived at the stage of national con-
sciousness." Further, they claimed that the Congress repre-
sented also the bulk of the indigenous inhabitants, on

whose behalf they claimed the right to submit complaints

and propose reforms.

 

110. o. 98/33; C. o. 55u/u9,Congress's Petition,
and Memorandum of the Case.

 

‘

   

118 _

The petitioners then prayed for the reconstitution
Of the Legislative Councils so that half of the members
could be elected and half nominated. There Should also be
new Houses Of Assembly, consisting, in each case, of all the
members Of the Legislative Council, together with six other
elected representatives, thereby producing an elected major-
ity for controlling finance.l2 Elections should be held
through the existing indigenous methods, but where indige-
nous institutions did not provide a ready means Of ascertain-
ing the will of the peOple, property or educational qualifi-
cations could "be resorted to." This was an attempt to
reconcile the traditional-and modern elements in the new
polity that was emerging. It was argued that "in asking
for the franchise the people Of British West Africa are not
seeking to copy a foreign institutionfl but than on the con-
trary, the principle of elective representation was indige—
nous to,and inherent in,a11 their political systems, a
contention supported by "standard works on the subject."13

Consequently, the existing system of nomination in the

Crown Colonies was, to the people, "a great anomaly," and

 

12It was also prayed "that the advantage Of the
reform herein advocated be extended to both the European
and African members of the various British West African
Communities." See Section 15 of the Petition.

l3While,however,the contention that the elective
principle was inherent in all their political systems was
true in the Gold Coast, such a statement needed some quali—
fication in the other colonies, eSpecially in the emirates
of Northern Nigeria.

119

constituted "a grievance and a disability" which had already
operated to the detriment Of the peOple and had been de-
plored by the peOple's press and the unofficial members Of
the Legislative Council. It was further pointed out that
as early as 1898 and again in 1912 appeals had been made to
the Imperial Government for the reconstitution Of the Gold
Coast Legislative Council on some electoral basis. Atten-
tion was also drawn to the Imperial Government's declared
policy of 1865 which was "to encourage in the Natives the
exercise of those qualities which may render it possible
for us more and more to transfer to them the administration
of all the Governments," on the strength of which "British
West African Kings and Chiefs and other representative men
had prepared their sons," besides a large class of well-
educated men that had prepared themselves, for the eventual
takeover. Finally, reforms in municipal government were
also prayed for.

The petitioners further pointed to the disability
the peOple suffered owing to the "invidious distinctions to
appointments" in His Majesty's British West African Civil
Service, especially in the West African Medical Service,
points which were further elaborated on in the Memorandom.

Judicial reforms were also prayed for, attention
being drawn Specifically to those ordinances that consti-
tuted "a grievance," such as the Unsettled District Ordi-

nance, the Collective Fines Ordinance and the Assessor's

120

Ordinance amongst others. The petitioners also asked for
the coordination of the Aboriginal Courts and the Supreme
Courts "so as to allow Of an appeal from the highest
Aboriginal Courtlu to the Divisional Court of the Supreme
Court" and ultimately to the Privy Council. Discontinuance
of "the dangerous practice Of trying without a jury persons
charged with Offences, particularly capital offences" was
prayed for, as well as the abolition Of "the practice Of
appeals tO any Officer exercising executive functions,"
while definite separation Of judicial and executive func—
tions was urged. Further,the petitioners prayed for an
early reconstitution of the Appeal Court Of British West
Africa with a West African Appellate Court composed of ex-
perienced Judges outside the British West African judiciary,
and appointed on lines identical with those existing in
England.

The introduction Of emigration laws "to keep out
undesirables" was requested, and the Syrians were Cited for
Special consideration as belonging to this category.

The establishment of a British West African Uni—
versity was also requested, and the petitioners were "pre-
pared to promote the necessary funds . . . supported by

Government subsidies."

 

1“This is their term for what would be known to—
day, in Nigeria for example, as a Native or Customary Court.

121

Further, the scheme of the Empire Resources De-
velopment Committee, which aimed at "the exploitation" Of
the people's lands "under state control," was deplored,
and the people's indubitable and absolute right to their
lands claimed. Modification of the Public Lands Acquisi—
tion Ordanances, so that compensation for necessary and
compulsory acquisition by Government could be determined
by "independent appraisement," also was demanded.

The petitioners expressed their apprehension at
"the right assumed by the European Powers of exchanging or
partitioning African countries between them without regard
to the wishes Of the people," and they prayed for the re-
consideration Of the partitioning of Togoland between the
English and French. As they contended, the partition
had meant that certain members of a tribe had been separated
from their kinsmen and placed under a new alien rule with—
out reference to the wishes of the peOple; it was their
Opinion that "such a course is tantamount to a species Of
slavery."

In addition to these points, however, the peti-
tioners recorded the formal acknowledgments returned by the
West African Governors to the Conference greetings, thereby
naively, or perhaps imprudently, suggesting that they had
received Official recognition. The memorandum, as was to
be expected, expatiated on the issues prayed for in the

petition. But it interwove some trivial details with

122

important issues and the discussion Of fundamental princi—
ples. It further anticipated important arguments which it
tried to meet. Thus, in answer to the expected argument
that they were not united and that there were too many fac-
tions and feuds for election purposes, it recalled that
unfriendly chiefs had often met on common ground for united
action in the past. In elaborating their case, the peti-
tioners also endeavored to have it "documented."

The Colonial Office took a long time to consider
this extensive material, which was submitted for transmis—
sion "to His Majesty the King" on 30th October, 1920.15
This was due mainly to the fact that it had tO refer back
to the four Governors for their detailed comments. Copies
Of these documents were also dispatched "to each of the
Governors of British West Africa" by the London Committee,
apparently on the same date.16

The deputation next sought an interview with the
Prime Minister to discuss the petition, but Lloyd George
rejected the request, advising that any petition regarding

the government Of the British West African Colonies should

properly be addressed to His Majesty through the Governors

 

15C. O. SSA/A9, Letter and Enclosures Of 30th
Oct., 1920, from the N.C.B.W.A. London Committee to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies.

l6See C. o. 98/33, Letter of 30th Oct., 1920,
from the London Committee to the Colonial Secretary, Gold
Coast.

123

Of the various Colonies concerned, and the Secretary Of
State for the Colonies.17

The Colonial Office in its observations first
doubted the truly representative character of the petition-
ers. Thus, it was pointed out that the London Committee
did "not represent anybody except the "intelectual* natives
Of the barrister and trader class." It was further contended
that "the position of a body in London submitting petitions
to this Office on the subject Of the affairs of West Africa,
and claiming to represent the various peOples in West Africa,
is rather anomalous," and hence,the Office Should not "go
any distance towards recognizing the existence of the London
Committee." On second thought, however, it was decided to
recognize it so as not "to give these people any needless
cause for Offence." But it was, however, pointed out that
the petition "is a hopeless jumble of matters affecting dif-
ferent colonies and that it is impossible to deal with West
African Colonies as a whole, their Circumstances being so
different."

On the question of the franchise, it was contended
that a nominated member would provide a better representation
Of the views of the people than any kind of election could
produce. Governor Guggisberg of the Gold Coast had rightly

pointed out that the people of West Africa were not yet ripe

 

17C. O. SSA/A9, Letter of Dec., 1920, from Kerr to
Bankole-Bright.

12A

for representative institutions, and hence,it would be a
very cruel kindness to any West African colony to grant any
such constitution as the Congress advocated. It was further
pointed out that the native elections to which reference was
made in the petition were very different from British elec-
tions, since the former simply meant that the elders of the
community met together and chose Chiefs. It was further
argued that the granting of the constitutional reforms
prayed for in the petition would mean the abandonment of
financial control to the people in the West African Colonies,
which would surely be a disastrous step to take.

To the complaint that the Government has "wrested
the sanitary department from the functions" of the Freetown
Corporation, and thus,by implication,stifled the people's
initiative and enthusiasm in municipal self—gogernment, it
was replied that Government's intervention was dictated by
the people's slackness, and therefore,"in order to get any-
thing done, sanitation had to be removed to the Central
Government, which incidentally has to pay for it." It was
further observed that Municipal Government by West African
natives could never be "anything of a success for some time
to come," and that for the meantime the people Should be
satisfied with the existing ones.

With regard to the judicial reforms advocated,
especially in relation to the separation of judicial and

executive functions, attention was drawn to the fact that

125

the judiciary in the Gold Coast and Sierra Leone was already
constituted by men with legal training. It was, however,
admitted that "District Officers have magisterial jurisdic—
tion in summary cases" and that "in the Northern Territories
Of the Gold Coast and Ashanti, the Chief Commissioner is
also a Judge" but that the issue raised "merely deals with
the state of Affairs in Nigeria," with its Provincial Courts
system. The Unsettled Districts and Collective Fines Or-
dinances were seen as valuable in diminishing court cases.

The appointment of natives to the Bench would be
done as soon as the natives showed interest in taking up legal
work under the government. However, experience had shown
that the appointment Of a native barrister as Crown Counsel
was unsatisfactory simply because this official was not
trusted by his people,while the Official found his position
so awkward that he had to resign his appointment. It was,
however, the policy of the Office to appoint judges from
Officers who had gone "through the mill in lower judicial
capacities," and Africans who wanted to be judges would
have to comply with this requirement.

The plea for an Appeal Court on the line suggested
by the petitioners was rejected as not likely to serve any
useful purpose, while that for allowing Counsel in all cases
was dismissed as being intended to serve the selfish inter-
est Of the lawyers who dominated "the African Congress."

It was further pointed out, with regard to the appearance

126

of counsels in native courts that "the great majority Of~
the native population would much prefer no Counsel." The
expulsion Of barristers from the native and the provincial
courts was upheld on the ground that it diminished court
cases.

The question of "invidious distinctions to appoint—
ments" in the Civil Service was rebutted with the answer
that the natives were not yet fit for appointments and that
until they showed themselves fit, the arrangements then cur-
rent would have to continue. It was further pointed out
that native medical practitioners could be and were appointed
to Government posts, but that it would be absurd to suggest
that they should be paid the same as Europeans, or that they
should proceed to the control of Europeans in the West Afri-
can Medical Staff, which could happen if Africans gained
access tc> that exclusive establishment.

With regard to the Syrian question, it was admit—
ted that the Syrian was "not an altogether desirable person."
It was, however, remarked that his chief fault was that he
undersold the Creole Of Freetown, and as a result had got
a large quantity of the small trade in his own hands; com-
plaints against them were regarded, in most cases, as highly
dubious.

The subject of the Empire Resources Development
Committee was dismissed as a dead issue, but no plea was
entered against the attack on the partitioning of Togoland

except that it represented the Gold Coast point Of view.

127

It was concluded that the claim of the petitioners
to speak for the non-European native was unjustified as was
Obvious "whenever their interests diverge." Thus, the peti-
tioners "want native barristers to be allowed to prey on the
unsophisticated natives in the native and provincial courts
and in land disputes." Further, "they make nO reference to
the suppression Of the liquor traffic, as the educated
coast Negroes wish to exploit the others by distilling and
importing spirits." It was further concluded that even if
one were in sympathy with their aims, it was impossible to
deny that none of the British West African Colonies were
ripe for an elective franchise or an unofficial majority in
the Legislative Council, while the legal reforms suggested
were seen as "designed almost solely to benefit the native
barrister, not to further the cause of justice or to pro—
tect the aboriginal native."l8

It was decided tentatively that submission Should
be made to the King by the Secretary Of State for the Colo-
nies on the issues raised in the petition. The Secretary
would recommend that the time had not yet come for the intro-
duction into any of the British West African Colonies and
Protectorates of the principles of election to the Legisla-
tive Councils or of unofficial majorities on those Councils.

With regard to the legal changes, the recommendation would be

 

18C. O. SSA/4% Colonial Office Memorandum of
6/11/20 and Minutes of l9/ll.20.

128

that the changes suggested would neither improve the adminis—

tration cxf justice nor be in the interests Of the great

bulk Of the population. AS to the other points raised in

the petition,it should be noted that some applied to all

the West African Colonies, some to only one or two, while

their relative importance varied a great deal. On these

latter points it would be advisable to consult the Governors

and determine regarding each particular point what action,

if any, was possible or desirable.19
Earlier than this,20 however, the Governor Of the

Gold Coast, Governor Guggisberg,21 had communicated to the

Colonial Office on the character, Objective, and method Of

the London delegation, and also his views on affairs rela-

ting to the Congress movement. The Governor intimated that

the Gold Coast delegates did not represent the chiefs but

merely the "literates" in the sea coast towns, who were but

a fraction Of the whole population. The Objective of the

 

19C. o. 55u/u9, C. 0. Minutes of 19/11/20 on the
petition.

2OSee C. O. SSA/A6, Telegram Of 23rd October,
1920, from Guggisberg to Colonial Office. Note reference
to Guggisberg on the elective representation issues in the
C. 0. Observations cited above.

21Sir Frederick Gordon Guggisberg (1869-1930),
soldier and administrator; born at Toronto; commissioned
officer, Royal Engineers, 1889; employed by Colonial Office
on special survey Of Gold Coast Colony and Ashanti, 1902;
Director of SurVeys there, 1905; in Southern Nigeria, 1910;
served in France, 191A-1918; Governor of the Gold Coast,
1919-1927; K.C.M.G., 1922; Governor of British Guiana, 1928—
1929.

129

delegates was to obtain what practically would amount to
self-government, and for this they would try to influence
public Opinion in England. He felt that self—government
would be "fatal" to the progress Of the native races and
to the development of the colony which was not yet ready
for it. In fact, he continued, he had privately learned
from the chiefs that they were resentful of the attempts
of the so-called literates to govern them, while the re—
forms desired by the Congress tended to impugn indigenous
institutions which, however, it was the policy of the
Government to uphold.

He further observed that except for the
usual discontented element in the colony, the rest were
happy under existing conditions. In fact, the current
government schemes for town councils offered opportunities
for local self-government and the employment of Africans
in more responsible posts, a situation unprecedented in
the history Of the colony. The "native civil service"
was, however, being jeopardized by an unhealthy compari-
son with India and Egypt. He had suspicions that a bad
influence was being exercised by the Congress over semi-
literate young men, with the result that the formation of
a trade union was in progress and strikes imminent,
although the situation was for the moment under control.

In conclusion, he personally deprecated any
direct communication between the Colonial Office and the

London delegates without reference to the local government,

130

and, therefore, suggested that, Should an interview be con—
sidered necessary, the greatest caution Should be exercised,
while His Majesty's Government should not be committed in
any way, except to the extent of promising to refer any
memorial to him for his ObServations after consultation
with representatives of the various communities.22

Soon after the Colonial Office Observations of!
the petition, a telegram from the Governor Of Nigeria ar—
rived.23 In this telegram, Sir Hugh Clifford stated that
the National Congress Of British West Africa was in no way
representative Of Nigeria, and that its methods had been
formally repudiated by a number of the natives Of Lagos,
who represented the best educated exponents Of African
Opinion in the more Europeanized areas near the coast.
He further asserted that none of the "soi—disant" Nigerian
delegates then in England had any personal knowledge of
more than insignificant portions Of Nigeria, or of more
than a small fraction Of the various native states and
tribal divisions of which Nigeria was composed. He then
warned that the published program of the Conference, even

if it were possible of realization, would be subversive

 

22Earlier still, the Governor had had conversations

on the issue, apparently expressing views only reiterated
here, with the Secretary and the Under Secretary Of State.
See C. O. SBA/U6, Ibid.

23C. O. SSA/A6, Telegram of 25 November, 1920,
from Governor Clifford to the Secretary of State for the
colonies; received at the Colonial Office the following day.

2“The Governor meant that the Congress's scheme
was Opposed to the principle and policy of indirect rule
which his Government was committed to uphold.

131

Of all the native governments and of the indigenous politi-
cal and social institutions by which the Nigerian "kingdoms"
and tribal areas were ruled and, hence, would deal a death-
blow to genuine native local and national self—government.
Consequently,the Nigerian Government definitely regarded

the doings of the Nigerian delegates as "diametrically Op—

posed" to the interests of the African population Of

24

Nigeria, and the delegates themselves as totally unrepre—

sentative of that population.

Sir Hugh was not content with this private dis-
patch; he was to continue his Opposition to the Congress
in an Open and public way. Thus, in his memorable address
to the Nigerian Council on December 29, 1920, the Governor
launched a most vigorous and disparaging attack against the
Congress movement in general and the Nigerian delegation in
particular. Referring scornfully to the Congress movement
he said:

There has during the last few months been a great deal
Of loose and gaseous talk on the subject of popular
election . . . talk which has for the most part ema-
nated from a self-selected and self-appointed congre—
gation of educated African gentlemen who collectively
style themselves the "West African National Conference"
. . . For it can only be described as farcical to
suppose that . . . continental Nigeria can be repre-
sented by a handful Of gentlemen drawn from a half
dozen Coast tribes--men born and bred in British ad-
ministered towns situated on the sea-shore, who in
the safety of British protection, have peacefully pur-
sued their studies under British teachers, in British
schools, in order to enable them to become Ministers
Of the Christian religion or learned in the laws of
England; whose eyes are fixed, not upon African native
history or tradition or policy, nor upon their own

132

tribal obligations and the duties to their Natural
Rulers which immemorable custom should impose on them,
but upon political theories evolved by Europeans to
fit a wholly different set of circumstances, arising
out of a wholly different environment, from the govern-
ment Of peoples who have arrived at a wholly different
stage Of civilization.
Sir Hugh emphasized the unrepresentativeness of the dele-
gates with regard to the Nigerian peoples, by pointing out
that "these self—appointed spokesmen . . . , have never
penetrated into the interior at all, and when they have
done so have never strayed a dozen miles from the tracks
beaten out for them by EurOpean energy and enterprise, and
in many localities, only rendered safe for such alien in-
truders by the authority exercised and the protection af-
forded by a British Administration." He continued most
graphically:
I will leave Honourable Members to imagine what these
gentlemen's experience would be if, instead Of travel-
ling peacefully to Liverpool in a British ship, a
Deputation of the "West African National Conference"
could be . . . deposited . . . among . . . the canni—
bals Of the Mama Hills of Nassarawa . . . the deter-
minedly unsocial Mumuyes of the Muri Province or the
equally naked warriors of the inner IbO country, and
there left to explain their claims to be recognized
as the accredited representatives of these, their
"fellow nationals."
He would further be interested to know whether the reception
accorded to these gentlemen would be much to their taste if
it were possible for them, in similar conditions of loneli—
ness and unprotection, to visit the Sarkin Musulmi of SOkoto,
the Shehu of Bornu or the Emir of Katsina, in order to con-

vince these potentates of the soundness of their claim to

political leadership over the latter.

133

Sir Hugh next proceeded to dismiss as dangerous
and ridiculous the idea Of'a "Nigerian" nation:

Assuming . . . for the moment, that the impossible
were feasible--that this collection of self-contained
and mutually independent Native States, separated
from one another, as many of them are, by great dis-
tances, by differences of history and traditions, and
tnrethnological, racial, tribal, political, social and
religious barriers, were indeed capable of being
welded into a single homogeneous nation--a deadly blow
would thereby be struck at the very root of national
self-government in Nigeria, which secures to each
separate people the right to maintain its identity,
its individuality and its nationality, its political
and social institutions which have been evolved for
it by the wisdom and by the accumulated experience of
generations Of its forebears.

On the wider issue Of a British West African
nation, he Observed that the peoples Of these Colonies and
Protectorates had no more pretension to common nationality
than had the peoples of Europe, while the two terminologies
were "mere geographical expressions." The peoples of West
Africa did not belong to the same stock and were not of
common descent. They were bound together by no common lan-
guage or community Of religious belief. He further observed
the absence of physical unity Of British West Africa, and
the concomitant lack of easy communication between the
peoples. Continuing he declaimed:

That there is or can be in the visible future
such a thing as a "West African Nation" is as manifest
an absurdity as that there is or can be, an "European
Nation"-—at all events until the arrival of the Mil—
lenium, when we may hope to see . . . a Burra high-
lander Of Biu,25 disembarrassing himself of his poisoned

arrows the more cordially to embrace a Fanti barrister
from Cape Coast.

 

25Bm1 is in the eastern part Of the central high—
lands of Northern Nigeria while Cape Coast is in the southern

13”

Turning to what'he thought the more serious mis—
chief Of according recognition to the claims and activities
of the Congress with special reference to Nigeria, he said:

I am convinced that any advancement or recognition of
their claims is mischievous, because they are incom-
patible with that natural development of real National
self—Government which all true patriots in Nigeria,
and all honest men concerned in the Administration of
the country, should combine to secure and maintain.

To leave no doubt this time as to the true meaning
of his courteous acknowledgments of the Congress's communi—
cations, he emphatically declared that no official recogni—
tion from the Nigerian Government had been or would be
accorded to the Congress mOvement.26

Ajasa, an African Member of the Legislative Coun—
cil,followed to endorse the Governor's pronouncements on
the Congress movement, and decried the temerity of the
Nigerian delegates in arrogating to themselves the right
to represent "this vast Dominion" of Nigeria. He criticized
their hasty approach to the issue of "popular representation"
which he believed Nigeria was destined to have some day.
But for the moment, it was "not good for her nor desired by

the thinking and best majority of the people." Concluding,

he denounced the delegates for attempting "to go behind the

 

part of present-day Ghana, on the coast. Cape Coast was
in the Central Province of the former Gold Coast Colony.

26C. O. 657/19, Governor's Address to the Niger—
ian Council, Lagos, 29, December, 1920.

135

Administration," in their current moves. The other African
member present, Chief Henshaw of Calabar, said nothing,
however, on the issue.

Like Sir Hugh Clifford of Nigeria, the Governor
of the Gold Coast, Sir Gordon Guggisberg, reinforced his
opposition to the Congress by summarizing and dispatching
without delay African members' denunciations of the move-
ment in the Gold Coast Legislative Council.27 In his speech
of December 30, 1920, a day after Sir Hugh's address on the
same theme,28 Nana Ofori Atta, the Paramount Chief of Akim
Abuakwa, in the Gold Coast Colony, vigorously attacked the
Congress as entirely unrepresentative of, and repudiated by,
practically all the chiefs in the Gold Coast. This fact
was proved by the refusal of the Gold Coast Aborigines'
Rights Protection Society, which consisted of the chiefs of
the Western and Central Provinces, to countenance the move—
ment when approached prior to the formation of the Con—
gress. In View of the fact that British rule in the Gold
Coast rested on the treaties made by Queen Victoria with
the Chiefs, nobody who was not truly representative of them

had a right of approach to His Majesty with a view to changing

 

27C. O. SSA/50, Telegram of 2nd January, l92l,from
the Governor Guggisberg to the Secretary of State for the
Cololies. This was received at the Colonial Office the fol-
lowing day.

28Some collusion between Chief Nana and the Gover—
nor of Nigeria was suspected by the Congress's leaders at
the time,as well as theposSibility of official prompting in
the Gold Coast.

136

the Constitution. He personally deplored further the action
of that unrepresentative body, on the grounds that it had
dealt a crushing blow to the cause of education in the Gold
Coast by giving illiterate natives a just cause for com—
plaint that education led to the belittling and ignoring

of their native rulers, thus tending to the people's opposi—
tion to education, which in consequence would retard progress.
There was further the reasonable fear of the Chiefs of the
disintegrating effect on native institutions caused among
the young men by unconstitutional speeches by and the atti-
tude of an educated but unrepresentative minority. He

was also critical of the action of the Gold Coast members

in associating themselves with natives of other colonies
where the native constitutions were totally different. But,
even turning to the main plank of the Congress's platform,
he continued, it would be noted that the Gold Coast Chiefs
had for some time been preparing a full scheme for more ef—
fective representation of native and other interests on the
Legislative Council, for submission to the Colonial Govern—
ment; he disagreed with the Congress's scheme.

In his denunciation of the Congress, this Para-
mount Chief was supported by another Paramount Chief in the
Council, namely, Nana Amonoo of Anomabu. In addition, two
other African members then present lent their support.
These were Dr. Quartey Papafio of Accra, and E. J. P. Brown

of Cape Coast. All three members objected especially to

137

the manner in which the Congress's leaders had arrogated

to themselves the right to speak for the Gold Coast people,
while all the four African members strongly denounced the
procedure of the Congress in petitioning the King directly,
without first giving the local government the opportunity
Of considering its proposals. Yea both Clifford in 1918
and Guggisberg in 1919 had stated definitely in Council
that they would like to see a scheme on elective represen-
tation put forward for discussion.

As a commentary to his summary of the African mem-
bers' pronouncements on the issue, Guggisberg remarked that
the opposition of Dr. Papafio and Brown showed that the
Congress could not completely represent even the educated
community of the coast towns of the Gold Coast. His per—
sonal conclusion was that the speeches of the African mem-
bers showed that the vast majority of the Gold Coast peOple
would bitterly resent the Claims Of a few self—elected
individuals to represent a country in which the elective sys-
tem was SUCh 61 strong feature of the constitution of tri-
bal rule and which was certainly "one of the finest types
of democratic Government extant." The Governor then re-
quested that his summary Of the speeches be laid before
His Majesty, as was expressly asked by Ofori Atta, to show
His Majesty the true feeling Of the vast majority of his

loyal Gold Coast subjects on the issue.

. 138

In the Gambia, Governor Armitage29 expressed full
support for Sir Hugh's denunciation of the Congress and said
that it applied "with equal force" to his Colony, and,for
that matter,to all British West African Colonies. Hinting
at the pernicious implications of the Congress's demands,
he continued:

I am well aware that there are men among us who, for
motives of self-advancement or notoriety would sacri—
fice the peace and prOSperity Of the West African
Colonies in order to satisfy their inordinate ambi-'
tions, but I have every confidence that the common
sense Of the people Of Gambia will convince them that
they can safely leave their just aSpirations in the
hands Of the British Government and not in those of

an irresponsible-"clique Of educated African gentle-
men."3O

S. J. Forster, an African member of the Council,
completely endorsed the Governor's anti-Congress sentiments.
He was indebted to His Excellency for rendering much needed
and timely service by forewarning the people against the
dangers that threatened them. He remakred, however,
that those in Bathurst who had given their support to the
movement could not be said to represent the people of the

Colony and Protectorate. Another African member, Dr. T.

 

29Captain Sir Cecil Hamilton Armitage (1869—1933),
soldier, and administrator; served in Ashanti Expedition,
Gold Coast, 1895 -6 —7; Ashanti Campaign, 1900; D.S.O.

1901; Chief Commissioner, Northern Territories, Gold Coast,
1910—20; C.M.G., 1911; Governor and Commander-in—Chief of
the Gambia, 1920—27; K.B.E., 1926.

300. O. 89/14, Governor's Address to the Legisla—
tive Council, January 10, 1921.

 

 

 

139

Bishop, was reported as expressing himself in entire agree—
ment with his nativecolleague'sreply on the issue.31
West Africa, which had already given the London
delegates a sympathetic welcome, had, however, certain
criticisms to offer. It observed that the lists of dele—
gates, while containing "names of men respected in their
communities," left out others which one would expect "in
any list of leaders of a truly national West African move-
ment." It expected to be clarified on the attitude to
the movement ”of the dozens, possibly hundreds of Chiefs
in the four countries to whose steady loyalty Great Britain
owes so much." Furthermore, the apparent absence of "the
views and desires of the Mohammadan races" outside ”the
relatively small number of them . . . in certain of the
coast towns" was also criticized. Also criticized was the
fact "that both the Congress and the delegation are too
exclusively African especially in relation to "the numerous
Britons living and working in West Africa . . . a community

n32

with claims not likely to be set aside. Subsequent issues

 

31Ibid. These two gentlemen were said to be mem—
bers of the Congress Gambia Committee, while S. J. Forster
whom E. Small, the Gambian London delegate, later denounced
for endorsing the Governor's denunciations without first
resigning his membership of the Gambia Committee, had been
elected, in absentia, as one of the Vice-Presidents of the
N.C.B.W.A. at the Inaugural Conference at Accra the pre—
vious year. The present writer could not find any Governor's
address on this issue in Sierra Leone at this time.

 

32West Africa, 25th Sept.,l920.

1A0

of this paper were critical of the Congress's course in
"petitioning the King direct" without first submitting
its case to the local Governments, while its suggestions
with regard to.the partition<fi‘Togoland and the "deporta-
tion of the Syrians"were seen as "drastic." Continuing,
it warned that the deputation could only be of importance
if it had behind it "the nation in West Africa——or rather,
the several powerful and numerous smaller nations"--but
there were, to its knowledge, no pronouncements in favor
of the Congress from the chiefs, "the people's natural
organs of expression." In facg their only public state—
ment appeared to have been made at a gathering of some
Gold Coast chiefs, who had come to the conclusion that,
at present,they did not associate themselves with the
Congress.33

Later, West Africa criticized the Congress for
raising the issue of "a root—and—branch change of system"
in most unpropitious circumstances, when Europe had just
emerged from a most terrible war, and was desperately en—
gaged in the task of reconstruction. Further, on the
issue of representation, that of Nigeria could be described
as "a farce or something much worse." Moveover, the use
made of the Governors, in obtaining messages from them at
the conference and then failing to take them into confidence

before coming to London, and while in London, quoting their

 

33West Africa, 6 Nov. and 11 Dec. 1920.

lul

formal messages in the petition as if these meant their
approval of the full program of the Congress, was unfair
and contemptible. Concluding it affirmed that "it is now
plain to all that neither the conference nor the Congress
has ever had the right to say that it represented Nigeria
or the great bulk of the Chiefs of British West Africa."34
When later it received denunciations against the Congress
from African members of the Gold Coast Legislative Council
which went to reinforce the Governor's onslaughts on the
Congress, the paper pithily remarked that "the present
London delegation may for all practical purposes be written
off."35

Back in West Africa the papers which had,a11 along,
supported the Congress movement launched a counter—attack.
In the Gold Coast almost all the papers were pro—Congress,
while the Congress'sopponent,the Gold Coast Nation, was in
financial difficulties. In this counter-offensive, the

Gold Coast Independent vigorously rebutted Clifford's re—

 

marks about the absence of unity and uniformity among the
people of West Africa, ”which he says is not a 'Nation'
but fails to tell us what it is." This paper cited the
Indian National Congress, which had been established in a

country with two hundred and twenty vernacular dialects,

 

3“Ibid., Jan 22, 1921.

35West Africa, Feb. 12, 1921.

1U2

whose people showed great diversity of race, religious be-
lief, degree of civilization and political and social insti—
tutions. Referring to the sarcastic remarks which daubed
the Congress leaders as "Europeanized" and "detribalized,"
the paper recalled the Roman occupation of Britain and also
the Norman—French cultural influences that followed, and
claimed that a similar process of assimilation must take
place in West Africa before "civilization of the masses”

was possible. The British were, simultaneously, accused

of deliberately neglecting the education of chiefs, in
unfavorable contrast with the French process of civilization
while an educated African brought up in the Christian re—
ligion was expected to submit to "the enlightened decisions
of an uneducated and illiterate fetish ruler."36

The Gold Coast Leader had led the field by an—

 

swering West Africa's objections and criticisms. Referring
to the grounds for criticizing the Congress,it wondered why
West Africa was not forthcoming with "the names which one
would look for in any list of leaders of a truly national
West African movementfl adding that "it is very easy to sit
at great distance and gather information respecting men and
movements in West Africa, but certainly difficult to extract
'the whole truth, and nothing but the truth' from such

secondhand information," especially for one "who is

 

36The Gold Coast Independent, Jan. 29, 1921.

 

1A3

not an African." With regard to "the second large omission,"
namely,the attitude of the chiefs to the Congress movement,
chiefs to whose steady loyalty Great Britain "owes so much?
the paper pointed out that the steady loyalty of those
chiefs "is no more nor less than the steady loyalty of the
people," whom the "natural rulers are bound to follow," and
the most enlightened sections of whflgh were represented by
the Congressmsmembers. It added that while in Nigeria the
Congress promoters had, through no fault of theirs, found

it impossible to reach the Chiefs out of Lagos and Calabar,
on the Gold Coast,the Chiefs were in sympathy with the move—
ment,a1though some were deterred by the current office-
holders of the Gold Coast Aboriginies' Rights Protection
Society from declaring openly for the movement. As regards
the ommission of the bulk of the Mohammedan races in British
West Africa,the paper referred West Africa to "strictly con—
fidential official rules” which restricted the activities

of "West Africans educated on the coast" to "certain well—
defined areas.” Finally, in answer to the criticism that
the "Congress and the delegation are too exclusively African,"
it argued that the grievancea which it was the objective of
the Congress to remova affected the Africans only. The
European non—Officials had "more voice in legislation and a
better place in administration” than the Africans. Besides,
the European non-official had the option of quitting the

country for his home if he found the conditions in the

1AA

former intolerable while "the African native of the soil"
could not, in the final analysis, reasonably take that
course of action. In any case, continued the Leader,
British West Africans were "entitled to approach the
authorities in England and the British public without
seeking the aid of intermediaries of another race who
may, with the very best of intentions, unconsciously
mistake our desires and misinterpret our aspirations."
Furthermore, it was desirable that "we should demonstrate
to Europe our ability to organize and our fitness for
responsible participation in the administration of our
country."37
Later, this paper attacked West Africa for
seizing only on procedural methods for criticism, "instead
of going into the details and merits of the petition and
showing, if it can, that we are asking for the granting
of impossibilities" or that the demands were not modest
compared with what obtained in the "white" colonies of
the Empire.38 To Sir Hugh's denunciation of the Congress's
claim to lead and speak for the bulk of the un—Europeanized
indigenous inhabitants, it retorted that "if the Intelli—
gentsia of British West Africa cannot rightly claim to be

the true interpreters of the mind of our own people and

to be their natural guides, in the same way as the

 

37

8
3 Ibid., Jan. 8, 1921.

The Gold Coast Leader, Oct. 30, 1920.

 

1&5

ltelligentsia in Great Britain . . . America and Japan are
.e natural leaders of their people, then we cannot, for a
»ment, admit the claim of Sir Hugh Clifford, . . . or any
her white man, with alien ideas and . . . outlook, to

,at position, and they might as well go back and tear out
.e pages of their own history." Then,reverting to the
Lestion of indigenous institutions, the paper especially
‘served that "the newborn love exhibited by the West
‘rican Governments for our 'tribal institutions' . . . is

.ther extraordinary,"

for "having divested these . . . in—
vitutions, of their former powers and having reduced them
) a state of servility and incapacity" by various emascu—
.ting ordinances, "we are blandly asked to be content with
Lese . . . 'institutions.'" Rejecting this brand of
ustice," it declared that "we want an effective voice in
le higher administrations which overrides the 'tribal in—
vitutions'" and in this demand right would surely triumph
39

'er might or diplomacy.

In Nigeria the Lagos Weekly Record reinforced the

 

lunter—offensive against Sir Hugh, and ridiculing his ter-
.nological hair—splitting, asked why, if the term "Nation"
)Uld be applied to India with its diversity of race, lan—
Lage and religion, British West Africa should not lay claim

> such a nomenclature. Further, if the Indian National

 

39Ibid., Feb. 26, 1921.

1A6

>ngress which was composed of "'self—styled and self-
_ected educated' Indians" who represented only a small
“action ”of the entire population of India" could re—
aive recognition from the British Government as "the
:credited spokesmen and mouthpiece” of the people, why
lould the National Congress of British West Africa not
a accorded that same recognition? The paper also asked
1y the culture assimilated by the educated African he

> absurdly ridiculed should be a disqualification in-
:ead of an asset to his claim "to represent his less
llightened brethern." Further, it asked whether the
amber of Parliament for Whitechapel, twenty years pre-
Lously, "is disqualified from representing that district
acause there are cut—throats iJl Whitechapel who would
ike short work of him if he visited there in the dusk"
1st as some of the delegates would, if they visited

Jme savage and unfamiliar tribes of British West Africa.
Lnally, it dismissed the Governor's assertion that the
lification "of mutually independent Native States" of
Lgeria would be "a deadly blow struck at the very root
f national self-government" by pointing to the case of
:he British Nation" which grew out of "such fusion of

itually independent native states.”O

 

“OThe Lagos Weekly Record, Feb. 19, 1921.

 

147

Obviously, these replies are, on the whole, well
rgued, forceful and thought provoking. To what extent
ney had impact on official circles is another matter, but
t seems safe to assume that they led to some rethinking
f the Congress's case. Later developments were to show
lat, although that impact was not explicitly admitted by
lose Governments, their policies were being Significantly
ffected by it.

Following the Colonial Governors' Observations
1 the Congress, Lord Milner,“l the then Secretary of State
>r the Colonies, made his submission to the King regarding
1e Congress's petition. In it, the Secretary pointed out
lat "the claim of this Congress to represent native opinion
L West Africa is expressly repudiated by those best quali-
.ed tO speak on their behalf, and that the policy advocated

the Congress iS regarded by them as inimical to native

.terests." Consequently,he "is unable to advise Your
,jesty that the time has yet come for the introduction into

y of the West African Colonies and Protectorates of the

ulAlfred Viscount Milner (1854—1925), statesman;

ucated at Tfibingen, Germany, King's College, London, and
11101 College, Oxford, won first class honors classical;
llow Of New College, Oxford; barrister Inner Temple,
81; mainly engaged in journalism and joined staff of Pall
ll Gazette, 1882—5; Private Secretary to Mr. Goschen who
5 Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1887—1899; Under-
cretary for Finance in Egypt, 1890-92; Chairman, Board

Inland Revenue, 1892-1897; High Commissioner for South
rica, 1897—1905; Baron,l901; Viscount, 19023Member of
oyd George's small War Cabinet, 1916-l8; Secretary of
ate for War 1918; Secretary of State for the Colonies,
18-21; K.G.,l92l.

 

148

Iazrquc:iples of election to the Legislative Councils and of

Llric>ffificial majorities on those Councils; nor does he con—

SIiCieI‘ that the legal changes suggested would improve the

axinflnnistration of justice and be in the interest of the

gxweat bulk of the native populations," and he would advise
tkiat "he be authorized to reply to the petitioners accord—
iJigly.” On many other matters referred to in the petition,

true Secretary Observed that some of these applied to all

true West African Colonies and Protectorates, some to only

one or two, and that,while some touched on important and

difficult problems,some were "matters of minor detail."

With regard to these matters,he proposed to consult the
Governors of the several colonies and to request them to
report what action, if any, was possible and desirable.”2

On the 26th of January, 1921, that is, nearly
three weeks after Viscount Milner's submission to the King,

a reply was returned to the Congress's delegates on their
petition. In it the delegates were told that their peti-
tion was duly laid before the King, who had ordered the

Secretary to reply to it. They were informed that the

Secretary Of State had found himself unable to advise the

th to grant the petitioners' requests on legislative and
juficial reforms. On "the other matters referred to in the

pfifition" reference would be made to the Colonial Governors

M2C. O. 554/50, Letter of Jan. 8, l92l,from Milner
tolfis Majesty, the King.

1A9

fIDI' tlieair recommendations of "what action, if any, is in
trieei;r c>pinion possible and desirable.” In addition, it was,
kiovvexrelr, pointed out that the Secretary of State had re—
ceived from the Governors of Nigeria and the Gold Coast
ixrfoxunation which showed that the Congress was in no way

'regyressentative of the native communities on whose behalf

it. clxaimed to speak; that its pretensions in that respect
\werwe eicpressly repudiated by ”the most authoritative ex—

pcniern:s of native public Opinion (including practically
all. the chiefs in the Gold Coast), and that the scheme
put forward by the Congress would in their opinion be

inimical to the best interests of the community," and,
further, that the Secretary had no reason to suppose that

any different opinion was held in Sierra Leone or the
Gambia. Finally, it was indicated that the Secretary had
no intention of meeting the delegates'

additional request
for an interview.143

The delegates, who must have been extremely dis—

appointed by this reply, which the Sierra Leone Weekly News

"LU-1

later described as "a bolt from the blue, did not, how—

ever, give up so easily.

In a lengthy AA—point reply they
labored most painstakingly to restate their case. The dele—
gmms first tried to explain "more fully” the personnel of
Hm Congress.

It pointed out that its President, T. Hutton

 

”3c. 0. SSA/5o; C. o. 98/35, Letter of Jan. 26,
19fl,from Sir H. J. Read to Bankole—Bright.
NM

The Weekly News, March 5, 1921.

150

ills, was, “for two successive terms of five years," an
nofficial member of the Legislative Council of the Gold
oast, "highly respected by all classes of the community,
JUlEuropean and African, . . . and accepted as one of the

” while the Vice—President

oremost leaders of the country,
f the Congress, Casely Hayford, was currently a member of
he Gold Coast Council, a Member of the Order of the British
mpire, and of whom both Clifford and Guggisberg had spoken
avorably in the Council as well fitted to represent the
nterests of his people. The latter was also author of
uthoritive works on Native Institutions, and "it would
ppear strange" that both President and Vice—President of

he Congress could, "according to the Government estimation,"
xpress competently and authoritively African public opinion
n other matters "save and except 'the principles of elec—
ion to the Legislative Councils, and of unofficial majori—
ies on those Councils.'” An attempt was also made to

ketch briefly the life—history of the other members of the
ongress delegation and to indicate their high public stand—
ng, at least in their several localities. Furthermore, it
as pointed out that not only the educated elements but also
ome paramount chiefs were active members of the Congress.
ee Yaoboi, the Paramount Chief of Accra, the Headquarters

f the Gold Coast Government, and the chiefs and sub—chiefs
f Axim-Appolonia District in the Western Province were

ited as examples for the Gold Coast in addition to some

 

   

151

ortions of the Gold Coast Aborigines' Rights Protection
ociety, mainly an association of the chiefly class. For
igeria90hief Oluwa of Lagos, a member of the London dele—
ation, was cited, while for Sierra Leone, it was pointed
ut that not only was an ex—Mayor the President of its

ocal Committee, but that the current Mayor of the Freetown
arporation had signified his undoubted support by issuing
”credential" to the London delegation.

As to public attitude to the Congress movement,
1e delegates pointed out that not only its active supporters,
1d sympathizers, but "almost the entire press of British
st Africa" had come out eloquently in support of the move-
nt.

The delegates then reiterated their claim that the
ngress represented not only the intelligentsia and en—
ghtened opinion of British West Africa but also the bulk

the indigenes of those territories, with whom it claimed
a inherent right to submit complaints and propose reforms.
athermore, it was submitted that in an African system it

5 not likely that by reason of a man's education he could
>loit the members of his own tribe Or family, since, ac—
miing to that system,"he sinks or swims with them."

On the all—important point of elective represen-
icni which the Congress was advocating, the delegates
ryted.to impressive backing on the issue. As far back

11398, the chiefs of the Gold Coast had petitioned the

152

Imperial Government for an elective system, a prayer that

was repeated in the year 1912, while as late as 1918 the
chiefs had caused a petition to be prepared on the issue

by Casely Hayford and E. J. P. Brown, and on Governor Gug—
gisberg's first visit to Cape Coast he had been requested

by the Gold Coast Aborigines' Society to reconsider the old
question of elective representation. It was a fact supported
by documentary evidence that almost every ”aboriginal non-
official" member of the Gold Coast Legislative Council had

at one time or another subscribed to the principle of elec—
tive representation. In Nigeria it was significant to note
that a body of educated and influential members of the Lagos
community,who might be presumed to be among the "exponents

of native public opinion," had expressed "their hearty and
unalloyed support and sympathy" for the "aim and object”

of the Congress movement even though they protested against
"the methods adopted to represent Nigeria on the Conference."
While it could not be denied that there were some persons

who might have been expected to join the Congress movement
but had not yet done so, it would be well to note that

"these in some cases stood out from personal differences with
organising Committees and not from any inherent difference in
opinion as to the principle of elective representation." It

145

was further significant to note that Major—General Grey

 

uSHe was a European unofficial member of the Gold
Coast Legislative Council, who had commercial interests in
that colony.

153

had in the Gold Coast Legislative Council in 1919 Spoken in
support of elective representation in that colony, while as
late as December, 1920, Sir William Nevill Geary, one time
Attorney-General of the Gold Coast Colony,had spoken in
favoroftheCongress's delegates receiving "a sympathetic
hearing and . . . , at all events, an instalment of their
requests.”

On the merit of the case for elective representa—
tion the delegates recalled that as early as 1865 it had
been declared by the Imperial Government "that the object
of our policy should be to encourage in the natives the
exercise of those qualities which may render it possible
for us more and more to transfer to them the administration
of all the Governments," The declaration meant ”that His
Majesty's British West African subjects should be trained
for self—government." It would,therefore,be a "curious
commentary on British administration . . . if it could be
seriously urged that after fifty—six years' practice in the
exercises which this policy adumbrated, the peoples of
British West Africa are even now unable to benefit by the
small measure of elective representation prayed for while
their neighbourscnlthe French border can today send Senators
to represent them in the French Chamber." Yet, an honest
appraisal of the situation would surely admit the impressive
accomplishments of British West Africans in the field of

education and the aborigines' "fitness for the elective

 

15A

systemy which was supported strongly by Sir Hugh Clifford's
Observations on "the essentially democratic" nature of the
indigenous institutions.

With regard to the legal changes advocated, the
Congress expressed the hope that His Lordship would, on
further consideration, admit that "in these enlightened
days it is undesirable . . . that persons should be tried
for their lives by men having no legal training and with—
out the aid of a jury or Counsel," while it would be con—
ceded that "it were preferable that judges should not sit
on their own judgments on appeal." As regards the appoint—
ment of African legal men of experience to the judicial
bench, that would be but the restoration of a lapsed policy
which once worked "admirably" and to which "worthy Africans"
were entitled.

Finally, the delegates repeated their request
for an interview,which, it was further urged,would offer
them the opportunity of further elucidating their case."6

But as far as the Colonial Office was concerned
the case was closed, at least in its present form. Thus,
in spite of the Labour Party's last minute intervention on

behalf of the delegation,“7 Winston Churchill, who had now

 

146C. O. 554/54; C. 0. 98/35, Undated letter from
Casely Hayford and Bankole—Bright to Viscount Milner. This
reply was submitted while the delegates were still in Eng—
land.

470. O. 55A/5A, Letter of February 16, 1921, from
J. R. Clynes to Winston Churchill.

155

succeeded Viscount Milner as Secretary of State, replied,
on February 17, 1921, that he saw no reason to change his
predecessor's decision on the issue."8
It seems curious that the issue Of the represen-
tativeness Of the Congress should have been given such a
prominent place among the factors that determined the out—
come Of the Congress's London deputation. If the contention
was that the Congress should represent Ell British West
Africa before it could claim to be representative of the
native communities on whose behalf it claimed to Speak,
then such a contention smacked of the absurd. It is a well-
known fact that political movements are usually sectional,
including "national" or "nationalist" parties. To demand
a truly national movement before a favorable hearing could
be forthcoming from the Imperial Government seems like
asking for a united Opposition from the subject peoples.
A more fundamental question seems to be that of indirect
rule and its relation to Legislative Councils. The dis—

cussion of this question is incorporated, along with other

issues, in the Chapter that follows.

 

u8lbld., Letter of February 17, l92L from H. Read
to Bankole—Bright.

156

 

 

”I

M

Governors of the four British West

African Colonies,
in the 1920's — at home on leave.

From left to right: Captain Armitage of the Gambia,
Sir F.G.Guggisberg of the Gold Coast, Sir Hugh

Clifford of Nigeria, and A.R.Slntrr of Sierrn Leone.

CHAPTER V

THE CONGRESS‘S CAREER AFTER

THE LONDON DEPUTATION

By March 1921, practically all the delegates had
returned home. In the face of the "stunning" disappoint—
ment in London an attempt was made by the Congress's sup—
porters and sympathizers to encourage the Congress's leaders
to fight on. In Freetown, Sierra Leone, both the Sierra
Leone and Gold Coast delegates were given enthusiastic wel—
come as soon as their ship arrived in port,1 though owing
to the brief time the boat had to stay in the harbor, the
Gold Coast delegates were compelled to retire almost im—
mediately. Later, on April A, 1921, a more impressive gath-
ering, under the chairmanship of the Honorable J. H. Thomas,
J. P., met at the Wilberforce Memorial Hall, Freetown, to
accord the Sierra Leone delegates a more honorable welcome

and to receive a formal report of the latter's mission.

 

lThe Gambian delegates probably had disembarked
earlier at Bathurst, but it is not unreasonable to presume
that a similar welcome awaited them; later an enthusiastic
"rally" against the London set—back was also recorded in
the Gambia. The reception accorded the Nigerian delegates
much later seemed to be attributable exclusively to Chief
Oluwa's successful prosecution of his case in England.

158

The meeting seemed impressed by the efforts of the delega—
tion while in London, which it seemed to have highly appre—
ciated.

Back in the Gold Coast, its delegates received an
equally enthusiastic welcome as soon as they landed at
Sekondi. Later, on March 23, 1921, a big mass meeting pre—
sided over by J. Mercer, a Town Councillor, met at Sekondi
to welcome the delegates. Subsequent receptions were ac—
corded them, also at Sekondi, under the auspices of the
"Wanderers Club," the "Optimism Club," and the "Sekondi
Literary and Social Club.” An impressive meeting under the
chairmanship of Rev. Attoh—Ahuma was also held at the Varick
Memorial Hall, Cape Coast, on April 14, 1921. This gathering
expressed its appreciation of the work of the delegates in
London and pledged support. Similar meetings, though ap—
parently on a smaller scale, were also held, in honor of
the delegates and their cause.

It was thus clear that the Congress‘s leaders,
supporters and sympathizers were not daunted by the London

set—back. In fact, the Sierra Leone Weekly News, referring

 

to this "bolt from the blue," had remarked that its "stunning
effect will only be but temporary." Such a stern reply from
the Colonial Office, it continued, must be made "an occasion
for a Rally" for it was merely "a postponement" of an at—
tainment which, because it had divine backing, was "as cer—

tain as certainty itself."2

 

2The Weekly News, March 5, 1921.

w

 

159

The Aurora, which endorsed this sentiment, re-
minded the people that "life would be a cumbersome thing
if it knows no freedom," and that the people's right to

inherent "liberty must suffer no insidious encroachment,"

3

because of their "dark pigment."
In the Gold Coast the Leader had Observed that

the people Of British West Africa had never before in their

history "been so thoroughly stirred as over this great

movement," and then appealed to the people "to make re-

solves and stand by them" in furtherance Of their ultimate

victory. The paper, however, took hope and comfort in the

realization that the "fortress" of hostile Officialdom "is

after all manned by men with human hearts, human consciences."

In the renewed struggle that lay ahead and that was also

imperative, the Congress would do well to recognize the

need "to perfect our organizations," and educate the people

in their true interests, which had been falsely represented

as separate from those Of "the educated c1ass."u In Nigeria

the Lagos Weekly Record, which had also been launching a

 

counter—Offensive against Sir Hugh, finally endorsed the
views Of its colleagues. It, however, gave a useful re—
minder to all in the disputa saying that "if the leaders
Of the Congress supposed that their first attempts would

have met with the success they had anticipated then they

 

3The Aurora, April 23, 1921.

“The Gold Coast Leader, April 16, 1921.

 

 

 

160

had reposed too much faith upon human nature, especially
when such nature had been developed under the intoxicating
atmosphere of imperial domination; whilst on the other hand
if the forces Of bureaucracy should persuade themselves that~
having surreptitiously disappointed the maiden efforts of
the Congress they had chilled the enthusiasm of its leaders
and they could now rest in fancied security, then they had
failed to read aright the lessons Of History."5

However, a dissentient voice amongst the local
papers was not lacking. In its issue of March 11, 1921,

the Nigerian Pioneer saw the outcome of the London delega-

 

tion as nothing Of a "surprise to us nor to any one who has
followed closely the history and development of the move-
ment," which was characterized by factional tendencies,
reckless assumption Of power, and other gross irregularities.
Concluding, it described the movement as "premature in con-
ception, hopeless in executiOn and badly wanting in organi-
zation," and therefore, deserving to be "written off" at
least for "the present."6
But Casely Hayford and his close associates launched

a new counter-Offensive to retrieve what apparently was be-

coming a lost cause.7 As soon as he returned from London he

 

5The Lagos Weekly Record, July 2-l6, 1921.

 

6The Nigerian Pioneer, March 11 and 18, 1921.

 

Nigeria seems to have been an exception in this.

 

 

161

wrote to a number of chiefs in the Gold Coast, and received
enough favorable replies to show that Nana Ofori Atta had
given only one side of the picture; or at least that some
of the chiefs were coming round towards the Congress move—
ment.8 The Chiefs Of Big Addah disowned any collusion with
Nana Ofori Atta in his Opposition to the Congress movement.
The Omanhene Of New Juaben stated that Nana Ofori Atta had
had no authority from him "either by writing, by parole or
by inference to make those heinous statements against the
National Congress." The Konor Of Manya Krobo said that he
had never discussed the Objects and aims of the Congress
with Nana, while the Konor Of Yilo Krobo denied having
authorized the Paramount Chief to protest on his behalf
against the reforms advocated by the Congress. All these
letters came from the Eastern Province, which included
Chief Nana's division.

From the Central Province also came a significant
reply from one of the chiefs. The Omanhene of Akim-Kotoku
disclaimed any knowledge Of what had been said in the Legis—
lative Council on the issue, and declared himself in sym-

pathy with the Congress.

In the Western Province the views of NanO Ofori
Atta were denounced in telegrams Of protest sent to the

Secretary of State from both the Axim and Sekondi sections

 

8See C. O. SAM/51, Letter and enclosures of June
27, l92l,from S. R. Wood to Winston Churchill. Some of
these letters however, suggest that Casely Hayford might
have initiated them.

 

 

162

of the Aborigines' Rights Protection Society. Similar tele-
grams of protest were also sent from a group at Cape Coast
in the Central Province and another at Accra in the Eastern
Province. These protest meetings were mass gatherings that
included not only the chiefs but also the educated elements
and the bulk of the illiterate masses. In a typical tele—
graphic message the people not only repudiated Nana Ofori
Atta's statements as unauthorized by them, but also endorsed
the reforms advocated by the Congress and pledged their sup-
port for the movement. Further, the Secretary of State was
requested to reconsider the Congress's petition in the

light of the new information provided. Later, documents in
the form Of "declarations" and letters were despatched to
the Colonial Office from various sections Of these Provinces
in order to reinforce the representations of the National
Rulers and the people on the issue, and to provide further
testamentary evidence of the representative character of

the movement.

Armed with the letters and declarations he had
received,9 and fortified by the rising feeling against Nana
Ofori Atta, Casely Hayford proceeded to launch a vigorous
attack against the chief, in the Legislative Council at its
April meeting. He assailed Nana Ofori Atta's position there

as a chief nominated by the Government, who had no right to

 

9See Gold Coast Legislative Council Debates,
April 25, 1921.

 

 

163

present even the views of his own people. Still more Ob-
jectionable was his claim to speak for the chiefs of the
country. On the first count, Casely Hayford Observed that
the Chief's nomination had been unpopular, and the chief
himself knew very well that he could not speak for the
people in that Council. Had he ventured to appear before
a public meeting to Oppose the Congress, Casely Hayford
asked? As regards his relation with the chiefs, it was
abundantly clear that he did not have their mandate. Casely
Hayford then expressed his profound surprise at Nana's in—
consistency, at one time arguing publicly in favor of the
movement, and at another turning round to denounce it in
the Council. Such inconsistency demanded extreme caution
on the part of those having any dealings with him. Casely

Hayford even proceeded to attribute the chief's volte face

 

to "wounded pride."
He next turned to the question Of the position
Of the educated classes in the body politic. He defended
their right to an "independent voice" in the Legislative
Council as warranted by their economic status.
After all who buys the motor cars, the patent boots,
the high collars, the fine shirts, builds the fine
houses? . . . . We contribute largely to the taxation,
and I am asking very respectfully, if we do this, have
we not the right to ask that we may have a voice in
the disbursement of the money that is derived from
taxation?
Yet, all this did not imply the educated man's loss Of

identity with his people, nor did his adoption of European

16A

ways in the process of his education. The claim of the
educated leaders, "as sons Of the soil," to represent both
the"intelligentsia"and the bulk of the inhabitants was re—
peated and the idea Of separate interests for educated and
uneducated West Africans repudiated. He reiterated most
emphatically that the reforms prayed for by the Congress
were in the interest Of all.

With mounting vehemence Casely Hayford attacked
Nana Ofori Atta for Opposing supporters Of the Congress in
his locality and trying to stifle freedom of expression.
He attacked the "very dangerous principle" implied in Nana's
speech "that no body of men within his district can say or
express an Opinion upon a question common to the whole of
the Gold Coast without his consent." Casely Hayford con-
tended that while private individuals had the right to ex-
press their opimoins in matters of common interest, the
Chief, as chief, had not that right. The Chief could not
express an Opinion except through the Linguist; what he
said represented the wishes of the people who elected him,
and to whom he was responsible.

Casely Hayford wound up with increasing bitterness,
alleging that Nana Ofori Atta had rendered himself liable
to impeachment under customary law, for making unauthorized
statements, and for communicating in his capacity as chief
with "the head of a Government outside our own," on national
matters. He regretted his inability to impeach him before

the Legislative Council, and went on:

 

 

165

But I impeach you before the bar of your own conscience,

and in the silence of the night, in your beds, you and

your supporters will acknowledge to yourselves that you

have proved traitors to the cause of British West

Africa.10

Nana Ofori Atta, who was now on the defensive, an-

swered in detail most Of the points, without yielding an
iota on the main issue Of "this bosh that an ordinary native
simply because he is educated becomes the natural leader of
the State to which he belongs." This novel View of the edu-
cated he described as "a wrong doctrine; a very wrong one
indeed." He agreed that the educated man belonged to a
definite African family, but that family had its head in
the form Of a sub-chief or a Paramount Chief of the State,
and until the educated man was deputed by his family or
State, he could not assume the role of a natural ruler or
the representative of his peOple. The trouble they were
then having could have been averted if the self-styled
leaders had Observed that simple native custom. He then
Challenged the claim of the educated few to special repre-
sentation in the community, arguing that the illiterates
were just as much entitled to such rights and that the
educated man's conspicuous consumption was made possible
by the work of the cocoa farmer.

As a Paramount Chief, Nana Ofori Atta emphasized

that he spoke, not for himself, but for his people, with

whom he had discussed in advance the matters raised at the

 

lOCasely Hayford, Legislative Council Debates,
April 25, 1921.

166

previous Legislative Council meeting. While he had con-
sulted with the chiefs on the Conference issue, the so—
called"leaderS'had ignored them, and while personally he
had expressed himself in favor of the movement, his change
of attitude had been dictated by his chiefs after the Con—
ference leaders had persisted in their "wrong course."
The Chief added that in order to comply with native custom,
he always took a linguist and an elder with him to the
Council. This time he was even accompanied by a literate
counsellor, the Vice-President of the Akim Abuakwa Scholars'
Union, as he was determined that in his State there should
be no separation of interests between the literate and il-
literate communities, and that "our good and worthy insti—
tutions should suffer no undue or radical change." His
Speaking to the Governor direct in the Council was also
proper by native custom, as by that custom an inferior
chief spoke to the superior one direct, being merely "sup-
ported by his linguists." His contention that the "support
and authority of the Chiefs was essential" to any scheme
concerning the State had been supported by Casely Hayford's
own belated attempt to solicit the backing of "certain of
the Chiefs."

Concluding, he dismissed Casely Hayford's impu-
tation to him Of responsibility for the failure Of the Con—

gress's London delegation, arguing that the delegates had

167

inevitably invited this failure by going about "doing things
in the wrong way."ll

The Governor, Gordon Guggisberg, in his summary
remarks welcomed the claim of the educated African to take
a part in government, but made it clear that this had to be
fitted into the traditional framework. It was not, in his
opinion, "a fair thing for the peOple of the stools to be
approached by a political party on any big public question
in any other way than through the Chief and his councillors."
Such an attempt would naturally evoke "enormous opposition
from those who support the maintenance of natural institu—
tions," the upholding of traditional authority. The Gover—
nor attributed the Congress members' "absolute neglect" to
cooperate with the Government to the inherent weakness of
trying to represent all four colonies at once. More serious,
he thought, was the bitterness expressed in the newspapers,
which had been growing since the formation of the Congress,
and especially since Nana Ofori Atta's December speech in
the Legislative Council. Such attitudes were widening the
gap between black and white and thereby aggravating racial
feeling. In such circumstances progress was being jeopard-
ized; and henca cooperation between the races had become
imperative.

The Governor then pointed out that the main dif-

ference Of Opinion in the Legislative Council had been on

 

llNana Ofori Atta, Ibid., April 27, 1921.

 

 

168

a technical point, although a very important one, namely,
was the Congress representative or not? There had been
"good reasoned-addresses on both sides” on this point and
it was well "to bury the hatchet." He emphasized his own
major criticisms, viz, that the despatch of the London
delegation had been unduly hasty, and that the Government,
in spite of its desire to help, had been ignored. He,how-
ever, hoped that "cooperation between the Government and
the people which is absolutely essential to success" would
be forthcoming from all sides.12
When Nana Ofori Atta left the Legislative Council
after this debate, he was loudly hooted by the crowd outside,
an ususual incident that led the Government to announce
publicly that he had been fully justified in raising such
an important constitutional issue. With a little official
prompting, Nana Ofori Atta complained to the Paramount Chief
of Accra about his treatment. The latter returned an eva—
sive reply for which the Secretary for Native Affairs repri—

13

manded him. It was obvious that there was a close relation—
ship between Nana Ofori Atta and the Government at this time.
In Sierra Leone a protest Similar to the Gold

Coast's was forthcoming. Thus, at a mass meeting held at

the Public Hall Freetown, on April 8, 1921, and composed,

 

l2Guggisberg, Ibid.

l3Kimble, Ghana, p. 395.

 

 

 

169

among others, of Church dignitaries, Mohammedan Princes and
tribal Chiefs, it was resolved that His Majesty be told that
he had been erroneously informed on the scheme of the Con—
gress movement, that the Congress petition had their "unal—
loyed support" and the he be asked to reconsider the major
issue of "elective representation."lu

In the Gambia a similar protest meeting was held
at the Box Bar Race Course, Bathurst, on June 18, 1921,
where it was resolved,inter alia, that the policy of the
Congress had the meeting's loyal support, that it ratified
all the various acts of the London delegation, and that it
had pledged its further support in the interest of the move—
ment. The content of the Resolutions was despatched by
cable to the Secretary of State for the Colonies while
copies of them were simultaneously forwarded to the Gover—

nor. l5

Similar protest was forthcoming from Nigeria also,l6
although the Nigerian branch of the movement languished

rather rapidly.

 

1”C. o. 55A/5u, Telegram of April 20, l92l,from
Sierra Leone Local Congress Committee to Winston Churchill.
A copy of this telegram was sent to the Governon who in his
confidential letter of April 23, l92l,alleged that the agi—
tation was conducted in a "fraudulent way" while, however,
admitting that the protest was signed also by a Member of
the Legislative Council and a tribal ruler, Alimany For—
fanna.

15The Aurora, July 16, 1921.

16See The Gold Coast Leader, April 16, 1921.

 

 

170

The immediate post—delegation protest activities
which were calculated to influence the Secretary of State
to revise his decision on the Congress petition produced
no such effect. Meanwhile, however, the Colonial Governors
who had been requested by the Colonial Office to submit
their observations and recommendationson certain points in

l7

the petition, were complying with this request, and by

May,l92l, they had done so.18

On the question of"invidious distinctions" in the
West African Civil Service, all the Governors denied there
were any such discriminations and cited instances Of free
and fair appointments to substantiate their case. Africans
would continue to hold high appointments so long as they
continued to prove themselves competent, impartial and in-
corruptible. With regard to the West African Medical Ser—
vice, however, Sir Hugh Clifford of Nigeria observed that,
while he saw no reason why Africans should not serve on it,
their appointment would be "very distasteful to the members
of that Staff" which "would probably increase the difficul—

ties . . . already experienced in obtaining eligible recruits

 

17C. o. 55A/A0, Letter of Feb. 2, l92l,from Milner
to the Governors of Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Sierra Leone,
and the Gambia.

18The present writer could not find the Sierra
Leone Governor's reply among the documents. In his reply
of April 23, 1921, however, the Governor refers to his "des—
patch No. 133 of the llth March, regarding . . . the National
Congress of British West Africa." His observations on edu—
cation which were reproduced in C. O. 554/60 is, however,
incorporated below.

171

for it." Governor Guggisberg of the Cold Coast, however,
took the trouble to differentiate between the West African
Medical Service and the West African Medical Staff. The
former, he pointed out, was Open to all "without distinction
of colour" while the latter was "confined to 'British sub-
jects of European parentage'" for reasons already discussed.
What distinctions existed as to salary scales were dictated
by the fact that "Europeans serving in West Africa are sub-
ject to certain expenses from which Africans are exempt."
Some Of the Governors, however, chose to say some-
thing also on the legal issue. Governor Clifford specific-
ally referred to the Unsettled Districts Ordinance and
Collective Punishment Ordinance and pointed out that the
petitioners' representations on these legislations betrayed
"their bewildering ignorance Of local conditions." Of the
two ordinances, the former was intended to protect would—be
intruders into these "savage" districts,andtn curb the "head-
hunting" and cannibalistic inhabitants, while the latter
legislation ensured efficient control and moral improvement
of those primitive people whom Clifford described as having
"little if any moral sense." Captain Armitage of the Gambia
Observed that if counsel were allowed to appear in the West
African Courts as advocated by the native lawyers, it "would
lead to endless litigation and unrest among the natives for

the benefit of the former at the eXpense of the latter."

 

 

 

 

172

With reference to municipal institutions, the
Governor of Nigeria did not think they should be encouraged,
owing to the people's unwillingness to subject themselves
to the necessary taxation, and,therefore,it would be unwise
to grant these natives uncontrolled power to expend public
funds, the bulk of which would not be provided by local tax—
ation. The Gambian Governor felt his people did not want
municipal Government which the diverging interests of the
community "would foredoom to failure." The Governor of the
Gold Coast, however, strongly favored municipal "self govern—
ment" for the larger towns of his territory. He even indi-
cated that a special Committee was already studying the
matter and formulating proposals.

On the issue of a British West African University,
the Governors (except the Gambia) thought the idea premature.
Captain Armitage of the Gambia merely drew attention to the
new educational scheme in the Gambia which would be submit—
ted to the Colonial Office in due course. Governor Wilkin~
son of Sierra Leone19 thought the University College of
Fourah Bay, Freetown,"is adequate for our present needs"
while he, Clifford and Guggisberg pointed to the more urgent

need of improving primary and secondary education, thereby

 

19Richard James Wilkinson (1867—1941), educated
Trinity College, Cambridge; cadet, Straits Settlements,
1889; District Officer, Dindings,1902; Inspector of Schools,
Federated Malay States, 1903; Resident, Negri Sembilan, 1911;
Colonial Secretary, Straits Settlements, 1911—1916; C.M.G.,
1912; Governor and Commander—in—Chief,Sierra Leone, 1916—22.

173

also laying a sound foundation for a British West African
University. Both Clifford and Guggisberg reposed no confi-
dence in the Congress undertaking the provision of funds
for their new educational scheme.

On the Syrian question, the Governors remarked
that the agitation against the Syrians only applied to
Sierra Leone. The Governor Of the Gambia, however, felt
that "the scum of French Senegal" who flocked into his
territory constituted enough menace to warrant-the intro-
duction of Emigration Laws as prayed for by the Congress.

Both Clifford and Guggisberg dismissed the pro-
gram of the Empire Resources Development Committee as a
dead issue, while, on the partition question, Guggisgerg
remarked that his government "did in fact, take up the
same lines as the petitioners, in deprecating" the parti—
tion.

With regard to the Lands Aquisition Ordinance,
Sir Hugh pointed out that the question of compensation,
where it arose, was decided by the "independent appraise—
ment" of the Supreme Court, beyond which it was difficult
to find a better remedy. Both he and Guggisberg subscribed
to the View that lands acquired by the Government but sub-
sequently found to be unnecessary, should be restored to
their original owners,although it was difficult, they
pointed out, to determine when such reversion Should take
place. Captain Armitage observed that the Ordinance was

working satisfactorily in his territory.

 

17“

By June,l92l all the despatches from the Colonial
Governors had been acknowledged by the Secretary of State,
while at the Colonial Office some interesting remarks had
been minuted on some of the points made by the Governors.
The Nigeria Governor's despatch was regarded as "conclusive"
except on the two points of municipal institutions and lands
purchased by the Government. On the former poinu it was
felt that"municipal'institutions and municipal taxation in
such a town as Lagos should be encouraged, not discouraged."
On the latter point,it was remarked that the term "original
owners of land" was erroneous, since in the real sense of
the word "'ownership' of land is alien to native law and
custom."20

With regard to Governor Giggisberg's remark that
the establishment of a British West African University was

" it was pointed out that "there

"mischievously premature,
were Universities in England, and in every other European
country . . . centuries before there was any talk of edu—
cating the masses." The proposal should not be regarded

as premature "if private generosity were prepared to find

the money or a large portion of it." On the whole, however,
the Governor's remarks were regarded as "very sound," while the

Gambia Governor's despatch receive no Significant comments.21

 

200. O. 554/A0, C. 0. Minutes on the Governors' Ob—
servations.

21Ibid., See note above on the "missing" Sierra
Leone despatch on these issues.

175

On March 26, 1921, that is, ten days after his
dispatch to the Colonial Office,22 the Governor of Nigeria
submitted to the Secretary of State a proposal for the re-
constitution Of the Nigerian Council.23 In a lengthy A1-
point confidential letter, Sir Hugh Clifford discussed "the
inadequacy of the machinery at present in existence in the
Colony and Protectorate of Nigeria" for the criticism and
passage Of legislation, for the scrutiny, by those whose
interests are affected, Of the financial affairs Of the
country, for the authoritative communication of the actions
of the Government to the local public, and for enabling the
latter to follow and understand these actions. It was in-
evitable that a Council whose deliberations were limited
by such prerogatives of the Governors as were then current,2"

and upon which the Government had "a preponderating Official

 

22See above--the Colonial Governors' despatches
on the Congress's petition.

23This should not be confused with the Legislative
Council Of the Colony of Southern Nigerian (strictly
speaking the Colony of Lagos), which the Governor alleged
was even worse in "impotency and insignificance" than the
Nigerian Council.

2”With regard to the Nigerian Council the Gover-
nor had the "discretionary power to exclude from debate any
Resolution or Question if, in his Opinion, discussion of
the matter would tend to promote or encourage racial preju-
duce or would otherwise be detrimental to the well-being Of
Nigeria," and secondly, "'NO resolution passed by the Coun-
cil shall have any legislative or executive authority, and
the Governor shall not be required to give effect to any
such resolution unless he thinks fit and is authorised to
do so.'"——The Governor's Confidential Letter referred to
above.

 

 

 

176

majority,"

should be regarded by the public as "little more
than a debating society." Moreover, as matters stood,
almost the only criticism of the actions of the Government
which had any degree of influence with it came from various
English Commercial interests. But these Bodies concentrated
their scrutiny almost exclusively upon matters that affected
or were believed to be likely to affect commercial interests.
The Governor further drew attention to the fact

that "there is growing up among the more educated classes a
feeling that the machinery in existence for the discussion
of local affairs is wholly inadequate and that the Govern-
ment occupies a position of untrammelled autocracy which is
without a counterpart in the other West African Colonies."
He added more significantly that this was a fact that could
not "be gainsaid." He continued:

I question whether it would be possible, for instance,

in any other Dependency in the Empire for such a ques-

tion as the revision of the salaries of the European

and native staff to be dealt with from first to last

by correspondence between the Secretary of State and

the Governor, without once being made the subject of

any public discussion by representatives of the tax—

payers from whose funds the increased emoluments are

to be defrayed.
He added that it was rather unfortunate that the Government
should have been released from the restraining influence of
"a strong and vigilant Legislative Council" when that of
the Supreme Court over the Executive had been greatly re-

duced by the narrowing of its jurisdiction to a few selected

areas. He warned that "sooner or later the position must be

 

 

 

 

 

177

recognised as intolerable by the more advanced sections of
the indigenous population." An attempt should be made to
find a remedy and he would prefer that the initiative be
taken by the Government.

Although it was extremely difficult to devise a
scheme that might meet the needs of a vast and heterogeneous
Nigeria, he was submitting a proposal that would be "a step
in the direction of securing a fuller representation of
local interests and of giving a larger share in the discus—
sion and management of public affairs to articulate members
of the various Nigerian communities than are provided by
existing institutions." He recognized that the scheme was
"inevitably imperfect," and might at first "prove not very
effective," but he realized that it, at any rate, represented
"a recognition of the principle that the local public has a
right to obtain full information on questions affecting its
interests, and that the actions of the Government are a legi—
mate object of scrutiny and criticism."

For his “new Council," the Governor made the novel
and highly notable suggestion of having on it four elected
members, three for the Colony of Lagos and one for Calabar.
Although the number of nominated Africans was increased,
the old feature of official non—Nigerian majority was main—

tained.25

 

25The Governor regarded it "as necessary
for a good many years to come, that the Government shOuld
possess an official majority on the Council.

 

 

 

178

Referring Specifically to the point of elective
representation, Sir Hugh remarked that "the privilege of
electing their own representatives is much sought after by
politically minded persons in West Africa." And in spite
of the practical difficulties involved in the exercise of
the franchise, he was of the opinion that the opportunity
offered by elective representation "would tendto imbue" the
newly elected elements in the Council "with a sense of respon—
sibility which they do not feel" otherwise.

Finally, the legislative powers of the new Council
would be restricted to legislation that applied exclusively
to the Colony and the Southern Provinces. But as regards
financial matters, the Council would be accorded a voice
in all expenditure which was defrayed directly from the
public Treasury, and in all taxation that was collected
otherwise than by a Native Administration.26

Sir Hugh's proposal was, after some correspondence
between him and the Colonial Office, accepted almost as it
stood. In his letter of December 12, 1922, the new Secre—

tary of State, the Duke of Devonshire,27 indicated to the

 

26C. 0. 583/100, The Confidential letter from
Governor Clifford to Winston Churchill.

27Victor Christian William Cavendish, ninth Duke
of Devonshire (1868—1938), educated at Eton and Trinity
College, Cambridge; unionist M. P., West Derbyshire, 1891-
1908; whip, 1901; Financial Secretary to Treasury, 1903—5;
P.C, 1905; succeeded uncle as Duke, 1908; K.G5 1916; Gover-
nor General of Canada, 1916—21; Colonial Secretary, 1922-A.

 

 

 

179

Governor that his scheme had received royal approval, with
only a few alterations. The novel and significant feature
of the election of four Africans to the council was pre-
served while,in-addition,there were to be "eight members
to represent African Interests," which in effect meant the
nomination of eight African unofficial members.28 While
the new Legislative Council was to legislate for the Colony
and the Southern Provinces of Nigeria, it was proscribed

29 The New

from touching many Northern Province affairs.
Nigerian Legilative Council first met in October, 1923.30
Not long after Sir Hugh's proposal, a similar one
was forthcoming from Sierra Leone. In their address of wel-
come the Sierra Leone Branch of the National Congress of
British West Africa had prayed the new Governor for a new
Legislative Council having some elected elements in it,
and his reply on that occasion seemed to have delighted the

Congress members including those outside the colony. In

his confidential despatch of September 27, 1922, the new

 

28See also C. O. 583/23, Confidential letter Of
July 19, 1923, from Acting Governor Cameron to the Duke of
Devonshire. Six seemed to have been ultimately decided
upon, while five only were available for the first session
of the Council.

29C. 0. 583/111, The Letter of December 12, 1922,
from Devonshire to Clifford.

3OConstituted by an Order in Council of November,
1922, it was to consist of 46 members, 19 of whom were to
be unofficial members including the four elected Africans.

 

 

180

Governor, Alexander Slater,31 asked for the reconstitution
Of the Executive and Legislative Councils Of Sierra Leone
with, among other things, some elected elements in the
latter. The result was the creation of a new Legislaé
tive Council with the two novel features Of three elected
African unofficial members, and direct representation by
nomination of Protectorate interests. The Council member-
ship was enlarged equally on both the Official and unofficial
side, but the Old Official majority of one was preserved.32
The new Council, established by an Order in Council Of
Januarx 192A,first met in November,192A, and it Operated
essentially on the same lines as those Of the new Nigerian
Council.

The Governor of the Gold Coast, however, showed
greater reluctance, and expressed doubts as to the wisdom
of introducing elective representation into the Colony's

Legislature at the time. Said he:

 

31Sir Alexander Ransford Slatter (187A-l940),
colonial administrator; entered Ceylon Civil Service, 1893;
Assistant Colonial Secretary, 1901-5; Principal Assistant
ColonialSecretary, 1912; Colonial Secretary, Gold Coast,
l9lu—22, C.M.G., 1916; C.B.E.,1918; Acting Governor, 1915,
1916—17; 1919, 1920; Governor of Sierra Leone, 1922-27;
K.C.M.G., 192A; Governor, Gold Coast, 1927-32; Captain
General and Governor-in—Chief, Jamaica, 1932-34; G.C.M.G.,
1933.

32The Council was composed Of 21 members, ten Of
whom were unofficials including the three elected Africans.
Of the seven nominated members two were Africans represent—
ing the Colony while three were paramount chiefs representing
the provinces Of the Protectorate.

181

In principle I am not at all, nor are my advisers
against, elective representation; but . . . we have
got to be perfectly certain that any system of elec—
tive representation that we adopt here will support
the power of the oman, and not lead to the oman
being over—run by the young educated people of the
coast towns, such as are commonly styled the intel—
ligentsia. If we can get a system of representation
that does not impair the power Of the paramount
chiefs, I am ready to recommend it wholeheartedly to
the Secretary of State, but I think it would be an
exceedingly mischievous thing for the Government to
plunge rashly into any change in the constitution of
this Council unless they are perfectly certain that
such changes are to the Benefit of the paramount
chiefs of this country.3

In spite of agitations in the Gold Coast press, the Gover—
nor declined to make any recommendations as to the elective
principle. He, however, turned his attention to the field
of municipal self—government as "a valuable training school
for the development of the sense of leadership and respon-
sibility among educated Africans.” Thus, by October, 1923,
the Governor had submitted to the Secretary of State ”a
copy of the Draft Bill dealing with the reconstitution of
the Municipal Corporations in the Towns of the Colony" for
the latter's "consideration and approval." The Governor
argued that "a radical change in the constitution of the
Municipal bodies" based on "the principle of elective con—
trol" was desirable. Conferring on the people "greater

powers in the management and control of local affairs" it

 

33The Governor meant "Omanhin" or "Omanhene"
which means Chief. The word ”Oman" means State or Terri—
tory over which an Omanhin or Omanhene rules.

3"Governor's address to the Gold Coast Legisla—
tive Council, March 21, 1923.

182

would ”satisfy to some extent the existing desire and ca—
pacity for self government which so far has had no oppor-
tunity for development."35

In 1924 a Municipal Corporations Bill, designed
to grant local self—government to the natives of Accra and
other cities, was introduced in the Legislative Council,
and by an Ordinance of that year new municipal corporations
were set up at Accra, Cape Coast, and Sekondi. Although
strong native opposition to the scheme,on the grounds that
the new Corporation taxes would mean increased financial
burden, was forthcoming and was to frustrate the plan;6 it
was clear that the influential educated natives had their
eyes on what they considered the real repository of authority

and political power. Said the Cold Coast Leader of April,

 

22, 1922:
Indeed, we are not thinking seriously of municipal
institutions but of the larger question of Elective
Representation in the Legislature. That is to us
what matters. That is the key to the whole situation,
and that secured all the other things will follow.
Eventually, however, the Governor conceded the demand, when
he had felt that the principle of elective representation

would not work to the detriment of "the rule of the oman"

 

35C. 0. 96/641, Letter and enclosure of Oct. 17,
l923,from Guggisberg to Devonshire.

36Guggisberg confessed that the failure to make
municipal self—government for the Coast towns a "stepping—
Stone" to elective representation on the Legislative Coun-
cil had been his only real disappointment as Governor.
Legislative Council Debates, March 3, 1927.

 

 

183

or chief, whose authority the Government was committed to
uphold.

Accordingly, by the end of 1925, the new consti—
tution for the Colony had been published in the Gold Coast
Gazette, and it had been announced that the old Legislative
Council would cease to exist in ApriL 1926. The new Council,
which was established by an order in Council of April 1925,
was to consist of thirty members, sixteen of whom would be
officials, with the Governor as President. Of the fourteen
unofficials, nine would be African elected members while
the rest would be nominated Europeans. Traditional author—
ity was comparatively well catered to in the elected Afri—
can membership, Out of whom six were to be Chiefs, elected
by the Provincial Councils of Chiefs, who represented Pro—
vincial interests. The new Council which met for the first
time in August 1926, Operated essentially on the lines of
its sister councils of Nigeria and Sierra Leone.37

Earlier, however, Governor Guggisberg had made
strong representations at the Colonial Office for the estab—
lishment of a new "secondary school" in the Colony, which
wOuld serve as a nucleus for a Gold Coast or British West
African university. This University College, the Achimota
College, "will, in fact, be a stepping stone towards that

University . . . which it is the ardent desire of the

 

37Not until 1946 did an elected member appear on
the Gambian Legislative Council.

 

 

184

Africans to have and which it is the undoubted duty of the
Government to give as soon as . . . the time is ripe."38
By the end of April,l923, the Governor had submitted a de-
tailed plan for his proposed scheme. The eventual outcome
was the foundation and functioning of Achimota College by
the year 1926.39

As early as Decemben 1920, the establishment of
a West African Court of Appeal had been urged by the Sierra

Leone Government.“0

In spite Of repeated appeals especially
from this quarter, this proposal was apparently not realized
until 1930, although "the ideal of an Appeal Court presided
over by British, not Colonial Judges” was still to be at-
tained.“l By 1923, however, a number of posts in the Civil
Service, which formerly had been held by Europeans were

thrown open to Africans at the recommendation of the Colonial

Governments.”2

 

38C. 0. 554/60, Letter of April 30, 1923 from Gug—
gisberg to Under—Secretary of State for the Colonies.

39Its foundation stone was laid in 1924.
”OSee C. o. 559/50, West African Court of Appeal.

ulJ. B. Danquah's Introduction to Sampson's Gold
Coast Men of Affairs, p. 29. At the fourth session of the
Congress, in Lagos, Nigeria, Hayford, himself, in his Presi—
dential address, claimed that "the establishment of the West
African Appeal Court with criminal jurisdiction is now an
accomplished fact, although Nigeria has yet to come into
line."

 

 

u2See particularly C. 0. 583/120; C. 0. 267/600;
C. 0. 87/219. As regards African Appointments Casely Hay—
ford claimed that "the Congress had not been more than a

185

Whatever view one might have about the impact of
the Congress movement on official circles, it was obvious
that there were now in progress some new and salutary de—
velopments in those quarters as regards their relationship
with indigenous British West Africans. However, in his
confidential letter to the Secretary of State for the Colon—
ies regarding the reconstruction of the "Nigerian Legislative
Council? the Governor of Nigeria pointed out that "there is
1 growing up among the more educated classes, a feeling that
the machinery in existence for the discussion of local
affairs is wholly inadequate and that the Government occupies
a position of untrammelled authority." He then went on to
warn that "sooner or later the position must be recognised
as intolerable by the more advanced sections of the indige—
nous population" and then he suggested that "it is preferable
that the initiative in the matter of reform should be taken
by the Government.“13 It is thus apparent that the Governor
was influenced by the political agitation of the educated
and "enlightened" elements who, if not active Congress mem—
bers, were none the less sympathetic to it. It does not seem

far—fetched to suggest that the Governor, although he had

 

few months Old when we were able to report progress by con—
cessions to men of our race in the several Colonies" with
regard to "openings in the higher branches of the Colonial
Service."——Presidential Address, Freetown, Jan.,1923;
Sampson, West African Leadership, p. 72.

 

“3C. 0. 583/100, Confidential letter of March 26,
1921, from Clifford to Winston Churchill.

 

 

186

denounced the Congress movement, had had second thoughts on
its program of reform, and had been influenced by the merits
Of that cause. The Governor did not, at this time, refer
Specifically to the Congress as one of the factors influenc-
ing his new move, but it was neither necessary for the favor—
able reception of his new proposal nor good for Official
prestige that he should do so. Nevertheless, the Congress,
in its various manifestations, must have been one Of the
factors that had influenced him in his new move. It seems
reasonable to assume also that the impact of the Congress
was felt in other official circles. It was Clifford, Gover—
nor of Nigeria, who took the initiative in reacting to this
impact. The precedent he set was to be followed in due
course by his fellow governors.

The concession of the elective principle to the
Legislative Councils of the Colonies was a highly Signifi-
cant one. This concession marked the beginning of the proc-
ess that would bring a change in the colonial relationship
until its culmination in the attainment Of the national
independence of a modern democratic state.

Although there were some activities of the Congress
between the sessions, including that of its Secretariat at
Sekondi, it was quite clear that it really came to life only
when in joint session, and that it had little separate ex-
istence in each colony. Casely Hayford had been so pre-

occupied with his personal struggles for political leadership

 

187

in the Gold Coast that he had scarcely paid any attention
tO branch activities and organization there let alone in
the other three colonies. There was little support in
Nigeria because of the alienation of many actual and poten-
tial supporters Of the movement by unwise leadership, the
disintegrating effects Of Lagos politics and the highly
effective Opposition, Open or otherwise, Of the Nigerian
Government to the movement. In Sierra Leone there was only
a handful of enthusiasts, while in the Gambia there was
hardly any SCOpe for politics.

They had intended to meet anuallyuu in each capi-
tal in turn, but this did not work out. Although all
the capitals witnessed a Congress session, years intervened
between the sessions. Thus, it was not until January,l923
that the next session, scheduled to be held in Freetown,
met. Next, the Congress met in Bathurst at the turn of the
year 1925-1926, and finally in Lagos in 1929-1930. On each
occasion, the same pattern was followed, namely, platform
addresses followed by a discussion Of a number of topics,
followed eventually by a long list of resolutions. As the
years passed, the Opening speeches claimed more and more
achievements by the Congress. Also,the Congress's resolu-

tions grew slightly in number, though the main subjects of

 

"ult was later decided at the Freetown session
to meet biennially. See the Congress Constitution, C. O.

554/65.

 

 

 

188

interest, namely, constitutional and judicial reform, edu—
cation, the press, Africanization Of Civil Service--remained
constant. Attention was also drawn to "the growing con-
sciousness of our race the world over" and "its growing
articulateness."

The Freetown session, which made some notable con—
tributions to the cause, was not, however, well—attended.
The twenty-five delegates included only four from the Gold

Coast and none from Nigeria. From the latter, however, a

 

number of African gentlemen and groups sent messages expres-
sing their sympathy with the aims of the Congress.)45 The
President Of the Congress, Hutton Mills, was "unavoid-

ably" absent and it naturally fell to Casely Hayford to
preside. This session was notable for the production Of a
formal constitution for the Congress and for the election

of Casely Hayford as President of the movement.

The constitution, consisting of fifty-four items,
outlined, principally,the policy, aims and objectives of
the organization, its membership, laws and functions. The
policy reiterated the off—repeated one of maintaining
"strictly and inviolate the connection Of the British West
African dependencies with the British Empire, and . . .
unreservedly all and every right Of free citizenship of the

Empire and the fundamental principle that taxation goes with

 

uSWest Africa, May 19, 1923.

 

189

effective representation." It would be the aims of the
Congress "to aid in the development Of the political insti-
tutions of British West Africa under the Union Jack" with
the ultimate aim of ensuring "within her borders the Govern-
ment of the people by the peOple for the peoplef of securing
equality Of Opportunity for all, and Of preserving "the lands
Of the people for the peOple," saving them from all manner
of exploitation. It would be the Congress's Objectives "to

promote and effect unity of purpose and of action" among

 

the British West African Dependencies,"politically, economi—
cally, socially, and otherwise." Specific Objectives would
be the establishment Of educational institutions, especially
those of higher learning, and the promotion of commercial
and industrial cooperative enterprise. Membership of the
Congress would be open to all British West Africans by

right and on application to other persons of African descent,
"as honorary members." It was also stipulated in the con-
stitution that the Congress would have absolute authority

in the determination Of its own affairs while one Of its
major functions would be the education of public Opinion

in the needs and aspirations Of British West Africans and

in the ways and means of realizing their legitimate Objec-

46

tives. If, as seems implicit in the statement on Congress

 

u6See C. O. 554/65, Letter and enclosure of Oct.
30, 1925, from O.A.G., Gold Coast,to the Colonial Office,
London.

 

 

190

membership, the intention was to exclude whites from joining
the movement, criticism of the movement on the grounds of its
"exclusiveness" was justified.“7 Whether Hayford's reply
that the movement stood for all interests, both EurOpean

and African, was sincere or not, it is quite clear that the
Congress's promoters erred in failing to enlist the active

or moral support of influential Europeans. The Indian
National Congress,on the other hand,had a good number Of
Europeans in its membership, a fact that probably contributed
significantly to the success of that movement.

Special attention also was paid to the educational
problem. Dr. Faduma's contribution was especially informed
with good sense; he stressed the need for development at all
levels, and the desirability of a truly "African" contentinthe
people's education."8 Casely Hayford indicated the Congress's
stand on the issue when he said:

We do not subscribe to the proposition that a peculiar
kind Of education is desirable for the African per se.
But we believe in the African being trained by the
African with an African outlook, which is a very dif-
ferent thing. Experience has thought that it is Oftener
than not the half-educated African who is de—Africanised
rather than the thoroughly educated African.

For these reasons, he would, of necessity, urge upon the at-

tention of the colonial Governments the early foundation of

 

A
7See Casely Hayford, Legislative Council Debates,

April 25, 1921, for Hayford's reply to the charge Of "ex-
clusiveness."

u8West Africa, March 17, 1923.

 

 

191

a British West African university,”9 a View embodied also
in this sessions's resolutions.

As before, telegrams of greetings had been dis-
patched to the King and to the West African Governors.
This time, however, Governor Clifford was determined that
no one should be able to misunderstand his reply. While
finding himself unable to regard "this self-appointed Cong—
ress as in any sense representative of African interests or
public opinion in Nigeria," His Excellency looked forward
to reading the report of their deliberations, "which cannot
fail to be Of interest as an example of the opinions held
on a variety of public questions by a number Of educated
African gentlemen." The Congress, on its part, decided not
to let the implications of this message go unchallenged,
and proceeded to repeat once again that they represented
not only the intelligentsia but also "the bulk of the in-
habitants of the various indigenous communities" of British
West Africa, but they declined to quarrel with His Excel-
lency since "the status Of the Congress . . . and the SCOpe
of its work" had been assured already.50

Another significant feature of this session was
the moving appeal of Rev. J. C. 0. During. This West

African cleric compared the supporters Of the Congress

 

uglbid., March 31, 1923; Sampson, West African
Leadership, ch. iii-~Hayford, Presidential Address, Free—
town, Jan. 1923.

 

 

 

50C. o. 55u/60, Enclosure of March 13, 1923, from
O.A.G., Gold Coast, to Devonshire.

 

192

movement to the early Christians who had suffered from a
change of attitude of Imperial Rome, namely, from one of
friendliness and fair play to one of antagonism and hatred
as a result of some calumny and misrepresentation from some
quarter. And like St. Paul, he declared "the peOple.Of
British West Africa are making . . . an appeal to Caesar,

to the King—«Emperor as representative Of the great English

7

people to the English sense of justice and fair play."

a
He continued:
. we are not asking for the supreme control Of the
affairs of our country, but for freedom to develop our
God—appointed.destiny within the British Empire. We
plead . . . for taxation with representation, for
scope to those who show ability and character, and
colour no bar to high positions Of our land.
Concluding he asked:
Shall not present—day Gamaliels exclaim, "Take heed!
Beware of this movement! If it be of men it will come
to naught; but if it be Of God, ye cannot overthrow it,
least haply, ye be found even to fight against God!"51
A COpy of the Congress's resolutions at this ses-
sion was despatched through the Gold Coast Government to
the Secretary of State for the Colonies?2 At the Colonial
Office a number of observations were made on the resolutions,
some of which are of additional interest. Thus, it was re-

marked that some of the Congress's resolutions on constitu-

tional reforms implied that its members "will not be satisfied

 

51West Africa, February 24, 1923.

52C. O. 554/58, Letter and enclosure of March 13,
l923,from Guggisberg to Devonshire.

 

 

 

 

193

until the representatives Of the Europeanised Negroes are
given control of finance." It was next pointed out that.
"change in the Gold Coast constitution is under consider-
ation." With reference to the resolutions on judicial
reforms it was pointed out that "as regards the Appeal
Court we have recently met their views to a certain extent
by amending the Supreme Court Ordinances, so that a judge
who has tried a case will not often be a member Of the
Appeal Court.53

Back in Accra, Casely Hayford held a "mass meet-
ing" at the Native Club Hall, where he gave a glowing
account of the Freetown session, which was interpreted into
Ga. An attempt, however, to enlist "the active support of
theplebeian.masses" and tO extend the movement to the rural
areas did not prove very successful. Although a ladies'
section was founded at Accra, its plan to extend the asso—
ciation to illiterate women apparently did not materialize.
By 1924, however, Congress had become almost an institution
with the 28th Of March, the last full day Of the inaugural
conference, set aside as Congress Day.5”

Difficulties Of organization in the Gambia caused
the third session of the Congress to be postponed several
times during 1925. Besides, Casely Hayford and his col-

leagues had been anxiously awaiting the outcome Of the Gold

 

53
54

C. O. 554/58, Colonial Office Minutes of 6/4/23.

Kimble, Ghana, pp. 400—401.

 

 

 

194

Coast constitutional discussions. It was not, therefore,
until December that the full session eventually Opened in
Bathurst.55 There were altogether twenty—nine delegates
with a few Mohammedan elements, but once again Nigeria was
unrepresented. Casely Hayford was elected President with
C. May, the Mayor of Freetown,as the Vice—President.
S. R. Wood was re—elected Secretary, with J. Glover-Addo,
and J. Kilson-Mills as joint Financial Secretaries, and
H. Van Hein and S. O. Akiwumi as joint Treasurers.56 Since
all of these officials, except the Vice—President, came
from the Gold Coast, it was clear that the colony was still
the fountain-head Of the movement.

This time the delegates devoted much attention to
a constitutional memorandum which was later incorporated in
the Aborigines' Rights Protection Society's petition of
1926 against the new Gold Coast constitution.57 Consider—
able attention seems tO have been devoted also to the dis—
cussion of "the position, and education of womanhood in
West Africa." One interesting feature of this session was
the attendance Of female delegates, who actively and use—

fully participated in the discussion. A "Women's Auxiliary

58

 

 

Committee' of the Gambian Branch Of the Congress had been
56West Africa, March 6, 1926.
57Kimble, Op. Cit., pp. u02 and uu9.
58

Its Chief officers were: Mrs. C. M. Roberts,
President; Mrs. H. N. Davis, Vice-President; and Mrs.
Hannah E. Forster, Secretary.

 

195

founded in Bathurst, where these ladies came from. Eventu-
ally,the Congress's fourth session took place in Lagos,
Nigeria, with the support of the Nigerian Democratic Party.59
Casely Hayford reviewed the ten year's progress Of the Cong—
ress and summarized its achievements. These, he claimed,
included the extension of the franchise in Nigeria, Sierra
Leone, and the Gold Coast; the foundation Of Achimota Col-

lege as "a direct response to the resolution of Congress";

the establishment Of a West African Appeal Court, "although

 

Nigeria has yet to come into line:" and "repeated assurances"
from official quarters as tO the security of the people's
rights tO their ancestral lands. He felt that elective
representation did not go far enough, and he was Of the
Opinion that the principle of an Official majority could

not remain undisturbed if British West Africa.were to have

an effective voice in her own affairs. He referred speci-
fically to the proposed constitutional changes in Ceylon

60

as useful precedents.

 

59The first experience of the delegates from the
other colonies in which "not a single soul Of the Nigerian
Branch of the Congress was on the wharf to welcome them,"
was most depressing. But Casely Hayford's courageous ini—
titative and resourceful moves seemed to have saved the
situation in a most impressive way. See The Gold Coast
Independent, Feb. 1, 1930. The session lasted from Decem—
ber,l929 tO January,l930.

6O"The Donoughmore Report (implemented in the
Ceylon constitution Of 1931) had proposed to 'transfer to
the elected representatives of the people complete control
over the internal affairs of the Island.‘ Ceylon. Report
of the Special Commission on the Constitution (London, 1929)."
——Kimb1e, Ghana, p. 402 (footnote).

 

 

196

Casely Hayford, who had become increasingly aware
of the difficulties, stressed the need for his people to
be prepared tO accept, when the time came, the responsibili-
ties of initiating policy, and carrying it out effectively.
While retaining his faith in the potentialities of his
people and in the liberating power of education, he was
conscious of and distressedtw their lackcfi‘unity; this was
a major Obstacle to be overcome. Said he:

I appeal to all Africans everywhere to smoke the
peace pipe together whatever the sacrifice that may
involve, for the African God is weary of your wrangl-
ings, weary Of your vain disputations, weary Of.your
everlasting quarrels which are a drag upon progress

and which keep from you, as peOple, the good that is
intended for you.

 

This was virtually the last session of the Cong—
ress. Casely Hayford, who had founded it, and who had been
its main source of energy died in August,1930. Although a
fifth session was later suggested, this never materialized,
and the movement ceased to have any influence even in the
Gold Coast from where it had always drawn its main vitality.
The growing divergences in the direction of political de-
velopment in each territory were making it more and more
difficult to present unified demands for reform, with the
result that the leading African politicians had become

increasingly preoccupied with their own local problems, at

 

61Casely Hayford, Presidential Address, Lagos,
Dec.,l929; Sampson, Ibid., p. 91.

197

the expense of the Congress as a whole. The attempt at
West African unity had proved premature, but incipient
nationalism was not wholly unproductive Of worthwhile

results.

 

CHAPTER VI

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

Influenced by a number of international events, in-
Spired by the examples of "precursor" nationalist activities,
among which was that of the Indian National Congress, and
stimulated by the climate Of idealism generated by the war,
Casely Hayford and his colleagues in the British West African
Colonies had proceeded to create a Pan-West African political
organization as a constitutional weapon for the ultimate
achievement of Self-government for their people. Not even
qualifications, from some quarters, of the immediate post-
War pronouncements on self—determination from the eminent
statesmen of the day could damp the enthusiasm of nationalist
aspirations or stem the tide of nationalist activities of
"politically" conscious West Africans. As Dr. J. B. Danquah
had remarked, "the doctrine of self-determination" proclaimed
"in the chancellories of the world powers" had offered Casely

Hayford "an Opportunity which he did not throw away."1

 

 

lSee Danquah's Introduction to Sampson's Gold Coast
Men of Affairs, p. 27.

 

 

198

199

The main and immediate impelling force behind Casely
Hayford's Congress activities was undoubtedly his acute aware-
ness of the "disabilities" of his people for which "this
archaic system" Of Crown Colony Government was responsible.
His feelings and Objectives were shared by a number of "col-
leagues"2 with whom he proceeded to realize the dream of "a
congress of all natives Of British West Africa." Theirs was
an inchoate nationalism characterized by loyalty, moderation

and "constitutionality" of procedure. Their movement aimed

 

initially at the sharing of powers with the Colonial Govern—
ments while, however, keeping in View the ultimate attainment
of complete self—government and dominion status within the
Empire.

The idea Of a Congress of British West Africans had
been mooted as far back as 1912, and was seriously discussed
and accepted before the outbreak of the war, though shelved
in order not to "embarrass His Majesty's Government." But the
idea was kept alive in the West African Press and by 1919 pre—
liminary activities towards the inauguration Of the Conference
at Accra were well under way. By the turn of the year the

realization of the project had become a foregone conclusion.

 

2This clique may be said to represent the new elite
of British West Africa largely identifiable by their educative
and comparative economic wealth. The group claimed to repre-
sent "substantially the intelligentsia and the advanced thought
of British West Africa," and "the bulk of the inhabitants of
the various indigenous communities."

200

The inaugural Conference which was held at Accra in
March, l920,was attended not only by delegates from all the
four British West African Colonies but also by some important
Officials Of the Gold Coast Government; the event was, on the
whole, favorably received in British West Africa. Even a

London-based paper, West Africa, had described the event as

 

"the beginning Of a new era" which "has commenced well" be-
cause led by "the two greatest Africans in the Gold Coast."

The Conference which lasted nearly three weeks discussed a

 

number Of constitutional, judicial, administrative and educa-
tional reforms, later embodied in eighty-three resolutions.
At the close of the Conference it resolved itself into a perma-
nent National Congress Of British West Africa, to be composed
of the several committees already established in the four
colonies, with headquarters in Sekondi, the home of Casely
Hayford, who was elected Vice—President of the organization.3
Before the Conference rose, it resolved that repre-
sentatives from each colony should be sent to London to seek
legal advice on the best method to secure the reforms advo-
cated, chief of which was the franchise. To a Congress in-
augural fund which would among other things defray the expenses,

Hutton Mills, the Congress President, had contributed a thou-

sand guineas, while the Gold Coast, the headquarters of the

 

3Although founder of the movement, Casely Hayford
had conceded the Office of President to T. Hutton Mills his
elder compatriot and politician.

201

Imvement, had contributed over ten thousand of the twelve thou-
sand pound total. While in London from September,1920,to
March, 1921, the deputation had done some propaganda work,
including a meeting with the League of Nations Union, and had
eventually presented a petition to the King, based on the Ac—
cra resolutions. Owing chiefly to adverse representations
from the Colonial Governments, reinforced by protests from
some aboriginal elements, the Congress's petition was rejected

by the Secretary Of State with His Majesty's approval. Soon,

 

however, there was some rethinking in official Circles and
with the strong recommendations of the Colonial Governments
some concessions were made, the first of which was the gran-
ting Of elective representation to the Nigerian Legislative
Council.

It was clear, however, that in spite of the enthu-
siastic and wider support which greeted the "stunning" and
"galling" disappointment of the London delegation, and the
occasional spouts of enthusiasm and activity as exhibited in
subsequent full sessions of the Congress, the movement was
destined to languish. With the death of its founder in 1930,
it became extinct. The attempt at a West African unity had
proved a premature experiment.

But what is there in the main charge of unrepresen—
tativeness levelled against the Congress promoters? The Con—
gress's petitioners had claimed that "apart from the fact that

the National Congress of British West Africa represents

202

substantially the intelligentsia and the advanced thought of
British West Africa . . . it also represents the bulk of the
inhabitants of the various indigenous communities and with
them claims, as sons of the soil, the inherent right to make
representations [as] to existing disabilities, and to submit
recommendations for the necessary reforms.“l With the first
Of these two claims, there is not much to quarrel about, al—
though a number of dissenting voices were forthcoming, even
from the educated and "enlightened" elements. The second
claim is highly dubious, whether in terms of eXplicit mandate
or in those of identity of views and Objectives. The claim
to represent the bulk of the chiefs and the masses would be
seen to be doubtfully tenable in View of protestations from
those quarters against the Congress; the claim appears ludi—
crous with reference to those Chiefs and masses in the hinter—
land. It would seem curious that the later claim was made

when Casely Hayford himself had definitely and "proudly" af-
firmed the exclusiveness of the movement, asserting that "this
is a movement of the educated classes of British West Africa."5

Yet having said that, he had proceeded to assert the community

of interest between "the untutored native" and "the educated

 

”The Congress Petition to His Majesty the King — See

references cited above.

5Hayford, Inaugural Address.

 

203

African." Thus he averred that "the time will never be when

it will be possible to dissociate the educated African from

his uneducated brother," a statement that elicited spontaneous
applause from his audience. It seems idle to argue the point
that the uneducated, including the illiterate chiefs, cherished
the advice and guidance of their educated men and accorded them
an enviable esteem and recognition. But beyond the limited
circle of tribal and kinship allegiance, it becomes desirable,

if not imperative, to educate the illiterate "outsider" on the

 

issues, to empathize with him and to win his confidence. It
was not without some justification that one of Nigeria's emi—
nent politicians asserted that "given a choice from among
white officials, Chiefs, and educated Nigerians, as the princi-
pal rulers Of the country, the illiterate man today, would
exercise his preference for the three in the order in which
they are named."6
But it was well to recognize that the educated Afri—
can who had been compelled by the nature of his education to
repair to the town to make a living, had not necessarily cast
Off all tribal allegiance or kinship obligations and that, in
fact, a good number of the leading educated natives did iden-
tify themselves with the interests of their people, although

there might be instances Of the exceptional behaviours of a

few "scoundrels."

¥

6Obafemi Awolowo, Path to Nigerian Freedom (London,
1947), po 32.

2014‘

Yet it seems unconvincing to contend that an Ibo
lawyer or a Yoruba schoolmaster of the 1920's could "repre-
sent" the wishes of the Hausa farmer or the Fulani pastoralist.
No doubt the educated Nigerian was qualified to represent the
views of the illiterates of his gwn tgwn. Beyond that, his
claim to representation of the masses apply only to an ideal
nation or state which did not yet exist. But,in creating the
mass sense of nationality as a prerequisite to the achieve-
ment of the goal of an independent nation, the Congress was
carrying on a legitimate piece Of political activity which
should not be thwarted by a short-sighted policy Of the powers
(that be. The Indian National Congress represented such an
ideal nation until an actual one was realized. The educated
and enlightened West African, representing the "advanced
thought" of his people,can legitimately "anticipate" the
wishes and aspirations of the latter, formulate those wishes
and aspirations in a most articulate way, and urge reforms on
his people's behalf and thus fulfill their role Of taking "the
lead in the forward march of progress." It is left to the
wise alien administrator to know at what pace the advocated
reforms can be conceded without causing unnecessary frustra-
tions that might bring disastrous consequences. It was to
his credit that the Governor of Nigeria espied the threatening

and inevitable "wind of change" and urged a timely but

 

205
"regulated" concession that averted "the gathering storm."7
A more fundamental issue in the controversy between
the Congress and its antagonists seems, however, to be the
place of the educated elite in the new polity that was emerg-
ing. Nana Ofori Atta, the most formidable single Opponent
from the indigenous elements, recognized the issues at stake.
He was sympathetic to the progressive ideas of the movement,
but he felt that this must be realized within the limits of
traditional framework. He was not willing that the chiefs
should relinquish their claim tO leadership, even if it meant
sacrificing a wider national unity to the cumbersome kalaida-
SCOpe of numerous "independent" States. The claim of the new
elite who owed their position of influence to education and
private property, to a position of political leadership, pro—
vided a new and dangerous challenge that must be met. In
Nana's counter—Offensive he was encouraged, if not prompted,
by the Colonial Authority which was committed to the mainten-
ance of traditional authority and which disliked and probably

feared the claim of the new elite to leadership. Official

 

7On the issue of representation, Edward Francis Small,
one of the Gambian delegates on the London deputation, referred
and remarked wittily thus: "I have yet to know . . . that these
gentlemen, who participate in legislatin for both the Colony
and Protectorate are known {in the flesh to the overwhelming
masses of the people.

"Every day brings fresh evidence of the anomalous pos-
ition Of the nominated member as would be spokesman Of the peo-
ple in the Council. Undoubtedly, the Congress crystallises a
striking paradox, every retort it receives being applicable in
its own case." The Aurora, May 14, 1921, Letter of April 12,
19213from Small to the Editor of The African World.

 

 

 

206

patronage of traditional authority sounded hollow, however,
in the face of those Central Government regulations that
tended to diminish rather than enhance the prestige and power
of that authority. The knowledgeable, hoWhver, knew where
the center of real authority in the State lay, and the edu-
cated leaders foresaw an inheritance that would be theirs by
the prescriptive right of education, and worked sedulously
towards its realization. The circumstances, however, proved
unpropitious, and Congress leaders did not do much to improve
them by enlisting the support of the illiterate and semi-
1iterate masses.

The argument on nationality and nation Should be
accorded a subsidiary place in the whole issue. It had been
dragged in by Sir Hugh to reinforce his denunciation of the
new challenge offered by the Congress movement, which was
working towards a fundamental change in the colonial relation-
ship. It is Obvious that even the concept of a "united West
Africa" was an artificial one, and that the attempt at unity,
except in the limited sense of some cooperation between the
colonies,was unrealistic. But it is equally unacceptable to
argue,for example,that the idea of a Nigerian or Gold Coast
nation is a fiction when it is recalled that the present
United Kingdom or France seemed at one time a figment of the
imagination. Thus,in his St. Joan, Bernard Shaw makes the
Earl of Warwick say to De Stogumber.

A Frenchman! Where did you pick up that expression?
Are these Burgundians and Bretons and Picards and Gascons

 

207

beginning to call themselves Frenchmen, just as our fel—
lows are beginning to call themselves Englishmen. They
actually talk of France and England as their own countries.
Theirs, if you please! What is to become of me and you if
that way Of thinking comes into fashion?8
Yet Opposition from the Colonial Governments proved
highly effective. Governor Clifford's disparaging remarks
and hostile attacks against the Congress succeeded in producing
devastating results. Dr. T. O. Elias referring to the Gover—

nor's hostile reaction to the Congress's London deputation

and its activities observes that "for sarcasm and derision,"

 

Clifford's onslaught "can hardly be bettered in the annals of
gubernatorial pronouncements on the political ambitions of a
subject people" and that "so authoritative and instantaneous
was the effect of this douche thrown onto the flickering fire
of would-be sympathizers with the African cause in the British
Parliament that nothing came of the struggle." But he added
that "having thus effectively thwarted their cherished ambi-
tion in Britain, Clifford was quick to sense the gathering
storm on the political horizon" and "accordingly proceeded to
dismantle Lugard's edifice of the Nigerian Council which, to—
gether with the old Legislative Council, he finally abolished

in 1922, replacing both by a single Legislative . . . Council."9

 

Cited in Thomas L. Hodgkin's "Toward Self—Government
in British West Africa" in Basil Davidson and Adenekan Ademola,
eds., The New West Africa (London, 1953), p. 91.

9T. o. Elias, "Makers of Nigerian Law," West Africa,
May 5, 1956-

 

208

Whatever is the correct estimate of the effect of
Governor Clifford's onslaught, there is no doubting the fact
that when to it are added the adverse representations at the
Colonial Office from Governor Guggisberg, and the repudiation

of the Congress by Africans and West Africa the effect was

 

decisive with that Office in its final attitude to the Con-
gress deputation. A close study of the exchanges between
the Colonial Office and the Colonial Governments and the in-

fluences of these exchanges on policy reveals the immense

 

influence Of the Colonial Governments in the determination
and revision of colonial policies, a Situation that would ap-
pear natural because Of the importance attached to the views
of "the man on the spot." Yet this is not to deny the inde—
pendence of the Colonial Office in its appraisal of any colo-
nial issues before it. But more often than not, in the deter-
mination Of colonial policy decisions, it would seem to be a
case of the Colonial Governments leading the way instead of
the other way round. In any case, as regards the result of
the Congress's petition, the Colonial Governments played a
major role. The almost immediate reversal Of the Secretary
Of State's decision, that "the time has not yet come for the
introduction into any of the West African Colonies and Pro-
tectorates of the principle of election to the Legislative

I!

Councils, is also attributable,in the first place,to the

Nigerian Colonial Government and Sir Hugh's initiative.

209

Before the end of the decade, Sierra Leone and the Gold Coast
had joined Nigeria in this bold and imaginative change Of front.
Although the Colonial Governors, especially Clifford,
deserved ample credit for this novel and healthy move, some
credit, however, attaches to the Congress's efforts for reform.
It seems correct to assume that the Colonial Governments were
acutely aware of the influence and "capabilities" Of the move-
ment. In Sierra Leone, the Congress constitutional proposals

seemed to have had some influence with the Colony's new Gov-

 

ernor, Alaxander Slater. Even in Nigeria, where the Congress
attracted little support from the people, it did serve to
stimulate the growing and eventually effective demand10 of
the Lagos community for more effective representation in the
Legislative Council. And it would probably be correct to
conclude that although the Congress representations produced
"no direct effect" at the Colonial Office, its impact there
had prepared that office for concessions that might be urged

through the proper channels. In fact, Colonial Office minutes

on the Congress strongly suggest that conclusion.

 

loSir Hugh Clifford writes:

"I feel strongly . . . that the action which you have
accorded to me permission to take, is right in principle; that
the creation of the new Council will tend to satisfy legiti—
mate aspirations and ambitions; that it will fulfil useful
and practical purposes . . . and that it will help to produce
a healthier political atmosphere throughout the principal
centres in the Southern Provinces." Confidential letter Of
7th July, l922,from Clifford to Winston S. Churchill, C. 0.
583/111.

"me

 

 

.! rlll|I|

 

210

In spite of the growing concessions from the Colonial
Power, which included the foundation of Achimota College, the
reconstitution of the West African Appeal Court, and new higher
Civil Service appointments for Africans, credit for which it
could,with some justice,partia11y claim, the movement seemed
destined to an increasing dimunition of its vitality, and
eventually to total extinction. Various factors contributed
to this fortune of the Congress. Official hostility, or at

best, calculated discouragement played its part. Added to

 

this was the insurmountable barrier of the separate location
of the Colonial territories. The disparity of conditions
within the various territories, and even between the various
units within each territory,were factors to be reckoned with.
This limiting situation was not improved by the apparent dis—
inclination on the part of the different territories to assoc—
iate, except perhaps in a very loose way. When to all this is
added the failure Of the Congress's leaders and promoters to
enlist the support of would-be adherents of the movement and
to give it a mass and popular base, its dismal fate had become

predictable.ll Certainly,the attempt at a West African unity,

 

llGeorge Padmore,referring to the cause of the demise
of the Congress,observed that "unlike men Of the type Of Ghandi
and Nehru and Kwame Nkumah, he [Casely Hayford] failed to rea-
lize that without the active support of the plebeian masses
who form the bulk of the population, the middle class in-
tellectuals were ineffective." The Gold Coast Revolution
(London, 1953), p. 52.

 

211

except in the sense Of a loose cooperation, had been a pre-
mature eXperiment, which an independent West Africa12 might
be fortunate to realize.

Outside those concessions for which the Congress
might claim partial credit, there were other developments,
perhaps less obvious, that might be entered to the credit of
the Congress movement. Thomas Hodgkin has remarked that
"even the most tentative discussion Of African political par—

ties must involve some account of the more primitive forms of

 

association from which they have sprung," and then goes on to
cite the National Congress Of British West Africa as one of

13

those parent associations. In the same way later brands of
British West African nationalism owe something,by way of in-
spiration at least, to this incipient nationalism of the Con-
gress movement. George Padmore has Observed that Dr. Kwame
Nkrumah founded the Convention People's Party not only "to
advance the cause of self-government" in the Gold Coast but
also "to revive the conception of a West African Federation
started by the West African National Congress nearly thirty

14 . . .
years before." Some connection in program is also traceable

 

12This would include the former colonial possessions

of the other European powers.

l3Hodgkin, Nationalism in Colonial Africa (London,
1956), p. 139.

l“Padmore, Pan Africanism or Communism (London,
1956), p. 129. Padmore goes on to say that Dr. Nkrumah, the
first African Prime Minister, "appointed Mr. J. Casely Hayford's
son, Mr. Archie Casely Hayford, a Cabinet Minister in the first
Gold Coast African Government," apparently in recognition of the
former's services to the African cause.

212

between the National Congress of British West Africa and the
Nigerian National Democratic Party which later allied with
the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons.15
It is clear that only a small portion of the Con—
gress's program had been realized before its demise soon after
the death in 1930 of its founder and main moving Spirit, Casely
Hayford. But if the Congress's relatively "modest" contem-

porary achievements should incline one to minimize those achieve-

ments, it would be well to remember that even the limited con-

 

cession on the franchise alone, partially attributable to.the
influence of the Congress, was a really significant contemporary
achievement Of the movement.

The concession of the elective principle to the Leg-
islative Councils Of the Colonies was a highly significant one,
for it introduced a new and radical change in the constitution
and ideals hitherto ruling those Councils. The concession of
that principle was an admission by the powers that they Should
be guided in their policy and government by what the people
felt they wanted, rather than what the Colonial Governments
thought the peOple wanted. The paternalistic ideal Of govern-

ment would yield, if gradually,to a truly democratic ideal by

 

15See Nnamdi Azikiwe, The Development of Political
Parties in Nigeria (London, 1957), pp. 5 and 23. This N.N.D.P.
must not, however, be confused with Akintola's N.N.D.P.

213

which the elected member would be increasingly the chief "deT
termining agent" of government policy and the focus of attention
and political influence. In its implications, the concession
marked the beginning of the policy that recognized the real-
ities of the new emergent state and cooperated with the forces
that brought that change in the colonial relationship that
culminated in the attainment of the national independence of

a modern democratic state.

The precedent set by the Congress's own role in the

 

significant achievement of the elective principle was not lost
on future nationalists.

Furthermore, if it is conceded that the Congress
was, in some sense, unrepresentative of the bulk of the indi—
genous community, it should also be conceded that it none the
less represented substantially an "enlightened", influential
and articulate section of it. All this was a significant fact,
later necessarily recognized by nationalist movements. Be-
cause of their awareness Of the importance of this fact, the
Congress's leaders were to rest confident that their setback
was merely a "postponement" of a realization that was bound
to be. It was left to posterity to honor them with the ful-

fillment of a cherished "dream" partially realized.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

This dissertation is substantially based on such
primary sources as Colonial Office documents, including manu-
scripts and related printed matter, and such Colonial Govern—
ments' publications as Legislative Council Debates--including
the Governors' addresses to the Legislative Councils. In—
cluded also in the primary sources are newspapers, local and
foreign, and also some books which substantially contain first-
hand "material" on the subject of this study. The secondary
sources comprise books other than those specified above as
well as learned or otherwise valuable articles. For both
categories of sources only a selective listing has been at-

tempted in the compilation of this bibliography.

A. PRIMARY

 

The primary materials used in this study can be
found in such public archives in London as the Public Record
Library (P. R. 0.), the British Museum, the Colonial Office
Library (C. O. L.), and the British Museum Newspaper Library
(Colindale). (The Colonial Office Library has been renamed
the Commonwealth Office Library, but the former name will be
retained for convenience.) The Colonial Office documents
have the additional value of containing that Office's confi-

dential minutes and memoranda. The C. 0. documents are a

214

 

215

massive material to wade through, but the following selective
list with the accompanying brief description of each group of
documents should prove a handy guide to one wanting to consult
those records. The groups of documents (volumes) are offi-
cially referred to by the letters C. O. (for Colonial Office),
followed by serial numbers. There are volumes on West Africa
as a "unit" as distinct from volumes on each of the four
British West African Colonies. The C. 0. serial numbering

also applies to the published Sessional Papers of the various

 

colonies except publications of the Legislative Council De—

bates of those colonies.

DOCUMENTARY:

 

WEST AFRICA (1920-23, 1925) — C. O. 554/46—65
These Contain:
C. O. 554/46:
Telegrams of Governor Guggisberg and Governor Clifford
to the Colonial Office on the "unrepresentativeness"
of the National Congress of British West Africa and
the evil implications of its program and activities.
C. O. 554/49:
The Congress's Resolutions and Petition with related
correspondence; Colonial Office Memorandum and Minutes.
C. O. 554/50:
Further telegram communication from Governor Guggisberg
conveying "aboriginal" opinion of the Congress movement.

Colonial Office reaction to the Congress's Petition.

 

 

 

 

216

Colonial Office communications to the Colonial Gover—
nors on the Petition and their observations on it.

C. O. 554/54:
The London Delegation's attempt to re-establish their
case and Colonial Office's rejection. Efforts in
British West Africa to rally round the Congress's
cause: protest telegrams and declarations from cer-

tain indigenous elements, including chiefs.

C. O. 554/58:

 

The Congress Second Session's Resolutions and Colonial
Office Memorandum.

C. O. 554/60:
Colonial Office Memoranda and Minutes on the subject
of a West African University; Guggisberg's proposal
for a Gold Coast University College.

C. O. 554/65:

The Congress Constitution.

Of Additional Interest

 

C. O. 554/49-61:
Correspondence on Appeal Court for British West Africa,
and Colonial Office Conference on Education in Africa
with related correspondence.
The Congress's Correspondence to the Foreign Minister,
Earl Curzon of Keddleston; its report to the Colonial

Office on its meeting with the League of Nations Union.

C.

O

O

217

NIGERIA (1919—1923) - C. O. 583/94-123

 

O. 583/94:
Governor Clifford's despatch on his Address to the
Nigerian Council Meeting Of 29th December, 1920.

0. 583/100, 106 and 111:
The Governor's correspondence on the reconstitution
of the Nigerian Legislative Council and Colonial Of-
fice reaction.

0. 583/118, 120 and 123:

 

The Governor's correspondence on the Provincial Courts
Ordinance of 1914; and on the appointment of Africans
to European posts. Colonial Office memorandum and

minutes on Education in Southern Nigeria.

GOLD COAST (1919—1923) — C. o. 96/598—643

0. 96/598:
Correspondence on the projected West African Confer-
ence:
(a) Between the Gold Coast Conference Committee and
the Gold Coast Government.
(b) Between the Gold Coast Government and the Colonial
Office.
0. 96/637:
The Governor's proposal for the reconstitution of

Municipal Corporations in the Towns of the Colony.

218

C. 0. 96/641 and 643:
Correspondence on the appointment of Africans as Med-
ical Officers and Crown Counsels; on the proposed

Achimota Secondary School or University College.
SIERRA LEONE (1919-1923) - C. O. 267/582—602

C. O. 267/582-585:

Correspondence on the Syrian Problem.

C. 0. 267/596 and 600:

Correspondence on the reconstitution of the Sierra
Leone Legislative Council.

C. 0. 267/600 and 602:
Correspondence on the appointment of an African to a
European post; and on the Trial by Assessors and the

West African Appeal Court.
GAMBIA (1923)

C. 0. 87/219:

Correspondence on the appointment of an African to a

European post.

PRINTED:
A. Government Publications:
From the Public Record Office:

1. Nigerian Sessional Papers:

 

i. C. O. 657/11 — Nigerian Council Proceedings,

1914-1923.

 

219

ii. C. O. 657/19 - Governor's Addresses to the
Legislative Council, 1920-1926.

2. Gold Coast Sessional Papers:

 

i. C. 0. 98/33 - Sessional Paper VII, 1919-1920:
Correspondence relating to the National Con-
gress of British West Africa.

ii. C. 0. 98/35 - Sessional Paper X, 1920-1921:
Further Correspondence relating to the N.C.B.
W.A. together with the Governor's Speech.

iii. C. 0. 98/45 - Governor's Annual Addresses to

 

the Legislative Council.

3. Sierra Leone Sessional Papers:

 

C. O. 270/52 — Legislative Council, 1911-1912.
4. Gambia Sessional Papers:
C. 0. 89/14 — Legislative Council, 1914-1925.

From the Colonial Office Library:

 

1. Nigeria Legislative Council Debates:
Sessions l923-1925.
2. Gold Coast Legislative Council Debates:
Sessions 1919—1920; 1920—1921; 1923-1924; 1924-1925.
3. Sierra Leone Legislative Council Debates:
Sessions 1922-1923; 1923-1924; 1924-1925.
B. BOOKS - The following books are included in this cate-

gory as revealing, at first hand, their author's
thinking on the subject directly or indirectly:

 

 

220

Hayford, J. E. Casely. Gold Coast Native Institutions: With

thoughts upon a Healthy Imperial Policy for the Gold
Coast and Ashanti. London: Sweet and Maxwell, 1903.

 

 

Ethiqpia Unbound: Studies in Race Emancipation.
London: C. M. Phillips, 1911.

 

. The Truth about the West African Land Question.
London: C. M. Phillips, 1913.

 

United West Africa. London: Phillips, 1919.

 

The Disabilities of Black Folk and Their Treatment
with an Appeal to the Labour Party. Accra, 1929.

 

Sampson, M. J., ed. West African Leadership: public speeches

delivered by the Honourable J. E. Casely Hayford, with
a foreward by Sir Leslie M'Carthy. Ilfracombe: Stock-
well, 1951.

Also of interest in this category are the following:

Attoh-Ahuma, S. R. B. The Gold Coast Nation and National Con-

Blyden,

Garvey,

sciousness. Liverpool: Marples & CO., 1911.

 

E. W. West Africa before Eurppe and other Addresses,
delivered in England in 1901 and 1903. London: C. M.
Phillips, 1905. ~

. Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race. London:
1887.

Amy Jacques, ed. Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus
Garvey. New York: Universal Publishing House, 1923.

Graft-Johnson, J. W. de. Towards Nationhood in West Africa.

Horton,

Salmon,

London: Headley, 1928.

J. A. B. West African Countries and Peoples, British
and Native with the Requirement necessary for Establish—
ing that Self Government recommended by the Committee

Of the House Of Commons, 1865; and a Vindication of the
African Race. London: W. J. Johnson, 1868.

C. S. The Crown Colonies of Great Britain. London:
Cassell and Co., 1886.

 

221

C. NEWSPAPERS:

 

African World. African Publications Ltd., London.

 

Anti-Slavery Reporter and Aborigines' Friend.
Anti-Slavery Society, London.

 

 

The Aurora.‘ Freetown.

The Colonial and Provincial Reporter. Freetown.

 

 

The Gold Coast Independent. Accra.

The Gold Coast Leader. Cape Coast.

 

The Gold Coast Nation. Cape Coast.

The Gold Coast Pioneer. Accra.

 

 

The Lagos Standard. Lagos.

 

The Lagos Weekly Record. Lagos.

 

The Nigerian Chronicle. Lagos.

The Nigerian Pioneer. Lagos.

 

The Sierra Leone Weeklerews. Freetown.

The Times. London.

 

The Times Of Nigeria. Lagos.
The West African Mail and Trade Gazette. Freetown.

West Africa. London.

 

B. SECONDARY

 

In this group of sources, two books may be singled out

for special mention. These are Coleman's Nigeria: Background

 

to Nationalism, and Kimble's Political History Of Ghana. These
books have been substantially used in parts of this study out-
side those covered by the Colonial Office documents. Both have

much relevance for the whole of British West Africa, although

222

chiefly concerned as they are with particular territories of
that region. Coleman's is highly useful as providing a thought-
ful and stimulating background study to "African" nationalism,
while Kimble's makes some highly valuable contributions to the
particular subject of the National Congress of British West
Africa. Needless to say, the rest of the following list have

made valuable contributions to the subject of this study.
BOOKS:

Apter, David E. The Gold Coast in Transition. Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1955.

 

Austin, Dennis. Politics in Ghana, 1946—1960. London: Ox-
ford University Press, 1964.

 

Awolowo, OEafemi. Path to Nigerian Freedom. London: Faber,
19 7.

 

Azikiwe, Nnamdi. Renascent Africa. Lagos, 1937.

 

Zik: A Selection from the Speeches of Nnamdi
Azikiwe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961.

 

. The Development of Political Parties in Nigeria.
London: 1957

 

Bourdillon, Bernard. Memorandum on the Future Political Devel-
ppment Of Nigeria. Lagos: Government Printer, 1939.

 

Bourret, F. M. Ghana. The Road to Independence, 1919-1957.
London: 1960.

 

Buell, R. L. The Native Problem in Africa. New York:
Macmillan, 1928, 2 vols.

 

Burns, Alan. History of Nigeria. 4th ed., London: George
Allen and UnWin, 1948.

 

Cameron, Donald. Principles of Native Administration and
Their Application. Lagos, Government Printer, 1934.

Cary, Joyce. The Case for African Freedom. London: Secker
and Warburg, 1941.

 

 

223

Coker, Increase. Seventy years of the Nigerian Press. Lagos,

1952.

Cobbam, Alfred. National Self—Determination. London: Royal
Institute of International Affairs, 1948.

 

 

Coleman, J. S. Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1958.

Crocker, W. R. Nigeria: A Critique of British Colonial Ad—
ministration. London: Allen and Unwin, 1936.

 

Self-Government for the Colonies. London: Allen
and Unwin, 1949.

 

Cronon, E. D. Black Moses. Madison: University of Wisconsin
Press, 1955.

 

Crowder, Michael. The Story of Nigeria. London: Faber and
Faber, 1962.

 

Davidson, Basil and Adenekan, Ademola, eds. The New West
Africa. London: Allen and Unwin, 1953.

 

Deniga, Adeoye. African Leaders Past and Present. Lagos:
1915, 2 vols.

Dennet, R. E. West African Congress and Government on Native
Lines. London, n.d.

Deutsch, Karl W. Nationalism and Social Communication. New
York: John Wiley, 1953.

Dike, K. Onwuka. 100 Years of British Rule in Nigeria, 1851-
1951. London: 1957.

. K. Onwuka. Trade and Politics in the Niger Delta,
1830—1885. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956.

 

Emerson, R. From Empire to Nation. London: 1960.

Emerson, R. and M. Kilson. The Political Awakening of Africa.
London: 1964.

Ezera, Kalu. Constitutional Developments in Nigeria. London:
Cambridge University Press, 1960.

Fage, J. D. An Introduction to the History of West Africa.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1955.

Ghana: A Historical Interpretation. Madison:
University of Wisconsin Press, 1959.

 

 

 

224

Flint, J. E. Nigeria and Ghana. New Jersey: Prentice Hall,

 

Inc., 1966.

Fyfe, Christopher. Sierra Leone Inheritance. London: Oxford

Gailey,

University Press, 1964.

. A History of Sierra Leone. Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1962.

 

Harry A. A History of the Gambia. London: Routledge
& Kegan Paul, 1964.

 

Geary, W. N. M. Nigeria under British Rule. London: Methuen,

Hailey,

 

1927.

Lord. An African Survey. London: Oxford University
Press, 1938.

 

An African Survey Revised 1956. London: Oxford
University Press, 1957.

 

Native Administration in the British African Terri—
tories. London: H.M.S.O., 1951, 5 vols.

 

Hancock, W. K. Survey Of British Commonwealth Affairs.

 

London: Oxford University Press, 1952, 2 vols.

.Hayford, J. E. C. Gold Coast Land Tenure and Forest Bill: A

Hinden,

 

Review Of the Situation. London: C. M. Phillips, 1911.

 

. Gold Coast Land Tenure and Forest Bill: A Review
of the Situation. 2nd notice. London: C. M. Phillips,
1912.

 

 

Rita. Empire and After. Londoanssential Books, 1949.

 

Problems of Self-Determination. London, 1957.

 

Hodgkin, Thomas. Nationalism in Colonial Africa. London:

Kimble,

 

Muller, 1956.

. African Political Parties. London: 1961.

 

David. A Political History Of Ghana: The Rise of
Gold Coast Nationalism, 1850—1928. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1963.

 

 

Lansing, R. The Peace Negotiations: A Personal Narrative.

 

London: 1921.

 

225

Lindley, M. R. The Acquisition and Government Of Backward
Territory in International Law. London: 1926.

 

 

Legum, Colin. Pan-Africanism: A short Political Guide.
London: '1962.

 

Lugard, F. D. The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa.
4th ed., London: William Blackwood, 1929.

 

Report on the Amalgamation Of Southern and Northern
Nigeria and Administration, 1912-1919. London: H.M.
S.O., 1920.

 

 

McIlwain, C. H. Constitutionalism and the ChangingyWorld.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1939.

 

McIntyre, W. D. Colonies into Commonwealth. London: Bland—
ford Press, 1966.

 

Macmillan, W. M. Africa Emergent. London: Penguin, 1949.

 

. The Road to Self—Rule. London: Faber and Faber,
1959.

 

Democratise the Empire: A Policy of Colonial Re-
form. London: Kegan Paul and Co., 1941.

Meek, C. K., et a1. Eupppe and West Africa. London: Oxford
University Press, 1940.

Mill, John Stuart. On Liberty and Considerations on Repre—
sentative Government. ed. R. B. McCallum, Oxford:
1956.

Moon, P. T. Imperialism and World Politics. New York: 1927.
Morel, E. D. Affairs of West Africa. London: 1902.
The Black Man's Burden. London: 1920.

Nicholson, Marjorie. West African Ferment. London: Fabian
Publications, 1950.

 

Padmore, George. The Gold Coast Revolution. London: 1953.

. Africa, Britain's Third Empire. London: Dobson,
1949.

. How Britain Rules Africa. London: LothrOp, Lee
and Shepard Co., 1936.

226

How Russia Transformed Her COlonial Empire. Lon-

 

 

don: Dobson, 1946.

History of the Pan-African Congpess. London: 1947.

 

 

Pan-Africanism or Communism? London: Dobson, 1956.

 

 

Pedler, F. J. West Africa. London: Methuen, 1951.

 

Perham, Margery. Native Administration in Nigeria. London:
Oxford University Press, 1937.

 

. Africans and British Rule. London: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1941.

 

. Lugard: Maker of Modern Africa. London: 1956 and
1960. 2 vols.

 

 

The Colonial Reckoning. London: Collins, 1961.

 

Perry, Ruth. A Preliminary Bibliography on the Literature of
Nationalism in Nigeria. London: International Affairs
Institute, 1956.

'Post, K. W. J. The New States of West Africa. London: Ham-
mondsworth, 1964.

Record, Wilson. The Negro and the Communist Party. Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1949.

Sampson, N. J. Gold Coast Men of Affairs, Past and Present.
London: 1937.

Sarbah, Jé M. Fanti Customary Laws. London: Clowes & Sons,
1 97.

. Fanti National Constitution. London: Clowes &
Sons, 1906.

Sobande, Obadia Adegboyega. Notes and Comments on the Life of
Mr. H. Macaulay. Lagos, n.d.

Solanke, Ladipo. United West Africa (or Africa) at the Bar Of
the Family of Nations. London: 1927.

The American Society of African Culture, ed. Pan-Africanism
Reconsidered. Berkely: University of California Press,
1962.

 

Ward, W. E. F. A History of Ghana. rev. 2nd ed. London: 1958.

 

227

Ward-Price, H. L. Dark Subjects. London: Jarrolds, 1939.

Wheare, Joan. The Nigerian Legislative Council. London:
Faber and Faber, 1950. ’

Wight, Martin. The Gold Coast Legislative Council. London:
Faber and Faber, 1947.

The DevelOpment of the Legislative Council, 1609-
1945: Studies in Colonial Legislatures. ed., M.
Perham. London: 1946.

British Colonial Constitutions. London: 1947.

ARTICLES:

Agbebi, Mojola. "The West African Problem," in G. Spiller,
ed., Papers on Inter-racial Problems Communicated to
the First Universal Races Congress. London: 1911.

 

Azikiwe, Nnamdi. "Our Struggles for Freedom in Africa,"
Crescent, 34 (Spring, 1930), 6-9.

. "Ethics of Colonial Imperialism," Journal Of Negro
History, XVI (July, 1931), 287—309.

 

Blyden, Edward W. "Africa for the Africans," African Repository,
48 (Jan. 1872), 14—20.

 

. "African Tribes Not All Savages," African Repository,
48 (July, 1872), 208—210.

 

Brisbane, Robert H. "His Excellency: The Provisional President
of Africa," Phylon , X (Third Quarter, 1949), 257-264.

Bruce, Charles. "The Modern Conscience in Relation to the Treat—
ment of Dependent Peoples and Communities," in G.

Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-racial Problems. London,
1911.

Coleman, James S. "The Emergence of African Political Parties,"
in C. Grove Haines, ed., Africa Today. Baltimore:Johns
Hopkins Press, 1955, pp. 225-255.

 

"Nationalism in Tropical Africa," American Political
Science Review, XLVIII (June, 1954), 404—426.

 

. "The Problem of Political Integration in Emergent
Africa," Western Political Quarterly, VIII (March, 1955)
44—57.

 

 

 

228

Deutsch, Karl. "The Growth of Nations," World Politics, V
(Jan., 1953), 168-196.

 

Dike, K. Onwuka. "African History and Self-Government,"
West Africa, Feb. 28, March 14, 1953.

 

DuBOis, W. E. Burghardt. "The Realities in West Africa,"
Foreign Affairs, 21 (July, 1943), 721-732.

 

Elias, T. O. "Makers of Nigerian Law," West Africa, May 5,
1956.

 

"Political Advance and the Role of Law," Occa-
sional Paper on Nigerian Affairs, 2 (Oct., 1955).

 

Garigue, Philip. "Changing Political Leadership in West
Africa," Africa, XXIV (July, 1954), 220—232.

Hailey, Lord. "Nationalism in Africa," Journal of the
African Society, 36 (April, 1937), 134-147.

 

 

. "A Turning Point in Colonial Rule," International
Affairs, XXVIII (April, 1952), 177—183.

 

Hargreaves, J. D. "Radicalism and West Africa," West Africa,
Aug. 24, 1957-

 

Harlow, Vincent. "'Colonialism' and the Transfer of Power,"
United Empire, XLVII, 5, 1956.

 

Hodgkin, Thomas. "Background to Nigerian Nationalism," West
Africa, Aug. 4—Oct. 20, 1951.

Hopkins, A. G. "Economic Aspects of Political Movements in
Nigeria and in the Gold Coast, 1918-1939," Journal of
African History, Vol. VII, No. 1.

 

 

Kohn, Hans. "The Nature of Nationalism," The American Poli-
tical Science Review, XXXIII (Dec. 11, 1939).

 

 

Linton, Ralph. "Nativistic Movements," American Anthropolo—
gist, 45 (April-June, 1943), 230-240.

 

Little, Kenneth. "The Study of 'Social Change' in British
West Africa," Africa, XXIII (Oct., 1953), 274—284.

Lynch, Hollis R. "Edward W. Blyden: Pioneer West African
Nationalist," Journal of African History, Vol. VI,
No. 3.

 

 

 

 

229

Olivier, Sydney. "The Government Of Colonies and Dependen—
cies," in G. Spiller, ed., Papers on Inter-racial
Problems. London: 1911.

Perham, Margery. "The British Problem in Africa," Foreign
Affairs, July, 1951.

. "African Facts and American Criticisms," Foreign
Affairs, April, 1944.

Record, Wilson. "The Negro Intellectual and Negro National-
ism," Social Forces, 33 (Oct., 1954), 10-25.

Robertson, John M. "The Rationale of Autonomy," in G. Spiller
ed., Papers on Inter-racial Problems. London: 1911.

Robinson, K. E. "World Opinion and Colonial Status," Inter-
national Organization, VIII, 4, NOV., 1954.

Rohdie, Samuel. "The Gold Coast Aborigines Abroad," Journal
of African History, Vol. VI, NO. 3.

Spiller, G. "The Problem of Race Equality," in G. Spiller,
ed., Papers on Inter-racial Problems. London: 1911.

Stanley, Oliver. "The British Case in the Colonies," The
West African Review, XVI, 211, April, 1945.

 

 

 

 

 

             
  

     

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