AN ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT or comm " mums SYSTEM—S m THE GREATER 3i PAULO : 1 METROPOLITAN AREA * - “ Thesis for the Degree of Ph D. MICHIGAN STATE UNEVERSHY ALBERTO DE GUVEIPA LEMAFEIMB 1972 v—nv ABSTRACT AN ANALYSIS OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONTROLLED RETAILING SYSTEMS IN THE GREATER S. PAULO METROPOLITAN AREA BY Alberto de Oliveira Lima Filho The development of controlled retailing institutions, particularly shopping centers, in the Greater S. Paulo Metropolitan Area (GSPMA) was examined in this dissertation from three perspectives: (1) from a theoretical point of View, using a systemic conceptual framework; (2) from an explanatory and interdisciplinary perspective, drawing upon contributions from other disciplines and comparative analysis; and (3) a normative perspective utilizing modelling tech- niques. The work began with a theoretical discussion of the retailing system, its objectives and activities, its loca- tional patterns and evolutive characteristics. These analyses indicated a definite trend toward decentralization and the emergence of specialized building facilities. The study then was focused on the retailing system's spatial dimensions, with an emphasis on their relationship to urban systems theory and trade area measurement techniques. Alberto de Oliveira Lima Filho The Brazilian retailing system and the evolution of ‘ its institutions were examined on the basis of the theore- l tical framework which was developed. The complex inter- actions among retailing institutions and the GSPMA were explained. This analysis indicated that if the quality of 3—"..- _. A urban life is to be improved there is a need for the reloca- tion of retailing facilities at decentralized points, using modern design features such as the shopping center. A market opportunity analysis was made to evaluate the rela— tive demand potential in the city's forty—eight districts. This procedure gave a clear indication of demand density over space. The decision-making process concerning investment and location then was examined using modelling techniques. The outcome was the construction of a normative model for shopping center location. This model used cost concepts, ' .vr..-qw-- ,-_ -.— rap *5 TABLE OF CONTENTS DEDICATION O l I o I o o o O o o o o I ACMOWIIEDGMENTS . O O O O C I O C O O O '1 LIST OF TABLES. - I . C C C . . . C . C 3' LIST OF FIGURES . . . . . . . . . . . . 3H7. Chapter I. INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES. . . . . . Forward: The City as the Context for Retailing Adjustments . . Background of the Problem. Problem Formulation. . . Research Requirements . Analytical Framework . ANALYSIS OF THE RETAILING SYSTEMS. . . . Retailing Systems as Component of the Marketing System . . . Theories of Structural Changes in Retailing Systems. . . . Theory of Change in the Spatial Location of Retailing Institutions . . The Shopping Center as a Component .of the Retailing System . . Spatial Dimensions of the Retailing System The Urban System. . . . . . . . . The Hinge Factor. . . . . . City Structure . . . . . . . . . The City Fabric . . . . The Retailing System and the Quality of Urban Life . . . . Retailing Systems Within the Urban Space. Trade Area Analysis. . . . . . . . A Summary of Theories and Concepts. . . The Relevance for Analytical Purposes. . Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . Functional Analysis of the Retailing System. Page ii 138 Page III. RETAILING SYSTEMS IN BRAZIL--PATTERNS OF CONTRAST AND EVOLUTIONARY CHARACTERISTICS . . 157 Contrast Types . . . . . . . . . 158 «‘ - The System's Evolution. . . . . 166 ‘1 f ;r_ The Chronology Gap and the Contrast . 1 Patterns. . . . . . 182 .} Greater S. Paulo Metropolitan Area: Urban 1 . Structural Evolution. . . . . . . 187 ‘ ‘ 4 Retailing in the Greater S. Paulo '2 \% Metropolitan Area: Problems and Trends . 199 ‘ IV. THE SHOPPING CENTER INDUSTRY IN THE GREATER S. PAULO METROPOLITAN AREA . . . . . . . 213 Introduction . . . . . . . . . 213 Iguatemi Shopping Center: Overall ‘ Characteristics . . . . . . . . 216 ' Iguatemi Shopping Center: Operational Descriptors. . . . . . . . 220 Lapa Shopping Center: Overall Characteristics . . . . . . . . . 227 Lapa Shopping Center: Operational Descriptors. . . . . . . 231 Center 3: Operational Descriptors. . . . 241 Final Remarks. . . . . . . . . . . 245 V. CITY OF S. PAULO MARKET OPPORTUNITY . . . . 252 Introductory Concepts . . . . . . . . 252 City of S. Paulo: Urban Area . . . . . 254 Districts Demographics.‘ . . . . . . 256 Population Index. . . . . . . . . . 259 Income Index . . . . . . . . . . 262 Car Ownership Index. . . . . . . . . 265 Composite Index . . . . . . . . 268 Modified Composite Index . . . . . . . 275 :VI. A NORMATIVE MODEL FOR SHOPPING CENTER LOCATION 283 283 284 286 293 299 300 303 303 308 Introduction . . . . Basic Criteria . . . Investor's Objectives . . . Retailer's Objectives . Investor and Retailer: Joint Objectives Shopping Center Sales Potential. . Competitive Uncertainty . . . . Decision Tree Analysis. . . . . Probabilistic Decision Criterion . O I I O I O I I O I O l O O O I O 0 vi Introduction . . The Analytical Approach The Greater S. Paulo Metropolitan Market Opportunity Analysis . Normative Model Need for Future Research Expansion of the Normative Model Conclusions Land Site Costs Site Decision Criterion Model Evaluation. . Application GUideline . vii I I O I r? _‘.\ -" Y IO ‘. 7-.A - ' . ;.E’M.n - 1 -W. LIST OF TABLES K Page 7. Shopping Centers in the USA . . . . . . . 65 1““ f‘ 2. Shopping Center Descriptors Basic .Q"! Classification Criteria. . . . . . . . 78 ‘4 3. Shopping Center Taxonomy . . . . . . . . 88 1}; A 4. Shopping Sub-Trade Areas . . . . . . . . 124 : til 5. Taxonomy of Brazilian Retailing System--1960 . 162 =. 6. Comparative Chronology--American and Brazilian 7-71 Retailing Systems. . . . . . . . . . 184 5?? . 7. Time Lag in the Development of the U.S. and -‘, 7 Brazilian Retailing Systems . . . . . . 186 8. 1970 GSPMA--Population, Area and Densities . . 190 9. City of S. Paulo--Demographic Growth . . . . 10. City of S. Paulo--Popu1ation 1900-1990 . . . * 11. Shopping Center Iguatemi Physical Facilities . :f3' 12. Shopping Center Iguatemi Trade Area Descriptors ‘ 13. Shopping Center Iguatemi Customer Shopping " Behavior and Demographics . . . . . . . Shipping Center Lapa. Operational Descriptors . Shopping Center Lapa Trade Area Descriptors. . Shopping Center Lapa: Shopping Behavior and Demographics . . . . . . . . . . . SC-3, Physical Facilities Descriptors. . . . SC-3, Trade Area Descriptors. . . . . . . ‘*Ql,sc-3, Shopping Behavior and Demographics' ‘ ' viii City of Sao Paulo--District Demographics 1970 Census . . . . . . . . . . . . . Population Index S. Paulo-~48 Districts 1970 Population--Distribution--%--Index . . . . 1970--Income Index, S. Paulo 48 Districts, District Total Household Index-—% Distribu- . tion—-Income Index . . . . . . . . . Car Ownership per District-—1970 % Distribution and Index . . . . . . . . . . . . S. Paulo--48 Districts—-Market Opportunity 1970 Composite Index . . . . . . . . . . Composite Indexes Quartile Distribution and Map Coding . . . . . . . . . . . . . S. Paulo--48 Districts—-Market Opportunity Modified Composite Index . . . . . . . Modified Composite Indexes Quartile Distribu-' tion and Map Coding . . . . . . . . . ix Page 257 260 264 267 270 271 276 277 ._-.-~_- " ._- I- 1... -v e we“ W‘x.‘_.—“ ”-5- LIST OF FIGURES Page Analytical Framework--Flow Chart . . . . . 14 2. Evolution of Retailing Stores . . . . . . 31 3. Diagram of the Dialect Process . . . . . . 41 4. Basic Shopping Center Designs . . . . . . 83 5. Basic Shopping Center Designs . . . . . . 84 if; 6. Basic Shopping Center Designs . . . . . . 85 _:j . 7. The Greater S. Paulo Metropolitan Area (GSPMA). 188 , 8. Location of the State of Sao Paulo. . . . . 194 79. Evolution of the S. Paulo Urban Area . . . . 196 10. City of S. Paulo. . . . . . . . . . . 200 1 {‘j;.->i 11. Location of Shopping Centers in S. Paulo. . . 214 i ' 12. Iguatemi Shopping Center . . . . . . . . 217 i13. Lapa Shopping Center . . . . . . . . . 228 14. Center 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 240 51J15. City of Sao Paulo Districts . . . . . . . 255 efflfi. ‘ Composite Indexes: Non-Modified . . . . . 272 "%17. ’ Composite Index: Modified . . . . . . . 278 Decision Tree Diagram (Partial Representation). 307 Decision Tree Diagram Showing Probabilities (Partial Representation) . . . . . . . 309 Normative Model--Flow Diagram . . . . . . CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES Foreword. The City as the Context for Retailing Adjustments w— The focus in this dissertation is on the controlled , shopping center as an urban insitutional structure. As are most things, the shopping center is a creature of its i environment and must be understood within the context within which it exists and functions, namely, the city. : The city can be conceived of as a system which performs several specialized functions within the boundaries of its i geographic area. From a generic point of View, the city's functional process may be described in terms of the activities per- formed by its population, by the locational patterns of ;.. its inhabitants and institutions, and by the continuous : - movement of people and goods over a limited and sometimes well-defined geographic space. People living within the limits of an urban area perform a series of activities which can be divided into three main categories: living, working, and trading. a .1... 'HfL L 2 The Problem of Urbanization As a process of urbanization takes place, the city grows in size and population the economic development and the I industrialization create separation between the point of t production and the points of consumption. The three basic activities which were performed in the same place, 1 or at very near distances, tend to become located in 1 separate areas within the city limits because of space requirements. Such a phenomenon, on the one hand, is conducive to better living conditions; the specialization in loca- tional patterns for different activities makes the urban system more efficient, assuming that operations will be L on a large scale. On the other hand, the separation of different activities among diverse locations creates a , tremendous increase in the traffic necessary to move people and goods over the space. Due to societal norms and patterns, the movement of people and goods is likely to occur during the same hours of the day and toward the same marketplaces. If the retailing system of a city is not properly planned and located within the city, the accumulation of a homogeneous supply to fulfill a hetero- geneous demand generates congestion and reduces the efficiency of the system. W U W' yvvvwvw 4:. v 1 ,rr' These processes and interactions become more and more complex when a city, due to this growth, abandons its initial single center or concentric pattern and adopts an arrangement composed of several nuclei in which specialized activities are performed. This is the case in large metropolitan areas where the distances and the specific characteristics of each sub-area create an extensive need for movement among the several nuclei. If the locational patterns of retailing institutions do not show a rapid degree of ecological adjustment, the entire system will be jeopardized. An uneven flow toward retailing areas, for example, will effect the traffic necessary to perform other activities, such as moving from living to working areas. Retailing System Adjustments The adjustments made by the retailing system to the expansion of a city into a complex metropolitan area generally begin with the specialization of similar types of retailing institutions and their location in clusters near the central business district (CBD). The second adjustment is decentralization along the radial axes of the city and an unplanned locational trend to move to the core of the various nuclei of the metropolitan area. A final and most recent development is the change to noncentral locations with an extensive use of planned I facilities; these are likely to provide one-stop shopping and off-street parking. All these adaptations are forms of ecological adjustment that the retailing system must perform in order to survive and grow within a metropolitan ' environment. The most recent development, new institu- .f}l tions known in modern retailing as shopping centers, are ‘1': the central focus of interest in this dissertation, in ggfi particular, their emergence, locational patterns, and 1:, normative planning aspects in a developing economy. i.‘ Background of the Problem 'figii The concepts already mentioned indicate that the ;&f* retailing study proposed here must start with the analysis 7:311 of spatial and locational aspects and procede to mana- :‘_,: gerial and marketing dimensions. Such an approach also a; f. suggests that exogeneous and noncontrollable, rather than ‘Eiéi endogeneous and controllable, variables should be dealt “:5:‘ with first. Before discussing shopping centers, it is ..- necessary to determine and to analyze the environmental characteristics of the region in which the center will operate. The Greater S. Paulo Metropolitan Area (GSPMA) Lhas become the largest human conglomeration in Brazil _ and in South America. The factors which produced this Vleencentration will be analyzed in detail in chapter 4, 't a brief description of the city's origin and present structure is mentioned at this point to provide a basis for the formulation of the problem. S. Paulo S. Paulo was founded in 1554 by Jesuit priests. Its initial growth was slow, evidenced by its 25,000 inhabitants and 4,200 households in the first decade of the nineteenth century.1 Today S. Paulo has 5.2 million inhabitants concentrated in an area of 857 km2, and a diametral axis of approximately 40 km. This megalopolis, which has grown at an annual rate of 5.2 percent during the last decade, is located in the southern part of Brazil near the Atlantic Ocean. It lies in a region of medium elevation where the average altitude is 2,400 feet. Since S. Paulo is surrounded by mountains, it initially grew from its central nucleus along the valleys where the main hinterland roads and railroads were con- structed. More recently it has concentrated along the major radial avenues which spread from the central district of the city. By virtue of several factors that will be dis— cussed later, GSPMA represents an extreme example of inadequate use of urban land. This phenomenon has two side effects which are relevant in the present context; the first is the high value of land, which is associated with the second, a high population density factor of 1032 inhabitants per kmz.2 .5_,..r ‘. w————- 6 Retailing in S. Paulo Following and sometimes contributing to the urbanization process of the metropolitan area, the retail- ing system has changed its characteristics in two ways. First, there has been a tendency toward institutional change, or the appearance of new types of retailing stores;3 second, there has been a tendency toward decen- tralization. Such behavior has some positive aspects if regarded from the viewpoint that every firm must adjust ecologically in order to survive.4 The decentralization trend has followed the routes of the major radial avenues; since the early 1950's these have been the dominant areas of retail concentration.5 This locational pattern was adequate until recently; other factors, such as a constant rise in population and increased use of the automobile, have changed the scene and more traffic space and restricted zoning regulations along these streets have become necessary. At this stage, the centralized locations began to lose their differential advantage since few of them provided off- street parking. Retail location studies are a relatively new phenomenon in Brazil. Techniques such as trade area determination, traffic volume counting, drawing power determination, and design of retailing outlets in accord- ance with the spatial dimensions of the market are just emerging as common retailing practices. The studies ggkéét are being performed seem oriented primarily toward :tbe evaluation of a site already chosen rather than to "' site selection as such. Despite the fact that new forms of retailing, such as supermarkets and chain stores, have been organized in the GSPMA, they have been planned mainly in terms of modification of their internal structure and consequently with insufficient attention to the changing urban environ- ment. Shopping centers, which also represent a new form of retailing, seem to be following the same process. The limited number of institutions within this category have failed to use precise techniques for planning and design “' I' . v~- ' I -~. 7"?“ "st-‘1. . "film . ;iof their development. 7‘51? The importance of these institutions will be . described later in relation to the Brazilian environment, L but at this point it is only necessary to mention the ireffective advantage that they can provide in reducing ‘traffic congestion, better land use, and enlargement of egimplementation of the marketing concept in the metro- 8 H. usable and smaller quantities.6 Of necessity, there must ‘5‘ Dela high degree of adjustment and compatibility among :‘M the institutions which constitute the retailing system 7'2.} and the characteristics of the market in which it operates. W Seymour Baranoff defines this function as the central task of the retailing system, that is, aggregating fig? ‘_ , assortments in anticipation of consumer demand and making ; g A available this "concentrated variety" for the convenience i: 5 '1§=9. of the ultimate consumer.7 Shopping centers may be I -f{ A viewed as physically concentrated retailing systems.8 As such, they must provide both aspects of the above-mentioned function: (1) a qualitative, anticipated assortment achieved by means of their store mix; and (2) the con— . " venienCe generated by their locational patterns, layout - design, and the possibility of offering one-stop shopping. 1 .1. Following the same reasoning it can be maintained .1 if; that shopping centers are an advanced expression of the‘ I: retailing system's organizational and locational patterns; ‘ according to the same rationale, the main objective of : these systems is to serve as the locus for transactions 7yith-the ultimate consumer within a certain trade area. 9 which will be examined in detail in chapter 2,9 shows that shopping centers began in the 19205 and had its major expansion after World War II. In Brazil, development is much more recent, being less than ten years old.10 Despite these constraints and the natural limitations of a comparative analysis between two broad systems, it is possible to perform a descriptive and comparative study of the controlled retailing systems in Brazil and the United States.11 Such an analysis may provide the basis for the formulation of policies and recommendations con- cerning the planning and location of shopping centers in f a developing economic environment. E Main Objective L The central objective of this dissertation can be expressed as the determination of criteria and the formu- lation of norms concerning the planning, and location of 5 controlled retailing systems in large metropolitan areas such as the greater S. Paulo. The central problem can be t formulated as follows: ‘ To conceive and to develop a model capable of generating recommendations for planning and locating shopping centers in accordance with the norms and criteria which constitute the dissertation's objective. The norms and criteria that will represent the major guidelines begin with a rather simple but compre- hensive statement of the marketing concept. The shopping 10 center as a marketing institution must serve needs and wants within profitability constraints. In other words, EPA "'J .' se these institutions must fulfill and improve upon a wide L'm 1“ V.-_ I h‘ set of distributive functions and activities within urban ran 1 - €91 ; space boundaries; at the same time they must represent ‘59 a profitable and efficient alternative for economic Vi>3J A: , Aw fl . resource allocation. ‘ ,g 1‘ In accordance with this concept, the norms and criteria for the development of shopping centers can be expressed within the following scheme. A. Relative to its customers, investors, and i;‘7 retailers, the shopping center must: 5- (1) provide a return on investment which is . ' satisfactory relative to competing A alternatives with comparable risk; ‘ (2)' permit long-run survival and growth to the firm; (3) enhance aggregate consumer convenience, which implies a reduction in the shopping effort in terms of time and travel; and (4) achieve economies of scale greater than those of alternative locational and organizational patterns. Relative to its environment, the shopping center must: (1) increase the efficiency of urban activities; 11 (2) allow better utilization of urban space; (3) avoid intraurban congestion; and (4) facilitate the service level of those firms supplying goods to the center retailing institutions. These norms and criteria must take into considera- tion the evolution aspects of the retailing system and its relationships to the changing structure of the cities. Over time, cities tend to become more complex due to increasing specialization, which causes a decrease in i local self-sufficiency.12 i Research Requirements The development of controlled retailing system in the greater S. Paulo metropolitan area has considerably lagged behind similar events in the United States. In S. Paulo, the first system emerged after the beginning of a period of cultural and economic growth, which occurred simultaneously with urbanization, industrialization, a ; complex distribution system, heavy traffic congestion, 7%: and all the problems inherent in the specialized activities of large metropolises. Studies of these problems have been undertaken by public institutions, the local government, and the State of S. Paulo. Such efforts have been oriented toward . urban analyses, traffic planning, and housing ordinances.l3 7 ;“~X Other studies, oriented toward the distributive aspects of €3\ji 12 the problem, have been conducted by educational institu- tions such as the School of Business Administration of S. Paulo and by individual professors at that school. These contributions limited in number and scope were directed toward the description of the retailing system and its related managerial problems.l4 Consequently, the need for additional research seems evident. It could provide an essential service to marketing and retailing V—Vm-w in Brazil, particularly if it could, by means of an interdisciplinary approach, offer syntheses and reduce the gap between the two orientations. Such studies may prove helpful in guiding city planning and in advising private institutions about site selection and location problems. Research of this scope is quite feasible because of the better analytical tools i which are available today. From a social point of view, it is clear that the normative dimensions of the model will be able to generate solutions which may avoid con- tinued misallocation of resources and poor selection of shopping center sites. Analytical Framework The objectives of this dissertation and the charac- teristics of its central problem require a careful and detailed analysis of an extensive number of concepts, theories, and empirical variables. This task must be accomplished through an interdisciplinary approach, which ¢hWH 13 J "T If .91 . . g 1111 draw upon contr1butions from several areas such as ‘learketing, urban economics, and statistics. A The analytical framework will begin with a discus- sion of theoretical and conceptual constructs from the 'irretailing system as a subset of the total marketing system. we shall be concerned primarily with functional, institu— tional, and locational aspects of the retailing system. IWithin this context, we then shall move into a similar _ .1 treatment of the shopping center, which is a subsystem of L i‘the retailing system. This framework, which will be ‘ t . examined in detail in chapter 2, follows a logical pattern: ‘wr'it moves from generic concepts of marketing as applied to -retailing, to the explanation of the retailing system's -gifhnctional aspects, to a detailed analysis of retailing ’fpurposes, which will be utilized in the last V‘.df this dissertation.15 4'0- . fine-“ “n. WW ANALYTICAL SECTION E! Marketing Concepts .Brazil's Retailing Retailing System Functions and Activities J, Retailing Evolu- tion Changes: Insti— tutional (1) Locational (2) 1 ‘Shopping Centers as Retailing Institutions Operational Features Taxonomy MODEL SECTOR 14 BRAZILIAN ENVIRONMENT System Evolution and Contrasts URBAN SYSTEM Urban System City Functions and Structures Theories of Urban Structure S. Paulo's Retail- ing System Evolution and Institutions ”Location 1 Retailing with- in the Urban Area Theories of Retailing S. Paulo's New Forms of Retailing Institutions v T GSPMA - Urban Structure Evolution Patterns Centers in Paulo Urban Area Emergence of Shopping the . Analytical F Micro Variables]__€>{h GSPMA Urban Retailing Location acro Inputs Model Simu- lation C,R=P Figure 1.--Analytical Framework--Flow Chart. Output 0T Evaluatio 15 The environment, ecology, and various theories of - A” retailing location are examined in chapter 2. The urban "? ; system, its components, and its structural features are reviewed, using as analytical tools the landmark contribu— tions of Burgess, Hurd, Hoyt, and Ullman and Harris. The analysis then moves from theory toward an inductive explana- . :' tion of S. Paulo's urban structure. Based on the concepts already developed, and using secondary data, a comprehensive inquiry into the city's developmental patterns, its 3 ' structural changes, the evolution of its retailing institu- 3; tions, its locational patterns, and an analysis of its ‘ it}; macroeconomic descriptors will be made. I 4&7: A major feature of chapter 3 is the analysis of égé?;_ the city's most recent urban plan and the close relation- ship between this plan's public policies and programs and the primary objectives of this dissertation.16 As can be observed in Figure l, the material ' 1? derived from the analytical framework developed in chapters " 3 '¥ :3 2, 3 and 4 will be used in the normative part of the work; ‘.¢‘ 7‘ a closer look at the same figure clearly indicates a logical and integrated flow of analysis from the macro- rtheoretical level to the microanalytical level. In the next chapter the development of this Ffanalytical framework begins with an analysis of the Eétailing system and its components. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER I l 1 , Plano Urbanistico Basico, vol. 2, Desenvolvimento ' Urbano (S. Paulo: Prefeitura Municipal de S. Paulo, 1968), p. 23. Hereafter the Plano will be cited as PUB. 2 Ibid., p. 45. 3Newness as a relative term will be discussed later, in particular the meaning of new in the Brazilian i market at a specific time and place. 4Ronald E. Gist, Marketing and Society (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), p. 364. ._ _..—.—4 . 5Metro de Sao Paulo, Sistema Integrado de Transporte Rapido Coletivo em Sao Paulo, vol. 1 (S. Paulo: Compafihia do MetropOIitano de S. Paulo, 1968), p. 39. This is a technical report prepared by Hochtief, Montreal, De Consult, consortium of consultants. 6Rom J. Markin, Jr., Retailing Management: A | S stems A roach (New York: Macmillan Company, 1971), p. 17. 7Seymour Baranoff, "Retailing as an Operating System," in Reavis Cox, Wroe Alderson, and Stanley J. Shapiro, eds., Theory in Marketing (Homewood, I11.: Richard D. Irwin, 1964), p. 19. 8According to the definition used by the Community Builders Council, shopping centers may be defined as "a group of commercial establishments, planned, developed, owned and managed as a unit related in location, size and types of shops to the trade area that the unit serves; it provides on-site parking in definite relationship to the types and sizes of stores." Community Builders Handbook (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1968), p. 264. For conceptual definitions see also Paul E. Smith, "Prescription for a Successful Shopping Center," MSU Business To ics (Autumn, 1966)rl7; and Frank Meissner, \ »P anne S opping Centers," in Ronald R. Gist, ed., ‘ Mane ement Pers ectives in Retailing (New York: John fiiIey and SonsTP1967), pp. 86-93. 16 \ 17 9For an extended treatment of the evolution of shopping centers in the United States see Community Builders Handbook, pp. 271—272. loAlberto de 0. Lima Filho, Shopping Centers-- U.S.A. vs. Brazil (Rio de Janeiro: Fundacao Getulio Vargas, 1971), p. 91. 11In the present work the terms controlled retailing system and shopping center will be used interchangeable. 12Brian J. Berry, Geography of Market Centers and Retail Distribution (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice- Hall, 1967): P. 106. 13 PUB and Grupo Executivo do Grande S. Paulo, Gegram (S. Paulo: Governo do Estado, de S. Paulo, 1967). l4Polia Lerner Hamburger, "A Estrutura de Distribui- cao (II)," mimeographed; William Knoke, "Supermercados no Brazil," Revista de Administracao de Empresas, 3, no. 9 (October-December 1963),91; and Lima, Shopping Centers, p. 91. 15For similar reasoning see Eugene J. Meehan, Explanation in Social Sciegce--A System Paradigm (Homewood, 111.: Dorsey Press, 1968), chap. 3; and Paul E. Rigby, Conceptual Foundations of Business Research (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1965), pp. 18-21, 92. 16PUB, see footnote 1 above. CHAPTER II ANALYSIS OF THE RETAILING SYSTEMS j In this chapter we shall examine a number of theories 4 and concepts which are instrumental to this dissertation. This is done to establish conceptual foundations for explain- ing retailing in general, and shopping centers in particular; ‘ thV.r"fr’7‘T’V to provide a basis for analyzing and evaluating changes in ,lgfl.: the retailing system; to associate retailing development : ‘Igiv- with urban dynamics; and to provide basic constructs for a {hfgl‘ normative model for shopping center location. ES E? , This dissertation conceives of the shopping center 'YIIIEJ as a specialized form of retailing institution whose central objective is offering aggregate convenience and which oper- ates under a condition of controlled competition. The idea Ki of aggregate convenience stems from the classic definition elaborated by Reavis Cox in his analysis of the retailing :1 system's structure. Cox has pointed out that "the consumer seeks aggregate convenience and for this, he is best served effort he spends in collecting and using his whole ‘"ard of living."1 Extending his reasoning, Cox stresses ‘the consumer tries to maximize the returns he receives 18 '7IlI'IF5F"""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""""IIII 19 from devoting a given budget of time and money to shopping.2 The concept of operation under controlled competition is analyzed by Frank Meissner, who mentions that this aspect permits the existence of a certain degree of competition which will, from the supply side, ensure profitable opera- tion and, from the demand side, freedom of choice.3 This discussion of the shopping center's objective leads to the assumption that centers must be identified as components of the marketing system, must operate within the urban environment, and therefore require a high degree of _. .‘ ._...- adjustment to the spatial dimensions of their trade area. A suitable way to examine this point is to conduct a func- tionalist investigation of the shopping center as a specific structural arrangement of the retailing system. We also ,_.—..._.W. . assume it operates as a component of a higher order system-- 5 the marketing system--within the limits and the operational constraints of urban space. : Retailing Systems as Component E of the Marketing System Retailing is a part of the marketing system. It acts as a gigantic screen, filter, and facilitating mechanism in aggregating the vast quantities of goods, anticipating con- sumer needs, and dispersing these goods throughout the con- sumer population.4 This definition is strongly influenced by Wroe Alderson's concepts of assortment and dispersion and matching homogeneous supply with heterogeneous demand. . i 20 It also emphasizes the relevant aspect of serving needs and wants over dispersed locations. Monostasy and Systasy Taking into consideration the ecological aspects which are inherent in the social system, it also is possible to view retailing systems as organized behavior systems with a definite tendency toward monostasy and systasy in choosing locations. Alderson defines monostasy as the condition of occupying a unique position in the market place,5 whereas systasy refers to the tendency to stand together or to seek support from other components of the system.6 These concepts are relevant to the latter explana- tion of retailing institutions which initially try to stand alone by seeking separate locations; in other words, they seek monostasic conditions. As the city structure becomes complex, and as new firms and patterns of population density emerge, one is likely to observe the tendency toward systasy. As Alderson mentions, these two factors create forces of attraction and repulsion among the insti— tutions which compose the retailing system. According to the preceding analysis, the following generalization can be made: (a) In their initial stages, the institutions which compose a retailing system show a tendency toward monostasic locational patterns (for example, the general store). I 21 (b) As cities grow, stores tend to cluster, taking advantage of a location which may provide joint opportunity (for example, clusters of motels and restaurants at many g city limits). (c) In a more advanced stage,the two phenomena may exist simultaneously. In a first phase, retailing institutions leave the central business district because of urban congestion; this is a monostasic trend which also shows a high degree of repulsion,that is, a preference for an isolated location in the commercial axis. In a second phase, due to the same con- gestion, the stores move into functional, "’W‘—'I’""W .— . . . decentralized locations; this is a clear trend F... toward systasy and attraction (for example, , the regional shopping center). Transformation and Adaptation P The dynamic features of retailing locations and E the new forms of physical organization described and E _ commented on in the marketing literature seem to indicate that the transformation and adaptations manifested by the retailing system are highly consistent with the general- izations mentioned above.7 These generalizations also have a common trait: they indicate the ecological character- istics of the retailing system's functions and processes. x ”at". : Hvtfy'rw - W‘WII 22 Retailing's constant adjustment to environmental conditions can be better conceived if the role of retailing institutions is evaluated from the marketing conceptviewpoint. That is, because retailing is the last node in the distri- bution process system, it is responsible for total imple— mentation of the actions taken by other institutions in the channel, namely, manufacturers and.wholesalers. This aspect requires a deeper analysis of the functional dimensions of retailing and its processes. Functional Analysis of the Retailing System The central function of the retailing system is to provide time and place utility within the boundaries of its area of influence. A functionalist approach in evaluating the role and objectives of the retailing system is compatible with this statement and provides the necessary background for studying the retailing process in relation to the characteristics of its operational environment. For the purposes of this dissertation, retailing systems also are conceived of as "organized behavior systems which interact in conjunction with their relevant 'environment."8 By this definition, they also can be termed ecosystems, which infers that all the components of a system are functionally linked to their environment.9 23 In the case of the retailing system, the most relevant variables in describing its operational process are the physical dimensions of the system, the locational patterns, and the spatial descriptors of the relevant environment.10 An analysis of the interaction among these variables may provide generalizations or hypotheses such as the following: Increased geographic dispersion of the cities is associated with decreased centralization of retailing institutions. The conceptual introduction has shown that an analysis of the functional dimensions of the retailing system may be conducted within a theoretical framework, which enhances the perception of its characteristics. A good approach is the scheme proposed by Richard Lewis and Leo Erickson in their study of the functions of the marketing system.11 If one focuses attention on the retailing subsystem of the marketing system, it is logical that its primary function is to service local demand (demand within the relevant environment). In so doing, the system is creating aggregate convenience, which, by analogy with the reasoning of Lewis and Erickson, may be conceived of as the unique and inherent purpose of the retailing system.12 fi— ve“- w 1,. _.- -.,.._4_ . .v 24 Retailing Activities The next step is to identify and discuss the activities performed by the retailing system in order to execute its functions. The discussion hereafter will be divided into two major categories: the generic activities and the specific activities performed by retailing. The first set of activities is related to the obtaining demand functions; the second refers to the locational behavior of retailing institutions and how they adjust to changes in the environment. The label generic means that these activities are performed by all marketing institutions in a more or less standard pattern; the label specific means that these institutions perform the activities with a high degree of specialization. The activities of advertising, personal selling, sales promotion, product planning, and pricing are performed in various combinations and various degrees by marketing system institutions.13 In the retailing system, for example, product planning may be conceived of as strategy relative to product mix or merchandising. Pricing in retailing is also a less flexible and controllable factor; the retailer is truly a middleman, His margins are largely fixed by two important price determiners—-his supplier, whose price becomes the retailer's cost, and the consumer, whose demand is,to a considerable extent,a 7—— { 25 given for the retailer. These activities, however, are subject to some control by the retailer. If they are properly managed, the retailer may be able to alter the market penetration; he may be able to increase the market share relative to the potential existing in the trade area. In relation to the so-called demand servicing n activities, retailing institutions should plan and manage them according to the existing characteristics of the trade area.14 In this case,the institutions are assumed to perform a very specialized set of activities which must be adjusted to the specific position of retailing within the channel and which, by the same token, are oriented toward the servicing, locational,and logistic descriptors of the trade area. These activities are complementary to the obtaining demand activities mentioned earlier, but it is conceivable that they do not change the market potential. In addition, it is correct to assume that they are complementary and functionally related to E the obtaining demand activities.15 .Although the preceding analysis discusses how these activities are performed,for the purposes of this dissertation it is necessary to pinpoint the real meaning } of demand servicing activities and their unique features E in the retailing system. v.1 ....—-.... yr { r—_——— 26 Demand Servicing Activities The demand servicing activities mentioned by Lewis and Erickson are comparable to the following specialized activities in retailing: Demand Servicing Activities as Performed. Marketing System-—Generic Retailing System--Specific* Warehousing Location Store and Warehousing Design Inventory Management Merchandising Transportation Receiving and Delivery Parking Decisions Order Processing and Retail Services Handling *Source: Adapted from a conceptual framework given in William Lazer and Eugene Kelley, "Retailing Mix: Planning and Management," Journal of Retailing (Spring, 1961): PP. 35-36. The analogous relationships depicted indicate that in order to perform the servicing demand function retailing institutions go through a multistage set of activities. (1) They appraise the market potential and its location; (2) a plan of selling and warehousing physical facilities is conducted; (3) an evaluation of the merchandise to be carried is made, bearing in mind the characteristics of the market and the dimension of the physical facilities; (4) an integrated plan is developed to program the in-flow and out-flow of products to and from the store site; (5) 27 adequate parking facilities are designed and built which will enhance transactional convenience;16 and (6) retail- ing institutions plan and program the activities internal to their organizations. These are the services which are to be offered to provide an adequate flow of output by the system,and these must be planned in relation to the characteristics of the relevant environment. Matched Parallelism The foregoing analysis sets the stage for some final remarks regarding the nature of retailing system. According to Seymour Baranoff, the output of retailing is to produce what he calls "matched parallelism," or to correlate needs and wants with the resources, goods, and services available to satisfy those needs and wants.17 Baranoff emphasizes that it is doubtful that a complete matched parallelism can be achieved, since the outputs of the retailing system will act upon the environment with a steady process of change. Consequently, the system is a dynamic, continuous process-- ever changing ever expanding; the reasons why the system works the way it does are many. They have to do with a high level of production, an inability to get things directly, specialization of labor, levels of aspiration, 'convenience,‘ adaptation to environment, urbanization and technology.18 The evolutive characteristics of retailing systems and the search for a constant adjustment to environmental 28 conditions have been discussed up to this point in terms of functional structure and the managerial activities of the component institutions. In the next section, attention will be focused on the description and analysis of the change theories relative to the structure of retail- ing institutions and their locational patterns. Theories of Structural Changes in Retailing Systems The continuous adjustment of retailing system institutions is caused mainly by the drive toward differ- ential advantage; the dynamic process of change also has "circularity" characteristics,19 since every change presented by retailing institutions is almost immediately incorporated into the relevant environment. Consequently, the environmental conditions change again and new adjust- ments become mandatory if continued efficiency is desired. Characteristics of Change The characteristics of structural changes in the retailing system are perceived in relation to decisions regarding the locational pattern of its institutions, in the assortment of goods offered for sale, in the size of stores, in the ownership and control of retailing outlets, and in the package of retail services offered in a particular period of time or in a specific market. 29 There are many theoretical explanations for these changes. David Revzan, for example, pointed out the following factors: (1) a continuous expansion of product assortment; (2) an ever—changing geographical environ- ment; (3) a changing spatial pattern for the location of stores and centers; and (4) a need for highly formalized systems of retail markets,in which increasingly specialized trading practices take place.20 Malcolm McNair believes the changing pattern of retailing is eXpressed by its power to stimulate and encourage higher rates of consumption. In 1953, McNair mentioned several areas in which the retailing system could take decisions and perform changes. Among his recommendations, the following seem to be most relevant: (1) the decentralization of retailing activities must keep pace with the decentralization of cities; (2) store locations must continue to adapt themselves to new trends in suburban living, with emphasis on the private automobile; (3) unplanned central city shOpping areas strangeled by traffic congestion must be replaced by planned suburban shopping centers, and (4) a continued effort to increase convenience must be pursued by means of adequate parking, full assortment of merchandise, extended store hours, and better layout designs.21 30 McNair's normative program gains greater eXpression if one looks at how the retailing system in the United States has evolved over the last twenty years; the patterns do not differ from McNair's main lines of reasoning. Effects of Change Up to this point,the discussion was centered around the causes of changes in the retailing system. Now it is necessary to study the effects of these changes and their impact upon the major characteristics of the system. A brief analysis of these effects will be developed, and they will be related to the conventional theories of retailing system change. Operational Effects.--Due to the increased number of products, proliferation of brands, and sophistication of wants and needs, the retailing system has gone through an extensive specialization of its operational patterns; the sequential trend of these adjustments is presented in Figure 2. Figure 2 shows a certain degree of consistency between the increased number of products and the specializa- tion patterns exhibited by retailing institutions. The numbers in parentheses indicate a sequence which started with the general store. A word of caution must be added: the figure is intended only to illustrate the changes in operational structure which can be observed in the field of retailing. It also is clear that the emergence of one 31 .mououm mcflaflmuom mo coflusao>mll.m shaman mBUDoomm m0 mmmEDZ mumflq EDHQME Addzm Any Adv Amy monosmum modem ououm mossuommscmz muoum Hmsocoo ocflq oco Go 3; Amy muoum ,ouovw mafia #muoum ucsoomee_ mqeqnflpasz amassed Ame Ame Hmo _muoum ucmEuHmmmo muoum wuoHHm> fimuoum suamaomem%. 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The major work in this area comes from marketing scholars, architects, urban planners, and geographers through their research on retailing locations, decentralization, and the evolution of retailing institutions. In 1949 Mertes stressed the degree of control as the relevant factor for classifying centers, thus his two categories, uncontrolled and controlled centers.9 Geoffrey Baker and Bruno Funaro made a comprehensive analysis of existing centers in 1951, but from an archi- tectural and physical design perspective. Only the size and store mix dimensions were used in discussing the three categories of centers mentioned in their work, namely, neighborhood, community, and regional centers.99 In his classic study of retail location published in 1958, Nelson indicated there were two categories of centers: convenience and shoppers' goods. He also pointed out that the most logical basis for classifying centers was in terms of the kinds of goOds purveyed and the types of stores which the centers contain.100 Nelson argued that the most frequently employed method of classification, which used size and characteristics of the trade area, was misleading because of the difficulties in identifying 83 A \\ PARK'NG > % ¢ l)- P a: .. ~ z __ .- ———- N uj———-— : W :l TTTTTT u ? "STRIP" # 333333 A _ 7 21> \\\\W\ \ :’/ " R DESIGNS ..—_—.. """""" I \i ‘ . . GM L \ <:-- <2 __ . . fi> LLLLLLLLLLLLL 86 such characteristics.’lOl Nelson's statement was made at a time when quantitative tools for evaluating marketing activities were not as developed as today. In 1960, in their fundamental "Shopping Town-USA," Victor Gruen and Larry Smith showed that the relevant characteristic for classifying a center was the identifi- cation of the major tenant. According to them, a neighbor- hood center's major tenant was a supermarket; the community center was identified by a junior department store; and the regional center by one or more major (full line) department stores.101 In his dissertation Eugene Kelley made a complete analysis of shopping center characteristics and emphasized the planned and unplanned differences as major dimensions of classification. Kelley has stated that the morphologic aspects of centers are not as important in classification as the functional dimensions.103 In 1960 Emmet performed an integrated classification of centers using information from other authors and diverse official sources. His work was a substantial contribution because of the ranges covered and because he made it possible to classify centers with different physical dimensions.“104 The Urban Land Institute offered a complete study with a list of indicators for types and sizes of centers in 1968. The following indicators were mentioned: lead- ing tenant, gross leasable area and its parameters, usual minimum gross leasable area, and minimum population 87 support.105 A recent study by Joseph De Chiara and Lee Koppellman points out the physical dimensions which the centers must have in order to be included in one of the three major categories.106 The ULI's criteria and those of De Chiara and Koppellman will be the basis for the classificatory framework used for analytical purposes in this dissertation. Physical Dimensions.--The physical classificatory dimensions which will be used in the analysis are formally presented in Table 3. The extensive and detailed taxonomy of shopping centers shown in that tablesmaanto indicate that these institutions follow a defined pattern in the United States; this pattern determines the functions per- formed by these centers within the retailing system and, more specifically, the nature of the trade area. This framework will be used later, not only for comparative purposes, but also to develOp the basic structure of the centers which can be recommended for the GSPMA. Taken into consideration will be the necessary modifications and adaptations for a geographic region which has different socioeconomic descriptors. However, this dissertation's premise is that, despite differences in the level of economic development and environmental factors, the functional characteristics and main objectives of certain institutions remain quite similar. 88 HOOOOB EOOH HOOOOEHOmOm OOHOOOA .m OHHE.N\H OHHE «\H OOOOHOHO .sz .m Ammoum. 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HOOOOB OOOH OuoE Mo EOOH HOOEHMOOOO MoflOz mOHOOOH .m EOEHsz EOEHOmz OHMOHHMU MOHOOU mOHmmOOm HOOonOm .UODOHHOOUII.M MHmOB 93 Future Trends Crystal ball gazing is not an easy task when deal- ing with a complex system such as retailing, especially one which operates within the dynamic milieu of the urban area which faces the continuous impact of changing social values and living habits. The task of discussing the future of shopping centers must be done from a dialect- ical perspective. The subject must be approached from a broader point of view than a simplistic analysis which would only furnish estimates regarding the eventual rise or decline in the number of centers in the United States. Trends in the United States.--First, the problem will be examined from the U.S. perSpective. In the United States,shopping centers now are a definite part of the fabric of urban life and a stable component of the retailing distributive process, and they will remain so. The eventual growth or decline in the absolute number of units will depend, of course, upon trends in urbaniza- tion of existing cities or in the creation of new cities. A future decline in the number of urban central areas is expected, and the possibilities of CBD renewal seem unlikely since the ecological movement will stress the avoidance of crowded areas and overpopulated central traffic routes.107 With few exceptions, it seems most probable that the decentralization trend will continue and that future institutions will be planned and specially designed stores located at urban peripheries in integrated shopping centers. 94 The changes in existing centers will depend on the impact of technology and its effects on social values and attitudes. It is clear that shopping centers as entities must understand the interplay of sociological and technological trends. They must face such problems as new product and service expectations, new ideas about how the customers will want to use his shopping time, and the prospective impact of at-home shopping. Eugene Beem predicts at least two major changes in retailing: (1) probable increase in the importance of certain specialty goods stores, and (2) a possible decline of convenience goods stores because of the possibility of at-home shopping and direct delivery.108 If these developments occur, it is foreseeable that shopping centers will have fewer supermarkets and drug stores and more specialty stores selling within very specialized patterns. The most serious threat may be at- home shopping. Long-distance shopping devices and the possibilities of tele-electronic data processing would allow for extra convenience in home shopping; despite the proximity of centers and the availability of parking, the selection of merchandise at home and automatic delivery would be, by far, a faster alternative. Even if at-home shOpping develops,however,nwny’shOppinganuispecialty goods 109 If the will continue to be purchased at shopping centers . at-home shopping concept does not come about due to tech- nological constraints, there are other predictable changes 95 during the next ten years, most of which would affect the existing shopping center structure. E. B. Weiss believes an increase in automobile shopping is conceivable by 1975. "Retail stores of various types will be laid out so as to permit shoppers to drive right into the store to do split-second shopping without "110 If this possibility material- getting out of the car. izes, the impact on shopping centers would be interesting; certain stores, instead of parking spaces, would require runways to provide waiting space for customers. To operationalize this idea,ajustments in the merchandising and checkout processes would be necessary. Due to the rising cost of prime locations, Weiss's predictions are not inconceivable; future centers may be multilevel designs, with multilevel department stores and parking facilities.111 Another trend in the retailing system is the emergence of conglomerated stores, which offer food and durable goods in a single location. These institutions, because of their narrow margins, need economies of scale to reduce costs, and they require large selling areas. If centers continue their expansion into suburban areas,modifications in their actual design and tenant mix patterns will be necessary.112 96 Up to this point,the discussion was focused on Operational changes in future centers and on the requisite adjustments they probably will have to make in their structures and physical design. However, environmental changes and modifications also may alter the configuration of shopping centers. The so-called ecological concern will change population distribution and mobility over space. It is very unlikely that cities will continue to grow in monolithic blocks; future interurbia will be conurbations of self-sufficient socioeconomic' areas which will require centers suited to their specific dimensions. Hopefully, centers will be designed in such a way that they will adjust to environmental characteristics and will not mar the environment with massive blocks of concrete and steel. These institutions would be expected to be sensitive to their surroundings. Achievement of such a state of affairs would require not only modifications in applied technology, but also changes in the organizational behavior of retailing system components: retailers, developers, shopping center owners, and real estate companies. Trends Outside the United States.--The future of shopping centers in other countries will follow the U.S. pattern with the necessary adjustments to environ- mental differences. As Colin S. Jones states, the varia— tions between U.S. centers and those in other countries "stem from the time elapsed [or time lag] between the 97 relative growth of retailing in each country, rather than from great variations in [permissive] conditions."‘113 Consequently, it is realistic to presume that in the more developed areas of Brazil there is sufficient economic maturity to allow for the emergence and growth of shopping centers. The areas in which these new institutions will emerge are apt to be more advanced than other parts of the country and are likely to display economic descriptors similar to those of the United States. Obviously, all conditions are not identical; for example, the automobile ownership rate is lower in Brazil, the costs of retailing operations vary,and rents and construction costs tend to be higher in absolute and comparative terms. These dif- ferences do not preclude the development of centers, but they will serve as guidelines and limitations. The center, as will be demonstrated later, will be a partial, but powerful, means to solve such urban problems as congestion, the high mortality rate among retailing stores, and satis- faction of basic consumer needs. As the automobile industry matures, as income levels rise, and as telecommunications improve, the shopping center will represent a logical and efficient means for planning retailing distribution over space, not only in large metropolitan areas such as S. Paulo, 98 but also in smaller cities in the progressive southern states of Brazil. In larger cities where crowded conditions slready exist, these institutions will Operate as ex post facto solutions to the urban crisis. In growing but smaller cities the planned use of shOpping centers will avoid the ill effects of older retailing locational patterns. Spatial Dimensions of the Retailing System In order to overcome spatial differences between the point of production and the point of consumption, the retailing system both moves goods and attempts to attract customers to its locations; these two activities, which belong to the basic obtaining and servicing demand functions, generate flows within an urban area. The dynamics of this process are linked not only with the components of the retailing system, as such, but also affect all the other activities of the urban society, such as living conditions, housing locations, industrial activities, use of land, and so forth. An analysis of these phenomena will be made here because it is a basic premise of this dissertation that there is a mutual interaction between the retailing system and the conditions in the urban environment. In its initial stage,the retailing system follows the trends and patterns of the city. However, as it grows and as the urban system modifies, retailing may shift its 99 locations. As a natural consequence, the structure and direction of movements of peOple and goods within the urban area are altered. It is difficult to pinpoint the exact initial and terminal points of this phenomenon since locational changes affect the fabric of the city. For example, areas with low household and traffic density may become crowded and congested and require new locations either for housing or for trade. Nevertheless, with a better understanding of the urban system and an application of a higher level of location theory, it is conceivable that some of the uncertainty and ill-effects mentioned above can be reduced or minimized in existing areas, or may be avoided altogether in newly developed regions. There seems, then, to be a strong reason to examine a wide set of analytical tools in relation to this subject; they will be required later in developing the normative parts of this dissertation and, of course, will be used for application purposes. The remainder of this chapter will be structured along the following lines. 1. The urban system will examine the city as a result of evolutive urban patterns. Theoretical contributions will be viewed with an emphasis on the role of the retailing process as a force affecting urban dynamics and the characteristics of the urban fabric. 2. The retailing system within urban space will analyze how retailing is spread over the urban 100 space. Trade area concepts and dynamics, theories of retailing location, and models for evaluating trade areas will be examined. The analysis will follow the systemic approach used pre- viously. The Urban System Cities exist within the ill-defined contours of the urban system. In order to evaluate cities' characteristics and to attemptEIbrief, meaningful classification of cities in terms of their external and internal orientation, it first is necessary to discuss the nature of the urban system. Jay Forrester conceives of this system in a very theoretical and abstract form. Although his seminal concepts are operation- ally lacking, they can serve as a useful framework.114 Forrester's Urban Dynamics According to Forrester, the urban system may be defined as a high-order, complex-mu1tiple-1oop, and non- linear feedback structure which acts within a limitless 115 . . environment. High-order refers to its large number of variables; multiple-lopp implies not only numerous vari- ables, but also relations among them; and nonlinear feedback is used to indicate that the rates of transforma- tion within the structure for a given set of inputs do not produce linear (linear equation) outputs in many situations. Forrester states that the urban system acts within and is part of a limitless environment in which an extensive set of interchanges can occur. If, for example, an urban 101 system is attractive, it is able to draw people from the external environment; if it is unattractive, the Opposite is true. Since there are large relative differences in size between the urban system and the external environment, it is very unlikely that the urban system will affect the environmental equilibrium except in the special situation where an urban area has the major percentage of the total 116 land space. Forrester's multiple-loop characteristic also may eXplain why an existing road network can be a leading factor in the development of housing and shopping centers at one point, but later may become insufficient due to an increase in traffic in the area. The foremost value of Forrester's scheme is that it permits conception of the city within the urban system as an entity and as a vital expression of the operation of that system. The city is contained within the system although its boundaries may be defined in several ways: political limits, levels of population density, major socioeconomic activities, and so forth.117 The several and highly specialized activities which occur within cities dictates their form, their growth, and even their problems. It is not rare to observe cities growing across their political and official spatial boundaries. It also is possible for man-made institutions to alter the characteristics of a previously stable city, thus requiring adjustments in its natural and unplanned 118 growth pattern. Such ecological adjustments pertain to 102 the system and definitely cannot be considered simple, independent, and random outcomes of the city's life. Programs to aid ecological adjustments may be passive, may be "normative social action," or, a third type, which are preventive, may lead to the solution of urban problems. This latter approach avoids the determinism of some ecologists, who contend that certain areas and portions of the city must display lower levels of quality of life and that nothing can be done to avoid this trend. Indeed, the low quality of life is one of the most crucial aspects of modern cities. A contributing cause may be the poor locations of retailing institutions which reduce leisure time, increase traffic congestion, add to total dis- tribution costs, and so forth. These phenomena exist also because planners, marketers, and other responsible individuals did not take into consideration that, in some cases, the location of trade is more important to the movement of people and goods than other urban flows such as the movements toward working and housing areas which are routinized.120 But because the movement toward trade is erratic and random, it requires more urban space. However, if location principles are used, these movements can be diverted to a central place which will service the entire trade area. In order to be able to locate retailing institutions properly, one first must have solid information about the urban system's structure and the functional aspects of the city. In the second stage the output of the evaluation of 103 the urban system is used as a basis for application of the models derived from location theory. Therefore, it is necessary to discuss the urban structure before focusing on the cities, their evolution, and their patterns as related to the retailing process. The Hinge Factor The change from a concentric city pattern to a poly- nuclear urban complex has been examined by Jean Gottman. He points out that this trend is observable in several areas in the United States and in other parts of the world,121 and cites the hinge factor as the most important causal variable 122 This factor in the emergence of large metropolitan areas. refers to the role a city performs in relation to its sur- rounding areas in terms of political, manufacturing, com— mercial, and financial activities. Due to these multivariant activities and the needs for extensive movement and a great deal of specialization, cities displaying the hinge factor are likely to expand over suburbs, initially following the transversal axis and then the directions of railroads and highways. This process is occurring in the GSPMA; adjacent cities are being aggregated and formed into a monolithic urban block. City Structure The urban system's main goal is to mold man's environ- 123 ment, to realize his aspirations. More pragmatically, this statement may be translated into normative policies in 104 urban planning which may include regulations concerning land use, the location of specialized activities, or the structure of the street network within the urban space. Obviously, these policies are higher—order issues compared to retailing location and, more Specifically, the expression and formulation of norms for site selection of decentralized retailing centers. However, it seems clear that the total organization of the lbwer-order system must follow the general patterns of the higher. In sum, as a per- sonal value statement,the retailing structure of a city must be organized and designed in such a way that it will further the achievement of the city's central goals, namely, freedom to live in adequate housing, freedom to work at chosen locations , and freedom to buy where it is more convenient. This ideal state of affairs at least may be approximated through mutual effort and a certain degree of compatibility between urban planning and retailing activities. Among the goals of the urban system, one of the most important in terms of the present analysis is the sound planning and design of the city and its road network. The retailing system must perform its normal functions within the constraints of location and design features. To arrive at wise decisions in the search for compatible and lucrative locations, the retailer and 105 others involved must analyze the nature oftfluacity. To do so, they must examine the city and its component elements. In their classic article,124 Chauncy Harris and Edward Ullman describe two major aspects of cities: external characteristics and internal structure. In examining the former, in relation to locational patterns and major functions, the authors attempted a descriptive taxonomycflfthe following city types: (1) cities as central places; (2) cities as transportation centers; and (3) cities as specialized service centers. The most important contribution of this analysis was its effort to generalize the structural nature of urban areas; at the same time it raised the point that modern metrOpolises present a hybrid configuration, a blending of the three pure forms suggested by the authors. To clarify the internal structure, a Simple but rational framework was proposed: (1) axial growth theory (developed by Richard Hurd); (2) the concentric zones theory (proposed by Ernest Burgess); (3) the sector theory (developed by Homer Hoyt); and (4) the multiple nuclei theory (con- ceived by Ullman and Harris). These four categories repre- sent generalizations regarding patterns of land use. Harris and Ullman noted that varying combinations of these three patterns may be occurring within large metro- 125 politan areas today. This phenomenon makes the analysis 106 of city structure more complex, on the one hand, but, on the other, it permits a better understanding of the structural characteristics of urban land for retailing location purposes. The City Fabric External Characteristics Only those external characteristics which bear some relationship to the objectives of this thesis will be evaluated. Among these, the city as a central place concept seems relevant. Simultaneously, it can explain both the interaction of cities within their relative position in a geographic space and the degree of central place functions to be performed within their boundaries. A city of a higher hierarchical level is assumed to have a wider range of retail institutions, since the greater the centrality of the city, the higher the order of goods and services that can be provided and the larger the population trade area}26 Because shopping centers also are high hierarchy central places, it is understandable why the opportunity for a large number of centers of different sizesexistsvfiibin a metropolis. Some cities also function as transport centers. This factor has only minor implications for the location 107 of retailing institutions, since these institutions are oriented to serving local and not regional trade. The relevance, if any, lies in the location of commercial clusters at the intersection of principal and minor axes; the major axis is the center for transportation activities}27 This is the well-known Aspinwall rule of uniformity and is no longer widely applicable because of the impact of the automobile and the size of modern metropolises. Another external characteristic of cities is that they may be the locus of very specialized services or activities. This is a dominant force in shaping city structure since housing and trading subareas follow the basic patterns set forth by the major activities. An example of this phenomenon is the location of trade and housing in Washington, D.C., a city which was planned around its major activity, government. Location studies emphasize not only the places where people live, but also their movement toward the city's major service areas. Internal Characteristics Internal characteristics , which are related to the shape of cities and their morphologic features , are explained by the four basic theories previously mentioned. Despite the changes that modern technology has brought to the structural typology of urban areas since they were written, these 108 theories may serve as a solid basis for initial discussion. It is worthwhile to note that they have been used in almost every analysis of the functions of retailing insti- tutions and in trade area evaluations. By way of introduction,one can say that ecology and its forces shape a city's structure; its Specific internal dimensions result from the socioeconomic inter- action of specialized groups over space and at different periods of time. The morphologic characteristics of cities after they mature, which may require a century or five decades, place definite constraints on urban activities. Accordingly, every action or program concerned with the planning and location of specialized retailing establish- ments must begin with a consideration of a city's morphologic patterns. The following theories were develOped in the early decades<1fthis century. lflmaauthors were mainly interested in the generic explanation of urban land use, and none of them focus particularly on retail trade area location or on the phenomena related to retailing decentralization. However, their theoretical framework is extremely useful for explaining changes in urban structure and why some retailing areas have been developed within urban limits. 109 Hurd: The Theory of Axial Growth.128--As early as 1903, Richard Hurd pointed out that urban develOpment Spreads out from the city's center, following the routes of trans- portation lines, thus creating an octOpus or star shape.129 As time passes, land between the original axes is occupied, but the basic Shape remains. New communities are likely to emerge in the vicinity of external terminals or inter- changes with secondary roads; in cities where the auto- mobile has been used with frequency, the pattern follows major highway routes. For the purposes of this thesis it is interesting to observe that commercial strips and dispersed store clusters along these axial routes have been a constant, principally in areas where peOple could Shop after or during commuting to work. An observation of suburbs in countries like Brazil, which has low car ownership, indicates this pattern in some cases. Housing, followed by minor commercial centers, is then within walking distance of railroad stations.130 Many of the largest metropolitan areas were formed prior to the impact of the automobile industry, and therefore their internal structure is compatible with Hurd's theory. 110 One of the basic limitations of Hurd's axial growth model is that he comments neither on the originating factors nor on the activities which take place during the pioneer period. As noted before, his concerns were oriented more with the ways in which urban land was occupied and how empty spaces between the axes became urbanized. Burgess: The Concentric Zone Theory.--Ernest Burgess's theoretical framework is probably the most widely used in urban ecology studies and research in related disciplines.131 His concentric zone hypothesis proposes that cities are configurated inmultiple circle patterns; in each circle occur a series of Specialized activities which dictate the physical characteristics of housing and land use within them. The entire scheme conceives of cities as divided into five land use zones. Zone 1. The central zone in almost every urban area is the commercial core where numerous activities occur during the day, but relatively few at night.132 In this zone are concentrated mass transportation terminals, public recreation buildings, and civic centers. Zone 2. In the so-called transition zone, due to the mixing of commercial transportation and old industrial activities, the blight of early residential units takes place. It is increasingly occupied by newcomers and 111 immigrants, dwelling units are used by more than one family, and building maintenance is low because rent value constantly declines. Zone 2 contains mostly convenience stores with limited product offerings; small and decaying independent merchants keep their own stores, but the ShOps' mortality rate is high. The process tends to be rein- forced by the continued operation of larger retailing units in the central core and by the emergence of modern and more efficient institutions in outlying regions.133 Zone 3. The low class residential area or zone of independent working men's homes is, according to Peter Salins, essentially composed of modest and dense housing occupied by what some have called the"respectab1e poor." Commercial activity in this area is not very significant since the inhabitants have more mobility to shOp in the CBD or at shopping centers. Zone 4. The zone of better residences or the middle-class area,houses small businessmen, professional people, and clerks who live in Single dwelling units or apartments interspersed with shOpping centers.ly1 Most retailing activities are located here, an outgrowth of the trends toward decentralization and the rise of dormitory suburbs. Zone 5. Burgess labeled Zone 5 the commuters zone, or area of high-class residences. It is characterized by expensive houses located along major 112 roads and railway lines. It is apparent that this structure was conceived by Burgess in the late 19205' it is far removed from the actual configuration of present urban areas. Modern transportation, new urban planning concepts, and the impact of new techniques of retailing institution site selection have changed drastically the shape of this particular zone. Although shopping centers are not located in the core of these areas due to zoning restrictions and/or higher land costs, their existence is closely related to the increased population density of suburbia. Burgess's ideas and theoretical framework are not applicable today, but they can serve as a solid con- ceptual basis for other urban ecology analyses. His theory is particularly limited by the subsequent impact of the automobile, by the deep differences in the geo- graphic morphology of urban land, and by the complex interactions of the multiple variables of urban systems. The wholesale system, for example, in many towns remains in the same concentric circle because it relies upon the use of railroad terminals and free access to highways. The continued blight of Zones 1 and 2 iS,in some ways,a confirmation of Burgess's concepts in relation to the specific characteristics of these sections of the cities. Burgess's model cannot be applied to largermetropolitan 113 areas with differentiated geographic forms without the risk of creating confusion and unprecision. Hoyt: The Sector Theory.--Starting with Burgess's basic concepts, Homer Hoyt developed the theory that cities grow in sectors along the major transportation axes and that there is a certain degree of homogeneity in the land use throughout and around these routes. Hoyt's major concerns were the value of real estate property in the various sectors, their changing characteristics, and their 135 He maintained that if one sector impact on rent values. originally develops, for example, as a high rent-high price area, this pattern continues centrifugally from the center of the city, thus forming a more or less homo- geneous sector. This prOposition is highly contested today on the grounds that intracity highway systems and cities' zoning regulations constitute barriers and constraints. The basic tenets of Hoyt's theory most relevant to this dissertation are the following: 1. The hierarchies of housing quality and the format of land use in modern cities are functions of the income and social rank of the inhabitants of various sectors. 2. The interactions of the urban eco-system generate attraction, and clusters of homogeneous activities 114 and buildings can be considered an obvious result of these phenomena. 3. Due to the radial-concentric shape of the sectors,the densities of land usage tend to decline from the center in the direction of the peripheral limits.136 4. This lowering density is the causal factor generating empty spaces within urban areas. 5. The rate of expansion toward outlying areas is greater for sectors near rapid transit lines and commuting routes Since the travel time between the city and external zones is less in relation to other sectors. Hoyt's scheme has some advantages since it considers the factors of income, social class, and life styles within urban areas. It also attempts to evaluate man-made factors such as roads, bridges, and large public buildings, all of which can modify the patterns suggested by the model. The homogeneity concept, which refers to the similar use of land within a sector associated with the attraction of building units within that sector, may reasonably explain the decentralization phenomenon in the United States. The major limitation in Hoyt's reasoning, as in Burgess's, is that the concentric or sector patterns cannot define the great majority of urban area structures. In many cities the sector patterns cannot be observed at all, or simply may disappear with the ex- pansion of the urban area. 115 Harris and Ullman: The Multiple Nuclei Theory,-- Chauncy Harris and Edward Ullman contend that "in many cities the land-useijsnot built aroundeasingle center but around several discrete nuclei."137 One of the most relevant tenets of their theory for the present analysis is that the "retail district is attached to the point of greatest intracity 138 Accordingly, "retail districts benefit accessibility." from grouping, which increases the concentration of potential customers and makes possible comparison shOpping."139 Finally, "heavy concentration of pedestrians, automobiles, and street cars in retailing districts is antagonistic both to the railroad facilities and the street loading."140 These propositions appear extremely relevant to the locational patterns of adjustment and change which were followed by retailing institutions,not only in the CBD, but later, when the process of decentralization was implemented in the great majority of urban areas in the United States. Since the city was transformed into a polynuclear structure, in each of these nuclei the same patterns were repeated. Consequently, decentralized retailing clusters wenalocated in places of greatest accessibility. Furthermore, the institutions followed not only the largest concentration of potential customers, but also moved out of the heavy traffic congestion of neighboring related activities, such as transportation and wholesaling. 116 These concepts seem to be the most relevant for retailing systems' analysis because their constructs are highly compatible with the structure and flow patterns of modern cities. The empirical observation of large metro- politan areas indicates that their configuration and dynamics are much more in accordance with Harris's and Ullman's reasoning than with the other conceptual schemes examined. The Retailing System and the Quality of Urban Life The preceding analysis of urban structures and their conceptual framework points out the intimate rela- tionship between retailing activities and the structure of cities. It also can be said that the retailing process may affect the quality of urban life positively or negatively. The basic assumption made here is that the retailing process is a requisite of urban life; the very existence of cities and their growth can be traced to the fundamental need for trade.141 It is first necessary to state what is meant by the quality of urban life and how the retailing system may contribute to increasing or reducing that quality. The quality of urban life means freedom of choice, the use of leisure time in meaningful and creative activities, and convenience in acquiring,in the marketplace, the daily basket of needs and wants for personal or household use. 117 That quality increases when individuals or groups may perform,without strain or difficulty,the activities which are the very reasons for the formation and growth of urban conglomerates. In many urban sociology analyses, among all the reasons given to explain the emergence of cities, one of the most important is the need for trade and the exchange of goods and services. These activities are performed by the continuous movement of people and goods over urban Space. If these activities are performed with decreasing friction and at declining average time rates, it is possible to say that in some way the quality of life is increasing, Since the marginal time derived from efficient movements may be diverted into creative, individually selected activities. If the reduction of accessibility and the increase in friction causes a decline in leisure time, it is clear that the quality of life is declining. The evaluation of such phenomena is not simple; it involves the establishment of complex criteria and trade-off measurements to define and evaluate the quality of urban life,and such tools have not been developed. However, some efforts in this direction have been made by scholars, 142and Edgar Hoover.143 notably Hans Blumenfeld Blumenfeld views the city as "an economic machine" which attracts people,not only by the prospect of living, but also by the hope of making a livin.g.l44 To perform 118 these functions, primary, secondary, and tertiary activities are necessary. These require a great deal of Specialization in location and in the characteristics of the institutions which compose this complex system.145 An adequate gauge for measuring the value of time expended is offered by Hoover, who suggests that if a man earns $5.00 per hour, the value of a half-hour trip to the market is $2.50. Accordingly, if a conveniently located shopping center saves an average of 45 minutes per week in Shopping time, which otherwise would be Spent in commuting longer distances to downtown, the total time saved per year would be 45m x 52 weeks = 2,340 minutes, or 39 hours. The Opportunity cost saved on this improved shopping schedule would equal 39 hours x $5.00, or $195.00 per year for each individual. Assuming a community shopping center which serves a pOpulation of 10,000 households with one purchasing agent each, the total opportunity cost saved would equal $195.00 x 10,000, or $1.95 million annually. Although these calculations are presented only for the sake of demonstration, it seems clear that they are based on a logical and internally consistent premise. Another factor in assessing the proximity advantage of Shopping centers is that they reduce the need for travel- ing long distances even when shopping goods are involved. As Hoover demonstrates, if ten minutes of additional 119 travel cost, for example, $1.50, it would be worthwhile to travel ten minutes only if $1.50 could be saved; that amounts to 15 percent of a $10.00 item, but only 1.5 percent of a $100.00 TV set.146 Shopping centers usually are not ten times more distant than the CBD, nor are their prices usually 15 percent more than those of other retailers. Thus, shopping centers at decentralized locations enhance the quality of urban life,not only in qualitative terms, but also in economic and quantitative terms. Retailing Systems Within the Urban Space Up to this point, fundamental theoretical considera- tions about the structure of cities have served as means to study the locational patterns and functions of the retailing system within the urban areas from a macro- perspective. No attempt has been made to define or evaluate trade areas and other parameters related to retailing institutions, so the discussion now will be oriented toward the analysis of these concepts. They will be viewed from a microperspective Since they will be used later in the normative part of this dissertation. First, we recall that retailing activities originally were located in the CBD, then eXpanded along the major radial axes, and finally reached a polynuclear 120 configuration, where outlying shopping centers emerged. Clearly, it is a three-stage process. The determination of trade areas for the two early stages is difficult for many reasons, but primarily because during the CBD's pre- dominant period there were no adequate statistics avail- able, and because a definite concern regarding trade areas did not exist and most customers would shop in downtown areas. Furthermore, in the second-stage expansion, the volume of traffic generated by any one store was not easy to determine. Traffic generally was composed of passing commuters and people living within walking dis- tance. Such erratic movement patterns would make precise assessment difficult. Only in the last stage has there been increased attention in the body of knowledge to trade area analysis and determination. It is obvious that trade area evalua- tion is a legitimate concern when one remembers,that quite simply, retailing is or must be located near peOple; the corollary is that retailing must follow people in their movements within the urban area. Mapping population and determining its movement over space represents a basic step in the management and control of retailing systems and in the operation of retailing institutions. Consequently, consideration of some selected models and concepts related to trade area configuration and evaluation may be useful. 121 The analytical scheme will follow a logical pattern and will be oriented mostly toward models which may offer some insights relative to this dissertation's objectives; it is not possible to cover all contributions to and concepts in this particular area in a limited space. Since our objective is to establish normative criteria related to areas or microregions where it will be possible or advisable to locate shopping centers in the GSPMA, no attempt will be made at this point to discuss site selection theory and applied techniques. The review of trade area analytical tools suggests that the studies and their models may be classified into two 147 (l) trade area, or delineation and evalua- categories: tion of trade areas' macrodimensions, such as Size, potential, and so forth; and (2) site analysis, or evalua- tion of a specific location or a set of alternative locations within a trade area. In both categories there is a great deal of emphasis on factors such as size of the trade area, population, number and relative location of households, nature of population and goods movements within the trade area, and measurement of income. The constructs seem to be useful building blocks for determining the market potential in a prospective area. It is from these important measurements that location decisions are derived. 122 The location models discussed here will fall into category 1. They were chosen because of their consistency with the central evaluation technique adopted in this dissertation, that is, establishment of a model relating costs and revenues to potential. Before analyzing these models,it is necessary to define the concept of trade area that will be used. Trade Area Analysis The Trade Area Concept: A Review Several authors have offered definitions of the trade area concept; these range from very simple proposi- tions to complex formulations based on mathematical and statistical constructs. Manuel Plotkin defines it as the "geographic area from which a store draws its cus- "148 tomers. Jac Goldstucker gives an operational concept, defining trade area as the geographic Space "in which the costs of contact between buyers and sellers are minimal," SO that the satisfaction of both consumers and businessmen must be optimal.149 Lalonde extended this reasoning into a short but perceptive definition: "the perimeter for 150 consumer Space preference." It is interesting that the latter takes into account the concepts of probability and movement over the Space that are studied by William Reilly, Paul D. Converse, and David Huff.151 123 The breakdown of a trade area into its components has been done by Richard Nelson,152William Applebaum,153 . . l 4 and Victor Gruen and Larry Smith. 5 Nelson divides the trade area into regular octants and examines the total amount of sales in eacthased on the assumption that,ceteris paribus, the spatial shOpping behavior in each subarea is relatively homogeneous. This expensive procedure has been outdated by other methods. Applebaum delineates primary, secondary, and tertiary trade areas, each of which may be depicted in a concentric circle of one-quarter mile. Potential sales may be mapped by spotting the origin of customers in one specific location, such as a single store or a shopping center.15 The first subarea around the store or shopping center is the core area, and it is from here that the greatest portion of business is drawn. Depending upon the characteristics of its retailing institutions, the core may generate as much as 70 percent of total sales. The secondary area draws from 15—25 percent of the trade, and the tertiary or fringe area contributes the remainder.156 Gruen and Smith also believe the trade area, which they define as the geographic space "from which is obtained the major portion of the continuing patronage may be subdivided into primary, secondary, and tertiary areas. 57 necessary for steady support of a shOpping center,‘ 124 The Shapes and contours of these subareas are subject to the specific topographic conditions of the surrounding environment which may facilitate or hinder the accessi— bility to any specific location. Gruen and Smith stressed the importance of driving time as an independent variable in the configuration of each of these areas. In other words, the most reliable method for defining the trade area's boundaries is to evaluate the travel time via the existing major routes.158 From an extensive review of the literature, the following table has been compiled to establish generic sub-trade area parameters. TABLE 4.--ShOpping Sub-Trade Areas. Generic Parameters. Subareas Percent of Sales (1) Driving Time (2) Primary or core 65% - 80% 5-15 minutes Secondary 15% - 25% 10-20 minutes Tertiary or Fringe 5% - 10% 15-20 minutes Sources: The Community Builders Handbook, p. 290; Gruen and Smith, Shopping Town, p. 33; John Shaver, "Los Angeles Rapid Transit System Report," Sho in Center Study, LOS Angeles, 1961, p. 18; and Lima, Shopping Centers, p. 75. 1The figures shown are maximum and minimum ranges. 2The descriptive parameters tend to vary according to the Size and category of the store or shopping center. For example, the tertiary trade area for a neighborhood center might be only 15 percent, whereas a supermarket in a regional shopping center may draw 20 percent of the traffic from as far away as 25 minutes travel time. 125 An advanced concept of a trade area is given by the gravitational school, which originated from the works of Reilly, Converse, and Huff.159 The gravitationalists use a more operational approach to evaluate the characteristics and dynamic patterns of trade areas. Their work is based on quantitative techniques and probabilistic formulations of spatial shopping behavior. According to Huff, a trade area may be defined as: A geographically delineated region containing poten- tial customers for whom there exists a probability greater than zero of their purchasing a given class of products or services offered for sale by a particu- lar firm or by a particular agglomeration of firms.160 Such a conceptual scheme has a major advantage of being able to focus on consumer behavior as the principal variable defining the contour of a trade area. The probabilistic nature of these models allows for the evaluation of vari- ables such as time and distance, and also takes into con- sideration the competitive attraction among institutions located in one particular area. From these various trade area definitions will be drawn the Specific one to be used here, bearing in mind that our objective, at this time, is the study of macrolocation, or location within the major limits of a trade area, not microlocation, which is involved with Site selection or evaluation. The locational studies which will be developed later will select and pinpoint principle areas in the GSPMA which may represent sufficient sales potential for profit- able operation of Shopping centers. 126 Trade Area: An Operational Concept It is necessary to select an adequate definition of trade area which will be operational in relation to the characteristics of the region studied and compatible with the dissertation's constructs.161 In other words, we must find a definition capable of describing a market area and its com- ponents to verify if a specific region may provide profit potential for Shopping centers of different sizes. Obviously, the conceptual scheme used hereafter will be oriented toward determination of general trade areas within the environmental constraints of the GSPMA which may present an adequate market potential threshold for "cluster or groups of planned stores."162 The objective is not to access the Specific trade area of a particular shopping center (existing or proposed) on a certain Site. Therefore, we shall say that trade area is a geo- graphic space which, due to its socioeconomic and ecological factors, is able to support the necessary threshold for the location of one shopping center of a certain size (cluster or grouping of planned retailing stores with off-street parking facilities). Such a definition is consistent with the cost- revenue analysis approach in which inputs (costs) and outputs (revenues) are evaluated in relation to market potential, in this case the constituent variables of the trade area.163 Furthermore, the definition indicates that a simulation of the interaction among the geographic space descriptors and the operational characteristics of the proposed institution 127 will predict the Spatial buying behavior patterns before the institution begins operation. Another advantage of our description is that it conceives of the trade area in terms of a "demand surface" which must contain potential customers for the center under scrutiny.164 A limitation of this approach is that it does not con- sider existing competition, but since this scheme will be used here for trade area analysis from a macroperspective, such a limitation will not invalidate its application. In addition, the limitation is not very important because centers located according to the framework's pattern would be central places. These are likely to display differential advantages because they would supply all conceivable goods to all parts of the trade area.165 A final remark regarding the advantage of using the threshold concept is that, in accordance with the central place principle, if consumer services activity is located in a certain decentralized region, it may attain economies of scale and agglomeration without having to serve the entire urban area. "The shopping centers located in such form, turn to be a focal point for access for work, shopping and recrea— tional trips. The basic central pattern of access, centri- petal movement of people, and centrifugal movement of goods and services is replicated in each part of the urban area."166 Having elaborated the Operational concept which will be used later for modeling pruposes, the discussion must move 128 on to the consideration of some of the measurement tech- niques for evaluating retail demand over Space. Trade Area: Evaluation Techniques A large body of methods, techniques, and theoretical constructs have been generated by scholars and others for the purpose of solving problems related to trade area analysis. Since a complete synthesis of the total available information pertaining to this subject is not possible here, the discussion of this tOpic in the literature will be oriented toward that most relevant to this work. Specifi— cally, attention will be focused on techniques concerning the definition and evaluationcflfgeneral trade areasanuitheir pros— pects for the location of shopping centers. Research related to trade area evaluation was initiated by William Reilly in 1931, expanded by Paul D. Converse in the forties, and found its quantitative evaluation with David Huff in the sixties.167 An outstanding contribution has been made by Professor William Applebaum of Harvard University. A differentiation must be made between techniques applicable to the evaluation of existing institutions' trade areas and those oriented1x>the measurementcflffuture opportun~ ity for proposed institutions. In accordance with the objective of this dissertation and its Operational defini- tion of trade area, both sets of techniques are needed to prescribe the characteristics and feasibility of Shopping centers in the GMSPA. 129 The problem of evaluating trade areas will be solved through the measurement of their conventional descriptors: population, income, densities, number of households, and so forth. This approach is consistent with Applebaum's analogue method for estimating potential, according to which "similar stores and similar market factors make for approximately analogous situations."168 In other words, areas with similar descriptors will be receptive to retailing institutions which have Similar operational characteristics. The basic taSk is to' assess the trade area for projected centers based on analogous experiences in other areas. Adjustments then can be made in relation to size and other operational characteristics of the center, Since these are the control- 1able and dependent constructs of the process. Trade Area: Selected Measurement Parameters The evaluation of a trade area requires a first set of measurement parameters which must be capable of quantifying the market opportunity within the geographic space under evaluation. A second set must be able to determine the projected amount of opportunity that will accrue to an institution,or a cluster of institutions,that eventually will locate in the area. This process is an interactive one. The characteristics of the store and the features of the trade area Simultaneously will generate 130 the answer to the basic question: How much will an institution or a cluster of institutions be able to sell if located in an area with certain economics descriptors? First Set of Parameters.--The first set of measurements are given below. 1. Size of the area must be given in km? as a first approximation to construct the remaining parameters. 2. Population is the most general indicator of potential market. This information is a convenient basis for market estimates because of its availability.169 3. Income defines the pOpulation'S ability to buy and may be a source for deriving other useful measurements such as household income, personal income, disposable income, discretionary income, and market opportunity. 4. Number of households indicates the number of dwelling units within an area; it is important in determining the degree of urbanization, population density, and buying behavior patterns. 5. Population density, as does measurement 4, indicates the degree of urbanization and is useful to determine whether or not a certain area may provide the necessary threshold for retailing location. 131 6. Mobility is assessed by the ability of the area's population to move over space. It is a function of the automobile ownership and public transportation facilities within the area. The basic methods for measur- ‘ing this factor are traffic counting, analysis of the origins and destinations of Shopping trips, and measure- ment of travel time and distance. This initial set of measurements, as mentioned previously, defines the basic features of a trade area, but it does not take into consideration the impact of an institution with certain dimensions Operating in the area. For this purpose we need a second set of measurements. Second Set of ParameterS.--A second set of measurements is needed to reflect the Spatial shopping habits of people living in the area in relation to the attraction of a particular retailing institution. According to Applebaum, the Operational features of one center in one area may, due to the analogue principle, be transferred to another.170 Furthermore, what applies to individual stores may be extrapolated to Shopping centers with some adaptations.171 1. Size of the average trade area involves determination of the area from which some existing institution draws its customers.172 132 2. Driving time around the existing or proposed location is given in 5- or 10-minute intervals and may be obtained by several methods: customer or household inter— view, license plate checking, or credit records analysis. 3. Driving distances, from the point of origin of customers to the store they are patronizing, include all modes of transportation (private, public, and walk-in) measurement. 4. Drawing power is a function of the percentage of actual customers by origin of trip, driving time, and driving distance. For example, 35 percent of the customers of shopping center 5 come from the surrounding subarea E, which measures 1.6 km.2 (1 square mile), and spend an average 173 of 10 minutes to reach the center. 5. Customer mobility involves determination of the number of automobiles owned by customers patronizing the institution. This parameter may be calculated, also, in terms of percentages of customers owning one, two, or more cars. The mobility assessment also must take into considera- tion the mode of transportation used by the customer to reach the location. For example, 60 percent use cars, 30 percent use public transportation, and 10 percent walk in. 6. Demographics, as determined by the following criteria, may prove useful in estimating expenditures: 133 a. Household income b. Household ownership 1. Rented 2. Owned and paid for 3. Owned and not paid for 0. Household head 1. Sex 2. Age 3. Education 4. Employment d. Number of people in household e. Food expenditures. The methods for obtaining the information for the second set vary from the conventional customer interview in the store, to analysis of public statistics, to customer Spotting in the surrounding region, to the most sophisti- cated techniques of indirect evaluation, as suggested by Alfred Eisenpreis.174 The techniques used later are based on the theory and methodology discussed up to this point. They will take into consideration the urban structure of the GSPMA, information related to demographics, and the primary data developed in some field studies at existing centers. These matters will be explained and discussed in detail in chapter 4. In the meantime, background material concerning the urban structure of the GSPMA should be provided. A Summary of Theories and Concepps The theories and concepts analysed in this chapter are extremely relevant to the evaluation of the shopping center industry and to the elaboration of this dissertation normative model. 134 Our analytical framework assumes that a set of solid theoretical constructs represents a good departure point from which the analyst can evaluate the systems performance, and to establish logical relationships for modelling purpoSes. The previous analysis represents a synthesis of con— tributions from marketing, retailing and urban geography. Marketing and retailing concepts were analysed because they explain the evolution and the performance of retailing institutions within the urban Space. Urban geography theories describe the cities, their structure, their evolu- tion and their relations with retailing activities. In summary our concern is with the retailing, its institutions, its location, and with the movement of goods and people over the urban space. The theories examined in this chapter may be classi- fied according with their field and their objectives. The following scheme seems to be satisfactory: Retailing Theories These theories describe and explain the role of retailing institutions from a systemic perspective. Their contributions are focused on: (1) the retailing institutions as components of the marketing system; (2) the functions and the activities which must be performed by these institutions to create and to serve demand; (3) and, on the structural 135 changes in retailing systems, their operational character- istics and effects. Spatial Location Theories These theories analysed retailing institutions from a logistic perspective. The contributions in this area examine: (1) the decentralization process; (2) the quali- tative and quantitative dimensions of trade areas; (3) the relative location of trade areas within the urban Space; and (4) the principles and policies which guide site selection. Urban Geography Theories These theories describe, analyse and explain the urban systems. They provide a wide set of analytical tools to examine: (1) the complex interactions within the environment; (2) the external and internal characteristics of modern cities; (3) the structural pattern of urban areas; (4) the ecological adjustments of urban entities and their effects on quality of life; and (5) the measure- ment of trade areas and their flows within urban space boundaries. The Relevance for Analytical Purposes All the concepts and theories examined above will be used in the remaining points of the dissertation. Basically these concepts were applied to: (1) describe and explain the evolution of retailing in the GSPMA; (2) to describe 136 and to evaluate the shopping center industry in the GSPMA; and (3) to develop the normative model for shopping center location. Conceptual Foundations Alderson, Baranoff, Erickson and Lewis theories and contributions were used to study shopping centers as retail— ing systems. Since these constructs are basically conceptual foundations they are needed to understand the system, its components and interactions. Evolutionary Aspects Gist, Hollander, Mertes, Applebaum and Cox's ideas were useful to explain the evolutionary dimensions of retailing institutions. These concepts were applied to explain the evolution of retailing from its Simplest forms up to the modern Shopping centers; the contributions in these areas were useful to expand Taylor's analysis of marketing and retailing in Brazil, as well as to solidify our analysis of GSPMA'S retailing evolution. Trade Areas - Lalonde'S,Markin's, Nelson's theories, associated with the gravitational models from Reilly, Converse, and Huff offered an adequate support to examine the relation— ships between shopping centers and their trade areas. These concepts were used also to perform a micro analysis of the shopping center industry in the GSPMA, and to develop this dissertation model. 137 Retailing Decentralization The contributions from urban analysts such as Forrester, Harris and Ullman, Burges, Hoyt and Hurd, associated with the studies from Blumenfeld and Hoover were used to support the conclusions of this dissertation, which will indicate the need for retailing decentralization and the expansion of shopping centers in the GSPMA. Basis for Model Construction The analytical framework developed in this chapter is also an important set of inputs for modeling process. Our model will be elaborated according with the following conceptual guidelines: (1) the assessment of market opportunity in the GSPMA will use Professor Erickson's methods and will draw upon demography concepts suggested by Plotkin, Eisenpreis and Applebaum; (2) the evaluation of land Site, takes into consideration the relations among the Site location characteristics, the trade area, and the physical and operational dimensions of the shopping centers. This analysis will be based on Mertes' studies, on Markin's concepts, on Nelson's principles and on the gravitationalists contributions; (3) the cost parameters and relationships, which are inputs to the model, will be studied according with the concepts of trade area analysis suggested by Applebaum and Huff. This reasoning assumes a high degree of compatibility among the trade area characteristics and 138 the shopping center physical dimensions; (4) the criteria for investment, which we will develop in the model will be derived from the theoretical concepts of retailing theory, and from finance analytical techniques. These criteria will integrate the fundamental contributions from Alderson, Baranoff and Paul Smith who studied retailing and shopping centers from a sistemic perspective; and (5) the introduction of probabilistic dimensions in the model will use statistical tools, in association with concepts and principles derived from the contributions of Lalonde and Huff who studied the multiple effects of competition on the trade areas. Conclusions The theories examined in this chapter will be used to evaluate the Brazilian environment, to measure the present performance of Shopping centers in the GSPMA and to construct the normative model. These theories are integrated into a meaningful and multidimensional analytical framework, which provides synthesis and in the same time permits prescriptive state- ments. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER II lReavis Cox, "Consumer Convenience and the Retail Structure of Cities," Journal of Marketing,24(April 1959): 355-362. 21bid. 3Frank Meissner, "Planned ShOpping Centers," in Ronald E. Gist, ed.,Management Perspectives in Retailing (New York: Wiley, 1967), pp. 80-85. 4Markin, Retailing Management, p. 17. 5Wroe Alderson, Marketing Behavior and Executive Action (Homewood, I11.: Richard D. Irwin, 1957), p. 326. 61bid., p. 326. 7See, for example, Stanley C. Hollander, "The Wheel of Retailing," Journal of MarketingIZS, no. 1 (July, 1960» 37-42; Eli P. Cox and Leo G. Erickson, Retail Decentraliza— tion (East Lansing: Bureau of Business and Economic Research, Michigan State University, 1967); and Delbert J. Duncan, "Responses of Selected Retail Institutions to Their Changing Environment," in Peter Bennet, ed., Marketing and Economic Development (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 1965): pp. 583-602. 8Hans B. Thorelli, "Ecology in Marketing," Southern Journal of BusineSSIZ (October 1967)Il9—25. Professor Thorelli defines the relevant environment as "the sum of all factors and phenomena which may affect an organization, or which may be affected by the organization." 9 Ibid., p. 20. lOIbid., p. 21. 11Richard J. Lewis and Leo G. Erickson, "Marketing Functions and Marketing Systems: A Synthesis," Journal of Marketing; (July 1969), 10-19. 139 140 12The complementary nature of obtaining and servicing demand functions, by means of which the "ability to service demand can be used aS a demand obtaining force" as mentioned by Lewis and Erickson, also can be Observed in the operations of the retailing system. Better physical facilities and locational patterns (servicing demand) are likely to increase drawing power and share of market (obtaining demand). This interpretation of Lewis and Erickson's concepts is compatible with Baranoff's analysis of the Operational characteristics of retailing. 13Lewis and Erickson, "Marketing Functions," p. 12. l4Thorelli, "Ecology," p. 24. Thorelli calls these characteristics task environment,"that is, "the market in which the offerings of the organization is exchanged for customer dollar on which the survival of the organization directly depends." 15For an extended discussion on the nature the relationships between the activitieSIsee Lewis and Erickson, "Marketing Functions," p. 17. 16For a good analysis of this special aspect of convenience,see Ronald E. Gist, Retailing--Concepts and Decisions (New York: Wiley, 1968), pp. l9-25. 7Seymour Baranoff, "Retailing as an Operating System," in Reavis Cox, Wroe Alderson, and Stanley Shapiro, eds., Theorypin Marketing,2d series (Homewood, 111.: Richard D. Irwin,—l964l) p. 156. lBIbid., p. 162. 19Wroe Alderson, Marketing Behavior, p. 77. Alderson defined circularity as "a sequence of steps arranged one after another, but in such a way that the process returns to the point from which it started." 20David A. Revzan, Perspectives for Research in Marketing: Seven Essays (Berkeley: Institute of Business and Economic Research, University of California, 1965), p. 6. 21Malcolm P. McNair, "Improving the Dynamics of Retailing in an Expanding Economy," in Stanley C. Hollander, ed., EXplorations in Retailing (East Lansing: Bureau of Business and Economic Research, Michigan State University, 1959), pp. 3-8. 141 22The theories about and the concern with retailing systems dynamics have been a constant in marketing literature; for other perspectives see: Wroe Alderson, Qynamic Marketing Behavior (Homewood, 111.: Richard D. Irwin, 1965), in partic- ular, chap. 9; for a historic perspective: see Robert Bartels, Thp_gevelopment of Marketing_Thought (Homewood, I11.: Richard D. Irwin, 1962), expecially chap. 8, where Bartels examines the changes in the environment of retailing and emphasizes the point that the principal changes in this area are "related to the manner in which people choose to live." Bartels also notes that following World War II "convenience came to be defined in terms of easiness of access to retail market place, parking facilities and one stop Shopping for both related and unrelated items, and freedom of choice" (pp. 140-141). 23For a Similar type of analysis see the following: Alton F. Doody, "Historical Pattern of Marketing Innovations," in William Deeker, ed., EmerginngonceptS in Marketing, Proceedings of the Winter Conference of AMA (Chicago: December, 1962), pp. 245-56; Thomas A. Staudt and Donald A. Taylor, "A Managerial Introduction to Marketing," 2d ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1970), pp. 310-16; and Edward Brand, Modern Supermarket Operation (New York: Fairchild Publications, 1963), pp. 242-44. Brand made an extensive analysis of product assortment and its relation to stores' Operational patterns. 24Samuel Feinberg, What Makes ShOpping Centers Tick (New York: Fairchild Publications, 1960). Feinberg denominates the "new" institutions as suburban clusters, which, according to him, is a generic term for all types of shOpping centers located out of the central business district's limits. 25Colin S. Jones, Regional Shopping Centers: their location planning and design (London: Business Books, 1969), pp. 141-520 26Gist, Retailing, p. 83. Gist says that in the absence of precise tools of measurement or fully repre- sentative data, the scientists may develOp a "working hypothesis" regarding the explanation of a phenonenon. These working hypotheses must be conceived as first approximations to an acceptable explanation. Furthermore, reasoning according to these guidelines can provide logical analogies and empirical verification of retailing system dynamics. 142 27Ronald Gist, Marketing and Society: A Conceptual Introduction (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), see especially chaps. 15 and 16. The quotation is from page 362. 281n the GSPMA the same phenomena may be observed in relation to the so-called armazens (generally family owned and Operated food stores) which are being replaced by the supermarkets. For interesting analysis see Knoke, "OS Super-mercados no Brasil," p. 91. 29Some schools of thought in marketing believe that institutions must change before the environment and must become an active force in changing the economic level within certain areas. For interesting discussions on this subject see: Richard Holton, "Marketing Structure and Economic Development," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 67 (August 1953), 361; Peter F. Drucker, 1rMarketing and Economic Devel- opment," Journal of Marketing, 22 (January 1958), 252; and Walt W. Rostow, TrThe Concepts of a National Market and its Economies--Growth Implications," in Proceedings, Fall Con- ference of the American Marketing Association, 1965, p. 18. Rostow's ideas were seminal for extensive research in the role of marketing as a change force. 3OGist, Marketing and Society, p. 363. Gist labels this the theory of adjustment. 31Malcolm McNair, "Significant Trends in the Postwar Period," in A. B. Smith, ed., Competitive Distribution in a Free High-Level Economy and Its Implications for the University (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 19587: PP. 1'25. 32 Hollander, "The Wheel of Retailing," p. 37. 33Ibid., p. 39. 34In less develOped economies, as will be discussed later, decentralization and the shopping center movement were delayedbecause of the time lag in the develOpment of the automobile industry. In the specific case of GSPMA the process of urbanization came much earlier than the automobile industry. For another example of conformity see Collin Jones, "Regional Shopping Centers," pp. 5-6, where he examines the evolution of GEM discount house in England. 35Victor Gruen and Larry Smith, Shoppinngowns-- U.S.A.--The Planning of Shopping Centers (New York: Reihhold Corp., 1960), p. 140. fit-I‘ll 143 36For a complete discussion of the dialectic process theory see Gist, Retailing, pp. 106—109, and Marketing and Society, pp. 370-371. 37Bernard J. Lalonde, "The Logistics of Retail Location," in William D. Stevens, ed., The Social Responsi- bilities of Marketing (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 1961), pp.567-575. 38Ibid., p. 567. 391bid. 40William Applebaum, "Guidelines for a Store Location Strategy Study," Journal of Marketing, 30, no. 4 (October 1966) 42-45. 41John E. Mertes, "Structure Theory for Site Analysis," Journal of Retailing 40, no. 2 (Summer 1964) 19-30. In this article Mertes classifies "spatial position" as a form of differential advantage. He also emphasizes that locational advantage is a competitive position which is difficult to assail or to neutralize. 42Ibid., p. 22. The reasoning discussed above is illustrated by Mertes in his article by this simple diagram: Convenience <0 > Choice -Accessibility 43Ibid., p. 23. Mertes uses the term comparison goods instead of the conventional and widely used Shopping goods. 44 Ibid., p. 26. 45Adapted from Markin, Retailinnganagement, p. 207, for purposes of this discussion. 46Richard L. Nelson, The Selection of Retailing Location (New York: F. W. Dodge Corp., 1958), pp. 51-56, 65-680 47Ibid., p. 54. 144 482239., PP- 27: 28, 29, and 31. 49Homer Hoyt, "The Structure and Growth of Residential Neighborhoods in American Cities," (Washington, D.C.: US FHA, 1939); and Harris and Ullman, "The Nature of Cities, pp. 14-15. 50Nelson, Retailing Location, p. 66. The rule of compatibility is expressed by the equation: _ 1 P PS V-I(VL+VS)xV x(\T-x.\—]—), .1; L s V s where: L = large stores; 5 = small stores; VL = volume of larger stores; VS = volume of smaller stores; PL = purposeful purchasing at L; PS = purposeful purchasing at s; I = degree of interchange; and V = increase in the total volume of two stores OBS: Purposeful purchasimg means purchases made in accordance with the purpose which generated the ShOpping trip. If: < u $5,000, V = $ 600, 'U ll 80%, 30%, and *U m ll 25%, 145 then 1 8(5,000) .3(600) _ 0.25 (5,000+600)-§666 [—57000—_ + ~—€66——] — 600 . 600 . 4,000 180 _ 0‘25 (5'600) 5000 [5,000 + 600] ‘ 1400 - 0.12 (0.80 + 0.30) = 168 - (1.10) = $184.80. OBS: This result is the additional business which will be gained by the two stores together. lJames Simmons, "The Changing Pattern of Retail Location, Chicago" (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), Research Paper No. 92. 52Paul E. Smith, "Prescription for a Successful Shopping Center," MSU Business Topics 14, no. 4 (Autumn 1966):l7-26. 53Ibid., p. 19. 54Wroe Alderson, "The Analytical Framework Of Marketing," in Ben M. Enis and Keith K. Cox, eds, Marketing Classics (Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1969), p. 12. 55OBS: In this dissertation the CBD, a cluster of stores, a Single standing department store, and a new supermarket are not considered true shopping centers because of their multiple ownership and lack of control in store mix. 56For another similar classification of shOpping center variables,see Smith, "Prescription," p. 24. Smith perceives the system as composed of two major sets, the external and internal environments, but does not define the degree of controllability of these variables. 57A. C. R. Dressmann, "Patterns of Evolution in Retailing," Journal of Retailing,44, no. 1 (Spring 1968), 64—81, 79. The pattern of convergence when applied to retailing explains how different types of institutions within a common environment perform Similar activities deSpite their diverse Size and product mix, for example, common use of ShOpping center parking areas. olII! III ’I .l. I {I l I! ‘I 146 58Donald F. and Ruth C. Mulvihill, Geography of Marketingpand Urban Growth (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1970), p. 134. 59Ibid. The Mulvihills state that dispersed goods are those being offered at dispersed locations in a trade area; indifferent goods are those being offered either centrally or in dispersed locations. 60For a detailed discussion of the factors which influence urban ecology see Gerald Breese, Urbanization in Newly Developing Countries (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Ha11,41966), p. 109. Among those factors, the most relevant to the present analysis are: concentration of peOple at or near central locations; centralization, which explains the development of the CBD; decentralization, which is a function of mobility and competition; segrega- tion, which is defined by the clustering and sorting out of land use, population groups, and activities in a harmonic form; and specialization, which is a result of segregation and the best explanation of why homogeneous stores concentrate in Specific areas. 61Perry Bliss, "Schumpeter: The Big Disturbance in Retailing," Social Forces, October 1960: p. 76- 62Ibid., pp. 72-76. 63Ibid. 64 Christensen T. Jonassen, Downtown versus Suburban Shopping (Columbus, Ohio: Bureau of Business Research, Ohio State University, 1955). 65Louis P. Bucklin, "Retail Strategy and the Classification of Consumer Goods," Journal of Marketipg 27, no. 1 (January 1963):50-55. 6Persis R. Emmet, "Development and Location of Shopping Centers in the San Francisco Bay Area, California" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University, 1961). 67Charles E. Stonier, "Off Street Parking to Attract Downtown Shoppers," Journal of Retailing, 36 (Fall 1960), 145-149. 68James F. Engel, David T. Kollat, and Roger D. Blackwell, Consumer Behavior (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1968), pp. 452-456. These authors stress the condi- tion that "shopping centers usually rank higher than downtown stores in terms of friendliness" (p. 453). Such a character— istic is also another factor leading to the implementation of the marketing concept. (If ll Ill! (1"(‘I 147 691bid. 7OFrederick D. Sturdivant, Managerial Analysis in Marketipg (Glenview, 111.: Scott, Foresman, 1970), p. 2. 71In 1957 shopping centers were formally recognized as an industry by the formation of the International Council of Shopping Centers in New York. This trade association's main objective is to promote the interest of owners and managers of planned centers. 72Gruen and Smith, Shopping Towns, p. 65. 73The Community Builders Handbook (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1968), p. 272. 74National Cash Register do Brasil, "Shopping Centers," a seminar offered at the School of Business Administration of S. Paulo, S. Paulo, Brazil, September 1971. 75The last year available from this source is 1969. The publication gives figures related to rents paid by tenants and the relative percentage of floor area occupied by each category of tenant for a select sample of U. S. shopping centers. 768. O. Kaylin, ed., Executive Edition, Chain Store Age (April 1966), p. E8. The data furnished by this source originated from information provided by the ULI. 77For a study developed according to this suggested scheme see Brian J. Berry, Commercial Structure and Commercial Blight, Research Paper No. 85 (ChiOago: Depart- ment of Geography, University of Chicago, 1965); see also, Simmons, Chapging Patterns, p. 6. 78 Berry, Geography, p. 120. 79Simmons, Changing Patterns, pp. 6-8. 80See Eugene Kelley, Locating Controlled Regional Shgpping Centers (Sagatuck, Connecticut: Eno Foundation for Highway Traffic Control, 1956); Paul E. Smith, Shopping Centers Plannipg and Management (Chicago: National Retail Dry Goods Association, 1956); and Geoffrey Baker and Bruno Funaro, ShoppingiCenter: Design and Operation (New York: Reinhold Publishing, 1951), in which is found a complete analysis of the Country Club Plaza. Claimed to be the first U.S. shopping center, it was built in Kansas City, Missouri, in 1925. 148 81See John E. Mertes, "The Shopping Center--A New Trend in Retailing," Journal of Marketing,l3 (January 1949), 372-378; and Gordon H. Stedman, "The Rise of Shopping Centers," Journal of Retailing,31 (Spring l955),ll-26. 82Kelley, Locating Controlled Regional Shopping Centers, p. 8. 83The Community Builders Handbook, p. 271. The same source indicates that Jesse Nichols, developer of the Country Club Plaza, was inspired by Mr. Bouton. Hugh Potter, owner and developer of River Oaks Shopping Center, Dallas, Texas, followed the same pattern in 1931. 84 Baker and Funaro, Shoppipg_Center, p. 81. 85Stedman, "The Rise of Shopping Centers," p. 16. 86 p. 160. Mulvihill and Mulvihill, Geography of Marketing, 87"Europe's New Shopping Centers," Business Abroad (October 1968),22-28. 88Paul E. Smith and Eugene J. Kelley, "Competing Retail Systems: The Shopping Center and the Central Business District," Journal of Retailing (Spring 1960),11-18. 89 Ibid., p. 11. 901bid., p. 16. 91See Paul H. Nystrom, "Downtown Shopping Revival," ' Journal of Retailing,34,no. 3 (Fall 1958),129-132; and George Fisk, "The Replanning of Center City Shopping Districts," Journal of Retailing, 35, no. 2 (Summer 1959), 80-84. Nystrom argued that downtown retailing was to be considered as an ailing patient, and that the trade in these areas does not die but fades away. Fisk suggested that "mass communication and private transportation tech- nology had a disruptive effect on downtown trade, that some effort towards reorganization following European models should be attempted." Neither author mentioned the impact of increasing car ownership upon this phenomenon. 92 Ralph Thomlinson, Urban Structure--The Social and Spatial Character of Cities (New York: Random House, 1970), chap. 8, especially pp. 150—151. 149 93William Applebaum and Saul B. Cohen, "The Dynamics of Store Trade Areas and Market Equilibrium," Annals of the Association of American Geographers,51 (March l961),73-101. 94See Stedman, "The Rise of Shopping Centers," pp. 11-26, and Gordon H. Stedman, "Impact of Shopping Centers Locally and Downtown," Journal of Retailing,32 (Spring l956),25-39. The latter article deals with the relations between shopping centers and the local govern- ment, and it is not relevant to the points discussed in the quotation. 95T. Dart Hellsworth, et al., "Changing Trends in Regional Shopping Centers," Journal of Retailing,34, no. 4 (Winter 1958),177-184. 96Charles H. Hinderman, "Impact of Shopping Centers in Downtown Cincinatti," Journal of Retailing,34, no. 4 (1958)1185-188. 97For a complete analysis see "Parking Requirements for Shopping Centers," Technical Bulletin No. 53 (Washington, D.C.: Urban Land Institute, 1964). 98 Mertes, "The Shopping Center," p. 376. 99Baker and Funaro, Shopping Center, p. 10. 100Nelson, Retailing Location, p. 175. 1“Ibid., p. 176. 102Gruen and Smith, Shopping Towns, p. 52. 103Kelley, "Location of Controlled Regional Shopping Centers," pp. 10-11, 66-67. 104Emmet, "Development and Location," pp. 1-24. This author devised another form of classification, the integrated center. This has all types of stores operating interdependently to perform various merchandising practices and physical distribution functions (p. 22). 105The Community Builders Handbook, p. 267. This lassification has become, in a certain way, an official guide to appraising shopping centers in the United States. Many other authors, such as Gist, Markin, Rachman, and McCarthy, have used the same criteria in their textbooks. 150 106Joseph De Chiara and Lee Koppelman, Plan Design Criteria (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1969), pp. 231- 234. . 107William Lazer, et al., CELS-80: Consumers Environment & Life Styles of the 19805 (Benton Harbor, Mich.: Whirlpool Corporation, 1971TTpp. 30-32. 108Eugene R. Beem, "Retailing in the 1980's," Marketing Insights,l8 (November 1968),20-24. 109A major constraint on these trends is that at present the cost of extensive application of closed circuit TV for in-home shopping is still prohibitive for mass retailing uses. See Altoon F. Doody and William R. Davidson, "Next Revolution in Retailing," Harvard Business Review (May-June l967),4-16. The predictions made by these authors in 1967 were:xfi:yet materialized. 110Ernest B. Weiss, "What Will Retailing Be Like in 1975?" Advertising Age,37 (March 7, 1966),ll9-122. 111 Ibid., p. 119. 112See Walter Gross, "Retailing in the Seventies: A Projection of Current Trends," Baylor Business Studies (February-March-April l969),pp. 19-31. Gross maintains that Shopping centers will continue to be the perfect substitute for downtown business districts for a long time. 113Jones, "Regional Shopping Centers," p. 153. The words in brackets were added for clarity. 114See Jay Forrester, Urban Dynamics (Cambridge, MaSS.: The M.I.T. Press, 1969). This book represents an initial but sophisticated attempt to describe and explain the characteristics and the dynamics of urban systems. 115Forrester, Urban Dynamics, p. 107. For a complete and illustrative discussion of Forrester's conceptual frame- work, see especially pp. 107-114, "Notes on Complex Systems," and chap. 2, "Structure of an Urban Area," pp. 12-37. 116Ibid., pp. 15, 17. 117Ibid., p. 13. 118For a complete set of definitions of a city see Ralph Thomlinson, Urban Structure (New York: Random House, 1969), pp. 37-42. 151 119The fundamental contribution to development of the urban ecology concept is credited to Ernest W. Burgess and Roderick D. MacKenzie, eds., The Cit (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1925). 120Thomlinson, Urban Structure, p. 110. 121Jean Gottman, "Megalopolis or the Urbanization of the Northeastern Seaboard," Economic Geography, 33 (July 1957), 189-200. 122Berry, Op. cit., p. 17. The author defines metropolis as an urban system with drawing power of about 40 miles, 100,000 people, and over 1,100 retail outlets including an array of all types of stores. 123Charles S. Ascher, "What Are the Cities For?" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 262 (1945), 23. 124Chauncy D. Harris and Edward L. Ullman, "The Nature of the Cities," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 262 (November 1945), 7-17. lzslbid., p. 16. 126Eric E. Lamford, "The Evolving System of Cities in the USA," in Issues in Urban Economics, Harvey S. Perloff and Lowdon Wingo, Jr., eds. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968): P. 87. 127Leo V. Aspinwall, "Rule of Uniformity" (paper presented at Marketing Theory Seminar, Darmouth College, 1953). (Mimeographed, Boulder, 1955.) 128Richard M. Hurd, Principles of City Land Use (New York: The Record and Guide, 1903). 129See Thomlinson, Urban Structure, p. 145. For an illustrative discussion of these contributions see also Daniel P. Salins, "Household Location Patterns in Selected American MetrOpolitan Areas" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Syracuse University, 1970), especially pp. 8-42. 130Pedro P. Geiger, Evolucao da Rede Urbana Brasil- eira (Rio de Janeiro: Centro Brasileiro de Pesquisas EdfiEécionais, 1963), pp. 177-178. The author points out that Similar phenomena can be observed in Rio de Janeiro and the GSPMA. 152 131Ernest Burgess, "Urban Areas,‘ in Chicago, An Experiment in Social Science Research, T. V. Smith and L. D. White, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1929), pp. 113-138. 132Ibid., p. 118. 133For an excellent discussion of these problems, see Edgar Hoover and Raymond Vernon, Anatomy of a Metropolis (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959). 134Thomlinson, Urban Structure, p. 145. 135Homer Hoyt, The Structure and Growth of Resi— dential Neighborhoods in American Cities (Washington, D. C.: Federal Housing Administration, 1939), pp. 112-122. 136See Collin Clark, "Urban Population Densities," Journal of the Royal Statistical Sociepy, Series A, 114 (1951), 490-496. Clark developed his work based on Hoyt's concept, the well-known density gradient formula, which is expressed as follows: _ (e - bx) DX — Dm where DX = density at radial distance 5; Dm = peak density at the city theoretical center; -b = density decrease rate per unit distance (slope); x = radial distance; and 2.718... e 137Harris and Ullman, "The Nature of Cities," p. 14. l381bid. l391bid. 1401bid. 141For an interesting and extensive analysis of the cause of cities' emergence, see Max Weber, The City (New York: The Free Press, 1958); and Lewis Mumford, The City in History (New York: Harcourt, 1961). 142Hans Blumenfeld, "Criteria for Judging the Quality of the Urban Environment," in The Quality of Urban Life, Henry J. Schmandt and Warner Bloomberg, eds. vol. 3, Urban Affairs Annual Review (Beverly Hills, Calif.: Sage 1969), pp. 136-164. 143Edgar M. Hoover, "The Evolving Form of the Metro- polis,‘ in Issues in Urban Economics, Harvey S. Perloff and Lowdon Wingo, Jr., eds. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968), PP. 237-283. 144Blumenfeld, "Criteria," p. 141. 145Ibid., p. 144. 146 Hoover, "Evolving Form,‘ pp. 241-242. 147For an extended and comprehensive synthesis of trade area theory, see Jac Goldstucker, "Trading Areas," in Science in Marketing, George Schwartz, ed. (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1965), pp. 281-319. 148Manuel D. Plotkin, "The Use of Credit Accounts and Computers in Determining Store Trading Areas," in New Directions in Marketing, Frederick E. Webster, Jr., edT_— _(Chicago: American Marketing Association, 1965), p. 271. 149Goldstucker, "Trading Areas," p. 282. 150Bernard J. Lalonde, IDifferentials in Super Market Drawing Power, Marketing and Transportation Paper, No. 11 (East Lansing, Michigan: Bureau of Business and Economic Research, Michigan State University, 1962), p. 59. 151See David L. Huff, "Defining and Estimating a Trading Area," Journal of Marketipg, 28 (July 1964), 27-28. l52Neison, Retailing Location, pp. 191-193. 153 Trade Areas, Market Penetration and Potential Sales, of Marketing Research, 3 (May 1966), 127-141. William Applebaum, "Methods for Determining Store 154Gruen and Smith, ShoppingATown, pp. 30-35. l55Appiebaum, "Methods," p. 127. Journal 154 156Extensive studies about the exact figures on each subarea have been made. See, for example, Bernard J. Lalonde, "The Logistic of Retail Location," in The Social Responsibilities of Marketing, William D. Stevens, ed. (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 1964), pp. 567- 575. This seminal study emphasizes the drawing power of supermarkets located in several Situations ranging from urban strips to regional shOpping centers. 157Gruen and Smith, Shopping Town, p. 31. 158Ibid., p. 33. 159For a comprehensive analysis of the development of these theories, see George Schwartz, Development of Marketing Theory (Chicago: South Western, 1963); and an article by Schwartz, "Laws of Retail Gravitation: An Appraisal," University of Washington Business Review, 22 (October 1966), 60-71. 160Huff, "Defining and Estimating," p. 38. 161Philip Kotler, Marketing Decision Making: A Model Building Approach (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971), p. 303. 162Threshold is the intensity below which a stimulus produces no response. In a slightly different perSpective, "threshold may be conceived as the minimum point at which sales are large enough for a retailing institution to earn normal profits." See an excellent analysis in Richard A. McGarrity, S.J., "An Application of Space Transformation in Evaluating the Urban Location Pattern of a Multi-Unit Retail Firm" (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Northwestern University, 1969), p. 61. 163For Similar conceptual schemes, see National Association of Marketing Teachers, "Definition of Market- ing Terms," National Marketing_Review (Fall 1935), p. 166; G. E. Larson and M. N. Poteat, TrSelling in the United States Market," Domestic Commerce Series, No. 29 (New Series) (Washington, D. C.: U. S. Department of Commerce, Government Printing Office, 1951), p. 13; Gist, Retailing, p. 149; and Committee on Definitions, Marketing Defini- tions: A Glossary of Marketing Terms (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 1960). 155 164The concept of demand surface, that is, market potential over space, was developed by Huff in his classic article, "Defining and Estimating," pp. 39-42. 165Mulvihill and Mulvihill, Geography of Marketing. p. 137. 166Hoover,‘Evolving Form," p. 262. 167See William J. Reilly, The Law of Retailing Gravitation (New York: William J. Reilly, 1931); Paul D. Converse, "New Laws of Retail Gravitation," Journal of Marketing, 14, no. 3 (October 1949), 379-384; and David L. Huff, "A Probabilistic Analysis of Consumer Spatial Behavior," in Emerging_Concepts in Marketing, William S. Decker, ed. (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 1963), PP. 444-450. 168Among the extensive contributions of Applebaum, the following are relevant: Samuel S. Cohen and William Applebaum, "Evaluating Store Sties and Determining Store Rents," Economic Geography, 51 (January 1960), 1—35; William Applebaum, "Store Trading Areas in a Changing Market," Journal of Retailing, 37 (Fall 1961), 14-25; William Applebaum, "Methods for Determining Store Trade Areas, Market Penetration and Sales Potential," Journal of Marketing Research, 3 (May 1966), 127-141. 169Walter B. Wentz and Gerald I. Eyrich, Marketing Theory and Application (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1970), p. 381. 170Applebaum, "Methods for Determining," p. 140. 171Applebaum, "Evaluating Store Sites," pp. 1-35. 172This concept is similar to Lalonde's standard trade area. See Bernard J. Lalonde, "New Frontiers in Retailing Location," Current Business Topics, 1963, p. 8. 173Drawing power differs from attracting or pulling power. Lalonde identifies it as the "mean average" of the distance between the customer's residence and the location of the store. Determination of the parameter must take into account 90 percent of the total store patronage. 156 174Alfred Eisenpreis, "An Evaluation of Current Store Location Research," in New Directions in Marketing, Frederick Webster, ed. (Chicago: American Marketing Association, 1965), pp. 243-250. CHAPTER I I I RETAILING SYSTEMS IN BRAZIL--PATTERNS OF CONTRAST AND EVOLUTIONARY CHARACTERISTICS The analysis of the U.S. retailing system and its evolutionary dimensions allows us to describe the Brazilian system within the same framework. However, the marketing process in an economy like Brazil's has specific character— istics, such as a rapid rate of change and deep regional differences, which require an analytical approach focused on its particularities. The rate of change in Brazil's retailing system is expressed in the number of new organizational arrange- ments, by the wide range of new and improved techniques applied to retailing management, and by the rapid degree of adjustment demonstrated by retailers Operating in large urban areas in Brazil. Despite this rapid adjustment, which is impressive to the marketing observer, there are, pari et passu, a considerable number of institutions operat- ing with lower-level technology in less developed areas of the country, or, in some instances, near their more modern counterparts. 157 158 In small cities, for example, one may see merchants selling food in barrels, using an out-dated system of measurement, and extending credit according to old fashioned methods, such as noting customers' debits in a common note- book. Sometimes, even in more advanced areas, it is possible to observe, pedlers selling fabrics door-to-door in areas where there are many large stores offering the same merchandise. Despite the wide adoption of self-service for nonfood items, one may see stores with many clerks standing idle in the doorway when there are no customers. Because of low-cost labor, these stores do not use modern concepts of maximum exposure, internal traffic patterns, and fast checkout. Many storekeepers still believe in the principle of large unit marginqido not apply techniques for improving stock turnover and do not use methods to identify economic order quantity (EOQ), although some of their competitors make a wide use of such techniques. These phenomena may be explained partially by the relatively low cost of 1abor,resulting from the inflationary trend that has been prevalent in the Brazilian economy. This factor may represent a rich field of analysis for inquiries based on the wheel pattern theory discussed previously. Contrast Types Differences in the level of marketing know-how and applied retailing techniques have been discussed in 159 the marketing literature and will be used here to explain the evolutionary characteristics of the Brazilian retail- ing system.1 These differences may be divided into two broad categories: differences in time lag, or the time required for retail institutions to reach a similar level of applied technologY; and spatial differences, or variations in the level of applied retailing technology observed in a specific period of time among institutions located in different areas. Sometimes it is possible to observe variations in the operational level of institutions located in the same area at a certain period. The two cases are exemplified by regional and local contrasts. A simple scheme for classifying local and regional contrasts is suggested below: Retailing Contrasts Type Relevant Characteristics 1. Regional Reflect the operational patterns of retail- ing systems which differs from region to region. IS expressed by the diversity of institutions with a wide range of size, functions and sales volumes in different areas. 2. Local Reflect local differences in retailing patterns. Is expressed by the conditions through which within a same area is likely to be observed,retailing institutions operating with a wide range of variation in their operational and applied retailing techniques. 160 Regional contrasts are constantly changing and being lessened by the impact of economic development more specifically,by improvements in national highway networks, which create better communication, and by mass production, which requires mass retailing.2 The regional contrasts may be explained in terms of regional economic descriptors and fall mainly within the framework of a macromarketing analysis.3 Local contrasts may be observed within urban areas and are being reduced at a rapid rate because of urbaniza- tion, the increase in automobile production, and the impact of the diffusion of marketing techniques. The pace of change, of course, is faster in more advanced urban areas, where new institutional arrangements have been introduced into the marketing scene during the last two decades. These have transformed the environment and have hastened the decline of old—fashioned noninnovative institutions much more rapidly than marketing analysts could have predicted ten years ago. Contrast Characteristics In 1959, Donald Taylor made a comprehensive analysis of the retailing system in Brazil. It included a synthesis of the retail institutions in that country and their evolutive operational characteristics. The author mentioned the contrasts in the level of marketing among 161 different areas. Taylor's attempt at a taxonomy of retail- ing institutions in Brazil points out the similarities between the operational patterns of various stores in Brazil at that time and of their U.S. counterparts forty years previously. Taylor stated that general stores located in sparsely populated areas of Brazil were Similar to the U.S. general store, especially regarding the variety of merchandise (hardware, food, and textiles).4 Taylor also noted that several stores were performing such functions as extending credit on a year-to-year basis, barter, and extensive haggling. Interestingly enough, similar functions were once per- formed by U.S. general stores.5 The major dimensions of the retailing system in Brazil as observed by Taylor,may be schematized as in Table 5. Taylor's study was a synthesis of the retailing climate in Brazil ten years ago and furnishes a good background for analyzing the existing contrasts within the system today, as well as its evolutionary traits. Theoretical Explanation of Contrast Patterns The origins and the causes of regional contrasts from a macrOperspective are outside the confines of this dissertation, whose SCOpe is focused on a microperspective of the marketing process and, more specifically, the retailing system.6 However, the specific characteristics of the 162 TABLE 5.--Taxonomy of Brazilian Retailing System--l960. Types of Retailing Operational and Locational Features a. General Store Selling hardware, food, and textiles, located in small (1910-1940) towns, generally one to three stores in each location, surviving rural areas in the surroundings, extensive haggling and sometimes barter were used in transactions. Extended credit according to the seasonal crops.a b. Farm-owned Store A quasi food grocery owned by farmers to sell bare (1900-1940) essentials to workers.b c. Limited-Line Stores Stores selling groceries and textiles located in larger (1920-1950) towns and cities, with an extensive level of personnel sales service and person-to-person monthly credit; the volume of operation related to the size of the community. d. Specialty Store Dealing in nondurables and durables such as candy, (1930-1960) umbrellas, shoes, mens shorts, lingerie, and so forth; located in large metropolitan areas in outlying shopping districts and the CBD. Stock assortment with narrow depth in the lines carried. e. Department Stores Operating on a similar basis as their American counter- (After 1930) parts, selling a broad range of products, using extensive installment credit, and located in the CBD. High operational cost due to no self-service. These department stores mainly originated from international retailing corporations.C f. Supermarket The first institution of this category was founded in (After 1953) Sao Paulo in 1953. It was the first type of Brazilian institution to use self-service and scrambled mer- chandising. Supermarkets cater to the upper-income segment of the population and face a great deal of competition from the armazens and feiras.d Source: Adapted from Taylor, "Retailing in Brazil." a . . . . . . The chronology is an attempt to indicate relevant periods of rise to decline of the diverse institutional categories. There is no published secondary data on this subject with the exception of some for particular areas or cities. b . . . . . . . These institutions disappeared due to labor legislation and better transportation facilities. C I . I O The best example of these stores are the British and French stores Operating in Sao Paulo and selling mostly imported goods in their initial stages, such as Mappin Stores and Mester and Blagge (Mesbla). dArmazens are food stores selling over the counter and offering personal credit on a monthly basis. Feiras are "travelling open markets made up of a large number of independent vendors who set up a portable Stall in streets near residential areas, in the early morning and dismantle the entire market by noon" (Taylor, "Retailing in Brazil"). 163 contrasts and their relationships with microregions and urban structures must be the subject of some concern.7 These contrasts can be explained empirically if one considers that retailing is a localized activity and. that the "bulk of any establishment's sales are originated from persons (with a certain level of income) within the immediate surrounding area."8 The structure of retailing, from one perspective, reflects the level of economic development of its micro- region, and, from a more narrtmr viewpoint, its function within the urban environment in which it operates. Regional Contrast Patterns.—-The reasons why retailing systems in Brazil present deep operational contrasts within the country are universal and can be compared on a theoretical basis with explanations of the same phenomena elsewhere. The differences stem from "economic dualism," which, in its overall dimensions, indicates the existence of higher level marketing activities in urban areas, which possess structural determinants conducive to an extensive degree of Specialization. Among these determinants the following may be mentioned: (1) population distribution and characteristics; (2) distances and travelling time interrelationships; (3) restrictions on spatial clusterings; (4) type of stores, product assortment, and reputation; (5) overall physical dimensions and Shapes of trading centers and surrounding territories; (6) nature of communication services; and (7) historical factors.9 164 All of these determinants also may be taken as guidelines to describe the Specific characteristics of the retailing system in a large metropolitan area such as S. Paulo. They can furnish a basis of comparison for sales and their trends, and they also may be used to investigate the relationship between the number of retail establish- ments and population trends and densities. In addition, these determinants are useful in studying the emergence of new retailing institutions and their locational patterns, since the environment provides certain Operating conditions which limit the scope of the firm's activity and affect its organizational structure.10 The determinants which have created the higher level retailing system in S. Paulo will be discussed later according to the framework developed above. Local Contrast Patterns.--Despite the homogeniety within microregions in a changing economy like Brazil's, it is possible to observe local contrasts. These are most common in areas of the country where the polarization of economic growth and the process of urbanization have created conditions in which coexist peddlers and specialty stores selling textiles; open markets (feiras) and modern super- markets selling meat, fish, and produce: push-cart milkmen and large dairy product chains; and unplanned commercial clusters and regional planned shopping centers. The reasons for these dualities in Brazil may be found in the economic, 165 social, and anthropological variables acting upon the system, which may include any or all of the following: 1. Limited markets, due to lower population densities and purchasing power, such as rural areas in the Northeast; 2. low value of labor, which generates labor- intensive retailing operational patterns; 3. Significant differences in economies of scale, a product of l and 2, which preclude sufficient volume to operate institutionalized retailing; 4. lack of initial capital for investment, since only recently has the economy become geared to improving marketing operations; 5. differences in shopping habits among the several segments of the market, a function of differences in income, education, mobility, and mass media exposure; 6. legal barriers to entry (protectionismL which usually result from laws to protect certain strong political groups such as farmers and fishermen; 7. poor transportation and communication facilities, due to the slow expansion of the automobile and telecommun- ications industries between 1940 and 1960; 8. conservatism on the part of those who want to maintain the status quo;11 and 9. rigid 1aWs concerning land use and labor relations.12 166 For example, until recently supermarkets were not recognized as retailing institutions, Even today, in some cities, unions prevent merchants from opening their establishments during evening hours or weekends. Another theoretical and more economically oriented explanation for this dualism (although not written specific- ally about the Brazilian case) is given by Reed Moyer: the technical efficiency is low,but before condemning retailing as an activity encouraging a misallocation of resources, one must recognize that Opportunity cost conditions support the excess use of labor on economic efficiency grounds.13 Local contrasts are likely to decline faster than regional contrasts; the confrontation of modern methods of retailing with old manners of doing trade leads to survival of the stronger and more adaptative members of the system,who are capable of making ecological or environ- mental adjustments. This type of institutional behavior is a necessary condition for survival within an evolutionary system. The System's Evolution A comparison of the present stage of Brazilian retailing with the observations made by Taylor ten years ago yields a neat illustration of an "evolutionary process by which alterations occur in the structure and function of the system."14 Within this frame of reference,it can be said that during the last decade changes in the Brazilian retailing system brought both modifications in functional 167 dimensions and in the Specific characteristics of retail- ing institutions. The present analysis will be focused on the following points: (1) the changes in the level of per- formance of existing institutions, taking as a framework the taxonomy developed previously; (2) the emergence of new (in relation to the environment) retailing institutions; and (3) a brief analysis of the development of retailing in the GSPMA. The analysis of points one and two will refer to institutional changes occuring in Brazilian retailing (mainly in urban areas) without focusing attention on any specific region; the discussion of point three, however, will be narrowed down to the metropolitan area, which is of particular interest to the present dissertation. Changes in the Level of Performance One general trend in the past ten years has been the expansion of the distribution network of retailing firms. Many dealers in home appliances and apparel now operate several branches located not only in the same city, but also in other cities and sometimes other states.15 Due to the government's policies toward import substitution begun in 1957, the localrmuusproduction of electrical home appliances has created the opportunity for stores to carry well-known brand names and sell broader lines of refrigera— tors, washing machines, and TV sets.16 Some limited steps 168 toward franchising have been taken on an informal basis by well-known restaurant owners, who have opened outlets under their trade name which they sell to franchise operators. Relations with customers during transactions have been improved substantially. Although a bill of sale still is written for cash purchases in some stores, there is a generalized use of automatic cash registers, princi- pally in supermarkets and large department stores. Post— tranamfijon activities, such as delivery and installation of high ticket items like TV'S and stero systems, have been improved. This is mainly because many chain stores are using and operating distribution centers, from which the merchandise is shipped directly, thus reducing delivery costs and raising the service level. There have been serious legal restrictions on retail- ing. Until 1958, supermarkets were not recognized by trade laws, and in Rio de Janeiro and the State of S. Paulo, super- markets gained official license to operate only in November, 1968. Despite these and other restrictions,sunmeprogress has been made, for example, more flexible operating hours and scrambled merchandising in supermarkets have been introduced. 17 It is in the area of credit that the retailing system in Brazil has demonstrated the greatest ability to innovate and to adjust to new market conditions. As Taylor mentioned, ten years ago credit was granted mostly on a personal, monthly basis. Today,the system makes 169 extensive use of mass credit, which is supported by the so-called financeiraslB; by new and flexible legislation regulating the creditor direto ao consumidomlz and by the emergence of several credit card institutions which some- times are owned by commercial banks. Among all the retailing institutions in Brazil, those which have demonstrated the largest growth are the supermarket, which in the city of £3. Paulo alone number over three hundred. These institutions, which were subjected to many restrictions in their initial phase, now are completely accepted in the Brazilian market and are growing at a significant rate. Supermarkets first began operating in S. Paulo and now may be found in almost every state in the country. Supermarkets originally were a nonconforming example of the wheel pattern but now are strongly entrenched in the retailing of foods to the lower and middle classes. After many years of operating without formal legal support, supermarkets have gained local legal recogni- tion and even federal financial institutions are providing long—term loans; these are being used to expand the number of outlets of existing chains and to improve present facilities.20 They first were located in commercial strips near higher income residential areas and only in larger Cities. Now they have moved to suburban areas and to smaller towns and cities. Many stores have off-street parking and modern layouts, with warehouse space and meat cutting sections. 170 These institutions have had an impact on buying habits, Since self-service and attractive merchandise dis- plays have lured men as regular weekend shoppers, a task previously performed only by housewives and maids. The supermarket concept in cities and towns in the hinterland of the State of S. Paulo has changed the old casa de secos e molhados into modern self—service food retailers.21 In Ribeirao Preto, a wealthy city in S. Paulo, for example, local supermarkets are aggressive in pricing; as a result, they draw business from smaller towns in the vicinity for a radius of approximately fifteen to twenty miles. In small towns, supermarkets locate in or near the CBD. Few of them have tried locations outside the central city nucleus. According to private sources,these institu- tions in smaller cities account for 30 to 80 percent of total food sales, a significant amount when one considers that they began operating less than twenty years ago.22 Emergence of New Retailing Institutions The discussion of new retailing institutions in Brazil will follow guidelines suggested by Ralf Linton which are adapted to the perspectives of this dissertation. The word noy_must be interpreted in relative terms since what is considered new in one system is not in another. According to Linton,23 innovations must have some specific elements of form, function, and 171 meaning before qualifying a method, technology, or institution as new. Drawing upon Linton's concepts,it is possible to say that a retailing institution is new in form when it presents directly observable physical characteristics that are different from previous institutions. An institution is new in function when it can induce alter- ations in the previous buying behavior of the individuals or households within its area of influence. Finally, an institution is new in its meaning when it is perceived objectively or subjectively as new by its customers. The last concept is rather difficult to explain in other fields of social science, but it seems to be more concrete in retailing. Accordingly, the meaning of a new retailing form of operation may be conceived of as the increase of preference in relation to previous alternatives, or as comparable with a greater feeling of convenience being introduced into the system by the inter- action of the customers and the new form of retailing organization. For example, a shopping center which offered parking and one-stop shopping in an area where there previously existed only unplanned commercial clusters would be preferred by most shoppers, who would regard it as a more convenient place to shop. 172 Consequently, shopping centers, hipermercados,24 and some new forms of service retailing offered in Brazil are new in relation to a particular market; they have changed the physical dimensions and spatial locational patterns of the conventional downtown department store and their suburban branches. Another effect of the evolution of these new institutions, aside from their impact on store design and locational decisions, and one that seems more relevant, is their influence on the value of land. The impact has been twofold: the value of outlying land has increased because of consumer preferences for alter- native locations, and the rent value of land already in use at conventional locations has decreased.25 Since Shopping centers in GSPMA will be described and discussed in more detail in chapter 4, at this point only the other new forms of retailing will be mentioned: hipermercados, multinational operations, leasing of automobiles, and credit institutions. Hipermercados.--The hipermercados draws upon the concepts of joint operation, completeness of offerings, and discount prices. The first such store was inaugurated recently in the GSPMA; it belongs to a large supermarket chain and was installed on due premises of an empty factory building. It offers a complete line of products, both in depth and width, and an extensive range of services 173 such as carry-out food, laundering and pressing,car sales, banking and financing, and cooking lessons; these numerous services may be explained by the relatively low cost of labor in the area. The hipermercado, also called Jumbo,is located on a nine-acre site, has about 100,000 square feet of building area, and is arranged in a cluster design. Although far from attaining the conceptual organization and dimensions of a real and planned shopping center, this institution does reveal a great deal of the evolutionary trends of the retailing system. The same chain plans to open a second store in 1972, and another is scheduled for Brasilia, the new capital of Brazil.26 Multinational OperationS.--Another feature of the evolving' Brazilian retailing system is the multinational company. For example, the same chain which owns the hipermercado described above operates on an international scale; they own supermarkets in Lisbon, Portugal, and are planning to Open a hipermercado in Luanda, Angola.27 It is interesting that the growth of the Brazilian consumer market has attracted these international storekeepers. Recently,a Japanese chain, Yaohan Department Stores and Company, began operations in S. Paulo with a similar supermarket-discount department store. It is located in the suburbs, has 60,000 square feet of building area, and has 100 parking spaces on its third floor.28 It is too 174 early to evaluate the eventual result of this multi- national trend, but it does indicate an increasing inter- nationalization in the Brazilian retailing pattern.29 Automobile Leasing.--In the area of service retail- ing, automobile leasing has expanded significantly in the past decade. There are numerous local firms leasing Brazilian-made cars, and recently a large American firm entered the Brazilian market.30 Credit.--Also in the area of service retailing, credit has grown tremendously. Its use has gained extensive acceptance among large urban retailers, and credit systems are operated and controlled by banks, similar to the U.S. pattern. This development, of course, is related to the introduction and expansion of electronic data processing methods in the country. Development of Retailing in the GSPMA The evolution of the retailing system in the GSPMA will be viewed from the following perspectives: (1) an analysis of the historical aspects; (2) a description of institutional changes in the area; (3) a study of changing locational patterns; and (4) a simplified chronology of the principal relevant periods in this urban area's development. At this point,no attempt will be made to deal with demographic and secondary data related to the system; they will be examined in detail in 175 the descriptive analysis of the shopping centers in and urban characteristics of the GSPMA.31 Historical Periods. A. 1900-1945 As has been previously mentioned, the city of S. Paulo is the economic and political center of the state. Founded in 1554, it became the largest and richest city in Brazil due to several socioeconomic factors such as coffee production, a large immigra- tion coefficient, and its industrialization in the early 19205. In such an environment the first large retailing institutions appeared in the beginning of this century. Most of these stores were branches of large international groups,which operated in the import and export trade. Basically, these firms imported and sold durables and consumer goods to high-income segments of the population. They were organized into departments, but they operated for many years without any of the mass retailing methods used by their U.S. contemporaries. Stores were located in the downtown area, which at this time was the exclusive shopping district of the city. Since they served a small limited segment of the population, most of their sales were in cash; no credit system was used other than the traditional monthly charge 176 account granted to a select number of privileged customers. Other institutions in the retailing system at this time were handicraft stores, small stores selling a few national products, food importers, and retail service institutions. There was no native automobile industry, and cars generally were imported from the United States.32 The 1929 depression and World War II had two considerable impacts on the city's economy. S. Paulo's industrilization was retarded, and coffee exports, upon which it depended heavily during this decade (1930 - 1940), were considerably reduced.33 B. 1945-1955 S. Paulo's retailing system did not change notably until the end of World War II. The decade from 1945 to 1955 can be described as the initial phase of the take-off: new industries expanded, new techniques were spread in agriculture, and the urban explosion became a reality. Consequently, the need to adjust and to improve the distribution system became apparent. Among the outstanding events of this period, one was especially Signi- ficant: in 1955 import substitution policies were inaugurated to correct Brazil's balance—of-payments 177 deficit. As a result of these policies, which were supported by restrictive customs regulation and by generous allowances for importation of duty-free industrial installations, the local mass production of home appliances and the creation of an automotive industry became a reality in 1956. Industrial urbanization emerged, which had a serious impact on the structure of large cities like S. Paulo, Belo Horizonte, and Porto Alegre. The effect of these changes on the urban environment brought wide- spread, substantial adjustments in the retailing system of the GSPMA. In addition, large foreign retailing institutions were bought by Brazilian groups, thus opening the capital to the public.34 Realizing the market opportunity to distribute the massive production of the Paulista industries, many national retailing groups and enterprises were immediately organized. Initially involved were wearing apparel, electrical home appliances, and durable goods, and, later, unusual locally produced goods. These institutions, following the old pattern, were located in the CBD, although they used, by means of technology transfer, modern techniques of contemporary U.S. retailing. These included installment credit, newspaper price advertising and promotion, departmentaliza- tion, and scrambled merchandising. 178 A remarkable change in the traditional locational pattern was introduced by Sears, Roebuck and Company, which started its operations in S. Paulo outside the CBD. Since most of the sites adequate for retail trade already were occupied by independent stores in the so-called unplanned business districts, Sears chose to locate about three miles from the downtown area. This decision, which began a trend when some important retailers followed Sears' lead, can be understood as dynamic, ecological, and adaptive behavior of the retailing system. The main causal factors for the trend toward decentrali- zation were: the dispersal of disposable consumer income; increased use of automobiles; increase of the city's urbanized area; traffic congestion; and changing buying habits in terms of marketplace preferences, frequency of Shopping trips, and types of retailing stores selected to sell Specific household needs.35 This move toward decentraliza- tion was not accompanied by substantial change in stores' physical facilities or design. 179 C. 1955—1965 No other segment of marketing reacts so quickly to changes in the environment as retailing. The proof of this proposition in the GSPMA can be observed in the decade between 1955 and 1965. In 1955, many definite patterns in Brazilian economic develOpment were established, new policies in inter- national trade were enforced, and, in 1957, the auto- mobile industry began Operation. The process of industrialization brought about population growth within the boundaries of S. Paulo, and during this period many social habits changed drastically. In addition, industrial workers began to participate in the retailing system with their limited but increas- ing disposable income. Many segments of the middle class widened their horizons by taking small trips, buying inexpensive sports supplies, and shopping for low-cost home appliances, such as electric irons, radios, and blenders. There was a tremendous boom in ready-to—wear apparel. Due to the Spectacular increase of the S. Paulo metropolitan area,the decentralization trend continued. It became unprofitable for large department stores to remain in the CBD; they opened branches in suburban areas and initiated the use of more advanced operating methods,such as extensive credit promotion, 180 addition of several product lines, and the use of radio, newspaper, and television advertising. By 1960, the convenience of Shopping in the GSPMA for those living in the cities of the interior became so apparent that the large merchants extended their operations to these areas, selling primarily durables and shopping goods. This period marks the origin of regional chain stores in the State of S. Paulo. While the retailing system was responding to changes in the environment, other types of retail- ing outlets reacted with changes in store design. Several unique types of stores were planned and put into operation in the GSPMA, some of the most distinctive of which were the galerias.36 These were located in downtown areas and along the already established commercial strips, and in some instancesIthey can be considered ancestors of the Shopping center. The lay-out of the galerias can be compared with the old European-style commercial covered mall; they generally were built perpendicular to the main street and had three or four floors connected by stairways or escalators. The most common tenants of these centers are boutiques, sophisticated specialtysnxmes carrying a limited line and having 181 a high margin and high-price policy. The galerias' success was limited and there are good grounds for saying they represent a fiasco in terms of adapt- ability and profitability. An exception must be made for those in excellent locations, but the success of most can be evaluated by considering that many of their little 500-square-foot stores were vacant for years after the building was completed. D. 1965-1970. During the last five years, traffic in the GSPMA has become chaotic; for the first time merchants have begun to mention their parking facilities in their advertising and to emphasize the con- venience of decentralized locations. Since the lay- out of older stores does not permit rearrangement for private parking, many merchants have started renting vacant lots, sometimes 300 yards away, and posting advertisements of this convenience in front of their stores. It seems clear, then, that the socioeconomic conditions of the GSPMA were ripe for a new type of retail facility that could provide off-street parking. The environment, in other words, required the development of shopping centers. 182 In 1964,construction began on the first planned Shopping center in S. Paulo. The event was extremely important from a number of viewpoints; in particular, in marketing it represented a land— mark in store planning and design, and in real estate operations it also was unique since the environmental conditions of specific trade areas created an interesting set of planning, locational, and financing problems. The Chronologngap and the Contrast Patterns Any overview of the development of the Brazilian retailing system must bear in mind that there is a definite time gap between the Brazilian and U.S. systems. This gap generally stems from lags in economic development, from variations in the process of institutionalization of business management,37 and from variations in the specific trends of urbanization. Any or all of these internal differences, which are peculiar to each system, may help explain, for example, why the general store in Brazil was followed by department stores, not by mail order houses. The primary cause in this instance was limitations imposed by the inefficiency of the Brazilian postal system. Differences in product mix planning may be explained by the low level of capital availability as compared with the United States. 183 Until l965,the Brazilian profit philosophy implied that institutions Should adhere to high margin-low volume policies, whereas in the United States these attitudes changed even before World War II. These contrasts exemplify the different operational levels in both systems, but testing their cause and effect relationships lies outside the scope of this dissertation. The comparisons that will be made here between the Brazilian and U.S. retailing system will be oriented toward similar variables in the two systems, even though these variables are likely to be influenced by time lag. Furthermore, within this dissertation,these Similarities will be noted only in conjunction with the operational characteristics of shopping centers, and no attempt will be made to explain causal factors. This approach assumes that evolution in the systems bears a close relationship with changes in internal (endogenous) variables, and that external variables have little or no effect upon the systems. To illustrate the Brazilian evolutionary process and its time lag in relation to similar developments in the U.S. retailing system, a chronological table is presented. It indicates, decade by decade, the emergence of Specific types of retailing operations in the Brazilian and U.S. environments. The usefulness of such a framework is limited to representing a summary TABLE 6.--Comparative Chronology--American and Brazilian Retailing 184 Systems. U.S.A. Brazil Sources and Period-Milestones Retailing Type Comments R D R D I. Scarcity General Store 1800 1860(a) 1910 1940 (a) From Fred Jones, "Retail Retailing Stores in the US, 1800- Limited Line 1900 1939(b) 1920 1950 1860," Journal of Store Marketing, I (October, 1936), 1360. Farm Owned (b) From Gist, Retailing Store 1900 1940 Concepts, p. 100. II. Specialization- Department 1861(c) 1945 1930 - (c) From Paul H. Nystrom, Long Distance- Store Economics of Retailing Impersonal (New York: Ronald Press, Retailing 1934), p. 179. Mail Order 1890 1910(d) - - (d) From Gerald B. Tallman House and Bruce Blomstrom, "Retailing Innovations Challenge Manufacturers," flarvard Business Review, SIptember-"ctober, lJOZ, pp. 130-134. III. Specialization Speczalty 1920(e) - 1930 1960 (0) This was not a definite Store period, but a slow emergence in some micro- regions. Decentralization Cnain Etcrr 19])(f) - 1945 - (f) Barger Study IV. Sle-SCIVIC“ Supermarket 1'30fg) - 1:53 - (9) From Fred Alvine, "The Supermarket Challenged," Business Horizons, Untober, 1968, pp. 4&- 51. Discount LiSCCUDt Store 1152(h) - - - (h) From Davidson and Doody, "Lwased Department as a Major Force in the Growth of Discount Store Retailing," pp. 39-46. V. Specialization- Shopping 1945(1) - 1964 - (i) From the Community Decentraliza- tion- Mass Retailing- Special Build- ings Center Builders Handbook, p. 271. The first US Shopping Center reported (1920) was the Country Club Plaza, Kansas City, Missouri, but the real up-rise came after 1945. R = rising trends declining trends 0’) ll OB chapter. = The chronology for the Brazilian System was developed from the taxonomy developed previously in this 185 of the analysis up to this moment, but it may serve to trace eventual relationships between the stages of economic development in each country and the responses of their respective retailing systems. It is interesting to note that,to date,the Brazilian retailing system has not made extensive use of mail-order shopping and that discount houses are not of great signifi- cance. The first phenomenon, as previously mentioned, may be related to the inefficiency of the postal system. The lack of discount stores is due to inflationary trends in the economy up to 1964 and because durable goods manu- facturers strongly opposed discount houses, who were supported by specialized and exclusive dealers of national brand appliances. From an overall perspective, the time lag between the innovations and evolution of the Brazilian and U.S. retailing systems averages about twenty years. Although, as mentioned, this dissertation will not investigate the causes and effects of this 1ag,the concept may be illustrated by the following diagram, which is deduced from the historical patterns discussed earlier. 186 .mMOOm om n HO>MOHOH OOOm .mEOHmhm mOHHHOHOm OOHHHnOMm OOO..m.D mo HOOEOOHO>OQ OOH OH mOH OEHBII.> MHmOB H 1 . _ _ M MOHOOU _ _ _ OOHOOOOM _ _ _ _ _ _ _ HOOMOEJOmOm " _ _ _ u H _ _ _ H OOHOHm _ _ _ _ _ 0 03080mm aHmao _ _ _ _ _ a mOwOHm “ OMOHm _ OMOHm _ _ _ m HOOEHMOOwO OHOOU _ HOOEHMOOOO_ mHHOHOOmm OMOHm HOMOOOw _ m r F i 1 O 1 . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ IO O O _ _ MOHOOU mOHOWOOm _ HOOMOEMOOOO“ OmOom “ n 4 MOUHO HHOE _ _ mOMOHm _ _ _ _ m _ _ 00H0H0000_ _ macaw OOHHEHH _ muoum _ _ muon _ _ _ a _ HOOOOmHO_ OMOHm OHOOO. HOOEHMOOOO OMOHm HOMOflOw _ _ _ _ _ H H _ _ _ (H _ d _ _ _ e H> _ > _ >H " HHH _ HH _ H _ m n _ _ _ _ _ s _ ommH oemH ONmH oomH ommH coma 187 Greater S. Paulo Metropolitan Area: Urban Structural Evolution In analyzing the urbanization process in the S. Paulo area, the theoretical concepts previously developed will be applied to relevant secondary data. The first task is to locate and delineate the area, its variables, and its urban problems. This is not easy since even its boundaries are the subject of controversy. Today within the GSPMAItwo geoeconomic and micrOpolitical regions may be identified: the City ofES. Paulo and the Municipio of S. Paulo. 38 It is with these that we will begin (see Figure 7). Population Descriptors The greater S. Paulo metropolitan area is located in the southern part of Brazil in the State of S. Paulo (see Figure 8). It is legally defined as a metropolitan area,39 encompasses 7.951 km2, and represents 3.2 percent of the state's total area :10 Presently the GSPMA is composed of 37 municipios . Among these, the Municipio of S. Paulo plays an important role, particularly as the polarization point of urban population within the GSPMA and in its percentage of land use. According to the latest data furnished by the Brazilian census, the Municipio of S. Paulo has an area of 1.493 km2 and a population of 5,978,977.41 188 .OHOHOHOOE OOH Ho mOHMOOOOOO HOmOH OOH OOOOMO>O OOOMO m.>HHo OOH HOOH O>MOOOO OH mOHHmOMOHOH mH HH .AOzoMOV OHOOO .m Ho mHHU OOH OOO “HmsHav oHana .0 Ho =oHaHoHape= 000 inc u13020302000 OOH HOV ”OOOHmOMIOMOHE OOMOH mOHOHOoo OOHmOM OHOE .Adzmmwv OOMO OOHHHOQOMHOE OHOOO .m MOHOOMO OOBII.> OMOmHm 189 190 For the purposes of this dissertation,another micro- region may be defined: the City of S. Paulo. This area, composed of 48 districts, concentrates 5,186,752 inhabitants in a highly urbanized space of 857kn3,42 It is on this microregion that the normative part of the dissertation will be focused. In order to demonstrate the relative importance of each of these three regions the following comparative table was prepared. The table indicates the TABLE 8.--1970 GSPMA--Population, Area and Densities. (l) (m 2 (3) Param Area POpulation Area Km Density - (1)3(2)=(3) Pop. Area City of S. Paulo 5.186.752 857 6.052 63% 10.7% Municipio of S. Paulo 5.978.977 1.493 4.004 73% 18.7% GSPMA 8.206.129 7.951 1.032 100% 100 % Source: IBGE 1970, Censo Demografico S. Paulo). high degree of population polarization in the City of S. Paulo, which constitutes 10.7 percent of the GSPMA but contains 63 percent of the total population (see Table 8). The Hipge Factor in S. Paulo The GSPMA displays the hinge factor mentioned by Gottman; it has grown without planning and zoning policies 191 adjusted to its dimensions, and its growth cannot be halted unless the outlying regions also stOp growing. The absence of good public tranSportation, associated with twenty years of scarce supply of automobiles, has forced all public services and tertiary activities to concentrate in the core of the city and around narrow land ribbons following the major axes. Actually, this scheme functioned well until 1950, when the area had about 2.2 million inhabitants. Subsequently, however, with the continuous growth of the metropolis and the emergence of the automobile industry, traffic conditions in the inner city became chaotic. 43 and this Speeds average less than 12.5 miles per hour, rate drOps drastically in rush hours when the movement toward central locations is through a limited number of major radial roads. It is along these roads that retailing stores generally are located, a factor that serves only to increase congestion due to the absence of off-street parking facilities. AS can be seen in Tablesa, the population of S. Paulo has grown at a geometric rate during the last three 44 Such an increase in pOpulation will heighten decades. the demand for tertiary types of activities since most of the increase is due to internal migratory contingents. These are employed in the secondary sector and are likely to demand immediate services and facilities from the tertiary sector.45 192 TABLE 9.--City of S. Paulo--Demographic Growth. Period Average Yearly Rate 1940 - 1950 5.05 % 1950 - 1960 5.23 % 1970 - 1980 4.97 % (projected) 1980 - 1990 4.64 % (projected) Source: PUB Plan Urbanistic Basic. In absolute terms the growth of the City of S. Paulo also is impressive. Tablelo shows population coefficients, growth since 1900, and projections up to 1990.46 The TABLE]D.--City of S. Paulo-—Popu1ation 1900-1990. Period Population (000) Index % Growth 1900 240 100 0 1910 430 186 86% 1920 579 241 34% 1930 950 395 64% 1940 1,305 543 37% 1950 2,154 897 65% 1960 3,709 1,290 ' 72% 1970 5,978 2,490 61% 1980 9,476 (Est.) 3,948 58% 1990 14,347 (Est.) 5,977 51% 193 figures indicate that S. Paulo has increased its pOpulation about 25 times since l900,and that during the next two decades it is expected to increase more than 2.4 times. Italso is interesting that percentage increases in the population during five of the last seven decades have been above 60 percent. The two exceptions are the 19105 and 19405, which were years of international con- flicts that affected the industrialization process of the metropolis. The location of such a large population in so small an area has led to inadequacies in the urban infra— structure; there is high concentration in the core of the city, which has a high residential density and a great deal of traffic congestion. Urban Area Structural Changes Prior to World War II.-—The growth of the GSPMA since its foundation in 1554 has followed an interesting pattern of urban structure and it may be explained empirically by the theories we have examined.47 The initial central nucleus, settled in the colonial period, is today's CBD. Around this original settlement other small pioneer villages clustered for strategic purposes (see Figure 9-a),but the nucleus was and has remained the center of trade and political activities. During this phase the urban structure followed 194 BHASIL 41"..IL. --1"'{§§LF“E' FIGURE 8 LOCATION OF THE STATE OF SAO PAULO 195 Burgess's typical concentric zone pattern. Obviously, no other circles were present at this time (seventeenth century), but the eventual location of trade and resi- dential areas were very consistent with his scheme. In 1876 the first railroad linked S. Paulo with Santos, the major port of Brazil; other railroads followed, which increased the attraction of the central nucleus, where their terminals were located. The railway exercized a great centrifugal force on the growth pattern of the city, and by 1900 it displayed the star-shaped contours of Hurd's axial growth theory (see Figurer9-b). Regarding Hoyt's theory, in the city's initial stages, up to the 19205, land use for trade and resi- dential areas followed definite sectorial patterns; industry and low-income sectors were in the northern part of the city, and well-defined high-income neighbor- hoods were in the southwest. In the late thirties up through the forties, the emerging highway network had an impact on the city's structure quite similar to that of the railways. Roads eXpanded the urbanized area of the city, but since they served mainly for production transportation and for mass transit purposes, they reinforced the role of the CBD, where they converged, as the most important trade area in the city. During these phases,the structure still displayed 196 URBAN N CLE HISTORICAL CENTER I———--ROA08 ----RAILROADB (b) FIGURES? EVOLUTION OF THE S. PAULO URBAN AREA 197 the star-shaped pattern with large empty spaces between the major radial axes. After World War II.-—After 1940, as the city and its population grew, trade began to decentralize. This ecological, unplanned trend followed the major radial transportation axes, which became transformed into commercial axes.48 At this stage 8. Paulo began its period of metropolitan life (see Figure 90), and its configuration was highly consistent with Harris and ULmans'polynuclei concept. The absence of private tranSportation maintained the CBD as the major pole of attraction, which created a peculiar pattern. Despite the existence of numerous urban nuclei, there still is a great deal of dependence on the CBD and the major com— mercial axes for retailing purposes. According to official sources, approximately two million people commute daily to the CBD, and more than 100,000 daily trips to the downtown area for shopping purposes are by private transportation.49 This pattern of shopping movement over the urban space reflects a type of behavior consistent with locational characteristics prior to the emergence of the automotive industry in Brazil. Today, however, this spatial shopping behavior must be changed for several reasons: 198 a. The rise in automobile ownership gives con- sumers more freedom to select areas other than the CBD. 50 and b. The CBD has only 34,000 parking spaces, the continuation of shopping in the area will only increase traffic congestion. c. Retailing institutions can find locations with lower land value in peripheral zones.51 d. The decentralization of retailing along commercial strips would not reduce congestion in the inner city, since these routes should be used for through traffic and not as parking space for the customers. This brief analysis demonstrates that S. Paulo has passed through deep transformations since its settlement, and that today there is a need to induce modifications in its Operational characteristics in order to increase the 52 The opportunity for change is quality of urban life. now, before the effects of the automobile are felt even more. It is necessary to recognize the structure of the urban fabric and introduce a program of modifications with priorities, among these,retailing location seems to be one of the most important. Despite differences in some of the characteristics of the urban structure, such as low-income groups located in the periphery, it is likely that the impact of the automobile and the construction of new rapid transit 199 routes will enhance the escape to the suburbs. A new belt of middle class population will form at the periphery, reinforcing the opportunity for retailing decentralization at strategic sites. The Plano Urbanistico Basico (PUB) studies mentioned that the automotive industry, since its advent in 1957, has been affecting S. Paulo's urban structure by offering public and private transportation to areas unreachable by suburban railroad routes. A negative outcome has been the increasing congestion in the downtown area and the com- mercial strips.53 The same report notes, however, that in many urban areas the use of automobiles has changed the patterns for retailing location. Retailing in the Greater S. Paulo Metropolitan Area: Problems and Trends Land use studies conducted by the city of S. Paulo municipal government indicate that only 8 percent of the total urban area is used for commercial activities. Of this area, one-third is located in the CBD and the remainder occupies the major radial axes in a maximum radius of seven miles around the city's inner core (see Figure 10).55 S. Paulo's general trade location pattern, with a powerful CBD and many unplanned commercial clusters in the 200 .pru H mm: UGMH Hafioumafioov omo may pcsoum mdmum HMHUHmEEoo paw umpmsHo Hmmfloaflum Hflmcu ca Ummmms mfi.c0Humooa HMHOHmEEOU onullmms Gama HmHOHmEEOU .oaswm .m mo mpHUII.oH wusmflm 202 outlying areas linked by several commercial ribbons,56 is classic, but outdated. Because of these patterns, travel time and distance parameters required for shopping trips in the area have increased,despite the trend toward decentralization and the increase in car ownership. This condition is eXplained by the fact that the introduction of automobiles into an area with narrow streets and into a CBD with a high building density will hinder the eventual positive aspects of a better application of transportation technology.57 According to the PUB, in order to avoid a possible repulsion steming from these factors,it is neces- sary to create and implement a set of urban policies which could reduce the so-called "diseconomies of conglomera- tion."58 The analysis made by the city of S. Paulo municipal government indicates that the phenomena mentioned above are not a result of a total saturation of urban space, but are the product of the unplanned and outdated distribu- tion of tertiary activities caused by the nonsystematic urban development of the city.59 A great deal of emphasis must be placed on the actual location of tertiary activities as well as on their desired location. The basic policy suggested by the PUB is to decentralize those retailing activities located in the central part of the city, and,simultaneously,to preclude new stores from locating in the area.60 203 Interestingly enough, the city planners took into consideration the opportunity for the creation of shopping centers and neighborhood commercial clusters with small 61 The stores offering convenience goods and services. studies selected three priority areas (Santo Amaro, Itaquera, and Parelheiros) where shopping centers with regional characteristics should be located with the support 62 The and at the incentive of the municipal government. studies and plans analyzed here also recommend norms and regulations concerning future urban land use for com- mercial activities. Assuming that automobile ownership will increase and that an adequate intraurban highway network will be completed, the PUB suggests, as a basic guideline, the location of commercial centers near the major interchanges at outlying locations. The report mentions that "the convenience which such institutions will provide to the automobile shoppers is so great in relation to the previous and old-fashioned forms of retailing that they will afford "63 The PUB also stresses the pOSSible a guaranteed success. economies of scale which may be generated by the large size of these future centers. They probably will use the same amount of urban land, despite their larger size, because they will be able to avoid traffic congestion caused by the parking methods used at present locations.64 204 These PUB studies culminated in the establishment of an ambitious master urban plan. Its priorities, policies, and programs related to the future of tertiary activities in the GSPMA are extremely consistent with the propositions and objectives of this dissertation, so that a brief analysis of the studies seems justified. In defining a general policy of urban development for the GSPMA, the PUB stresses "the need to promote the organization of urban land use in order to expand the opportunities for self-develOpment and the availability of efficient urban activities."65 Concerning commercial land use, specifically, the plan emphasizes the following major goals, ranked hierarchically. l. Metropolitan Level. In the metropolitan inner core, highly specialized commercial activities must be provided which allow for easy access and expansion of parking facilities. Simultaneously, programs leading to the decentralization of wholesaling and warehousing activities must be implemented. 2. Subregional Level. In order to avoid the continued polarization around the city's central zone, it is recommended that subregional centers be promoted to serve populations ranging from 1.0 to 2.5 million, with complete and integrated facilities for such 205 diversified activities as retailing, services, regional administration, educational facilities, and medical centers.66 3. Local Level. The PUB recommends the installa- tion of "local trade centers" with general retailing facilities, recreation spaces, and ample parking areas to attract approximately 400,000 people. At this level the plan also suggests smaller centers to sell basic house- hold needs.67 At the subregional level,the planners conceived gigantic community centers whose objectives are outside the scope of this dissertation; at the local level, however, the centers proposed by the city planners are quite similar to the shopping center concept as it is widely used in marketing and retailing theory. As the PUB indicates, the task of selecting locations for these local centers is beyond the range of city planning programs,68 and requires a greater detailed analytical framework, which lies in the domain of marketing technology. Such a task can be performed by the application of spatial analysis to evaluate microregional economic descriptors. The remainder of this dissertation will be oriented to this objective. It will use secondary and primary data and surveys conducted at Brazilian centers as inputs to evaluate the feasibility of shopping center operations:k1the GSPMA. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER III 1For other frameworks in which to study retailing developments from a comparative perSpective,see Stanley J. Shapiro, "Comparative Marketing and Economic Development," in George Schwartz, ed., Science in Marketing (New York: Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1968), espeCIally Chap. 14. Shapiro presents an interesting set of topics for discussion in relation to unsolved and neglected issues in comparative marketing and economic development. See also a seminal article by Edward Cundiff, "Concepts in Comparative Retailing," Journal of Marketing, 28, no. 1 (January 1965» 59— 63; another useful reference may be found in Peter D. Bennet, "Retailing Evolution or Revolution in Chile," Journal of Marketing, 30, no. 3 (July 1966), 40-45. 2The rate of change and the decline in the economic gap between regions must be viewed in relative terms and with some reservation. A recent unpublished analysis con— ducted by Professor Leo G. Erickson demonstrated that the percentual market potential elaborated for all the states in Brazil did not change substantially despite the total increase of the whole system. This study was a reevaluation of a previous analysis made in 1962. See Leo G. Erickson, "Analvzing Braziling Consumer Markets," MSU Business Topics. 2 (Fall 1963), 726-736. 3Lima, Shopping Centers, pp. 82, 125. 4Donald A. Taylor, "Retailing in Brazil," Journal of Marketing,24, no. 3 (July 1959). 54-58. 5See Paul H. Nystrom, The Economics of Retailing, vol. 1 (New York: Ronald Press, l934),p. 80T 6For a solid explanation of economic dualism in the Brazilian economy.see Celso Furtado, The Economic Growth of Brazil - A Survey from Colonial to Modern Times (Berkeley: University of California Press, l968).pp.’264-70; for a general and more theoretical framework,see John R. Hicks, Essays in World Economies (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1959). 7A microregion can be defined.for the purposes of this dissertation as a geographic space with homogeneous economic descriptors which may be served by one retailing system for shopping needs (accordingly, mail-order shopping is excluded). 206 207 8Douglas J. Dalrymple and Donald L. Thompson, Retailing: An Economic View (New York: The Free Press, I969),p. 92. 9Adapted from David A. Revzan, A Geography of Marketing; Integrative Statement (Berkeley: University California, 1969), pp. 150-151. A detailed analysis of the framework suggested by Revzan seems to indicate that the determinants are typical of distributive areas; these are areas or microregions whose major influence is on centrifugal or distribution flows (ibid., p. 146). Thus the assortment of products and their attractive appeal for surrounding areas become the focus of attention. 10Susan P. Douglas, "Patterns and Parallels of Marketing Structures in Several Countries," MSU Business Topics 19, 2. 39. In this article the author discusses the limitations of macroeconomic indicators to evaluate the marketing system, but suggests that "individual firms may respond in different ways and in varying degrees in environmental conditions." Thus, "the appropriate metho- dology would be to study the evolution of marketing structure over time" (p. 48). 11Adapted from Willard F. Mueller, "Some Market Structure Considerations in Economic Development," Journal of Farm Economics,41, 2, 420-421. 12Karl Polyani, The Great Transformation (Boston: Beacon Press, 1957), pp. 76-77. l3Reed Moyer, "The Structure of Markets in Develop- ing Economies," MSU Business Topics 12, 4:43-60. 14For a complete analysis of changes in social structures, see Everett M. Rogers and Floyd Shoemaker, Communication of Innovations, A Cross-Cultural Approach (New York: Free Press, l97l)7’pp. 7-17. 15An example of an organizational type is a chain store,Super-Lojas Arapua, which sells a complete line of home appliances and apparel. This firm has locations in two states, 8. Paulo and Mato Grosso. The development mentioned here indicates local, regional, and national expansion. 208 16The most common names in this field are General Electric, Westinghouse, Phillips,and Philco. 17Recently a supermarket operator was forced to close at 6:30 p.m. instead of 8:00 p.m. simply because a 1956 city law, which never had been changed, indicated 6:30 p.m. was the regular closing time. Accordingly, operations on Saturday and Sunday in this city, St.Andre, S. Paulo are not permitted. Interestingly enough a public survey conducted in St. Andre indicated that 95 percent of the interviewers were favorable to evening and weekend time schedules (0 Estado de Sao Paulo, [Brazilian newspaper] 6, October 1971). 18 . . . . . Financeiras are Similar to saVings and loan institutions in the United States. 19Credito direto ao consumidor is similar to the U.S. arrangement whereby the ultimate consumer is financed by commercial banks to buy durables such as cars, refrigerators, and TVs. 20A recent regulation from the Banco Nacional do Desenvolvimento Economico (BNDE) stated the conditions for finanCing up to US $250,000 for the modernization and expansion of supermarkets (Resolution 389/71 from the BNDE, Rio de Janeiro, 16 April 1971, "Program of Moderniza- tion and Reorganization of Marketing"). 21Casa de secos e molhados are similar to wet and dry goods stores. 22"05 supermercados em todo o lado," O. Estado de Sao Paulo, 28 November 1971. 23Ralf Linton, The Study of Man (New York: Applenton, Century, Crofts, 1936» pp. 402-404. 24Hipermercados are a conceptual and planned adaptation of U.S. supermarkets, discount department stores, and similar British institutions called super- stores. In essence these stores are a huge complex com- plex composed of a complete department store, a supermarket, bank, and an automotive center. In Brazil there is only one owner, and the automotive center services cars and sells new and used units. 209 25For an extended discussion of the potential impact of shopping centers in Brazil, see Alberto de 0. Lima Filho, "Shopping Centers como Novos Sistemas de Operacao Varejista," Revista de Administracao de Empresas, 9 no 2 (April-June 1969), 371491 6Journal do Jumbo [internal trade journal of the Jumbo Hipermercados], September 1971. 27 Ibid. 28Supermercado Moderno, July 1971, pp. 4-9. 29For an extensive analysis of the forms, problems, and risks of internationalization of retailing operations see Stanley C. Hollander, "The International Storekeeper," MSU Business Topics, 17 (Spring 1969), 13-23. 30 This firm is Hertz Rent-A-Car International. 31The information discussed here is based on previous research; see Lima, Shopping Centers, pp. 81-90. 32The growth of automobile registration in the GSPMA showed a slow increase up to 1960, followed by a rapid growth thereafter. These figures are: Year Number of Passenger Cars 1917 1,760 1924 6,623 1929 13,655 1940 22,739 1950 96,000 1960 120,662 1970 492,000 1971 641,404 Sources: (1) Juergen R. Langenbuch, A Estruturacao do Grande Sao Paulo (Rio de Janeiro: 1971), p. 152; (2) data from the Instituto Brasileiro de Cadastro (Niteroi: 1971); (3) the figures for 1960-1970 were taken from graphic estimates of the technical report of the Metropolitan Rapid Mass Transit System of the City of S. Paulo, pp. 171. 210 33Celso Furtado, Obstacles to Development in Latin America (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1969), pp. 14-15. The author discusses both events and stresses the dependence of a coffee-based economy on international affairs. 34Illustrative of these situational adjustments are the Mestre and Blagge, which become Mesbla S.A. and the Mappin's Stores, which became Lojas Mappin. 35For a complete discussion of these factors, see William R. Davidson and Alton Doody, Retailing Management (New York: Ronald Press, 1966), p. 113. 36Although galerias are similar to European-style covered open malls, due fo the climate some of them are not covered in the GSPMA. 37Donald A. Taylor, "Marketing in Brazil," in Marketing and Economic Development, Peter D. Bennet, ed. (Chicago: AMA, 1965), pp. 111-115. In his analysis, Taylor demonstrates that differences in economic environment necessitate different sets of variables for marketing analysis relative to their intensity of impact and time lag effects, that is, the effects of formal marketing education. 8Municipio is a Portuguese word equivalent to county. According to the Brazilian legislature this is the smallest autonomous politico-administrative unit. 39Decree No. 48, 163, 3 July 1967, State of S. Paulo Government. 40The State of S. Paulo is 247,989 kmz. 41VIII Recenseamento Geral (Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Brasileiro Geografia e Estatistica, 1970), p. 143. 42PUB, vol. 2, p. 45. 43PUB, vol. 4, p. 123. 44903, vol. 1, p. 107. 211 45Ibid., p. 86. According to this report, 3 percent of the growth will be generated from immigratory sources, due to the hinge factor. 46These figures were compiled from O. Estado, 5 August 1965, and from PUB, vol. 1, p. 103. 47PUB, vol. 2, p. 21. 481bid., p. 44. 49PUB, vol. 4, pp. 17, 141, and Table T-34. 50Ibid., p. 151. These parking spaces may be classified as follows: l4,000--private parking; 20,000-- public (curb parking). SlPUB, vol. 2, p. 138. 52For an interesting discussion of the subject, see Walter D. Harris, "Urban Quality in the Context of the Developing Society," in The Quality of Urban Life, pp. 186- 210. S3PUB, vol. 1, p. 41. 54Ibid., p. 42. 551bid., p. 82. 56Ibid., p. 104. 57Ibid., p. 218. 581bid., p. 147. 59Ibid. 60Ibid., p. 148. 6lIbid., p. 149. GZIbid. 212 63Ibid., p. 175. 64I§id., p. 177. According to the PUB studies, 5 percent of total urban land should be used for retailing locations. 651bid., p. 304. 66Ibid., p. 319. 67Ibid., pp. 319, 343. 681bid., p. 344. CHAPTER IV THE SHOPPING CENTER INDUSTRY IN THE GREATER S. PAULO METROPOLITAN AREA Introduction ShOpping centers are a newly developed type of retailing institution in the GSPMA. As mentioned in chapter 3, the first planned and controlled center began operation in 1965; after almost a decade, S. Paulo has only three shopping centers despite the size of its urban area and although this would be a better form of retailing locational pattern for a city which is increasing its automobile population at a rate of 30 percent per year (see Figure 11). This chapter's major objectives are to analyze and compare the centers with each other and, when it proves meaningful, to contrast them with the operational characteristics of U.S. centers. The following analytical criteria will be used. (1) Descriptive analysis of the overall dimensions, such as area of physical facilities, location in the city, store mix, marketing characteristics and orientation, organization and financial aspects. 213 215 (2) Analysis of the major operational dimensions. The relation of retailing areas to parking areas, store mix as a percentage distribution of the total area, parking lot characteristics and capacity, trade areas, drawing power, customer patronage characteristics and financial aspects such as leasing agreements and con- struction financing. The central objective of this study is to describe the overall dimensions of the shopping center industry in GSPMA and to analyze the operational characteristics of each center, having in mind their location within the city as discussed in detail in chapter 3. Thus, this chapter intends to evaluate the market power of each of the existing centers operating within the environmental conditions which also have been studied in the same chapter. The next chapter then will provide indications regarding districts or areas where shOpping centers could be located. A major constraint to applying this technique is that data regarding sales volumes are limited to short periods of time and are for one center; information for other centers had to be derived from lease figures and percentages. Relevant data and information were collected in several periods and with different objectives; consequently, the material must be categorized. The first category includes data collected by the author and other researchers in Brazil for purposes not specifically related to this dissertation.1 The second includes 216 information assembled specifically for this dissertation in September 1971 by the author and a team of students from the School of Business Administration of S. Paulo. Despite time constraints and the lack of formal support from the Brazilian centers' owners and managers, this effort furnished data for a good analytical framework. Iguatemi ShOpping Center: Overall Characteristics Iguatemi can be considered the first true planned and controlled shOpping center in the GSPMA. Because of its location, its store mix, and the way in which it was planned and developed,it may be classified as a pioneering and unique experience in the development of Brazil's retailing system. It is located in district 26, near major traffic arteries, and is surrounded by high-income neighborhoods. It is 6.0 km. from the CBD. Its site, according to the classifications discussed in chapter 2, falls into the so—called secondary shopping area, and its location patterns in relation to the existing roads and streets may be defined as pivotal (see Figure 12) . Iguatemi shopping center is adjacenttx>a large peripheral avenue (Faria Lima) and to one of the major, newly developed freeways (Nacoes Unidas) which runs beside the Rio Pinheiros. These thoroughfares and the characteristics of the adjacent. district give the center one of the most privileged locations within the city's urban area (see Figure 12). 217 AVE. REBOUCAS fl PINHEIROS RIVER W BU ILDING B Z :3 U) Lu 0 :1) PARKING Z a) <2 Q pi > <: DIM AV 3' AVE. FARIA LIMA FIGURE 12 IGUATEMI SHOPPING CENTER 218 The center was built during 1964 and 1965 on a vacant lot of about 4 acres. It has a floor space of 17.350 m2 (approximately 187,000 square feet), but since the center is built on three levels, the 17.350 m2 second level and 5.565 m2 third level make the gross building area about 40.265 m2 (approximately 247,000 square feet). This design feature was an overdimensioning of building area relative to lot size, as will be demonstrated later in this chapter. Iguatemi represents a real advance in terms of retailing facilities construction and architectural con— ceptualization in the Brazilian environment. However, from a retailing and marketing perspective,this institution falls short; such sound techniques aS a balanced store 1nix and plans for complete one-stop shopping facilities were not applied. As will be discussed later, the leasable area was allocated to an excessive number of small tenants whose orientation is toward specialty merchandising; this makes the center a high margin-low volume shopping place. Due to the initial lack of marketing orientation,the center must be conceived of as only a successful real estate Operation. Despite these limitations, Iguatemi has survived and has become a prime retail location in S. Paulo. The success of the center, which operates at lower efficiency levels than similar IJ.S. - institutions,and which might be more adequate if ideal retailing concepts had been 219 applied, is explained by several factors. First, there is excellent market Opportunity in the surrounding areas; second, traffic congestion in the area's competing commercial strips has increased; third, a new pheripheral freeway on the south side of the city has increased its drawing power (lower isocrones); and fourth, expansion of automobile ownership has increased consumer mobility. This center is totally leased to private store- keepers under an agreement Of fixed plus variable rent (percentage of sales volume) quite similar to itstLEL counterparts; administration and management Of the premises are under the control Of a management company which belongs to the original develOper, who also owned the construction firm. In 1964 the center's promoter conceived an ingenious mode of financing,land acquisition,and construction. Instead of relying upon large investors, banks, or finance companies, capital was generated from "participation quotas," which gave investors “the right to participate in the center lease revenues." This scheme was unique and well- suited to the Brazilian money market; it was efficient in drawing financial resources from small investors and also allowed planning flexibility to promoters and developers. The plan assumed that the administration of Iguatemi would be handled by a real estate management firm which, after deducting its Operational expenses from the total revenue, would distribute the excess profit among the investors. 220 The great majority of investors are dissatisfied with their earnings, which are far below any other invest- ment alternative. This failure precludes the use of such a financing plan, which otherwise could prove workable in future ventures of this kind. Iguatemi Shopping Center: Operational Descriptors Shopping centers may be analyzed in terms of their Operational characteristics from three perspectives: physical facilities'parameters; trade area descriptors; and customer shopping behavior. The first perspective enables the analyst to evaluate the center's architectural design and features and the degree of compatibility with its retailing objectives. These may be expressed by a prOper blending of store mix, internal traffic flows, and parking availability. The second gives insights about the impact Of the center upon its surroundings; the analyst must delineate the boundaries Of the center's trade area and furnish information to assess market penetra- tion and drawing power parameters. The third perspective generates estimators regarding patronage motivation, use Of the center premises, frequency Of visits, car ownership, customer income and expenditures at the center stores, and so forth. 221 The following evaluation of Iguatemi will use this format and will be performed in accordance with the taxo— nomic guidelines established for these purposes in chapter 22. The primary data used were drawn from continuous field research conducted at the center from 1966 to 1971 under the author's guidance and supervision. According to our taxonomic criteria, Iguatemi's physical facilities parameters are detailed in Table 11. There are several characteristic features worth mentioning. First, the excessive building area exceeds its site dimensions by about 7.000 m2. Second, large space is allocated to internal malls which waste about 25 percent Of the center's building area. Third, parking area is too small relative to total building and rental space; the center has a parking ratio Of 0.55 m2 and a parking index of 1.9, which are extremely low in relation to its trade area, location, and customer car ownership. Such figures seem to indicate that retailing techniques were not followed during the planning stage (see Figure 11). Another peculiar feature of this center is that since its Opening in 1965 it has increased the tenant number by subdividing each vacant store into smaller units; such a policy, according to information collected in 1971, has resulted in 119 small units as Opposed tO the original 79 units.3 From a strategic retailing point of view,it is difficult to see how the increase in the number of stores 222 TABLE 11.--Shopping Center Iguatemi Physical Facilities. Descriptor Characteristic or Parameter 1. Design Hub type multiple floors - 3 floors 2. Site Area 33,500 m2 or 8.4 acres 2 3. Ground Floor Area 17,350 m = 186,754 sq. ft. 4. Total Building Area Ground floor = 17,350 m2 = 186,754 sq. ft. First floor = 17,350 m2 = 186,754 sq. ft. Second floor = 5,565 m2 = 59,901 sqJ ft. Total Building Area== 40,265 m2 = 433,408 sq. ft. 5. Internal Malls (non- 2 selling areas) 10,770 m = 115,927 sq. ft. 2 6. Total Rental Area 29,495 m = 317,481 sq. ft.( (4)-(5) ) 7. Parking Area 16,150 m2 = 173,837 sq. ft.( (2)-(3) ) . _ 2 8. Circulation Area 1,615 m = 17,384 sq. ft.(10% of (7)) 9. Net Parking Area 14,535 m2 = 156,453 sq. ft.( (7)-(8) ) . r 2 10. Parking Space Size 25 m = 269 sq. ft. 11. Parking Capacity 581 cars spaces ( (9) I (10) ) . . 2 12. Parking Ratio 0.55 m = 0.55 sq. ft. ( (8)-(9) ) 13. Parking Indes 1.9 parking spaces per 100 m of rental area. Given by the following relation: 1.9 parking per 1000 sq. ft. . (11) number of car spaces _T——__——§' 317,481 sq. ft. 100 m /Rental Area 1000 sq. ft. 100 m 14. Store Mix (as % of Class % of Area NO. of Stores area per major Food and Food Services 10% 9 class) General Merchandise 31% 2 Apparel 16% 42 Furniture/Home Appliances 4% 10 Other Retail 14% 41 Services Facilities 25% 15 TOTAL 100% 119 15. Leading Tenant Major Department Store 223 could bring real benefits to the center's customers or enable economies of scale. The Opposite would seem to be true. Iguatemi's trade area descriptors were evaluated and analyzed several times by means of customers interviews; such field research generated sound information regarding trade area size, driving time, and driving distance. Although each collection was limited to 200 interviews, the information provides a basic picture Of competition and customer preference within the market area's geographic limits. Table 12 summarizes these data. The table indicates empirical evidence Of some theoretical concepts discussed in chapter 2. For example, the percentage of customers coming from the secondary trade area increased during the 1966-1969 period, whereas the percentage Of customers from the tertiary trade area remained almost constant. This fact may be explained by improved traffic conditions in the area and because the center's convenience became an extra attraction to pull customers from farther districts. It also is interesting that driving time inquiries indicate that 85 percent Of patrons will not drive more than 30 minutes to reach the center. This indicator is consistent with the driving distance percentages analyzed in Table 3. In other words, 85 percent Of the center's customers come from areas not farther away than 4 km. Another point to be noted is TABLE 12.--Shopping Center 224 Iguatemi Trade Area Descriptors. Descriptor Characteristic or Parameter Location in relation to the urban area. Location in relation to the road network. 3. Drawing Power 3.1 Driving Distances a. Primary Trade Area (up to 2 km radius) b. Secondary Trade Area (from 2 to 4 km radius) c. Tertiary Trade Area (from 4 to 6 km radius) 3.2 Driving Time 4. Population in the Trade Area 4.1 Primary Trade Area Secondary Trade Area Tertiary Trade Area Suburban - District NO. 26 Commercial Avenue - Faria Lima Av. 1966 Survey District No. % of Customers District NO. 1969 Survey % of Customers 26 28.3% 14 27 14.2% 27 14 6.6% 15 15 4.3% 26 53.4% 38 8.6% 13 6 6.6% 6 13 4.3% 29 39 4.3% 12 29 4.3% 39 28.1% from 10 18.5% 25 districts 1 Others Driving Time 24% 12% 8% _21 46% 12% 10% 6% 6% 6% 40% 10% 2% A 14% % of Customers tion less than 15 minutes 58% 13 to 30 minutes 27% 30 to 60 minutes 8% more than 60 minutes 7 District Number % of Popula 14, 15, 26, 27 and 28 = 266,228 6, 13, 29, 38 and 39 = 538,088 1, 4, 5, 12, 16, 24 and 40 = 450,139 TOTAL = 1,254,455 225 the high pOpulation coefficient within the trade areas: 804,000 individuals live within a 4 km. radius. We now will focus attention on the demographics Of the trade area and on findings related to customers' shopping behavior. These data were collected by the same procedures described previously, and analysis of the results indicates patterns of shopping behavior consistent with the theoretical constructs examined in chapter 2. In Table 13, Iguatemi is examined in relation to its customers' motivation and demographics, and some interesting Observations can be made. It is clear that one Of the basic reasons customers prefer the center is its location (33 percent) and the fact that it Offers Off-street parking (16 percent). Since no other retailers in the area have the same or similar facilities, the convenience of location and parking are obvious differential advantages. Table 12 also indicates that Iguatemi is competing with the nearest commercial street, where traffic congestion and scarce parking make shOpping with a car time consuming; 85 percent Of the people interviewed declared they owned at least one car. Another point may be mentioned in relation to the center: out Of 119 stores, 5 were preferred by 63 percent of the interviewees. This seems to indicate that the excessive number of small stores tends to reduce the 226 TABLE 13.--Shopping Center Iguatemi Customer Shopping Behavior and Demographics. Question Motives and Attitudes Towards the SCI F% 1. Reason to patronize the Location 33% SCI Product Mix 26% Parking 16% Retail Services 12% Product Quality 9% Other 4% 2. Preferred stores in the Department Store (1 store) 25% SCI Variety Store (1 store) 14% Supermarket (1 store) 12% Shoe Store (2 stores) 12% Other (114 stores) 37% 3. Other places in which Downtown 15% like to shop Nearest commercial strip (Rua Augusta) 42% Other 20% NO prefererce 23% 4. Mode of Transportation Car 86% to reach the Center Taxi 6% Bus 5% Walk-in 3% 5. Car Ownership per no cars 15% customer household 1 car 43% 2 cars 30% more than 2 cars 12% Accumulative percentage at least 1 car 85% 6. Household Year Income Income 53 Class Midpoint F% x Class Midpoint (USS) 0- 3,600 2 3 1,800 8 3,600 7,600- 7,200 6 5,400 32,400 7,200-10,800 20 9,000 180,000 lO,800-14,4OO 72 12,600 9011000 1,123,200-%100 I $11,232 n - 200 Obs: The household year income $11,232 reflects the average household year income of the center customers and cannot be interpreted as averages for the districts in the center trade area. 227 eventual advantages which could be derived from large scale Operation. In fact, most of the stores in the center have an image of high price, high margin, and low volume retailing. This fact leads to a final comment; the relatively high average yearly household income (US$11,232L as determined by the interviews, means that the center is serving a high-income segment of the trade area population. Lapa ShOpping Center: Overall Characteristics Lapa Shopping Center is located in district 40 (Lapa); its construction began in 1966 and it Opened two years later. This is the second planned and controlled shopping center in the GSPMA, and its promotion and con- struction were handled by the same real estate firm which developed Iguatemi. Site selection for this center was based on the results of market area analysis provided by hired consultants. At their recommendation, Lapa Shopping Center was located in the core of Lapa district's com- mercial zone, adjacent to the major retailing street. According to the classification criteria develOped in chapter 2, this center falls into a secondary shOpping area locational category and it also may be classified as an intersection type (see Figure 14). This locational pattern is the principal constraint to the center's drawing power and market share. On one side,the center faces 228 FIGURE 13 LAPA SHOPPING CENTER 229 competition from a large cluster of stores within walking distance; on the other side, heavy traffic conditions make car owners avoid the area. In addition, Lapa Shopping Center's accessibility to an adjacent freeway is limited by railroad tracks. The center's major physical dimensions may be described by the following parameters: Land Lot area 7000 m2 (1.75 acres) Total Building Ground Floor 6900 m2 (74,270 sq. ft.) lst. floor 1950 m2 (20,990 sq, ft.) 2nd floor 3900 m2 (41,979 sq. ft.) 3rd floor 1950 m2 (20,990 sq. ft.) 4th floor 3900 m2 (41,979 sq. ft.) 5th floor 1950 m-2 (20,990 sq. ft.) total 20,550 m2 (221,228 sq. ft.) The second and fourth floors are built with additional wings at different levels, which eXplains the larger areas. These parameters demonstrated that an overdimensional building design was used in relation to lot size. Since the center's design was oriented toward saving space, a limited 3.000 m2 (33,300 square feet) parking lot was placed on part of the ground floor roof. The architectural characteristics Of this center (see Figure 13), due to its multiple levels and because of the substantial prOportion Of area allocated to internal traffic needs, falls short 230 of meeting its retailing Objectives; internal circulation is made difficult because of multiple staircases, and these also reduce the area allocated to retailing purposes. Lapa was designed to accommodate 118 tenants plus an Office area to be occupied by the management company; however, due to its poor design and because of its location, the rate Of occupancy has been around 40 percent Of the total leasable area since the GamerRSOpening in 1968. Furthermore, store turnover has been constant, which means that some storekeepers have gone bankrupt or have had to close their Operations. The reasons for the limited success Of this center are quite clear to the marketing analyst. First, in addition to its inaccessibility,the center does not Offer sufficient parking facilities; if these were available, the inconvenience of the high friction access partially would be reduced in the minds Of prospective customers. Second, the center merely replicated the existing store mix in the vicinity. Since most of these stores belong to independent and long- established storekeepers, they have a definite advantage in price and Operational margins, and,in general,they have a differential advantage. Third, the area's transient traffic is composed overwhelmingly of lower-income commuters who use the bus stop and adjacent railroad station; Obviously, these customers prefer to shOp in the old-fashioned but lower priced business district. 231 It is interesting that this second shopping center experience cannot be considered an improvement over the techniques used for Iguatemi. By and large, Lapa is another real estate venture that has failed to meet its objective as an innovative component Of S. Paulo's retailing system. Lapa was financed similarly to Iguatemi, and it also has not fulfilled expectations as a profitable investment. It is difficult to forecast improvements in the performance Of this center since its main limitations stem from noncontrollable variables. Among these are trade area shopping behavior and low purchasing power; over-utilization of land space without the possibility Of parking area expansion due to the lack Of buffer areas; and extreme competition in the vicinity. Lapa Shopping Center: Operational Descriptors Lapa ShOpping Center's problems will become quite evident when operational measurements are applied to the data collected. The format for evaluation will follow the same framework used previously, and it draws upon informa- tion collected in the same manner. Table 14 shows the results of the analysis and permits some interesting Observations to be made concerning Lapa's design features. Compared with U.S. standards, and even in comparison with Iguatemi, the errors in planning and 2232 TABLE l4.--Shopping Center Lapa. Operational Descriptors. Descriptor Measurement or Parameter 1. Design Hub shape multiple level - six floors 2. Land Site Area 7,000 m2 (75,347 sq. ft.) 3. Ground Floor Area 6,900 m2 (74,271 sq. ft.) 4. Total Building Area 20,550 m2 (221, 198 sq. ft.) 5. Internal Malls 4,100 m2 (44,132 sq. ft.) 6. Total Rent Area 14,500 m2 (156,077 sq. ft.) §E§;} To calculate total rent area were deducted from the total building area the following spaces: (1) Internal malls 4,100 m2 and (2) 1950 m2 occupied by the center management and machinery house. Thus total Rent Area = 20,550 m2 -(4,100 m2 + 1950) = 14,500 m2. 7. Parking Area 3,000 m2 (32,292 sq. ft.) 8. Circulation Area 360 m2 (3,875 sq. ft.) ( (7) x 0.12) 9. Net Parking Area 2,640 m2 (28,417 sq. ft.) ( (9) - (8) ) 10. Parking Space Size 25 m2 (29.9 sq. ft.) 11. Parking Capacity 106 cars ( (9) (10) ) 12. Parking Ratio 0.146 ( (7) (4) ) 13. Parking Index 0.690 Obs.: Calculated by the formula Pc P.I. = TRA 100 where: PI 8 parking index Pc 3 parking capacity (11) TRA = Total Rent Area 14. Store Mix Retailing Class % of the Area No. of Stores Food and Food Services 10.83 4 General Merchandise ' 2.01 2 Apparel 10.53 7 Furniture/Home Appliances - - Other Retail 4.32 7 Services 12.47 7 TOTAL 39.71 Obs.: These figures reflect the % of total renting areas as September, 1971. 15. Leading Tenant Supermarket 233 design Of this center are obvious. The parking ratio of 0.146 and the parking index of 0.690 are good examples Of these flaws; the effects were perceived during the survey conducted last year, at which time the parking area was so congested that the management enforced a one-hour parking limit. Considering that almost 60 percent of the center's area was vacant at that time, it is apparent that if the center reaches higher tenancy its parking facilities will become completely Obsolete. Due to its inherent shortcomings, Lapa was not capable, even two years after its opening of achieving a balanced or at least a complete store mix (see Table 14). There are no furniture and home appliance retailers, and there is no department store. Table 15 also describes the relationship between the center and its trade area. Drawing power did not change substantially from 1969 to 1971; assuming an increase in the area's population, the center did not increase its attraction or appeal for surrounding residents. Even if the primary trade population had remained constant two years after its opening, Lapa should have increased its market penetration. Furthermore, there has been no sub- stantial increase in the number of customers as measured by driving time interval; a large percentage of customers (53-56 percent) spend less than fifteen minutes to reach the center. This condition may be explained by the center's 234 TABLE 15.--ShOpping Center Lapa Trade Area Descriptors. Descriptor Measurement/Parameters 1. Location in relation to the urban area. 2. Location in relation to the road network. 3. Drawing Power 3.1 Driving Distance a. Primary Trade Area (0-2 Km radius) b. Secondary Trade Area (2—4 Km radius) c. Tertiary Trade Area (4 Km-6 cm radius) 3.2 Driving Time 4. Population in the Trade Area a. Primary Trade Area (0-2 Km radius) b. Secondary Trade Area (2-4 Km. radius) c. Tertiary Trade Area (4-6 Km. radius) Suburban - District No. 40. Lapa Business District Block - Catao Street 1969 Survey District No. % of Customers 4O 46, 29, 27, 28 l, 17 and others Driving Time 0-15 minutes 15-30 minutes 30-60 minutes more than 60 minutes District No. 1 40 27 28 29 30 31 39 72 47 TOTAL District NO. 1971 Survey % of Customers 46% 40 19% 46, 27, 29 35% 45, 44, 1 _____ and others 190% Population (1970 123,634 44,457 34,046 101,396 30,035 99,405 176,731 30,924 100,031 1,091.295 % of Customers 1969 1971 53% 56% 24% 28% 15% 16% 8% 0% 100% 100% 235 low degree of accessibility and by its poor retailing features. Thus, despite its large building area, Lapa cannot be considered a true regional shopping center; its deficiencies in planning and design reduce it to the operational and trade area dimensions of a community center. In conclusion, difficult access means that this center, which is located in a trade area with more than one million individuals, operates below full capacity. Customers interviewed on the premises disclosed that only 10 percent patronize Lapa because of its loca- tion, and only 9 percent indicated parking as the main reason for shopping there. Bearing in mind that parking and locational conveniences are the basic factors which legitimize the existence of planned and controlled centers, it seems that this center has not fulfilled these condi- tions (see Table 16). The store preferred by the inter- viewees was a supermarket. Recalling the conceptual framework discussed in chapter 2, this phenomenon is very incompatible with a center of this size, in which the leading tenant should be a department store. The fact that the center does not offer a strong competitive thresh- old may be deduced from the high percentage Of customers (65 percent) who shOp alternatively in the neighboring business district and downtown (CBD) (see Table 16). TABLE 16.--ShOpping Center Lapa. 236 Shopping Behavior and Demographics. ‘UesfilOn Motives and Attitudes Towards the 5C; % Customers (f) a Reason to patronize the SCL Preferred Stores at the SCL Other places in which like to shop Mode of transportation used to reach the center Car Ownership per customer household. Customer Household Year Income (USS) (C35 = 0831) Location 10% Product Mix 23% Parking 9% Retail Services 27% Product Quality/Price 24% Others 7% Supermarket (Pao de Acucar) 50% Fabrics and Textiles 19% Discount Shop 17% Shoe Store 6% Others 8% Lapa's Business District 39% Downtown (CBD) 26% Augusta Street 9% SCI 3% fitters 23% Car 40% Taxi (let-out) 14% Public (Bus and/or train) 22% Walk-in 24% £23.: The same question proposed in the 1969 Survey prov1ded the following answers: Car 29% Taxi 3% Public 42% Walk-1n 26% Car per Household 1969 Survey % no cars 42% 52% 1 car 41% 38% 2 cars 15* 8% more than 2 cars 2% 2% Income F% Class Midpoint 1971 Surve % F% x Class Midpoint 0- 3,600 20% 1,800 3,600- 7,200 25% 5,400 7,200-10,800 51% 9,000 10,800-14,4OO 4% 12,600 Average Income = 20x1,800= 36,000 25x5,400= 135,000 51x9,000 = 459,000 4x12,600=_5_0,_4_€& 680,400 100 Average Income = USS 6,804 237 Car ownership and annual household income in lapa's trade area is significantly lower than in Iguatemi's, but, despite the lower rate of car ownership, the center's parking lot is insufficient and does not perform its func- tion, namely, to offer convenient off-street parking for patrons. The income figures shown in Table 16 are substan- cially higher than the averages determined to elaborate the income indexes (see chapter 5). Such differences may be ex- plained by the fact that this center is serving only a small proportion of the region's pOpulation. The above analysis, which reflects conclusions derived from Lapa's operational descriptors, leads the analyst to affirm that this center does not represent advancement or progress in terms of the application of the retailing techniques. It is marred by a lack of sound locational planning, improper use of land space, and misapplied architectural design concepts. As a result, four years after its opening, 60 percent of Lapa's leasable area still is vacant, and there is constant tenant turnover. Center 3 Overall Characteristics The third experiment in shopping centers is Center 3, located in district 15 (Cerqueira Cezar) at the inter- section of a major street of office buildings and the most elegant commercial street in S. Paulo. This site may be classified as a secondary shopping area relative to the 238 surrounding streets; its location is typically an inter- ception site. The south entrance is on Paulista Avenue, which,during the 19203,was the best residential district in the city. Today, due to the construction of large office and bank buildings, this avenue is an important business and financial street. This center initially was financed by private resources, but,due to a lack of funds,it was transformed into a corporation. Construction was begun in 1969 and took about five years to complete. The center's design is rather peculiar; the building has 24 floors, but only the first four are allocated to the center as such, the remainder being used as offices by a major state-owned public utility company. For the purposes of the present analysis, the building complex will be evaluated only in relation to the areas pertaining to the shopping center's operations and its underground parking lot. According to this criterion,the center uses all of its land lot, which is approximately 7,000 m2 (75,344 square feet). Since the building was constructed in multiple levels with different areas,it is convenient to break down its physical measurements Selling Area Ground floor = 5.144 m2 ( 55,370 sq. ft.) lst floor = 6.980 m2 ( 75,132 sq. ft.) 2nd floor = 282 m2 ( 3,035 sq. ft.) 3rd floor = 4.131 m2 ( 40,466 sq. ft.) Total 16.537 m2 (178,000 sq. ft-) 239 Parking Area 5.128 m2 (55,197 sq. ft.) 3.846 m2 (41,398 sq. ft.) 8.974 m2 (96,600 sq. ft.) lst level underground parking 2nd level underground parking The center's physical dimensions, the location of the major tenants within the center, and its underground parking facilities make it rather difficult to classify this structure as a "real" shopping center. Despite the good taste of its internal malls, which are made of expensive materials, Center' 3 lacks competitive power in relation to the unplanned store cluster along the nearby well—known Augusta Street (see Figure 14). Difficult access to the center, due to the location of its parking area and constant traffic congestion in the vicinity, means that the center suffers greatly from the Augusta Street cluster, which operates as a powerful interceptor (see chapter 2). Another major shortcoming of the center is its store mix. As will be verified later, there is an excessive amount of space allotted to service institutions and to several apparel stores. Both factors precluded the center from operating as a high hierarchy central place. This center, similar to others in the GSPMA,is leased to a private management firm under a rental agree- ment which includes a fixed minimum rent plus a variable amount based on sales percentages. In order to avoid inflationary effects,the management added a clause in its 240 R. FREI CANECA R. LUIZ COELHO ' BUILDING ' ' 'y R. AUGUSTA TO UNDERGROUND PARKING AVE . PAU LIS TA FIGURE 14 CENTER 3 241 rental agreements: the fixed rent segment also is adjusted when the minimum wage increases; thus fixed rent is calcu- lated as a multiple of current minimum wages. Such a scheme is expressed in the following formula: Rent = K + Sp, where K = number of minimum wages, and Sp = percentage of sales. Although Center 3's tenants at the time of the field survey were far from satisfied with the center's customer traffic and sales volume, almost all space was rented. Center 3: Operational Descriptors As previously mentioned Center 3 was examined in terms of its physical dimensions, in relation to its trade area, and concerning its customer shopping pattern. Due to its recent opening, the center was surveyed only once, which limits the analysis of eventual changes that might occur at different stages of a center's operational periods. From Table l7it may be perceived that the center's physical dimensions relationships are extremely difficult to analyze within standard parameters because of its multiple levels and irregular land lot measurements. However, evaluation of relevant parameters such as parking ratio and index, store mix, and total rental area is still possible. 242 TABLE 17.--SC-3, Physical Facilities Descriptors. Descriptor Measurement or Parameter 1. Design Hub - open malls - multiple level underground parking 2. Site Irregular shape, central block, three exits - 1.75 acres (see Figure ). 3. Ground Flor Area 5.144 m2 (55,370 sq. ft.) 4. Total Building Area 16,537 m2 (178,000 sq. ft.) 5. Internal Malls 3,142 m2 (32,820 sq. ft.) 6. Total Rent Area 13,395 m2 (144,182 sq. ft.) ( (6) - (5) ) 7. Parking Area 8,974 m2 (96,600 sq. ft.) . . 2 8. Circulation 1,076 m (11,581 sq. ft.) (0.12 x (7) ) 9. Net Parking Area 7,898 m2 (85,013 sq. ft.) ( (7) - (8) ) 10. Parking Space Size 22.6 (243 sq. ft.) 11. Parking Capacity 350 cars ( (9) % (10) ) 12. Parking Ratio 0.54 ( (7) § (4) ) 13. Parking Index 2.0 (10 % (4)/100) 14. Store Mix Retail Class No. of Stores % of Area Food 7 24.2 General Merchandise 1 4.3 Apparell 15 7.5 Furniture/Home Appliances 8.0 Other Retail 11 6.3 Services _4_ 49.7 TOTAL 42 100 % 15. Leading Tenant Junior Department Store 243 The parking ratio and parking index parameters are extremely low by U. S. standards or even in relation to the centers examined previously. The parking ratio (0.54) may be explained by the center's architectural features and by the high price of land in the area. The parking index, on the other hand, reflects poor planning, since a center with a large percentage of space rented to institutions selling shopping goods and services requires a much higher index. Another point which must be raised is that the center rents almost 50 percent of its area to service institutions such as banks and theaters; 15 of 42 stores, about 36 percent of the tenants, use only 7.5 per- cent of the area, which is occupied mostly byapparel stores selling high-cost,high-margin merchandise. These factors indicate that mass retailing and proper tenant mix concepts which are essential characteristics of planned and controlled shopping centers,were not observed in the center's planning. Trade area descriptors are analyzed in Table 18 according to the format used previously. This table indicates that customer patronage does not follow standard patterns; a larger percentage of customers are drawn from secondary and tertiary areas--the center does not draw the majority of its customers from the vicinity. There are various explanations, but the most importantcnmzis the nature of the surrounding area, which is typically a business district. 244 TABLE 18.-—SC-3, Trade Area Descriptors. Descriptors Measurement and Parameters 1. Location in relation Central - District No. 15 (Cerqueira Cezar) to the urban area 2. Location in relation Business and Financial Avenue - Paulista Avenue to the road network 3. Drawing Power 1971 Survey 3.1 Driving Distance District No. % of Customers a. Primary Trade Area 15, 26 (0.2 Km) 14, 5, 6 26% b. Secondary Trade 17, 29, 4 Area (2-4 KM) 12, 39, 13 53% c. Tertiary Trade 40, 38, 25, 21% Area (4-6 Km) 16 100% 3.2 DriV1ng Time Time Interval 0-15 minutes 24% 15-30 minutes 50% 30-60 minutes 24% more than 60 minutes 28 N = 200 100% 4. Population in the Trade District No. Population Area No. 1 8,628 a. Primary Trade Area 5 62,988 6 65,659 14 92,697 15 44,770 26 50,258 b. Secondary Trade Area No. 4 62,931 12 49,840 13 82,644 27 44,457 29 101,396 39 176,731 c. Tertiary Trade Area No. 16 69,647 25 72,471 38 111,620 40 123,634 TOTAL 1,220,409 245 A second reason is the serious competition from the adjacent commercial street, which,despite its crowded traffic condi- tions,offers a much better store mix and is closer to the residential areas. The evaluation of Center 3 was concluded by an analysis of its customers' shopping behavior and demo- graphics; these data are shown in Table 19 and allow for several interesting observations. Location and parking, for example,rated very low among the patrons' motives, whereas product quality ranked highest. Customer preference , as indicated by the table,is very unusual for shopping centers, since the great percentage of customers said they preferred the gift shops. Due to its location near the adjacent commercial strip (Augusta Street and Iguatemi), the center was an alternative shopping place for 52 percent of its customers. Evidently,this center also has operational limitations. Despite the large income of its patrons,it falls short of being a complete and integrated shopping facility, and thus loses an excellent market opportunity. Final Remarks The preceding analysis reveals that the shopping center industry in the GSPMA is in its initial stage; furthermore, the evaluation of the three centers' operational characteristics, physical design, and trade area relation- ships has demonstrated that this type of retailing operation TABLE l9.--SC-3. ShOpping 246 Behavior and Demographics. Question Motives and Attitudes Toward the SC-3 % of Customers 1. Reason to "atronize l" S.:- 3 2. Preferred stores at SC-3 3. Other places in which like to shop 4. Mode of transportation used to reach the Center 3. Car ownership per customer household 6. Household year income (08% Location Store mix Parking Retail Services Prices Product Quality Apparell store Supermarket Bank Gifts Store Restaurant Others Augusta Street f"_ .2111. .pping Center Iguatemi Downtown chers Car Tax1 Bus Walk-in Deroqraphics Jo of cars per household No cars 1 car 2 cars 3 or more cars x . a Class Inco. c class Fe. Mid-Point n- 3,500 2% 1,800 3,690- 7,200 8% 5,400 7,200-10,800 44% 9,000 10,800~l4,400 46% 12,600 Ex-Class 6% 20% 13% 16% 14% 31% 31% 11% 11% 22% 14% 21% 52% 40‘ 4% 4% 56% 10% 6% 28% 26% 42% 22% 10% Mid-Point 100 N XXXX 46 5,400 9,000 12,600 Average Household Income per Year = 1,022,400 = 100 1,800 = 3,600 = 43,200 = 396,000 = 579,600 1,022,400 $10,224 247 is still less advanced when compared with U.S. patterns. The overall constraints analyzed are related to the lack of marketing orientation, since the greatest emphasis has been placed on the real estate dimensions of these institu- tions, and also because basic concepts of retailing location and physical design were not followed. In the case of Iguatemi Shopping Center, the location is excellent but the excessive use of land space makes the center's parking inconvenient, an undesirable characteristic in a true shopping center. The locations of the other two centers were poorly selected, since both are in congested traffic areas with very limited parking space and suffer from intensive competition from adjacent unplanned retailing clusters. In the specific case of Lapa, the low income level found in its northern trade area also limits its success. In all three centers,there is an excessive number of small stores,which generally operate with a high—price, high-margin product mix. In one way or anothen this reduces the centers' total sales volume and limits the patronage only to higher income segments of the population. These conditions should be avoided, since the land cost in the area and the large investment in specialized types of stores require large volumes of operation. 248 Relationships with Theoretical Concepts It is interesting to observe that many of the theoretical concepts examined in chapter 2 are useful to explain the low level of performance of the three centers analysed above. The location of Lapa and Center 3, for instance, did not use normative concepts such as those mentioned by Nelson, Paul Smith and Applebaum, these centers were located in areas of difficult access and with large retailing com- petition. The layout and the physical design of the three centers did not follow the concepts of proper store mix and one stop shOpping suggested by Cox, Meissner and Bliss. These centers do not provide sufficient parking, thus reducing the convenience factor. In two centers (Lapa and Center 3), the concept "total system" expounded by Paul E. Smith, was not followed since these centers are not adjusted to their environment, do not have a complete store mix and do not draw business adequately from the vicinity. The analysis of trade areas descriptors and shopping behavior at Lapa and Center 3, indicated that these centers are not Operating consistently with the concepts of drawing power and spatial shopping behavior examined by 249 Lalonde and Huff; this phenomenon occurs because basic concepts such as driving time and driving distance were not4 taken into consideration for planning purposes. Furthermore, is is important to mention that a better knowledge of urban system theories would have been useful to the centers' planners and developers in GSPMA. Concepts such as Ullman—Harris, multiple nuclei theory, if applied in the planning stages would have given a better perSpective to the planners relative to the cities internal characteristics and trends . In this case, shopping centers would have been located in points of greater intracity accessibility. Hurd's, Hoyt's concepts, if applied during the planning stages of these centers, would have contributed a good understanding of the city, its present structure and future growth. The use of Hurd's and Hoyt's constructs in the location and planning stages would have given insights relative to the shopping centers' areas and their housing-trade patterns, The concepts of Blumenfeld and Hoover, if applied, would have given a proper perspective in relation to the ecological role of these centers within their trade areas. Since Lapa, and Center 3, are not contributing to reduce traffic congestion and to improve convenience shopping in their regions, it is possible to affirm that these institutions are not fulfilling their objectives. 250 A basic conclusion can be derived from the analysis above. Despite the outstanding growth of the GSPMA, its shopping center industry is still incipient, since its planners and develOpers failed to recognize in their first eXperiences the characteristics of this large metropolitan area and the impact of the automobile upon its urban structure. In conclusion, the shopping center industry in the GSPMA needs a better orientation concerning locational criteria, proper balance between the land site and the size of the center's physical facilities, and the planning of adequate store mix. The next chapter will be focused on the development of normative criteria related to this subject. FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER IV 1The author is indebted to Professor Jacob J. Gelman of the School of Business Administration of S. Paulo, who provided extensive information based on research made under his guidance. Professor Gelman's research followed the same framework applied by this author in previous publications. 2The information concerning 1966, 1968, and 1969 were gathered from field research done during seminars on retailing systems management at the School of Business Administration of S. Paulo under the author's guidance. The 1971 data were collected by the author and his associates in field studies conducted for the special purposes of the present dissertation during September and October of 1971. The author is indebted to many of his students for their cheerful responses to his research inquiries. 3Lima, Shopping Centers, p. 121. 251 CHAPTER V CITY OF S. PAULO MARKET OPPORTUNITY Introductory Concepts The characteristics Of the institutions which compose retailing systems stress the necessary conditions for compatibility between the descriptors Of a trade area and the operational dimensions Of its retailing institutions. In other words, the effort performed by retailers must be in prOper balance with the market Opportunity existing within the trade area's boundaries. According to Wroe Alderson, pppprtunity can be described in terms Of demand for a specific product or service, or as related to a set of products and services in demand within a certain geographic area.1 Effort may be defined as the demand obtaining and demand servicing activities performed by retailing institutions to match market Opportunity. The demand or market Opportunity of retailing institutions may be con- ceived over space. Specifically in this dissertation, the demand or market Opportunity will be analyzed within the limits of trade areas defined in terms Of the city Of S. Paulo's 48 districts, which are the smallest legal micro- areas within the city's major limits. 252 253 In order to evaluate market Opportunity, it is necessary to point out its principal dimensions or character- istics. Rom Markin believes market Opportunity may be assessed by the following dimensions:2 (1) market pOpulation; (2) market pOpulation purchasing power; and (3) market prOpensity or willingness to spend and consume. In our case,only secondary data were available concerning pOpulation and income; there were no information or published statistics regarding consumption and spending patterns per district. Thus, two other descriptors were selected to evaluate the market Opportunity in each district: the first is the spatial dimension Of each district, which may provide indications about income distribution over space, and the second is the number of automobiles in each district. These two seem tO be a rational choice because they are linked with density factors and mobility patterns within districts. The size Of each district will be translated into an index capable of evaluating market Opportunity per district, automobile ownership will indicate, in relative terms, that one district has more mobility than another, and that the trade area within the district requires a certain amount Of parking space for retailing purposes. Therefore,market Opportunity in S. Paulo's 48 districts will be evaluated by the following major descriptors: (l) pOpulation per district; (2) income per district; (3) car ownership per district; and (4) district area (sz). 254 Each of the first three will be transformed into indexes which will be aggregated into a composite index, then modified in relation to the area index (4); this measure- ment will indicate market Opportunity relative to the area Of each district. In order to accomplish this task, it is necessary to discuss the physical and geographic characteristics Of S. Paulo's urban districts. City Of S. Paulo: Urban Area Geographic Characteristics According to information provided by Instituto Brasilieiro de Geografia e Estatistica, the City Of S.‘ PaulO's urban area is 842 kmz; it is composed Of 48 urban 2 districts Of irregular shape ranging from 1.12km (Se) to 151.10 km2 (Socorro).3 These are clustered around the District of Se, the center Of historical settlement and the area in which the CBD is located. The other 47 districts have develOped in eXpanding circles around this central point and represent an interesting pattern; their area increases in proportion to their distances from the CBD (see Figure 15). Figure 15 shows the urban districts' location and contours, the major external limits Of the city, and adjacent counties and rural areas . Districts have been numbered from 1 to 48 starting from the CBD and following 256 a clockwise spiral. Adjacent counties are indicated by letters and adjacent rural areas by the letters R.A.4 The major external limits Of the city are depicted by heavy lines, whereas districts and adjacent counties are represented by fine lines. Despite their irregular shape and the large difference among their demographics, the districts have to be selected as a standard geographic unit (SGU) because census information and other Official statistics are avail- able by districts.5 Such a constraint may be avoided by establishing relative indexes of market Opportunity for each district. Districts Demographics The evaluation Of the relative market Opportunity in each district began with data flnmnthe 1970 Brazilian census and from S. Paulo Metropolitan Subway Research which were analyzed and classified by districts. Table 20 shows figures on the pOpulation distribution per district, the area Of each district given in kmz, and the pOpulation density in each district (inhabitants/kmz). Three peculiar characteristics Of the SE districts area can be Observed. First, there are large pOpulation coefficients in the external districts Of the city; second, districts clustered around the original CBD are irregular in shape; and third, outlying districts are larger in area than central ones. 257 The wide range in population density may be explained by differences in housing patterns among the districts as well as by the large variance within districts. Districts 4, 5, and 16, which have pOpulation densities Of about 25,000 per km2,are known for their small area and high concentration of apartment buildings. Districts 33 and 43, despite their large population coefficients,have a density Of about 4,000 inhabitants per km2 because Of their large areas (see Table 20). TABLE ZML——City Of Sao Paulo——District Demographics 1970 Census. District District Area Density Name NO. POpulation (kmz) POp./km2 SE 1 8,628 1.12 7,703 BRAS 2 56,027 3.98 14,077 MOOCA 3 35,668 3.99 8,939 LIBERDADE 4 62,931 2.70 23,307 BELA VISTA 5 62,988 2.30 27,386 CONSOLACAO 6 65,679 3.84 17,103 ST. EFIGENIA 7 43,755 2.50 17,502 PARI 8 30,945 2.75 11,252 BELENZINHO 9 52,776 5.50 9,595 ALTO DA MOOCA 10 137,288 9.83 13,895 CAMBUCI 11 49,544 3.72 13,318 ACLIMACAO 12 49,840 2.81 17,336 V. MARIANA 13 82,644 9.36 8,829 J. PAULISTA 14 92,697 7.49 12,376 CERQ. CEZAR 15 44,770 2.16 20,726 ST. CECILIA 16 69,647 2.71 25,700 BOM RETIRO 17 25,853 2.48 10,424 V. GUILHERME 18 74,450 7.23 10,297 V. MARIA 19 116,916 11.19 10,448 TATUAPE 20 255,515 25.82 9,896 TABLE 20.--Continued. 258 District District Area Density Name NO. Population (kmz) POp./km2 V. FORMOSA 21 96,822 8.72 11,103 V. PRUDENTE 22 359,597 31.76 11,322 IPIRANGA 23 173,355 16.35 10,602 SAUDE 24 236,555 21.48 11,012 INDIANOPOLIS 25 72,471 7.84 9,243 J. AMERICA 26 50,258 5.64 8,910 PINHEIROS 27 44,457 5.01 8,873 V. MADALENA 28 34,046 4.81 7,078 PERDIZES 29 101,396 8.80 11,522 BARRA FUNDA 30 30,035 2.53 12,780 CASAVERDE 31 99,405 7.11 13,981 SANTANA 32 200,490 34.07 5,884 TUCURUVI 33 360,504 89.07 4,047 CANGAIBA 34 60,265 9.11 66,615 PENHA 35 138,206 11.60 12,274 V. MATILDE 36 151,475 21.17 11,914 JABAQUARA 37 197,169 21.96 8,978 IBIRAPUERA 38 111,620 28.25 3,951 BUTANTAN 39 176,731 53.86 3,281 LAPA 40 123,634 21.84 5,660 LIMAO 41 70,232 6.15 11,419 COCHOEIRINHA 42 30,924 2.55 12,127 ST. AMARO 43 378,911 94.56 4,007 V. JAGUARA 44 52,140 8.46 6,163 PIRITUBA 45 86,401 23.39 3,693 N.S. do 0 46 141,863 11.85 11,971 BRASILANDIA 47 100,031 19.48 5,135 SOCORRO 48 166,494 151.10 1,101 TOTAL 5.264,048 842.00 (A) NOTE: City's urbanized Area = (A) 842.00 (Source - IBEGE - S. Paulo Aspectos do Municipio de 8. Paulo 1968) 259 POpulation Index POpulation is a key element in evaluating market Opportunity. A useful way to compare population coefficients and their distribution among districts in a major market area is in terms Of indexes. These provide a clear indi- cation Of relative differences among districts. TO convert absolute pOpulation figures into indexes requires a simple process: D x100 pop. 4 = .2.T__ (5.1) P where: Pop. % = pOpulation percentage per district; Dp = district population; and Tp = total pOpulation; then P. = POp.%xlOO = N x Pop. %, (5.2) 1 100 N where: Pi = pOpulation index, and N = number of districts. Table 20 was prepared using equations (5.1) and (5.2), and the following figures were used to generate the indexes: T = 5.264.048 = S. Paulo's total population in 1970; N = 48 = number Of districts; and POp.% = percentage Of pOpulation distribution per district. 260 An analysis Of Table 21 indicates that there is a wide range Of variation in the population indexes. The smallest is 7.20 for District 1 (Se), and the largest is 345.12 for District 43 (St. Amaro). An interesting Observation is that 16 districts (33 percent) have population indexes higher than 100, which means populations Of more than 109,751. Another relevant point is that the farther the districts are from the core of the city, the higher the population index. Such a characteristic is uncommon Of U.S. cities and seems tO be the result Of working class and lower-income people living in out-lying areas where the land value is low. This large concentration of pOpulation in the peripheral zones, combined with adequate decentralization Of retailing, eXplains the need for movement toward the CBD,which was mentioned in chapter 3. TABLE 21.--Population Index 5. Paulo-—48 Districts 1970 Population--Distribution--%--Index. District % Of NO. Population Population Index 1 8,268 0.15 7.20 2 56,027 1.06 50.88 3 35,668 0.67 32.16 4 62,931 1.19 57.12 5 62,988 1.19 57.12 6 65,679 1.24 59.52 7 43,755 0.83 39.84 8 30,945 0.58 27.84 9 52,776 1.00 48.00 10 137,280 2.60 124.80 TABLE 21.-—Continued. 261 District % of NO. Population POpulation Index 11 49.544 0.94 45.12 12 49,840 0.94 45.12 13 82,644 1.56 74.88 14 92,697 1.75 84.00 15 44,770 0.84 40.32 16 69,647 1.32 63.36 17 25,853 0.49 23.52 18 74,450 1.41 67.68 19 116,916 2.21 106.08 20 255,515 4.85 232.80 21 96,822 1.83 37.84 22 359,597 6.82 327.36 23 173,355 3.29 157.92 24 236,555 4.49 215.52 25 72,471 1.37 65.76 26 50,258 0.95 45.60 27 44,457 0.84 40.32 28 30,046 0.57 27.36 29 101,396 1.92 92.16 30 30,035 0.57 27.36 31 99,405 1.88 90.24 32 200,490 3.80 182.40 33 360,504 6.84 328.32 34 60,265 1.14 54.72 35 138,206 2.62 125.76 36 151,475 2.87 137.76 37 197,169 3.74 179.52 38 111,620 2.11 101.28 39 176,731 3.35 160.80 40 123,634 2.34 112.32 41 70,232 1.33 63.84 42 30,924 0.58 27.84 43 378,911 7.19 345.12 44 52,140 0.98 47.04 45 86,401 1.64 78.72 46 141,863 2.69 129.12 47 100,031 1.89 90.82 48 166,494 3.16 151.68 TOTAL 5,264,048 100.00 262 Income Index Income index determination followed a procedure similar to that for pOpulation: Di x 100 i where: Inc. % = income percentage distribution per district; Di = total district household income per year; and Ti = total household income per year for all districts; then _ Inc. % x 100 _ Ii - 100 — N x Inc. %, (5.4) N where: Ii = income index, and N = number of districts. Table 22 was prepared using equations (5.3) and (5.4), and secondary data from the S. Paulo MetrOpolitan Subway Research and the Plano Urbanistico Basico (PUB).6 Since the information available on income was in inappropriate form, some adjustments were made. (1) Di (total district household income per year) was defined as the total amount Of salaries and other income earned by households within the district during one year, in dollars. (2) The secondary 263 data available for income determination was derived from the socioeconomic studies conducted by the S. Paulo's Metropolitan Subway Research during 1968. These data were adjusted to 1970, assuming an increase of 1.02 percent in the real income per year (5.6) and then transformed into U.S. dollars at a rate Of conversion Of CR$5.00 to US$1.00 (5.7). These equations are not presented in the text.7 Despite the limitations of the data and the necessary adjustments, the information regarding income seems adequate for establishing indexes to assess market Opportunity; they will be used tO generate relative comparisons Of income differences among districts (see Table 22). Table 22 shows that the largest indexes are found in major outlying districts with high pOpulations and in the higher income districts which, despite their smaller popula- tion coefficients, have high household income. Among the districts in the first group are 43 (St. Amaro) and 24 (Saude); in the second group are 14 (J. Paulista) and 15 (C. Cesar). The lowest index is in district 1 (Se), the original CBD, which also has the smallest area and pOpulation coefficient. 264 TABLE 22.--1970—-Income Index, S. Paulo 48 Districts, District Total Household Index--% Distribution--Income Index. District Distribution % Distribution Income NO. Total Income Of Income Index 1 3,043,200 0.19 9.1 2 19,581,600 1.23 59.0 3 13,569,600 0.85 40.8 4 26,140,800 1.64 78.7 5 35,738,400 2.24 107.5 6 38,030,400 2.38 114.2 7 17,642,400 1.10 52.8 8 10,672,800 0.67 32.1 9 16,567,200 1.04 49.9 10 38,148,000 2.39 114.7 11 22,228,000 1.39 66.7 12 24,657,600 1.54 73.9 13 45,196,800 2.83 135.8 14 56,246,400 3.52 168.9 15 27,981,600 1.75 84.0 16 32,371,200 2.03 97.4 17 9,691,200 0.61 29.2 18 18,540,000 1.16 55.6 19 24,900,000 1.56 74.8 20 59,808,000 3.74 179.5 21 17,505,600 1.10 52.8 22 72,998,400 4.56 218.8 23 50,959,200 3.19 153.1 24 80,296,800 5.03 241.4 25 33,360,000 2.09 100.3 26 40,250,400 2.52 120.9 27 30,180,000 1.89 90.7 28 11,402,000 0.71 34.0 29 55,788,000 3.49 167.5 30 11,244,000 0.70 33.6 31 21,336,000 1.34 64.3 32 57,021,600 3.57 171.3 33 76,730,400 4.80 230.4 34 10,226,400 0.64 30.7 35 31,428,000 1.97 94.5 265 TABLE 2 2. --Continued . District Distribution % Distribution Income NO. Total Income of Income Index 36 27,724,800 1.74 83.5 37 51,398,400 3.22 154.5 38 49,653,000 3.11 149.2 39 41,148,000 2.58 123.8 40 53,899,200 3.37 161.7 41 14,100,000 0.88 42.2 42 5,076,000 0.32 15.3 43 102,141,600 6.40 307.2 44 9,888,000 0.62 29.7 45 15,765,600 0.99 47.5 46 26,200,800 1.64 78.7 47 20,750,400 1.30 62.4 48 37,860,000 2.37 113.7 TOTAL $1,597,087,400 100.00 Car Ownership Index Car ownership was selected as an index to evaluate market Opportunity for two specific reasons. The first is related to the higher consumer mobility in districts with higher car ownership, and the second is because car owner— ship is a good indicator Of disposable income, particularly in countries like Brazil,where this item is very expensive in relation to purchasing power. The car ownership index was computed by means similar to those used for population and income: 266 If Cd x 100 Car % = -—E—————-, (5.5) t where: Car % = percentage distribution Of car ownership per district; Cd = total car ownership per district; and Ct = total car ownership for all districts; then _ car % x 100 N where: Ci = car ownership index, and N = number of districts. Table 23 was prepared using equations (5.5) and (5.6) and secondary data derived from the PUB and from the subway reports already mentioned. Since information on car ownership per district was for 1968, and that for 1970 was available only in total number for the city Of S. Paulo, the 1970 figures per district were calculated by prorating the total increase (1968 to 1970) among the districts, taking into consider- ation the 1968 figures. This process has a serious limitation, since it may overestimate the figures for high-income districts, which already had extensive car ownership in 1968, and may underestimate car ownership 267 in lower-income districts, since the major segment Of used car sales in S. Paulo is in these areas. Table 23 indicates that the higher indexes of car ownership are in high-income districts (for example, districts 14, 26, and 29), and in middle-class districts (23, 24, and 40) in the peripheral areas Of the city. Interestingly enough,car ownership indexes are not high for high-income districts near downtown, a typical example Of this being districts 6 and 16 (see Table 23). TABLE 23.--Car Ownership per District--l970 % Distribution and Index. Car per District NO. District % District Index 1 522 0.11 5.2 2 4,304 0.87 41.7 3 9,808 1.99 95.5 4 10,279 2.09 100.3 5 9,447 1.92 92.1 6 12,394 2.52 120.9 7 5,035 1.02 48.9 8 5,533 1.12 53.7 9 8,790 1.79 85.9 10 14,950 3.04 145.9 11 8,349 1.70 81.6 12 5,072 1.03 49.4 13 16,917 3.44 165.1 14 18,953 3.85 184.8 15 14,524 2.95 141.6 16 12,744 2.59 124.3 17 2,786 0.56 26.8 18 3,772 0.76 36.4 19 6,916 1.40 67.2 20 21,861 4.44 213.1 21 3,465 0.70 33.6 22 17,923 3.64 174.7 23 18,988 3.86 185.2 24 23,687 4.81 230.8 25 12,057 2.45 117.6 268 TABLE 23.--Continued. Car per District NO. District % District Index 26 23,843 4.85 232.8 27 12,185 2.48 119.0 28 4,225 0.86 41.2 29 21,031 4.27 204.9 30 5,437 1.11 53.2 31 5,803 1.18 56.6 32 15,641 3.18 152.6 33 16,033 3.26 156.4 34 2,196 0.45 21.6 35 7,780 1.58 75.8 36 5,347 1.09 52.3 37 9,082 1.85 88.8 38 20,223 4.11 197.2 39 10,416 2.12 101.7 40 25,165 5.11 245.2 41 3,939 0.80 38.4 42 660 0.13 6.2 43 18,683 3.80 182.4 44 2,750 0.56 26.8 45 3,448 0.70 33.6 46 5,063 1.03 49.4 47 1,074 0.22 10.5 48 2,895 0.59 28.3 TOTAL 492,000 100.00 a composite index per district was prepared. In order to conclude the market opportunity evaluation, Composite Index The three single indexes discussed previously simply were summed: (5.8) 269 where: CC = composite index per district; Pi = population index per district; I = income index per district; and Ci = car ownership index per district. Because the main Objective was to aggregate the three measurements into a single unit, no attempt has been made to weigh any Of the three component indexes; each Of the indexes had equal value in the calculation. Using equation (5.8), Table 24 was prepared; it shows the composite index in column 4 and the ranking of the aforementioned index in column 5. The basic reason forpreparing the index rankings was to demonstrate,by ordinal measurement,the relative position Of each district. It can be seen that the lowest composite index, 21.5 (district 1, Se) was ranked first, whereas index 834.7 (district 44, St. Amaro) was ranked forty-eighth. The ranking also permits arrangement into a subjective but meaningful scheme using interquartile classes; within the context of this dissertation, the 12 lowest indexes were placed in the first quartile, the 12 second lowest in the secondI , 1'1 t— I (6.1) i=1 (1 + d) where I = shopping center investment; R = annual rental earnings projected for the next m years; d = discount rate; and n = the last year for which R is estimated, or t the length of the planning horizon. In evaluating a particular alternative,the investor compares the resulting present value of the rental stream 287 over n years to the present value of the investment required to develop the center. If the condition stated in equation (6.1) is achieved, the project is desirable. In other words, acceptability is determined by whether or not the difference between the discounted stream of rentals and the invest- ment is equal to or greater than zero.1 The investor's inputs are the amounts used in the center's development and construction; his outputs are the rentals. Investor's Capital Cost and Revenues The next step is to describe,for analytical pur- poses,the composition and characteristics of a shopping center's investments and revenues. Costs.--The investment is the major capital cost and can be expressed by the following formula: I = LC + BC + PC + DC, (6.2) where I = investment; LC = land site cost; BC = building cost; PC = parking lot cost; and D = development costs. 288 Land cost, Lc’ is a very important factor since it is,to some extent,out of the investor's control. The land has a market price which must be paid by the investor if he wantstx>acquireeaspecific site, or,if he owns the site, it is implicit that its value represents an opportunity cost to him. Furthermore, clearly a land site has a market value which remains fixed whatever the size of the center to be constructed within its boundaries. The building cost, Bc’ and parking lot cost, PC, are in some measure controllable by the investor since he may decide upon the size of the building and parking lot areas. However, it is necessary to recall that Chapter 2 indicated that a building's physical dimensions and its parking lot must be in proper balance with the site's area. Development costs, Dcpare all costs and non- recoverable expenses invested in the center's planning and develOpment until it begins to operate; these include marketing research fees, project costs, leasing obtaining fees, and so forth. Revenues.--The investor's revenues are definedlfor the purposes of this mode1,as the proceeds generated by the center's rentals through various means, including tenant basic agreements. These agreements usually are of two types: 289 (1) Fixed Rental Income. Minimum rent is paid by each tenant; generally it is a fixed percentage of the building area costs and land value. (2) Variable Rental Income. Rent may vary as a percentage of sales. The revenues derived from rentals are not received by the center's investor immediately, but throughout the F center's economic life. Because of this long-range opera- tional horizon, cash flow must be reduced to its present 4 .‘AT- value through some conventional procedures, usually the 1 \E-Td . present value method or the internal rate of return method. The first method involves discounting the expected net income stream by the company's cost of capital, which yields the present value of the income stream.2 The present value of the shopping center's net income stream must be compared with the investment required to develop the center up to its point of Opening. These costs involve land acquisition, construction, and all other organizational expenses. If the present value of the rental or income stream exceeds the investment, the center investor will earn a rate of return on his investment larger than his cost of capital.3 The internal rate of return for an investment is the discount rate that equates the present value of the expected cash outflows with the present value of the expected inflows.4 When this method is used to evaluate a shopping 290 center project, the internal rate of return must exceed the required rate which the investor expects the center to earn. For example, if the required rate of return is 10 percent and the application of this method indicates a 15 percent internal rate of return, the project is acceptable. In general, the present value and internal rate of return methods lead to the same acceptance or rejection decision.5 When there is no concern for alternative investments, and when reinvestment rates are not under consideration, either method may be used. The present value method will be preferred here because it avoids the difficulties of finding the internal rate Of return by means of the so—called trial and error iterative process. Investor's Acceptance Criterion The previous discussion permits us to define the acceptance criterion for a shopping center investment. From equation (6.2) we know that I '2 LC + BC + PC + DC. (6'2) 0n the right side of this equation are the capital costs to be invested in a shopping center project and which,for financial purposes,must be considered as outflows. The rentals of the center, on the other hand, must be considered inflows and may be expressed,in accord with the previous analysis, by the following formula: 291 = .3 Rt Rf + RV, (6 .) where Rt = total rental; Rf = fixed rental; and Rv = variable rental. Since Rf generally is calculated as a percentage of the center's final cost, and Rv is,in most cases,a percentage of the center's sales, R may be better expressed in the t following manner: Rt = 11 + A's, (6.4) where Rt = total rental; I = investment; S = shopping center sales per year; A = percentage rate; and A' = percentage rate. Thus, AI = Rf = fixed rental; 1's = Rv = variable rental. Taking into consideration that the investor must be interested in the present value of the total rental stream discounted at a certain rate, R' the acceptance t! criterion may be expressed as follows: 292 R't: II (605) where R't = total rental stream present value and I = investment. Assuming constant rental values over a period of n years, R't may be calculated by the following expression: (6.6) since Rt = II + A's (by 6.4) and I = LC + BC + PC + DC (by 6.2). The investor acceptance criterion can be formulated by the following mathematical expression: n _ 1 R > I. (6.7) i=1 (1+6)n Substituting R by its expression given in equation (6.4) t and I by the right side of equation (6.2) we have n I 1 x (AI + A S) 3 LC + BC + PC + DC.(6.8) i=1 (1+6)n 293 Equation (6.8) is the analytical expansion and also the mathematical expression of the investor's acceptance criterion. It is worthwhile to mention that this formula may be interpreted verbally in the following manner: a shopping center investor will accept a project proposal when the present value of this rental stream, given by the dis— counted value of the center's fixed and variable rental stream, is larger or at least equal to the investment required (which is composed of land acquisition costs, construction costs, and development expenditures). Retailer's Objectives A retail store is a profit-oriented organization whose implicit goals are revenue-seeking activities and profit maximization. ,From the conceptual analysis made in chapter 2 and from the discussion of trade area theories, it is easy to perceive the extreme importance of locational patterns for retailing activities. For these reasons a storekeeper will decide to move into a shopping center only if the sales volume in this location is sufficiently large to recover his costs and leave some margin for rental expenses. It also is clear that his net earnings must be larger than in an alternative or independent location outside the center. Furthermore, sales volume as the basic revenue generator is extremely important, and rental values are a major 294 component of the retailer's total cost. As noted before, rental costs are considered retailers' inputs into the operational system, whereas sales are defined as outputs. The retailer's financial analysis and profit evaluation criterion may be defined in simple terms: S - C9 = Gm , (6.9) and where S = sales; Cg = cost of goods sold; Gm = gross margin; Ep = expenses; and P = profit. It is easy to perceive that when s=c +13 (6.11) the retailer is at his breakeven point. By the same token, when S>Cg + Ep there is a profit,and when S / _ < _ x7 // ’l/l/ _ nwmu _ . E ...m _ 9 _ :u 1 E ..m C _ ..m E ..m 2 E ...m 2.: 0105 0.50 ZO..P(UOJ (8.5.00 20.25.28 20:32.8... 2225.....3 22:5..13 92:3 no an.» we “8.3.5:... ..J 893.539..“ 3.85.5 ...m Achu .5. SifELJ .5: 55m 308 value of the branch tip times the probability of its occurrence.15 This procedure is illustrated in Figure 19. The probabilities of each event and their impact on the present value of the rental stream can be generated by empirical observation of analogous situations or by the Bayesian inference, which accepts as inputs not only observed data,but also the (investor's) subjective 16 The second method's advantage is in allow- probabilities. ing the use of probabilities based on subjective judgment formed before the evidence is available to the decision maker. This approach is also known as preposterior analysis and is considered an essential tool for decision making under uncertain conditions. Probabilistic Decision Criterion From our discussion it seems clear that the applica- tion of competitive constraints and their probabilities reduces the present values which were calculated under the unrealistic assumption of certainty. Therefore, use of the tree diagram indicates that the investor will accept the shopping center project only if the expected value of the present value of the rental stream's optimal decision branch exceeds or at least equalizes the present value defined for investment purposes in equation (7.5). ‘—Ir-u.'.-. ‘ 'n ,_ -“m-‘u‘llaull 3'" _n , '1 n' ..I' .7. « 309 Aonamezmmmmmmm A “in, a _ .< Nil moo m 10 up _ .. , e e . . E a... N m. 8 m r m 4 )0 1 \3/ _ 5 sum 9 5 we 6 mama _ y .6 damn S ...,... o 2 V Z 3 we a... g as... 20563 «323 8.5.3.80 2055.18 2235.53 .85; 92on .8 =3, «2 Ewing—Era ...u Euugmubd anhuhfid and 2...: 0 .ud 3.:.£a.:u bu< —»¢S.m 310 This condition can be outlined in the following manner. Let us recall that the investor acceptance criteria in (6.5) is R't_>_I, (6.5) where R't = present value of annual rental streams, and I = investment. Since the probabilistic investment acceptance criterion stated that the expected value of R't must be equal to or exceed its value under conditions of certainty, we can write R'tpiR'tZI, (6.20) where R't = expected value of annual rental stream's p present value, R't = present value of annual rental stream, and I = investment. Since I I I > R tle t and R t_I, then ' .21 R thI‘ (6 ) Taking into consideration that the investor must introduce an incremental allowance for the retailer's profit margin, (6.21) must be rewritten in the following manner: 311 R'tp + PtZI' (6.22) where R'tp = expected value of rental stream's present value, Pt = target profit, and I = investment. The target profit's incremental allowance also must be calculated under uncertainty conditions using the same sequential events utilized to derive R' Therefore,1etting tp‘ P't equal the expected value of the target profit, the inequality (6.22) may be expressed in the following way: R'tp + P'til' (6.23) where R't = expected value of rental stream's present p value, and P't = expected value of target profit's present value. This formula is the final result of our model and may be expressed verbally: a shopping center investor will accept a project if and only if the sum of the expected value of the rental stream's present value plus the expected value of the retailer's target profit's present value is larger than the investment required to develop the center up to the beginning of its operations. 312 Land Site Costs Since retailing has a close relationship with its contiguous environment, any normative model for retailing location must consider the effects of environmental variables. Among these variables,the most important is the land site, for several reasons. (1) As a generic statement,we may say that land always has been a critical determinant of the locational patterns of economic activity. (2) Since the location of retailing institutions is fixed and always involves a long-run decision, the cost of a land site must be considered a long-run contractual cost for the entities involved in retailing. (3) Because site location and market opportunity have a definite and mutual relationship, and recalling that land site is a cost,whereas sales revenues are a function of the market opportunity, it follows that the acquisition costs of the land site must be an initial and central consideration to the shopping center investor. (4) Since urban land supply is fixed and its prises are a function of relative advantages within the area, it is possible to say that the shopping center in- vestor must evaluate the cost of the land site in relation to the minimum sales revenues required by the investment criteria discussed previously. (5) Finally, by virtue of the operational and physical characteristics of shOpping centers, it is necessary to maintain a ratio between the building area and the land site. This constraint 313 means that on a given land site the dimensions of the center must be considered the dependent variable. This discussion leads us to conclude that only certain sites are available and adequate for locating shop- ping centers; the relative position of these sites within the trade area affects their prices and their drawing power; each site has a given size and cost which are noncontrollable by the investor; and the architectural and operational characteristics of shopping centers preclude building areas from exceeding certain proportional upper limits of the land . 17 Site area. Site Decision Criterion According to the previous analysis,it is possible to affirm that the totality of a shopping center's rental streams are a function of its trade area sales opportunity and of its specific site conditions (location, competition, Size of the site, and so forth). Furthermore, having in mind that sales revenues and land costs were variables used to define the investor's and the retailer's acceptance criteria,18 and taking into consideration that land cost and potential are exogenuous and noncontrollable variables, it becomes obvious that all these must be evaluated first in the shopping center investment decision process. 314 Because the price of land sites is a given and is out of the investor's control, it is reasonable to term this variable a major constraint. The acceptance or rejection criteria to which it is subject can be expressed by the following normative statements. (1) Given a market opportunity, the investor will choose a site whose position, size, and acquisition cost will permit the achievement of an expected value of rental streams, plus the retailer's target profit's present value, larger or at least equal to his investment. (2) Given a site for which there are known para- meters such as position, size, and acquisition cost, the investor will accept the investment only if the trade area's market opportunity provides a minimum thres- hold which will permit him to achieve an expected value of rental streams, plus retailer's target profit's present value, larger or at least equal to his investment. It is interesting that both criteria take market opportunity and land site constraints into consideration. The basic difference between them lies in the fact that the first begins with an evaluation of the prospective revenue potential and proceeds on to the cost needed to generate the shopping center's returns. The second begins with the analysis of the cost and proceeds to the evaluation of the revenues which must be derived from the market opportunity. Both approaches 5' «L! 2"}. 315 are correct and consistent with this model's framework. Their alternative application and the selection of one of them will depend on the data available to the decision maker and also whether or not a specific site is under considera- tion. Model Evaluation .423 The model developed in this chapter is comprehensive, generic, and systemic. Furthermore, it draws upon quanti- tative and qualitative tools of analysis, since its modeling 139nm, process uses principles of cost and revenue analysis, 3; financial policies, and statistics. The model begins with the determination of the system's components and interactions, then defines the objectives and criteria of each component entity. In the first set of equations and inequalities,the analysis was conducted without consideration of risk and competition, but application of the decision tree diagram incorporated uncertainty parameters and the analytical framework gained broader dimensions. Finally, two other major constructs were integrated into the model: sales potential and the exogeneous, non- controllable factors linked with land site cost, size, and availability. Both constructs are of extreme importance since they represent the so-called environmental variables which,by and large,are at the core of marketing and retail- ing theory. 316 Application Guideline Despite the fact that the model was developed in a logical sequence, it seems worthwhile to suggest a brief guideline for its application. To do so, the analyst must assume the perspective of the shopping center investor and proceed through the following sequence of steps: 10. ll. Determine market opportunity; Evaluate land site constraints; Determine cost parameters and relationships; Determine revenues as related to potential; Apply investor decision criterion; Apply retailer decision criterion; Aggregate investor and retailer criteria; Evaluate cost and revenues as related to potential within the constraints established by the investor and retailer criteria; If the results do not meet the requirements of 5,6,7, and 8, reject the project, halt,or select another alternative; If the results meet the criteria of 5,6,7, and 8, proceed on to step 11 to introduce competitive and probabilistic corrections; Apply the probabilistic constructs of the model to allow for uncertainty adjustments; and 317 12. Select the best path of the decision tree diagram and verify if it still meet the condi- tions established in 5,6,7, and 8; that is, an expected value of rental streams, plus target profit's expected present value, must be larger or at least equal to the shopping center's required investment. The sequence of steps above also may be depicted by means of a logical flow diagram, which enhances the meaning and the preCiSion of the steps suggested here. Another advantage of this schematic presentation is that it allows for the application of feed back loops,"what if"statements, and intermediate loops at certain points of the logical decision flow' (see Figure 20). 318 Start Select another trade area or another land site. l.) Determine market opportunity f(P. 1. Car) 2.) Evaluate land site constraints (availability, cost, size) 3.) Determine cost parameters (Lc,Bc,P¢.DC and F ,Mc;,Mc,M¢v) 4.) Determine revenues related to potential (Sp) 5.) Apply investor decision criterion (Rityl) 6.) Apply retailer decision criterion (5'8 Fc+§a 3' W 7.) Aggregate investor- retailer criteria (R't +Ptzl) 8.) No Criteria satisfied? No Yes W 9.) Apply decision to introduce competitive and probabilistic corrections 10.) Select decision tree best path (R;P max,and P; max) 11.) .é—No Criteria 5,5 and 7 still met? No Yfif l2.) Accept the shopping center project 13.) End Figure 20. Normative Model- Flow Diagram FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER VI 1Equation (6.1) assumes that the rentals are constant over the n years of the planning horizon. For different annual rentals the expression takes the follow- ing form: where R1, R2"°"Rn are different annual rentals. 2Philip Kotler, Marketinnganagement Analysis, Plan- ning and Control, 2d ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice- Hall, 1972), p. 399. 3For a complete analysis of investment decision making see Harold Bierman and Seymour Smidt, The Capital Budgeting Decision (New York: The McMillan Company, 1960). 4James C. Van Horne, Financial Management and Policy, 2d ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 197llpp. 55. 51bid., p. 61. 6The unit break-even form cannot be applied because it is not possible to define standard unit of output for different kinds of retailers. 7The contribution margin is expressed as S' - Vc Cmt or Cmr = S' - v8' = r8, 319 E VLW a 320 where Cmt = total contribution margin; Cmr = contribution margin ratio; Vc = variable cost expressed as percentage of S; r8' = Cmr = contribution margin ratio expressed as a percentage of S; and v and r = coefficients (v