ANALYSIS BY A CONSTRUCTED 'IYPOILOGY OF WIVES’ VALUES EVIDENT IN MANAGERIAL DECISION SITUATIONS The-sh for ”19 Degree oI DILD. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY Carol L. Engebretson 1965 THESIS . Ln 1': LIBRARY " I 'Michigén State ex - ‘ I University sow 1 *7 Ja‘ ' This is to certify that the thesis entitled Analysis by a Constructed Typology nations. (1) P: (I- of Wives' Values Evident in managerial Decision presented by Carol Lucille Engebretson has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for I ' w. " PhoD. degree in Home I~Ianagemenb Major professor Date I‘l'ay 21". 1965 0-169 I? .9. r" ; ABSTRACT ANALYSIS 8! A CONSTRUCTED TYPOLOGY OF WIVES' VALUES BVIDBNT IN MANAGERIAL DECISION SITUATIONS by Carol L. Engebretson Execution of this study comprised the first phase of a Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station project of the Department of Home Management and Child Development of Michigan State University. The project is entitled "Values Underlying Managerial Decisions in the Family." This phase explored the problem of identifying individuals' values and the organization of their values utilizing a projective data collection device and a constructed typol- ogy method of analysis. Values were defined as conceptions of the desirable which affect an individual's choices among possible courses of action. This definition was operationalized by asking the respondents to answer questions framed in the 'should' mode. Ten managerial decision situations in the form of incomplete stories were composed to constitute the projec- tive data collection device. The respondents were asked to complete the stories by answering "What should be done?" and "Why?" These situations concerned decisions about the arrival of the first baby, selecting a new home, children's behavior, moving from one locality to another, a vacation, Carol L. Engebretson the children in school, worn furniture, disliked dishwash- ing, transportation and son's wish to marry. For analysis of the responses to the incomplete stories, a typology consisting of four types and twelve themes, two general and ten specific, was constructed. The four types were traditional, social, autonomous and» change-prone. Form of response and emphasis were the two general themes and focus of functional order, scope of wife's time alternatives, social organization, kinship, division of work, material possessions, mobility, control of child's behavior, mode of child's control and control of adult son were the specific themes. From the literature and actual pretest responses, values descriptive of the positions rep- resenting each type and each theme were delineated. Creation of the incomplete stories, administration of them to trial groups, preliminary drafting of the typol- ogy and interviewing twelve respondents in depth comprised the first step of the study. The interviews were recorded and typewritten verbatim. The second step included revision of the stories and final formulation of the typology, ad- ministration of the stories to groups and readministration of the stories to those who had been interviewed. The last step involved coding the responses according to the typology and analysis of the results. The most significant finding was that, of the 63 wives who completed the stories, only three approached hav- ing values all of one type. One of the three had all Carol L. Engebretson autonomous values while the other two had nearly all tradi- tional values. Most of the other respondents had primarily values of mixed traditional and autonomous types. Of the total values coded in the responses, 59 per- cent were placed under the autonomous type and 37 percent were placed under the traditional type. Only three and one percent were placed under the social and change-prone types , respectively . The stories which elicited the most autonomous re- sponses were those about characteristics of a new home, transportation and the son's marriage. The themes which elicited the most autonomous responses were mode of child's control and control of adult son. Conversely, the only stories which elicited more traditional than autonomous responses were the one about the first baby and the one about the children's behavior. And the only theme which elicited more traditional than autonomous values was con- trol of child's behavior. If home management is to be a humanistic rather than a technical field, continued study of values and fur- ther research is required. ANALYSIS BY A CONSTRUCTED TYPOLOGY OF WIVES' VALUES EVIDENT IN MANAGERIAL DECISION SITUATIONS 1“ Carol LIVBngebretson A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of ' DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Home Management and Child Development 1965 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS To the College of Home Economics of Michigan State University, the author wishes to express thanks for its award to her of the Marie Dye fellowship in 1961-1962 and the Graduate Council fellowship in 1962-1963. The efforts of the following individuals and groups who made the data collection possible are gratefully ack- nowledged: Mrs. Eleanor Howland and Mrs. Annette Schaeffer for providing contacts with groups; twelve women for giving generously of their time to interviews and completing the instrument twice; and the College Women's Volunteer Service, two Women's Extension Groups and two Child Study Clubs for sharing a portion of their group meeting times to complete the instrument. Mrs. Jan Fliss and Miss Esther Martin gave invalu- able assistance in coding the data. In addition, Miss Martin collaborated with the author in formulating many details of the typology and the specifications for the composite value profile analysis. To Miss Esther Everett, Dr. Alice C. Thorpe, Dr. Beatrice Paolucci, Dr. John H. Useem and Dr. Jean D. Schlater, chairman, the author wishes to extend appreciation for their efforts as the members of her guidance committee. She wishes to express special appreciation to her chairman for unlimited patience, constructive guidance, perseverance and optimistic support throughout the duration of the study. ii Chapter I. II. III. IV. V. VI. FINDINGS O O C O O O O O O O 0 TABLE OF CONTENTS I "TRODUC TI ON 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 Relationship between Values and Home Management Assumptions, Objectives and Hypothesis. Selected Definition of Values . . RELATED RESEARCH . . . . . . . . . Value Research in Home Management . Value Research in Other Areas of Home Economics 14 Related Research from Other Disciplines . CONCEPTUAL BASIS . . . . . . . . . Selected Definition of Values . . Incomplete Story Technique. . . Constructed Typology Method of Analysis METHODOLOGY. . . . . . . . . . . . Definition of Terms . . . . . Selection of Sample . . . . Creation of Incomplete Stories Pretest . . . . . . . . . . . Interviews. . . . . . Construction of Typology. Collection of Data. . . . Coding the Responses. . . Analysis of Data. . . Reliability and Validity. Description of the Sample. . Frequencies and Means of the Coded Values by Age, Income, Occupation, Group, Three Theme Categories. . . . . Composite Value Profile Analysis. Story Analysis. . . . . . . . . . Theme Analysis. . . . . . Reliability and Validity. . . . . SUMMARY.AND IMPLICATIONS . . . . . Overview of the Study . . . . . . Summary of the Findings . . . . . iii 0 O O O O O O O O O 1 . 7 . 8 . 9 . 26 . 32 . 32 e e fifi GM 0 U! H eeeeeeeeee U1 0 Chapter Limitations of the Study. . . . . Implications for Further Study. . Implications for Home Management. LITERATURE CITED. . . . . . . . . . . . . APPENDIX A. Incomplete Stories, Interview Guide and Samples from Coding Manual . APPENDIX B. Value Profiles for Stories and Themes by Composite Value Profiles . iv Page 129 129 133 137 141 152 LIST OF TABLES Table Page 4.1 Summary of group and individual participation Of resmndents O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 54 5.1 Ages of the wives and their husbands by the wee groups C O O O O O O O O O O O O O I O 76 5.2 Incomes by the three groups. . . . . . . . . . 77 5.3 Education of wives and husbands by the three groups 0 O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 78 5.4 Gainful occupations of the husbands by the wee groups 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 79 5.5 Gainful occupations of the wives before and after marriage by the three groups . . . . . 80 5.6 Coded values for form of response, emphasis and all other themes by type and by the three groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 5.7 Composite value profiles by the three groups 84 5.8 Coded values by the composite value profiles . 85 5.9 Ages of the wives and their husbands by the wives' composite value profiles. . . . . . . 86 5.10 Incomes for the composite value profiles . . . 87 5.11 Education of wives and husbands by the wives' composite value profiles . . . . . . . . . . .89 5.12 Gainful occupations of the husbands by the wives' composite value profiles. . . . . . . 9O 5.l3 Gainful occupations of the wives before and after marriage by the composite value pro- files. 0 O O O O O O O I O O O I O O O O O O 92 5.14 Coded values by type and by story. . . . . . . 93 5.15 Value profiles by story. . . . . . . . . . . . 95 5.16 value profiles by age and by story . . . . . . 97 5.17 Value profiles by income and by story. . . . . 99 V Table 5.18 5.19 5.20 5.21 5.22 5.23 5.24 5.26 5.27 5.28 value profiles by education and by story . . Coded values by type and by theme. . . . . . Value profiles by theme. . . . . . . . . . . value profiles by age and by theme . . . . . Value profiles by income and by theme. . . . value profiles by education and by theme . . Composite value profiles of interview, first, and second story completions for twelve respondents O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Composite value profiles of interview, first, and second story completions for twelve respondents by composite value profiles. . Agreement of composite value profiles of interview, first, and second story comple- tions for twelve respondents . . . . . . . Spread of interview, first, and second story completions value profiles for twelve re- spondents by theme . . . . . . . . . . . . Spread of first and second story completions value profiles for twelve respondents by Story 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 vi Page 102 104 107 109 112 114 118 119 120 121 122 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION This first chapter is divided into three sections-- the first contains a statement of the relations obtaining between values and home management, the second contains the assumptions, objectives and hypothesis and the third contains the selected definition of values. The Relgtionship between Values and Home Management 'To invent the future of the home' is a phrase in- corporating within it the fundamental purpose, the broad domain and the central significance of home management. Over time humans have come to realize they have responsi- bility for and some control over what they and the world become. Unlike plants or other animals which have to en- dure their state, humans do and can exercise choice which casts the future in a mold of their own making. The boundaries of their conscious choices are ever widening, taking within them more and more aspects of life. While years ago people knew they could make plans for the material realm and execute them such as in building houses, sewing clothes or preparing food, it is only recently that they have come to know more about the nature, effects and possibilities of choice in their society, institutions in- cluding the family, and within themselves. Primary in this development is the knowledge that the potentialities re- alized are in part dependent upon the conceptions people have of what should be. Consequently, home management may be defined as the process of ordering decisions in the fam- ily to facilitate the actualization of the potential of its members. To aid people in ordering their decisions it becomes necessary then to know their conceptions of the desirable--what they think ought to be both explicitly and implicitly. Boulding makes the substance of these thoughts clear in the following paragraph: The image of man is also characterized by a much greater degree of self-consciousness and of self- awareness than that of the lower animals. We not only know, but we know that we know. This reflec- tive character of the human image is unique, and what leads to philosOphy. Because of the extended time image and extended relationship images, man is capable of "rational behavior,” that is to say, his response is not to an immediate stimulus but to an image of the future filtered through an elaborate value system. His image contains not only what is, but what might be. It is full of potentialities as yet unrealized. In rational behavior man contemplates the world of potential- ities, evaluates them according to his value sys- tem, and chooses the ”best.”1 Implicit in Boulding's statements are two characteristics of the human condition which relate to foundations of the 'field of home management: 1) people must decide even if it means no more than going along with a state of affairs or not going along with it and 2) their value systems are 1Kenneth E. Boulding, The Ima e (Ann Arbor, Mich- igan: The University of Michigan Press, l956), pp. 25-26. involved in their deciding. Both of these characteristics were focused upon at the 1955 Home Management Conference at Michigan State University, entitled "Values and Decision- making in Home Management.” In the introductory comments to that conference, Gross states, "Values, if not synonymous with motivation of management, underlie it. Decision-making although not synonymous with the entire process of manage- ment, is an essential part of it."1 Boulding's comment, " . . . his response is not to an immediate stimulus but to an image of the future filtered through an elaborate value system," in contrast to that previously stated by Gross, defines an individual's value system more as a guide or governor of action than as the force or motivation of it. However, they both lend support to the idea that values are connected with the decisions people make. Even though he is writing more generally, the fol- lowing quotations from Bell point out the importance of considering values. Since home management is concerned with shaping circumstances for the full development of the people within the family, it has a base in social science and the essence of these quotes may be appropriately applied. One plans, of course, for different ends; one plans in different ways (from centralized adminis- trative to ”indicative" planning); one uses differ- ent techniques (input-output schemes, systems 1Proceedings of Conference on Values and Decision- makin in Home na emen , sponsored y t e par ent 0 Home ainagementand CEIIE Development, held July 4-6, 1955, College of Home Economics, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan, p. 7. analysis, shadow prices, simulation). One plans proportions between economic sectors; one does physical planning, as in the layout of cities; one plans for "guided mobility," i.e. the planned transfer from farms to cities. In all these in- stances, there is an attempt to direct human ac- tions with different kinds of coercions, manipula- tions, persuasions and cooperations. Can we, with full awareness of the problem of choosing between conflicting values, each of which may be cherished, find some way of choosing the bes planning process that is consonant with our ef in liberty? The function of planning is not only to set forth goals and alternatives and means of achieving these. Equally important, and usually neglected, are the specification of costs and benefits, the reallocation of burdens, and the probable consequences of different kinds of actions. The true function of the planning process is not to designate the most appropriate means for given ends, but to predict the possible consequences to explicate the values of a society and make people aware of the costs of achieving these.1 . . . For in the preoccupation with prediction one risks the hubris of the historicist mode of thought which sees the future as "pre-viewed" in some "cun- ning of reason" or other determinist vision of human affairs. And this is false. One seeks "pre-vision” as much to "halt" a future as help it come into being, for the function of prediction is not, as often stated, to aid social control, but to widen the spheres of moral choice. With- out that normative commitment the social sciences become a maze technology rather than humanistic discipline. Much of our efforts in home management perhaps have been ineffective because we have lined up means to ends in tech- nical fashion in accord with our own ideas of the desirable and ignored those of the peeple we were 'helping.' While 1Daniel Bell, "Twelve Modes of Prediction--A Pre- liminary Sorting of Approaches in the Social Sciences," Daedalus, XCIII, No. 3 (Summer, 1964), p. 870. 21bid., p. 873. capably working out the 'how' of reaching the end, we for- got about the worth of the end in the minds of those we taught or were unaware of the full effects and consequences of our program for action. After investigating philosOphic value theory, Glenn L. Johnson concluded that: (l) the practical orientation of much farm manage- ment work entails value problems. (2) teaching people to manage involves teaching how to handle values. (3) the theory of management involves at least a sub-theory of how managers formulate values and handle value problems. (4) value problems arise when farm management workers attempt to contribute to the forma- tion of agricultural policy.1 At least (2) and (3) are as relevant to home management as they are to farm management. And by substituting 'home' in place of 'farm' and 'agricultural' in the remaining two, they would be applicable as well. Home management is even more intimately involved with values than is farm manage- ment. Becker wrote: "Nowhere does man's ever~present tendency to develop and define his values appear more strik- ingly than in the family."2 Johnson's conclusions indicate that, whether or not the theory or the application of it is involved, values are an integral part of the enterprise. 1Glenn L. Johnson, "Value Problems in Farm Manage- ment " A ricultural Economics Journal, XIV, No. 1 (June, 1960I, ‘LIF——‘———p. . 2Howard Becker, Throu n Values to Social Inter reta- tion (Durham, North Carolina: Dfike University Press, I955I, p. 7. The place of values in home management is further specified by Paolucci: Becoming aware of the value content in family living, recognizing that values can be expressed and perpetuated through the performance of mundane household tasks, and the ability to define those values that underlie the choices and decisions individuals make is the first concern of home management.1 All of the foregoing attests to the relatedness of values to the study of home management. The present analysis of wives' values evident in decision situations should contribute to home management as an area of study in these ways which Merton has outlined: It is my central thesis that empirical research goes far beyond the passive role of verifying and testing theory: it does more than confirm or re- fute hypotheses. Research plays an active role: it performs at least four major functions which help shape the development of theory. It initi- ates, it refgrmulates, it deflects and it clarI- ers theory. Substantively, the present research contributes findings about wives' values and how the values are organ- ized. While not offering a base for generalizations, it does provide a ground for hypotheses and clues to be uti- lized in future research. Continuation of value research might eventuate in accurate predictions of values and value 1Beatrice Paolucci, "Home Management," Golden Anni- versary White House Conference on Children and Youth, Con- ference Proceedings (Washington, D.C., March 27 - ApriI 2, :P‘ ' 2Robert K. Merton, Social Theor and Social Struc- ture (London: The Free Press of Glencoe, CoIIIer-MichIIan, LEIted, 1957), p. 103. systems. The import of this knowledge for home manage- ment has been discussed earlier in the chapter. But, following Merton, the present research may make additional contributions which are equally important. Since only a few researches in home management have been directed toward values, the present study should maintain and further stimulate interest in value research as related to home management. Specifically, the devices created for the collection and analysis of the data and the data themselves may en— courage others to develop studies in new directions or pro- vide ideas which can be incorporated into already existing theories. Finally, the reformulations of ideas and definitions should work toward clarifying some of the issues involved. The Assumptions, Objectives and Hypgthesis Underlying the overall design of the study were the following three assumptions: 1. Values of individuals can be identified. 2. Values of individuals are relatively stable. 3. Values operate as one of the governing factors in decision situations of wives. To give direction to the study four objectives were formulated: 1. To develop a projective instrument which can be used to identify values of individuals. 2. To test the instrument for reliability and validity (insofar as possible). 3. To construct a typology for analyzing the values of the individuals. 4. To analyze values evident in the responses to the instrument according to the typology. Since the study's central purpose was the identi- fication of values and, therefore, exploratory and descrip- tive, only a broad, guiding hypothesis was advanced: an individual's values are organized in a system which cor- responds to one of four types-~traditiona1, social, auton— omous, or change-prone. The Selected Definition of “SABER. For this study, values were considered to be con- ceptions of the desirable which affect an individual's choices among possible courses of action. Distinguished in this way, values are conceptualizations, that is, beliefs or ideas. But the beliefs or ideas are not about what exists or what is desired but are about what is desirable or what ggght to be. As such, values may initiate behavior and act as channels in shaping it. They are a part of preferential behavior but not the whole of it and are dif- ferentiated from other terms such as motives, wants and needs. The reader should keep these distinctions in mind in reading the next chapter. The basis of the definition is elaborated upon in Chapter III. CHAPTER II RELATED RESEARCH Research related to this study will be reviewed under three headings-~value research in home management, value research in other areas of home economics, and some value research from other disciplines. Value Research in Home Management In home management the two primary studies which have focused on values are those of Ketchum1 2 and Dyer. To determine the hierarchical arrangement of a se- lected set of values and which of these values were reflected in activities was the aim of Ketchum's study. She inter- viewed fifty homemakers who were members of the Ingham County Home Demonstration Program. The data consisted of background information, answers to three open-end ques- tions about activities performed and expressed reasons for their performance, ranking of a list of twelve values, and 1Frances Nettie Ketchum, "A Study of Homemaker's Values as Reflected in Time Used for Family and Personal Activities" (unpublished Master's dissertation, Department of Home Management and Child Development, Michigan State University, 1961). 2Doris Montgomery Dyer, "Students' Wives Values as Reflected in Personal and Family Activities" (unpub- lished Master's dissertation, Department of Home Manage— ment)and Child DevelOpment, Michigan State University, 1962 . 10 forced choice of the most important value in each of sixty- six pairings of values. The two open-end questions analyzed were: "How did you use your time yesterday--from the time you got up until you went to bed?" and "Why did you use your time this 1 The answers to the first were classified according way?" to Sorokin's categories of activities and the answers to the second were classified according to the twelve values. To comprise the ranking, each homemaker, from the list of values, placed certain values in first, second, and third order of importance and then selected those values that were less important. Included in the list of twelve values were: security, influence, recognition, helpfulness, freedom, new experience, friendship, family life, religion, orderliness, wealth, and workmanship. The sixty-six pairs consisted of statements repre- senting the twelve values. In each of the pairs, the home- makers selected the statement representing the most impor- tant value. Relative importance to the individual homemaker of the various values was determined by computing the number of times each value represented was chosen over the other values represented. Relationships in the orderings of the expressed reasons, the ranking and the forced choices were discerned by using the Spearman Rank Order Correlation Coefficient. 1Ketchum, op. cit., p. 20. 11 The hypotheses asserted that the values homemakers ranked first, second and third would be reflected in the reasons for activities, that family life would be ranked most im- portant and that wealth would be ranked least important. In general, the hypotheses were supported by the analysis of the data. Values were defined as ”the force which directs 1 This definition does choice to obtain what is desired." not distinguish values from motives nor separate out the desirable from what is desired. Ketchum's research makes a contribution to the study of preferential behavior both from the aspect of the substantive findings and from the aspect of the procedures utilized. There might have been even higher correlation be- tween the categorized reasons and the other rankings if the homemakers had categorized them. Of particular inter- est were the groupings which appeared-—fami1y life and help- fulness seemed to be associated, security and religion, and friendship, workmanship and recognition. Additional research along this line undergirded by relevant theory might reveal predictable organizations or further pattern- ing of preferences. In the main Dyer's study was similar to Ketchum's. Values were defined in much the same way and the purposes and hypotheses related to a hierarchy of values and its 11bid., p. 2. 12 involvement with actual activities. As in Ketchum's study, correlations between the different rankings were made using the Spearman Rank Order Correlation. Departing from Ketchum's design, Dyer collected data from a different group of homemakers, had the home- makers themselves categorize the reasons they expressed for performing activities, changed the phrasing of the sec- ond open-end question, included projective stories repre- senting each value in placeof the forced choice technique, used a set of nine values developed by Beyer, and defined the values in the rank order test within the context of family activities. Beyer's values included family centrism, equality, physical health, mental health, economy, freedom, aesthet- ics, prestige and leisure. The projective stories and rank order test were constructed around these values, and the homemakers categorized their reasons according to them. Family centrism and health appeared in the top three ranks of all three tests. Dyer wrote ”The test evidence seems to indicate the more projective the instrument the more likely it is to reveal the values of the individual being tested, in this case the homemaker."1 Prior to these two studies, Phelan2 investigated 1Ibid., p. 55. 2Jean McStea Phelan, "The Relative Importance of Five Values and the Satisfaction with Which They Were Re- alized in 93 Family Financial Plans" (unpublished Master's dissertation, Department of Home Management, Housing and Home Art, Pennsylvania State University, l959). 13 the relative importance of five values in family financial planning. The five values chosen for study were: 1. Cooperation among family members in making and carrying out the financial plan. 2. Planning ahead for the use of financial resources in relation to goals to be achieved. 3. Sharing the family income and the responsibility for its use among family members. 4. Protection against the loss of income, property or health. 5. Saving some the future.1 part of current income for use in For each value, statements describing observable behavior characteristic of an individual holding that value important were composed. A jury of ten selected nine of the statements for each value. In the interview situation, each respondent sorted the statements into piles according to whether the statement described his behavior most of the time, half of the time or did not describe it. _ Other data included an evaluation by the interviewee of ways in which the family achieved each value in its fi- nancial plan and how satisfactory the plan was with respect to each value. Differences among families and between husbands and wives in ranking the values and in satisfac- tion with the ways in which they were achieved were hypoth- esized. Both the husband and the wife of ninety-three fam- ilies were interviewed. Analysis of the data indicated that the hypotheses were supported. lIbid., p. 2. 14 An example of one of the descriptive statements under coo eration, "Each family member has his share of work to do around the house,"1 shows that this research was for the most part concerned with actual financial be- havior separated into the five categories and not necessar- ily with the respondents' own preferences. What an indi- vidual actually does is not always the same as what he wants to do nor what he thinks he should do. Nevertheless, this research marks a big step forward in attempting to bridge the gap between what this reviewer would term goals and the actual behavioral situation. Value Research in Other Areas of Home Economics Values connected with housing and house furnishings have been studied by Cutler,2 Beyer,3 Johnson4 and Forten— berry.5 1 Ibid., p. 97. 2Virginia F. Cutler, Personal and Famil Values in the Choice of a Home, Cornell UnIversIEy AngcuIEEEal per men [on EGIIetin 840 (Ithaca, New York, Novem- ber, 1947). 3 Glenn H. Beyer, Housin and Personal Values, Cor- nell University AgriculturaI ExperIfienE SEaEIon Memoir 364 (Ithaca, New York, July, 1959). 4Billie Reed Johnson, "Association of Seven Values with Choice of Floor Coverings in New Farm Houses" (unpub- lished Master's dissertation Iowa State University of Science and Technology, 1962I. sFrances Elizabeth Fortenberry, "Measurement of Values Relating to Kitchen Design" (unpublished Master's dissertation, Department of Family Economics, Kansas State University, 1963). 15 Cutler was one of the first researchers in home economics to work in the area of values. From the litera— ture and interviews with authorities and families, she se- lected a list of ten values related to housing for use in her research. The list included beauty, comfort, conven- ience, location, health, personal interests, privacy, safety, friendship, activities and economy. In interviews with fifty families, Cutler had every- one over ten years old complete a questionnaire which con— sisted of three main parts--ranking ten items each incor- porating one of the values in it, selecting a preferred item from each of forty-five pairs of items similar to those ranked, and completing ten sentences each about one of the values. Analysis of the data included comparisons of the first two parts and tabulating the topics represented in the answers to the incomplete sentences. Besides a forced-choice technique designed similarly to Cutler's, Beyer used a scale-analysis method for re- searching values concerned with housing. The nine values selected for study were family centrism, equality, physical health, economy, freedom, aesthetics, prestige, mental health and leisure. From three to six definitions of each of the values composed by Beyer's research staff comprised the items of both techniques. In the rural sample area, 694 schedules were taken and in the urban area, 1066. In the analysis, data from the pilot study in Buffalo were also included. 16 Important among the results of this research are these findings reported by Beyer: The significant finding, in the comparison, is that the 4 values that ranked highest under the forced-answer technique (in all three studies) usually ranked among the first 4 under the scale- analysis technique, sometimes in practically the same order.1 These four values were family centrism, equality, physical health, and economy. In conclusion, 2 natural groupings tend to develop out of the analysis of these 9 values among the 3 population groups sampled. On the one hand, there are the individuals oriented to- ward family centrism, equality, economy, and, generally, physical health who tend to have two characteristics in common: (a) they have adjusted to the reality of living as a group, and (b) are generally less sensitive to matters of the mate- rial world. On the other hand, there are the in- dividuals oriented toward freedom, mental health, aesthetics, prestige, and leisure. These people are more individualistic and generally express a high degree of sensitivity to the material world. These conclusions, it appears to this reviewer, offer sub- “t“ stantiation for a framework of ideas knitting together re- sults from studying sets of supposedly independent values. Dealing with more specific phases of housing and home furnishings are the recent studies of values by John- son3 and Fortenberry.4 Of particular significance in Johnson's thesis is 1Beyer, op. cit., p. 20. 21bid., pp. 16, 17. Johnson, op. cit. 3 4Fortenberry, op . cit . 17 the discussion of the factors entering into decisions about floor coverings and the involvement of values in these de- cisions. Respondents included 143 new homeowners living in a stratified random sample of counties in Iowa. The instru- ment used in the interviews with the respondents included three techniques for determining the relative importance of seven selected values associated with floor coverings. These techniques were: (a) specifying features of floor coverings consid- ered by the respondents as "important" and "unim- portant" to them in their selections of coverings, (b) attitude-belief inventories for smooth and soft floor coverings, and (c) paired comparisons of the seven values. Appearance, comfort, durability, economy, maintenance, safety and style preference comprised the seven values of part (c) of the instrument. In the definition of value which was used and throughout the instrument, no distinctions were made be- tween desires, preferences and values. Consequently, in the opinion of this reviewer, this study contributes to the knowledge of preferences in floor coverings and rank- ings of these primarily. Cluster analysis, scale analysis, analysis of vari- ance and chi-square tests were used in the analysis of the data. Recommendations coming from the study included: 1Johnson, op. cit., p. 98. 18 Additional research is needed to develop more sensitive instruments for measuring personal and family values. Intensive search of the literature and depth in- terviews should provide a background for identify- ing the respondents' comprehensions of the meaning of values. Fortenberry chose the values of physical conven- ience, family-centered living, and social standing for con- sideration in her study. The research was designed "(1) to test the hypothesis that of the values relating to kitchen design physical convenience was more important than social standing and family-centered living to selected Mississippi Home Demonstration Club leaders, and (2) to determine relationship of age and education of leaders, number and ages of children living at home to dominant value."2 Three parts were included in the schedule--personal data, statements to be rated as to intensity of agreement, and paired statements for the forced—choice technique. Two hundred thirty-nine white homemakers from fifteen Mississippi counties completed the schedule. In the re- sults of both techniques, the dominance of physical con- venience was found to be highly significant. The factors, age of respondent and number and ages of children living at home, were found to be significantly related to the dominant values. Younger respondents preferred family— 11bid., p. 99. 2Fortenberry, op. cit., p. 3. 19 centered living; those in the middle preferred physical convenience; and the older preferred social standing. Re- spondents preferring family-centered living had younger children and those preferring physical convenience and so- cial standing had older children. The majority of respond- ents preferring social standing had no children at home, while the majority of those preferring family living had two or more children living at home. As a basis for constructing the statements of both schedule techniques, Fortenberry used actual responses of homemakers to the question, "a kitchen should be . . . . " A panel of judges classified and rank ordered each of the descriptive statements according to the three values. But before the data were collected the statements were changed from the ”should" mode to "I would like my kitchen to be . . . . " This was done because "the study was intended to measure what the leaders valued personally and not what they thought a kitchen ought to be."1 By making this shift in the statements, this reviewer believes that Fortenberry collected data more closely related to desires than values and also weakened the foundation of both techniques for the schedule elicited data with a different emphasis than that from which it was originally constructed. Fortenberry concluded "there were implications that other values, such as beauty, friendship and social 1Ibid., p. 15. 20 activities, should also be considered in future studies."1 Another area of home economics which has contributed to value research is that of home economics education. 2 3 4 Three of these researches by Kohlmann, Hobson, and Banner will be briefly reviewed here. Kohlmann's thesis contains an extensive review of value literature from all fields. Her main concern was the development of a forced-choice instrument for elicit- ing values of homemakers. Kluckhohn's definition of value was selected and eight values were chosen for study. These were concern for others, economy, education, family life, friendship, health, status, and work efficiency. Statements descriptive of the behavior of homemakers and representative of the values were developed from both professional and non-professional literature, observations of homemakers, and discussions with colleagues and others working closely with homemakers. A panel of four judges 11bid., p. 55. 2Eleanore Louise Kohlmann, "Development of an In- strument to Determine Values of Hememakers" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Home Economics Education, Iowa State University of Science and Technology, 1961). 3Abigail Kyser Hobson, "A Study of Values of Rural and Urban Negro Families in Alabama with Implications for Homemaking Education” (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Home Economics Education, Michigan State University, 1962). 4Norma Banner, ”The Development and Use of a Pro- jective Type Test to Determine Values of Students from Varying Social Classes (unpublished Master's dissertation, School of Home Economics in the Graduate School, Southern Illinois University, 1963). 21 sorted the statements into groups associated with the vari- ous values. The final instrument entitled, ”My Portrait as a Homemaker,” was composed of eighty—four paired items. The directions for administering the test included "YOur choices should describe what you do at the present time and not what you think you should do."1 Three groups, two rural and one town, totaling 146 homemakers, were given the test. Two results from this administration were: When mean scores for each value for homemakers in the three groups were compared by examining the descending order of the magnitude of the mean scores, it was found that the order was similar for all groups. Health and family life were the two values which received the top two scores for all groups.2 It was concluded, therefore, that the values con- sidered important by the homemakers participating in the study were not necessarily influenced by the age of the homemaker or where she lived, as measured by this instrument.3 Hobson used Parker's definition of value which is "The satisfaction of desire is the real value. The appease- ment of the desire."4 For the purposes of this study three values were added to nine listed by Parker. Security, tra- dition and conformity were added to Parker's health, com- fort, ambition, knowledge, workmanship, 1ove, art, religion and play. Kohlmann, op. cit., p. 209. NH Ibid., pp. 159-160. DJ Ibid., p. 160. :5 Hobson, op. cit., p. 9. 22 One major hypothesis guided Hobson's study: "The values emphasized in homemaking classes at the secondary level conflict with those accepted in the homes of families 1 Information about for whom the curriculums are designed.” values was obtained from 25 rural and 25 urban Negro girls who were taking homemaking classes in Alabama and their mothers, 30 homemaking teachers, and a jury of five experts who held home economics or agricultural administrative posi- tions at the state level. Data collected by questionnaire, focused interview and check list were concerned with three areas of home economics content—~family food patterns, re- lationships, and management in home responsibilities. To aid in the analysis of the data, categories were developed under each of the three content areas and for each of the categories statements were formulated to clarify the relation between the category and the definition of value used in the study. These statements embodied words, phrases, and/or meaning in common with the definitions of the values. The data were summarized by means of frequency counts, percentages and rank orders. Hobson's hypothesis was supported by these findings: Rural and urban families highly value comfort, tra- dition, security and knowledge in the foods area. . . . Teachers highly valued health and art in foods but only a portion of the teachers emphasized se- curity, workmanship and comfort. Ambition, comfort, love, play, religion are values that guide the living patterns of rural and urban 11bid. , p. 3. 23 families in Alabama in the relationships area of living. Teachers utilize love, comfort and work- manship. In the management area of daily living, the great- est proportion of families placed value on secur— ity, workmanship, love and tradition. Although teachers also highly valued security and workman- ship, value statements of teachers did not show that they utilized these values in effectively organizing experiences to assist in desirable development of students.1 In this study the data collection techniques and methods of analysis were appropriate to the definition of value selected. The purpose of Benner's research was to develop a projective device for identifying values of students. A difference in values between students from the upper and middle classes and those from the lower class was hypoth- esized. Ten pictures representing the following subjects comprised the projective technique which was used in this study: servant-employer relationship, tenement build- ing, beggar on the street, man in work clothes digging a ditch, man carrying a lunch pail, person standing by a stove eating from a container on the stove, boy in a cap and gown, man at a bank window with money in his hand, large split-level home with two cars in the driveway, and a nicely set table. Banner had 97 students write stories about these pictures. She analyzed the responses by writing beside 11bid., pp. 148, 149. 24 each response the value evidenced in it. To validate the an— alysis, a three percent sample was checked by three graduate students trained in value analysis. A 95 percent agree- ment was found. Categories which emerged in the data were family, education, occupation, money and saving, religion and moral issues, recreation, interpersonal relations, and other. Categories of values derived in this manner compare to the themes of the typology constructed for the present study. Results of the analysis of the data supported the hypothesis. Among the social classes a difference in em- phasis on the various values was found. One-third or more of the students in each of the classes expressed values in this order: the upper middle class--dating and boy-girl rela— tions, having friends, both a high school and college edu- cation, daughter helping at home, a desire for marriage and a family, travel and vacations, and father helping with home improvement; the lower middle class-~religion and church attend- ance, daughter helping at home, a clean, neat home, and saving money; the upper lower c1ass--daughter helping at home, a desire for marriage and a family, and a college education as a means of becoming successful; and the lower lower class--daughter helping at home, a desire for marriage and a family, concern for money and 25 financial security, and disapproval of malicious gossip. In the area of child develOpment, a recent study by Scott1 investigated values of parents in relation to their goals for rearing children. Values were identified by the Allport-Vernon-Lindzey Study of Values and goals were identified by a goal scale constructed by Farber. One hundred seventy-four parents were included in the research. Significant correlations were found between these values and goals-~theoretica1 value and the goals of "being a highly respected community leader" and "having many close friends and being well liked"; theoretical and aesthetic values and the goal of "focusing his or her life around marriage and family"; and economic value and the goals of "being devoted to a worthwhile cause" and "making a liter- ary, philosophical, or scientific contribution to mankind."2 In the opinion of this reviewer, even though some of these studies have defined values in such a way that they are separated from preferences and desires, the data as they were collected did not maintain the distinction. On the whole, the results total a considerable body of 1Barbara Attebery Scott, "Dominant Personality Values of Parents and Their Relation to Child Rearing Goals” (unpublished Master's dissertation, Department of Child Development Iowa State University of Science and Technology, 19633. 21bid., p. 72. 26 information about preferential behavior in the home. Value Research from Other Disciplines Because of their particular relevance to the pres— ent study, four studies have been selected for review in this section-~those of Erickson, Seward, Scott, and Watts. Professor Harold Anderson of Michigan State Univer- sity had children in several different countries write re— sponses to a battery of ten incomplete stories which he constructed. The responses have been analyzed in many dif- ferent ways, but the one which is of interest here is that performed by Erickson.1 Erickson selected a sample of the responses to one story for analysis. The respondents in- cluded children from Germany, Tennessee, Mexico, England, Norway, Sweden, Finland, Puerto Rico, Michigan and Brazil, totaling 5068. His analysis was guided by the hypotheses—- that there were differences among the values of the child- ren from the different culture-groups and that the culture— groups would be found to be homogenous on the categories examined. Five categories composed of thirty-five items used in coding the story completions "were arranged into clusters classified as acceptable, not acceptable, or not evaluated in terms of hypothesized and defined social values, based on general cultural expectations of children in the United 1David John Erickson, "A Comparison of Children's Social Values in Story Completions by Culture-Groups" (un- published Master's dissertation Department of Psychology, Michigan State University, 19613. 27 States" to comprise the framework of the analysis.1 Tallies of the item clusters were compared using components of the total chi-square. The findings supported the first hypoth- esis and rejected the second. Erickson's study indicated the possibilities of the incomplete-story technique and suggested methods of analysis appropriate to data collected by such a technique. Seward's research was noteworthy because of the instrument used to measure values--Prince's Differential Values Inventory.2 This inventory is composed of 64 pairs of statements each preceded by "I ought to . . . ."3 The respondent is asked to make a choice between the statements of each pair and also to tell whether the choice was easy or difficult to make. Seward writes: This test is designed to discriminate between tra- ditional and emergent value patterns. The tradi- tional value pattern emphasizes puritan morality, a work success ethic, individualism, and a future time orientation. The emergent value pattern em- phasizes sociability, relativistic moral attitudes, conformity, and present time orientation. Within this instrument, then, values are organized into two general types. An outcome of more research build- ing upon the present study may be a precise technique 1Ibid., p. iii. 2Thomas Clinton Seward, "The Effect of Instructor- Student Value Discrepancy on the Attitude Change of Pros- pective Teachers" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, School for Advanced Graduate Studies, Michigan State University, 1960 . 3Ibid., pp. 130-133. 41bid., p. 113. 28 similar to Prince's with types inherent within it. Seward's purpose was to find out if differences between instructor's and student's values influenced the attitude change of the student. Attitudes were measured by the Minnesota Teacher Attitudes Inventory. "The results of the investigation forced the conclusion that there are no significant differences among the attitude changes of students with varying degrees of instructor-student value discrepancy."1 , For his study of three populations--residents of "Mountaintown," students at a state university in "Mountain- town," and students at a Fundamentalist college-—Scott de— fined a personal value, or moral ideal, as "a particular individual's concept of an ideal state of affairs or rela- tions among people, which he uses to assess the 'goodness' or 'badness,‘ the 'rightness' or 'wrongness' of actual re- lations which he observes."2 He concluded that the suit- able way to find the values of the respondents was to ques- tion them about those they hold sacred. To avoid restriction of the respondent's evaluative responses, an Open-question measure was used. Specifically, the two main questions asked were: "What is it about any person that makes him good?" "Anything else?" and "What 11bid., p. 116. 2William A. Scott, "Empirical Assessment of Values and Ideologies," American Sociological Review, XXIV (June, 1959), p. 301. 29 kinds of things about a person would make him especially bad?" "Anything else?" For each of the items mentioned under 'good' or 'bad' the respondent was asked "Why would you say that is good (or bad)?"1 Categories of moral ideals were developed empiric- ally by working with the first fifty interviews returned. The categories which emerged were love of people, honesty, individual dignity, generosity, self-control, genuineness, social skills, friendliness, dependability, religiousness, happiness, fairness, humility, integrity, hard work, loyal- ty, intelligence, respect for authority, individuality, achievement and being liked by others. The data were coded according to these categories and various statistical techniques applied. Probability sampling procedures had been used; consequently, general- ization from the findings for the three populations studied could be made. Scott's research is important because the data col- lected and methods of analysis selected were appropriate to his definition of values and conceptual framework. Watts' research is concerned with the problems in- volved in the construction of a quantitative instrument for measuring values.2 He administered a Work Beliefs 11bid., p. 302. 2Henry James Watts, "Methodological Problems in the Measurement of Values" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Michigan State University, 1962). 30 Checklist to high school boys in two settings in Michigan and one in Costa Rica. The 44 items of the Work Beliefs Checklist are separated under six sub-scales entitled "Be- lief that work has intrinsic versus instrumental value," "Positive versus negative evaluation of structured time,” "Positive versus negative evaluation of physical mobility," ”Positive versus negative evaluation of change," "Belief in internal versus external determination of events," and "Positive versus negative evaluation of deferred gratifi- cation."l Underlying the instrument was the assumption that respondents approaching a high degree of industrial- ization would score at one end of the sub—scales and those with a low degree would score at the opposite end. Each respondent was asked to agree or disagree with each item under each sub-scale. In explaining the assumption basic to the checklist, Watts writes: . . the basic concept of the ideal type or some modification of it, has been prominent in the writ— ings of Toennies, Durkheim, Weber, Sorokin, Becker and Parsons, to mention a few. While the various typologies are not identical, there does appear to be certain common features which emerge from some of them. In general, one end of the continuum is viewed as rural, non-indus- trial with a strong emphasis on kinship, traditional and sacred values. At the other end of the contin- uum, there is the urban, industrial type with weak- ened kinship ties beyond the nuclear family, and an emphasis on changing and secular values. It is this kind of milieu which forms the basis of the Work Beliefs Check List. Out of the literature lIbid., pp. 74-80. 31 on success, achievement, stratification and even mental illness, has grown a certain image of the "necessary“ value orientations for success in com- plex industrial societies. This image generally requires a positive evaluation of structured time, physical mobility, change and deferred gratifica- tion. In addition, there is usually an emphasis on individualism and internal determination of events.1 Precise statistical techniques were used in analyz- ing the data. One sample yielded scores consistent with the hypothetical predictions on all the sub-scales. Con— siderable variation was found in the responses of the other two samples. This dissertation contains an important discussion of the linkage of concept formation, theory construction and measurement and illustrates the linkage in the develop- ment and description of the study. Further research utiliz- ing types could well take note of this study. lIbid., pp. 81, 82. CHAPTER III CONCEPTUAL BASIS In this chapter the discussion will revolve about three tOpics--the conceptual basis for l) the selected def- inition of values, 2) the incomplete-story technique and 3) the constructed typology method of analysis. The Selected Definition of Values. Since the field of value study is fraught with con- fusing definitions, the first step required in this research was to select or construct a definition which could be oper- ationalized. The definition constructed is a modified ver- sion of some existing definitions: Values are conceptions of the desirable which affect an individual's choices among possible courses of action. Accordingly, values are ab- stractions, organizing principles, or normative standards which have a regulatory effect upon behavior. This definition of values agrees essentially with the ones developed by Jacob and Flink, the Kluckhohns and M. Brewster Smith. Jacob and Plink identify as values "normative standards by which human beings are influenced in their choice among the alternative courses of action."1 1Phillip E. Jacob and James J. Flink with the col- laboration of Hedvah L. Shuchman, "Values and Their Punc- tion in Decision-making," Supplement to the American Behav- ioral Scientist, Vol. Ix, No. 9 (May, 1962), p. . 32 33 For the Kluckhohns a value is "a conception, explicit or implicit, distinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the desirable which influences the selection 1 from available modes, means, and ends of action." And for M. Brewster Smith values are "conceptions of the desir- able that are relevant to selective behavior."2 Charles Morris and Franz Adler are among those who have classified the varying conceptions of values which they have found in the literature. Morris grouped values into 'operative' values and 'conceived' values. The main contrast between the two is the difference between preferred and preferable, desired and desirable, valued and valuable, or esteemed and estimable.3 A conceived value involves preference for a symbolically indicated object and applies to those cases of behavior which are directed by "an antic- ipation or foresight of the outcome" of the behavior.4 Values as defined in this research fit into Morris's 'con- ceived' value group. The focus is upon the preferable, the desirable, the valuable or the estimable. 1Clyde Kluckhohn and others, "Values and Value Ori- entations in the Theory of Action," Toward A General Theor of Action, ed. Talcott Parsons and Edward SHIIs (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1954), p. 395. 2M. Brewster Smith, "Personal Values in the Study of Lives," The Stud of Lives, ed. Robert W. White (New York: AtherESn Press, I§€Z§, p. 332. 3Charles Morris, Varieties of Human Value (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1553), pp. IU-IE. 4 Ibid. 34 For Adler the four ways in which values are consid- ered are these: (A) values are considered as absolutes, existing in the mind of God as eternal ideas, as independ- ent validities, etc. (B) Values are considered as being in the object, material or non-material. (C) Values are seen as located in man, originating in his biological needs or in his mind. Man by himself or man in the aggregate, variously referred to as a group, society, culture, state, class, is seen as "holding" values. (D) Values are equated with actions.1 Values considered as conceptions of the desirable would be subsumed under 'C'--those which are seen to be located in man and 'held' by the individual or groups of individuals. Defined in this way, values have the qualities or boundaries which Williams has outlined. His statement of these qualities is given below: (I) They have a conceptual element-~they are more than pure sensations, emotions, reflexes, or so- called needs. Values are abstractions drawn from the flux of the individual's immediate experience. (2) They are affectively charged: they represent actual or potential emotional mobilization. (3) Values are not concrete goals of action, but rather the criteria by which goals are chosen. (4) Values are Important, not 'trivial' or of slight concern. In addition to classifying the definition accord- ing to Morris' and Adler's schemes and noting the boundaries of values as described by Williams, explanation of the parts of the definition itself should help clarify what, in this 1Franz Adler, "The Value Concept in Sociology," American Journal of Sociolggy, Vol. LXII, No. 1 (July, 1555), p. 272. 2Robin Williams, American Societ A Sociolo ical Inter retation, 2nd Ed. Rev. (New York: AIfred A. Kgopf, I555), p. 455. 35 study, values are taken to be. Eiggt, values are conceptualizations as Williams says, "abstractions drawn from the flux of the individual's immediate experience." In the following paragraph, Kluck- hohn deals with this dimension of values and its relation to the rest of what values are: Existence and value are intimately related, interdependent, and yet--at least at the analytical level-~conceptually distinct. It is a fact both of introspection and of observation that there are three fundamental types of experiencing: what is or is believed to be (existential); what I and/or others want (desire); what I and/or others ought to want (the desirable). Values are manifested in ideas, expressional symbols, and in the moral and aesthetic norms evident in behavioral regular- ities. Whether the cognitive or the cathectic fac- tors have primacy in the manifestation of a value at a particular time, both are always present. Values synthesize cognitive and cathectic elements in orientations to an object world, most specific- ally a social object world—~that is, a social rela- tionship system. Values define the limits of per- missible cost of an expressional gratification or an instrumental achievement by invoking the conse- quences of such action for other parts of the sys- tem and for the system as a whole.1 Kluckhohn goes on to say that, while values have a conceptual quality, it is not always possible for the holder of a value to verbalize it.2 Nevertheless, it is a concept which exerts an effect on the individual's be- havior. Boulding writes that "the study of the value image is made difficult by the fact that only a small part of it is usually accessible to the immediate consciousness."3 lKluckhohn, op. cit., p. 394. -ZIbid., p. 397. 3Bou1d1ng,.op. cit., p. 51. 36 To the extent, then, that values are unconsciously held they are implicit. And if they are held consciously or an individual is aware of them they are explicit. Kohlmann agrees with this point about values. She writes, "it is, in part, because values vary on a continuum from explicit to implicit, according to the degree of personal awareness, that progress in research has been limited."1 Second, values have to do with what is thought de- sirable. The distinction that values are conceptions of the desirable separates them from a host of other concepts with which they are often confused. Some of these other concepts are desire, wish, interest, preference and attitude. As mentioned in a previous quote from Kluckhohn, values belong to that part of experiencing which has to do with "what I or others ought to want." Handy and Kurtz, in A Current Appraisal of the Behavioral Sciences, state that "the description and explanation of human preferences is quite different from the advocacy of those preferences 2 or opposition to them." Further explication is made in this way by M. Brewster Smith: One ground for the distinction is phenomenolog- ical: simply pointing to the vivid qualitative difference commonly evoked by the words "desired" and "desirable". . . . Another reason reverts to one of the criteria touched upon at the outset: 1Kohlmann, op. cit., p. 4. 2Rollo Handy and Paul Kurtz, A Current Aggraisal of the Behavioral Sciences, Behaviora Researc ounc BulletIH, Section 7 (Great Barrington, Massachusetts: Behavioral Research Council, 1961 , p. 135. 37 reference to distinctively human phenomena within the broader area of selective dispositions. The peculiarly human aspect of selective behavior would seem to be precisely the universal occurrence of standards of the desirable, of "oughts" and "thou shalt nots." Preference and desire and cathexis-- motivation and attitude-~can be found in a wide range of animal behavior, though of course only one species is capable of completing A Stud of Values; it is personal values in the sense of CIyae Kluckhohn's definition that pose the chal- lenging theoretical problem at the human level.1 It is to this distinction that John Stuart Mill addressed himself when he wrote: It is quite compatible with the principle of util- ity to recognize the fact, that some kinds of pleasure are more desirable and more vaIuable than others. It would be absurd that while, in estimating all other things, quality is considered as well as quantity, the estimation of pleasure should be supposed to depend on quantity alone. Another philosopher, Strawson, has this to say about the requiredness or 'oughtness' of values: "It is worthwhile stressing that what one acknowledges or half-acknowledges as obligation may conflict not only, crudely, with interest and, weakly, with inclination but also with ideal aspira- tion, with the vision that captures the ethical imagination."3 Jacob and Flink, after their study of values, also concluded that values had this critical review property as indicated in these statements: 1 2John Stuart Mill, "Utilitarianism," Ethics, ed. by Oliver A. Johnson (New York: The Dryden Press, 1958), p. 226. Smith, op. cit., p. 333. 3P. F. Strawson, "Social Morality and Individual Ideal," Philosophy, Vol. XXXVI, No. 136 (January, 1961), pp. 14, 38 Values have the property of inducing self-evaluation, that is, the capacity of a person to iuage the pro- priety of his own conduct in reference to standards he has learned to apply to himself. These standards are most often derived from the social groups of which he is a member; but sometimes are envisaged as dictates of superhuman authority or individual conscience. In any case, a value conveys to the per- son holding it, a sense of ersonal im rative which makes him feel personally $55333t7?5_IE§-31335tion.1 Differences between values and some of the other con- cepts with which they are often confused show up when the foregoing thoughts are contrasted with definitions by 3. Morris Eames, another contemporary philosopher. He writes: Out of these impulses desires emerge, and a desireful activity is one in which (1) the activity is blocked in its fulfillment, or (2) the activity is alerted to dangers which may threaten what the organism holds dear or loves. A desire is different from a mere wish in that the former involves an expenditure of effort, while the latter may be merely a symbolic expression. A desire signifies that something is lacking in the situation or that something is threat- ened, and with the help of memory, perception, im- agination, and thought, desires then generate ends- in-view, or goals to be achieved. If the desire cannot be immediately fulfilled in a space-time ac- tivity, then we say that an interest develops, and an interest is a long-term desire to bring about something which one prizes or cares for.2 Wants, needs and desires refer to specific behavioral states and physiological stresses. In contrast to them, values imply reference to classes of events including a variety of content and differing details. Wants, needs and desires, consequently, are below the level of abstraction which characterizes values. 1Jacob and Flink, op. cit., pp. 15, 16. 2S. Morris Eames, "Valuing, Obligation, and Evalua- tion," Philoso h and Phenomenolo ical Research, Vol. XXIV, No. 3 ( c , , pp. , . 39 While goals or ends-in-view, interests and attitudes are on a similar level of abstraction, they lack the requiredness and personal imperativeness property of values. Third, values affect an individual's selection among possible courses of action. This aspect of values distin- guishes them from goals or ends-in—view and from motives. Conceptions of the desirable affect selection not only among the goals or ends of action but also among the modes and means of attaining the ends. Certainly ways of acting are valued as well as the action itself. Gandhi's statement that "the ends do not justify the means" refers to this added domain under the influence of values. Although values influence or affect action, it is not possible to say that they solely determine it. For it is true, as Kluckhohn wrote, that "acts . . . are always compromises among motives, means, situations, and values."1 Since motives and values are not the same, the dif- ference between these two concepts should be clarified. Again Kluckhohn has something of importance to say: Only in the exceptional personality, however, is the Confucian state reached in which "you want to do what you have to do and have to do what you want to do." Values and motivation are linked, but only rarely do they coincide completely. Values are only an element in motivation and in determining action; they invariably have implications for moti— vation because a standard is not a value unless internalized. Often, however, these implications are in the nature of interference with motivation conceived in immediate and purely personal terms. When there is commitment to a value--and there is no value without some commitment--its actualization is in some sense and to some degree "wanted"; but lKluckhohn, o . cit., p. 406. 40 it is wanted only to the extent that it is approved. Desirability and desiredness are both involved in the internal integration of the motivational system. But values canalize motivation.1 Essentially this same stance is taken by M. Brewster Smith: The concept of self-value at which we have arrived is not itself a motive, but in relation to other facts, it may generate motivation. For example, the discrepancy between an evaluated state of af- fairs and what is optimal for the person may give rise to motivation. To insist on this distinction is more than verbal quibbling. It directs us not to look for motivational and nonmotivational classes of values but to try to identify the value stand- ards that the person has adOpted, whatever they may be, and only then to inquire how their application or engagement, or its lack, is motivationally rele- vant. Initiation of action or impulses to start are not necessar- ily connected with values although the conceived discrep- ancy between an existing state of affairs and one that is possible may contribute to getting action under way. But undoubtedly much motivation is rooted in habit or the blind energetic impulsion that drives the human organism onward. Just as values are not the same as motives, neither are they the same as goals or ends-in-view. As Eames wrote, "desires . . . with the help of memory, perception, imag- ination, and thought . . . generate ends-in-view, or goals to be achieved."3 Critical appraisal or reflective review by standards may not be involved at all. Strawson even wrote, as referred to earlier, that obligation may not be 1Kluckhohn, op. cit., p. 400. 28mith, op. cit., p. 346. 3Eames, op. cit., pp. 318, 319. 41 critically involved in one's ideal aspiration. The reflec- 'Ei!g good which one sees may be very different from the actual goals toward which one's behavior is directed or the cathected objective which one experiences. To summarize this section, the major points made concerning values are listed: Values, as conceptions of the desirable which af- fect an individual's choices among possible courses of ac- tion, are abstractions, organizing principles, or normative standards which have a regulatory effect upon behavior. Although values are conceptions, an individual hold- ing them may not be fully aware of them. They may be held implicitly or explicitly. Since they are on a higher level of abstraction, however, values may be distinguished from wants, needs and desires. Of particular importance is the critical review \ property of values referred to in the phrase, conceptions of the desirable. This requiredness property separates values from goals, interests, attitudes and preferences. A value conveys to the person holding it a personal imper- ative making him feel personally subject to its direction. And, finally, values affect choices among possible courses of action but are not the sole determinants of the action. On the one hand, they may act as an inhibitor if the action contemplated is not approved; and on the other hand, they may'act as the initiator if a discrepancy is seen to occur between an existing state of affairs and 42 another that is possible and desirable. The Incomplete-story Technique of Data Collection Much support exists in the literature for using an incomplete story technique for eliciting values. Sum- mary of the support for this empirical base will be or- ganized around the following characteristics which they either have or should have as developed: require a writ- ten or verbal response, be projective in nature, be for- mulated as choice situations, and require answers in the 'should' or 'ought' mode substantiated by responses to 'why.' In this framework a written response by an individ- ual is an expressed conceptual formulation and as such fits the definition of values as presented in the previous sec- tion. Smith and Kluckhohn both have written to this point. Smith writes: That we are tapping something "merely verbal" is no occasion for dismay: the verbal symbolism by which values are knit into the fabric of the self is a source of their importance, not a limitation. Indeed, the notion that "behavioral values" would somehow be firmer stuff than verbal values, could we only get at them, seems to me quite mistaken. Overt behavior is never a direct index of any per- sonological variable, being a result of components attributable to personality and the behavioral sit- uation; for the contribution of personality in this case is further resolvable into motivation and abil- ity, and the motivation, in turn, arises only in part from the engagement of value standards. Talk is of course behavior, too, but it is behavior from which we can infer what is relevant to know about a person's values more surely and economically than in any other way.1 18mith, op. cit., pp. 346, 347. 43 Kluckhohn writes about this topic under the heading, Oper- ations for the Study of Values: There is, first of all, the establishment of regularities in ”should" or "ought" statements by the usual procedures of sampling, formal and infor- mal interviews, recording of normal conversations, analysis of the oral or written lore of the group. One must discover the prescriptions of individuals and of groups about what behavior a person of given properties should manifest in more or less speci- fied situations. The red herring, "This doesn't tell us what the values of the individual or the society 'really' are but gives us only speech re- actions," should not be drawn across this argument. The fact of uniformities in code or standards is of signal importance, regardless of what the devi- ations in behavior may be. . . . Sometimes what a person says about his values is truer from a long-term viewpoint than inferences drawn from his actions under special conditions. The fact that an individual will lie under stress of unusual circumstances does not prove that truth is not a value which orients, as he claims, his ordinary behavior. As a matter of fact, people often lie by their acts and tell the truth with words.1 Both Anderson and Lindzey consider the story com- pletion technique to be projective in nature.2 Lindzey, about a projective technique, says: . . . a projective technique is an instrument that is considered especially sensitive to covert or unconscious aspects of behavior, it permits or en- courages a wide variety of subject responses, is highly multidimensional, and it evokes unusually rich or profuse response data with a minimum of subjegt awareness concerning the purpose of the test. 1 2H. H. Anderson and G. L. Anderson, An Introduction to Prolective Technigues (Englewood Cliffs, N.3.: PrentKEEL , nc., , p. 18; and Gardner Lindzey, Projective Techni es and Cross Cultural Research (New York: App e n- CenEury-Crofts, Inc., 196$), p. 75. 31bid., p. 45. Kluckhohn, op. cit., p. 406. 44 Dyer, in her thesis, concluded: "These correlation coef- ficients seemed to indicate that the more projective the instrument the more likely it is to reveal the values under- lying actual behavioral situations of these homemakers."1 Kluckhohn concurred with these qualities of projective tests. He thought they were well suited to the discovery of im- plicit values.2 Since an individual's values are often implicitly held, it seems as though a projective device would provide an appropriate means for revealing them. In form the incomplete stories are choice situations. The possibility of revealing values through choice situa- tions is supported by Williams: The criterion of choice seems to provide an ade- quate way of defining values empirically. We reason that any choice involves a renunciation of other values: the choice of A over B, B over C, and so on, would thus define a hierarchy of values. If we look for typical modes of choosing, we can then characterize dominant and subsidiary goals and, eventually, the standards of value by which selections are ordered in any given group or situation . 3 More generally but similarly, the Sherifs agree with this position. They write that "external and internal influences act and react on one another to shape a particular psycho- logical patterning (integration, organization), which is revealed in judging, perceiving, imagining, and so on."4 1 2 Dyer, Op. cit., p. 2. Kluckhohn, op. cit., p. 406. 3Williams, op. cit., pp. 403, 404. 4Muzafer Sherif and Carolyn Sherif, An Outline of Social Psychology, Revised Edition (New York: Hirper aha Brothers, Publishers, 1956), p. 40. 45 Ten hypothetical stories would give opportunity to observe regularities in the responses and to reveal patterning in judging. Probably of most importance is directing the indi- viduals to respond with their ideas of what 'should' or 'ought' to be done and also with reasons for their ideas. Jacob and Plink ended their article on values with this section: 4.5. Some Opprational Indices of Value If the concept of value just developed is ac- ceptable, it becomes possible to identify values by such operational indices as: (1) "Ought" or "should" statements in ration- alizations of action. (2) Statements indicating guilt, shame, or dif- fuse anxiety association with specific ac- tions. (3) Statements indicating moral indignation or approbation of actions on the one hand, and of esteem or praise on the other.1 In a similar vein, Rollo and Handy suggest that: Some clarification would be achieved (in the field of value) if, instead of rather casually labeling their investigations "value" inquiries, investigators would state precisely what they have measured. Especially important is the distinction between what people do desire and what they regard as desirable. One of the approaches formulated by Smith to solve the problem of distinguishing dependably between values and preferences, between the desirable and the merely 1Jacob and Plink, op. cit., p. 16. 2Rollo and Handy, op. cit., p. 135. 46 desired is to "adapt currently available instruments, re- vising them to employ a consistent language of 'ought,' 'should,‘ and desirability rather than of wish and pref- erence."1 By requiring the individual to answer 'why,' he is encouraged to give his concepts of the desirable by which he decided what should be done. He is asked to evaluate, not just to select, and the grounds for his choices are brought to light and clarified. One additional advantage of the incomplete-story technique is its open-endedness. It avoids artificial re- striction of an individual's evaluative responses allowing free expression of a variety of values voluntarily. Scott recommends building this quality into instruments for study- ing values.2 If the foregoing assessments are correct, the in- complete-story technique should be an effective device for revealing values. The Constructed gypplogy Method of Analysis A problem to be solved in using the incomplete-story technique for data collection is the complexity of handling the unstructured responses in a logical, meaningful and unbiased way. After experimenting with trial responses and considerable deliberation, the researcher settled upon 1Smith, 0p. cit., p. 347. 2Scott, op. cit., p. 301. 47 a constructed typology as the best solution. This section will outline the need for this type of analysis in value research, a description of what a typology is and some of its functions. Becker explained why types were needed: Faced as the sociologist is by data not sus- ceptible of experimental manipulation, by time de— posits analogous to those dealt with by the geol- ogist or the comparative grammarian, his only re- course is to construct types of social conduct, .of soiial organization, of personality--to construct them. "“""" A psychologist, Stein, wrote the following about types in theories of personality: . . . Some of the diversity and conflict arises because of differences in the types of individuals studied. Maskin points out that "Freud used hys— teria as the model for his therapeutic method, de- pression as the basis for his later theoretical conjectures. Adler's clinical demonstrations are rivalrous, ineffective, immature character types. Jung's examples were restricted to a weary, worldly, successful, middle-aged group. Rank focused upon the conflicted, frustrated, rebellious artist as- pirant. Fromm's model is the man in a white collar searching for his individuality. And Sullivan's example of choice is the young catatonic schizo- phrenic." Types, then, are implicit in our theor- izing; might it not be worthwhile to make them ex- plicit and, in doing so, might w? not be better able to integrate our knowledge? Scott constructed types from the data in his value study. His description of how they were constructed is noteworthy: 1 2Morris Stein, "Explorations in Typology," The Stud of Lives, ed. by Robert W. White (New York: Atherton Press, , p. 283. Beeker, OE. Cite, p. 1050 48 Responses, as recorded by the interviewer or by the subject, were subsequently coded by the re- search team. Since the categories of moral ideals were not designated in advance, it was necessary to develop them empirically by perusal of the first fifty interviews returned, with provision for add- ing categories as necessary. Eventually sixty dis- criminable categories were established, but only thirteen of these were used with sufficient fre- quency . . . to justify tabular analysis. By com- bining certain of the low-frequency ideals into more general groupings, it was possible to obtain a set of eighteen categories for correlational an- alysis of the Mountaintown data. . . . It must be emphasized that these eighteen moral ideals cannot be regarded as a general typology applicable to all pOpulations. They are valid only for Mountain- town at the time of this study . . . and depend on thi particular assessment procedures employed here. A typology is needed as a bridge from systematic, substan- tive theory to relatively unstructured data which have not been restricted to prearranged categories. Generally speaking, a constructed typology is an analytical tool. More specifically, according to Becker, it is a "conscious, planned selection, combination, and accentuation of the 'empirically given' relatively free from value-judgment."2 Explaining further, he wrote, "the instrumentally valuable construct is like a Franz Hals por- trait rather than like a composite photograph printed from a large number of superimposed negatives. We might even 3 say that the construct may be as selective as a sketch." Doby's definition is essentially the same. He writes: 1Scott, op. cit., p. 302. 2Becker, op. cit., p. 127. 31bid. 49 " . . . the constructed type is a purposive, planned selec- tion, abstraction, combination, and accentuation of a set of criteria that have empirical referents, and that serves as a basis for comparison of empirical cases."1 Further description is made by Doby in this way: The constructed type is a heuristic device. It is an abstraction taken for purposes of elim- inating the research minutiae and achieving a ‘structured order of observations that more read- ily lend themselves to statement and verification. The type is a means of reducing the diversities and complexities of phenomena to a coherently general level. ‘ The comparison and measurement of empirical approximations reveal nothing but deviations from the construct. Nothing but "exceptions" to the constructed types exist. This is not only to be expected but it is to be sought after for it is the basis of the value of the typological method. These deviations will be relative-~to each other and to the constructed type. This procedure, then, leads to quantification in terms of degree of de- viation. Although examination of empirical cases never reveals anything more than "approximations" or "deviations" from the constructed type, it is es- sential that the type should be formulated as be- ing "objectively probable." The criteria are pur- posively selected on the basis of empirical evi- dence and put into a pattern that the researcher hopes will serve as a significant base of compari- son. A type implies a predictive schema.3 Another quote from Doby explains the functions of constructed types: A manifest function of all types, statistically derived empirical types as well as those that are 1John T. Doby (ed.), An Introduction to Social Re- search (Harrisburg: The StacEpoIe Company, 15545, p. I47. 21bid., pp. 144, 14s. 31bid., p. 146. 50 more impressionistically constructed, is to iden- tify and simplify. The constructed type performs the task of guiding the initial selection of data in terms of the schema of a given science. The construct may be used as a means of interpreting particular situations, in other words the type functions as the "general standard" by which a concrete occurrence is comprehended. The type can also be used as a generalizing concept by means of which one can extract its empirical versions from different cultural contexts. This is implicit in any search for "universals." The constructive type as such has "classificatory" significance and thereby differentiates phenomena and sets the stage for prediction. The constructed type serves as a point of reference for the analysis of the so- cially occurrent in that it serves as basis for comparison and measurement of concrete occurrences. First of all, the comparison of the actual processes, or situation, with the typical construct will indi- cate the degree of prevalence of the typical fac- tors and thereby indicate the degree of probabil- ity of occurrence of the typical consequences. Secondly, the comparison will, through the indi- cation of degree of prevalence of the typical fac- tors, indicate the possible need for further con- structed types on a different level of generaliza- tion so as to include more of the apparently unique in a generalized scheme. Thirdly, the comparison of the construct with the empirical data should serve as a fruitful source for more specific hy- potheses which in turn will be applicable on a less general level. And, finally, when the con- structed type is used in conjunction with an ap- propriate hypothesis it may have predictive value.1 These quotations have explained what a constructed typology is, what its functions are and how it may be used effectively. The typology which was constructed for the present study appears in Chapter IV, pp. 69-72. 11bid., pp. 149, 150. CHAPTER IV METHODOLOGY In this chapter the definition of terms, the sample, the incomplete stories, the pretest, the interviews, the typology, the data collection, the coding, the method of analysis, and the validity and reliability will be explained. Definition of Terms For the purposes of this study, the terms were de- fined in this manner: Values are conceptions of the desirable which af- fect an individual's choices among possible courses of ac- tion and refer to an individual's coded responses to the incomplete stories by position on the typology. SEpEyDrefers to one of the ten incomplete stories. EprDrefers to one of the four large categories of the typology--traditiona1, social, autonomous, or change-prone. Tppmg_refers to the twelve subject matter content classes of the typology--two of which were general and coded from every story response and ten of which were specific and coded only where this content was evident in the story responses. Typology refers to the descriptions of the forty- eight value positions organized by type and by theme con- structed for analyzing the responses to the incomplete stories. 51 52 Composite value ppofile refers to the calculated symbolic representation of an individual's 5952; values showing the proportionate strength of each type coded in the individual's responses. The details of the calculation are explained on pages 66 and 67. Story_value profile refers to the calculated sym- bolic representation of an individual's values coded from one §£p£y_showing the proportionate strength of each type. The method of calculation is the same as for the composite value profile. Theme value profile refers to the calculated sym- bolic representation of an individual's values for one‘pppmp, showing the proportionate strength of each type. The method of calculation is the same as for the composite value pro- file. The Sample Since the study was designed to be exploratory and descriptive, no attempt was made to attain a random sample or to make it representative in any way. The emphasis was on eliciting a variety of individuals' views and not on generalizing from the findings. To facilitate data collec- tion, intact groups primarily were contacted. Since vari- ation of views was an aim, the groups selected were those thought to be as different as possible. A limiting factor in the selection was the willingness to cooperate. Many groups have tightly scheduled meetings planned for a year in advance which makes difficult acquiring time for 53 completing research devices. The College Women's Volunteer Service, two Women's Extension Groups and two Child Study Clubs comprised the cooperating groups. Table 4.1 indicates these groups and their specific participation in the various phases of the study. Also indicated is one individual who did not belong to any of the groups. She was included be- cause in a trial interview session her responses appeared especially appropriate. The Incomplete Stories To direct the stories to the content area of home management, they were composed to describe managerial de— cision situations which most families encounter. Selections of the decision situations were made according to these criteria: 1) the decision must concern the whole family, 2) the decision must be a major one which most families face, 3) the situations must be meaningful to the respondents and 4) the decisions must require de- liberation. In addition, to eliminate as many variables as pos- sible, the stories were constructed about a single hypo- thetical family and were arranged in sequence through the family's life experience. The final ten stories are in- cluded in Appendix A, pp. 144-148. Story 1 presents the decision situation of a young couple about to have their first baby. They are living in an apartment and the wife is working. Story 2 presents the problem of defining the characteristics of a new home 54 Table 4.1. Summary of group and individual participation of respondents “u“ Number responding to the incomplete stories Number Number of indi- inter- Pretest Final Final test Groups viduals viewed I II test repeated Group I College Women's Volunteer Service 21 6 21 6 Grouppll Women's Extension Group I (Haslett) 12 10 9 Women's Extension Group II (Lansing) 11 5 ll 5 Individual 1 1 l 1 Group III Child Study Club I 15 15 Child Study Club II 21 21 Total 81 12 10 15 63 12 55 necessitated by the transfer of the father's position when their three children are still young. Story 3 presents the problem of misbehavior of young children on a vacation with their parents. Story 4 describes a situation in which the family has to decide whether or not to move when the children are preschoolers or in elementary school. Story 5 is concerned with what the family should do on a two-week summer vacation. Story 6 presents the situation of the family when all the children are in school for the first time. Story 7 has to do with deciding about the living room furniture when it has become scratched and worn look- ing. Story 8 presents the problem of getting the dishes washed when everyone dislikes the task even though a dish- washer is available. Story 9 presents a transportation problem of the family including many demands by several members on the family car. Story 10 is concerned with what the family should do about an adult son's wish to be mar- ried while still in college. Two questions, "What should be done?" and "Why?", followed each story. The purpose of these questions was to focus the respondent's answers on conceptions of the desirable and not on what they actually have done, would do, or could do in each situation. This focus was consid- ered important to obtain data which dealt with values rather than desires, wants or preferences. What a person does in a situation may or may not be in accord with what he believes 'should' be done. 56 The Pretest After a number of stories had been composed and answered by selected individuals, ten were chosen for trial. The set of ten was arranged on five pages. Each story with space for completion occupied a half page. Members of a Women's Extension Group at one of their monthly meetings were the first to complete the stories. Entree to the club meeting was gained through a home extension agent and the president of the club. Reactions and comments and the time taken to answer the stories were noted. At this meeting ten individuals completed the stories taking from fifteen to thirty-five minutes. Typical comments were: "Since most of us are experienced in homemaking, we have met all those problems and could answer in a short time." "I think it might be different if younger women were answering it." "We all know about these problems." "I have had three or four of those problems myself just in the last few years." and "I didn't have any difficulty in answering." The comments indi- cated that the situations were meaningful to the respondents. To see if another group would react differently, fewer stories would draw lengthier responses, and some other stories would be more fruitful, two sets of stories were administered to a child study club. Contact with the club was made through personal acquaintances. Fifteen wives completed the stories at a regular evening meeting of their club. Nine women answered the set which included eleven stories each on a half page and the remaining members 57 answered the set which included comparable stories each on a full page. Fewer stories with a larger space for an- swering did not bring fuller responses. Comments about the stories were similar to those of the previous meeting. The Interviews No categories for analyzing the responses were de- termined prior to the pretest of the stories. Through work- ing with the unstructured trial responses and consideration of the literature, the researcher concluded that a constructed typology would be appropriate to use. Some general types seemed to be represented in the data. To check the valid- ity of the types and offer a basis for refinement of them, interviews with homemakers thought to represent each type were conducted. The groups from which the individuals interviewed were selected were another Women's Extension Group contacted through the home extension agent who was helpful before and the College Women's Volunteer Service. Two women from each of the groups selected, who supposedly knew the membership best, helped the researcher find individuals representing each type to interview. The president and another member suggested by her functioned for the Women's Extension Group and the two members of the placement committee functioned for the College Women's volunteer Service. A specific procedure was followed with each of these four women. First, descriptions of each of the four types 58 presented on separate cards were placed befbre each and then she was asked to sort the names of the members accord- ing to the description they best fit. Lastly she was asked to arrange the cards under each type from best fit to least fit. Previously the membership lists had been obtained and the name of each member had been typed on a separate card. This made the procedure relatively simple to execute. Each woman also was asked for her comments about the types. Their most common answer was that they understood the types but did not know the women well enough to be certain about their placement. Second, from these arrangements by each of the women four lists were made. Third, the two lists for each group were compared. Those that both women had ' placed under the same type were considered possible inter- viewees. From these possibilities, eleven homemakers--five from the women's Extension Group and six from the College WOmen's Vorunteer Service--were contacted and interviewed. The trial interview was successful and represented one of the types; consequently, it was used as the twelfth inter- view. Each interview was guided by a list of questions, lasted about an hour and was tape recorded. The list of guide questions appears in Appendix A, pp. 149-150. Subse- quently, the tapes were typewritten verbatim. Following the interview each person was asked to answer the incom- plete stories. 59 The lo The typology which was constructed for this study appears on pages 69-72. It is the result of working back and forth from the trial incomplete story completions and interview materials to relevant theory. The roots of the theory are primarily in Becker1 and Diesing.2 Becker, in accord with Thomas and others before him, wrote: "As the scientist sees him, man's strivings for his supreme ends are classifiable as search for (1) security, (2) response, (3) recognition, and (4) new ex- perience."3 These were thought to be the bread, organiz- ing principles governing people's lives. Although classified differently, Diesing's orders of decision and their underlying principles are similar in design. As he characterizes them, Diesing's technical order aimed toward productivity and his legal order aimed toward justice are related to security; his social order aimed toward integration is related to response; and his economic order aimed toward maximization and his political order aimed toward control are related to recognition. Though Diesing did not describe the order aimed toward play which is related to Becker's new experience, he listed it as one of the intrinsic values important in practical 1 2Paul Diesing, Reason in Sociegy (Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois ress, . 3 Beaker, OEe Cite, ppe 3-92e Becker, 0p. cit., p. 35. 60 affairs. Diesing thought that "kinship groups and fan- ilies exhibit primarily social order, supported by a set of well-developed ceremonies."1 Building from these ideas and the evidence in the trial responses, the researcher constructed the traditional type around productivity and security; the social type around shared experience and response; the autonomous type around economic concerns, recognition and achievement; and the change-ppone type around new experience and play. Particular characteristics descriptive of each of the types gleaned from the explanations of Becker and Diesing, as well as the actual pretest responses, provided the bases for the forty-eight value positions of the typology. In condensed form, the positions of the types are stated in the following four paragraphs. Security, the basis of the traditional type, refers to striving for a state of affairs in which one knows what to expect, for instance, that food will be provided and that life can go on. Productivity and prescriptions are associated with this striving since they foster the stable state described. The type encompasses a family order gov- erned by prescriptions characteristic of colonial times. The roles of the husband and wife are clearly demarcated, the husband is head of the household, the children are sup- posed to 'behave,' and the emphasis is on work and lDiesing, op. cit., p. 239. 61 productive activity. Response and shared experience, as the principles of the social type, assume that life with other responsive people such as in kin, marriage and friend relationships takes on meaning which it would lack otherwise. In this type, the members of the family are treated with love and affection, family members come before household tasks, family togetherness is considered important, work is not rigidly delegated, and the children are taught to get along with others and care for each other's feelings. Recognition, achievement and economic concerns, the foundations of the pgtonomogp_type, presuppose the strivings of individuals competing for distinction and relating as rivals. Attributed to the order of this type are: impartial, reasoned handling of family affairs; par- ents are partners in the enterprise and a 'family council' is advocated; continuity and harmony in the family are taken for granted; the work of the family is distributed fairly; and the individuals of the family are quite inde- pendent and expected to act responsibly. New experience and play, the bases of the change- ppppp_type, include those strivings directed toward variety and the untried. Change is thought desirable for its own sake. The individuals in the family are really individual with little cohesion of the unit. Work may be divided in extreme detail or there may not be any particular order to it. The new and the novel are considered important in 62 the ordering of affairs. The typology is developed into two general themes and ten specific themes. In contrast to the specific themes, both of the two general themes of the typology represent more abstract, implicit categorizations of the content of the responses or their structure. As several approaches to analysis were tried, the basis for the theme, form of res nse, became apparent. Incorporated into the four positions for the theme were the classes of 'ought' statements discussed by Wheelwright, the distinctions among values according to means, modes and ends explained by Kluckhohn and others, and the logical possibility of this structure of ideas developed by Strawson. Elaborations of these ideas are included on pages 73-74 which were com— piled for and given to the coders to aid in the analysis of the data. Strawson along with Becker suggested that prescriptions and a rigid adherence to the letter without appeal to the spirit of the rules were characteristic of a static, isolated society.1 In contrast, Strawson thought that moral disorientation which was self-conscious and critical in nature would result in conditions of radical 2 The first of these characteristics was included change. in the traditional position of form of res nse, and the last was included in the change-prone position. 1Strawson, op. cit., p. 14. 21bid. 63 Em hasis, the second general theme, embodies the general principles around which the types were constructed. Under the traditional type for this theme are production, duty, rights and responsibilities, security and other- directedness. For the social type the foci are affection, love, solidarity, loyalty, and inner-other directedness. The autonomous emphasis includes growth and development, fairness, impartiality, and responsible inner-direction. And, finally, the change-ppone emphasis includes the new and the novel with little thought to the consequences. Sources of the ten specific themes arose primarily from the actual responses to the incomplete stories them- selves in the pretest stage. They represent a classifica- tion of subject matter content of the respondents' concep- tions of the desirable. The specific themes compare with lists of values or categories of values used in other studies. The positions for each theme relate the theme to the types, and as such depict various value stances with respect to that particular theme. Lists alone have limited usefulness since they do not indicate the possible varying conceptions of the desirable associated with them. For this reason, it is important to know the particular conception associated with each theme. Because of the orientation of this typology, some of the subject matter in the unstructured materials prob- ably was unused. But this is necessarily so since any abstraction and generalization from its point of view will 64 omit what is 'unique' in the data. Also, because the ty- pology was built upon pretest responses, other themes oc- curring in the final responses may have been excluded. The Data Collection At this stage, the incomplete stories were reviewed and some minor changes were made in preparation for the final collection of data. Contacts and arrangements were made for administration of the stories at meetings of the two Women's Extension Groups and the College Women's Volun- teer Service all of whom had participated in the study, as explained earlier in this chapter. The College Women's VOlunteer Service organized a special meeting for this pur- pose because their few large general meetings were all too tightly scheduled to allow three-quarters of an hour for the members to complete the stories at those times. Those interviewees who did not come to the meetings were approached individually and asked to complete the stories once more. In this way, for checking the reliability of the stories, each interviewee completed the stories twice. Approximately eight and one-half months elapsed between the two story completions in ten cases. In the other two instances, three months elapsed between the completions. In the trial inter- view session the respondent was not asked to complete the stories and in the other instance the interviewee refused to answer them at that time. Both of these individuals completed the stories at a later date and again when the others completed the stories for the second time. 65 An additional group for comparison purposes coop— erated. It was another child study club contacted through personal acquaintances. Close to half of the homemakers at the meeting who completed the stories were invited guests of the club that evening. As shown in Table 4.1, the three groups who com— pleted the final story completions were comprised of twenty- one individuals each, totaling sixty-three. The Codigg, As an aid to the coders, a coding manual was writ- ten. Although the codes were planned to allow for machine processing of the data, the data were manually processed. Since no ready-made programs were feasible and the total respondents numbered only 63, manual processing was judged the more practical alternative. Nevertheless, the codes were an essential step and facilitated the manual manipu- lation of the data. A sample page of the coding manual is included in Appendix A, p. 151. Three coders, two Ph.D. candidates in home management and a research technician, were trained. They were each provided with explanations of relevant terms including three types of 'ought' or 'should' statements and modes, means and ends (pages 73 and 74); a copy of the typology; and examples of actual responses fitting most of the forty—eight value positions of the typology. After several trial coding sessions when agreement was consist- ently high, the final story completions, the completions 66 at the time of the interview, and the interviews were coded by two of the three coders. After coding independently, the two coders checked their codes. Differences were dis- cussed and resolved. In the two or three instances when no resolution was possible, the third coder decided on a placement. Each story completion was coded by type on the two general themes, form of re§ponse and emphgsis. Evidences of the other themes were coded by type when found regard- less of where they occurred in the story completions. The codes for the types were: 1 a traditional, 2 a social, 3 = autonomous, and 4 = change-prone. Together with each type and theme code the story source was also coded to en- able analysis by story as well as by type and theme. The Analysis In addition to counts of codes of type, by story and by theme, story and theme value profiles and a composite value profile for each individual were developed. This made possible additional kinds of comparisons among indi- viduals. In the composite value profile each type is repre- sented by the first letter of its name--'T' or 't' repre- sents traditional, '8' or '5' represents social, 'A' or 'a' represents autonomous, and 'C' or 'c' represents change- prone. The composite value profile for an individual shows the types evident in his responses and proportionate strength of each based upon the percentage of each type in his total 67 coded values. For constructing an individual's composite value profile, these rules were followed: 1) A capital letter or letters represent the predominant type or equally large types (ex., 'T,' 'AT'), 2) Lower case letters repre- sent all remaining types (ex., 't'), 3) An underline of a capital letter represents 100 percent minus a trace of the type indicated (Trace = less than 5%) (ex., 'As'), 4) An underline of a lower case letter indicates that that type is half or more of the predominant type (ex., 'Agf), 5) Letters are arranged in order of strength of type. Re- sultant composite value profiles might look like this: 25, At, TAsc or AEPC° In a similar manner value profiles Were constructed for each individual for each theme and for each story. These were called story and theme value profiles in con- trast to the composite value profile which encompassed the whole of the codes of any one individual's responses. To see if any relationships could be discerned, the data were analyzed by age, occupation, and income of the individuals, by the three major groups and by groups according to composite value profiles. For validity and reliability purposes, comparisons between the two story completions and the interview were made. Reliability and Validity In previous sections of this chapter several ref- erences to reliability and validity were made. To summarize 68 briefly--for reliability purposes the stories were admin- istered twice to twelve respondents with eight months elaps- ing between completions and the responses were coded inde- pendently by two coders. And for validity purposes, twelve respondents were interviewed in depth. The procedures fol- lowed are described in the sections entitled Collection of Data, The Coding and Interviews. 69 VALUE TYPOLOGY Themes Value Positions or Types General Traditional Social Values 1. Form of categorical ends one categoriCal and response (means and modes with the range of elevated to ends), alternatives limited many universals with to means of attain- few alternatives ing it 2. Emphasis production, duty, affection, love, rights and responsi- solidarity, loyalty, bilities, security, inner-other directed other-directed Specific 1. Focus of work--household tasks affectional rela- functional and physical care of tionships, unex- order family members pressed meanings and feelings 2. Scope of work of the home activities which wife's time foster family to- alternatives getherness, family members come before household tasks 3. Social hierarchical roles; each member consid- organization e.g., father is head ered equal, indi- of the family, mother viduality taken is next in authority, into account children subordinate 4. Kinship duty and responsi- warm, close rela- bility ties within nuclear and extended family tionships within nuclear family and near relatives 7O Value Positions or Types Autonomous Change-prone Values logical, prudential or cate- gorical means to logical, prudential or categorical ends (loose structure tied to multiple ends), many alternatives restricted by some universals growth and development, fairness, impartiality, responsible inner direction fusion of means and ends (impulse to change), alter- natives restricted by few universals; e.g., action statements the new and the novel, little thought to conse- quences, inner direction control, discussion, equal opportunity, responsible self-guidance work or other activity out- side the home allowed if home responsibilities are cared for parents as partners, family council with maturer children taking part continuity and harmony taken for granted in nuclear fam- ily; parents may, at times, do things together apart from the children individual expression any combination of time use possible-~particular1y something new and different no set structure, that structure prevails which suits the mood or situation limited involvement with kin, individuals often go their separate ways 71 Specific Traditional Social Division of work Material possessions: house, car or fur- nishings 7. Mobility Control of child's behavior Mode of child's control 10. Control of adult son father is economic pro- vider, mother is re- sponsible for work of the home, family and work roles learned by apprentice-like expe- rience attached to posses- sions (possessions give security), people take care of 'things,' quality and appear- ance to others con— sidered move from known locality and family feared parents exact obedi- ence from their children, embarrass- ing consequences often considered shaming, stern repri- mands, or physical punishment; e.g., spanking either exact obedi- ence or no control; e.g., either make son finish school before marrying or uninvolved in it informal division of responsibilities, co- operation and recip- rocation important, 'help each other out‘ attitude fostered possessions secondary to people, children permitted to use the furniture, posses- sions are for the enjoyment and sat- isfaction of the family members move is all right if it fosters family solidarity or if family decides to- gether to move child taught those rules which enable him to get along with others discipline the child by removing him from the company of others; e.g., ignore him or put him in a room alone emotionally support- ive; e.g., encourage or assist to marry if he is in love 72 Autonomous Change-prone planned division of labor to make fair distribution according to the needs of family members, some tech- niques advocated; e.g., schedules possessions are regarded as tools to help family attain growth and develop- ment purposes in addition to enjoyment and satisfac- tion; many plans and alter- natives seen for use, ac- quisition and replacement pros and cons considered, move considered favorable for growth experience of family members particularly if father is promoted appropriate correction made for specific misdeeds, child taught to be self-regulating and responsible, parents try to understand child discipline according to the act, reason with; e.g., discuss the 'why' or remove a privilege counsel with him to be sure he has considered conse- quences and responsibilities little integration of re- sponsibilities, specialties may be emphasized, extreme division of labor may on occasion be used new and different posses- sions are prized but little attachment to 'things' as such; e.g., a house is thought of as something that can be easily acquired, sold or exchanged move considered highly desirable for the newness and variety it involves-- in people as well as situ- ations child allowed to express himself; consequently, he has little correction no punishment or maybe according to the mood; e.g., a parental emotional outburst support him in and encourage him to enter new situations, family welcomes new members 73 Definitions: Mode, Means, and Ends Mode - Values referring to ways of acting, manner of carry- Ifig out an action itself whether it be conceived as a means or as an end; style in which an instrument is used; an ap- proved or preferred style or manner in which an act is to be carried out or an object made. Means - Values referring to instrumental character of what Is aesirable; that which is done for the sake of something else and not for itself alone; an instrument for the shap- ing of something else. Ends - Values referring to what is done for itself and not for the sake of something else; aims and virtues which so- cieties and individuals make for themselves; intrinsicness. MoralI prudential and logical 'ought' or 'should' statements Wheelright divided 'ought' or 'should' statements into three categories--moral, prudential, and logical.1 Since the respondents will be asked "what should be done," analyzing the responses according to these distinctions will be possible. Such an analysis would help place the responses according to type. Explanations of the distinc- tions follow: Moral - Moral statements refer to human conduct and express a caEegorical imperative which is unconditional. "A home- maker should stay home and take care of the baby" is an unconditional categorical imperative. Numerous categorical statements about the modes, means and ends of action would indicate the traditional type because this type emphasizes stability and adherence to prescription. A few categorical statements interspersed with others would indicate the au- tonomous type which emphasizes a loose structure tied to some unchanging ends. The recurrence of the one imperative about the mode of solving a family problem, "Do what the family together decides they want to do," would indicate the social type which emphasizes the persons of the family. Or the occurrence of the imperative, "Do what is different" would indicate the change-prone type which emphasizes the novel. Prudential - Prudential statements also refer to human con- uc are not unconditional--they are conditional upon a wish. A generalized example is "If you want to . . . Then you ought to do . . . " The end is not prescribed. lPhilip Wheelright, A Critical Introduction to Ethics, Third Edition (New York: Tfie 53yssey Press, Inc., , pp. 9-10. 74 But given an end, then the steps to reach it follow in order. Since these statements are not imperatives and allow openness in the solution of problems and the selec- tion of ends, they would indicate the autonomous type. Logical - Logical 'ought' statements do not refer to human con c and are not imperative. Since the decision stories were constructed around what the family should do, the re— sponses will likely include few of this caEegory. If they do occur, however, they would further indicate the auton- omous type. CHAPTER V FINDINGS Included in the analysis of the data were frequency counts of the coded values; calculation of percentages; from the percentages, calculation of story and theme value profiles and composite value profiles as described on pages 66-67; and the determination of some relationships between these calculations and age, income, education and occupa- tion of the respondents. The terms used are defined on pages 51-52. Discussion of the findings will be divided into description of the sample; frequencies and means of the coded values by age, income, occupation, group, type and three theme categories; composite value profile analysis; story analysis; theme analysis; and reliability and valid- ity of the research procedure. Description of the Sample Review of Table 5.1 shows that approximately 80 percent of the respondents were under 50 years of age while only 65 percent of their husbands were under that age. Group I was comprised of College Women's Volunteer Service members, Group II of Women's Extension Group members, and Group III of Child Study Club members. In all of these three groups, the husbands were older than their wives. 75 76 Table 5.1. Ages of the wives and their husbands by the three groups Group I Group II Group III Total Hus- Hus- Hus- Hus- Wives bands Wives bands Wives bands Wives bands Age . Class N % N i N % N i N % N % N % N % 20-29 .. .. .. .. 7 33 6 29 8 38 5 24 15 24 ll 18 30-39 3 14 2 9 4 19 5 24 9 43 10 48 16 25 17 27 40-49 12 57 10 48 4 19 l 5 3 14 2 9 19 30 13 20 50-59 4 l9 7 33 4 19 5 24 l 5 4 19 9 15 16 25 60 and over 2 10 l 5 2 10 2 9 .. .. .. .. 4 6 3 5 No responsea .. .. l 5 .. .. 2 9 .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 5 21 21 21 21 21 21 63 63 T°t‘1 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 aDeceased. However, in Group I there were no husbands or wives under 30 and in Group III there were no husbands or wives over 60. Group II had the widest age range for both husbands and wives. . Groups II and III were similar in their income dis- tributions--86 and 81 percent respectively had incomes below $10,000 (Table 5.2). In contrast, 86 per cent of Group I had incomes over $10,000. Considering all groups together, about a third had incomes below $7,000, slightly less than a third had incomes between $7,000 and $10,000 and slightly more than a third had incomes over $10,000. For each of the groups and for the sample as a whole, 77 Table 5.2. Incomes by the three groups Group I Group II Group III Total Income class N i N % N x N % Below $6,999 3 l4 8 38 9 43 20 32 $7,000 $10,000 and over 18 86 3 l4 4 19 25 39 Total 21 100 21_ 100 21 100 63 100 the range of educational level was wider for the husbands than for the wives. One husband had less than an 8th grade education, but no wife had that little. Conversely, four husbands had Ph.D. degrees, but no wife had one. Even though the range of educational level was wider for the husbands than for the wives, as a group the husbands were better educated. Table 5.3 also shows that both husbands and wives of Group I had the highest educational level and those of Group II had the lowest. Group III was in the middle. Most important to note in Table 5.4 are the percent- ages in the professional and managerial occupations. For the sample, 31 percent of the husbands were in this class of occupations. Group I had the highest percentage in this class, 86; Group III had the next highest, 52; and Group II had the lowest, 14. Group II had the highest percentages in the skilled and semi-skilled classes. Only one husband (from Group III) was in the unskilled class. 78 Table 5.3. Education of wives and husbands by the three groups Group I Group II Group III E Total Hus- Hus- Hus- Hus- Wives bands Wives bands Wives bands Wives bands Educational class N % N i N x N % N % N S N X N % Below 8th grade 0. O. O. O. O. O. 1 S O. .0 O. O. .0 O. l 2 8th-11th grade .. .. .. .. 5 24 5 24 1 5 4 l9 6 10 9 14 H.S. graduate .. .. 1 5 14 67 9 43 15 71 4 19 29 46 14 22 1-3 years of college 6 29 2 9 2 9 3 14 l 5 5 24 9 14 10 16 Bachelor's degree 12 57 9 43 .. .. 3 l4 4 19 3 14 16 25 15 24 Master's degree 3 14 5 24 .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 24 3 5 10 16 Ph.D. degree 0. O. 419 O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. 4 6 Total 21 21 21 21 21 21 63 63 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 As indicated in Table 5.5, 25 percent of the wives had been employed in professional and managerial occupa- tions before marriage but only six percent after. Group I wives, like the Group I husbands, had the highest per— centage, 57, in the professional and managerial category. After marriage 72 percent of the wives of Group I, 81 per- cent of Group II, and 76 percent of Group III were not gainfully employed. 79 Table 5.4. Gainful occupations of the husbands by the three groups W Group I Group II Group III Total Occupational class N % N % N % N % Professional and Managerial 17 81 3 14 ll 52 31 49 Clerical and Sales 1 5 3 l4 3 14 7 11 Service .. .. l 5 1 5 2 3 Skilled 3 l4 9 43 2 9 14 22 semifSkilled ee ee 4 19 1 5 5 8 un8k111ed O O O O O O O O 1 5 1 2 No Gainful Occupation .. .. l 5 .. .. 1 2 No Response .. .. .. .. 2 10 2 3 Total 21 100 21 100 21 100 63 100 Fre encies and Means of the Coded Values A e Income, accupagion; group; fig and mm gores A numerical count of values coded for each individ- ual by age, education, income, occupation and group and calculation of means from these counts showed only minor variations, in the majority of cases from 28 to 30; conse- quently, the tables consisting of these counts and means were omitted. In addition, counts of values by type, by group and by three categories of themes, form of res onse, pp: phasis and all other themes, were made (Table 5.6). Counts by type in relation to story and individual theme will be discussed in a later section of this chapter. 80 ooa mm con mm cod Hm ooa Hm con am ooa Hm ooa Hm con AN Heaps ee ee ”H m ee ee ¢N m ee ee VH m ee ee ee ee ”unamou 0: we we «a m on on m a do an «a m «a ma cu m coauoaouuo espouse oz 00 as N H 00 e. m H e. e. 00 ee 00 ee 00 De Bdfldxucp m m m o m H .. .. 0H N on o .. .. .. .. oua>uom mu m cm nu ed M mm Ha m N we on we n ma v none» one unnamedu o o mm on m H eh m .. .. m a on m am we Hoauooocoa coo Hecoannomoum m z a z a z a z u z a z a z a 2 human deceausmnuuo weave daemon weamo daemon weave daemon nevus daemon HQHOB momma ecu an ummawmda means one euomon mmbds on» mo uneduemnuuo anmcdmu HHH esouo HH ozone [f H macaw ndsowm .m.m edema 81 .monam> pepou Haven emu mo nomeucouuom on women nonocvcouem ca nousmame kooHc mmmH mec mam Home one Home one Hobos ooH HHS 4H ooH loo a ooH ch a ooH moo m Huron om o ow N mm H mm H HHH ozone on a. mo N me m to N HH ozone Hm n me n o o o o H ozone enowmlommssu ooH Home NooH ooH on. mom ooH home mom ooH Hooc «on HouoH mm «mm mm mm no mo mm HoH HHH ozouo Hm Ham on moH «m oHH Hm NHH HH ozone no «to me HmH at «pH Ho HmH H ozone nsoaocous< ooH in. mm ooH Ame on ooH ch oH ooH loo 6 Houoa on cm on a «v m on m HHH ozone Hm HH am m on m on m HH ozone on pH at «H cu m o o H ozone HoHuom ooH Home use ooH onc omH ooH mec m- ooH oonc emu Hence No new on no we moH Ho moH HHH ozone an mom cc vs on we on no HH ozone Hm ocH Hm cc mH Ho nu on H ozone HocoHuHoorH a z a z w z a z ozone one «one Hence noses» nanmnmau uncommon go HH< HO 50h nunllllllullllllLIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIrIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIILIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIILIIIIIIII museum conga on» an one «man an nudes» weave Has one ndmonmao .oncomnew mo Show How nosumb 00000 .mom OHDMB 82 Of all the responses coded, nearly 60 percent were placed in the autonomous category and 37 percent in the traditional category. Few values were coded under the so- cial and change-prone categories, three percent and one percent respectively. Most of the values of this sample of wives, then, may be represented by the following summary of conceptions of the desirable attributed to the autonomous type: impartial, reasoned handling of family affairs; par- ents are partners in the enterprise and a 'family council' is advocated; continuity and harmony in the family are taken for granted; the work of the family is distributed fairly; and the individuals of the family are quite inde- pendent and expected to act responsibly. The remainder of the values, in the main, may be represented by the con- ceptions of the traditional type: the family is governed by prescriptions characteristic of colonial times; the roles of the husband and wife are clearly demarcated; the husband is head of the home; the children are supposed to 'behave,' and the emphasis is on work and production. Table 5.6 indicates that the three groups varied in the percentages of values in the traditional and auton- omous categories but not in the percentages in the social and change-prone categories. Group I was the most auton- omous as to type, with nearly three-fourths of their re- sponses placed under that type and 22 percent under the traditional type. Group II had more autonomous than tradi- tional responses but Group III had equal numbers of responses 83 placed under these types. No group had more traditional than autonomous responses. Since the general themes, form of resppnse and pp: hasis, were coded for each story and the specific themes were coded where that particular content appeared in the responses, to compare the percentages of each type in these categories seemed worthwhile (Table 5.6). Because there were so few responses in the social and change-prone types, these percentages had no discernible pattern. But review of the percentages in the traditional and autonomous types in each of the theme categories shows similar patterns. The percentages for each group placed under traditional and autonomous were roughly equivalent whether form of re- s nse, em hasis, all other themes or the total placements are considered. Composite Value Profile Analysis Previous calculations were based on sums of responses and not the total of the responses of each individual by type. Table 5.7 is composed of composite value profiles which were based on the percentages of the types represented in the total responses of each individual. The formula for constructing the profiles is given on pages 66-67. Since so few responses were coded for the social and change- prone types and no profiles with 'S' or 'C' designations resulted, the profiles were grouped acCording to the 'T' and 'A' designations for this analysis. 84 Table 5.7. Composite value profiles by the three groups m value profiles N H N % N % N % g Ta,Tas . . . . . . . . 3 14 3 5 T;,Tgs 2 10 5 24 s 24 12 19 Th,AT l 5 3 l4 4 19 8 13 A_t_,A£s 2 9 7 33 6 29 1s 24 At,Ats 15 71 6 29 3 14 24 38 A l 5 . . . . . . . . l 1 Total 21 100 21 100 21 100 63 100 As was expected, few individuals fit a pure type. One individual was consistently autonomous in her responses, but no individual was consistently traditional. Interest- ing to note is the predominance of autonomous profiles in Group I and the balanced distribution between traditional and autonomous of the profiles in Groups II and III. Group I was composed of the members of that one group only; Group II was composed of two women's Extension Groups; and Group III was composed of one Child Study Club and a number of visitors who cooperated along with the members in complet- ing the stories. Perhaps the uneven distribution of Group I indicates shared values among members of a group. Into the middle three composite value profile clus- ters fall 56 percent of the individuals. In the cluster more traditional than the middle three, five percent fall. 85 In the two clusters more autonomous fall the remaining 39 percent. After the composite value profiles had been con- structed, means of the coded values were calculated for each of the clusters. The more traditional clusters had slightly lower means and the more autonomous clusters slightly higher (Table 5.8). Table 5.8. Coded values by the composite value profiles Composite value Number of Number of Mean profiles respondents coded values coded values _T_ . . . . . . Ta,Tas 3 82 27 Ta,Tas ‘ 12 349 29 AT,TA 8 228 29 A£,A£s 15 430 29 At,Ats 24 714 30 §_ 1 30 30 Total 63 1833 29 To learn if any inter-relationships existed, the age, income, educational level and occupations of the re- spondents were compared with their composite value profiles. Although for the four middle clusters there was little or no relationship between the husband's and wife's ages and the wife's composite value profile cluster, for the most traditional cluster the wives all were under 30 as were two of their husbands (Table 5.9). The third 86 Ho me>H3 mo Hones: Hobo» ecu mo humongouuom on women mononuGoHMQ cH mommucmuudm .mpcennnn no woman: Head» n .penseuonm HooHc no H Home 4N HoNc mH rNHc m oHc NH Ame m .. .. mocuomzr ooH . ooH ooH ooH‘ ooH ooH - mHouoH HOOHV mm H Ammo om Home mH HNHV w HmHV NH name m .. .. nmbHB ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH m m ee ee ¢ H ee e. ee ee “H N ee 00 00 00 ”63mg macaw Ian oz m m 0 O O 0 ¢ H h H O O O O m H O O O O O O O O mogmg 3>° w v 0 O 0 v H O O O 0 O O O mN m 0 I O O O O 0 mg“: ”:0 cm mN oH .. .. HN m 5N 4 cm 4 mN m .. .. .. .. moronmzm «H m .. . NH m oN m .mN N m H .. . .. .. mesa: mason HN NH ooH H oN a NH N NH H NH N .. .. .. .. mozmnmzm om mH .. . mm m on e an m mm m .. . .. .. mo>H3 melee HN HH .. .. HN m we a NH H mN m mm H .. .. moronmzm mN mH ooH H mN m mm m NH H mN m .. . .. .. mo>H3 omnom HH HH .. .. HN m o H mN N m H .Ho N .. .. apropos: oN mH .. . HN m oN m mN N HH N ooH N .. .. mm>H3 oNnoN a z a z m z a z a z a z a z a z omeo .1 I. I. .I .I .. 0 < Hobos < mu<.u< mu<.»< 49.94. moH.oH moH.oH H moHHmowo osHe> euHmomaou neHHmoua eflHm> oanOQEOU .no>H3 on» an monsoon: HHenu one ne>H3 on» me nom< .m.m OHQmF 87 husband of that cluster was under 40. In this case the assumption that older people were more traditional in their values did not hold. Income and composite value profile clusters were somewhat related. A11 in the most traditional cluster and 67 percent of the next most traditional had incomes below $10,000. And the one in the most autonomous cluster together with 62 percent in the next most autonomous cluster had incomes over $10,000 (Table 5.10). Two-thirds of those Table 5.10. Incomes for the composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles 1. :1; El‘a,Tas Ta,TpJ AT,TN A£,A£s At,At A Total Income T Class N %- N: % N % N % N % N % N I N % Below ' $6,999 .. .. 1 33 8 67 3 37 3 20 5 21 .. .. 20 32 $7,000 -39’999 ee ee 2 67 ee ee 5 63 7 47 4 17 0° " 18 28 $10,000 and over .. .. .. .. 4 33 .. .. 5 33 15 62 1 100 25 40 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Total .. .. 3 2 8 15 24 l 63 (5) (18) (13) (24) (38) (2) (100) aFigures in parentheses refer to percentages of the total number of respondents. in the two most traditional clusters had incomes below $7,000. While educational level and composite value profile clusters were not directly related, the individual in the 88 most autonomous cluster had some college and 58 percent of those in the next most autonomous cluster had a bach- elor's degree or more education (Table 5.11). The husband of the individual in the most autonomous cluster had a mas- ter's degree, and 71 percent of the husbands of those in the next most autonomous cluster had a bachelor's degree or more education. The 71 percent includes the four hus- bands who had Ph.D. degrees. On the other hand, only one-third of the individ- uals in the most traditional cluster and eight percent of those in the next most traditional cluster had a bachelor's degree or more. Two-thirds of the husbands of those in the most traditional cluster and nine percent of the husbands of those in the next most traditional cluster had a bachelor's degree or more education. Sixty-seven percent of the husbands of those who were in the most traditional cluster worked in professional and managerial occupations (Table 5.12). However, in the next most traditional cluster, only eight percent were in that occupational class. At the opposite end of the clus- ters, the husband of the individual in the most autonomous cluster and 67 percent of the husbands of those in the next most autonomous cluster worked in professional and manager- .ial occupations. Before marriage 67 percent of those in the most traditional cluster and 75 percent of those in the next most traditional cluster had been gainfully employed 89 .mucopcoanmu Hmuou 0:» mo mommvcoUHmm on women mononuceumd :H newsmHmm HooHc No IN. H HNNch HoNcnm HNHLN HNHSNH .mc N moommozr 00H 00H 00H OOH 00H .. .. HooHc No HNV H Home oN HoNc NH mime N mo>H3 .Illlppwllllllpnllll1Ibpwlllu||ppllll Tumumr .. .. m ¢ .0 O. hfifi I. O. O. O. O. O. mvgmg O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. a”>fl3 omuooo .o.co NH oH ooH H NH 4 NH N NH H o H mm H .. .. moesnmzm m m C O O O m N h H O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O nub”: mmumop n.udunm= VN mH .. .. mm m hN v NH H .. .. mm H .. .. nommnnsm mN mH .. .. om NH a H NH H m H mm H .. .. nm>H3 omumop n.uonnumm wH OH O O O O N Na H NH H om 6 O O O O O O O 0 ”wanna 4H m ooH H m N NH N mN N NH N .. .. .. .. mm>H3 emeHHou .numo» mIH NN vH .. .. HN m oo 6 NH H N H 4N H .. .. mocmnmzm we mN .. .. on m or 0H mm m on m or N .. .. no>H3 monotone .m.= vH m 0 O O O O O O O ”H N on v “N m 0 O O O O O O O mvfinmg OH m 0 O O O O O O O m H mm N mN m 0 O O O O O O O mm>fiz moose ruHanuN N H O. O. O. O. O. 0. O. 00 m H O. O. O. 00 “03mg .0 O. O. .0 O. O. O. O. O. .O O. O. O. O. .0 .0 m0>d3 dunno sum onom m z m z a z a z a z a z m z m z mmmHu .l .l .I I. I. I HMSOHuflUHHUQ HouoH c mu<.u< ouc.u< Hc.cH moH.oH moH.oH H nOHHmoum 05Hm> duHmOQEOU anHmowm omHm> manOQEOU .nm>H3 on» ma woodman: one nosz mo GOHumuspm .HH.m eHnma 9O .mosz> nmoou Hana» may no mummucouuwm cu ummmu mammzucmudm :H mmudemm OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH OOH mm vN mH O NH m .. Hnupa AOOHO «NO HOMO H¢NO «NHO AOHO flamv m N 00 v H 00 00 to on o. 00 mm H 00 ”wing“ 02 N H 0. .0 00 00 00 0. .0 m H 00 00 00 “afiaag. Hanan oz H H 00 00 I. 00 00 ”H .H 00 00 00 00 00 umHH-figmca m m .. m N mH N NH H .. .. .. .. .. coHHmeIHamm NN VH .. ¢ H O¢ m mN N Nv m .. .. .. OOHHme 00 .0 .0 0. 00 0. 00 00 .0 00 .0 00 00 00 .30 .muzuHSUHH04 m N 0. 0. 0. 00 0. 00 .0 “H N 0. 00 .. ”aflgm NH 5 .0 5H fi 00 00 0. 0. mm m .0 00 0. mmfinm can HdUHuaHU NN HN ooH H No NH Ne N on e N H NN N .. HNHummocaa can HMGOHmmumoum a z a a z a z a z a z a z z . mmuHU l l l I I l Huaoflmmsuuo H38. 4 34...: 34:2 4H. :2 was :2. man. .8. .H. moHHmoum 05Hm> uaHmonaou uoHHmoun 05Hn> muHuoaeou .nm>H3 an» an nvconmfln may mo mGOHummnuuo Hsmchw .NH.m «Hana 91 (Table 5.13). Before marriage the individual in the most autonomous cluster had not been gainfully employed, but 79 percent in the next most autonomous cluster had. After marriage none of those in the most traditional cluster and a third of those in the next most traditional cluster were gainfully employed. After marriage the indi- vidual in the most autonomous cluster was not gainfully employed. In the next most autonomous cluster 29 percent were gainfully employed after marriage. About two-thirds of those who had been employed in professional and managerial occupations before marriage had profiles in the next to the most autonomous cluster. Other than the findings just noted, these results indicate little relationship between employment before and after marriage and a specific profile cluster. Story Analysis A count of the coded values by story resulted in the following rank of stories by numbers of responses from most to least: 1. Story 3 - children's behavior 2. Story 1 - first baby 3. Story 4 - move 4. Story 8 - dishwashing 5. Story 10 - son's marriage 6. Story 9 - transportation 7. Story 6 - children in school 8. Story 7 - furniture 9. Story 5 - vacation 10. Story 2 - new home characteristics (Table 5.14). On this basis Story 3 was most productive and Story 2 was least. The stories as administered to the respondents may 92 .nusflm> omoou Hmnou man mo nommucouuma on Human mononucouma :H mousmwmm HooHe mm HNV H Ammo «N HeNcmH HNHem .chNH Ame m nouns ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH . .. mHouoa AooHe no HNe H Ammo eN HeNemH ANHV m AmHe NH mHme m ouomoo ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH .. O. O. O. I. .0 .0. O. .0 O. O. O. O. O. O. O 0. ”0pm” NH m .. .. e H oN m mN N aH N .. . .. ouomoo uncommon oz we we ooH H Ha aH om NH mm a no N ooH m . . noumm coHumosuuo vH m ooH H aH e NH N .. .. m H mm H .. ouomon HomoHoo oz 0. O. I. .0 O. O. .0 O. O. .0 O. O. I. O. O O “mum“ N H 00 00 a. O. 00 00 ”H H 00 O. a. O 00 ”Hommn cmfldflxmca m m 0. O. O. O. m." N O. O. m d .0 O. O 0 ”mum“ e e .. .. .. .. a. H NH H 5H N .. . .. ouomon outflow NH m .. .. HN m .. .. NH H aH N .. .. . . nouns moHom coo oH mN .. .. mm m so a on e mm o no N .. ouomoo HoUHuoHo m w a. co m N h H e. to m H 00 ea 0 a “mum” HMflummm mN mH .. .. mo HH NH N .. .. mN m .. . .. ouomoo none can HMGOHmmomoum a z a z a z a z a z a z a z a mmoHu I. I. .l I. I. l Hudoflmmfiuuo Hobos 4 mu<.u< u<.u< ¢H.e<. moa.oe mo9.me a mudwmoum osdm> mudmoaaou moawmoua.oadm> ovamomaou on» an OOMHHHME umumm cam «Momma moba: on» no meflumaauuo Hsmcdmu .mH.m MHQMB 93 .moanm> 00000 Hmuou urn mo mommusouuva on Human mononucouma dd mousmwmo HoOHe “OHS AoHe HOHV HoHe .oHc Ame HHHe HNHV Ame HHHe mmmH mmH HmH omH maH maH emH amH eNN on oHN Hobos ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH H .3” .. .. .. .. .. .. m m .. .. H N N w .. .. .. .. .. .. wcoudlmmcdnu mm NmoH ea mmH Na HmH on em mm mm mm oNH No mm mm NNH ea mm ma eoH oe em mooeooouo< m mm .. .. H H H m o m m m oN on H N .. H H H N o HoHoom am New oN on NN me me mm mm mm mN on NH oN mN mm mm aNH mN Hm mm NNH HmooHuHooya a z a z a z a z a z a z a z a z a z a z a z moss Hobos oH m m a o m o m N H moduoum swoon as can was» an moaHm> oooou .oH.m oHnoa 94 be referred to in Appendix A, pp. 144-148. When type of the responses was viewed, two stories elicited more traditional than autonomous responses--Story 1 (first baby) and Story 3 (children's behavior). Story 8 (dishwashing) elicited about half autonomous and half traditional responses. Story 2 (new home), Story 9 trans- portation), and Story 10 (son's marriage) elicited responses which were autonomous in about three-fourths of the cases and traditional in the remaining one-fourth. Story 4 (move), Story 5 (vacation), Story 6 (children in school) and Story 7 (furniture) also elicited more autonomous than traditional responses but the difference was not as great. Over half of the social responses coded came from Story 5 (vacation). About one-seventh came from Story 7 (furniture). Each of the other stories, with the excep- tion of Story 10, had only one to five social values coded from their responses. Just three stories yielded change-prone responses-- Story 7 (furniture), Story 4 (move) and Story 5 (vacation). From Story 7 eight change-prone values were coded, from Story 4 four were coded and from Story 5 two were coded. Since more than one theme was coded from some stories, it appeared appropriate to construct each individual's value profile for each story. The compilation of these profiles is shown in Table 5.15. Review of the table indicates re- sults similar to those discussed from Table 5.14. Story 1 (new baby) and Story 3 (children's behavior) again were the 95 1‘ ooa 0mm OOH mm OOH mm 00H mm OOH mm OOH mm OOH mm.ooa mm 00H mm OOH mm 00H mm HMfiOB r7 . N N .. .. .. .. N H H H N N N N w uu.uN.Nm o. m .. o. o. o. o. o. N H .. .o N H “N H o. .o .o .o o. o. Mun H m .. o. .o o. .. o. o. o. o. .. m m o. .o o. o. o. o. oo o. Im- NN oNN eN NN ea NN NH HH NN NH NN NN NN eN He NN HN NH oN NN HH N .a ON NNH ma NH ¢N ma on ma mN mH dd m dd m on ma vd m m N hN 5H mu Hobos oH N N N N N v N N H moHuoum uoHuoum an NoHHmooa ooHu> .NH.N oHnue 96 only stories with more traditional than autonomous profiles; Story 5 (vacation) was the one yielding most of the social profiles; and Story 4 (move), Story 5 (vacation) and Story 7 (furniture) most of the change-prone ones. ' Frequencies of the story value profiles for the individuals in the composite value profile clusters were compiled. Because these tables, though important, did not provide results sufficiently different to warrant additional discussion, they were placed in Appendix B, pp. 153-157. Besides analysis by composite value profile clus- ters, relationships between the story value profiles and age, income and education were assessed. For Story 3 (children's behavior), Story 8 (dish- washing), and Story 9 (transportation), the greater percent- age of those with traditional profiles were under 40 (Table 5.16). In line with this, for these same stories, the greater percentage of those with autonomous profiles were over 40. For Story 7 (furniture) the results were the reverse of those for Stories 3, 8 and 9. More of the older respond- ents had traditional profiles and more of the younger re- spondents had autonomous profiles. By income the differences appeared for Story 1 (new baby), Story 3 (children's behavior), Story 6 (children in school) and Story 8 (dishwashing). For all of these stories, those with less income had more traditional profiles and those with more income had more autonomous profiles (Table 5.17). Table 5.16. 97 Value profiles by age and by story Stories Value Age in l 2 3 4 5 Profile relation to 40 N % N % N % N % N % 3 under 10 32 3 10 15 49 5 l6 3 10 over 12 38 3 9 9 28 l 3 .. .. Ta,Tas under 6 l9 2 7 5 16 3 10 .. .. over 4 l3 .. . 6 l9 5 l6 .. .. Ta,Tas under 1 3 .. .. . . . . .. .. over I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I AT,TA under 3 10 6 l9 4 13 .. .. 6 19 over 3 9 9 28 2 6 2 6 10 32 AE, AES under I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I !I I I I over to II 00 II .0 ea 1 3" e. on r At,Ats under 7 23 l 3 4 13 ll 35 7 22 over 10 31 1 3 5 16 8 25 2 6 5 under 4 13 19 61 3 9 11 36 9 29 over 3 9 19 6O 10 31 15 47 15 47 _8_ under 00 00 Lee 00 ea 00 e co 3 10 over I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 2 6 2 under I I I I I I I I I I I I l 3 I I I I over I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 3 5a, St,Ct under I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 3 10 over I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 2 6 under 31 100 31 100 31 100 31 100 pl 100 over 32 100 32 10 32 100 32 100: 32 100 Totals 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10)363 (10) aFigures in parentheses refer to percentages of the total value profiles. 98 W Stories 6 7 s 9 10 Total N % N % N % N % N % N % 5 16 4 13 9 29 4 13 4 13 62 20 ‘(10)’ 6 19 3 9 4 13 1 3 4 12 43 13 (7) 1 3 3 1o 8 26 2 6 3 1o 33 11 (5) 2 6 11 35 9 26 2 6 4 13 43 14 (7) o. o. :0. oo oo o. oo o. so so so so (—) (. ) 5 16 7 23 8 26 S 16 6 19 61 20 (10) 4 13 9 28 11 34 10 31 6 19 66 21 (11) 16 52 1o 32 4 13 13 42 16 52 105 34 (17) 17 53 6 19 7 23 15 47 18 56 125 39 (20) 1 3 1 3 1 3 II II II II 5 2 (1) 31 100 31 100 31 100 31 100 31 100 310 100 (49) 32 100 32 100 32 10 32 100 32 100 320 100 (51) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 630 100 100 L Table 5.17. 99 Value profiles by income and by story Income Stories in Value relation 1 2 3 4 5 Profile to $10,000 N % N % N i N % N 1 3 under 18 47 3 8 F0 53 6 16 3 8 over 4 16 3 12 4 16 .. .. .. .. Ta,Tas under 7 19 2 5 7 18 4 10 .. .. over 3 1 j I I I 4 1 6 I I I I I I I I T3, T28 under I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I over 1 4 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. AT,TA under 5 13 10 27 4 1o 1 3 10 26 over 1 4 5 20+ 2 8 l 4 6 24 A t ’ AES under I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I over .. .. .. .. .. .. 1 4 .. .. At,Ats under 5 13 2 5 6 16 13 34 4 10 over 12 46H .. .. 3 12 6 24 5 20 5_ under 3 8 21 55 1 3 13 34 13 34 over 4 16 17 68 12 48 13 53 11 44 E under I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 4 1 1 over I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 4 E under I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 3 1 3 over I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 I I I I sa , s t ’ Ct under I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 3 8 over .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 2 8 under 38 100 38 100 38 100 38 100 38 100 over 25 100 25 100 25 100 25 100 25 100 Totals 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) total value profiles. 3Figures in parentheses refer to percentages of the 100 u Stories 6 i? 7 8 I 9 10 Total N % N i N 5 N % N % N % 8 21 26 16 11 29 4 1o 3 8 62 22 (13)‘3 3 12 1 2 3 8 7 18 15 39 3 8 5 13 53 14 (8) 5 13 8 21 7 19 9 24 9 24 68 18 (11) 4 16 8 32 12 4% 6 24 3 12 59 24 (9) 16 47 10 26 4 1o 13 34 T9 so 115 30 (18) 15 60 115 46 (18) II II II II II II II II II II 4 1 (1) II II II II II II II II II II. 1 1 (1) II II 1 3 II II II II II II 3 1 (II) . .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. (..) 1 3 1 3 .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 1 (1) 1 4] II II 1 4 II II II II 4 2 (1) 36 100 36 100 36 100 36 100 36 100 380 100 (60) 25 100. 25 100 25 100 25 100 25 100 250 100 (40) 63 (10):63 (10163 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 630 100 100 1 1. 101 All three of the respondents who had change-prone profiles on a story had incomes less than $10,000. The stories were 4 (move), 5 (vacation) and 7 (furniture). Four of the five who had social profiles for Story 5 (vacation) had incomes under 510,000. When the respondents were divided into two groups on education, differences occurred for Story 1 (new baby), Story 3 (children's behavior), Story 8 (dishwashing) and Story 9 (transportation). The respondents with less education had more traditional profiles on these stories (Table 5.18). Theme Analysis For each of the twelve themes, counts, percentages, and breakdowns similar to those performed for the stories were done. Reference to Table 5.19 shows equal numbers of coded responses for the two general themes, form of response and emphasis. As was stated before, every story response was coded on both; consequently, the totals were the same. For the specific themes, the numbers of responses coded varied widely--120 to 16. Whether the content of the stories gave greater opportunity for the respondents to write about some themes more than others or they wrote about these themes because they were of more concern to them is impossible to determine. Control of child's behavior was the only theme which had more traditional than autonomous values coded for it. The description of the traditional position for this theme Table 5.18. 102 Value profiles by education and by story Education Stories in rela- Value tion to l 2 3 4 5 Profile 3.8. graduation N x N % N % N 1 N S 3 less 15 43 3 8 17 49 5 l4 2 6 more 7 25 3 11 7 25 1 3 1 4 Ta,Tas less 7 20 1 3 6 17 4 12 .. .. more 3 ll 1 q 5 18 4 1% .. .. Ta,Tas less 1 3 .. .. . .. .. .. .. .. mre I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I AT,TA less 5 14 8 23 4 ll .. .. 0 29 more 1 4 7 25 2 7 2 I 6 21 At,Ats less .. .. .. .. . .. .. .. n. .. more I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 q I I I I At,Ats less 6 l7 1 3 6 17 12 34 4 11 more 11 39 l 3 3 ll 7 25 5 18 5. less 1 3 22 63 2 6 13 37 l 31 more 6 21 16 57 ll 39 13 4 13 47 g less I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 5 14 mre I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 2 less I I I I I I I I I I I 1 3 I I I I more I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 3 8a, st’ct less I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 3 9 more I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 2 7 less 35 100 35 100 85 100 35 100 85 100 more 28 100 28 100 28 100 28 100 28 100 Totals 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) aFigures in parentheses refer to percentages of the total value profiles. 103 Stories 6 7 8 9 10 Total N x N x N x N x N x N x 8 23 5 14 12 34 4 11 6 17 77 22 (12)a 3 11 2 ‘ 4 1 4 2 7 28 1o (4) 1 2 5 14 1o 29 4 12 5 14 43 12 7) 2 7 9 32 25 .. .1 2 7 33 12 (5) II II 1 3 II II II II II II 2 II (II) II II II II II II II Ii II II II II (II) 2 4 11 1 3 7 20 2 6 43 12 7) 3 1n 3 11 1 3 4 14 .. .. 29 11 (5) II II II II II II II II II II II II (II) II II II II II II II II II II 1 II (II) 6 17 8 23 23 8 23 6 17 65 19 (10) 3 11 8 29 11 39 7 25 6 22 62 22 (10) 17 49 1o 29 4 11 12 34 16 46 108 31 (17) 16 21 7 25 16 57 18 64 122 44 (19) II II II II II II II II II II 5 2 (1) II II II II II II II II II II II II (II) II II 1 3 II II II II II II 2 1 (1) II II II II II II II II} II II 1 II (II) 1 3 1 3 II II II II I II 5 l (1) 1 3 II on 1 4 no so II on 4 1 (1) 35 100 35 100 35 100 35 100 35 100 350 100 (56) 28 100 28 100 28 100 28 100 28 100 280 100 (44) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 63 (10) 630 100 100 104 .mmsam> oooou Hand“ on» no mummucmuuoa on Momma mommaucmudm ca monsudmm AOOHV any “NV Amy Amv any any “NV “NV Abv‘ AHV Ammv mafimv mmmn mm mm mm mm om mm mm Hm owfi ma 0mm 0mm amuoa OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH H. 8H .0 o o o o o m N m m o o o o o o o 0 Ac 0 H e o m mcogn Imucmnu mm NmOH m5 me mm on mm mm H5 fiv vm mo mm #6 m¢ NH mm ma om Nb mm HA om mum mm vmm maceo Icous< J m mm o o m H o o N H m h v m 4mm m o o m e fim m m ma H m HMHUOm hm me _HN mHWVH m mm av vN MHMNM mm am am ma w m¢ ma hm 6% 6 0 on mNN Hv me HMGOH» . . ldvmua a z a z u z a z a 21 a z a z x z a z a z a z a z w a z «use ‘ . c . . n s no. s o 8.8 e _ Mun .u n ”u muv .m4u _ o _ r v. 1“ n a fnu r as fsl lso t as ok P z o a do u f“ 1 6. 0% my.“ n .3 3 m um. mam s..." u .m m .1 81 la 4. es iw s ia we nuu .04.n ann .b 1.5 "v n "an .n m m. mm mww ch“ 16 Mo if .1 mm mun mm W a“ CC M .r Do K so SWA Ft 8 FR moeuna ; 050:» ha and waxy ha monam> Umoou .mH.m manna 105 is: parents should exact obedience from their children and they should consider embarrassment in their control of them. Social organization had nearly equal traditional and autonomous values coded for it. Father as head of the family, mother next in authority and the children subordi- nate states the traditional position; while parents as partners and a family council advocated with maturer child- ren taking part states the autonomous position. Focus of functional order had no traditional values coded for it. This traditional position is represented by work--household tasks and physical care of family mem- bers. No social values were coded for social or anization, control of childfs behavior, and control of the adult son. These positions are: each member considered equal and individuality taken into account, child taught those rules which enable him to get along with others and emotional support for adult son, for instance, encourage his marriage if he is in love. Change-prone responses were coded for four themes only--form of res onse, em haSis, material possessions and mobility. Fusion of means and ends and alternatives re- stricted by few alternatives, emphasis on the new and novel with little thought to the consequences, different posses- sions prized with little attachment to them as such and a move to a new locality is considered desirable for the variety involved describe the positions for these themes. Of the social reSponses, the two themes for which 106 the greatest number were coded were emphasis and kinship. Descriptive of these positions are affectional relationships with meanings and feelings taken into account and warm, close relationships within nuclear family and near relatives. The two themes which elicited the most autonomous responses were mode of child's control and control of adult £22, Representative of these positions are discipline ac- cording to the act using reason and counsel with adult son to be sure he has considered the consequences and his re- sponsibilities. Of interest to note is the discrepancy between the values coded for control of child's behavior and mode of child's control. For the themes the value profiles for each respond- ent were important. All evidences for a particular theme regardless of the story source were used to construct the theme profiles for each individual. Table 5.20 is composed of these profiles. While, for the most part, the results were like those of the tallies of coded values, Table 5.20 does give additional information. High percentages of mixed traditional-autonomous profiles for scope of homemaker's time alternatives and material pgssessions require explana- tion. During the coding it became apparent that wives' values about the scope of their activities varied by type according to the age of the children, and their values about material possessions varied by type according to the par- ticular possessions--values about cars are different from those about furniture. At this stage of the research, it was not possible to refine the typology to separate out OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH OCH 4OCH OOH HMHOB mmb mm mm mm mm mm mm mm mm mm mm mm mm 107 HN mmH H H mm mm .. .. H H HH 5 m m cm mm om mm .. .. mb av .. .. .. .. oucmv IH>m 02 H fi o. .o o. o. .. .om N m N on o. o. o. o. .._.o o. o. o. o. .o o. o. inw- MON ....HH....NHmMMN_VHm....w....wvw........ W. mmmmmmsmemvammmmmosevmm3323:3133Smwm mum N d. 5 mm 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 m m 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0n 0 0 0 0. m m m 0 0 0 0.“ mm VNW mm mm mu<fiu< m ”N 0 0 0 0m 0 0 0 0. 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0. 0 0 0 0% mm wfl. fiH m mm<fim< m “O 0 0 0 0m 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0. 0 0 0 0 mm mm 0“ m 0 0 0 0., .m N mm NN 0 0 0 0.. HH 5 m MH m <9.B< m HN 00 00# 00 00 00 00. 00 00A00 00 00 00 00 00..m 00 00 00 10 00 00% ”H m m” NH mma.my N “H 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00, N H . 00 00 00 00 OH m m” CH mma.ma 3 mun 8 new m mm .3 «m ma mam ow mum m we .33 new a .. .. .. .. M x2 u..zrwzuzrazxzazuzazkmzxzmzxzmgfloum wsHo> s m a” f S own nor 1m n m fmm fan“ as «£51 110 .W. as 0k P z o a om .ms. fesc Moco oii «i .is ir i «ii sn .1 s on 1 at du uhv 1 re so h an or.str a a nu an. new m a“ a. m 3. man my.“ m. mm 0 Cd OhO 0.18 T CA mcc Cos m mm m.“ H .mm km». mum. m mm. mmEmSB moses» an mdemoua 03Hm> .om.m mHnms 108 these differing values. Additional stories directed toward the themes of focus of functional order, social or anization, kinship and mode of child's control might give more evidences in these areas. It seems to this researcher that these are important themes to investigate further. As for the stories, the tables summarizing the an- alysis of the theme value profiles by the composite value profile clusters were placed in Appendix B, pp. 158-163. Though important to execute, this analysis did not produce results different enough for additional discussion. Table 5.21 consists of the theme value profiles by two age classes. Examination of the percentages in the table indicates that the younger women were more traditional and less autonomous than the older women on 1g (form of resppnse), 2g (emphasis), 3 (social organization), 4 (kip: gpip), and 8 (control of child's behavior). On two themes, 6 (material possessions), and 9 (mode of child's control), the older women were more traditional than the younger ones. Of the four individuals who had any change-prone profiles, three were over 40 years old. The profiles were for the themes, 6 (material possessions) and 7 (mobility). When the theme value profiles were separated by income level, those respondents with less than $10,000 in- come had more traditional and less autonomous profiles than those with incomes over that amount on lg (form of resppnse), 29 (emphasis), 1 (focus of functional order), 2 (scope of 109 Table 5.21. Value profiles by age and by theme W Themes Age in Value rela- lg 29 1 2 3 4 Profiles tion to 40 N % N x N % N x N % N % 2_ under .. .. .. .. 1 25 6 19 6 46 3 25 over .. .. .. .. .. .. 5 16 5 42 2 15 Ta,Tas under 6 19 5 16 .. .. .. .. l 8 .. .. over 4 12 1 O. 00 .0 O. O. O. O. .0 Ta,Tas under 6 19 5 16 u. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. over 6 19 4 1 O. O. O. O. O. .0 O. O. AT,TA under 3 10 ~ over 5 16 4 12 .. .. 13 41 1 a .. .. AE’AES under 5 16 C 5 16 O. O. O. O. 00 .0 .0 .0 over 4 12 9 2a .0 O. O. .0 O. 0. 0. 00 At,Ats under 9 29 12 39 .. .. 4 l3 .. .. .. .. over 13 41 12 38 .. .. 2 6 .. .. .. .. 5_ under 2 7 1 3 3 75 12 39 5 38 4 33 over .. .. 2 6 6 60 12 37 6 50 7 54 g under 0 O O O O O O O O 0 O O O 0 O 0 O O O 0 5 42 over 0 O O O O O O O 4 4O 0 O O O O O O O 4 31 9, under .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. over . O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 under 31 100 31 100 4 100 31 100 13 100 12 100 over 32 100 32 100 10 100 32 10d 12 100 13 100 Totals 63 (ll) 63 (11) 14 (2) 63 (11) 25 (4) 25 (4) aFigures in parentheses refer to percentages of the total value profiles. 11 0 Themes 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total N x N x N x N x N x N x N x 6 21 3 12 7 23 23 74 2 11 6 20 63 22 (11)a 7 22 5 16 8 25 18 56 3 17 7 22 6O 19 (10) O. O. I. O. I. O. O. .0 I. I. O :12 4 (2) 0. 0. O. O. O. I. O. I O. O. O. 0.: S 2 (1) O. .0 O. I. O. .0 O. O. .0 .0 O O :11 4 (2) I. I. .0 O. I. O. I. I. 0. I. .0 I.‘ 10 3 (2) 3 11 24 I I .0 O. O O. O .0 25 (4) 3 9 16 52 I. O O. O. O. O. I. .I 42 14 (7) O O. O. O. O O. I. I. I O. O O. 10 4 (2) I. O .0 I O. I. .0 I. I I. 1.. I. 13 4 (2) .- O. 2 8 O. O. O O O. l. I. 27 9 (5) I. O. 1 3 O. I. .- 0. O O. O. O. 28 9 (5) 19 68 11 44 21 7o 8 26 7 89 24 80 127 45 (21) 20 7 22 23 72 14 44 14 78 25 7a 136 44 (23) O. .0 3 12 1 3 0. I. O. I. O 9 3 (1) 2 6 O. .0 I. O. O. O. l s I. O. 11 4 (2) O. I. O. O. 1 4 O. I. I. O. O O. C. (-) so I. ' 2 7 1 3 o. oo oo oo no on 3 1 (-) 28 100 25 100 30 100 31 100 19 100 i3o 100 285 100 (48) 32 100 31 100 32 100 32 100 18 100 32 100 308 100 (52) 60 (10) 56 (9) 62 (10) 63 (11) 37 (6) 62 (11) 593 100 100 111 wife's time alternatives), 8 (control of child's behavior) and 9 (mode of child's control) (Table 5.22). The reverse was true for 10 (control of adult son). 0f the nine who had social profiles for 4 (kinship), seven had incomes over $10,000. And the only two who had change-prone profiles for 6 (material possessions) had in- comes over $10,000. In addition, the only two who had so- cial profiles on 5 (division of work) had incomes over $10,000. Perhaps family ties are considered more desirable by those who have higher incomes. And pertaining to the work of the home, they may be able to consider other things ahead of merely getting the job done. Also, change-prone values about possessions are within their realm of financial possibility. For every theme with the exception of 9 (mode of child's control) those with less education were more tradi- tional and less autonomous than those with more education (Table 5.23). Three of the four who had change-prone pro- files had more than high school education. The themes con- cerned were 6 (material possessions) and 7 (mobility). Thirteen of the twenty with social profiles had education above the high school level. The four who had social pro- files for 5 (division of work), 7 (mobility) and 9 (mode of ggild's contggl) all had more education than high school. Validity and Reliability Twelve depth interviews with respondents were com- pleted to help validate the types. The procedure followed for selecting the individuals to interview was described Table 5.22. 112 value profiles by income and by theme (Income Themes in value rela- lg 29 l 2 3 4 Profiles tion to $10,000 N x N % N S N % N % N % 3 under . . . . . . . . l 14 8 21 8 47 3 27 over .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 121 3 38 2 l4 Ta,Tas under 8 21 S 13 .. .. .. .. 5° .. .. .. over 2 l 4 .. .. .. ..g l 12 .. .. TE, T25 under 10 26 8 21 O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 over 2 l 4 .. .. .. .. .. .4 .. .. AT,TA under 6 16 6 16 .. .. 17 45 2 12 .. .. over 2 l 4 O O O O 5 20 O O O O O O O O At,Asp under 6 16 10 26 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. over 3 12 4 16 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. At,Ats under 7 18 9 24 .. .. 3 8 .. .. .. .. over 15 60 15 60 .. .. 3 12 .. .. .. .. A under 1 3 . . . . 3 43 10 26 7 41 6 55 over 1 4 3 12 6 86 14 56 4 50 s 36 g under 0 O O O O O O O 3 43 O O O O O O O O 2 18 over 0 O O O O O O O 1 14 O O O O O O O O 7 50 2 under 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 over 0 O O O O 0 O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O sa,St, under 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Ct over 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 under 38 100 88 100 7 100 38 100 17 100 11 100 over 25 100 25 100 7 100 25 100 8 100 14 100 Totals 63 (ll) 63 (ll) 14 (2) 63 (ll) 25 (4) 25 (4) 'aFigures in parentheses refer to percentages of the total value profiles. 113 Themes 5 6 7 8 9 10 Tbtal N % N % N % N % N % N % N % 9 25 :7 21 1o 27 31 82 4 18 7 19 88 24 (15)‘3 4 17, 1 5 5 20 10 40 1 7 6 24 35 15 (6) oo oo oo oo o on L0 to he 00 to 00 13 4 (2) oo oo oo oo on 00% oo oo oo oo o. oo 4 2 (1) oo o. oo oo o 00 he .0 o. oo oo 00 18 5 (3) oo oo o. oo oo co oo oo o. oo oo oo 3 1 (-) i 3 8 12 35 o oo oo o. o. 00 on 00 46 13 (8) 3 12 10 45 a. oo oo oo oo oo oo oo 21 9 (4) oo o. oo oo o 00 be 00 oo oo oo oo 16 4 (3) oo oo to oo o. o. o. oo o. co, o. o. 7 3 (1) oo oo 1 3 o co co oo o. oo oo o. 20 6 (3) oo oo 2 a 00 o. no on 00 oo oo o. 35 14 (6) 1 24 67 1 32 25 68 7 18 17 77 30 81 141 4O (24) 1s 6 7 32 19 76 1s 6d 14 93 19 76 122 51 (21) oo oo 3 9 o co oo oo 1 5 no on 9 3 (1) 2 | 00 oo 1 4 oo oo o. o. .0 DJ 11 4 (2) oo on .00 co 2 5 oo oo co co co co 2 1 (-) 0. OJ 2 9 .0 co co co co co 00 ea 2 1 (-) oo no 40 oo o oo oo oo oo oo 00 ea .0 00 (-) oo oo oo oo co co co oo oo 00 00 on 00 oo (-) 36 100 34 100 37 100 38 100 22 100 37 100 353 100 (59) 24 100 22 100 25 100 25 100 15 100 25 100 240 100 (41) 6O (10) 56 (9) 62 (101 63 (11) 37 (6) 62 (11) 593 100 100 Table 5.23. 114 Value profiles by education and by theme Education Themes in rela- Value tion to lg 2g 1 2 3 4 Profiles H.S. grad. N % N % N % N % N % N % 2’ less .. .. .. .. l 25 7 20 7 44 4 36 more .. .. .. .. .. .. 4 14 4 44 1 7 Ta,Tas less 6 17 5 14 . .. .. .. 1 6 .. .. "Dre 4 14 1 3 O O O O 0 O l 0‘ O O O O I O 0 I T2, T35 less 10 29 7 20 O O O ‘0 O O O O I O O O I C 0 more 2 7 2 7 CO 005 co co. co co o. o. ‘ } AT,TA less ‘3 8 4 ll . .. 16 46 32 12 .. .. more i 5 18 3 11 .. '1‘ 22: .. ..1 .. .. At,Ats less 6 17 11 32 . . . 7. . . . . . . . T. . . . more i 3 11 3 11 I O 0 O O O O O O O O 0: I O O O At,Ats less 9 26 8 23 . . . 4 11 . . . . i. . . . more 13 46 16 57 O O O O 2 7 I O I 0‘ O 0 O O 5. less 1 1 3 .. .. 2 so 23 6 38 . 4 37 more 5 1 4 3 11 7 7o 16 57 5 56i 7 so _s_ less .. .. .. 1 25 .. .. .. .. '3 27 mre : O O O O I O O O 3 30 O l O O O O O O 6 43 9 less 0 O O O O I O O O O O 0 O O O O 0 O O O I I 0 more C O O O O O O I O U 0 O I O C O O O I I O O O O sa,st’ct less 0 O O I O O O O O D O O l O O O I I O O O O I more 0 O O C I O O I O O O O O O I I O O O J I O I 0 less 35 100 35 100 4 100 35 100 16 100 11 100 more 28 100 28 100 10 100 28 100 9 100 14 100 Totals 63 (11) 63 (11) 14 (2) 63 (11 25 (4) 25 (4) 3Figures in parentheses refer to percentages of the total value pr ofiles. 115 Themes 5 6 7 8 9 10 Total N x N x N x N x N z N x N x 9 27 is 17 10 28 28 80 1 6 1o 29 82 26 (14)a 4 15; 3 11 5 18 13 46 4 20 3 11 41 15 (7) O. .0 :0. O. O. .0 O. O. O. O. O. O. 12 4 (2) 0. ..j .0 O. O. O. O. O. O. .0 O. O. s 2 (1) O. O. ’0. O. O. O. .0 O. O. O. O. .0 R7 5 (3) O. O. O. O. .0 O. .0 O. O. O. O. O. 4 1 (1) 3 9 “2 42 O. O. O. O. O. .0 E0. 0. MO 13 (7) 3 11 10 37 O. .0 O. 0.: O. .0 O. .0 27 10 (4) .0 O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. .0 17 5 (3) O. O. O. .0 O. O. 0. .0 O. .0 O. O. 6 2 (1) O. O. O. O. O. O. O. I. O. O. .0 O. 21 7 (3) O. 00' 3 11 O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. 34 12 (6) 21 64 9 31 24 69 7 20 16 94 24 71 122 38 (20) 18 67 9 33 20 7 15 54 15 75 25 8% 141 52 (24) o. o. 3 10 co 00 ‘oo o. oo o. oo oo 7 2 (1) 2 7 O. O. 1 t O. .0 1 S O. O. 13 S (2) O. O. O O. 1 3 .0. O. O .0 O. O. 1 O. (.0) O. O. ' 2 8 1 O. .0 .0 O. O. .0 3 1 (1) O. O. O O. O. .0 it. .0 O. O. O. O. O. O. (.0) O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. .0 (CO) 33 100 29 100 35 100 35 100 17 100 34 100 319 100 (54) 27 1o 27 100 27.100 28 100 20 10 28 loq 274 100 (46) 60 (10) S6 (9) 62 (10) 63 (11) 37 (6) 62 (11) 593 100 100 116 in the section entitled "The Interviews" in Chapter Iv. At the time the interviews were conducted the themes and values had not been structured finally; however, the frame- work for the types had been formulated broadly. There were many substantiations for the traditional and autonomous types and substantiations for some aspects of the other two. Lack of more empirical bases for the social and change- prone types was attributed to non-representation of the types in the sample chosen rather than non-existence of the types in the real world. The two informants from each group said that all four types were meaningful to them but that they did not know the women well enough to place ac- curately. In both groups, however, names of members were placed under all of the types. Since the percentages for the traditional and auton- omous types worked out consistently for form of res nse, em hasis, and alllother themes when calculated independently, it appears that the validity of these two types is given additional support (Table 5.6). Another validity consideration is the mode in which the incomplete stories were administered. The individuals were asked to respond with what should be done and why. It is reasonable to assume that they did respond with their own conceptions of the desirable and on this basis would seem valid. Two individuals coded independently all of the re- sponses including the interview materials. Differences were resolved through discussion or in a few cases through the 117 coding by a third person. While this is not a rigorous measure of reliability, it was considered highly appropri- ate and essential for the unstructured data of an explora- tory study . The twelve respondents who were interviewed each completed the ten stories twice with three to eight and a half months intervening between the two completions. Re- sults of constructing composite value profiles from each of these story completions and the interview for the twelve respondents are shown in Tables 5.24, 5.25 and 5.26. Where there was disagreement among profiles, it is not possible to know whether the individual actually changed her values, which is possible and likely from what is known about values, or the individual may have perceived different stimuli in the stories even though as presented in the two situations they were identical. Theoretically, if respondents main- tained the same conceptions of the desirable over a span of months and the research procedures were absolutely valid and reliable, the profiles would be identical. As can be seen, this was not the case. But the fact that there was essential agreement among all three profiles for each re- spondent in forty-one percent of the cases and agreement between two of the three profiles in forty-two percent more of the cases establishes perhaps a satisfactory degree of reliability for these data. Difference between interview profiles and first story completion profiles may be explained partially by 118 Table 5.24. Composite value profiles of interview, first, and second story completions for twelve re- spondents First Story Second Story Respondent Interview Completions Completions l Ats Atc Ats 2 Ats Ats Ats 3 Aépc Ats Ats 4 Ats TA Ats 5 Ats Ats Ats 6 Ats At At 7 Ate A5; A3? 8 12s Ta At 9 Ats Tgs Ats 10 A‘I‘s Tas ‘1'; ll Ats At AT 12 Ta T3; Tgs the individual's variation in speaking and writing facility. Differences between first and second story completion pro- files could be the result of actual changes in values or low commitment to a particular value so one value would be expressed at one time and another value at another time. Since the first story completions were written immediately after the interview session, agreement between the interview 119 Table 5.25. Composite value profiles of interview, first, and second story completions for twelve re- spondents by composite value profiles M Composite Value Profiles Ta , T2, A3, At, Respondent _‘I_‘ Tas Tas AT Ats Ats A 1 ifsa 2 ifs 3 i f s 4 f is 5 ifs 6 ifs 7 ifs 8 if s 9 f is 10 f s i 11 s if 12 i fs ai = Interview composite value profile. f a First story completion composite value profile. 5 = Second story completion composite value pro- file. 120 Table 5.26. Agreement of composite value profiles of interview, first, and second story comple- tions for twelve respondents W Agreement: Number Per cent among all three 5 41 between interview and first story completions 2 17 between interview and second story completions 2 17 between first and second story completions l 8 some disagreement among all three 2 17 Total 12 100 and the second story completions but not the first might be explained by fatigue. Probably all of these factors were operating in the situation. Value profiles for the first and second story com- pletions and the interviews for the themes were compared. The agreements among these profiles are shown in Table 5.27. Comparisons between the value profiles of the first and second story completions by story are shown in Table 5.28. Because the interviews were not conducted in the identical context of the stories, profiles for the interviews by story were not feasible. 121 Table 5.27. Spread of interview, first, and second story completions value profiles for twelve re- spondents by theme Spread across Value Profilesa one pro- . Theme 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 file only Total Number of respondents Form of Response 5 l 3 3 12 Emphasis 3 5 2 2 12 Focus of func- tional order 2 2 3 1 4 12 Scope of home- . maker's time ; alternatives 2 2 : l 12 Social ’ organization 1 l 1 5 12 Kinship 3 l 5 12 Division of work 4 1 5 12 Material Possessions 4 l 12 Mobility 9 12 Control of Child's Behavior 4 1 12 Mode of Child's Control 4 2 12 Control of Adult Son 8 1 12 aThe value profiles are T; Ta, Tas; Ta, Tas; AT; A5, Ats; At, Ats; and A. Spread—refers to thE'reTative positIons of the interview, first, and second story com- pletions value profiles in this array. 122 Table 5.28. Spread of first and second story completions vaIUe profiles for twelve respondents by story Spread across Value Profilesa Story 0 l 2 3 4 5 6 Total Number of respondents l 2 l 3 l 2 3 12 2 7 1 3 1 ' 12 3 2 . 3 1 3 3 12 4 7 ' 1 1 3 12 5 4 5 2 1 12 6 9 1 1 l 12 7 3 6 l l 1 12 8 4 6 l l 12 9 7 3 2 12 10 5 3 1 l 2 12 aThe value profiles are 2; Ta, Tas; Ta, Tas; AT; At, Ats; At, Ats; and.§, Spread refers to the reIative positions of the interview, first, and second story com- pletions value profiles in this array. CHAPTER VI SUMMARY AND IMPLICATIONS Headings of the sections of the final chapter are an overview of the study, summary of the findings, limita- tions of the study, implications for further study and im- plications for home management. An Overview of the Study Execution of this research comprised the first phase of a Michigan Agricultural Experiment Station project of the Department of Home Management and Child Development of Michigan State University. The project is entitled "Values Underlying Managerial Decisions in the Family." In general, the purposes of the project were to define values in a way which could be operationalized and to at- tempt to identify them. Incomplete stories focusing on common decision sit- uations of families were selected as the projective device to elicit values of individuals. After pretesting, ten situations were placed two on a page totaling five pages to comprise the data collection technique (pp. 144-148). For each situation the respondent answered two questions, "What should be done?" and "Why?." Because decision-making is considered in the literature to be fundamental to home management and because values are thought to underlie de- cisions, the stories were developed about decision situations 123 124 of families. From the actual responses of pretesting the incom- plete stories and from the ideas of Becker1 2 and Diesing, a typology for analyzing the responses was constructed. To validate the stories and the typology, twelve individ- uals were interviewed in depth. These interviews were re- corded and later typewritten verbatim. Following the inter- views, the typology was refined and shaped in final form (pp. 69-72). Two Women's Extension Groups, one Child Study Club and the College Women's Volunteer Service responded to the incomplete stories. Most of the women answered the stories at a regularly scheduled meeting of their group. But to get repeat story completions from the women who had been interviewed and equalize the size of the groups, some women were contacted individually. Twenty-one people in each group completed the stories. After the coders were trained, the responses were coded according to the typology and analyzed. Analysis included the construction of composite value profiles and story and theme value profiles for each individual. Summary_of the Finding§_ Included in the sample were a varied group of women. Ages ranged from the 20-24 year age class to those over 60; 1Becker, Op. cit. 2Diesing, op. cit. 125 incomes ranged from below $6,000 to over $10,000; and edu- cational levels ranged from the 8th grade to a master's degree. Occupations of the husbands ranged from unskilled to professional and managerial positions. Education of the husbands ranged from less than the 8th grade to the Ph.D. degree. Fourteen percent of the wives had not been employed before marriage, and 76 percent were not gainfully employed after marriage. Both before and after marriage, the largest percent of those who were employed worked in clerical and sales occupations. However, some had been and were working in professional and managerial occupations and service occupations. Group I (College Women's Volunteer Service) was composed of wives who all were over 30, whose incomes for the most part were over $10,000 (86 percent), and who had attained graduation from high school or higher education. In Group II (Women's Extension Groups) there were women in each age class but one-third were under 30. Nearly 90 percent in this group had less than $10,000 in income, and less than a college education. Group III (Child Study Club) had no women in it who were over 60 years old or who had more than a bachelor's degree. About four-fifths of Group III had incomes of less than $10,000. From the responses to the ten stories of the 63 wives, 1833 values were coded. The mean number coded for each individual was 29. More values were coded from the older women's responses and from the responses of Group 126 III. Since form of resppnse and emphasis were coded from every story response, ten of the 29 were for form of res nse, ten for emphasis and the remaining nine for all the specific themes combined. 0f the 1833 values, 59 percent were placed under the autonomous type, 37 percent under the traditional type, and three and one percent under social and change- prone, respectively. When the percentages of the types under form of res onse, emphasis and pll_other themes were calculated, the relative amounts of autonomous and tradi- tional types in the three categories were similar. An in- dividual's composite value profile would then be essentially the same whether it was calculated from the values coded for form of res onse, em hasis, all other themes or from the values in total. Nearly three-fourths of the values of Group I were placed under the autonomous type as were about half of the values of Groups II and III. Construction of composite value profiles demonstrated that the autonomous and traditional types were objectively probable types. Twenty-five individuals had autonomous profiles in the main, and three individuals had traditional. The remaining 35 had mixed profiles. The individuals with the most traditional profiles had the lowest mean coded values; those with the most autonomous profiles had the highest mean coded values. While the relationships with age, income, education and occupation were not direct; those 127 with higher incomes, more education and husbands working in professional and managerial occupations had more auton- omous profiles. Age appeared to have little relationship; if any, it was in the direction of more autonomous values with increasing age. Two stories elicited more traditional than auton— omous responses--Story 1 (first baby) and Story 3 (child- ren's behavior). The stories which elicited the most auton- omous responses were Story 2 (new home), Story 9 (transpor- tation), and Story 10 (son's marriage). Most of the social values were coded from Stories 5 (vacation) and 7 (fur- niture). Most of the change-prone values were coded from Stories 7 (furniture), 4 (move), and 5 (vacation). Value profiles for each individual for each story were constructed and analyzed by age, income and education. Younger women had more traditional profiles on Stories 3 (children's behavior), 8 (dishwashing) and 9 (transporta- tion) and older women had more traditional profiles on Story 7 (furniture). Those with lower incomes and less education had more traditional profiles on Stories 1 (new baby), 3 (children's behavior) and 8 (dishwashing). When the coded values were analyzed by theme, 22p: trol of child's behavior was the only one which had more traditional than autonomous values placed under it. The two themes which elicited the most autonomous values were mode of child's control and control of adult son. {2225 of functional order and kinship were the themes which 128 elicited the most social values. Change-prone values were coded for four themes only--form of res onse, em hasis, material ppssessions and mobility. Because so few values were coded for focus of functional order, social organiza- pipp, kinship and mode of child's control additional stories directed toward these themes could prove worthwhile. For form of resppnse, emphasis and control of childtg behavior greater percentages of wives who were younger, had incomes less than $10,000 and had less education had tradi- tional profiles. Older women had more traditional profiles on material ppssessions and mode of child's control. Of those with social and change-prone profiles on any theme, most were over 40, had incomes over $10,000 and had more than high school education. Although the validity and reliability tests were not rigorous, they were thought to be satisfactory for an- alysis of the unstructured data in this exploratory and descriptive study. The objectives of the study were met--an instrument for eliciting values was developed, reliability and valid- ity were checked insofar as possible within this one study design, a typology was constructed and the data were analyzed according to it. While the hypothesis was only partially substantiated, the types did furnish a framework for com- parison and measurement of deviation which was their ack- nowledged, primary purpose. 129 Limitations of the Study This study has several limitations which should be kept in mind in interpreting its results: 1. The sample of respondents was not designed to be repre- sentative of a population; and, consequently, general- izations are limited to this sample. The ten stories finally selected represent only a few of the wide range of decisions any family faces. Though the respondents thought the stories were meaningful, it would be interesting to observe the results of an entirely different battery of situations. The differences observed were not submitted to statis- tical check within the confines of this study so it is not known to what extent the differences might be due to chance. The incomplete—story technique as administered in this study is limited to those respondents with facility in writing. For this reason it could not be used to elicit information from illiterate or low literate groups. Implications for Further Study In future researches, maintaining a distinction between values and wants or between the desirable and de- sired is a crucial direction to follow. As society outside the home becomes more and more specialized and fractionated, it becomes even more neces- sary that the home be able to handle its function of caring 130 for the emotional wellsprings of its members. So few so- cial values found in the responses of the 63 individuals included in the present study indicate that the home may not be handling this function. Research is needed to es- tablish whether or not this is, indeed, the case. Since the findings show some difference in values between those with more education and higher incomes and those with less education and lower incomes, the hypothesis that values vary with socio-economic level has some addi- tional support from this study. Because of this indication, it would be worthwhile to repeat the study with a sample drawn from a wide range of socio-economic levels to gain knowledge about what the differences are. Values relating to the house and its furnishings were somewhat more autonomous than those relating to the children and family members. More study is needed to iden- tify the specific value positions associated with each of the various areas of home responsibilities. The spread of the composite value profiles of the three groups suggested the possibility that members of groups share values. As many authors have written, family members probably share values since the family is more stable than most other small groups and values are instilled in the children through it. A study aimed at identifying the values of family members would yield important findings to support or refute these ideas. Strengthening the empirical bases of the typology 131 might be accomplished by construction of objective state- ments focused on the value positions for each theme, com- pilation of these statements into a questionnaire, admin- istration of the questionnaire to a representative sample, and application of appropriate statistical techniques. To be consistent, the statements would need to be phrased in the 'should' mode. Other dimensions of values such as strength might be assessed by requiring the respondents to check the degree of their agreement or disagreement with each statement. The responses to the stories and the typol- ogy provide background information and a framework for the construction of such an instrument. Some of the themes such as form of resppnse and emphasis are general enough to be used in analyzing responses to a variety of decision situations. Throughout the coding, questions such as these came to mind: WOuld it be possible to code one theme only by type and come out with as much information about the type of the individual as the whole of what was done? Just what is the significance of the particular specific themes which appeared in the responses? Would these same themes appear in answers to different stories? The stories were projective in nature and it could be assumed that the same themes would likely appear. An attempt to analyze responses from a totally different battery of stories utilizing the framework of the typology would answer some of these questions. The incomplete stories should be administered more 132 widely to see if some people do have more social and change- prone values. One of the pretest groups appeared to have more social values than any of the final groups. Popular literature seems to document more change-prone values among the film colony and much other writing has suggested the possibility of social values in the family unit. The value positions for material ossessions, giyigr ion of work and gpppe of wife's time alternatives should be refined. These themes encompass wide territories. For this reason, perhaps they are large enough to be blown up into full scale studies concentrating on them alone. From the attention given these themes in recent literature, it appears that they are significant enough to justify this degree of study. The consequences of holding values of a 'pure' type may be different from holding those of 'mixed' type. While the decision orders of the home and family may be the same as those of the larger society, the combinations and em- phases are probably different, depending in part upon the values implemented in each situation. The problem, then, is one of deciding among values to implement as well as ordering affairs according to values. And to make decisions among values, knowledge of the consequences and effects of holding them is needed. More research is needed, not only to identify values and their organization, but also to dis- cover the consequences of holding them. Any number of hypotheses could be generated from 133 the research possibilities discussed. To mention a few: Values in the family are shared. Values vary with educa- tion and income level. People hold autonomous values re- lating to mobility, possessions and vacations. People hold traditional values relating to the members of the family and their organization. The values of 'science' and the industrial community are permeating the home. The conse- quences for the individual and the family of holding par- ticular 'sets' of values are different. Implications for Home Management Diesing was of the opinion that excessive pursuit of any one value other than intelligence could be destruc- tive to other values and perhaps self-destructive. For instance, he suggested that excessive reliance on calcula- tion in the pursuit of utility alienates people from each other and themselves and so undermines the integrity and the community of value which makes both calculation and bargaining possible (the autonomous type); that excessive integration (the social type) reduces the neutrality of resources which makes calculation possible, and eliminates the difference and novelty (the change-prone type) that are necessary to cope with rapidly changing conditions; and that excessive reliance on judicial reasoning or pre- scriptions (the traditional type) legalizes a structure and makes it insensitive to nonlegal problems. He con- cludes that only intelligence makes all the other values 134 achievable.l More specifically, van den Haag, a psychoanalyst, educator, and writer, wrote of the consequences of the ex- tension of the economic values of industry into the home. Some of the consequences he mentioned are: the spontaneous maternal feeling necessary for a child to thrive has been replaced by the sanitary and psychological rules of the institutions, arrangements, and evaluations of our society; psychologically as well as economically, families have be- come less self-sufficient than they were-~buying their child rearing patterns on the market with baby food and other things; married women have been driven to work by boredom, education, and ambition more than poverty; and the individ- ual growing up in these circumstances, all too frequently, becomes a being unfit for society because he has no identity of his own and is only a compound of roles played for ap- plause--a secondhand character.2 Others3 have likened the outcome of this trend to the society described in.§£pyg New worm.4 Whether or not one agrees with these points of view, one must know and consider the consequences of the changing values of our time. 1Diesing, op. cit., p. 239. 2Ernest van den Haag, Passion and Social Constraint (New York: Stein and Day, 196 , pp. , , an . 3George Kateb, "Utopia and the Good Life," Daedalus, XCIV, No. 2 (Spring, 1965), pp. 460-461. 4'Aldous Huxley, Brave New World (New York and Lon- don: Harper and Brothers, . 135 Although the results of the present research hold for only the sample involved, the fact that mostly auton- omous and traditional values were found and very few others corroborates van den Haag's position. If this position is descriptive of our society and the consequences are what van den Haag has written, then families must certainly be helped to rethink their values. As Diesing stated, the solution is gained by the utilization of intelligence in the mediation among other values and not the excessive pur- suit of any one. To summarize, this researcher sees the following major implications for home management from the present study and related theory: The responsibility of working with values is firmay placed in home management if it is to be a humanistic rather than a technical field. Planning, one of the major concepts of management, involves not only lining up means to ends but more impor- tantly predicting consequences, clarifying values and as- sessing the costs of achieving them. In the family situation, the consequences of con- cern with only one order of value such as the economic may be serious . Home management practitioners, if they are to be effective, must recognize their own values and those of the people with whom they work, know the consequences of hold- ing given values and be able to assist their clientele in 136 assessing the costs of achievement in line with values. Organization of conceptions of the desirable around higher order principles provides insights and understanding of how values are implemented in the lives of people. Each individual must use intelligence in selecting which values will be operative in any one situation. There- fore, there are no ready-made answers to value problems. A difference exists between values and desires and teachers and researchers must be mindful of this distinc- tion. 10. 11. LITERATURE CITED Adler, Franz. "The value Concept in Sociology," Amer- ican Journal of Sociolo , LXII, No. 1 (July, 1956), Anderson, H. H., and Anderson, G. L. An Introduction to Proaective Technigpes. Englewood Ciiffs, New 3er- sey: ren ce- , nc., 1961. Becker, Howard. Throu h Values to Social Inter eta- tion. Durham, North CaroIina: Duke UnIversIty grass, Bell, Daniel. "Twelve Modes of Prediction--A Prelim- inary Sorting of Approaches in the Social Sciences," Daedalus, XCIII, No. 3 (Summer, 1964), 845-880. Benner, Norma. "The Development and Use of a Projec- tive Type Test to Determine values of Students from Varying Social Classes." Unpublished Master's disser- tation, School of Home Economics in the Graduate School, Southern Illinois University, 1963. Beyer, Glenn H. Housin and Personal Values. Cornell University AgricuIEEEEI ExperIEEnE EEEEIon Memoir 364 (Ithaca, New York, July, 1959). Boulding, Kenneth E. The Ima e Knowled e in Life and SocieEy. Ann Arbor, MIcHIgan: The UnIversIE? of MICH- gan ress, 1956. Cutler, Virginia F. Personal and Famil Values in the Choice of a Home. CorneII UhiversIE§ AngcuIEuraI per n on Bulletin 840 (Ithaca, New York, Nevember, 1947). Department of Home Management and Child Development, Michigan State University. Proceedings of Conference on Values and Decision-makin n ome a emen ast Eansing, MIcEIgan, JuIy 4-6, I955). Diesing, Paul. Reason in Sociepy: Five Types of De- cisions and their oc a nse ences. r ana, - noIs: University of IIIIfioIs grass, 1962. Doby, John T., et al. An Introduction to Social Re- search. Harrisbfirg, Pennsy van a: e c po e CEfipany, 1954. 137 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 138 Dyer, Doris M. "Students' Wives Values as Reflected in Personal and Family Activities." Unpublished Mas- ter's dissertation, Department of Home Management and Child Development, Michigan State University, 1962. Eames, S. Morris. "Valuing, Obligation, and Evalua- tion," Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, XXIV, NOO3 E? 8' 3.4 T O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. .0 .0 O. .0 I. Ta,Ths .. .. 3 100 3 25 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 6 1o Ta,1$§ .0 O. O. O. 5 42 2 25 2 13 .0 O. I. O. 9 14 AT;TA .. .. .. .. 1 8 4 so 2 13 .. .. .. .. 7 11 At,Ats 00 O. O. .0 3 25 2 25 8 54 1 4 O. O. 14 22 At,Ats .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 3 20 20 83 1 100 24 38 A. O. O. O. O. O. 00 O. O. .0 O. 3 13 00 00 3 5 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°t‘1 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 159 Table A-l3. Value profiles for the theme, focus of func- tional order, by composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles Ta, T5, AT, At, At, Value 2 Tas T15 TA RES A ts A To tal Pr°f11esN % N x N % N x N % N x N x N % 2 I I I I I I I I I I I O I 1 4 I I I I 1 2 Ta, Tas I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Ta, Tas I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I AT, TA I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I At,AEs I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I AE’AtS I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I A I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 4 8 33 I I I I 9 14 — I I I I I I I 3 25 I I I I I I I I 1 4 I I I I 4 6 No Evi dence .. .. 3 100 9 75 8 100 13 92 15 63 1 100 49 78 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°t‘1 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Table A-l4. Value profiles for the theme, scope of home- maker's time alternatives, by composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles Ta, T3, AT, A5, At, Value 2_ Tas Tas TA Ats Ats A, Total Pr°f11°5 N x N x N % N x N x N % N % N x T .. .. 3 100 4 34 1 12 3 20 .- .. .. .. 11 18 Ta,Tas I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I Ts, T23 I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I AT,TA I I I I I I I I 6 5° 4 so 9 60 3 12 II I I 22 35 A£,A£s I II II II I. II II II II II II II II II II II At,Ats I I I I I I I I 1 8 1 13 1 7 3 13 I I I I 6 9 fl . .. .. .. 1 8 2 25 2 13 18 75 1 100 24 38 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°ta1 i 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 160 Table A-lS. Value profiles for the theme, social or- ganization, by composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles Ta, T_a_, AT, At, At, Value 2 Tas Ty TA A38 Ats A Total Pr°f11“ N N N x N % N x N x N x N N N x T .. .. .. .. 3 25 3 38 2 13 3 12 .. .. ll 18 Ta’h. O. O. .0 O. O. O. O. O. 1 7 O. 0. .0 O. 1 2 Ta,Tas O. O. O. O. O. O. O. .0 O. O. 00 O. O. O. O. O. AT’TA .0 O. O. O. 1 8 112 C. O. O. O. O. O. 2 3 At,AES O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. O. I. O. .0 AE9At8 O. O. O. .0 O. O. O. O. O. .0 CO 00 O. .0 O. O. A O. O. 0. .0 O. O. O. .0 5 33 5 21 1 1001117 No 3N1- dence .. .. 3 100 8 67 4 50 7 47 16 67 .. .. 38 60 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°tal 100 100 100 100 100 100: 100 All Table A-16. Value profiles for the theme, kinship by composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles Ta, Ta, AT, A5, At, Value 2 Tas Tas TA Ats Ats A Total P‘°f11°3 N x N x N x N z N x N % N x N % T .. .. .. .. 1 8 1 12 1 7 2 8 .. .. 5 8 Ta’was C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C Ta, T28 C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C Am,“ C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C At,Ats C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C At,AEC C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C A C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 3 20 8 33 C C C C 11 18 3' .. .. .. .. 2 17 .. .. 2 13 4 17 1 1o 9 14 No 3N1- dence .. .. 3 100 9 75 7 88 9 60 1o 42 .. .. 38 60 3 12 8 1s 24 1 63 T°t‘1 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 161 Table A—l7. Value profiles for the theme, division of work, by composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles Ta, T2, AT, At, At, Value 3 Tas Tas TA Ags Ats 8. Total P‘°f11" N N N x N x N x N x N x N x N x T .. .. 1 33 4 33 2 25 4 27 2 8 .. .. 13 20 Ta,Tas C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C Ta, T28 C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C AT;NA .. .. .. .. 1 8 2 25 1 7 2 8 .. .. 6 1o AE’Ats C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C At,Ats C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C A .. .. 2 67 7 59 4 50 8 53 17 71 1 100 39 62 g C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 2 9 C C C C 2 3 No Eyi- dence C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 2 13 1 4 C C C C 3 S 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°tal 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Table A-18. Value profiles for the theme, material pos- sessions, by composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles Ta, T3, AT, At, At, Value 2 Tas Tas TA A_Es Ats A Total Pr°f11‘5 N x N x N x N x N x N x N % N x T C C C C 2 67 C C C C 3 37 3 20 C C C C C C C C 8 13 Ta,?a8 C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C Ta’TCs C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C ATJX . .. .. .. 867 338 427 729 .. .. 22 35 At,Ats C C C C C C C C C C C C C,C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C AE,A?8 C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 3 13 C C C C 3 5 A .. .. .. .. 2 17 2 25 4 27 9 37 1 100 18 28 3 C C C C 1 33 C C C C C C C C 1 6 1 4 C C C C 3 s a C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 2 8 C C C C 2 3 No :31- dence .. .. .. .. 2 16 .. .. 3 2O 2 9 .. .. 7 11 3 12 8 1s 24 1 63 T°tal 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 162 Table A-19. Value profiles for the theme, mobility, by composite value profiles Composite Value Profiles Ta, Te, AT, At, At, Value 3 Tas Tas TA Age Ats A Total Pr°511°3 N x N x N s N x N x N x N x N x T .. .. 2 67 7 58 1 13 2 13 3 13 .. .. 15 24 T‘ ’ Tas C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C Ta ’ Tés C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C AT, TA C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C A t ’ A ts C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C At, Ats C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C A .. .. 1 33 5 42 6 75 12 80 19 79 1 100 44 70 g C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 1 4 C C C C 1 2 E C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 1 7 1 4 C C C C 2 3 No :91- dence C C C C C C C C C C C C 1 1 2 C C C C C C C C C C C C 1 1 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°tal 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Table A-ZO. Value profiles for the theme, control of young child's behavior, by composite value profiles W Composite Value Profiles Ta, Ta, AT, At, At, Value 2 Tas Tas TA Ats Ats A Total Pr°f11°5 N x N % N x N x N x N x N x N x r .. .. 3 100 11 92 7 88 12 80 8 33 .. .. 41 65 Ta,Tas CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC C. Ta,Tas CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC C. Ar,“ CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC At,Ats CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC A?,A?8 CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC CC C. A. .. .. .. .. 1 8 1 12 3 20 16 67 1 100 22 35 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°t‘1 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Table A-Zl. 163 Value profiles for the theme, mode of young child's control, by composite value profiles W Composite Value Profiles Ta, :3, AT, At, At, Value 3 Tas as IA Ais Ats A Total Pr°f1193 N x N x N x N x N x N x 'N x N % T C C C C 1 33 2 1 7 1 12 C C C C 1 4 C C C C S 8 Ta ’fas C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C Ta ’ Tas C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C AT, TA C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C At’AES C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C At,Ats C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C A .. .. 1 33 4 33 *2 25 7 47 16 67 1 100 31 49 g C C C C C C C C 1 8 C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 1 1 No flyi- dence .. .. 1 34 s 42 s 63 8 53 7 29 .. .. 26 42 3 12 8 15 24 1 63 T°t31 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 Table A-22. Value profiles for the theme, control of the older or adult child, by composite value profiles W Composite Value Profiles Ta, '1‘_a_, AT, At, At, v31“ e g 'l‘as '1'_a.s m Age. Ats A Total Pr°f11°s N x N x N x N x N x N x N x N x T .. .. 1 33 6 so 2 25 1 7 3 12 .. .. 13 21 Ta,Tas C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C Ts, T23 C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C AT,TA C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C At,Ats C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C AE’AES C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C A .. .. 2 67 6 so 6 7s 13 e7 21 88 1 100 49 78 No lyi- dence C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C C 1 6 C C C C C C C C 1 1 3 12 a 15 24 1 63 T°t‘1 100 100 100 100 100 100 100