INDUSTRIAL MAN IN ARGENTINA AND THE UNITED STATES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF AUTOMOBILE WORKERS Thesis for the Degree of Ph. D. MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY RICHARD PHILIP GALE 196-8 EH E3" L1H}? A f? Y NIKE! ff 3 I Gtal‘c University This is to certify that the thesis entitled INDUSTRIAL MAN IN ARGENTINA AND THE UNITED STATES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF AUTOMOBILE WORKERS presented by Richard Philip Gale has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for __.Eh.ll.__ degree in _S.Q£:iology Major professor Date July 10, 1968 0-169 ifl‘i‘ .4 ’54:?” "vl...__.._.\ ' w \ 3 amomc av 7’ I nonsasm 1 rilaooxsmummc. ; LIBRARY BINDERS k3? I III If.Il ABSTRACT INDUSTRIAL MAN IN ARGENTINA AND THE UNITED STATES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF AUTOMOBILE WORKERS by Richard Philip Gale This dissertation attempted to link studies of labor commitment in deveIOping societies and research on occupational satisfaction in advanced industrial societies. The theoretical model developed suggested a curvilinear relationship between the level of socio-economic develOp- ment and adaptation of workers to industrial employment. The general hypothesis was that adaptation to industrial employment would be low in both pre-industrial and advanced industrial societies and high in early industrial societies. Data were obtained from interviews with workers employed in automobile manufacturing plants in Cordoba, Argentina, and Lansing, Michigan. The samples reflect the range of skill within the plants and the core elements of the automobile manufacturing process. Adaptation to industrial employment was defined on four levels; adaptation to the industrial sector, occupation, job or task, and adapta- tion as reflected in occupational aspirations. In each case, it was hypothesized that Argentine automobile workers would reflect a higher level of adaptation than North American automobile workers. Some of the factors underlying the hypothesized national differ- ences in adaptation were sought in the pattern of societal develOpment and in the histories of the two communities and the two plants. . , s t . . ~ , - . . . V . . n . . w . \ . I Q - I v .. . o. .. . . ., 1 . 2.. n o . . t r . _ ,4. t c ... o . . a p. U. r. .. . I . .. L v. . . . v. . A , .. .. _. . . . c —. —J .I. Os . w. e a a: n. Am r. .. a ..u A .. at v. s . W. ?~ \I. \ tag C. v n. u s ..,. n. — u, .u» s. 2. e. .5 it. (a .4 es ... h. s; ..v. . e. V‘ I. V. .A- . g .o. .\e V: «A C.“ rut.- ...v .3 M. . v. o. o e VA 0‘. _‘ u .. a . o. ~' .4. e. “L . I... .3 hi .. I BE 4 .. - dull. Richard Philip Gale Analysis dealt first with the interrelationship of the independent variables--the worker's background and work history and his current task and level of skill in the plant. Comparisons with the Cordoba labor force showed the Argentine workers to be younger and better educated, while American workers tended to be older and less well educated than the Lansing labor force. Nearly all of the American workers had been employed for most of their working lives in the industrial sec- tor, while many Argentine workers had previous eXperience in the service sector or in small machine shops. In almost every case, Argentine workers reflected a higher level of adaptation to industrial employment than their North American counter- parts. Moreover, work-related variables, such as skill level and current task, more effectively differentiated the American workers, while non- work variables, such as age and education, more effectively predicted adaptation among the Argentine workers. When comparing occupations in different sectors, Argentine workers were more likely to select indus- trial occupations, while many American workers reflected an idealization of the past in preferring farming. Though there was little national difference in the level of either occupational or job satisfaction, Argentine workers were more likely to focus on inherent features of work as the basis for attachment to their present occupation, and American workers tended to base their attachment on instrumental factors, such as wage level. Although Argentine workers were less likely to think about changing occupations, those that did so were more likely than their American counterparts to actually plan occupational change. Occupational aspirations of American workers emphasized escape from the industrial sector, while Argentine workers appeared eager to capitalize on the o .a.o o — . . o . «a C O. o. . . Q . . . v .. I..- v. u A .5 .I o .w v. .9. y. on «e III! a Richard Philip Gale industrial expansion and high demand for skilled workers in contemporary Argentina. The data provided some support for a curvilinear pattern of adaptation to industrial employment, although its confirmation awaits analysis of adaptation to industrial employment in a less deve10ped society. This study was placed in the perSpective of different strate- gies for the comparative analysis of the impact of industrial work environments. Previous studies have often explored the range of indus- tries within a single society. This study attempted to hold the type of industry constant and sought variability in the stage of societal deve10pment. A third strategy would attempt to hold constant the level and relative complexity of the industry within the local setting, and would compare, for example, adaptation in the most modern and modern traditional factories within societies at different stages of deve10pment. INDUSTRIAL MAN IN ARGENTINA AND THE UNITED STATES: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF AUTOMOBILE WORKERS BY Richard Philip Gale A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1968 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This dissertation cannot begin to reflect the wide range of experiences that led to its completion. It took me from a small monument in Lansing, Michigan, marking the site on which one of the first Oldsmobiles was built, to the Argentine town of Ushuaia, on the island of Tierra del Fuego. Nor can these formal acknowledgments adequately express my gratitude to the many persons who made these experiences so meaningful. Two persons contributed most. From my major professor, Dr. William H. Form, I learned to combine a warm appreciation of social reality with a truly sociological perspective. It was his kind but firm guidance that both made the study such an intellectually exciting exper- ience and provided me with a role model that I can only hOpe to approxi- mate. My wife, Maradel, provided constant encouragement, understanding, and a companionship which always incorporated the right mixture of wife and research assistant. Members of my doctoral committee provided needed help at the prOper time. Dr. John D. Donoghue reinforced my commitment to meaning- ful qualitative contextual material so often forgotten by the sociologist but never by the anthropologist. The insightful help of Dr. William A. Faunce came at a critical time in the deve10pment of the theoretical framework. Dr. Garland P. Wood, as the Director of the Latin American Studies Center, provided both continuing encouragement and facilitated ii .I _ Cu D '- . a . I '2. . \‘. .. . o . c o r. v. a «a .O . v. p. .. i. v F . _ .. I . a. .. O. r . 7 o D. .- . o a. s. .. a V. p. . a. u .L — o. .. L. . . . In .. .1 s v. .. h. . . ... r. ., i .. v. w. .. .L. a Us In" . n I _.., . ,. ,. . . 3 .D. — O” O. ,-. a: n ‘D C’. .- . . . . . . . n. . . q . IA o .. .. . .. .. . 1‘ w. .. t T . _\_ ~ .g in. o n .n. q o v. x . _ > . e. w. 1 ' .Cr‘ . .t t, .. o» ..u a. o. .t ‘. . .. .. n4 , La I? .. .H. ~l.. .\ v. .. s. .1 o... a» .c a .3 the grant which made the Argentine fieldwork possible. The North American segment of the study was supported, in part, by grants from the Social Science Research Council, National Science Foundation, and School of Labor and Industrial Relations at Michigan State University. A grant from the Ford Foundation to Michigan State University's Center for International Programs supported the fieldwork in Argentina. I am also grateful to Michigan State University for the fellowship which made the year of analysis and writing an enjoyable one. Thinking back on the project, the fieldwork brings most vivid memories. I remember the patient reSponses of Argentine and North American workers. Both the management of Industrias Kaiser Argentina and the officials of the union at the plant did much to facilitate the field- work in Cordoba and willingly shared with me their perspectives on the Argentine industrial labor force. I shall remain forever indebted to my Argentine colleagues, Drs. Alfredo Povina, Juan Carlos Agulla, and Adolfo Critto, for their assistance and for making the Instituto de Sociologia y Ciencias Sociales "Raul A. Orgaz” at the Universidad Nacional de Cordoba a most pleasant working environment. The individual most responsible for making Argentina comprehensible to this North American sociologist, and vice versa, was Licenciada Virginia Robledo, who assisted me throughout my stay in Argentina. The contact with the Argentine university students who served as interviewers deepened my understanding of their society, and my own, and left both my wife and me with fond memories of our stay in Cordoba. iii I1 .——- , . -. . I. ,. "~b -I.-. . _ - ,.- , . »» ‘ ~- -4s-, .. r.-. __ ~ . " A-u‘. ' n.‘. _ .. ,. .‘ ..,i, n ‘V ~‘og . . ‘b n, ‘ \ I , IN PART ONE: TABLE OF CONTENTS THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK IntrOdUCti-On O I O O I O O I O O O O O O O O O 0 O O 0 O O 0 Chapter I. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction to the Problem . . . . . . . . . . . Social Change and the Adaptation of Industrial Workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Classical Studies--Durkheim and Marx . . . . . . Contemporary Studies of Worker Adaptation in Industrial Society . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Worker Adaptation in Developing Societies-- Theoretical Statements . . . . . . . . . . . . Worker Adaptation in Developing Societies-- Empirical Studies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Toward a Curvilinear Model of Industrial Adaptation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Defining Worker Adaptation . . . . . . . . . . . Dependent Variables--Worker Adaptation . . . . . Worker Adaptation to the Industrial Sector . Worker Adaptation to Factory Employment-- Job and Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . Worker Adaptation as Reflected in Occupational A3pirations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Independent Variables--Variables Affecting Worker Adaptation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Societal/Communal Variables . . . . . . . . Societal Variables . . . . . . . . . . . Community Variables . . . . . . . . . . . Demographic Characteristics of Workers . . . Socio-Technical Work Environment . . . . . . Summary and Statement of the Problem . . . . . . iv 12 20 22 23 26 27 29 35 39 43 45 46 48 54 66 78 81 v.» o-.- 0.. cl. .-__ on ‘. a. ‘ o ‘. ‘0 '- a... o TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) PART TWO: HYPOTHESES AND RESEARCH SETTINGS III. RESEARCH HYPOTHESES AND STUDY DESIGN . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 IntrOduCtion O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 84 Research Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 ResearCh DESign I O O O O C O C O O O O O O O O O O O O 89 Sample Design and the Problem of Defining Skill Level C O O O I O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O O 92 IV. THE RESEARCH SETTINGS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Argentina, Cordoba, and Industrias Kaiser Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 General Features of Argentina . . . . . . . . . . 101 Industrial DevelOpment of Argentina . . . . . . . 104 General Features of the City of Cordoba . . . . . 113 Industrial Deve10pment of Cordoba . . . . . . . . 116 Contemporary Development of Cordoba . . . . . . . 118 Industrias Kaiser Argentina . . . . . . . . . . . 130 United States, Lansing, and Oldsmobile . . . . . . . . 141 The United States . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 General Features of the City of Lansing . . . . . 147 Contemporary Development in Lansing . . . . . . . 152 Local Conditions at the Time of the Fieldwork . . . . . 159 PART THREE: ANALYSIS OF THE DATA V. ANALYSIS OF INDEPENDENT AND CONTROL VARIABLES . . . . . . . 162 Background Variables--Age, Birthplace, and Education 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 164 Age 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 164 Birthplace O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O O O 173 Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Occupational Socialization Variables . . . . . . . . . 187 Occupation of Father . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 Occupational Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . 193 Inter-Generational Mobility . . . . . . . . . . . 198 Current Work and Non-Work Conditions . . . . . . . . . 203 Family Status Situation . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 Social Class Identification . . . . . . . . . . . 204 Place of Residence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 208 Skill Level and Functional Classification . . . . 211 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 214 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Continued) VI. ANALYSIS OF DEPENDENT VARIABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 216 Adaptation to the Industrial Sector . . . . . . . . . . 216 Choice of Farm, Factory, or Office Machine . . . . 217 Choice of Small Independent Farmer, Skilled Factory Worker, or Office Worker . . . . . . . . 228 Occupational Experience and Adaptation to the Industrial Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Conclusions-~Adaptation to the Industrial Sector . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 244 Adaptation to Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 245 Occupational Experience and Adaptation to Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 Occupational Experience and the Basis for Adaptation to Occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . 249 Satisfaction with Current Occupation . . . . . . . 255 Factors Disliked about Current Occupation . . . . 264 Occupational Change and Occupational Adaptation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 272 Conclusions--Adaptation to Occupation . . . . . . 281 Adaptation to Job . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Job Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 283 Factors Liked about Job--Bases of Job Satisfaction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 290 Adaptation and Job Change . . . . . . . . . . . . 295 Conclusions-~Adaptation to Job . . . . . . . . . . 303 Adaptation as Reflected in Aspirations . . . . . . . . 305 Occupational ASpirations . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305 Reasons for Occupational Choice . . . . . . . . . 314 Plans for Occupational Change . . . . . . . . . . 318 Conclusions--Occupationa1 ASpirations . . . . . . 321 VII. CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH . . . . . 324 Three General Hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325 Theoretical Implications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325 The Curvilinear Model . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 326 Limitations of the Study and Implications for Further Research . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329 BIBLImRAPI-IY O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 335 vi LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Total plant pOpulation and representative sample according to wage-rate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 2. Representative sample according to functional ClaSSi-fication O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 97 3. Representative sample according to skill level . . . . . . . 97 4. Functional classification according to skill level . . . . . 98 5. Change in labor force distribution by economic activity, Argentina and the United States, 1900-1960 . . . . . . . . . 105 6. Labor force and automobile production of Industrias Kaiser Argentina, 1955-1965 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 133 7. Average size of industrial establishment, city of LanSing, 1900-1960 0 O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 157 8. Age of automobile workers and males in local labor force, Cordoba, Argentina and Lansing, Michigan . . . . . . . 165 9. Age according to skill level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 10. Characteristics of workers in different age groups according to selected demographic variables . . . . . . . . . 169 11. Place of birth of automobile workers and local population, Cordoba, Argentina and Lansing, Michigan . . . . 174 12. Type of birthplace of Argentine and American automObile workers 0 O O O O O O O I I I O O O O O O O O O C 17S 13. Characteristics of workers from different types of birthplaces according to selected demographic variables . . . 177 14. Location of birthplace according to selected demographic variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179 15. Education of automobile workers and members of local labor force, Cordoba, Argentina, and Lansing, Michigan . . . 182 16. Education according to skill level . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 17. Characteristics of workers in different educational groups according to selected demographic variables . . . . . 185 vii . .5 u... _. | .. .. gm 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. LIST OF TABLES (Continued) Occupation of fathers of automobile workers in Argentina and the united States 0 O O I O O C O I I O O O O O O 0 Characteristics of workers with fathers in different occupational groups according to selected demographic variables 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Occupational background of Argentine and American automobile workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Characteristics of workers with different occupational backgrounds according to selected demographic variables Major occupations of paternal grandfathers by fathers' major occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fathers' major occupation by sons' occupational background 0 C . . . . C C . . . . O . . . . . . . . C Family status situation of workers according to age . . Class identification of Argentine and American automobile workers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Percentage identifying with middle class according to functional classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Place of residence of Argentine and American automobile workers 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 Current place of residence according to selected demographic variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Place of residence according to skill level . . . . . . Associations between functional classification and some demographic and work-related variables . . . . . . . . Characteristics of workers at different skill levels according to selected demographic variables . . . . . . Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines according to skill level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines according to education and skill level . . . . . . . . viii 189 190 193 196 200 202 204 205 206 208 209 210 212 213 218 220 221 .s/ .u4 A.. .«4 4 a A . » a. 1 . . .r a a La . .u. A T ._ L ,. . .: .un .. ..I\_ I. _. a .90. \v. . I . . . n. ‘ .h. .1. a . u :3 s a .; 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 43. 49. LIST OF TABLES (Continued) Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines according to age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines according to age and education . . . . . . . . . . . . Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines according to occupation of father . . . . . . . . . . . Comparative evaluations of Skilled factory worker, office worker, and small independent farmer on five dimens ions 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Judgments of Skilled factory workers, office worker, and small independent farmer as the occupation most monotonous according to skill level . . . . . . . . . . Judgments of skilled factory worker, office worker, and small independent farmer as the occupation most monotonous according to occupation of father . . . . . Judgments of skilled factory worker, office worker, and small independent farmer as the occupation most monotonous according to level of education--Argentina only 0 O O C O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O 0 Index of situs preference . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Association between the index of Situs preference and some background, occupational socialization, and work- related variables 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O Situs of occupation liked best . . . . . . . . . . . . Reasons for liking a previous occupation better than present occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Occupation liked best . . . . . . . . . . Occupation liked best according to occupation of father‘-Argentina only 0 o o o o o o o o o o o o 0 Reasons for liking present occupation better than a previous occupation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reason for liking present occupation better than all previous occupations according to functional classification . . . . . . . . . . . ix 223 225 227 230 233 234 236 237 238 240 242 247 247 250 252 I 4 p A r on “r A u I. . o. ... t 4 . . a. w. a v . o n. . u . i . . s . I. .4 6.. s A I. . V x u I s 4 n 3» IA 0; .K o p y 7‘ Int §l‘ ,”A A‘_ .. _a.n ‘\ 4‘. I o — - ad 1 . .V v P v. . . . . . t . . ~ A . A ... .u . I. q .i 1 .0. .r D . . «V . . . . . r t . . I o o 0 a a 9 ~ . . ml. us A . . u y . a up. ¢o - ~IL _ ~ ~ . _.. .5. Ex \dn Ina; ‘~ his .3 I o c I s I a o o o o o u o 1 . o . -. ... .4. u. . .n. ,¢ .. VA ~ ~ 1.. c -o c u o o | .~. .x. ,4. .4. as. .4. .x. .‘. .x. p. \ -\4 .h. s . .n. r44 J r. r. r. S. (>3 A. rs. z». ,b. so 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. S7. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. LIST OF TABLES (Continued) Reason for liking present occupation better than all previous occupations according to skill level . Occupational satisfaction . . . . Occupational satisfaction according to skill level Occupational satisfaction according to age Occupational satisfaction according to skill level and education . . . . . . . . . . Factors disliked about occupation . . . . . Factors disliked about current occupation functional classification . . . . Potential for occupational change Potential for occupational change functional classification . . . . Potential for occupational change education 0 O O O O I O O O O O 0 Potential for occupational change and education . . . . . . . . . . Level of job satisfaction . . . . according according according Job satisfaction according to skill level . Job satisfaction according to skill level and age to age according Job satisfaction according to education--Argentina only Reason for job satisfaction . . . Reasons for job satisfaction according to functional classification . . . . . . . . . Reasons for job satisfaction according to education-- Argentina only . . . . . . . . . Desire for job change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reasons for desiring job change . Potential and reasons for job change according to Skill level 0 O O O O O O O O O O 253 256 257 260 263 267 269 273 275 278 280 284 285 288 289 290 292 294 296 297 298 O. x t; .s _ . . fir. .x. .1. . e I a I s o R s .o. .v .. ~ 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. LIST OF TABLES (Continued) Potential and reasons for job change according to age . Sector of occupational aspirations of workers who think about having a different occupation . . . . . . . . . . Occupational aspirations according to functional classification . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Occupational aspirations according to education . . . . Occupational aspirations according to fathers' sector of employment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reasons for wanting to change to a different occupation Reasons for wanting to change to a different occupation according to occupational aspirations . . . . . . . . . Reasons for wanting to change to a different occupation according to education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Plans for occupational change . . . . . . . . . . . . . Associations between plans for occupational change and some demographic and work-related variables . . . . . . xi 301 307 310 311 313 315 316 317 319 320 LIST OF FIGURES Figure Curvilinear relationship between level of societal deve10pment and worker adaptation to industrial life Control, independent, and dependent variables . Summary of research process for Argentine and American segments of four-nation study of automobile workers . Personnel employed, selected industries, Cordoba city and province, 1914-1961 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Average size of establishment, selected industries, Cordoba province and city, 1914-1958 Average annual wage, industrial sector and selected industries, Cordoba city and province, 1914-1958 Personnel employed, industrial sector, Cordoba province and city, 1914-1958 0 Industrial sector and total employment, males only, city of Lansing, 1900-1960 xii 25 83 95 121 124 126 129 154 INTRODUCTION This study explores the adaptation to industrial employment of automobile workers in an early-industrial and an advanced industrial society. The main aims of this dissertation are to investigate the adaptation of Argentine and American automobile workers to the indus- trial sector, occupation, and job, and to examine the way in which personal and social characteristics account for these different aspects of adaptation. Part One of this dissertation will present the general theoretical framework of the study, and will describe the linkage between previous research and this study. Two general theoretical approaches will be discussed in Chapter I. The hypothesis of decreasing adaptation of industrial workers in advanced industrial societies will be contrasted with the proposition that, in developing societies, worker adaptation increases with societal development. Chapter I will conclude with a proposed curvilinear model of adaptation to industrial employ- ment. Chapter II will review studies of worker adaptation in both developing and advanced industrial societies, and will focus on common measures of worker adaptation and the variables used to account for variation in adaptation. Part Two links the theoretical discussion and review of previous research to the specific research problem of this study. Chapter III will deal with the research design and will present the general and 2 specific hypotheses that will guide data analysis. The major hypothesis is that worker adaptation to industrial employment will be higher in early-industrial than in advanced industrial societies. The rationale rests on the differential status of industrial employment in societies at different stages of deve10pment, and the expansion of opportunity and positive evaluation of industrial employment in early-industrial socie- ties. Chapter IV will examine the Argentine and American research settings in some detail, and will concentrate on the industrial develop- ment and contemporary labor market of the two cities in which the plants were located. Brief histories of the two automobile plants will also be presented, and, in the concluding section, we will sketch some important features of the two research settings at the time of the fieldwork for this study. Analysis of the data will be presented in Part Three. Chapter V will deal with the interrelationship of the independent variables. Chapter V will also compare the automobile workers to the local popula- tion in terms of demographic variables such as age, education, and place of birth. Chapter VI will present the major analysis of the data. Adaptation of Argentine and American automobile workers will be con- sidered in four areas: industrial sector, occupation, job, and occupa- tional aspirations. For each area, we will first consider national differences, and will compare the Argentine and American workers. Secondly, the influence of work-related variables such as skill level and functional classification will be examined. And third, the impact of demographic characteristics of the workers on their adaptation will be described. .5- CHAPTER I THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS Introduction to the Problem As work became segregated from other areas of life, man became concerned about his relation to it, and its implications for the society in which man lives and works. The research pr0posed here examines this relationship among industrial workers. Wilensky, Tilgher, and others reviewed the meaning of work in different historical periods, and focussed on the meaning of it for man in the contemporary world.1 This study attempts to add to this area by concentrating on modern industrial workers in an advanced industrial and an early-industrial society, isolat- ing some of the general societal and more specific work-related variables which may be related to their adaptation to industrial life. The research plan is as follows. First we shall briefly review several analyses of the relationship between man and his work under con- ditions of social and technological change. These different approaches 1Harold L. Wilensky, "Varieties of Work Experience," Man in a World of Work, ed. Henry Borow (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1964), pp. 125-154; Adriano Tilgher, Work: What It Has Meant to Men through the Ages, trans. Dorothy Canfield Fisher (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1930); Robert Blauner, "WOrk Satisfaction and Industrial Trends in Modern Society," Class, Status, and Power, ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 473-487; T. S. Ashton, The Industrial Revolution: 1760-1830 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1964); Clark Kerr et al., Industrialism and Industrial Man: The Problems of Labor and Management in Economic Growth (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), pp. 166-191. .J c A .\ I c r r. .. i .. .~.. ”a at. C .L. o. v. o. .L. .e u. .C .s no A 1; I I. a .a . . : r ... i .2 a: 9.. 5. J. a” ..u .3 E C .3 a .... v. . n g e .u .4 I. it» a.» .‘_ o. _ 1. .. . .. .._ .... .2 .1 .2 .. .u .<- >5 9‘ .I .4.“ :. .He 4 will then be examined with the purpose of developing a model which better relates worker adaptation to different contemporary social structures and industrial settings. The model we suggest will be part of a general scheme to study the adaptation of automobile workers in an advanced industrial and an early-industrial society: the United States and Argentina. The central concern will be attitudes toward work in an industrial organization which we will call worker adaptation. Hopefully this model will help us understand the adaptation of workers in indus- trial settings within societies at different levels of deve10pment. While many studies focus on worker adaptation in industrial settings, few combine an approach which compares workers in different societies and controls for variations in technology and work setting within each society. Yet the placement of modern factories in societies at quite different levels of deve10pment affords the possibility of studying similarly organized work systems in culturally different socie- ties. This research is devoted to the examination of worker adaptation in modern factories under different societal conditions. Social Change and the Adaptation of Industrial WOrkers The organization of work and its implications for society have generally been viewed in terms of social change. The adaptation of workers to a changing social and technical environment has been a common theme for much research since the industrial revolution. Though many different organizing concepts have been used, these studies of indus- trial workers have shared a concern with the meaning of work, the effect of work technology on man, and the consequences of work life for the social life of man. Though there are certainly important conceptual .. ‘ . I g a n . H v v. .. . o .. .. . c . o r. v. F. u . . o . .1 6 u . a b. . . o. w. —. ~ . ,. u C l .. ... o. ~ . us .. H. E . n c. . , v; . _.. . . . . T. t . a. . a a. v u a. v. .44 to. . v. u. u~ . s . v. .. . ..-, a\ .s a. s. v. . .. . .\ _. .L w; am A. a. . o. .. ... :2 w. v. .J 4. _. ..« .V. i. . . .l ‘ ,L .L . w. . s w; ...L .1. o. T pk .— . v. _ . . .T . .. . . . . . a a c .1 o c r . .9 .3 f ._ i Z I 5 z. . . E S .. a, . . .. : . ._M .3 .T at 2. _. I .t .T . i. .. .~ . _ .. o. .. C. .2 . xx uh p. .o« .Jfl...m.l\n|l|l j 5 distinctions, one may consider Marx's concern with alienation as concentrating on a problem area similar to that examined by Durkheim in his discussion of conditions supporting organic social solidarity. Likewise, studies of work satisfaction and alienation in contemporary industrial societies share an interest with research on the problems of labor commitment and acculturation in the developing societies.2 These studies all relate to a general concept which we call worker adap- tation. More specifically, all are interested in attitudes of workers toward their occupations, how they appraise the positive and negative features of industrial work, and what they aspire to in the industrial SEC tor . Classical Studies--Durkheim and Marx For Marx, the separation of the worker from the product of his labor occurred in its most extreme form in the large factory. Dramatic changes in factory technology, an increasing division of labor concen- trated in large production organizations, and the organization of work relationships in a capitalistic system all contributed to a growing estrangement of the worker from his work.3 This estrangement was mani- fested in the alienation of the worker from the means and products of his work, and, as others later argued, from his society.4 ‘Marx, then, was concerned with increasing worker alienation in industrial society, 2Wilbert H. Moore and Arnold S. Feldman (eds.), Labor Commitment and Social Change in DevelopinggAreas (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1960). 3Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom: The Factory Worker and His Industry (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1964), pp. 1-11. 4Blauner, Alienation and Freedom . . . . I . - . 4 . . . . . . . ., . . . x . . - .. . . . . . . . . . _ o. v. t .. . . . . . v. u a . . A . . . u . .. . a .I v. . ..V n. — . an 0. Q . o. —b. .o. . .- v. y . .o .A . . . . . . v. T ... A ,., ._ .. . . . .. \._ .. .Is us 9. I 4. a a J .c. s. . x. 2‘ .4. «x .. .u . . A a. .. . Vt IA k.“ 5.. L.“ \ .. _. as \ ‘1. (A ‘4 “I. ‘ - —.. PW ~ . v.» .. c . _\\ a A In T P.\ r. .a‘ .3 .~L “v4 5 . . 3.. . 2.. .u S C; 3. .. 1. .. .. .J .. ._ C .. 9 ..u E a. .c T. a. .. v. .... i. E ., . .. S .C T .. . . v. y ”no 3 .4 an L c .a 3 3 «A . .H .i .o. «a. .G .«J a.” at ub. .t ... .. a. C .I. .c .d a; . .u “AA. 1‘ I .. lei . 6 and with the decline of a meaningful work relationship. Durkheim was concerned with the relationship of the division of labor to the level of social solidarity. Though not restricting his analysis to the division of labor in the economic sector, it was there that major social change was observed. We need have no further illusions about the tendencies of modern industry; it advances steadily towards power- ful machines, towards great concentrations of forces and capital, and consequently to the extreme division of labor. Occupations are infinitely separated and Special- ized, not only inside the factories, but each product is itself a specialty dependent upon others.5 Durkheim argues that the division of labor is basically a source of social solidarity. But he saw a basic difference between "normal" conditions under which solidarity would increase with the division of labor, and the "extreme" or "abnormal" forms of the division of labor that would produce anomie. As Friedmann points out in his insightful analysis of Durkheim, Job specialization, which was the contemporary form of the division of labor and had begun to penetrate into the larger firms in Europe as well as in the United States at the time when Durkheim was writing his book [1893 was the publication date of The Division of Labor in Society], was for him a pathological condition, showing the "anomie" resulting from the lack of proper coordination of functions. Friedmann's main point is that Durkheim, though aware that the extreme division of labor did not lead to solidarity, could not account 5Emile Durkheim, The Division of Labor in Society, trans. George Simpson (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), p. 39 [First published London: The Macmillan Company, 1933]. 6Georges Friedmann, The Anatomy of work (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1961), p. 70. .i'.~ p a» 11“! .hvlt. lI'u .. 7 for the effects of extreme segmentation and was forced to label them "abnormal," produced only "in exceptional and abnormal circumstances." Durkheim's analysis, then, fails adequately to account for the condi- tions that subsequently became typical of advanced industrial society. Durkheim's scope of analysis was more limited than Marx's. Even though he wrote earlier, Marx nonetheless better anticipated modern deve10pments in industrial technology and their negative effect on the worker. Yet Durkheim's analysis was more detailed, closer to the actual structure of the work setting,7 while Marx took a more general view and traced the implications of general property relations of the society for the organization of work.8 Marx was more concerned with the general structural setting of work, Durkheim looked at the detailed organization of the division of labor. This difference is paradoxical because empiri- cal conditions (industrial development) were no doubt more advanced in Durkheim's time than when Marx wrote. Contemporary Studies of Worker Adaptation in Industrial Society More than a half century later, the ideas of Durkheim and Marx still serve as basic orientations to studies of industrial workers. Changes in the industrial system noted by both have been accentuated, and Marx's concern with worker alienation and Durkheim's preoccupation with ". . . the debasement of human nature" resulting from work in a routine in which man "everyday . . . repeats the same movements with 7Durkheim, op. cit., pp. 354-373. 8Blauner, Alienation and Freedom . . . , p. 3. fi-_.-,—- .- .~.A- 3. C .F. c..~~ v. ,o. .<‘ J. «A u- «U. .‘A 8 monotonous regularity, but without being interested in them, and without understanding them,"9 form the foundation for current studies, and for this one. Increasingly, workers in all parts of the world are being employed in large industrial organizations. In all societies, the dynamics of social change influence the relation of man to his work. In advanced industrial societies, researchers directly study changes in technology and the work setting; in developing societies, the contrast between modern industrial work systems and the more traditional cultural setting becomes of critical research importance. In advanced industrial societies, as the modern form of work shifted from skilled craft work to machine tending and assembly-line production, specialization and job segmentation have occurred. But these technological changes are better understood in terms of the social changes implied by alterations in the structure of work. Henry Ford's mass production and Frederick Taylor's scientific management have com- bined in the modern factory to produce job segmentation, loss of worker control over work pace, and a shift of the "mental load . . . from men in production to men in designing."10 The general thesis of studies of the effect of these changes is that worker satisfaction, adaptation, solidarity, and integration decrease as work approaches the organization and setting of the assembly-line. 9Durkheim, op. cit., p. 371. 10Henry Ford, "Mass Production," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 22nd edition, pp. 38-40 quoted in Charles R. Walker (ed.), Modern Technology and Civilization (New York: ‘McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1962), p. 66. 9 Numerous studies have dealt with the effects of assembly-line work which, though not most typical, are most symbolic of an extreme division of labor in an impersonal organization.11 The worker who stands before, or under, a moving line, performing a single, easily learned Operation taking less than one minute, symbolizes the end point of the changes which began with the industrial revolution. The automo- bile assembly line dramatically reflects these characteristics, and has' become "the classic symbol of the subjection of man to the machine in 12 our industrial age." And, as Blauner says, "The industry itself stands out as the prototypal industry of the period of advanced indus- trialization."13 Assembly-line workers, and particularly those in the automobile industry, are typically less satisfied and more alienated in the work setting than many other groups of industrial workers.14 Blauner's15 study of worker alienation and adaptation in different industrial occupations is the best example of a comparative perspective on worker adaptation in industrial society. Like other 11Blauner, Alienation and Freedom . . . ; Ely Chinoy, Automobile Workers and the American Dream (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1955); John H. Goldthorpe, "Attitudes and Behavior of Car Assembly Workers: A Deviant Case and a Theoretical Critique," British Journal of Sociology, 17 (September, 1966), pp. 227-244; Lewis Lipsitz, "WOrk Life and Political Attitudes: A Study of Manual Workers," American Political Science Review, 68 (December, 1964), pp. 951-962; Charles R. Walker and Robert M. Guest, The Man on the Assembly Line (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1952). 12Walker and Guest, 0p. cit., p. 9. 13Blauner, Alienation and Freedom . . . , p. 89. 14 Blauner, Alienation and Freedom . . . . 151bid. o~ 10 researchers,16 Blauner's work is both historical, as he shows how changes within advanced industrial societies result in variations in the typical industrial environment, and synchronic in that he deals with the effect of technological variables (reflected in skill level) on worker adaptation in contemporary advanced industrial societies. Skilled craftsmen symbolize both workers in early periods of industrial develop- ment and contemporary workers enjoying maximum job control and freedom in highly skilled jobs. The basic argument is that historically, the decline of work autonomy and skill requirements results in increasing worker alienation and decreasing adaptation to industrial life, and that currently, as one goes down the skill hierarchy, alienation increases and worker adaptation decreases. Following this trajectory would suggest increasing use of assembly-line technology and, consequently, even greater dissatisfaction and alienation in the future. Yet significant change in technology con- tinues: first, there is the "decline of an orthodoxy" which promoted job specialization, and many industries have moved toward job enlarge- ment.17 Secondly, and of greater importance for the future, changes in work organization which have resulted from automation may involve a major revision in the concept of industrial work.18 In an automated 16Friedmann, op. cit. 17Ibid., pp. 20-39. 18William A. Faunce, "Automation and the Division of Labor," Social Problems, 13 (Fall, 1965), pp. 149-160; Friedmann, The Anatomy of Work; Alain Touraine, "An Historical Theory in the Evolution of Industrial Skills," Modern Technology and Civilization, ed. Charles R. Walker (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1962), pp. 425-436 (selection is the last chapter in Touraine's study of the Renault Automobile plant). ll continuous-process factory, work consists of machine maintenance and monitoring automatic equipment. [The typical] . . . job can no longer be defined as a certain relationship between man and materials, tools and machines. . . . The rhythm and character of the work is no longer determined by the way in which work is organized.1 Such a transformation in technology suggests a reversal of the trend toward increasing alienation and work dissatisfaction.20 Several researchers have hypothesized that with the spread of continuous-process technology, a new trend toward increasing job satisfaction and decreas- ing alienation has appeared,21 and, as Blauner indicates, The result is meaningful work in a more cohesive, integrated industrial climate. The alienation curve begins to decline from its previous height [reached in assembly-line technology] as employees in auto- mated industries gain a new dignity from responsi- bility and a sense of individual function--thus the inverted U [curve would chart the course of alienation].22 We have attempted to show that studies of industrial workers in what today are considered the advanced industrial societies focus on changing social and technical work environments. The general perspective 19Touraine, op. cit., p. 429. 20Faunce, loc. cit.; Friedmann, op. cit.; Touraine, op. cit. Blauner, Alienation and Freedom . . . ; Faunce, op. cit.; Touraine, 0p. cit. 22Friedmann, op. cit., Forward, does not share Blauner's opti- mism regarding the future of an automated society. He points out that the number of jobs that may be automated are limited, and that auto- mation may "deprive men of the essential element upon which their men- tal balance and the possibility of self-realization have been based (the role traditionally assigned to work), [and that] the need to find a new centre for human development in the hours thus freed, ipg. in the active use of leisure, will become all the more acute." I... - ~ I . 4 .4 v. c . . o. 9. . a u v. .8. .1 —. .s .r t h 17 .5 a” .x. a.» .C .- C .3 .p, ... n” .1 o. .4. 0 o. 4.. L.“ .N 1. .4. : .6. o. A“ it. .. n. .. C S 3 u . a u ‘ i. . V b J t 2 ‘ _ . f5 . x . .3 .7‘ I: . _-a . . r r .. . s 3 U .1; an ,.. Z 4.. . _ 5- C . .: a. t s .5... T. h.» «a it :. VA 3. n J a .3 “I“ a... .74 .C .V.. ll; 12 of these studies charts the decline of craft technology, the passing of stages characterized by machine tending and assembly-line production, and the emergence of a new work organization in the automated factory. We have touched on recurrent concerns with worker satisfaction, aliena- tion, and adaptation, and will return in a later section to consider these in greater detail. Worker Adaptation in Developing Societies-- Theoretical Statements Thus far we have limited the discussion to advanced industrial societies. We turn now to pre-industrial societies, in which almost no industrialization has occurred, and early-industrial societies in which we would expect to find some industrial development.23 Yet con- temporary pre-industrial or early-industrial societies need not wait for the gradual evolution of advanced factory systems: Peru will soon have four automobile assembly plants, and Argentina boasts at least twelve automobile manufacturing plants. The organization and rhythm of work, the skills required, the time schedule utilized, organizational size, and the internal structure of these modern factories differ substantially from non-factory work settings in these societies. Employment in a 23The distinction between pre-industrial and early-industrial is somewhat arbitrary. A pre-industrial society may have some industrial activity, but it would be primarily extractive or cottage-type manufac- turing. Most of the labor force would be within the agricultural sec- tor. In an early-industrial society, some medium-scale manufacturing operations exist, and there is a declining portion of the labor force in agriculture. Manufacturing, however, would be a somewhat recent addition, and most would be concentrated in relatively small-scale units. Manufacturing would be oriented toward domestic production, principally in the direction of import substitution. l3 modern industry, then, can require important changes in the perspective of new workers formerly employed in agriculture, commerce, or small machine shops. The dynamics of social change apply to the contrasting internal culture of the modern factory and traditional cultures and social structure. We will look at the general perspective of these studies Of industrial workers in developing societies, and in a later section we will examine their specific approach to problems of worker adaptation. Some Of the first studies of industrial workers were carried out by anthropologists. The industries studied were often mining or large- scale agriculturally-linked operations located in rural areas. Such settings produced very severe clashes between traditional and modern values, and industrial managers encountered many problems arising from the incompatibility of the demands of this new occupational form and traditional culture.24 Much of this research was carried out in the pre-industrial societies of Africa. The work of Herskovitz25 is the most typical of this perspective. He shows, for example, that the 24Richard D. Lambert, WOrkers, Factories, and Social Change in India (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 6, argues that these settings may involve somewhat unique factors, not typically found in large, urban areas. Early studies ". . . tended to be concerned with the most extreme situation: the most rural elements of the population are caught up in large extractive industries or in factories where repetitive machine operations contrast most strongly with their former [often agricultural] work habits." The evidence against the general commitment thesis mounts as more studies focus on industrial Operations in urban areas. 25Melville J. Herskovitz, "The Problem of Adapting Societies to New Tasks," Development and Society, ed. David E. Novack and Robert Lekachman (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1964), pp. 279-292. l4 rhythm of work in industrial operations is on a daily cycle, while that in agriculture is primarily seasonal. Closely related is the discipline of the worker, which in non-industrialized societies is, according to Herskovitz, self-imposed, "while that of the industrial operative is imposed from outside."26 Recruitment Of labor is another major factor. "The economy of the West differs strikingly from that of most other societies in that it is based on individual effort, whereas these other peoples are commun- ally oriented."27 Attempting to capitalize on native custom, some industrial managers organized labor in more traditional gangs or groups, and in many cases, even in Japan, a system of contract labor developed in which workers were hired in groups, and sometimes paid as a group through the labor contractor. Response to monetary incentives was sup- posedly an additional problem, and in some cases wages were distributed through a collective system, minimizing individual incentive. In other instances, workers entered the industrial labor force as "target workers," and remained only long enough to earn a specific sum of money.28 The basic thesis is that traditional cultures resist changes demanded by socio-economic development. Linked to the protectionist philosophy inherent in the "cultural relativist" viewpoint, is the 26Ibid., p. 285. 27Ibid. 28Wilbert E. Meore, "The Adaptation of African Labor Systems to Social Change," Economic Transition in Africa, ed. Melville J. Herskovitz and Mitchell Harwitz (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1964), pp. 277-298; Daniel S. Neumark, "Economic Development and Econo- mic Incentives," South African Journal of Economics, 26 (1958), pp. 55- 63. III I v I 4 a. n a . ..u. . a. I. . o. ... a. \ .. .2 .. . n a ... 1 ._ a” . n. ”u C. .. . . .- ... v. on” H. s& q... .VNN o. . a .0. . m o s be ..t‘ r. ..C —. \ ... .. 3; M“ .L ... ...u u . . . 5 . a ._ L... A; r: .. .h.. r. F: v. v. . . v. .A a: .P. .C C C .... C. 3 .. .. . . ... .. L .1 ... .d .w. .. a .. ... .n. i.» .: ”u a» o. . . v. .C g .1 ... .5 .... .c ... .. —. a. —. .w. .—.. . .‘ V.A .. s x V. .0‘ .c. 1.. .a. .1 .3 .. 5. .... .t :1. C .. v. ... 15 notion that "What we term technological and economic 'progress' cannot be achieved without integrating the new into the Old; moreover, this integration can only be suggested, not forced."29 On the basis of this empirical evidence, Wilbert E. Moore, Bert F. Hoselitz, Clark Kerr, and others began theoretical analyses of the process and problems of socio-economic development. Perhaps more summarizing statements than theoretical formulations, their work draws heavily on the anthropological framework we have just outlined, and elaborates Herskovits' general perspective. The basic contrast is between traditional and modern cultures. Hoselitz was one Of the first to utilize Parsons' pattern variables to conceptualize major dimensions of the modernization process; "the con- trast between economically advanced and underdeveloped societies is reduced to its basic sociological foundation if the purely economic mag- nitudes are stated in terms Of these pattern variables."30 Socio- economic development involves progressive changes from ascription to to achievement, particularism to universalism, and specificity to 29Herskovits, Op. cit., p. 292. 3oBert F. Hoselitz, Sociological Aspects of Economic Growth (New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1960), p. 29. Hoselitz has used the pattern variables to analyze several aspects of societies in transition. Some of his early writing (Sociological Aspects of Economic Growth) con- centrated on the economic system. More recently he has extended this scheme to other social institutions: Bert F. Hoselitz, "Main Concepts in the Analysis of the Social Implications of Technical Change," Industrialization and Sociepy, ed. Bert F. Hoselitz and Wilbert E. Moore (UNESCO-Mouton, 1963), pp. 11-31; and to the system of strati- fication: Bert F. Hoselitz, "Social Stratification and Economic Develop- ment," International Social Science Journal, 16, 2 (1964), pp. 237-251. 0 w I “N. s ,s. v. r. .2 ... . . ' L . it» . . fir. : o . .. ... E . .9. . .H. I . r» H. .. a; .C ...» i. ...» .3 -rv»- C .u \c v. D. a? £135 l6 diffuseness.31 This general approach focusses on ideal-typical societies "at the beginning and at the end of the process of economic development."32 The end point, represented by societies such as the United States, Germany, Britain, and perhaps Japan, is characterized by a complex division of labor, a relatively open social structure in which class barriers are not insurmountable, and the distribution Of social roles and gains from economic activity on the basis of achieved, rather than ascribed, factors.33 For Hoselitz, then, socio-economic development follows a path along which developing societies gradually approximate the characteristics of advanced industrial nations. Allo- cation of new occupational roles may involve major cultural adjustments, and we may expect to find situations ". . . where people still highly value agriculture as a way of life and where many of the new industrial workers still resist full absorption into the industrial proletariat."34 Kerr's "logic Of industrialization" and the "universal" elements of the "imperatives intrinsic to the process” Of development involve an approach which is in fact very close to that Of Hoselitz. Their common ancestry is reflected in that Kerr, too, polarizes the traditional society, and the modern industrial society. 31Hoselitz, Sociological Aspects of Economic Growth, p. 30; Hoselitz, "Main Concepts in the Analysis . . . ," p. 16. 32Hoselitz, Sociological Aspects of Economic Growth, p. 61. 33Ibid., p. 60. 3Z'Bert F. Hoselitz, ”The Market Matrix," Labor Commitment and Social Change in Developing Areas, ed. Wilbert E. Moore and Arnold S. Feldman (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1960), p. 224. A“ .— 5.4Q..L~‘: ‘1. ..s . L O N ..1 ,. o . 1 ... q . .. Z... J. v. .... .5 ... wt 5: .c «A. . u. — ‘s ‘.A v A 5. \t .u. .4) ... .44 .2; .aa 17 [In a modern industrial society] occupational mobility is associated with a high degree of geographical move- ment in a work force and with social mobility in the larger community, both upwards and downwards. . . . Industrialization requires an educational system func- tionally related to the skills and professions impera- tive to its technology.35 [The changes required can thus be expected to] do more or less violence to the traditional pre-industrial society.36 More than Hoselitz, but to a lesser extent than Wilbert Moore, Kerr is concerned with problems of the development and adaptation, or commitment, of a new industrial labor force. Once recruited, the worker may reflect different stages or points "on the continuum of behavioral change which mark the transition of the worker from traditional society to an industrial way of life."37 He suggests four stages of commitment or adaptation: the uncommitted worker, the semi-committed worker, the generally committed worker, and the specifically (or over-) committed worker.38 The general path of development, then, is such that "the degree of commitment is related to the stage of industrial develop- ment."39 Kerr and Hoselitz share two features in their analysis: (1) development can be conceptualized in terms of gradual approximation of some actual and some ideal characteristics of contemporary advanced industrial societies; (2) development involves conflict between tradi- tional and modern ways of life, and this conflict can restrain the pace 35Clark Kerr et al., Industrialism and Industrial Man: The Problems of Labor and Management in Economic Growth (New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), pp. 17-18. 361bid., p. 15. 37Ibid., p. 145. 381bid. 391bid., p. 147. . . . . r. ‘ . . . a r. — r. ... v‘ .- . .. v. s. o . ‘ d In. ._. :4. .. .. r. p . E h. . v. _~. _ —, cs 1 .. .k l S .1 5. .c r C. .J «a .: 1 "u v. .«w. E 18 of development, and in particular has important implications for prob- lems in the development of an industrial labor force. With the addition of Wilbert E. Moore, the trinity is complete. In 1948, Mbore concluded his analysis of the "barriers to industrial development" and the "propellants toward industrial development" with the statement, . . . the various influences that make primitive and peasant peoples cling to their accustomed ways of life, or feel indifferent toward new ways, tend to make them look backward toward family and native village rather than actively seeking new roots in the new system. Nearly two decades later, writing with Arnold Feldman, Moore reflects a similar emphasis. But by their [elements of pre-industrial systems] persistence, they constitute a continuing source of tension, a focus of social problem solving. . . . For example, an industrializing economy may face labor shortages, either absolute, or because of structural and motivational impediments to mobility.41 Though carefully arguing that there are perhaps several possible end points of the process of industrialization, Moore generally con- 42 trasts traditional and modern societies. Perhaps his most significant 40Wilbert E. Moore, "Primitives and Peasants in Industry," Social Research, 15 (March, 1948), p. 74. 41Arnold S. Feldman and Wilbert E. Moore, "Are Industrial Societies Becoming Alike?" Applied Sociology: Opportunities and Problems, ed. Alvin W. Gouldner and S. M. Miller (New York: The Free Press, 1965), p. 262. 42An interesting variation on this theme, and one worth further exploration is in Wilbert E. Moore, Social Change (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1963), pp. 106-107; a discussion of the "restoration of traditional patterns" which sometimes occurs in indus- trial societies. For example, "The participant in a primitive market, with all its ancillary social functions, may have her counterpart in the suburban housewife who meets her friends at the supermarket." . 0 a . . u. . a ._ . T . s . k . . u v. ,0\ fi . . u . ,. . h x. .4 . . x. L v‘ a u . . . 1 s s t x. 1 .... .1 v. .. s . .u . ..L w - . .. : . 3: ... .. ... .3 r. .... .u .. .. L, V. n. .. r «a ... ... . . L a” u. 9 .C ..u L ..H . C. t .. S .. .. .... .t ... a... . . . _ ... i. .L . . .3 n.” . a i. .3 C. 1 w. l. S; .»U . u .t .. A .T I ! § . . 3. .t 5 . . . . 3 . a CA l9 contribution is the volume, co-edited with Feldman, which organizes numerous aSpects of the process of industrialization in terms of the concept of labor commitment.43 In general, commitment refers to "both performance and acceptance of the behaviors appropriate to an industrial way of life."44 Their approach, then, involves the specification of the ranges of behavior possible in an industrial society in different ”spheres" of the society: the work place, labor and commodity markets, family, stratification, and political systems. Elsewhere, Moore has presented a more detailed analysis of the occupational system, following essentially the same theme.45 The analysis or general view "is largely dependent on historical and current knowledge of highly industrialized societies."46 The process of development thus involves movement toward this generalized notion of industrial society, and, in this way, we see that Moore is similar to Hoselitz, Kerr, and Herskovits. 43Moore and Feldman, op. cit. 44Arnold S. Feldman and Wilbert E. Moore, "Spheres of Commit- ment," Labor Commitment and Social Change in Developing Areas, ed. Wilbert E. Moore and Arnold S. Feldman (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1960), p. 1. Moore's contribution to the volume is his general theoretical framework, rather than any empirical data. However, Moore's study of the process of industrialization in Mexico was one of the first empirical studies of the problems of industrial development: Wilbert E. Moore, Industrialization and Labor: Social Aspects of Economic Development (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1951). 4SWilbert E. Moore, "Changes in Occupational Structures," Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Development, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966), pp. 194-212. 46Feldman and Moore, "Spheres of Commitment," p. 13. C. C. .ww qva -- C. s .: «L. C. .2 .C i. ,3 \f 3: .1 {a 20 With deliberate over-simplification we have sketched some major theoretical statements on social aspects of development, and we have touched upon problems of worker adaptation during the developmental pro- cess. We have tried to show that all contrast pre-industrial and advanced industrial societies, and try to predict major adaptational problems during development. Any attribute of the end-product of the process is, therefore, more likely to occur in an advanced industrial society than in a pre-industrial or early-industrial society. According to these developmental theorists, workers in an advanced industrial society should be more committed, reflect greater occupational and geo- graphical mobility, and display a higher level of adaptation than in a less develOped society. Adaptation or commitment or societal approxima- tion of modernization would follow either a simple rectilinear or possibly exponential curve.47 Worker Adaptation in DevelopinggSocieties-- Empirical Studies Displaying varying degrees of emotional involvement, researchers have challenged these theoretical statements, presented empirical evi- dence that workers rapidly adapt to factory employment in some develop- ing societies, and reported that many workers do not experience problems thought to be typical of new industrial workers.48 Empirical contradic- tions of the hypothesis of low commitment and adaptation, and the 47Moore, Social Change, pp. 38-39. 48Many of these studies are reviewed in the following chapter. Some of the most forceful challenges to the commitment thesis have come from Lambert, Bispham, Morris, Gregory, and Taira. I I . . . . . 0.. .r .2. PA \ A s . .g . p . . . . t . . o . . w ., ., t . c ..u p t ... . r. y. . ,. . . v. . . .. v. . _ a. .. v. .., )(. .. ... r. E a, h. .o v. ... ... n a H u as J .A V. u. vfl ~.J q: no 3 .. o» In .. ..., .... .... V . a. ._ .. ,4 .. V” . ... s ... p. . . p, be .0 C is. r a” .3 . J a P. 3» .C ;. .... L... C, .... :1 .... .d g . ..I. . l .4. v. .> . . mm x.“ . P5 V.“ ‘D .. . ‘11 .J 5m .4 .t u. .3 an. a? o . ~u .44 ... Wu. .C a .G u. f. ...H .... Ms .‘L 2.4 1. 1“ W. .A.‘ 11 ‘44 fit TL ..C r p . o . 4 . .C v: . .2 pl .1 l .. t .C L) 5.. “F at A4 a... Q. @~ flu .— Q; . ... p c . In A.» p s a H... .3 A: 1» a“ .t . Lu .... :C a 7 5 I .. .G .3 Pl .1 .n . it 0 .d vi .. ... at .. -. ..t a. N... .C .~ 5 3.. c .1 3: .s .|« 21 restraining force of traditional culture, range from the highly nationalistic, . . . if, for example, derogatory remarks are made about the capacity for work of the Nigerian labour force, real harm can ensue if they should happen to reach the ear of foreign businessmen considering investment in this country. to the sarcastic, Nevertheless, some of our data do reflect upon crucial points of the argument [over hypothesized commitment and adaptational problems], and they do have a special, perhaps specious, advantage in assessing the workers' allegiance to the villaggoand their commitment to the factory: we asked them. Most of these studies investigate specific factory populations in developing societies. Adaptation is measured empirically in terms of evaluation of industriam work, absenteeism and turnover, reaction to the industrial setting, and permanence in the industrial sector. Though many preface their analysis with statements about the adaptational prob- lems that might be expected, given certain cultural traditions, factors operable in the contemporary social setting, such as changing evaluation of industrial work, wage differentials, and Opportunities in industrial employment, appear to go farther in accounting for high levels of adap- tation. We will review later some major studies in greater detail. For 49W. M. L. Bispham, "The Concept and Measurement of Labour Commitment and Its Relevance to Nigerian Development,” Nigerian Journal of Economic and Social Studies, 6 (March, 1964), p. 51. SOLambert, op. cit., p. 82. Lambert's cryptic remark, "we asked them," is a criticism of the lack of empirical research on the problems of labor commitment. Many previous studies, those most often cited by Moore, Hoselitz, and others, rely on indirect measures of adaptation such as turnover and absenteeism. Lambert doubts the general conclusions of Moore and others, and uses more direct measures to demonstrate that adaptation is not a problem within the industrial labor market in Poona, India. ,le 4. .: Q ‘~ \ . s 4— a .L . Z .... .c ..u v . um I; .J C ... ..a if. «b ..~ N .. ii ~\u ..A .1 a . I a . 4 p ‘ .. u .r 2... 1.. £1 .\ ... c; 11 _,\ .u. .a. C; .5. an 7. l C : .2 9 .G ..d ...« E r ...: ...u. “a. 9 CA .9« E. .q a .... .1 .I .2 3 J J .-.. c i e U L\ AM 2 :L .1 a... Ct n. J 3. “u “U .‘L ( Q» .Q C 22 now, it is important to note that evidence of high adaptation in early- industrial societies does not conform to the path of development suggested by Moore and other developmental theorists. Summary While the theoretical and empirical studies of workers in both developing and advanced industrial societies share an interest in adap- tation to a changing technical and social work environment, they differ in three respects. First, they use different base lines to compare workers. Those studying developing societies typically compare the new t,51 while industrial worker to the farmer, peasant, or tribal migran those studying advanced industrial societies compare the worker to an idealized version of the craftsman. Secondly, they differ in the scope of analysis. Those studying developing societies use a broader perspec- tive (from pre-industrial to advanced industrial) than those investigat- ing advanced industrial societies who focus only on changes in societies at an advanced level of development. Third, they utilize different sets of variables in attempting to account for variations in values and behavior.52 Developmental theorists (Hoselitz, Kerr, Moore) use a 51Moore, "Changes in Occupational Structures"; James Sydney Slotkin, From Field to Factory: New Industrial Employees (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1960). 2Research in this area seems to follow a pattern or cycle in which interpretations of data are challenged by others operating at the next less general level of analysis. James Abegglen's The Japanese Factory (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Massachusetts Institute of Tech- nology, 1959) analysis of the importance of tradition in the operation of Japanese factories was challenged by Koji Taira, "The Labour Market in Japanese Development," British Journal of Industrial Relations, 2 (July, 1964), pp. 209-227, who argued that Abegglen's findings were specific to current labor market conditions in the period studied. At a different point in the cycle, Goldthorpe, op. cit., p. 241, has criti- cized research on automobile assembly-line workers for relying too lllll . I - . h . o u . . _. . V. .. _ b n o . ~ g . s . . . . \ .... . .0 .. 0 VA... a s . r. . . . ...s a V .4 \. .u .8 .. .r a w. a . . ..s .. ...L. w. ... . .4.» .6 e . u .0. . _ C“ .\ v. . . u. . .. p .t M. W. .. ..- . . ... J“ ... .. a . ; .. 5 .. . .t . . 9. F... .m; .3 a . .. . . l A la ... . at .M . a. r .1 L .. . a... u.. Ft Qk 2% ... ac .. a r 3 C; C .l .... 2 C 3 e u. A .1 C. .sd .1 S a; ... s E .3 .G r ... a a 8.. E m. :1 a... .1” L... CL w . .3 a 23 general macro-level concept of socio-cultural differences. They thus approach ideal-typical analysis. Researchers of developing societies, those who have challenged the developmental theories, explain worker behavior in terms of the contemporary social structure; variables such as wage differentials, changing systems of stratification, and occu- pational opportunity are important. Finally, researchers concerned with industrial workers in advanced industrial societies focus on the immed- iate socio-technical work setting; variables such as skill level, work organization, and intra-factory mobility are critical. Yet in spite of these differences there is a need for a perspective that could account for the adaptation of industrial workers in pre-industrial, early-industrial, and advanced industrial societies. Toward a Curvilinear Model of Industrial Adaptation A comparative approach to the study of worker adaptation in societies at different levels of development would involve the juxta- position of two general hypotheses: the Moore-Hoselitz-Kerr thesis that adaptation increases gradually with development, and the Marx- Blauner-Touraine thesis that, in industrial societies, adaptation has decreased with the decline of skilled occupations. And the evidence of high adaptation in many early-industrial societies cannot be ignored. The basic hypothesis we are proposing is that adaptation to industrial life is not a linear process, gradually increasing with the heavily on technological and plant organization variables. He calls for, instead, analysis of ". . . other, non-work aspects of the social lives of the workers involved . . . [such as] workers' experience of both social and geographical mobility, their position in the life cycle, and their present patterns of family and community living." 24 degree of industrialization in a society. Rather, it is curvilinear. In a traditional or pre-industrial society, the worker faces massive problems of adjustment and his adaptation to the industrial system is lowest. A supporting factor is that in pre-industrial societies, industrial development may be located in rural areas, and involve extrac- tion of raw materials. In an early-industrial society, we should expect a greater degree of adaptation as workers become socialized to life in the city and become integrated in a growing industrial labor force. Positive evaluation of industrial work in early-industrial societies may override those negative factors which lead to low worker adaptation in advanced industrial societies. In the latter, work aspirations shift to non-industrial sectors of employment, and the degree of relative adaptation to industry decreases. We have tried to show, then, that a general perspective which focusses on both deve10ping and advanced industrial societies could not suggest continually increasing adaptation as a society moves from pre- industrial to advanced industrial. We suggest instead a curvilinear path of worker adaptation. This proposed trajectory is illustrated in Figure 1. There is a point (A) at which the trend of increasing adapta- tion with societal development is reversed, and further differentiation of the division of labor within advanced industrial societies leads to job dissatisfaction and declining worker adaptation. Finally, automation and continuous-process production may result in a new upswing in worker adaptation, following the "low point" (B) of adaptation typical of assembly-line workers in advanced industrial societies. :2. ... ........< 7:...33 25 Figure l. Curvilinear relationship between level of societal Worker Adaptation deve10pment and worker adaptation to industrial life High (A) (B) Low / / / Pre- Early- Advanced Industrial Industrial Industrial Level of Societal Development .C ... a. . .D .. ... n7 , 1. I 5a . ..L .e «n ‘6. ... ... .t S v. .Q an .t t a A... : f ._ T .«u ‘ v§ _ . . ... ..a _,_ :A .3 ._ m. ...g . c . c .. x... .1 E a C .3 as r _: . c .1 . a ll ) E ... 3. .I 3. .2 .u. c. 3 .3 3. «J a. z a .4 ... ...a .1 vi :L .1 . c .2 C .1 5.9. s» ...; CHAPTER II THE RESEARCH PROBLEM The main objective of this research is to examine the adaptation of automobile workers to industrial employment in an early-industrial and in an advanced industrial society. The tasks are to: (1) determine the degree of adaptation for workers within the same plant whose jobs differ in amount of skill and division of labor, and (2) ascertain how societal and work organization variables affect the degree of adaptation. This chapter examines the major dependent and independent variables, and reviews previous research which has used these variables. Several aspects of worker attitudes and behavior with respect to factory employ- ment will be included in the discussion of adaptation. Three clusters of independent variables will be analyzed: level of societal develop- ment and community labor market, demographic characteristics of the workers, and skill level. For the dependent variables, we seek commonalities in defini- tions and operationalizations of approaches to the study of worker adaptation. For our independent variables, we consider the wide range of factors which have been used to account for variations in worker adaptation. The comparative focus of this study creates some special problems. We must draw on two "schools" of research on worker adapta- tion, for, as the preceding chapter indicated, there are significant differences between studies in advanced industrial societies and those 26 . _ . . _ . , . ... _ ‘n ... a . 3 .h. A ., . s ‘ . .. \ Ac .. . ‘ ... Q. ~.A l‘ V .v «a r .u t . . ... o. .. n ‘ . .. .. n. a. ... ... a. E .. 1 . L ... . c _ .f 1“ .mc “J. . . .. a v. a . a r .‘ V .. Ca . . . .o . ... .o ~ o r o s . . ~ ~: .> x .\ A; L» .: ... '\ \o .5» <~ .\~ .7‘ .. ... ... L f. 4 ; ... r .a S ... I .C v. . c a. s. .4. ..u {C .. «y. L. ..A A\ C A . .... a, u .3 .. a “u L: L . .. L .. y . L .. «a 2.. Hm. ... ... V» C. .1 .1 n. .e .. \.. .c .. C. {I z; 27 in deve10ping societies. The research problem will be stated after the dependent and independent variables have been discussed. Before looking at these specific variables, we shall consider in greater detail some of the problems of definition and operationalization of both sets of variables. First, we shall deal with the major dependent variable--worker adapta- tion to industrial employment. Defining Worker Adaptation Conceptually, neither studies in advanced industrial societies nor those in developing societies are clear as to the meaning of satisfaction, adaptation, or commitment. Intuitively, they appear to focus on common problems of reaction to and evaluation of industrial employment. Most studies resort to direct operational definitions; a satisfied worker is one who answers affirmatively to a question asking if he is satisfied. A committed worker is one who does not leave the industrial sector in search of agricultural employment. We are using "adaptation" to bridge, or perhaps to encompass, the differences between the very discrete, somewhat narrow, conceptualizations of job satisfac- tion, and the very generalized notion of labor commitment, as used by Moore and others. A brief look at the history of studies on these two areas will provide some perspective on the point of convergence at which this study is located. Job satisfaction initially related only to employee morale, and focussed on task performance. This initial unitary concept of satis- faction as an "over-all liking" of a job yielded to an expanded interest in different aspects of work activity, such as "intrinsic job content," “‘ 1.53:" 4 9 c.-.,., 1.. 3% v; us a .v ..L S Y . ‘ v. . . e 0 § cc . . II t . ...xw ha .1 .. N . A a ..w c (F... ‘s W. 0...; .... .4... .3 C T \ . Wk 1 afiu L.» FR _ _ v; : a A. . ‘1‘ m. I. 9: NJ ..ww at o .. a ll u .1.H C C t \ . x . o‘.‘ ht. NIH L‘ ..t «\u 28 "economic reward," and "supervision."53 While the focus remained on current tasks, and the worker's direct reaction to them, the expansion merely covered a greater number of aspects of the current situation. However, recent studies have expanded the concept of satisfaction both temporally and in terms of scoRe. (As we shall later indicate, these changes required a simultaneous expansion of the factors used to account for satisfaction; skill level was replaced with more general societal and communal variables.) Temporally, satisfaction became linked with the relative evaluation of the present task in terms of previous occupa- tions, and with possible future alternative occupations. Expansion in sc0pe related satisfaction to hypothetical employment in non-industrial occupations, and explored satisfaction with work setting, work associ- ates, and opportunities for advancement. Research developments in the study of satisfaction, then, have increased the generality of the concept. Research trends in the study of problems of labor commitment show an opposite trend--toward increasing specificity. Initially, com- mitment referred to a general acceptance of minimal norms of the indus- trial system, and gross indices such as absenteeism and turnover rates were used to measure commitment. Workers who left their industrial jobs were not committed; few investigated why they left or where they went. Presumably these workers returned to agricultural employment because 53Victor H. Vroom refers to many early studies of job satisfaction and motivation in his extensive review of the literature on this topic. Victor H. Vroom, WOrk and Motivation (New York: John Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1964). Robert Blauner also discusses some early research on job satisfaction. Robert Blauner, "WOrk Satisfaction and Industrial Trends in Modern Society," Class, Status, and Power, ed. Reinhard Bendix and Seymour Martin Lipset (New York: The Free Press, 1966), pp. 473-487. s u . ~ . r. .. . . o .c ., . .t a r . . I . _ . . ‘ . . .. . . . . .. . . ” .... C :x fl. be a. p ‘ ~ . . —h o. . .5 ~ . .H\ «.1. . .. ; . . . f T . __. .. _. .. T . w? :s J~ " . S N. fi. . .3 n —. 5 T. .. . . X.) . Ct a; .\ J. .. i. w. .c ..... .... . . .» . us : .Q .Q .3. ... T ... .2 _ ... . . (x ‘ . .. ... .1 r F» a ... . . L .3 —. ... .... .t C 3 .c r .t C. we ... C ... 3 ... C .. 4.. ... Z .1 C C .2 a 3 .1 T r ..H ... C ... I 3 .r T. a 3 r 4. v 4. _w .k . s 2. 1.. .\.. 7.. .3 .a 4. ad Cs C a a.» .5 al.,; 29 they preferred traditional to modern norms. Further use of the concept "commitment" in empirical studies required its operational definition in attitudinal terms. When this is done, one is impressed with the remarkable convergence in specific items used in studies of satisfaction in advanced industrial societies and the investigation of labor commit- ment in developing societies. This research is placed at the point of this convergence. It is concerned with worker adaptation in both developing and advanced indus- trial societies. The variables are drawn from both "schools" and they share many characteristics with empirical studies of both developing and advanced industrial societies. We might therefore define an adapted worker as reflecting (l) a positive evaluation of his current task and occupation in terms of technical, situs, and social factors both abso- lutely and relative to alternative occupations in non-industrial sectors, and (2) positive evaluation through expressed attitudes toward future involvement in his task, occupation, or the industrial sector. From the concept of commitment we draw on normative factors (conformity to demands of industrial employment, projected conformity to these norms), and from the concept of satisfaction we take evaluative factors (satis- faction with and rating of occupation and task). Dependent Variables--Worker Adaptation This section will consider previous research which deals with four aspects of worker adaptation. Three of them can be arranged in order of increasing specificity: adaptation to the industrial sector, adaptation to an industrial occupation, and adaptation to a specific job or task. The fourth aspect is adaptation as reflected in occupational - . . . . . . . ., . a T L x h u . . . . . . — ’ t . . —. c Q __. .0 u U .h .\ . o L . ‘p .- . . .o H. i . U ” pd. rx . ..L to .6 _{ s. T .: .t ...H ... . . . C ,3 .2 ‘. ... .. .. . . ... o. k \. ... x. Q ...; 7. s w. xi; ..L Ck .. v. r. i. 4. ... w r .4 ... 3 .c (L L... .. l. v. 1 ‘L $.— L .vd ya. ”M. C“ ”y. .~ . . a. .u . o a c e . s ..u YA ...» .q .Q >¢ A... .. . . . .\l“ 0 b .4 I. w. .0. -\w ”W“ .. :J - & r .3 Risk \_ C 5“ V§ ‘K , C. . r ... é .... ... ... _. ... ... .t t S .... ... I .L .... I .2 2. ... a” C. .3 .. . . .L C. .t .... ... .. a» as \) wk. . A\ 3 .I .. . I ~ —. : ... , . . . C 3:. . . a J a . t a v. . v. ..t .... a. ..l C E ‘ . a... .2 i... a . :J C. .5 \l. P; 7» TI Nu :~ (\ sL \(~ ..., :5 u. I ‘1 r a 30 aspirations. Before returning to these aspects of worker adaptation, we will briefly discuss some general conceptual and comparability problems. From workers' responses to questions about these four areas of industrial employment, researchers conclude that their respondents are "satisfied," ”alienated," "integrated," or "committed” to various aSpects of industrial employment. However, comparing these studies is difficult, as they contain widely divergent definitions and interpreta- tions of worker adaptation. These divergences fall into three general areas: sc0pe of analysis, operationalization and item construction, and response interpretation. Scope relates to the referent of the item attempting to measure satisfaction or adaptation. Job satisfaction refers more to current work task, while occupational satisfaction refers to a more general level of work. While most studies in advanced industrial societies refer to job satisfaction, many studies of developing societies focus on satisfaction with the industrial sector. On this level, satisfaction with the industrial sector implies satisfaction with any industrial occupation in comparison with employment in the agricultural or service sectors. Sc0pe of analysis, therefore, can be on three different levels: (1) current job or task; (2) current occupation; (3) industrial sector. Logically, satisfaction at each level presumes satisfaction at all more general levels. This logical distinction presumes that industrial workers can and do distinguish occupation and job. Many do not. This fact raises the question of the internal consistency of responses relat- ing to sector, occupation, and job. Workers may report satisfaction with a job, but a general preference for occupations in the agricultural . e . . s c:“' .A ... Wit .C 31 sector. Phillips54 has given the label, "technological conservatism," to the condition in which workers are over-committed to a specific job, and resist any change of occupation or a move to a different sector. To conclude, sector, occupation, and task or job refer to different levels of analysis. In this study we have tried to make a sharp distinction among them in the research instrument and in the analysis. A second source of non-comparability is phrasing of items designed to measure worker adaptation. Absolute cross-national differ- ences in the studies utilized by Inkeles55 no doubt derive in part from item differences.56 Asking in the United States, "Are you satisfied or dissatisfied with your job?” received more "satisfied" responses than asking, in Germany, "If you were again 15 years old and could start again, would you choose your present occupation or another one?" Reynolds and Gregory58 measured adaptation to the industrial sector 54Walter Phillips, "Technological Levels and Labor Resistance to Change in the Course of Industrialization," Economic Development and Cultural Changg, 11 (1963), pp. 257-268. 55Alex Inkeles, "Industrial Man: The Relation of Status to Experience,Perception, and Value," American Journal of Sociology, 66 (July, 1960), pp. 1-31. 56This is not intended as a criticism of Inkeles, as he is careful to point out that he is not interested in absolute levels of satisfaction, but in cross-cultural similarities in the pattern or structure of response. 57Inkeles, op. cit., p. 6. 58Lloyd G. Reynolds and Peter Gregory, Wages, Productivity, and Industrialization in Puerto Rico (Homewood, Illinois: Richard D. Irwin, Inc., 1965), p. 330. 32 with the question, "Do you like factory work as well, more, or less than agricultural work?" This differs significantly from Lambert's attempt to measure sector commitment with the question, "If you lost your job tomorrow would you try to get another factory job?"59 Though displaying wide variety of content, all these items supposedly relate to worker adaptation. We hope to demonstrate this convergence in the sections that follow. A third problem, the most difficult to deal with, is response interpretation. Underlying the use of the concept of satisfaction is a judgment that in some way some reasons or bases for satisfaction are more legitimate than others, just as there is some qualitative differ- ence between a "semi-committed" and a "fully-committed" worker, though both remain on the job. Differences in the basis of adaptation become clearer when workers are asked why they are satisfied, or why they like or dislike their occupation or job. Ideally, we expect satisfaction to flow from inherent interest in and identification with work. We expect workers to derive a sense of fulfillment from the work experience. As a society industrializes we expect increasing "performance and acceptance of the behaviors appropriate to an industrial way of life. . . . The fully com- mitted worker, in other words, has internalized the norms of the new 59Richard D. Lambert, WOrkers, Factories,_and Social Change in India (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1963), p. 84. 33 productive organization and social system."60 Yet, as Caplow points out, attitudes toward work vary significantly with occupational level.61 Work viewed as an end in itself is more characteristic of well-paid professionals, whereas blue-collar, semi-skilled, and unskilled workers receive few psychic rewards from their work. Moreover, workers may not expect their work to offer such rewards: "the loyalty of the manual worker is never taken for granted and, more than any other occupational type, cultural norms permit him the privilege of griping."62 It would be far more significant to report differential satisfaction among workers who had a similar orientation toward work and agreed on the extent to which work was a central life interest, than to find, as is often the case, a relationship between satisfaction and work as a central life interest.63 Interpretation of job satisfaction and other measures of adaptation involve a distinction between two typgg of adaptation: intrinsic and instrumental. Intrinsic adaptation reflects conformity to norms suggesting that work should provide meaning, that it should be interesting, and that it should involve satisfaction for other than 60Arnold S. Feldman and Wilbert E. Moore, "Spheres of Commit- ment," Labor Commitment and Social Change in Developing Areas, ed. Wilbert E. Moore and Arnold S. Feldman (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1960), p. l. 61Theodore Caplow, The Sociology of WOrk (New York: McGraw- Hill Book Company, 1964), p. 132. 2Blauner, "Wbrk Satisfaction and Industrial Trends in Modern Society," p. 476. 63Robert Dubin, "Industrial Workers' Worlds: A Study of the 'Central Life Interests' of Industrial Workers," Social Problems, 3 (January, 1956), pp. 131-142. ’V .o‘V" V 't¥‘1“ o . o ‘.\'-. .' r‘ “. -‘fl -...- ‘_,u.-“" -. I 0 v. u . .. s ... a 5 9 T. . . .. _. .N» V« .C fin ..k. r. “v. . t V; 7. “J. a U .‘a hi. 6 L s \ C ._ S .. .Q . . E ‘C ..n 1 a ..u .nlu nu m4 D. .1 . . ... D. 34 monetary reasons. Conversely, instrumental adaptation reflects conformity to norms suggesting identification to work primarily on the basis of extrinsic economic rewards, that work is "primarily as "64 means to ends external to the work situation. This distinction suggests several points: 1. Where American industrial workers reflect high adaptation to their jobs it is primarily of the instrumental type. 2. The theory of labor commitment is actually hypothe- sizing increased intrinsic adaptation to industrial work with societal development. 3. Reliance on instrumental adaptation is most typical of jobs which cannot fulfill intrinsic demands. Workers with neither instrumental nor intrinsic adaptation perhaps reflect a type of social adapta- tion which is totally non-work related. The design of this study permits some discrimination between intrinsic and instrumental adaptation. Generally, however, it empha- sizes intrinsic adaptation. It might be argued that the path of instrumental adaptation also follows a curved trajectory. It would probably fit a U curve, with both "target workers" in pre-industrial societies and modern industrial workers in advanced industrial societies placing primary emphasis on the economic rewards of industrial work. The preceding discussion of scope, Operationalization, and interpretation of worker adaptation is offered as an extended footnote. These problems have been faced by similar studies, and we have tried to indicate the position of this study with respect to these issues. We now turn to a discussion of specific variables. 64John H. Goldthorpe, "Attitudes and Behavior of Car Assembly Workers: A Deviant Case and a Theoretical Critique," British Journal of Sociology, 17 (September, 1966), p. 229. 35 Worker Adaptation to the Industrial Sector A three-sector division of a labor force into agricultural, service/commercial, and industrial roughly corresponds to an occupational distinction between farmer, office clerk or shopkeeper, and factory worker. At this broad level we are concerned with adaptation to general types of occupations, and are interested in the extent to which workers prefer employment in the industrial sector to that in the agricultural or service/commercial sectors. Adaptation to the industrial sector is the first step leading to more specific adaptation to occupation and job. When asked what occupation they would choose if money were no object, nearly one-fifth of a group of British banking employees selected agriculture.65 WOrkers in advanced industrial societies often idealize the life of the independent farmer. Farm work implies freedom from organizational control and the opportunity to escape negative aspects of urban life. Yet, as Chinoy66 points out, opportunities for farming within the reach of the industrial work decline in industrial areas, and the initial capital investment is far beyond the financial means of most factory workers. Positive evaluation of agriculture in terms of freedom from control, place of residence, and work setting reflects low adaptation to the industrial sector, even though, as 67 Chinoy indicates, "Out-of-the-shop goals are the stuff of utopian 658. R. Parker, "Work and Non-Work in Three Occupations," The Sociological Review, 13 (March, 1965), p. 69. 66Ely Chinoy, Automobile Workers and the American Dream (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1955), pp. 86-96. 67Ibid., p. 94. 36 daydreams which make present difficulties more tolerable." Positive evaluation of agriculture (or rather, preference for agricultural rather than industrial employment) may be a more realistic index of low adaptation in developing societies where we would expect more workers to have had agricultural experience. In some instances low adaptation to industrial employment means that the workers are, in fact, rejecting the concept of wage-employment.68 In India, Lambert found that nearly three-quarters of his sample of factory workers reflected high adaptation to the industrial sector, as they said that, if laid off, they would seek another job in a factory.69 Though 7O argues that return to the land was a major problem in the 71 Myers industrialization of India, Morris maintains that severe problems and declining opportunities in the agricultural sector encouraged, instead, rapid adaptation to industrial life. Reynolds and Gregory included Specific questions on the conditions under which former agri— cultural workers in the Puerto Rican industrial labor force would return to agriculture. Nearly all said they preferred factory work when asked to compare it to farm work, and nearly six-tenths said they would not 68Norman G. Pauling, "Labor Separations in an Underdeveloped Area,” American Journal of Economics and Sociology, 23 (October, 1964), pp. 419-434. 69Lambert, op. cit., p. 84. 70Charles Myers, Labor Problems in the Industrialization of India (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp. 43-44. 71Morris David Morris, "The Labor Market in India," Labor Commitment and Social Change in Developing Areas, ed. Wilbert E. Moore and Arnold S. Feldman (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1960), p. 179. I I du ’5 .- “ Os 0 I r o . o . . . .. . U ... C . . ...” ... ... Z ... ... ... .. o» ..L 2“ ... .. \ .... .... :2 ~ . s. 1... v. V. \c v. ... o. H . an 44“ 9» '5 pt 0‘ ..r. I u. ..L t. V. v. .s ‘. r: .4u C. a A o.. I .4 ... .. «J .. ”a .. .u : . .. ... a... ... o. 3,. ... ..s '4. ”a «a ... .. i. ... ..L .C an ... C «a. “... .. .. . ...” .t L. w. v. .. . o . 5 .. i .n .t “n C. r. S ...». 37 return to the land under any condition. An additional one-fourth indicated they would be willing to return only as landowners,72 a posi- tion that few had occupied prior to entering factory employment.73 A somewhat more concrete index of adaptation to the industrial sector is the extent to which industrial workers plan to change to non- industrial occupations. Change to a different industrial occupation would reflect high adaptation to the industrial sector, but low adapta- tion to the current occupation. Interest in non-factory employment is 74 reports that widespread among American industrial workers. Chinoy ". . . a substantial majority in each job classification, including the skilled employees who earned the highest wages and did the most respected and rewarding work, spoke of their desire to 'get out of the shop.'" Most aspired to occupations in the service/commercial sector, 76 study of auto- primarily as owners of small businesses.75 In Berger's mobile workers, however, very few indicated an interest in other occupa- tions; most planned to remain in the automobile factory. The critical difference seems to be that for most workers in Berger's sample, factory employment in a high-paying industry was a pinnacle of achievement for workers whose prior jobs had been relatively low-paid and unstable. Many of these workers had been in marginal agricultural work in Oklahoma 72Reynolds and Gregory, op. cit., p. 254. 73Ibid., p. 253. 74Chinoy, op. cit., p. 83. 75Ibid., p. 82. 76Bennett M. Berger, WorkingéClass Suburb: A Study of Auto Workers in Suburbia (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1960), p. 16. . u . .u ,o. . . . \A .I ’ 0, .. . .... - . . .5 an. L. n. a“ ... x. . ... 2.4 _ a”. ”s .1 ...c .ou .L n .8 o. v. c. P. .4 ,\ .In. . A . ..u «1.. a H .Q~ .1. v . .g s P» a. v. ,t 0. v. r v; 3» .\ .k. .4. ... . a .C fit L” f V. 1 .. .l a: L. ... ...A .I o. .C L” .. .t . ¢ .4. .>.. «.24 ._~ »L ..Is. ... . . —. ..A .a. .3 H. «I» 7.. flu. .15 ..L .C .x. s. N. “u ,1 “I” r: a» 6. uls .C .5. ... “a ». .C v A .4. 38 and Texas, and they were somewhat similar to workers in developing societies, in viewing factory employment as preferable to other types of work. Reynolds and Gregory attempted to measure long-range commitment to the industrial sector by the question, ”What kind of work would you like to be doing five years from now?” Only one-fourth listed work in either the service or agricultural sector, and these tended to be the better educated workers (and most likely younger workers).77 To conclude, most studies of worker adaptation have not been concerned with sector adaptation. Studies in developing countries utilize more indirect measures of adaptation, and it is often difficult to determine the relative evaluation of industrial, service/commercial, and agricultural employment. In this study, adaptation to the industrial sector was estab- lished by items asking the respondent to compare an independent farmer, an office worker, and a skilled factory worker in terms of occupational prestige, satisfaction from work, desirability, monotony, and social necessity. We also asked the respondent to select the machine he would prefer to work with--farm machine, office machine, or machine in a factory. Respondents desiring an occupational change that would also require leaving the industrial sector will be considered as less adapted to industrial work than those seeking changes to other industrial posi- tions. Further indices of adaptation to industrial work are items in which the respondent indicates his reasons for disliking his present occupation and specific job assignment. Low adaptation would be 77Reynolds and Gregory, op. cit., pp. 276-277. I l . . . u ur . a. o. . . tx . . . h. .ae ..¢ In . ... w A v. .A .‘ ... ... .u L“ 1. .n . ... . .\ ... t . o. .o o. r. L. .0. _s .L I. N. i. F.‘ .3 h. an x. N. H” .‘ . VI. r .r. v. v. a. ... WW .s. .n. u. .. r\ Y . HA. 5... .. a L” 3. .. .Fu a“ F. a“ {A .9 . a: 1‘ v. .C on re . . .1 L\ C .n._ e .C A . g . r 3 .3 I. 3.... . _ .C .J H. T. "a a O F. 3 5 .J. .3 3 .2 C. .1 .. A s. A ...A . A“ .... b . Lu . . “1 .... -... . . b. a r .YL . s 3L t.. MIA ’ (H; .d .3 bk .... .t 6 x Cu .5. Dr E .l e a... a .5 E 3 Ln 4.. a s 1s “V s L a: 39 reflected, for example, if the respondent disliked his job because it meant indoor work or working on a machine. Worker Adaptation to Factory Employment-~Job and Occupation Adaptation to factory employment can be defined in terms of adaptation to an industrial occupation and adaptation to a specific task or job within a factory, or within the scope of a single occupation. For example, tool and die makers can operate automatic die-copying machines or they can hand-shape models from blue-prints. Semi-skilled automobile workers can work on the line, or they can prepare trays of parts for later use on the line. Similar items are often used to measure both occupational and job adaptation, and workers often fail to make a meaningful distinction between their general occupation and the more specific job or task. In deve10ping countries absenteeism and turnover rates are fre- quently used as indices of adaptation. This study will not use these indices.78 Instead, it will consider four aspects of adaptation that are more often included by researchers in advanced industrial societies: satisfaction with work, factors liked and disliked about work, and occupational change within the industrial sector. 79 Blauner's review of studies of 'ob satisfaction reveals that J seldom does the proportion of the dissatisfied exceed twenty per cent. 78This study included only workers employed at least one year in the automobile plant. Thus, they are committed in the sense that, at least, they have remained in this type of industrial employment for over one year. Ideally, of course, both workers remaining in the plant and those who have left the plant should be considered in a study of worker adaptation. 79Blauner, op. cit. ., .. O \ n I‘d- .o . I n. C ~ - n K ... «‘1‘ I .. ... .. v. ... .. . u .. t .... L. .d .n .x ..u o c C. O L ... - .\. n. \. Q. .. ... .. . u . .- . . 149 .18 «I. n .Fk A . u .. 0 a a. “I O ~ ‘H‘ Ac 0 .. VA a. .6 mm . .. \_ a. I w. fix .5. .u ... ..y. .91; . . ... 9 . . . . . l. ~L V. ..u . . .\_ ... .r. T; n” ... . .Y. vs .,~.. 1 . .x ,s U \I. .w. o . ... w. c. 5.. v. ...... u . I \ 7 .7. ”4 .K. n . fl. ,6 . 40 Yet, of greater interest to the present study is the fact that manual workers are consistently less satisfied than white-collar workers, and further, that within the blue-collar group satisfaction increases with skill level. Inkeles80 reported a similar relationship between occupa- tional status and job satisfaction in six industrial nations. Using a scale which indirectly measured job satisfaction, Lambert81 found that ". . . these relatively gross distinctions among occupational classes (supervisors, clerks, operatives) do roughly bear out Alex Inkeles' comparative findings on correlation between job satisfaction and hierarchical position." In a study in the Philippines, Tiryakian82 found that, though a substantial majority of the respondents were satisfied with their present occupations, ". . . nearly three times as many white collar workers are very satisfied as blue-collar workers, and three times as many blue-collar workers indicate being either dissatisfied or very dissatisfied." Asking workers to indicate what they 11kg about their present occupation provides cues for the basis of adaptation. Though in a "pure" labor market workers may be motivated only by economic incentives, adaptation to industrial employment usually implies loyalties to an occupational group, to the employer, or to the productive organization.83 Ideally, then, high adaptation should be associated with liking work 80Inkeles, op. cit., p. 6. 81Lambert, Op. cit., p. 205. 82Edward A. Tiryakian, "Occupational Satisfaction and Aspiration in an Underdeveloped Country: The Philippines," Economic Development and Cultural Change, 7 (July, 1959), p. 433. 83Feldman and Moore, "Spheres of Commitment," p. 50. :s 41 based less on financial incentives than on intrinsic work rewards and social work-group factors. Low adaptation, for example, is characteris- tic of the "target worker" in developing countries, "specifically committed" to industrial employment merely to earn a given sum of money.84 Wilensky8S reported that several studies found workers list- ing wages as the most important factor, with security as a secondary 86 reason, actually related to long-run income maximization. In Puerto Rico, as well, wages and stability ranked high on all items relating to occupational or inter-firm movement, and wages placed second only to "relations with employer" on an item concerning reasons for remaining in the present job.87 Reynolds and Gregory compared these Puerto Rican findings to a similar study done in New Haven. Puerto Rican workers rated employment stability considerably higher than New Haven workers. This may have been related to current full employment in New Haven and 88 a shortage of good jobs in the Puerto Rican labor market. New Haven 84Wilbert E. Moore, "African Labor Systems and Their Adaptation to Social Change," Economic Transition in Africa, ed. Melville J. Herskovits and Mitchell Harwitz (Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1964); Clark Kerr and S. Siegal, "The Structuring of the Labor Force in Industrial Society: New Dimensions and New Ques- tions," Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 8 (January, 1955), p. 351. 85Harold L. Wilensky, "Varieties of Work Experience," Man in a World of WOrk, ed. Henry Borow (Boston: Houghton.Mifflin Company, 1964), p. 135. 86Goldthorpe, op. cit., p. 229. 87This ranking of "relations with employer" in first place is an example of commitment to an employer that at least minimally overrides commitment to wages. 88This is in line with Wilensky's (fn. 85) comment that workers receiving the going wage rank other factors as more important. Those receiving lower wages tend to rank wage as the major factor, and, in developing countries, those receiving wages which were above average .4 ._ o. g ‘. f. 0. .K. .\ ... v. .—H Q. ..3 C o . o . r. .u "\a .C p. . . é. . . “u \L. r. e N. n? no .r” .3 .L .. 2. .2 .1 .. .- 5 V. .n .1 a” ..P\ C .7. .1 .t r. . . . . .2 i. .J .wJ .Ku \v , . . T. «m \. x .c .. ? H 2 l ,3 ... 2 a 7‘. Q“ a» 1L :« 42 workers rated independence from supervision and job interest higher than the Puerto Rican sample. Workers new to factory employment, which is much better than anything they have known previously, may be so naively pleased with their new situation that they acce t the context of their tasks with- out question.88 Nearly all studies ask workers to indicate what they dislike about their jobs. Theory regarding adaptation of new industrial workers suggests several potential problems: the impersonality of human rela- tions within the plant, hierarchy of authority, and disciplinary rules. However, these were not listed as problems by the Puerto Rican workers studied by Reynolds and Gregory. Forty-five per cent listed no undesir- able characteristics. The most common reasons for disliking a job related to physical in-plant conditions harmful to health, or uncomfort- able or tiring work tasks. Few mentioned monotony, and there was little 9O objection to working with machinery. In advanced industrial societies monotony, physical tiredness, and work pace are often listed as undesir- able aspects of factory work.91 In part, of course, technological conditions, such as extreme specialization and assembly-line work, are less likely to be found in pre-industrial and early-industrial societies. In the Puerto Rican study, work-pace was not mentioned as a negative factor, while in Roper's poll of American workers, nearly one-fourth would also probably rank wages as an important factor. 89Reynolds and Gregory, op. cit., p. 272. 901bid., p. 259. 91Goldthorpe, op. cit., p. 228. 43 felt that their jobs made them work too fast.92 Adaptation to factory employment thus relates to different aspects of worker reaction to both his industrial occupation and the specific job. This study explores the level of satisfaction for both job and occupation. High adaptation to a specific job would be reflected in a desire to remain with the present work task. It would also be indicated by a response that there was nothing disagreeable about the present occupation or job. We also asked the worker to indi- cate factors disliked about his occupation, and his plans for occupa- tional change. If he desires a different occupation within industry, he will be considered as highly adapted to the industrial sector, but not adapted to his current occupation. Worker Adaptation as Reflected in Occupational Aspirations Occupational aspirations may reflect worker adaptation to industrial employment and indicate the nature of future involvement in the labor force. We have already touched on some aspects of occupational aspirations in the discussion of adaptation to sector, occupation, and job. Here we look at £235 occupations workers aspire to and 351 they aspire to them. We shall consider only workers who express interest in changing to a Specific different occupation. Aspirations within the industrial sector reflect a higher level of adaptation than those involving sector change. In advanced industrial societies, occupational aspirations within the industrial sector are 92Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom: The Factory worker and His Industry (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. 200. T ... . V t. . .3 ... ...: .. .... .s a. ... . . a . a” ... .4 ... r .A .. . s. v v. w. 0 .C .‘2 ..m 8.. A“ r v. C. . f? . . q .0. . .I . .ca ‘1. ..C «a r?» V. ‘w v. . .. an“ ...N .t L). i w. A . A T T ... \. ... ..Q a V1; .T Q. a .3 .1 . . ..I 45 44 often confined to lateral changes toward jobs offering greater variety, challenge, and freedom, and a chance to exercise greater skill and responsibility.93 Often these changes are within a given skill level, toward jobs "off the line," perhaps paying only a few cents an hour more.94 The Puerto Rican industrial workers studied by Reynolds and 95 ". . displayed only a vague awareness of possibilities for Gregory further advancement and a notable lack of aspiration to skilled or supervisory positions." Yet, as they point out, it was somewhat unrealistic for these workers to expect mobility to these positions because of the wide "skill gap" separating production and skilled workers.96 Industrial workers in advanced industrial societies typically do not aspire to white-collar employment. Chinoy suggests that this is related to the low educational level of factory workers, and that, as the average level of education increases, perhaps more manual workers will aspire to office positions.97 In a developing country, where white- collar, non-managerial employment enjoys higher prestige, more industrial workers may aspire to white-collar employment. Nearly one-half of the 93Goldthorpe, op. cit., p. 228. 94Chinoy, op. cit., pp. 62-72. 95Reynolds and Gregory, op. cit., p. 272. 96Ibid., p. 273. 97Chinoy, op. cit., p. 48. —. .. . . . .0. u ..a Q. .m . . . v. .. w. .\ .0 ... a. ... .1 h . ~ . ... v. o . . f. o . VA V; g . I. A s .p v. - u . i x D‘ s v. as. .a .l. '- .L u . .... “n. v. vs . an m. .... g. ..., . . u .1 C ... .t a .... t .H.. c a. t .2 C .3 .... S .... ... at. 3. .t , .... ..fl. J 1 . L 1 . t .1 .C L“ a” .C .n .... ... v. C . . E .A. . . -A L” In .n.. ...- ..t .t C 8... S S . . “Q CA W... I U .fis 45 blue-collar workers in Tiryakian's98 Philippine study aspired to white-collar positions. In this study, plans for occupational change are explored in depth. We are concerned with the reasons for wanting to change £52m the current occupation, and with specific plans for occupational change. An adapted worker will aspire to other industrial occupations, because he desires increased responsibility, job control, or occupational change. A worker who is not adapted would seek to avoid aSpects inherent in industrial employment, such as supervision and strict hours of work, and would aspire to an independent service or commercial occupation or agricultural work. Independent Variables--Variables Affecting Worker Adaptation The problem is to isolate the independent variables which affect the different aspects of worker adaptation discussed in the previous section. Given the large number of studies of worker adaptation, it is not surprising that many different independent variables have been used. In the review that follows, we will concentrate on previous studies that use variables similar to those used in the present study. Our interest is in the relative predictive or explanatory power of these variables, and in the clarification they bring to our analysis of worker adaptation. Relevant previous studies are grouped in three categories. In order of diminishing level of abstraction the categories are: societal/communal setting, demographic characteristics of workers, and socio-technical work 98Tiryakian, op. cit., p. 436. 46 setting.99 We will review studies that have used variables in these three general groups to account for variations in worker adaptation. Again, this section, like the foregoing one, reflects the great diver- sity of approaches to the study of worker adaptation. Societal/Communal Variables Can one argue that general characteristics of a society affect the adaptation of workers to industrial employment? Can one point to community or industrial setting variables which account for or explain variations in worker adaptation? Certainly the link between these variables and worker adaptation is more difficult to establish than, for example, the relationship between age or skill level and adaptation; many workers may not be aware of prevailing community differences in wage levels or occupational opportunities. Yet most cross-cultural studies and many studies in developing societies draw on macro societal variables such as gross cultural differences, national characteristics reflecting the level of economic development such as labor force distri- bution, or communal variables such as wage differentials, opportunities in the industrial sector, or status of industrial employment in the local occupational hierarchy. Especially in studies carried out in the principal or capital city, communal variables may be generalized to the whole society. 99We have indicated that studies of worker adaptation in develop- ing societies typically utilize more indirect measures of adaptation, such as absenteeism, turnover, and general sector preference. Similar studies in advanced industrial societies rely on direct measures, such as job and occupational satisfaction. Likewise, the former studies tend toward more general and abstract independent variables, while those in industrial societies most often consider aspects of the work environment as primary independent variables. l 9 - . . . p 1 a” .0. \ ‘ ...\ n . .. a w. v. f. _ ... ... w .. .. «nu . J ..L r; ... 2“ .. 5L ._ _ ... .. ... us .A . {A .. ..L A. 2... ., O .. x. v. v. 5 .I v; r .t .... v. C n. .C L” .. C an t .1 a. .t 3 f: w. 2.. i 5 ... Q. r Q Q. .. . u. 6 Z .t ..z r. a ...u U S ,. .... ... v. .5 w. 5L. .\V Q . .. ... n... .1. ...u 4.. .3 .1. ... a. .C 3 L.” 2 J .1 an .d a “J a.” . s. 11c H‘ “Iv ... .. 5. us L: ..L .n s s .1 {A 47 Though these more general variables may not clearly explain variations in worker adaptation, they may facilitate understanding of the general conditions under which we would predict different patterns of worker adaptation. These general variables may serve as indices for more complex, as yet unoperationalized, attitudes of industrial workers. We may, for example, find a strong relationship between inter-industry wage differentials and high adaptation to a high paying industry, even though the evidence suggests that few workers actually possess adequate information about these wage differentials.100 In some cases allegedly "societal" characteristics may apply only to a specific community, and, conversely, it may be illegitimate to ascribe "societal" characteristics equally to all communities within the society. But in many developing societies, the national industrial labor market includes only several major cities, and per- haps is found only in the capital city. Nearly all of the industrial labor force may concentrate in several large cities, and here communal industrial labor market characteristics do reflect national patterns; industrially, these few cities 2E2 the nation. Further, though commun- ities with specific characteristics associated with a pattern of adapta- tion £2212 be found in any society, it may be that they are more likely to be found in developing, or in advanced industrial, societies. To this degree, we can argue that some community characteristics are associ- ated with the general level of societal development. The link between community characteristics and societal deve10pment strengthens as any 100David Chaplin, "Industrial Labor Recruitment in Peru" (unpub- lished manuscript to appear in America Latina, Winter, 1966-67). I . . h l n . .. . L _ . .» . .‘ . . . . f” o» C. .. n in !. ... —. pt "1 s. 1.. i a“ . a .9. ... .... WV. .1 .s ... s. .T r. L ... ... T, v. ”'1“ «L F a t s .1. O s .. .u .W. “I. o 5 .t .5. v s a; a.» - fir. .c 1. a a... U ... .3 1. .t C .... 3.. 13A 7. is ..C a. «a. C. ..x .1. 1L .C 1t «a v . C. “m .1 ..L I . .5 f. ”n .1 n... ..J . e .au 1:; «d ..§ .9 a W... .53.? V . r. s. 1 . . . .... 3U . .... ... .JJ .3 3 n 7‘ d «J u . .2 m. D. u n. an». ad nk 48 given community manifests or shares national characteristics, a situa- tion most likely to occur in advanced industrial societies. Societal Variables. No systematic research has explored the relationship between societal development and adaptation of industrial workers.101 On the societal or national level, sub-cultural differences, industrial labor market conditions, systems of status and occupational prestige, and gross characteristics of the national economy have been used to account for variations in worker adaptation to industrial employment. The restraining influence of traditional non—industrial culture has sometimes been viewed as leading to low adaptation to industrial life. Pauling102 found that high turnover during the initial period of operation of an oil company in the Middle East was due to the ties of family and tribal occupations. Lambert103 maintains that in India, village-based inter-personal norms were carried over into the industrial labor market and the factory system. This meant that factory positions were held more on the basis of personal influence than objective perform- ance. Significantly, these traditional values limited the relationship between education and skill level, and worker adaptation. In an American 101Many studies have, however, used level of development as a variable for the prediction of other variables, such as political struc- ture and labor force distribution: Phillips Cutright, "National Political Deve10pment," American Sociological Review, 28 (April, 1963), pp. 253-264. Generally, these studies use a large number of societies and do not allow for important differences which may be concealed by common values on selected quantitative indices of development. 102Pauling, op. cit., p. 423. 103Lambert, op. cit., p. 93. 49 104 reported a higher level of satisfaction study, Form and Geschwender among workers who were not members of the native-born, urban, industrial sub-culture. Low wage earners who were Southern born, foreign born, or rural born evaluated factory employment more positively than native-born urban industrial workers. And though not specifically discussed by the author, one would expect a similarly high level of adaptation among the automobile workers studied by Berger,105 because they too came from the rural South. Conditions prevailing in the national industrial labor market may have relevance for the adaptation of industrial workers, for these condi- tions reflect the nature of opportunity in the industrial sector. These conditions are of critical importance in a small or relatively homogeneous 107 for example maintain that tradi- labor market.106 Smelser and Lipset tional values against manual employment do not discourage non-manual-to- manual mobility where manual positions are more readily accessible or pay more. Adaptation to a specific industrial occupation may be low where, as in Puerto Rico, opportunities for factory employment are 104William H. Form and James A. Geschwender, "Social Reference Basis of Job Satisfaction," American Sociological Review, 27 (April, 1962), p. 236. 105Berger, op. cit. 106Richard C. Wilcock and Irvin Sobel, Small City Job Markets: The Labor Market Behavior of Firms and WOrkers (Urbana, Illinois: The University of Illinois, Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations, 1958). 107Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset, "Social Structure, Mobility and Development," Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Development, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966), pp. 45-46. . . I. ll . A . T . . A ~ A . ..4 v. ... . . .. . w. p .. . . . A g A ‘ \IA ._ ...A o HIU 5.. A a .0. y. . .4 u u .. .. I. U. o. . ~ A 1 . -4 . «A r3 .1. (k as. .k F. «is FA ‘ . u A —u \ 9 y. . “A . .. .. .... .x . A . .1 .... —J .4 {A a. n.- ... 0‘ MN .Isa. l W ..A . «au IF“ I .\. VIA H. n. x. .A w» 1. .\ I. . ‘n .h. u .m. a a .J 3. Po ... .A ..A .‘A :A V». «\U ) 9» D. .V. La 1: o . a a .. V. A at .4 a v» -‘ ¢ VA a L _\c .\ ‘0‘ .u‘ . A FL no L“ S x. .... . . at ... a” v. C S l J... g. ...: 3 . t 3. .3 .t .3 C ..r .H. .... ... a 3 ... mg ..I 3: _. 2.. 7. v. ... 4.. H FB p u b L 1: a: mu ‘4‘ C »L .6 A U1” 6‘ a: 1.§ .V( ‘35 PM» u Nb“ 50 rapidly expanding.108 And Pauling found that after an initial period of low adaptation workers remained in industrial employment due in part to "the highest pay and most agreeable conditions in the entire Middle East."109 In Japanese factories the pattern of ”life-time commitment" to a single employer noted by Abegglen110 was said to derive from tradi- 111 has shown that the policy of tional cultural values. But Taira employer paternalism which encouraged this high level of employer paternalism which encouraged this high level of employer commitment was used only during periods of a shortage of workers, and was later aban- doned under different labor market conditions. Many labor market variables indirectly reflect more general conditions of the national economy. Hoppock's study of job satisfaction, carried out during the Depression, found very high levels of job satis- 112 faction, and Tiryakian's113 study of the Philippines reported a 108Reynolds and Gregory, op. cit., p. 227. 109Pauling, op. c1t., p. 428. 110James Abegglen, The Japanese Factory (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1959). 111Koji Taira, "The Labour Market in Japanese Development," British Journal of Industrial Relations, 2 (July, 1964), p. 218. 112Age is a key to the different historical conditions under which the individual has lived. Harold L. Wilensky, "Orderly Careers and Social Participation," American Sociological Review, 26 (August, 1961), p. 538, attempts to link job aspirations with having lived dur- ing the Depression. ”In political and economic experience, the older group is a product of the Great Depression. These massive forces appar- ently overcome the effect of orderliness in the career: What's a little unpredictability in jobs, compared to the general chaos of the 1930's?" Economic conditions of local communities might also influence worker attitudes, especially under conditions of rapid change. 113Tiryakian, op. cit., p. 443. 51 similar level of satisfaction among those holding jobs in an economy characterized by high unemployment and underemployment. General studies of the American economy reflect a decline in new small businesses during economic slumps, and, similarly, Tiryakian114 linked the high desire to enter business on the part of blue-collar workers to the current scarcity of capital in the Philippines. National wage differentials resulting from labor policy can also influence the level of worker adaptation. In Argentina, unskilled workers have been given wage increases that have reduced the wage differ- entials between skill levels. Though this might be expected to lead to a high level of adaptation for unskilled workers, it does not, according to Fillol,115 encourage workers to raise productivity or acquire new technical skills. Where wage differentials within the industrial sector were diminishing we would expect few workers to aspire to either further technical education or more skilled positions. In developing countries, large-scale industrial technologies are often "imported" from advanced industrial societies. This importation of very advanced technology, according to Baldwin,116 encourages the rapid advancement of skill categories-~what he calls "accelerated skill formation." Where technology is imported, rather than indigenously 114Ib1d. 115Tomas Roberto Fillol, Social Factors in Economic Development: The Argentine Case (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The M.I.T. Press, 1961), p. 90. George B. Baldwin, Industrial Growth in South India: Case Studies in Economic Development (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1959), p. 333. 52 invented, we would expect high levels of worker adaptation, especially among very skilled workers. Many studies have focussed on occupational status and the pres- tige system. In some cases, national perspectives or evaluations of different occupations have been used to account for variations in worker adaptation to industrial employment. The basic argument is that workers refer to the societal occupational prestige system in assessing their own occupation. Some satisfaction may be derived from identification with a prestigeful occupation. But industrial employment is typically not seen as very prestigeful. The concept of "relative deprivation" has been used117 to refer to the pattern of low adaptation by those workers who identify with an occupation more prestigeful than their present one, or who feel that the society has assigned their occupation a low level of prestige. For example, in his study of Mexican industrial workers, Kah1118 noted the high level of dissatisfaction among foremen. These workers, actually little more than skilled workers, came from urban middle-class backgrounds, and aspired to non-manual white-collar occupa- 119 in their study of industrial workers in tions. Form and Geschwender an American city argue that manual workers who lack the ideology of Opportunity use peer groups and male family members as references in evaluating their own occupation. "The greater the amount of mobility a worker has experienced relative to these social references, the more 117Joseph A. Kahl, "Three Types of Mexican Industrial WOrkers," Economic Development and Cultural Change, 8 (January, 1960), p. 168. 1181bid. 119Form and Geschwender, op. cit., p. 237. 53 job satisfaction he will feel." If, however, the worker has become imbued with the ideology of opportunity, ". . . he tends to shift his social references to the incumbents of positions above him, and tends to exhibit relatively more job dissatisfaction."120 In developing countries manual labor may be viewed as relatively low in prestige. Fillol121 attributes the shortage of Argentine skilled workers, and the lack of interest of unskilled workers in upgrading their status, to societal norms which "[do] . . . not confer status on the grounds of the expertness in manual work its members may possess." But at one point in the process of development, the prestige hierarchy under- goes some modification, and those in industrial occupations may collec- tively experience upward mobility. Where new industrial occupations have appeared, "Persons actually may begin to attribute more prestige to skilled obreros than to [white-collar] empleados, for example, while still having the attitudes against manual labor which, if consciously thought out and consistently applied, might reverse the ascribing of . 122 . . . . . . . prestige." This p031t1ve evaluation of industrial workers in 120One might imagine employers assessing the amount of "ideology of Opportunity" possessed by potential employees. Management, in one of the Indian factories studied by Baldwin, op. cit., p. 254, asked all applicants if they would be willing to work as sweepers, the lowest prestige kind of work. They felt that willingness to accept this type of work reflected a degree of flexibility and a lack of status con- sciousness--ideal for a new company with an uncertain future. 121Fillol, 02. cit., p. 90. 122Louis Kriesberg, "Entrepreneurs in Latin America and the Role of Cultural and Situational Processes," International Social Science Journal, XV, No. 4 (1963), p. 585, quoted in James R. Wood and Eugene A. Weinstein, "Industrialization, Values, and Occupational Evaluation in Uruguay," American Journal of Sociology, 72 (July, 1966), p. 56. 54 early-industrial societies would be supported by other labor market and economic variables discussed. In this study we will utilize societal variables in a cross- national comparison of automobile workers in Argentina and the United States. We will consider the general patterns of industrial development in the two societies, national perspectives on the status and opportunity structure of industrial employment, and sub-cultural variables such as internal and international migration in Argentina, and the declining relevance of urban-rural differences in the United States. Community Variables. Many studies utilize community variables to account for differences in worker adaptation. This level is somewhat less abstract than the societal level discussed in the previous section. Community factors may have a somewhat more direct influence on worker adaptation. We will discuss two sets of community variables. The first relates to attitudinal and behavioral variables: the community occupa- tional prestige system and occupational mobility patterns. The second set deals with more general structural variables of the community: the structure of local labor market, changes in the labor market, and sectoral and inter-industry wage differentials. The community status system may simply reflect more general societal patterns. This would tend to be the case where the pattern of industrial development in the community reflects national patterns. In advanced industrial societies, community status structure is generally, though falsely perhaps, assumed to reflect national patterns.123 But in 123 . . One important conclu310n of the comparative study of three communities by William A. Faunce and J. Joseph Smucker, "Industrializa- tion and Community Status Structure," American Sociological Review, 31 (June, 1966), p. 399, is "that neither economically underdeveloped nor 55 developing societies, new industrial establishments in traditional communities may drastically alter the occupational prestige hierarchy. Wood and Weinstein found that the ascription of prestige to industrial occupations was associated with residence in those Uruguayan communities in which factories were located.124 As the industrial sector of a com- munity grows, we would expect increased adaptation of industrial workers to their work insofar as they benefit from an increase of status in the community prestige system.125 Faunce and Smucker126 compared three com- munities varying in terms of exposure to urban values and exposure to industrialization. Though located in what would be considered a pre- industrial society, the small Costa Rican factory town reflected a higher correlation between community status and occupational prestige than a Michigan tourist community or Guatemalan agricultural village. worker adaptation may also be related to the relative "Openness" of the community status structure. For the industrial worker, a major consideration is the amount of mobility possible within the industrial sector, and the amount of inter-sectoral, particularly manual-to-non- manual, mobility. In some developing societies, upward mobility into mature industrial societies are likely to be homogeneous with respect to the function of work-related values for status assignment." Within any society, communities may vary in terms of industrial development, and in the effect of "urban" values on the local social structure. 124James R. Wood and Eugene A. Weinstein, "Industrialization, Values, and Occupational Evaluation in Uruguay," American Journal of Sociology, 72 (July, 1966), p. 55. 125Conversely, if, in a community in an advanced industrial society, the service sector expands more rapidly than industrial employ- ment, we might expect a corresponding decline in the prestige associated with industrial occupations. 126 Faunce and Smucker, op. cit. S6 skilled occupations is limited by racial or nationality barriers. In the South African community studied by Van den Berghe and Miller127 skilled occupations were limited by law to whites. The high turnover and low adaptation of African labor was due, in part, to these condi- tions, further reinforced by racially-based wage differentials. Where few possibilities of mobility exist, workers may reflect low adaptation, and even fail to respond to economic incentives. In a study of sugar cane workers in Antigua, Rottenberg128 found that workers frequently rejected higher-earning trades in favor of increased leisure time. But, he argues, this decision is based on the fact that labor is highly immobile, and consequently there are few alternatives to this low-status employment. These workers reflect low levels of adaptation, but the cause lies more in the structure of the occupational prestige hierarchy than in individual motivation.129 The fact of experienced mobility may contribute to high levels of worker adaptation both for the individuals enjoying upward occupa- tional mobility, and for others who can thus aspire to a similar pattern. In Peru, for example, new industrial workers preferred one mining company over a similar company because Indians like themselves had for the first time been given the opportunity to hold relatively prestigeful positions. In the less preferred company, mestizos held middle-level positions, and 127P. L. Van Den Berghe and E. Miller, Caneville: The Social Structure of a South African Town (Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1964), p. 138. 128Simon Rottenberg, "Income and Leisure in an Underdeveloped Economy," Journal of Political Economy, 60 (April, 1952), p. 100. 129What Rottenberg does not adequately explain is the basis for rejecting additional cash income. 57 , 130 . . . all top personnel were Americans. Experienced mobility was related . . . . 131 to job satisfaction in a study by Form and Geschwender. But, as they point out, experienced mobility, in turn, increases aspirations for further mobility, and at the point at which the workers' aspirations are blocked, perhaps at the blue collar-white collar division, job dissatis- faction will increase. The effect of experienced mobility on worker adaptation, then, depends, in part, on the ability of the occupational system to meet worker expectations. This applies to both inter- and intra-generational mobility. In the United States, workers in large- scale industries, such as automobile manufacturing, find it difficult to 132 But in a deve10ping society many enter the ranks of skilled workers. possibilities may exist, and any industrial worker mobility will probably be evaluated by comparison with agricultural or relatively unskilled occupations. Unfortunately, we have little systematic information on the occupational prestige systems in the two communities under study. We will, however, attempt to relate what evidence is available to the place which industrial workers occupy in the system. In a later discussion of the research settings we will discuss the possible influence of the pres- tige hierarchy on worker adaptation. Experienced mobility will be analyzed for our sample, for both inter- and intra-generational 130Richard N. Adams, "A Study of Labor Preference in Peru," Human Organization, 10 (Fall, 1951), pp. 37-38. 131 Form and Geschwender, op. cit., p. 237. 132Chinoy, op. cit.; Gladys L. Palmer, "Attitudes toward Wbrk in an Industrial Community," American Journal of Sociology, 63 (July, 1957), p. 18. 58 occupational information is available. Though few have systematically investigated the diffusion of information within local labor markets, workers do refer to alternative occupational possibilities and wage differentials in assessing their present positions.133 But regardless of the amount or accuracy of information actually possessed by those in the labor force, labor market conditions and wage differentials are often listed, by researchers, as 134 An additional consideration variables affecting worker adaptation. is that available statistics often permit the ready operationalization of these two sets of variables--labor market conditions and wage differentials. Labor market variables of greatest relevance to worker adapta- tion refer to the relative expansion or decline of demand for workers, especially within the industrial sector. These changes reflect both the supply of labor and the pattern of growth in different sectors of the economy, and the occupational level at which the labor force is 133Paul Raymond Vaughn, "Evaluation of Local Plants as Places to Work by the Male Wage-Earner of a Middle-Sized Industrial Community" (unpublished Master's thesis, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, 1959). 134The amount and accuracy of current labor market information possessed by workers needs further investigation. Often researchers assume that market differentials which "explain” worker behavior are known by workers in the labor market. Robert L. Aronson, "Labour Commitment among Jamaican Bauxite WOrkers," Social and Economic Studies, 10 (June, 1961), p. 161, maintains that one factor encouraging adapta- tion among the Jamaican bauxite workers was the fact that their earnings were two and one-half to three times the average of most other indus- tries. He does not indicate, however, how many workers were aware of this differential. 59 employed (craftsmen, Operatives, etc.) 135 The referent of adaptation (sector, occupation, or job) is important in understanding the relation- ship of labor market conditions to worker adaptation. During general expansion of the industrial sector we would expect high sector commit- ment, but low adaptation to both job and occupation; workers will quickly jump to better occupational positions. If expansion is con- fined to particular industries or occupations, we would expect low adaptation to job or task only for those workers who stand to benefit by a change of job or employer. Under stability, or the beginning of a decline in labor demand, we would expect high adaptation to sector, occupation, and job. But if decline in the industrial sector continues, we can expect low adaptation and movement out of industrial jobs, occu- pations, or the industrial sector if relatively better positions can be found elsewhere. Under conditions of general economic decline, where few alternatives exist, we would anticipate high adaptation with respect to specific jobs or tasks. In many developing societies, industrial employment offers better opportunities than agriculture or service occupations. Especially if industries are placed in communities with minimal previous exposure to industrialization, workers may become rapidly adapted to industrial employment if the community offers few better opportunities. Kahl136 reported that semi-skilled Mexican factory workers were drawn to indus- trial employment from agriculture and the service sector in the small 135Thomas C. Fichtlander, "The American Labor Force," Man, WOrk and Society, ed. Sigmund Nosow and William H. Form (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1962), pp. 97-111. 136Kahl, op. cit., p. 165. 60 towns near the factory. Though from relatively traditional villages, these workers found better economic opportunity in the factory, and reflected a high level of adaptation to it. Labor markets in developing countries are probably more often characterized by a surplus of unskilled labor and a scarcity of skilled, or at least industrially experienced, workers. Labor market expansion, then, may have a differential impact on worker adaptation. For many workers in developing societies, the sector of the labor market in which they can move may have stabilized or actually declined in terms of oppor- tunity. Poor occupational alternatives have been cited as contributing to high sector and occupational adaptation.137 An extreme example of job protection or "over-commitment" occurs in Brazilian communities where textile mills provide the major source of employment. Where any change in technology is likely to reduce the size of the labor force, . . . a condition of mutual dependence is likely to develop between the factory and the community in which it is located. The upshot is apparently a kind of over-commitment of workers and their progeny to the plant, and a correspond- ing obligation on the part of employers to preserve the existing "relations of production," lest the security of the community be undermined. Employer response to labor market conditions may also influence worker adaptation. Under expanding conditions employers may provide opportunities for upward mobility and utilize wages and other benefits 137Chaplin, op. cit., p. 12; Tiryakian, ppp_gi£. 138Phillips, op. cit., p. 265. Morris, op. cit., discusses the Indian "ideology of scarcity" supported by continued scarce employment opportunities. WOrker response is somewhat similar to that described by Phillips in Brazil, and, indeed, comparable labor market conditions appear to be a critical factor provoking what Mbrris calls "intense commitment" and labor immobility. 61 to encourage high adaptation. But in an uncertain or declining market, high adaptation to occupation and job may become burdensome to the employer. If workers are easily substituted (where tasks are simple and rapidly learned) employers may rely on a casual, daily-hiring labor market. This provides the employer with a labor force that can be adjusted numerically each day. For industrial workers, casual labor markets discourage high adaptation to job and occupation, and may dis- courage future involvement in the industrial sector. James139 discusses the casual labor market in India in which "both parties [employer and worker] are likely to have more of a commitment to the market [sector] than to each other." Some factories in India have been deliberately placed in rural areas. vThe rationale has been that workers will con- tinue to retain some commitment to agricultural work, and thus the level of adaptation to industrial employment is reduced, allowing the manage- ment to exercise considerable flexibility in the hiring and firing of workers.140 A similar deliberate discouragement of worker adaptation has sometimes occurred on a seasonal basis in Africa.141 Studies of worker adaptation in the United States typically give less attention to community labor market conditions than to the immediate 139Ralph C. James, "The Casual Labor Problem in Indian.Manufac- turing," Quarterly Journal of Economics, 74 (February, 1960), p. 102. 140Baldwin, op. cit., pp. 88, 113. 141Walter Elkan and Lloyd A. Fallers, "The MObility of Labor," Labor Commitment and Social Change in Developing Areas, ed. Wilbert E. Moore and Arnold S. Feldman (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1960), pp. 238-257. ,_- 3.— u»\.--:- a .....q z 62 2 14 however, does make some reference to local work environment. Chinoy, conditions, and some review of this study Of American automobile workers demonstrates how such variables might be effectively utilized. He pro- vides minimal historical data, mentioning only the booming industrial labor market in and around the Detroit area during early days of the automobile industry. Describing his research plan, he indirectly refers to current labor market conditions: "since 1946 was a time Of labor shortage and high turnover, there was no difficulty in securing employ- 143 He does not, however, relate these conditions ment in the factory." to the level of adaptation of the automobile workers. Chinoy effec- tively uses economic data to assess the probable fulfillment of in-plant and out-Of-plant occupational aspirations. Expansion of the plant in 1951, due to defense production, ". . . undoubtedly provided a large number of Opportunities both for ex-upgraders (men who had served as skilled workers during World War II, but had since been re-assigned to nonskilled work) and, perhaps, for others, as well as enabling the plant 142Chinoy, Op. cit., pp. 13-15. A number Of studies, typically carried out by economists, have examined the impact of labor market con- ditions on labor mobility. Some focus only on new entrants to the labor market. Wilcock and Sobel, op. cit. One of the most comprehensive studies is by Gladys Palmer, Labor Mobilitygin Six Cities (New York: Social Science Research Council, 1954). Other studies have focussed on worker behavior following massive layoffs or plant closures. Leonard P. Adams and Robert L. Aronson, WOrkers and Industrial Change: A Case Study of Labor Mobility (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1957). An early study, carried out during a period of economic prosper- ity, is that by Lloyd G. Reynolds and Joseph Shister, Job Horizons: A Study of Job Satisfaction and Labor Mobility (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1949). 143Ibid., p. 27. 63 to increase the number of apprentices to sixty."144 Although Chinoy does not present any specific evidence, this expansion, if it had continued, might have increased adaptation to the industrial sector as reflected in occupational aspirations. Though many workers in Chinoy's sample reflected low adaptation to the industrial sector by aspirations for a small business or farm, fewer were able to realize these aspirations. He attributes this gap between occupational goals and actual change to limited Opportunities for persons with little money to invest. He supports his argument with data on the number of new and discontinued businesses, the number, size, assets, and productivity of local farms, and the median value of savings for the income category typical of most automobile workers. The invest- ment required was usually beyond their means, and the failure rates were very high in those few areas in which they might enter business on a small investment.145 Wage differentials are probably the most important labor market condition affecting worker adaptation. Wage information is easily com- municated among workers, and offers a convenient, quantitative basis of occupational comparison. Wage differentials are Often cited as affecting 144Ib1d., p. 43. 145In an extremely insightful analysis, Chinoy (op. cit., p. 119) points out that American industrial workers Often leave factory employ- ment precisely under the worst possible conditions. Occupational aspir- ations are influenced by current economic conditions, but ironically, the way in which workers interpret these conditions increases the proba- bility that the workers' sojourns outside of the industrial sector will be brief. "When production falls off and temporary layoffs and short workweeks occur, interest in out-of-the-shop goals increases even though the workers' resources are being rapidly drained away and the chances of business failure are especially high" (ibid.). 64 worker adaptation, and we touched on their importance in our discussion of societal variables. When high wage differentials exist within a given sector or industry we would expect those in the high paying sector or industry to reflect a high level of adaptation. Aronson,146 for example, reported that the high level Of adaptation among Jamaican bauxite workers was, in part, due to the fact that workers in the plant earned two and one-half to three times the average Of those in most other industries. And Chaplin,147 in his study of Peruvian textile workers, attributed the low rate of turnover to the relatively high wages paid in this industry.148 Others have pointed out that many problems of worker adaptation that do exist will disappear when industrial workers are paid adequate wages.149 In developing societies, then, workers enjoying relatively higher wages should reflect higher adaptation to the industrial sector, occupation, or job. 146Aronson, op. cit., p. 161. 147Chaplin, op. cit., p. 12. 1481n many ways, Chaplin's (op. cit.) analysis remains incom- plete, as does this study, due to the inability to specify the extent to which members of the labor force were also aware of labor market variables. Thus, for Chaplin (ibid., p. 12), low turnover of Peruvian textile workers is attributable to both "relatively high wages and good working conditions in textiles," and, at the same time, ". . . a lack of knowledge of alternative job Opportunities and wage scales elsewhere" (ibid., p. 12). These two factors are somewhat inconsistent, and the former reflects more the perspective of the analyst, while the latter probably better describes the perspective of Peruvian workers. 149International Labour Office, "The Productivity of Labour," African Labour Survey (Geneva: International Labour Office, 1958), pp. 140-160. 65 In advanced industrial societies, adaptation solely on the basis of wage differentials would reflect instrumental, rather than intrinsic, adaptation. Minimal adaptation on the basis of wages may require workers to sacrifice possible positions which offer greater intrinsic rewards. Within the industrial sector, wage differentials at a given level of skill may reflect compensation for adverse working conditions or unstable employment, as in the automobile industry. Goldthorpe150 interprets the minimal adaptation of automobile assemblers in terms Of the economic rewards of this relatively unskilled employment--an example of instrumental adaptation. And also with reference to automobile 151 maintains that the frustration of automobile workers workers, Palmer may be ". . . due to relatively high rates of pay and seniority privi- leges that keep them attached to plants with little transfer and promotional possibilities." Wage differentials within a plant may also affect worker adapta- tion. Chinoy152 has noted the minimal wage differentials existing in the automobile industry. Small wage differentials within a plant offer little incentive for adaptation to a given occupation or job, and pro- vide little economic incentive for adaptation based on occupational aspirations within the plant. In developing societies, where signifi- cant skill differences exist within a plant, we would eXpect correspond- ingly larger internal wage differentials. Wage differentials would 150Goldthorpe, op. cit. Similar findings are reported by Charles R. Walker and Robert E. Guest, The Man on the Assembly Line Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), pp. 64, 81-91. 151Palmer, op. cit., p. 18. 152Chinoy, Op. cit., pp. 37-38. 66 encourage adaptation to sectors where such adaptation might be later rewarded by advancement. However, where mobility into more skilled and higher paying positions is not possible, wage differentials would tend to be associated with low adaptation among semi-skilled and unskilled workers.153 Good data exist on labor market conditions and wage differentials for this study. In our discussion of the communities, after a look at the general historical background of the labor market, we will deal specifically with expansion Of the industrial sector, especially the motor vehicle industry, the size of industrial establishments, wage differentials in the industrial sector, and the extent of industrial concentration in the communities studied. Demographic Characteristics of Workers Many of the societal and community variables discussed above are reflected in specific demographic characteristics of industrial workers. Chronological changes in the labor force, for example, will be reflected in significant differences between Old and young workers, and signifi- cant sub-cultural variations may be tapped by looking at birthplace or the occupation of the respondent's father. Many demographic variables might be used to account for variations in worker adaptation. we will review those studies which have used variables similar to those to be utilized in this study. The demographic variables might be arbitrarily separated into two groups. Under "life-cycle" variables we will include birthplace, education, age, and marital status and number of children. 153Van Den Berghe and Miller, op. cit. 67 More "work-related" demographic variables include father's occupation, occupational background, and seniority in the industrial plant studied (the automobile factory). Our primary interest is in the direction of the relationship between worker adaptation and demographic variables, and in the interpretation of the relationship. Birthplace may influence worker adaptation because Of signifi- cant urban-rural sub-cultural differences. We would expect this variable to be of less significance in advanced industrial societies where development has reduced the importance of urban-rural differences. Yet Faunce's study154 of workers in an automated section of an automobile engine plant found that rural-born workers tended tO prefer non-automated jobs. Workers from rural backgrounds were more satisfied with their present job and were less concerned with mobility and occupational aspir- ations according to Berger155 in a different study of automobile workers. We have already discussed the Form and Geschwender156 finding of a posi- tive relationship between rural birthplace and job satisfaction among unskilled workers. Where significant differences occur, they are usually attributed to the relatively positive evaluation of industrial jobs by workers who have generally held less stable jobs, or who have low occupa- tional expectations. More significant for our interest is the fact that so few studies in advanced industrial societies find birthplace related to worker adaptation. 154William A. Faunce, "Automation and the Automobile WOrker," Social Problems, 6 (Summer, 1958), pp. 68-78. 155Berger, op. cit., p. 20. 156Form and Geschwender, Op. cit. 68 In developing societies the general theory of worker adaptation would suggest, as do Kerr, g£_al.,157 a lower level of adaptation among workers with rural backgrounds. The evidence, however, does not consis- 158 tently support this hypothesis. Though some, for example, report that Indian industrial workers of rural origin reflect high absenteeism because of frequent visits to villages of origin, other research159 reports that absenteeism is very low among workers from rural areas. The effect of rural origin tends to be also conditioned by relative Opportunities in industrial and non-industrial sectors. Where wages are low and employment stability is not sufficient to sustain the industrial worker, he will probably return, perhaps only temporarily, to the rural area. Use of level of education as an independent variable results in divergent findings. Among industrial workers in advanced industrial societies, level of education is sometimes inversely related to work satisfaction, and positively related to interest in leaving factory employment.16o Education leads to higher occupational aspirations, to a greater identification with societal norms encouraging mobility, and, according to Blauner,161 "The more education a person has received, the greater the need for control and creativity [in his work]." In an 157Kerr et al., Op. cit., p. 173. 158James, 02. cit., p, 103; Myers, Op. cit., p. 45. 159Morris, op. cit. 160Chinoy, op. cit., p. 80; Berger, op. cit., p. 20; Faunce, op. cit., p. 75; Form and Geschwender, o . cit., p. 235. 161Blauner, Alienation and Freedom . . . , p. 29. 69 advanced industrial society, unskilled factory work does not meet expectations encouraged by education, and this can lead to a lower level of worker adaptation among more educated workers. In deve10ping societies, education may induce precisely those attitudes which encourage worker adaptation. Further, an expanding industrial labor market may provide opportunities to fulfill mobility aspirations engendered by the educational process. According to Kerr, 22s.. Education, in itself, may make the transition easier. . . [it] raises the expectations of people, makes them less satisfied with traditional ways of life, and thus creates a desire for almost immediate change to the industrial way of life.162 Reynolds and Gregory163 found that, aside from wage level, educa- tion was the only variable associated with a "modernity" score, based on a scale developed from a study of the Puerto Rican labor force. In a predominantly unskilled Indian factory, workers aspiring to be foremen tended to be more educated.164 165 And Young and Young report that educa- tion was one Of several variables related to commitment to industrial occupations. I However, the relationship between education and worker adaptation is conditioned by other factors. If educational achievement is not associated with occupational position, we would expect education to be 162Kerr et al., op. cit., p. 159. 163Reynolds and Gregory, Op. cit., p. 289. 164Lambert, op. cit., p. 187. 165Frank W. Young and Ruth C. Young, "Individual Commitment to Industrialization in Rural Mexico," American Journal of Sociology, LXXI (January, 1966), pp. 373-383. 70 inversely related to worker adaptation to job and occupation. Given the shortage of skilled workers in deve10ping countries we sometimes assume that those with higher education will always be placed in higher posi- tions in these societies. Yet, decline in demand for skilled personnel or management preference for untrained, less educated workers can reduce the supposedly positive relationship between education and occu- pational position. In Peru, for example, there was no relationship between education and wage level among textile workers, and some Lima employers preferred ". . . serranos (migrants from the mountains) over Limenos (from the city of Lima) on the assumption that the former would be more docile."166 Lambert‘s167 study of factory workers in Poona, India found that the higher level of education typical of those in more modern factories was due to a general increase in level of education rather than being related to the higher skill requirements of new factories. The relationship between age and worker adaptation differs in developing and advanced industrial societies. In advanced industrial societies there is a positive relationship between age and adaptation; in deve10ping societies the relationship is inverse. Form and Geschwender, Wilensky,169 Berger,170, Blauner,171 and Chinoy,172 though focussing on 166 . . 167 . Chaplin, op. cit., p. 8. Lambert, Op. Cit., p. 48. 168Form and Geschwender, op. cit., p. 235. 169Wilensky, "Orderly Careers . . . ," p. 538. 170Berger, op. cit., p. 20. 171Blauner, "WOrk Satisfaction . . . ," p. 118. 172Chinoy, op. cit., p. 80. 71 different aspects of worker adaptation, all report a positive relation- ship between age and worker adaptation. But in developing societies, younger workers reflect higher levels of adaptation than Older workers. Lambert found that commitment to factory employment was stronger among 173 and that in a factory containing predominantly unskilled 174 the young, workers, younger men were more likely to aspire to foremen positions. In some cases, younger workers are the first to enter industrial employ- 175 and as the industrial sector expands they may change jobs ment, rapidly in hopes of obtaining continual wage increases, according to an African study.176 While younger workers show a higher adaptation to the industrial sector and to an industrial occupation, few remain with a specific job or employer in a dynamic labor market. Reynolds and Gregory177 found an inverse relationship between age and mean number of jobs held in a ten-year period preceding their Puerto Rican study. And Moore178 maintains that new jobs in an expanding labor market tend to be filled by the young. Finally, in a Peruvian study Chaplin179 found 173Lambert, Op. cit., p. 87. 1741b1d., p. 189. 175John T. DunlOp, Industrial Relations Systems (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1958), p. 350. 176International Labour Office, op. cit., p. 146. 177Reynolds and Gregory, op. cit., p. 226. 178Wilbert E. Moore, "Changes in Occupational Structures," Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Development, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966), p. 204. 1790haplin, op. cit., p. 72 that Older workers, even though more experienced, tended to be placed in low-level dead-end peon jobs that would certainly not encourage a high level of adaptation to industrial employment. Age is a simple way to tap more general historical variables, and under conditions Of rapid social change we would expect age to reflect significant differences in worker attitude and behavior. Too, age is related to other variables, and, for example, the strong relationship between age and skill level among workers in advanced industrial societies makes it difficult to determine the more critical variable in an analysis of worker adaptation. Marital status and number of children are, of course, related to age. These variables actually constitute a type of dependency ratio; the worker with a wife and children has a number of persons who depend 180 on his job for support. There is usually a positive relationship between number of dependents and level Of adaptation. WOrkers with more dependents are less likely to change positions. In some cases workers felt that their family responsibil- ities weighed too heavily for them to risk the loss of the security they enjoyed or whatever savings they possessed. "You can't think of getting out of the shop," said a forty-two-year-Old machine operator with four children, the oldest fifteen, the youngest seven. "You've got family responsibilities and they come first."181 Several American studies report a positive relationship between 180Single workers living with their parents may, in fact, reflect a kind Of "negative dependency ratio" in that part of the worker's support derives from the income Of the head of the family. Single workers living with their parents would probably have consid- erably less drain on their income than others living alone, or with their own family. 181Chinoy, op. cit., p. 93. 73 182 job satisfaction and marital status and number of children. Kerr, et al.183 report that in many developing societies the turnover rates of single workers are higher than those for married workers. But in 184 Indian study, adaptation to the factory was, surpriSiDSIY: Lambert's uppp related to family size. Though Lambert offers no explanation, a possible factor is that over three-quarters of his sample were committed to the factory, no doubt reflecting, in part, job scarcity in a labor- abundant local labor market. Several studies have accounted for variations in worker adapta- tion on the basis of father's occupation and the inter-generational mobility achieved by the worker. In advanced industrial societies, the lower the status of the father's occupation, the higher the adaptation Of the son, as long as the son uses father's occupation as his basic reference point. Form and Geschwender185 express this in terms of a relationship between generational occupational mobility score and level of job satisfaction. The relationship between inter-generational mobility and worker adaptation appears to hold in developing countries 186 found that Mexican foremen who came from middle-class as well. Kahl backgrounds were less adapted to their jobs than either professional engineers or semi-skilled workers. The difference between developing 182Form and Geschwender, Op. Cit., p. 235; Wilensky, "Varieties Of Work Experience," p. 143. 183Kerr et al., op. cit., p. 173. 184Lambert, Op. cit., p. 87. 185Form and Geschwender, op. cit., p. 233. 186Kahl, op. cit., p. 166. : (I‘ll-l l‘. [.l l' [Ill ll 74 and advanced industrial societies is more in the probability that indus- trial workers will experience inter-generational upward mobility. Depending, of course, on the scale Of occupational prestige used, a semi-skilled worker may be able to experience upward mobility if his father was an unskilled industrial worker, a laborer, or a farm worker. The labor force distribution in developing countries includes more workers in these lower status categories; by comparison, advanced indus- trial societies reflect a continually decreasing proportion of workers in these categories. Simply on the basis of the distribution of the labor force, then, we would predict that in advanced industrial societies low adaptation would often be associated with no mobility or with down- ward inter-generational mobility, while in developing societies, high adaptation would often be associated with achieved upward inter- generational mobility. This, of course, does not alter the general direction of the relationship. We are only suggesting that the level of development is related to the dominant pattern of the relationship. Lack of previous industrial work experience is often cited as a major problem in deve10pment, and is seen as a cause Of low worker adap- tation to the industrial sector. Occupational background is thus an important variable. Two questions are: (1) what is the occupational background of industrial workers in societies at different levels of development, and (2) what is the relationship between occupational back- ground and worker adaptation? In advanced industrial societies we would expect most industrial workers to have been employed almost continuously in the industrial I‘ll! Ill. III-I 'lllll 75 sector. Nearly all of Goldthorpe's187 sample of British automobile assembly workers had previous work experience in the industrial sector. In developing societies, on the other hand, we expect fewer workers to have had extensive industrial experience. Further, we have already noted some instances of managerial preference for workers without prior 188 In addition, very few pre-industrial skills industrial experience. may be applicable tO new industrial technology. More traditional crafts- men may, therefore, react negatively to a new industrial work environ- ment, even though some of their basic skills may be utilized in new industries. The relationship of occupational background to worker adaptation is conditioned by other factors, some of which link to the level of societal deve10pment. In advanced industrial societies, most workers will have had only industrial experience, and thus comparisons of indus- trial and non-industrial occupational backgrounds cannot be made in an analysis of industrial workers. Instead, occupational background fac- tors relate more tO different positions within the industrial sector, such as the skill level of prior industrial positions. Walker and Guest analyze the previous occupational experience of the assemblers in some detail. While most had been engaged in manual work prior to employment in the automobile plant, few had worked in machine-paced jobs. Many, as well, had held jobs requiring considerably more skill than was demanded on the automobile assembly line.189 Generally, we would expect low 187Goldthorpe, op. cit., p. 230. 188Chaplin, op. cit., pp. 17-18. 189Walker and Guest, op. cit., pp. 29-37. 76 adaptation for industrial workers in advanced industrial societies whose previous work experience had been in positions of higher skill or status than the present occupation. Goldthorpe's190 data on unskilled auto assembly-line workers in Britain support this hypothesis. Nearly two-fifths had held higher status and more skilled occupations, and 61 per cent stated that they preferred one of their previous occupations to the one currently held, ". . . [giving] reasons for such preferences which related overwhelmingly to immediate work satisfactions rather than 191 and Berger192 to economic returns." Studies by Form and Geschwender report, conversely, high adaptation for workers, often from the South, with non-industrial or unskilled occupational backgrounds who presently hold low skilled positions in large factories. In deve10ping societies, we would expect more diversity in the occupational backgrounds of industrial workers. Consequently, we would expect this variable to show a stronger relationship to worker adapta- tion. Industrial workers in developing societies would reflect at least three types Of occupational backgrounds; workers, probably Older, pos- sessing skills relevant to pre-industrial or small-scale industrial technology; workers from non-industrial backgrounds with few relevant industrial skills; young workers with relevant industrial skills acquired through recent industrial experience or technical training. The first type, most closely approximating the "career" industrial workers in an industrial society, would be expected to reflect the lowest level of 190Goldthorpe, op. cit., pp. 229-230. 191Form and Geschwender, op. cit. 192Berger, op. cit. 77 adaptation. To Quote Moore, The problem of security arises especially with the loss of skills involved in the shifting of handicraft workers into the factory . . . little effort has been made in recruitment and initial placement to utilize these skills already developed in the pre-industrial economy . . . it may be guessed that this circumstance has led to considerable frustration and loss of confidence on the part of the worker. . . .193 We would expect low adaptation for the second group on the basis Of sub-cultural differences between industrial and non-industrial work environments. Yet labor market variables may override the importance of these sub-cultural problems, and these workers may reflect high adapta- tion to sector, occupation, and job. For example, Chaplin194 found that among Peruvian textile workers turnover rates were lowest among males who had migrated to Lima from the highlands. These workers had little to Offer an industrial employer, but industry Offered far better Oppor- tunities than other types of employment. Young, skilled workers, on the other hand, may reflect high adaptation to the sector or an occupation, but low adaptation to any particular task or employer. These workers, possessing skills that are in high demand, may change jobs frequently in response to changing conditions and wage differentials.195 In India, Lambert196 found that factory workers who ". . . have occupational titles and machine skills that are easily transferable to many other units [or factories], show the highest degree of occupational commitment." 193Moore in Kerr et al., op. c1t., p. 168. 194Chaplin, op. cit., p. 13. 195Reynolds and Gregory, Op. cit., p. 226. 196Lambert, op. cit., p. 86. 78 Our review of important demographic variables has shown that in many cases the nature and direction of the relationship between a given variable and aspects of worker adaptation differs according to the level of development of the society. Further, we have tried to indicate the manner in which labor markets and other variables condition the relation- ship between demographic variables and worker adaptation. Socio-Technical Work Environment Several features of the immediate industrial work environment may influence the level Of worker adaptation. But they all relate directly or indirectly to skill level, as the best single index of the industrial work environment. Within the ranks of industrial workers, skilled personnel enjoy more responsible positions, greater control over work and work-pace, more freedom of movement within the plant, and higher pay than either semi-skilled or unskilled workers. For both intrinsic and instrumental-economic reasons, skilled work possesses more Of the elements thought to contribute to worker adaptation than semi-skilled or unskilled positions. By almost any Operational definition, then, skill level is positively related to worker adaptation. Inkeles197 found this to hold in six industrial societies, focussing on several indices of worker adaptation. Blauner's198 review Of studies of work satisfaction includes a discussion of skill level as a major factor accounting for variations in job satisfaction. In advanced industrial societies, other 197Inkeles, op. cit., pp. 5-6. 198Blauner, "WOrk Satisfaction . . . ." 79 199 200 work environment variables such as work group membership and income have been linked to worker adaptation, but these variables also reflect variations in skill level. In advanced industrial societies, skill level is the variable most Often associated with worker adaptation. In developing societies few studies of worker adaptation consider technology and work environment variations within the industrial sector. More Often, industrial workers are contrasted, as a group, with agricul- tural and service workers. Skill hierarchies in industrial establish- ments within developing societies are less likely to reflect features which result in the significant variations in worker adaptation among differentially skilled workers in industrial societies. In developing societies, skill hierarchies may be relatively "flat," with the over- whelming majority of workers engaged in unskilled work.201 Yet unskilled work is most probably not as routinized or machine-paced as in assembly- line technologies in industrial societies. Most industrial workers in developing societies, then, because of a lower level of technological development and smaller industrial units, probably work in a techno- logical environment similar tO the semi-skilled machine-tender in indus- trial societies. The typical industrial worker in a developing society may enjoy more freedom of movement, control over work, and variety than most unskilled or semi-skilled workers in advanced industrial societies. Where researchers in developing societies have utilized work environment as a major variable, the findings only partially agree with 199Ibid., p. 482. 200Form and Geschwender, op. cit., p. 235. 201Feldman and Moore, op. cit., p. 21. 80 those reported in industrial societies. Kahl,202 for example, found that skilled foremen were less satisfied than semi-skilled Mexican industrial workers, in part because of the middle-class backgrounds of 203 the foremen. Lambert reports that in his sample of factory workers in Poona, India, commitment to the factory was not associated with 204 on the other either skill level or wage rate. Reynolds and Gregory, hand, found that among Puerto Rican industrial workers, preference for a different job (reflecting low adaptation to job) was inversely related to skill level. And in a study of the Philippine labor force, Tiryakian205 found that occupational satisfaction was significantly higher for white- collar personnel than for blue-collar workers. That technological work environment less effectively predicts worker adaptation in developing societies may reflect the absence of the technological extremes and skill-related differentials which no doubt contribute to the strong relationship between skill level of worker adaptation in industrial societies. Yet it may be that, in developing societies, the fact of ppy industrial employment is more important as a determinant of work attitudes than internal differences in position within the factory work-force. Where industrial positions are difficult to obtain, where wages are significantly higher in the industrial sector, and where any further industrial expansion implies Optimal Opportunities for those already employed in the industrial sector, workers' point of 202Kah1, op. cit. 203Lambert, op. cit., p. 87. 20"Reynolds and Gregory, Op. cit., p. 273. 205Tiryakian, op. cit., p. 433. 81 reference for evaluation may not be other industrial positions. Instead, industrial workers may compare their positions with pppfindustrial occupations, and all industrial workers may reflect higher adaptation to their work than those in either the service or agricultural sector. In this study we will look at several different aspects of the technological work environment. First, we will deal with a three-fold breakdown by work task corresponding generally to other definitions of skill level. Specifically, we will be concerned with tool and die makers, high level inspectors, workers in the experimental shop, and machine repairmen as skilled workers; production-line inspectors, machine tenders, and motor assemblers and testers as semi-skilled workers; and final assembly-line workers as unskilled personnel. We will also utilize an in-plant definition of skill level which, while based on the job definitions outlined above, also incorporates wage, seniority, and plant location variables. Summary and Statement Of the Problem Our review of previous studies has shown that both cross- national and intra-national comparisons of studies of worker adaptation are difficult to make. Few agree on specific definitions Of the concept of adaptation, and variables used to account for variations in what is operationally defined as adaptation vary from very general societal dimensions to technological or work place variables applicable only tO the particular population studied. Further, conflict between theoreti- cal projections and empirical evidence of adaptation in developing societies calls for a closer look at the conditions under which high levels of adaptation occur. Finally, though many different independent 82 variables have been shown to account for worker adaptation, few researchers have demonstrated the relative predictive power Of these variables, through using a range of these variables in a single study. It will be our task to gather facts on the attitudes and behavior of automobile workers in an early-industrial and an advanced industrial society with respect to the workers' adaptation to industrial employment. These data hopefully will contribute to an understanding of the rele- vance Of different societal, communal, demographic, and work place variables to several aspects of worker adaptation among industrial workers in societies at different levels of socio-economic development. The variables of worker adaptation center around attitudes and behavior regarding sector, occupational, and job adaptation, as well as adapta- tion as reflected in aspirations. The independent variables we want to explore are societal and communal development, demographic characteris- tics of workers, and skill level. The problems of this study are to (1) determine the type and extent of worker adaptation to different aspects Of industrial employ- ment, (2) find the variables which affect worker adaptation to industrial employment, and (3) predict worker adaptation which is associated with level of societal and communal development, demographic characteristics of workers, and skill level. A schematic listing of the major variables appears in Figure 2. 83 mCOHumuHam< Hmcowumaoooo CH wouooamom mm cOHuwummw¢ now no xmme Ou :oHumuqmv< cowumanooo Ou :oHumuamo¢ Acuoom HmwuumoocH mzu OO :Owumuamo< SI \i \I.I Aup>pu Hfiaxm ”spasms nwwwmmmao Hmcowuocomv moanmwwm> ucoecouw>cm xuoz HmowonocsooH AhuwHOHcom ucmam chsoum nxomm Hmcofiumasooo ”cowumasooo m_uozumm ”zocoocoaoa mow< ”cowumooom moomfianuuwmv mofinmwum> OHLamuonoQ Amamwucouowwwo owmz >uumsvcw nuoucH new Honouoom muoxumz uonmg Hmooq mo owcmno paw ousuosuum m>uwawnoz HMCOwumasooo mo menouumm mowfiumoum Hmcowumaoooo muwcsanov moHcmwum> kuw::EEoo Ahsocoom HOGOHOOZ ozu mo mowumwuouomumco mmouw momwumoum Hmcowumasooo pom mdumum mo mEoumxm “meowufiwcoo uoxpmz gonna HmfiuuwsocH ”moocopommwn Housuasounsmv moflnmwwm> Hmuowoom moanmwwm> ucoocoaoo new .ucooconoocH .HOpucoo moanmfium> ucoocoaom moHnmwum> Houucoo cam ucoocmaoocH .N ouswwm CHAPTER III RESEARCH HYPOTHESES AND STUDY DESIGN Introduction In the first chapter we contrasted three approaches to the study of worker adaptation: Blauner and others in advanced industrial societies, the theories of Moore, Kerr, and Hoselitz about problems of worker adaptation in developing countries, and empirical studies of adaptation in developing societies. Our summary suggested a possible curvilinear model of adaptation, and called for a closer examination of conditions in developing societies supporting the high adaptation not predicted by theories of worker adaptation or labor commitment. The second chapter reviewed many empirical studies in developing and advanced industrial societies. Independent variables at different levels Of abstraction were reviewed and were shown to have been used to account for numerous aspects of worker adaptation. From this review, it is clear that both the preferred definitions of adaptation and independent variables vary, in a general way, with the socio-economic development of the society under analysis. Researchers of advanced industrial societies explain job and occupational adaptation in terms of work environment variables, while those in developing societies account for variations in sectoral adaptation with reference to more general communal and societal variables. Both utilize demographic variables, but in industrial societies these variables are interpreted synchronically as referring 84 85 to position in the social system, while in developing societies these same variables, considered diachronically, reflect the individual's position in a changing social structure through several stages of development. Summarizing the second chapter we were left with the impression that some basis Of comparability was needed if we are to understand worker adaptation in different societal and communal settings. In this chapter we present three broad hypotheses and a number of specific hypotheses. We also describe the research design. Finally, we discuss the sample design and the problems Of defining one of the major independent variables--skill level or technological work environment. Research Hypotheses Three broad hypotheses and a number of Specific hypotheses will be tested. The first broad hypothesis sets forth the relationship between level of societal/communal development and adaptation to industrial employment. This hypothesis suggests the direction of cross-national, Argentine-American comparisons. The more specific hypotheses refer to different aspects Of worker adaptation, seen in terms of a cross-national comparison. The second broad hypothesis spells out the manner in which demographic characteristics Of workers relate to worker adaptation. The more specific hypotheses link demographic variables such as birthplace, age, education, and occupational background to worker adaptation to sector, occupation and job, and aspirations. 86 The third broad hypothesis concerns the relationship between technological work environment and worker adaptation. Specific hypothe- ses delineate the relationship between different aspects of the work environment and worker adaptation. The rationale for each general hypothesis attempts to link con- cepts discussed in the review of the literature to the hypothesis to be used in this study. Hypothesis A: (Cross-National Hypothesis) Industrial workers in early-industrial societies (Argentina) will reflect a higher level Of adaptation to industrial employment than industrial workers in advanced industrial societies (United States). Rationale: Societal and communal factors support higher evaluation of industrial employment where occupational Opportunities are expanding more rapidly in the industrial sector than in other sectors, where wage differentials favor industrial employment, and where occupational pres- tige rankings assign increasingly higher status to indus- trial occupations. These societal and communal conditions are more likely to prevail in early-industrial than in advanced industrial societies. 1. (Sector Adaptation) Argentine workers will be more likely to prefer industrial, rather than agricultural or service, occupations than American workers. 2. (Occupation and Job Adaptation) Argentine workers will reflect higher level of occupational and job satisfaction than American workers. Argentine workers will also be more likely to prefer present industrial positions to previous jobs held, and be less likely to dislike aspects of their present occupation and present tasks than American workers. 3. (Aspirations) Argentine workers will be more likely to desire job change for positive reasons (to learn more) and less likely to wish to change present job for negative reasons (dislike work, avoid monotony) than American workers. Where workers express inter- est in occupational change, Argentine workers will be more likely to aspire to occupations within the industrial sector. American workers will be more likely to aspire to occupations outside of the 87 industrial sector. Hypothesis B: (Demographic Hypothesis) In both early-industrial and advanced industrial societies, workers with demographic characteris- tics representing a period of societal development in which industrial employment was rapidly expanding and highly valued, will reflect higher adaptation tO industrial employment than workers with demographic charac- teristics representing an era with a low rate of industrial growth and a less favorable evaluation of industrial employment Rationale: In early-industrial societies, Older, less- educated, rural—born workers with non-industrial back- grounds represent an earlier, more traditional period of society--the pre-industrial stage. Adaptation to indus- trial employment should be more difficult for these workers, reflected in a lower level of adaptation than for younger, more-educated, urban-born workers. In advanced industrial societies, workers who are older, less-educated, rural-born, with non-industrial back- grounds also represent an earlier period of societal development, but one in which industrial employment was rapidly expanding and industrial workers occupied a more favorable position in society. Younger, more educated workers in advanced industrial societies would be influ- enced by contemporary less favorable evaluations of industrial employment, and consequently should reflect lower adaptation to industrial employment. 1. (Sector Adaptation) In Argentina: Young, more-educated, urban-born, second generation industrial workers will be more likely to prefer industrial, rather than agricul- tural or service occupations than Older, less- educated, rural-born first generation industrial workers. In the United States: Older, less-educated, rural- born, first generation industrial workers will be more likely to prefer industrial, rather than agri- cultural Or service occupations than young, more- educated, urban-born, second generation industrial workers. 2. (Occupation and Job Adaptation) In Argentina: Young, more—educated, urban-born, second generation industrial workers will reflect higher levels of occupational and job satisfaction 88 than older, less-educated, rural-born, first gener- ation industrial workers. Young, more-educated, urban-born, second generation industrial workers will also be more likely to prefer present indus- trial positions to previous jobs held, and be less likely to dislike aspects of their present occupa- tion and present tasks than older, less-educated, rural-born, first generation industrial automobile workers. In the United States: Older, less-educated, rural- born, first generation industrial workers will reflect higher levels Of occupational and job satisfaction, be more likely to prefer present industrial positions to previous jobs held, and be less likely to dislike aspects of their present position than young, more- educated, urban-born, second generation industrial workers. 3. (Aspirations) In Argentina: Young, more-educated, urban-born, second generation industrial workers will be more likely to desire job change for positive reasons (to learn more) and less likely to wish to change present job for negative reasons (dislike work, avoid monotony) than older, less-educated, rural- born, first generation industrial workers. Where interest in occupational change is expressed, the former group will be more likely to aspire to occupations within the industrial sector than the latter group of workers. In the United States: Older, less-educated, rural- born, first generation industrial workers will be more likely to desire job change for positive reasons and less likely to wish to change jobs for negative reasons than young, more-educated, urban- born, second generation industrial workers. The former group will be more likely to aspire to occupations within the industrial sector than the latter group, where interest in occupational change is expressed. Hypothesis C: (Technological WOrk Environment Hypothesis) In both early-industrial and advanced industrial societies, skill level is positively associated with worker adaptation to industrial life. Rationale: The concept of worker adaptation rests on certain elements of an occupation which are generally, it is assumed, seen as desirable. Important elements include control over work-pace, Opportunity to utilize 89 initiative and originality, freedom of movement, task variability, and adequate economic and status compensa- tion. Within the industrial sector, skilled occupations contain more of these elements than either semi-skilled or unskilled positions. Since these elements contribute to high work adaptation, we would expect a positive relationship between skill level and worker adaptation. 1. (Sector Adaptation) Skill level is positively related to preference for industrial occupations over comparable occupations in the service or agricultural sectors. 2. (Occupation and Job Satisfaction) Skill level is positively related to level of job and occupational satisfaction, and to preference for present occupa- tion over previous positions, and is inversely related to disliking aspects of present occupation or job. 3. (Aspirations) Where interest in occupational change is expressed, skill level is positively related to aspirations for occupations within the industrial sector. Data analysis will explore additional aspects of worker adapta- tion in greater detail, will rely on several definitions of technological work environment, and will utilize additional demographic variables. Research Design This study draws on a portion of the data collected in a four nation (United States, Italy, Argentina, and India) study of workers in automobile manufacturing plants. We will deal only with the Argentine and American samples. WOrkers interviewed were employed in the Oldsmobile plant in Lansing, Michigan, and in the Industrias Kaiser Argentina (IKA) plant in Cordoba, Argentina. In any society, we would expect to find considerable similarity in the work organization of automobile manufacturing plants with plants in other societies. Technical and organizational requirements of the automobile manufacturing process imply a certain minimum size plant, 90 usually 5,000 workers, and utilize a range of work skills in different work environments.206 Though specific plants vary in terms of periph- eral or other manufacturing functions, most plants carry out three basic functions: operating of machinery to make motors and other parts, assembly of the automobile, and tooling to make and repair items and machinery. Though most studies of automobile workers in industrial societies have focussed on final assembly workers, it is important to note that these plants do include semi-skilled machine tenders, and skilled tool and die makers and machine repairmen. Automobile manufac- turing plants, then, present a rppge of environments and skill levels. An automobile assembly or manufacturing plant is one of the most sought-after symbols of deve10pment in pre-industrial and early- industrial societies.207 Automobiles in Latin America may carry the label "Hecho en Mexico," "Producto Chileno," or "Industria Argentina." Most often these plants are organized, and frequently owned, by North American or European manufacturers. Plants are often "imported" as 206The establishment of an automobile manufacturing plant also rests on some implicit conditions in the local labor market, such as a minimum of skilled workers, and is related, as well, to the ability Of the domestic economy to consume the products of the plant. But often, the market for new automobiles is rapidly saturated, given the gap between current prices for automobiles and the relatively low wages of most citizens. Recently four assembly plants were built in Lima, Peru. We would predict a short period of rapid production, followed by a gradual decline of demand, given unchanging prices relative to the average income in the society. 207John S. Ewing and Frank Meissner, International Business Management: Readings and Cases (Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1964). The distinction between automobile manufac- turing and automobile assembly is important as a reflection of the range of skill levels to be found within the industrial plant. Assembly operations utilize primarily unskilled labor, while manufacturing plants employ a wide range of workers from unskilled line workers to skilled tool and die makers. 91 nearly a closed, self-contained system, even down to small details such as signs asking one to "leave this place as you would like to find it." Imported top management, technicians, supervisory personnel, and machinery thus increase the similarity with plants in industrial societies. For our purposes, these features increase the power Of holding technological and organizational work environment constant across national boundaries. Internally, then, automobile manufacturing plants in developing societies tend to be miniatures of advanced industrial society plants. A skilled tool and die worker in the United States may utilize the same tools and work in a setting very similar to his Argentine counterpart. Hiring and promotion are on the basis Of education, experience, and performance. Supervision is structured, and follows a well-defined chain of responsibility. Gross skill levels are further differentiated by additional categories or grades. WOrk schedules are usually based on the "shifts" typical of industrial societies; assembly lines are not shut down for leisurely lunches and afternoon siestas. Workers in these plants, then, face a technological work environment that is typical of d.208 On the their industrial counterparts in all parts of the worl other hand, they work in an environment that differs significantly from both the non-industrial sector and from other industries within a 208We deliberately emphasize the similarities in this chapter. In our discussion of the research settings, we point to some important differences in the plants studied. 92 209 This study, then, focusses on the adaptation to developing society. industrial employment of automobile workers in an advanced industrial (United States) and early-industrial (Argentina) society. In selecting automobile workers we have limited our ability to generalize to all industrial workers in a developing society. But, in exchange, we have achieved a high level of control over the technological work environment of workers in two societies at different levels of socio-economic development. We have sketched the general research design. Some additional information on the research process is included in the next section. Detailed information on the settings and plants under study appears in the following chapter. Sample Design and the Problem of Defining Skill Level Since the plants studied vary in terms of the extensiveness of the manufacturing process (Oldsmobile does not manufacture automobile bodies, IKA includes a forge plant), the study population is limited to workers with at least one year seniority at the time of the study, employed in tool and die making, experimental, machining of parts, inspection, repair, and final assembly departments of Oldsmobile and IKA. The rationale for concentration on these departments is two-fold. 209One might make the same point for the place of automobile workers in an advanced industrial society. However, the status Of the workers differs. They may be considered the industrial elite in a society which has few large, modern factories. But in an industrial society, they probably represent the lower stratum Of the labor force. Automobile workers in developing societies are probably more analogous, in terms of societal position, to workers in highly automated continu- ous process plants in industrial societies. 93 First, these departments constitute the core of the automobile manufac- turing process, and consequently would be expected to reflect maximum similarity across cultural boundaries. Secondly, they represent a range of skill levels. Tool and die makers, workers in the experimental department, and some inspectors and repairmen are highly skilled. Formal training or apprenticeship is required for entry into these positions. These skilled workers enjoy substantial control over their work and work-pace, and are typically found in "shops" within which they can freely move about and converse with fellow workers while on the job. Semi-skilled workers serve as machine Operators or production inspectors. Some prior training or experience is necessary, and work-pace is machine regulated. However, many work on a production quota system, or receive work material in large lots. It may be possible for the worker to vary his pace within a day or over a period of several hours. Movement Of semi-skilled workers is typically more restricted than for skilled workers, but within a section workers may be able to briefly leave their machines. Unskilled assembly-line workers have become "the classic symbol of the subjection of man to the machine in our industrial age."210 WOrk tasks are quickly learned and highly segmented. Each Operation may take less than a minute to perform, and work-pace is governed by the speed of the line. While the line is moving, workers cannot leave their work station, and the positioning of workers alongside and underneath the moving line often limits social interaction. 210Charles R. walker and Robert M. Guest, The Man on the Assembly Line (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1952), p. 9. 94 Skill differences are generally reflected by wages, though the wage differentials between semi-skilled and unskilled ranks may be small. ‘Most plants also provide some compensation for seniority. The study sample was drawn from listings of workers in selected departments mentioned above. In both segments, about 400 names were drawn. For Oldsmobile, skilled workers were drawn from a listing of all skilled workers in the plant. In Argentina, not all departments containing skilled workers were included in the sample. Skilled workers in die repair and the forge plant, for example, do not appear in the Argentine sample. In total, 306 Oldsmobile workers and 315 IKA workers were interviewed in their homes. In both studies the refusal rate was low: about seven per cent for Oldsmobile, and less than four per cent for IKA. In neither case did refusals seem to differ from those suc- cessfully interviewed. Figure 3 summarizes major aspects Of the research process. There are several ways of stratifying the factory population, and several of these conform to general notions of what constitutes skill level.211 Wage-rates often reflect gross skill differences. Secondly, skill level can be defined in terms of function, or task, regardless of the wage-rate of the worker. A strict functional defini- tion, however, does not take into account, for example, differences between lathe Operators in production departments and lathe operators in tool and die or experimental shops. Combining function and wage-rate yields a new definition of skill level which taps differences in 211William H. Form, "A Cross-Cultural Exploration of a Crucial Concept: Skill Level" (unpublished manuscript, 1966). 95 .uooHowa ocu mo uaoawom cwowuoa¢ onu so uo3ow>uoucw cm mm ooxuos Omam 0:3 .ofimw .m ohmsowm mm3 ucoawom ocwucowu< onu now HOOOOHHQ oaowm .Amooma .zufiwuo>w:3 mumum cmeLOHZ .xonOHoom mo ucoaunmaom .OOHOOOHOmmHo .Q.nm oocmwanoacsg :muoxuoz OHHnoEOOS< mo modum < "xwoaoooH woo .mucoao>HO>CH Hmwoom .Ho>oq HHme:v nomuson .m co>oum .un mos ucoawom cwowuoa< osu How uOuoouHQ oaowm .Ehom .m EmeHwB .un mw zosum :oHuOZnuzom onu mo acooouwnk OOOOHQEOU com mam m3OH>HoucH mo Monasz OOOOHpomxo mow IBOH>woucw wow wcficfimuu rugs oocowwoaxo waw3ow>HOOCw mOHEOcoOo wow quHOwOOm cw one wchHmuu HOOHwOHOwOOO Luwz mucoosum mumsomuw ooocm>o< >wOHozozma CH mucoosum voocm>o< muozow>uoucH m3ow>uoucH meson NnuoEO: m.uoxu03 musoz «unoEOL m.uoxu03 mo camcoq cam coHumooa mwcwumwa cows: Eoum Cano oHaEmmuncoHumuooooo mwcfiumfia zcmmaoo 80pm :3muo coHcsnuHmmowou ucoEowmcmz ofimsmmnucuon Eoum Hm>ouam< uomucoo ucoEowmcmz-coHc: >uwmpm>fica oumum cmwwsowz mnoowoo mo Hchwomz powwmuo>flca szHoHoom mo ucoEuummon wwwoaowoom or ououfiumcH coHusuwumcH umom HmooA moan .pppsp>oz-~oaH .Hspa< peas .xfipm-momfl .pppoupo copppppm pflpam mo pope cmmwsoaz .wcfimcmg .oHHnoEmoHo mcHucowu< .wnoonoo .ow .m.D ".o.n .GOumawnmmzv coma “coHumHomom one mo msmcoo .m.D .msmcoo onu mo noousm .m.D "Eoum woumHDOHmo coma moon moumum poops: .ooH .n .Awoaz .mxoom onmm "xuow 3ozv >OOHoom new wxuozlaamz .A.mooV anon .m EMWHHHS cam BOmoz oGOEmfim OH :.oouom poops onoanoe< one: .noooouononm .o nonooe "some ooooaoouoo emmH-oooH mono noooom noose: .Nu-mu .nn .qomH .uon0uoo .AoomuH cam wooed amfiouom mo oowmmo “.o.n .aOuwcHsmmzv omoun< mucoEmOHo>on uonmq .moflumfiumum gonna mo smouam .uoan mo ucoeuummon .m.= "Eoum ocumfiooamo coma memo mewucowu< .nm .m .AmmmH .oowxozv H uumm .mc«ucomu< Ma mo OOHEOcoom oHHonnonoo Hm ".u.<.m.m.o .nooaooz noose: “Bonn noooeoouno emoH-oooH noon monocomn< ammooz Noofi Noofi mm cm s w mm mm m m N am coma Noofi NooH oq mm m m cm mm m 0 NH om omaa NOOH KOCH Ho mm m o «N «N m q wH mm coma Noofi NooH om mm m 0 mm am a m mm on ommfi NooH gooH New Nam Nu Nm NNN NON Nw gm Nwm Nam oomH «m: .wp< u«>wuom owaocooo >3 coflusnfluomwo mono“ nonmfi CH owcmno .m ofinme 106 competing in the labor market with new, modern, large-scale factories. Somewhat arbitrarily, we have separated Argentine industrial development into four major periods. I. 1880-1914: First Industrial Development II. 1914-1946: Unintegrated Industrial Development III. 1946-1954: Period of Nationalistic Industrial Development (Peron) IV. 1954-1965: Large-scale Industrial Development On the base of an extremely productive agricultural export economy, a massive immigration of European population and capital, and, somewhat later, the decreasing ability of war-torn European nations to export consumer products, Argentina launched its industrial development before the turn of the century. "In the decade 1860-1870, an accelerated process of economic growth and modernization was initiated [in Argentina], which in little more than 40 years completely transformed the social structure and the economy of the country, at least in its 'central' [Buenos Aires] region where two-thirds of the population live."220 The pOpulation of Buenos Aires quintrupled between 1895 and World War I, largely due to massive migrations from Europe.221 Though many immigrants had not held industrial jobs in their homeland, they became the core of Argentina's industrial development. Although only one-fourth of the population in 1895 was foreign-born, over four-fifths of the industrial 220Gino Germani, "Social and Political Consequences of Mobility," Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Development, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966), p. 384. 221Scobie, op. cit., p. 168. 107 proprietors and nearly two-thirds of the industrial workers were foreigners.222 Most of the industrial establishments were small, and the majority were an outgrowth of the agricultural economy, concerned with the processing of agricultural products. Nearly all Of this development was located in Buenos Aires and the area to the north, along the Rio de la Plata, called the litoral. Most Of the plants were small, each averaging less than seven workers; however, those plants in Buenos Aires were larger than those located in other regions.223 Some small industries developed in the interior, but lacking tariff protection (they were producing consumer goods, and these goods continued to be imported from Europe), capital, and technology, they remained small craft Operations.224 Though by 1913, "the country's manufacturing age was well pre- pared . . . [for development],"225 the processing Of agricultural pro- ducts remained of paramount interest. Temporary shortages during WOrld War I did momentarily spur industrial development Of consumer industries; chemicals, vegetable oils, paper, and textiles were produced in increas- ing volume, but did not meet the demands Of the economy. At the close of WOrld War I, Europe quickly re-entered the Argentine economy as a major supplier of consumer goods, and this re-entry ". . . slowed or 222Roberto C. Conde, "Problemas del Crecimiento Industrial," Argentina, Sociedad de Masas, ed. Torcuato S. Di Tella, Gino Germani, Jorge Graciarena y colaboradores (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires, 1965), p. 74. 2231bid., p. 84. 224Scobie, Op. cit., p. 177. 22511516. 108 halted the development of many of the country's infant industries, when it did not kill them outright."226 As Table 5 shows, the percentage of the labor force in manufacturing did not increase substantially between 1900 and 1930. The depression of the 1930's meant a shortage of imported con- sumer goods, and in this way the development of local consumer industry was encouraged. Yet for local industry to expand significantly, major imports of machinery and equipment were needed, and, of course, the depression also meant a decline in Argentina's foreign exchange earnings, and the inability of Europe to supply these basic tools of industry even if Argentina had the money. Consumer industries such as rubber, alumi- num goods, and electric light bulbs supplied local demand. By 1936, Argentine industry was supplying 86 per cent of local needs, yet the economy could expand no further. By 1939 some consumer goods industries were meeting nearly all the local demand, but many of these still depended heavily in imported 227 The largest number Of industries parts, equipment, or raw materials. were in foodstuffs, beverages, and tobacco--the same industries that predominated in Argentina's first steps toward industrialization in 1900. Notable, however, was the growing production Of machinery and vehicles, and metal fabrication.228 226Ibid., p. 182; Fillol, op. cit., p. 44. 227Scobie, Op. cit., p. 184. 228Thomas C. Cochran and Ruden E. Reina, Entrepreneurship in .Argentine Culture: Torcuato De Tella and S.I.A.M. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1962), p. 24. 109 During World War II, the consumer-product emphasis of Argentine industry continued. "Industry continued to expand despite shortages of material and fuel, but the expansion was, as formerly, in light, rather than in heavy, industrial plants."229 The concentration of workers in large industries had developed to the extent that while only 3.3 per cent of the industrial establishments were large-stock-holding corpora- tions, these plants employed 35.5 per cent of the labor force, and pro- duced 45.2 per cent of the total output.230 In 1944, for the first time the net value of manufacturing output was greater than that for agricul- ture.231 Once again, then, Argentina had the opportunity to achieve significant industrial growth that would change the basic structure of the industrial sector. There is some disagreement about the state of the Argentine economy immediately prior to Peron's take-over in 1945. Some maintain232 that Argentina did not have sufficient capital to finance major indus- trial expansion, while others argue that, in spite Of problems such as poor roads and aged railway equipment, "Presumably Argentina possessed the funds to purchase the heavy equipment needed for industrialization. ."233 But under the banner of nationalism and freedom from European influence in the economy, the large stock of foreign exchange which Argentina had accumulated during the war was spent on governmental 229McGann, Op. cit., p. 48. 230Cochran and Reina, op. cit., p. 27. 231Fillol, op. cit., p. 49. 2321bid., p. 51. 233Scobie, op. cit., p. 223. 110 purchase of the foreign-owned railroads, increases in armaments, and importation of luxury consumer goods.234 Peron's government became heavily involved in the economy, and soon the economy, and eSpecially the industrial sector, was in severe difficulty. Between 1939 and 1947, the share of the income of workers declined, while businessmen, proprie- tors, and professionals earned well.235 But during Peron's regime (1947- 1955) it was the working class that improved its standard of living and for the first time was drawn into significant participation in the economic and political life of the nation. Though the grand design Of Peron's first Five-Year Plan (1947- 1951) called for the development of heavy industry and a reduction of 236 national reliance on agricultural exports, the proportion of total manpower in the industrial sector actually decreased between 1945 and 1947, and manufacturing employment in particular declined 11 per cent between 1948 and 1954.237 Nearly 70 per cent of the nation's workers were concentrated in 6.238 the city and province Of Buenos Aires in 194 But industrial expan- sion was limited, and industry could not absorb the massive influx which 234Ibid., pp. 223-224. According to Fillol (op. cit., p. 53), ". . . as much as 73.9 per cent of the capital accumulated by the nation during that period [1940-1944] was diverted to sectors of the economy that were not directly productive: housing, service industries, and, foremost, the immense bureaucratic machinery of the state." 235LeOpoldo Portnoy, Analisis Critico de la Economia Argentina Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1961), p. 142. 236McGann, Op. cit., p. 50. 237Fillol, op. cit., p. 53. 238Cochran and Reina, op. cit., p. 28. lll resulted from internal migration and new immigration from Italy and Spain. Nearly 200,000 persons a year streamed into Buenos Aires from the interior between 1947 and 1951, and in seven years the population of Greater Buenos Aires increased by 22 per cent to 5.6 million in 1954.239 Large industries were manned by those already living in Buenos Aires, and those with industrial experience. The new migrants, without industrial experience or skill, were funneled into service occupations. Most of the recent migrants can be classified as peones (day laborers) with no special skills; perhaps a quarter of them have some qualification, and level varies. Approximately half of the recent migrants are unskilled; among the city-born residents the figure is about 15 per cent. In addition to skilled workers, the latter [city- born, Buenos Aires] includes a certain number of self- 240 employed artisans and lower-grade white-collar workers. In terms of common indices of development, the Argentine economy was in poor shape when Peron was overthrown in 1955. Problems were rampant inflation, declining eXports, and depletion of foreign exchange reserves. The economic picture was not all black, for "support given to the manufacturing industries served to increase Argentine self- sufficiency in consumer goods, and by 1955 local industry produced 99 per cent of the consumer goods used in the country."241 239Scobie, Op. cit., p. 226. The definition of Greater Buenos Aires varies. Another estimate is that between 1952 and 1957 the popu- lation nearly doubled to a little over nine million: Cochran and Reina, Op. cit., p. 29. 240Gino Germani, "Inquiry into the Social Effects Of Urbaniza- tion in a Working-Class Sector of Greater Buenos Aires," Urbanization in Latin America, ed. Philip M. Hauser (New York: International Documents Service, Columbia University Press, 1961), p. 221. 241Scobie, op. cit., p. 227. 112 Argentine since 1955 reflects a continuation of problems which have characterized its deve10pment since the turn Of the century. Other problems of economic stagnation result from major changes which occurred during Peron's regime. Yet since 1955, two important changes have occurred in the Argentine industrial system: the dispersion of large industries to provincial cities, and the development of heavy manufactur- ing industries, such as the motor vehicle industry. The exploitation of Off-shore and land Oil resources in the south of Argentina promoted the growth of what is now the major city in the southern part of Argentina--Comodoro Rivadavia. In Cordoba, Kaiser and Fiat built large plants. Other plants were located in Rosario and Santa Fe. Between 1946 and 1954, the percentages of factories and workers employed in the city and province of Buenos Aires dropped from 58.6 and 68.8 per cent 242 to 56.1 and 64.8 per cent respectively. Whether this dispersion was encouraged by "industrialists' desire to escape the metropolitan unions"243 or prompted by a conscious effort to reduce the overcentralization of 244 the industrial domination Of Buenos Aires has the Argentine economy, been reduced with the growth of provincial industrial settings; the largest of these provincial urban industrial developments is the site of the present study--Cordoba, Argentina. 242Cochran and Reina, op. Cit., p. 28. 243Ibid. 2(“l"McGann, op. cit., p. 114. 113 General Features of the City of Cordoba The overnight train from Buenos Aires, "El Rayo del Sol," brings the traveler to Cordoba about 8:15 in the morning. You said good-bye to Buenos Aires nearly twelve hours ago, and, although the predominantly sleeping-car train could have made the 400 mile trip in ten hours or less, it delayed its pace to give you a peaceful sleep as it moved across the great pampas. Your small sleeping compartment is old, but comfortable, and in the morning the window frames are covered with ppmpp dust. As the few small towns on the edge Of the pampas yield to small factories, you pass the industrial area which rings the city Of Cordoba. On the left is the large Fiat motor, tractor, and railway equipment com- plex. On the right several small factories supplying parts to Fiat and Kaiser face the highway which parallels the track. Later, the train slows as it enters densely populated neighborhoods of clean stuccoed houses and a few rough adobe dwellings. In the distance a cluster of high-rise office and apartment buildings mark the center Of the city, backdropped by the low Sierras of Cordoba about twenty miles to the west. A taxi or horse-drawn carriage carries the new arrival to one of the four major hotels near the Plaza San Martin. It is a short trip through narrow, crowded streets, and one soon realizes that the glitter, bustle, and grandeur of Buenos Aires have been replaced by the colonial charm and more leisurely pace of life in the city of Cordoba. In 1966, Cordoba, capital of the province of the same name, was a city of nearly 600,000, vying with Rosario for the title of Argentina's "second city." Lying on the edge of the pampas about 400 miles north- west of Buenos Aires, agriculture is a primary industry of the province. 114 Several cities over 20,000 in population serve other parts of the province, and small communities in the Cordoban Sierras are resorts for portenos escaping the humid Buenos Aires summer. The city includes the offices of the province and the city, major railroad yards, mills and storage facilities for the processing of agricultural products, and one of the Oldest universities in Latin America. Industrially, large factories manufacture motor vehicles, trucks, motorcycles, airplanes, tractors, and farm equipment. Small factories supply these large industries with parts. Transportation is also a major employer, as Cordoba serves as a major exchange point of several railroads, as well as a funnel for goods from Buenos Aires and Rosario to the north of Argentina. The center of the city offers a dramatic contrast between the colonial buildings, churches, and museums, and modern office and apart- ment buildings. The central district is compact, confined to an area about ten blocks on each side. But commercial activity is intense, and several streets are blocked off during peak afternoon hours to facili- tate the movement of shoppers and office workers. Except during several winter months, Cordoba Operates on a traditional time schedule, with all activity halting between noon and four in the afternoon. The central district is indeed the focus of activity for the city. There are no suburban shOpping areas. Neighborhood markets are small, and the wise housewife buys at the major markets several blocks from the main plaza. Other shops are plentiful. Many are smaller than those found in Buenos Aires, but the range Of specialized shops is remarkable for a city of a little over half a million. Some shops are very small, no more than 25 feet square, attended by one person, and placed in the closed hallways 115 or "galerias" that cut through the center of the solid block of build- ings. Downtown streets are clogged with buses and taxis, and those private cars that venture to the central district usually come off second best in street corner encounters. In the total downtown area, only four or five traffic signals regulate traffic, and the Sporadic activity of the police on corners without lights makes traffic a major problem. Residential areas offer an equally marked contrast between the old and the new. Wealthy Cordobeses live either in new apartment houses as owners of a total floor of the building, or in fairly modern single dwelling units in what would be considered upper-class neighborhoods in the United States. Middle-class housing ranges from older houses, bor- dering the streets with a small open patio in the back, to one- and two- bedroom apartments in fairly new buildings, to small detached dwellings built with government support during Peron's regime. Several new hous- ing developments were under way at the time of the study and these generally offered small one- and two-bedroom houses in what would be comparable to a "subdivision." Some automobile workers live in these "middle-class" neighborhoods. But most live in what would be considered working-class barrios or neighborhoods. These tend to be located in the more outlying areas, and in many cases are small two- or three-room dwellings which are being constructed by the occupant. There are several "pockets" of extremely poor housing in Cordoba, but the city does not have the large "villas miserias" found in Buenos Aires and other Latin American capital cities. 116 Industrial Development of Cordoba Cordoba was once "Argentina's major urban center."245 But that was in 1650, when Cordoba was located on the main trade route from the north, leading from Peru, through Bolivia, and eventually to Buenos Aires. The Spanish, colonizing from the north, prohibited the passage of goods through Buenos Aires. Instead, goods flowed south from Peruvian ports. Cordoba enjoyed early prosperity. Unwieldy oxcarts moved impressive quantities of textiles, wines, brandies, tallow, sugar, wheat, corn, rice, dried fruits, yerba mate, leather, bullion, and European imports through this emporium. During the next two hundred years, Argentina developed its major agricultural economy. Though the city of Cordoba enjoyed some benefits of this phase of development, At each stage [of agricultural development] the rift between the interior and the coast widened, until at last the coast achieved predominance. In the end only one city throve--the port of Buenos Aires which, by the nineteenth century, monopolized all trade.247 Yet the first stage of Argentine industrial development near the turn of the city was not without consequence in Cordoba. Industrialization Of the province of Cordoba began with activities closely related to the agricultural character of the province. Flour mills, breweries, and food processing formed the basis of the first steps toward industrial development. The beginning of Argentine industrial expansion in 1880 had minor repercussions in Cordoba with the formation 245Scobie, op. cit., p. 48. 246Ibid. 247Ibid., p. 64. 117 of food product, porcelain, gas, and printing industries. But acceler- ated industrial growth did not begin until 1914.248 As of 1895, Cordoba had a total of 1,106 industrial establishments, employing a total of 6,470 persons.249 In 1914, 2,836 establishments employed 19,081 persons. Most were in food processing, though the 1895 figures do ppp include several large flour mills and breweries. The city of Cordoba, in 1895, included nearly fifty flour mills, some of which were still major employers at the time of this study in 1966.250 Thus, Cordoba's initial industrial development occurred at about the same time as that in Buenos Aires, but it differed in several respects. First, there was little evidence of heavy manufacturing; flour mills were an outgrowth of the traditional agricultural economy of the province, and many of the "clothing factories" were little more than cottage industries. Secondly, the majority of European immigrants remained in the Buenos Aires-Rosario area, and thus did not contribute to the industrial development of Cordoba to the extent that they did in 251 these other areas. The immigrants were concentrated in the city of Buenos Aires (Capital Federal), and it was there that manufacturing pro- duction, especially metal fabrication, was most widespread.252 Further, 248Alfredo Terzaga, Geografia de Cordoba (Cordoba, Argentina: Editorial Assandri, 1963), p. 207. 249Conde, Op. cit., p. 76. 250Terzaga, Op. cit., pp. 248-249. 251Gustavo Beyhaut et al., "Los Inmigrantes en el Sistema Occupa- cional Argentina," Argentina, Sociedad de Masas, ed. Torcuato Di Tella, Gino Germani, Jorge Graciarena y colaboradores (Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires, 1965), p. 108. 252 Conde, op. cit., p. 81. 118 even in 1895, the average size of industrial establishments in the Buenos Aires area was considerably larger than those in Cordoba and the other interior regions.253 Contemporary Development of Cordoba The second major stage of Argentine industrial development also had some impact on the city of Cordoba, but substantial development did not occur until the 1950's, and the greatest leap into large-scale industrial manufacturing has occurred since 1955. Since 1955 three factories, each employing in excess of 2,000 workers, have been built in the city of Cordoba. Two of these employ over 10,000 workers, and both are in the manufacture of motor vehicles and related equipment. Our examination of the changes in the industrial structure of the province and the city of Cordoba, which have resulted in the labor market setting for the automobile workers studied, will be considered from the point of view of the worker in the labor market. As we pointed out in Chapter II, industrial development means changes in the oppor- tunity structure, and in the type of work setting typical for members of an occupational group. Machinists, for example, may increasingly be found in large factories rather than in small machine shops, as indus- tries utilizing these specialized skills expand. Development also affects the supply and demand of workers with different skills, and this, in turn, influences the occupational prestige system of the community. Finally, we are concerned with the growth of the setting of industrial development, and here we look at the emergence of the city of Cordoba 253Ibid., p. 84. 119 as a major industrial center. Our analysis rests on four indices of industrial development. Each reflects features of the local industrial labor market, and from each we may deduce equally important aspects of the community system of occupational prestige. These four indices are based on statistical data, but, as we indicated in Chapter II, data on occupational prestige and mobility patterns are impressionistic. The four indices and the relevant areas of occupational prestige and mobility are as follows: Index Prestige and Mobility 1. Changes in number Of establishments Prestige attached to new and total personnel employed in dif- (larger) plants, Opportunity ferent industries within the indus- with expansion. trial sector. 2. Change in the average number of Prestige attached to larger personnel employed per industrial plants, possible greater establishment in different indus- stability, higher wages, more tries within the industrial sector. benefits, occupational iden- tification with large company. 3. Relative change in average wage in Economic prestige from high- different industries within the paying industrial employment. industrial sector. 4. Concentration of industrial estab- Opportunity for mobility and lishments in urban centers. prestigeful employment would be greatest in urban areas-- encourage internal migration for employment reasons. Our analysis Of Cordoba will focus on the contrasts of the three most important branches of the industrial sector: food processing, construc- tion, and motor vehicles and machinery. Food processing is the tradi- tional industry of the area. Construction is also somewhat traditional, and is currently viewed as an industry Offering easy employment to totally unskilled workers. ‘Manufacture of motor vehicles and machinery is the most modern branch of the industrial sector, and utilizes 120 personnel with industrial skills. We will discuss each of the above indices separately, and will consider the implications of these data for occupational prestige and mobility patterns. We will present similar indices for the Lansing, Michigan, labor force later in this chapter. Our general hypothesis is that labor market conditions in Cordoba encourage high adaptation to employment in non-traditional branches of the industrial sector, notably in the manufacture of motor vehicles, and that different conditions prevail in Lansing, encouraging low worker adaptation to this type of industrial employment. Our analysis of Cordoba in terms of these four indices is some- what limited by available data. The most critical lack is detailed information on the service sector. Further, in many cases, we must rely on data for the province, instead of dealing specifically with the city of Cordoba. Last, with some exceptions, data are not available after 1958. Naturally they do not show the important changes that have occurred since then. We are forced to make general projections in some cases. Nonetheless, these data, especially when compared to similar American data later in this chapter, do effectively contrast the two research settings. The first index is the total number employed in different branches Of the industrial sector. Figure 4 indicates that since 1946 the greatest increase in the industrial sector occurred for the vehicles and machinery branch. (As mentioned above, our analysis concentrates on only the three major industries in the province.) Data for post-1961 would show continuing increases in this branch. Since 1961, IKA alone increased its total personnel by several thousand. Between 1958 and 1961, the total employment in vehicles and machinery nearly doubled. 121 Personnel Employed 33,000- Vehicles and machinery -— 0 -o - 0 - Construction -x-—x-x-- Food and beverages 30,000- 27,000- 24,000- 21,000- 18,000- 15,000- «Veh. 12,000- 9,000- 6,000- ~Const. xFood 3,000- 19148 1935b 1946b 1954b 1958b 1961C 1958b [City only] Figure 4. Personnel employed, selected industries, Cordoba City and province, 1914-1961. aCalculated from: Direccion Nacional del Servicio Estadistico, Tercer Censo Nacional, 1914 (Buenos Aires: Direccion Nacional del Servicio Estadistico), Tomo VII, Poblacion de la Provincia de Cordoba de 14 y mas anos, clasificada por rama de actividad, p. 349. bCalculated from: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones, Industrias de la Republica Argentinapy_de la Provincia de Cordoba 1935-1958 (Cordoba: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones), pp. 13, 39, 75, 85, 88. 122 Figure 4 (Continued). ‘ cCalculated from: Fernando Ferrero, "Caracteristicas de los Flujos de Productos Elaborados del Sector Manufacturero," Economia de Cordoba, 1, No. 4 (Diciembre de 1963), pp. 5-14. (Includes only those establishments employing forty or more workers) Employment in construction and food and beverages may have increased as well, but the data in Figure 4 for 1961 show only those industries with at least forty employees. Construction may have increased, spurred by channeling of investments into real estate under conditions of high inflation. But, at least in the city of Cordoba, construction remains an industry utilizing mainly unskilled labor, and appears to employ many recent migrants to the city. Though chronological data are scarce, this increase in total number employed was probably even more marked within the city of Cordoba. One study of the manufacturing sector in the city of Cordoba254 reported that "dynamic industries" (chemicals, vehicles, and machinery) employed 43.2 per cent of the total industrial sector in 1946; by 1961 this figure had increased to 74.7 per cent. Employment in these dynamic industries increased by 252.2 per cent between 1946 and 1958, and reflected a 31.8 per cent increase between 1958 and 1961. Though the more traditional industries also expanded between 1946 and 1958, they 255 actually declined in total number employed in the second period. For both the province and the city, then, recent years have seen marked 254Horacio Palmieri and Rinaldo Antonio Colome, "La Industria Manufacturera en la Ciudad de Cordoba," Revista de Economia y Estadis- tica (Universidad Nacional de Cordoba), Nos. 3 and 4 (1964), p. 38. 2551bid., p. 42. 123 increases in employment in the motor vehicle industry, and have reflected relative stagnation in the more traditional branches of the industrial sector. The second index, average size of establishment, reflects the organizational setting of industrial workers. As Figure 5 shows, industry in the province of Cordoba has typically been very small, nearly cottage-type, industries. Figure 5 does show the relatively larger size of plants in the vehicle branch, and, again, more current data would show dramatic increases. A 1961 study of all industrial plants in the province with over forty workers reported a total of 177 plants, with an average work force of 262 employees. As expected, more modern branches reflected a higher number of employees per establishment. Vehicles and machinery topped all other branches, with an average of 498 employees per establishment. Total employment in this branch (30,398) accounted for nearly two-thirds of the industrial employment 256 In contrast, food and beverage manufacturers aver- in the province. aged only 142 employees. Thus, a few large factories co-exist with many smaller operations. There are, of course, a number of middle- sized plants containing between 100 and 300 workers. Entry of the worker into the automobile plant studied, or into similar plants in the city of Cordoba, involves a dramatic change in organizational setting. Even within the vehicle and machinery sector, most organizations are little more than small shops. Large factories occupy a unique position 256Fernando Ferrero, "Caracteristicas de los Flujos de Productos Elaborados del Sector Manufacturero," Economia de Cordoba, 1, No. 4 (Diciembre de 1963), Instituto de Economia y Finanzas, Universidad Nacional de Cordoba, pp. 5-14. 124 Average Number Employed 24 . Vehicles & machinery / \ . — ' --° -- Construction ‘ \ —x——-K—— Food 6: beverages ./ '\ 20 ./ '\ / '\. /O \ “"Veh. 15 0Const. 10 K Food 5 l 19148 1935b 1946b 1954b 1958b 1958b [City only] Figure 5. Average size of establishment, selected industries, Cordoba province and city, 1914-1958. 8Calculated from: Direccion Nacional de Servicio Estadistico, Tercer Censo Nacional, 1914 (Buenos Aires: Direccion Nacional de Servicio Estadistico), Tomo VII, Poblacion de la Provincia de Cordoba de 14 y mas anos, Clasificada por rama de actividad, p. 349. bCalculated from: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones, Industrias de Republica Argentina y de la Provincia de Cordoba 1935-1958 (Cordoba: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones), pp. 13, 39, 75, 85, 88. 125 within the industrial community, in terms of organizational structure and resources. Particularly since many of them are recent additions managed by foreign firms, internal organization involves formal lines of communication and elaborate skill and organizational categories. Occupying a particularly vulnerable position in the community, these plants would be expected to Offer relatively substantial employee bene- fits, formal training programs, and Opportunity for upward mobility. Certainly some prestige is derived from employment in large, modern plants in a rapidly expanding sector of the economy. But wage levels are an additional index of differential status in the industrial labor force. Wage differentials are also important when assessing the supply of workers to different segments of the industrial sector. Changes in the average wage of several segments are shown in Figure 6. The general upward trend for all industries listed reflects the high level of inflation in Argentina since 1946. The vehicle and machinery branch has always reflected a somewhat higher level of average annual earnings. Construction has clearly fallen behind and there is still about a twenty per cent differential between foods and beverages, and vehicles and machinery. The general trend toward higher wage levels in vehicle manufac- ture shown in Figure 6 is supported by the researcher's impressions during the fieldwork, by workers' comments during interviews, and by other statistical data. Residents Of Cordoba equate employment with IKA with relatively high levels of pay. The workers themselves fre- quently referred to the public image of high wages when asked how their friends and family rate their occupation. WOrkers also recognize the relatively high wage rate, and frequently work overtime during peak 126 Average Annual Wage (pesos) 28,000- Vehicles and machinery '—'--'-- Construction «Veh. 26,000- """""‘— Food and beverages Province--total industrial sector 24,000- 8 Food 22,000- 20,000- .13‘ ,// 18,000- ->/ 16,000- f>/ *// I . Const. 14,000- 2" / 0 +1! .” 12,000- I, / / 10,000- 500- 1935 1946 1954 1958 1958 [City only] Figure 6. Average annual wage, industrial sector and selected industries, Cordoba city and province, 1914-1958. Calculated from: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones, Industrias de la Republica Argentina yfde la Provincia de Cordoba 1935-1958 (Cordoba: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones), pp. 13, 39, 75, 85, 88. 127 production periods, adding substantially to take-home pay. National data on the average monthly earnings of wage earners in different branches of industry show, from 1960 to 1963, wages for workers in machinery and tranSportation equipment as consistently above the aver- age for both durable goods manufacturers, and all industrial groups.257 Unfortunately, Argentine government classifications by occupational group concentrate on occupations that do not typify large-scale industry, such as blacksmith, baker, mason, and tailor. The closest category approaching an occupation found in the automobile industry is that of lathe operator. For 1964 and 1965, unskilled lathe operators had the highest wage rates of all occupational groups listed. These industry- wide wage rates for lathe operators, moreover, are somewhat pplpp base rates specified in IKA's union contract. Base rates for unskilled pro- duction workers at IKA were 34.3 per cent higher than for the national sample of unskilled lathe Operators. For skilled lathe operators, the differential was 30.3 per cent.258 On the basis of somewhat spotty data, we have tried to show that workers in the motor vehicle industry received relatively high pay. These differentials appear to have increased somewhat during the past several years, and thus provide additional incentive for high worker adaptation to this type of indus- trial employment. Our fourth index measures the degree of industrial concentration in the city of Cordoba. We are interested in the extent to which the 257U.S., Bureau of Labor Statistics, Department of Labor, Labor Developments Abroad, July, 1964, p. 23. 2531616., May, 1966, p. 2. 128 developments described above reflect conditions in the city of Cordoba rather than the province. The dynamic changes in the industrial labor market may be only typical of current developments in the city of Cordoba. Figure 7 shows that between 1954 and 1958 industrial employment in the province grew only slightly, while that within the city increased by about 45 per cent. As provincial data include data for the city, Figure 7 reflects a large-scale concentration of industrial activity in the city. Further, it is possible that many workers, previously in marginal segments of the industrial sector, migrated to Cordoba and entered industrial employment. Other data show that industrial employment has always involved somewhat better-paying, larger industries in the city of Cordoba, and that this relative advantage has increased in recent years. In terms of total population, the city of Cordoba contained only 18 per cent of the total population of the province in 1914. By 1947 it had increased to 26 per cent, and as of 1960 more than a third of the population in the province lived in the city of Cordoba. In 1958, 56 per cent of the total employment in the industrial sector was in the city of Cordoba, up from 32 per cent in 1946 and 42 per cent in 1954. Fully 78 per cent of the vehicle and machinery branch employment was in the city of Cordoba in 1958. These data further substantiate our hypothesis that industrial develOpment has occurred primarily in the city of Cordoba. We can begin to understand the large-scale migration to Cordoba that has taken place, and we see that the regional, rather than local industrial labor market, has developed in part because of this differential development. 129 Personnel Employed 65,000- Province -—-—--City 60,000— 55,000- 50,000- 45,000- 40,000- 35,000- 30,000- 25,000- 20,000- 15,000- 10,000- 1914a 1935b 1946b 1954b 1958b Figure 7. Personnel employed, industrial sector, Cordoba province and city, 1914-1958. 8Calculated from: Direccion Nacional del Servicio Estadistico, Tercer Censo Nacional, 1914 (Buenos Aires: Direccion Nacional del Servicio Estadistico), Tomo VII, Poblacion de la Provincia de Cordoba de 14 y mas anos, clasificada por rama de actividad, p. 349. bCalculated from: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones, Industrias de Republica Argentina y de la Provincia de Cordoba 1935-1958 (Cordoba: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones), pp. 11, 13, 67. 130 Within the industrial sector, the branch that includes motor vehicle manufacture has enjoyed more rapid growth, higher wages, a higher average number of employees per establishment, and has concentrated in the city of Cordoba. Our major point is that these labor market and communal factors contribute to an expected high level of worker adapta- tion within the industrial sector generally, and within the motor vehicle industry in particular. In the next section we deal with the occupational setting of the Argentine study--the Planta Santa Isabel of Industrias Kaiser Argentina. Industrias Kaiser Argentina In preceding sections we have described Argentina national and community settings for the study. We now consider the history and cur— rent operations of the automobile plant studied. We expect this plant to differ significantly from other factories within the local industrial setting. But, as indicated previously, by selecting this type of indus- try, we have hopefully managed to control for technological and organi- zational work environment across cultural boundaries. In 1954, General Juan D. Peron offered Argentine citizenship to Henry J. Kaiser.259 Though he did not accept, in some ways Kaiser has become one of Argentina's "first citizens" through his contribution to Argentine industrial development. Only a little more than a decade 259A description of the initial negotiations between Kaiser and Peron appears in a casebook of international business management (John S. Ewing and Frank Meissner, International Business Management: Readingg and Cases [Belmont, California: Wadsworth Publishing Company, 1964]). The description loses none of the flavor: Kaiser is rushing back and forth between Argentina and the United States, and his Argentine hosts urge him to "stay a little longer and relax" in Argentina. I doubt that he ever did. 131 later, Industrias Kaiser Argentina (IKA) had produced nearly 850,000 cars and utility vehicles.260 Relying totally on imported vehicles, Argentina had only one automobile for every 43 inhabitants in 1954. Sixty per cent of these were over ten years old. In fact, Argentina counted nearly twice as many vehicles per capita in 1930 (one for every 27 inhabitants) as in 1954. National manufacture could thus supply a scarce commodity, con- tribute to industrial development, and save needed foreign exchange. From the first, Cordoba was considered a likely site. Peron was thinking Of the machine and no doubt human resources of the state-owned aircraft plant there. Kaiser initially thought that this plant might be utilized for the manufacture of automobiles. To quote Kaiser, I am satisfied that President Peron, when he sent us to Cordoba suddenly with the Air Minister, had in mind some of the 200 buildings there, together with some $200,000,000 worth of good equipment, would be turned over to our operations.261 This did not materialize, and in some ways this fact has benefitted Cordoba and IKA in particular, as this state-owned plant continues to serve as a major source of skilled and semi-skilled industrial workers.262 The agreement signed in January of 1955 represented an initial investment of twenty million dollars; tools and equipment from Kaiser's operation 26oIndustrias Kaiser Argentina, IKA 10 Anos: 1955-1965 (Buenos Aires: Industrias Kaiser Argentina, 1965), appendix. 261Ewing and Meissner, Op. cit., p. 507. 262Industrias Kaiser Argentina did not "raid" the state-owned plant for workers, and there was an informal agreement that IKA would take steps to insure that this would not happen. The government plant continues to supply IKA with workers, however, as many young men go through the government technical training program of the plant, and later leave in search of more remunerative industrial employment. 132 in the United States constituted about one-third, machinery from the state-owned plant represented an additional twenty per cent, and the remainder came from a development loan from the Banco Industrial de la Republica Argentina. In April, 1955, only one month after plant con- struction had begun in vacant fields about five miles from the center of Cordoba, the first public stock, worth about ten million dollars, was 263 Thirteen months after plant issued. All was sold within 24 hours. construction had begun, the first Jeep was produced, and by the end Of that year (1956) 2,400 vehicles bore the mark "Industria Argentina." IKA has expanded along three dimensions: number of personnel and quantity of production, diversification, and training and service activities. Table 6 shows the rapid expansion of personnel and vehicle production over the last decade. But what also must be noted is the beginning of substantial fluctuations in the blue-collar force beginning in 1963. IKA's period of dynamic growth was between 1956 and 1962. We will deal in greater detail with the causes of these fluctuations in our later discussions of current conditions. What is also important is the continual increase in total production, accomplished with less dramatic increases in personnel. Though most certainly relying on very gross figures, one-fifth fewer blue-collar workers produced nineteen per cent more vehicles in 1963 than in 1961. This is due in part, perhaps, to use of more automated equipment, although automation is not widespread in the Cordoba plant. It probably results, as well, from a more inten- sive use of a smaller total labor force. It is perhaps better for the company to employ fewer workers who work many "horas extras" during peak 263Ibid., p. 169. 133 .mawucowu< aw mcficcwmon ooafim moHoano> ooo.oo~ mo Hmuou o ooosvoum on: oz he .msna .oumo Ou oooaooua moHow£o> mo Morena Hmuou who mouswwm .hummuo>wccm no:Ou m.OHnom coHuoso noun no :mmeEOOmH: uoflma .omoumcH .mouswwm Hmsccm o>ww uoa oo :OHuoaooua co wumo oHanwm>oz ooo.oo~ ow om one.o mmm.m moms Nona .Hnnee ooo.omH on om Hmm.o mme.w menu Home .nnoonooe ooo.ooH an as neo.m oom.o Home - - om ON Auo.m oon.n coon ones .nson ooo.om mm AH mno.m NNH.o omen - - mm mu sow.N nme.m wmos “was .pooEooeom ooo.oH mm NH one.u HoH.m anon omos .nooaoooo ooe.~ mm NNE emo «Ho.~ omofl - - good - om mNe mmou Anofioneop any Ago nonunxm-e86m\-op Asw.ooflusxm HoaaOmuom moon :mxumecmA: Honc0muom umfiaoonosam umHHOUuosam HocGOmuom “mow «coauosooum mo cowusnwuumwn HmuOH HmuoH momfinmmmH .wcflucowp< womfimx mmfluumSoCH mo :oHuonooum magnoEOusm was oouom uonmq .o oHan 134 periods, than to be forced into massive lay-Offs when demand declines. As of 1964, the percentage of imported parts had dropped to ten per cent, and for some vehicles less than three per cent were imported.264 Three parallel final assembly lines were producing several different vehicles: the large Jeep station wagon or pick-up, the small Jeep, "Ramblers," under an agreement with American Motors, and several models of Renaults, under arrangement with the French parent company. Retail prices were about twice those in the United States, due to heavy taxes on new vehicles. IKA, like automobile plants everywhere, relies on a large number of suppliers. But manufacturing operations have also expanded through additional functions performed by IKA, or by a corporate subsidiary. Transmissions were first produced in 1957, and in 1963 a separate plant, operated by a subsidiary, was building transmissions, gears, and axles. In 1959 a forge was completed. And the tool and die plant was expanded in 1965. What is notable is that IKA has, with this expansion, become a supplier for other automobile manufacturers. Diversification has generally involved specialization and large-scale production of parts for Ford, General Motors, and the Argentine licensee of Chrysler. IKA has taken on a substantial part of the technical training of its workers. As early as 1957 a special training course was held for mechanics working for dealers. In 1959, a special department of train- ing (cppacitacion) was established to instruct existing workers in elements of tool and die making. This was a type of intensive short- course, but, as such, provided opportunities for substantial upward 2641pm., p. 103. 135 mobility for some workers. In 1962, the IKA Instituto Tecnico was formed. Operating as a certified technical high school, it trains technicians and tool makers while providing a standard high school education. The total course lasts about three years, and upon gradu- ation, many have entered employment with IKA in the tool and die plant.265 Finally, a school for supervisors has been Operated in conjunction with the technical institute. Thus far, we have traced developments in company organization and activities.266 But the changes noted have important implications for workers employed by IKA, and for others in the Cordoba labor market. Development can be considered with regard to its impact on workers in terms of three major aspects--recruitment, training, and mobility. The Cordoba plant was built by a branch of the Kaiser Corpora- tion. Many workers who began on the construction of the plant stayed to 265Our sample excluded workers with less than one year of seniority, and consequently, few interviewees were graduates of the technical institute. However, a small sample of recent graduates was interviewed as a part of the pre-test for this study. These young men, well trained and ambitious, aspired to further upward mobility, typi- cally into the engineering professions. Moreover, several of their classmates had emigrated to Canada, and had found employment as skilled workers in an aircraft plant. As a friend of one of the emigrees put it, "They miss the Argentine food a little, but they make very good money, they can buy cars, etc. . . ." 266Industrias Kaiser Argentina is also heavily involved in the sponsorship of local and national cultural programs. An outstanding example is the Bienal Americana de Arte, an exhibition held in Cordoba which receives entries from all over Latin America. They are also involved in a program to train and employ the blind in various indus- trial occupations. 136 become production workers.267 As one of the first of the new major industrial plants in Cordoba, one can imagine that many workers attempted 268 a few weeks after to gain employment. According to company reports, construction began, more than 7,000 persons had applied for employment at the new plant. Except for those from the state-owned plant, few would have had experience in large industrial Operations. Many, however, had worked in small machine or repair shops, railroad workshops, and in small industrial operations. Initially, two types of workers were recruited. Obviously skilled workers were needed, and they were in short supply. A number did come from the state-owned plant, and others had completed the tech- nical school there, but were employed in small factories and shops in Cordoba. Unskilled and semi-skilled workers, on the other hand, were assigned to production jobs that could be quickly learned. In some ways, IKA tended to hire young workers without industrial experience to fill these production positions, instead of utilizing older somewhat more experienced workers. Many had worked in the service sector, some in quite marginal occupations, such as waiters, clerks, and chauffeurs. Though these workers often had no industrial experience, the automobile factory did, and still does, offer high paying, relatively secure employment. 267A similar pattern of recruitment occurred in a mining Opera- tion on the coast of Peru. WOrk on the construction project may thus serve as a type of pre-industrial training, especially for unskilled workers. Further, from the point of view Of the employer, this provides a type of probationary period during which they can observe the working habits of potential permanent employees. 268Ewing and Meissner, op. cit., p. 537. 137 Though many had no prior industrial experience, recruitment was seldom from the agricultural sector. Those with rural-like experience, however, came from the small towns surrounding the city. In particular, one small town about fifteen miles from the plant contributed many workers. Many Argentine and American executives settled in this commun- ity, and during the early years, workers called at the homes of IKA executives in search of employment in the plant. Recruitment of skilled workers has always been a problem. Diversification has no doubt increased the absolute number of skilled workers needed, and Table 6 shows that skilled workers, as a percentage of the total blue-collar force, have increased somewhat over the last eight years. But the high technical demands of skilled positions at IKA mean that many workers, though considered "skilled" by societal criteria, are actually not able to perform adequately without additional training. Further, attempts to hire skilled industrial workers from other indus- trial centers, principally Buenos Aires and Rosario, have met with little success, in part because of the high cost of moving, and the current housing shortage in Cordoba. Given increasing opportunities for skilled workers generally, little would be gained by moving to Cordoba. Where workers do move to Cordoba from other industrialized areas, relatives in Cordoba and health-related needs for a dry climate are primary motives. The recruitment patterns described mean several things to the workers. Expansion of the labor force can mean increased opportunity for those already employed. Expansion, too, increases the probability that an applicant will be hired, though competition for positions is keen. High technical requirements may cause some disappointment for workers who consider themselves skilled, but who are unable to qualify 138 for a skilled position in the plant. Prior industrial experience means little unless it was at a relatively high level of skill. Given the general inexperience in large organizations, new workers are probably placed in low positions, and gradually move up into positions requiring generalized industrial experience. As the rate of expansion decreases, positions in IKA may be more difficult to obtain. Initially, though it is difficult to know exactly how many applicants were on file, if we take the earlier estimate of "about 7,000," the hiring of over 2,000 workers in 1956 would represent a hiring rate of 28.8 per cent. Data for 1964 indicate that 22 per cent of over 10,000 applicants were hired, and comparable data for the first third of 1965 indicate that the hiring rate had dropped to 13.6 per cent. Thus, in spite of the expansion of the industrial sector, the supply of applicants remains high. This, of course, permits a high level of selec- tivity on the part of the company, and no doubt contributes to the fact that, as will be shown later, IKA workers differ from the rest of the labor force in several ways. Training refers both to general industrial experience, and to participation in the formal training programs described above. Addi- tional schooling, in the form of company training, is one of the most rapid means of gaining new skills, and many Argentine workers have received training which would be available only to young apprentices in the United States. Any formal technical training occupies relatively high status in contemporary Argentina, and many workers interviewed were attempting to gain additional skills by attending night school. With high demand for skilled workers, IKA has attempted several types of short-course training. Most recent was an experimental program in which a 139 about twenty men were taken from machine production, and enrolled in a special course in the tool and die department. These programs will no doubt continue as long as the shortage of skilled workers persists. This internal demand also affects the value of general industrial experience or informal training. Vacancies in factory departments are posted regu- larly. Workers can take examinations for these positions, and many who pass move up the skill hierarchy. Further, some totally unskilled workers (peones), supplying others with material, learn the operation of a machine by observation, and later qualify for work on the machine. An informal system operates in which an unskilled worker more or less assigns himself to a particular machine, and thus learns its operation. Training also has value outside of the plant. Many workers learn to operate machines used in other factories and small machine shops. They thus consider their work experience in the automobile plant as a chance to learn a "skill" which will help them obtain employment elsewhere if they desire a change. Jobs which are considered unskilled within the plant may be assigned relatively high status in a smaller, less modern plant.269 Further, formal training from IKA is considered a symbol of advanced technical instruction. Thus, both formal and informal training experiences raise the worker's market value, and, we are arguing, serve to increase his adaptation to the industrial sector. 269The process is reversed for workers entering the automobile .plant from smaller manufacturing firms. In one supplying factory, for example, "skilled" workers were those operating electrical welding equip- ment; unskilled workers in the plant were engaged in primarily manual operations. Yet, in the automobile plant, welders in production depart- ments would be considered semi-skilled at best. 140 For many, the mere fact of working at IKA means substantial upward occupational mobility. The freshly showered workers, with white shirts and suit coats, arriving in downtown Cordoba after a day's work are Cordoba's industrial elite. Workers often identify themselves as an "empleado g3 TEA," an employee of IKA, rather than in terms of a given task ("line worker"), or as a worker or "obrero." Though sharing occupa- tional titles with others in the industrial labor market, lathe operators or tool and die makers at IKA will have probably worked with more advanced machinery in a considerably more modern setting. And in addi- tion to upward mobility within the society, many have moved upward within the plant. We have described some of the means whereby workers achieve intra—plant upward mobility. On the other hand, many workers initially experienced downward mobility upon entering the plant. Skilled workers were sometimes assigned semi-skilled jobs, and later, after some prac- tice and company opportunity to assess the level of competence, were moved into skilled positions. Many industries in advanced industrial societies share a number of the characteristics we have discussed. Some communities, as well, may have rapidly expanding industrial labor markets. But these condi- tions are more likely to occur in early-industrial societies. The auto- mobile industry in advanced industrial societies offers little opportun- ity for intra-plant upward mobility, and employment in this industry is not considered as high status industrial employment. In the following section we examine the national, local, and occupational setting of the American segment of the study. At the close of this chapter we will briefly sketch conditions at the time of the field work. 141 United States, Lansing, and Oldsmobile In this section we are concerned with some features of the United States, the industrial development and present condition of Lansing, and some historical and current information about Oldsmobile. It is impor- tant to note that our analysis of the United States utilizes 1962, the date of the field work in Lansing, as the end point of the analysis. We will present less detailed information than in the section on Argentina, Cordoba, and IKA, and will attempt to contrast the two settings where possible. The United States By any index, the United States is one of the world's most industrial nations. The development of the United States follows the sector model, and, as shown in Table 5, from a labor force with nearly sixty per cent in agriculture in 1860, a century later nearly sixty per cent were employed in the industrial sector. Greatest recent increases were in the service sector. And the less than seven per cent remaining in agriculture were capable of producing food surpluses far in excess of national demand. The dramatic industrialization of the country, particularly in the East, occurred during the first half of the nineteenth century. Mass-production industries, transforming the mid-West, entered the American scene shortly after the beginning of the twentieth century. The United States, then, shifted into large-scale industrial manufactur- ing at least fifty years before Argentina. American development was more continuous and less limited geographically than in Argentina. Small- town machine shops and cottage industries grew into large factories, and 142 the towns grew with them. There is nothing comparable to Buenos Aires in the United States. Though some areas, like Detroit, have become industry-specific, what is more remarkable is the persistent geographi- cal dispersion of industry. In part, this was made possible by a fairly efficient system of transport. American industrial development relied less on imported technology and equipment, and its industrial technology has evolved over more than a century. In contrast, large-scale indus- trial technology in Argentina has been "imported," and this has meant a discontinuous path of development, with explosive expansion of large- scale industry since 1950. The two most marked changes in the American labor force since 1900 are the increase in the proportion of white-collar workers and the decrease in farm workers. In terms of the proportion of the total male labor force, the major increase in industrial workers occurred prior to 1920.270 With a massive influx of women into offices, men in white-collar employment tend increasingly to be at the executive level. This "break" in the hierarchy, limiting blue-collar to white- collar mobility, occurs in large part because of higher educational requirements for entry into white-collar positions. Since World War II, automation has altered many aspects of the industrial sector. Though debate continues over the absolute number of people displaced by automated production machinery, it is clear that automation has spawned technological work environments in which workers monitor highly sophisticated equipment rather than manually producing, 270Thomas C. Fichtlander, "The American Labor Force," Man, WOrk, and Society, ed. Sigmund Nosow and William H. Form (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1962), pp. 97-111. 143 or operating production machinery. Though the printer and the chemical continuous-process operator described by Blauner271 may both be skilled workers, they stand at opposite poles in terms of direct worker involve- ment in the production process. In addition to changes wrought by automation, industrial workers increasingly concentrate in large plants, and individual plants are likely to be divisions of large industrial corporations. Data on the average number of employees per establishment, for 1955,272 show that even in the printing industry, shops average 25 employees. For the city of Cordoba, average size of establishment in this industry was 3.19 in 1958. In America, automobile factories reflect the highest average number of employees--334. Comparable data show, for vehicles (and machinery) in Cordoba, an average of 18.1 employees per establishment, significantly also the highest for all the industrial sector. Similar changes have occurred in the agricultural and service sectors in the United States. In productive farming areas, most farms have large capital investments. Though farms may be run by only a few men, American agriculture is increasingly "industrialized farming." And the small businessman is getting bigger. Chain stores have captured many markets previously the domain of small business. Where small businesses do prosper, they are often franchised operations requiring substantial initial investments. 271Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom: The Factory Wbrker and His Industry (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1964). 2721bid., p. 193. 144 These structural changes, also conditioned by general economic conditions, have important implications for the labor force. Though increasing ten per cent between 1947 and 1957, employment in manufactur- ing has declined by 2.5 per cent between 1957 and 1962. In absolute terms, there were nearly half a million less positions in manufacturing 73 in 1962 than in 1957.2 "The big relative gains in employment have been in the service industries and in government."274 But these gains imply increased opportunity for new, more educated workers, rather than for workers already in the labor market. And, as indicated previously, increases in the service sector do not necessarily mean increased oppor- tunity for the small businessman. National figures for 1963, immediately following the field work for the American segment of this study showed higher than average unemployment for unskilled laborers, craftsmen, foremen, and operatives.275 Gordon276 sums up the situation, Technological change has been eliminating unskilled and semi-skilled and even skilled jobs in manufacturing, mining, transportation, and the utilities. Yet in most of these sectors, demand has not been expanding rapidly enough to offset the job displacements that have resulted from the particular forms that increased productivity have taken. And the men displaced from unskilled and semiskilled types of manual work usually do not have the training--and often not even the minimum basic educa- tion--needed for the white-collar and technical jobs that are being created. 273Robert A. Gordon, "Twenty Years of Economic and Industrial Change," Proceedings of a Conference on Space, Science and Urban Life, published by National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Washington, D.C., 1963, p. 57. 2741b1d. 2751bid., p. 59. 276Ibid., p. 60. 145 Both in terms of occupational opportunity and future development, America is clearly a post-industrial society. Until the turn of the century it might have been characterized as an early-industrial society. This would have been particularly true for the motor vehicle and related industries. Automation cut short the period of sustained growth in employment in the industrial sector. America is still an industrial society in many respects. But its labor force is less and less dominated by industrial workers. Though we have pointed to important differences, contemporary Argentina reflects many characteristics of America between 1890 and 1920, or the Depression. Given this perspective, it is easy to see why Argentina may be labeled an early-industrial society in contrast to many of its pre-industrial Latin American neighbors. In 1900, lumbering was the major industry in the state of Michigan. Most economic activity was directed to the exploitation of the vast forests blanketing the state. But the state's greatest resource came to be the inventiveness of the founders of the automobile industry. Only 10 years later, the industrial base of the state had undergone a major transformation. To quote the 1910 U.S. Census, The manufacture of automobiles in Michigan on any considerable scale commenced in Detroit less than a decade ago. . . . The industry developed rapidly, and by 1904 Michigan had become the leading state in the manufacture of automobiles, which position it held in 1909.277 The industrial sector enjoyed rapid growth, but the Depression hit first, and hardest, at the industrial base of the state. In Lansing, the Depression marked the first of the problems which were to plague 277U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States: 1910. Population, II, p. 672. 146 the factory founded by R. E. Olds. Post-Depression recovery was spurred by gearing existing industries to war production. And the post-war economy boomed as consumers replaced worn automobiles, and manufacturers renewed heavy industrial equipment. But the industrial sector remained vulnerable to national economic conditions, and the economic recession which followed the Korean war had disproportionately negative effects on Michigan's economy. In the five years preceding the field work for this study, total employment in manufacturing industries in the state dropped by one-fifth, and that in the manufacture of motor vehicles and equipment fell by over one-third.278 Michigan remains an industrial state, with over a third of its labor force in manufacturing, compared with a little over one-quarter for the nation. Most of those employed in manufacturing are found in rela- tively high wage-paying industries such as motor vehicles, primary and fabricated metals, machinery, and chemicals, with the consequence that, according to 1956-58 data, production workers in manufacturing enjoyed the highest weekly earnings in the region, and in the nation.279 In the following analysis of Lansing, we will, at times, utilize additional data for the state of Michigan. 278Michigan Employment Security Commission, Michigan Labor Market Letter, March, 1962, p. 15. 279Daniel H. Kruger, "The Labor Factor in Plant Location in Michigan," The Michigan Economy: Its Potentials and Its Problems, ed. William Haber, Eugene C. McKean and Harold C. Taylor (Kalamazoo: The W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research, 1959), p. 259. 147 General Features of the City of Lansing Regardless of the mode of transport, newcomers to Lansing have little doubt that they have entered the city which is the home of Oldsmobile. A new Oldsmobile is displayed in the airport terminal lobby, and signs announcing plant tours appear along all major high- ways. Lansing is also the home of Michigan State University, though the university is located in a conjoining suburb, and it is the capital of the state of Michigan. The ecological pattern of the city is almost the exact opposite to that of Cordoba. The relative placement of residences, offices, and industries reflects the historical development of the two communities. The main Oldsmobile plant is located within five blocks of the central business district. Two other major plants are located within a fifteen block radius of the city center. Though some fine homes are, incredibly, located directly opposite the Oldsmobile plant across the river, many industrial executives live in East Lansing, and other suburban communities. A small monument just two blocks from the main business district marks the location of the shop in which Ransom E. Olds built his first car. In 1893, the streets of Lansing served as his testing ground. Today, the motor vehicle industry is one of the three major employers in this city of 115,000, surpassing both the state government and the university in terms of total employment. Industrial Development of Lansing Lansing's development prior to the turn of the century rested on the surrounding farm and lumber economy. Yet even preceding the crash 148 of 1893, the town of less than 10,000 included 156 "manufacturing firms" in 1860 and 215 such operations in 1890.280 One of these was the P. F. Olds and Son engine plant, engaged in the manufacture of steam engines. Ransom E. Olds began trying to adapt one of his father's steam engines to a carriage, but soon moved his experimenting to the use of gasoline engines. One vehicle, built in 1892, was sold to a British patent medicine firm for publicity use in India. The Olds Motor Vehicle Company was founded in August, 1897. Some manufacturing operations were to be carried out in the engine works of Olds' father. Striking workers and organizational problems plagued the engine plant, but these were later resolved. The motor vehicle company, however, was not achieving much success, and Olds began to look outside of the Lansing area for additional financial support. A new company was soon founded, and was to be located in Detroit. A total of 150 men began working in the new plant in August, 1899, with a doubling of the labor force within six months. Only several years later the plant was struck by fire. The decision to return to Lansing rested, according to some, on 281 A machinists' strike in 1901 had current labor problems in Detroit. sent 500 men marching on the Detroit plant. But Lansing businessmen were also interested in bringing the industry back to Lansing. 280Birt Darling, City in the Forest: The Story of Lansing (New York: Stratford House, 1950), p. 70. 281Glenn A. Niemeyer, The Automotive Career of Ransom E. Olds (East Lansing, Michigan: Bureau of Business and Economic Research, Graduate School of Business Administration, Michigan State University, 1963), p. 44. 149 The new Lansing plant was quickly constructed. A lack of skilled labor was overcome by importing workers, and housing them temporarily in bunkhouses on the state fairgrounds. At the start, 400 men were to be employed, and later the labor force was to be increased to over 1200. In 1903, Olds produced 4000 automobiles and Lansing was indeed the center of the nation's infant automobile industry. R. E. Olds left the Olds Motor Works shortly thereafter, and in 1908 this plant became a division of General Motors. In 1905, Olds was called upon to start another automobile company, to be named the "REO Car Company." A new building was con- structed and soon, "About 350 men were employed and the number was "282 The combination of the increased every day by eight to ten workers. return of the original plant and the creation of a new company all in a period of less than a decade resulted in a rapid increase in employ- ment opportunities in Lansing. The population of the community, as well, nearly doubled between 1900 and 1910. Yet, as often occurs in contem- porary developing countries, some skilled workers were "imported” from other areas. Further, about this time two other industries had begun in Lansing; a plant manufacturing rubber tires, and the Auto Body Company, producing automobile and carriage bodies.283 282Ibid., p. 91. 283Ibid., p. 42. Certainly these supporting industries were an additional inducement for returning to Lansing, as Niemeyer (p. 43) points out. This contrasts with the situation in Argentina, where, with the increase in indigenous production, supporting industries were started after the installation of the automobile plant. A critical fac- tor is the transportability of modern technology, allowing Kaiser to begin assembling automobiles only thirteen months after plant construc- tion began (Industrias Kaiser Argentina, op. cit.). 150 The industrial sector flourished during the first two decades of the twentieth century. R. E. Olds founded several other manufacturing firms to supply the automobile plant. Other industries also grew rapidly. The REO Car Company began an extensive apprenticeship school, and its employees' club, with a new clubhouse adjacent to the plant, became the social and entertainment center of Lansing. Lansing's popu- lation again nearly doubled between 1910 and 1920, but by the mid-1920's some of the bloom had begun to fade. Our discussion of the Argentine plant noted that rapid growth between 1955 and 1962 had begun to slow its pace, and the labor force had become somewhat stabilized, though the industrial sector in the city continued to expand. The period from beginning until a type of "unstable stability" lasted, then, only about seven years in Argentina. In the United States, a similar period lasted nearly twenty years. Migration to the industrial centers of Argentina since the early 1950's parallels a somewhat similar movement in the American mid-west nearly half a century before. And, as in Argentina, the new industries paid very well. For men with an eye to independent business, such high wages [in the automobile industry] offered the possi- bility of a quick accumulation of the necessary capital. When, under the impact of World War I, wages in other automobile plants became equal to those paid by Ford, the industry as a whole acquired a reputation for high wages. . . . Swarms of hopeful workers came from all directions--from the South, from the farms of the Mid- west and southern Ontario, from the cut-over timber areas and the depleted mining country of northern Michigan. Nearly one-fifth of the American automobile workers in our sample were 284Ely Chinoy, Automobile WOrkers and the American Dream (Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1955), p. 15. 151 in the labor market prior to the half in the rapid growth which occurred after 1920. Until 1921, when both production and employment decreased, the [automobile] industry had never failed to increase its output and work force in every year of its existence, but in the following two decades both production and employment followed an erratic course with serious consequences for opportunities for individual advancement.285 Not only did opportunities to start small factories decline, but large annual variations in total employment were the first signs of the instab- ility that continues to characterize blue-collar employment in the automobile industry. Intra—plant opportunities for advancement into skilled and foreman ranks were no doubt reduced by employment variations and a reduced rate of expansion in the industry. Escape from the indus- trial sector was limited by the large capital requirements of business or farming. It seems clear that the automobile worker clinging to the American dream of small business must look forward to some totally new field unrelated to the automobile industry or must confine himself to the modest dimensions of a filling station or repair shop. 86 Though World War II and the defense industry meant uninterrupted employment, and some opportunities for upward mobility within the auto- mobile industry, following the war the Oldsmobile plant returned to its pattern of fluctuating employment. Lansing remains a city in which both industry and services are major employers. Yet this does not reduce the one-industry character of the industrial sector. Lansing's industrial sector does not reflect 2851bid., p. 16. 286Ibid., p. 17. 152 diversity in terms of employment opportunities.' Most factories are large and are a part of the motor vehicle manufacturing complex. Move- ment out of the industrial sector, therefore, is difficult, as few workers can aspire to positions in government or other well-paying segments of the service sector. Contemporary Development in Lansing As was the case with Cordoba, analysis of local labor market conditions focusses on the structure and changes during the period in which members of the study population were in the labor market. For the American case, this period extends farther back in time, as American workers are generally older than their Argentine counterparts. Thus, though the total time Span may be longer in the American case, there has actually been.lg§§ change in the industrial sector. In many ways, the motor vehicle industry lg the "traditional" industry in the Lansing area, and as such occupies a quite different place in the community. We will use the same four indices applied earlier to Cordoba. The comparative nature of the analysis is limited by several factors. First, prior to 1920 Lansing did not have sufficient population to justify detailed census analysis. And even in 1920, automobile manufac- turing was included in the general "all other industries" category! Secondly, the automobile industry has dominated the industrial sector in Lansing; thus, intra-sector comparisons are very difficult. Finally, our analysis is concerned with the city of Lansing. Some industrial development has occurred in the surrounding country, and in a tri-county area making up the Lansing Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area. But for historical comparability, we have decided to deal only with the 153 city of Lansing. Though the four indices are somewhat comparable, the implications of the labor force conditions reflected by the indices differ cross— nationally. As with the Argentine case, the implications of the indices for worker adaptation are based more on speculation than on empirical data. Remembering that intra—sector comparisons between different indus- tries are somewhat difficult in the American case, the four indices and their implications for occupational prestige and mobility are as follows: Index 1. Changes in number of establish- ments and total personnel em- ployed in different industries in industrial sector. 2. Change in the average number of personnel employed per indus- trial establishment in different industries within the sector. 3. Relative change in average wage in different industries in industrial sector. 4. Concentration of industrial establishments in urban center. Prestige and Mobility Opportunity would be greatest in expanding industry. Less selec- tive hiring in declining indus- tries, few opportunities, declin- ing prestige. Tend toward concentration in very large units in motor vehicle indus- try, large factory only possible situs in industrial sector. Wage level may be high in motor vehicle industry, but intra-plant differentials would be small. Implies employment based on mone- tary (instrumental) factors, and workers may leave factory in response to wage differentials. Newer industries tend to be located in non-urban areas. Declining oppor- tunities for industrial employment in the urban area. Implies that recruitment in plant may become more local, and low adaptation may result from a negative evaluation of both residential and industrial employ- ment factors. Figure 8 presents data for the industrial sector of the city of Lansing. Most remarkable is the decline in total employment in the motor 154 Male Population 35,000- - - - -- - Total industrial manufacturing - ————— Automobiles and auto equipment Total employed males 30,000- 25,000- 20,000- 15,000- .— "— - ...\ I" \ / \\ .\ I / ‘x I”’ ““ / \ ,2 “~ 10,000- \/ ‘ / ’\\b I . / \o ./ .‘.\. l ‘3 0’ \.\o ./ \.,.’ / 5,000- / / / / l / 1900a 1910a 1920b 1930C 1940d 1950e 1960f Figure 8. Industrial sector and total employment, males only, City of Lansing, 1900-1960. 155 3Calculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States: 1910 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. IX, Manufactures, p. 577. bCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census of the United States: 1919 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. IX, Manufactures, p. 712. cCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fifteenth Census of the United States: 1930 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. III, Composition and Characteristics, p. 1165. dCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. II, Characteristics of the Population, Part 3: Kansas- Michigan, p. 886. eCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population: 1950 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. II, Characteristics of the Population, Part 22: Michigan, pp. 22- 91. fCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of the Population: 1960 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. , General Social and Economic Characteristics, Part 24: Michigan, pp. 24-253. vehicle industry since 1930. Secondly, available data indicate that since about 1910, the manufacture of motor vehicles has employed about three-fourths of the industrial labor force in Lansing. Changes in total employment in industrial manufacturing parallel fluctuations in the motor vehicle industry. Further, there has not been a substantial increase in the total male employment in the city, except for the upswing following the close of World War II. Dramatic growth in Lansing's industrial labor force occurred in the first two decades of this century. During the period encompassing the lives of most of the workers in our sample, the industrial labor market has been relatively stagnant. The industrial sector as a whole would offer few of the opportunities that accompany rapid growth. Locally, there are few 156 industrial jobs outside of the automobile and related industries. Oldsmobile is the largest industrial employer in the city, and because of its size and type of work, it offers somewhat better employment, according to one study,287 than forges or other industrial plants in the area. But the general situation in Lansing contrasts strikingly with the rapid growth that has characterized Cordoba since the mid-1950's. And we would expect few Oldsmobile workers to enjoy the prestige and opportunity ascribed to their Argentine industrial counterparts. In 1900, the average size of industrial establishments in the city of Lansing was greater than the average size of establishments in vehicle and machinery manufacturing in Cordoba in 1958. Table 7 shows the rapid increase in the size of industrial establishments, especially prior to 1930. What is critical is that, after about 1920, industrial plants in Lansing increased in size, though total employment in the industrial sector did not expand, and, in fact, actually declined dur- ing some periods. What is involved, of course, is the disappearance of the small-scale industry, and the increasing concentration of manufactur- ing in very large units. Within the industrial sector, then, workers generally can only find employment in large factories, and, of course, few could hope to start their own manufacturing operation. To seek employment outside of a large factory nearly assumes leaving the indus- trial sector. The trend in Argentina is certainly in a similar direc- tion, but many small industrial establishments still exist in Cordoba, 287Paul Raymond Vaughn, "Evaluation of Local Plants as Places to Work by the Male Wage-Earners of a Middle-Sized Industrial Community" (unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of Sociology, Michigan State University, 1959). 157 Table 7. Average size of industrial establishment, city of Lansing, 1900-1960. Date Number of Total Wage- Average Establishments Earners Employed Size 18993 74 1,425 19.3 1904b 98 2,982 30.4 1909b 169 5,285 31.3 1914b 180 6,231 34.6 1919b 147 12,349 84.0 1925C 128 12,982 101.4 1935d 104 14,952 143.8 1939e 106 12,539 118.3 1947f 181 21,355 118.0 1954g 137 23,024 168.1 1958h 168 16,156 96.2 19631 170 18,309 107.7 aCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census of the United States: 1910 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. IX, Manufactures, p. 577. bCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Abstract of the Census of Manufactureg, 1919 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Print- ing Office, 1923), p. 309. cCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Biennial Census of Manufactures: 1925 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1928), p. 1460. dCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Biennial Census of Manufactures: 1937 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1939), Part 1, p. 1477. 6Calculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Sixteenth Census of the United States: 1940,yManufactures (washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1942), Vol. 111, Reports for States, p. 479. 158 fCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Manufac- tures: 1947 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1950), Vol. III, Statistics by States, p. 309. gCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Manufac- tures: 1954 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1957), Vol. III, Area Statistics, pp. 121-125. hCalculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Manufac- tures: 1958 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1961), Vol. III, Area Statistics, pp. 21-27. 1Calculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census of Manufac- tures: 1963 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966), Michigan, Area Statistics, pp. 23-28. offering some choice in occupational setting within the industrial sector. In terms of gross figures, automobile workers are among the best paid industrial employees. Data for the country in which Lansing is located, and information for the state of Michigan, show the average earnings of workers in the automobile industry to be above the average for most other industries. Yet employment in the automobile industry is relatively unstable. According to general United States data, unemploy- ment rates in the automobile industry were, on the average, nearly twice the average for all manufacturing industries, between 1958 and 1961.288 Within the plant, wage differentials are small, with few economic rewards attached to years of service. Thus wages may be a factor which encourage workers to remain in the plant, but, in part, this is a func- tion of the lack of industrial opportunities elsewhere. Wages are the primary benefit of employment in the automobile industry, as this indus- try offers fewer opportunities for advancement, and is characterized by 288Blauner, op. cit., p. 198. 159 generally unskilled, highly repetitive work. In Argentina, on the other hand, the relatively high wages paid by the automobile industry are buttressed by general prestige attached to the plant, opportunities for upward mobility, and fringe benefits found only in the automobile industry in Cordoba. The information presented in Figure 8 shows that since 1920 there has not been a dramatic increase in the industrial sector, or even in total male employment, except for the fluctuations during WOrld War II. Some plants have been built in the area surrounding Lansing, but these have generally been expansions of the traditional industries. As elsewhere in the United States, many new industries locate in rural areas surrounding large metropolitan complexes, and this concentration is particularly noticeable near Detroit, rather than in the Lansing area. In terms of industrial growth, then, Lansing and Cordoba stand at oppo- site poles, and within the two settings, as well, the automobile indus- try occupies a quite different position. In Cordoba it is the newest segment of the industrial sector; in Lansing it is perhaps the oldest. In Cordoba, the past decade has brought rapid growth in the city and in the industrial sector. The little growth that has occurred in Lansing has been primarily in the service sector, and has concentrated on increases in professionals and administrative personnel. Local Conditions at the Time of the Fieldwork We have discussed the historical antecedents of the current labor market conditions in the two field settings. If our general con- tention that labor market conditions have an impact on worker adaptation is valid, then it is also important to consider conditions when the _____‘£1 160 workers were actually interviewed. Fieldwork in Lansing was carried out between September and November of 1962, and actual interviewing on the Cordoba segment of the international study was completed between April and June of 1966. The year in which the American study was carried out was the end of a seven-year decline in blue-collar employment in the automobile industry in the state. Since 1956, unemployment in Michigan had been higher than the national average, in part due to the ". . . loss of defense jobs and large-scale plant closings and shutdowns in the auto- mobile industry."289 Employment in the motor vehicle industry in the Lansing area was stable throughout 1962, except for the August change- over involving a lay-off of nearly a third of the workers employed in this industry.290 Recovery was beginning, after several years of decline. Recovery was, however, in the initial stages, and did not substantially alter general conditions in this segment of the industrial sector during 1962. In spite of the improvement in conditions, total employment in the motor vehicle industry in the Lansing area increased by only one-half of one per cent during 1962.291 In Cordoba, the automobile industry was experiencing some prob- lems of a decline in sales, and nationally, there was some concern over increasing inventories of unsold cars. The tool and die department of the Cordoba plant, however, was operating at peak production. IKA also 289Michigan Employment Security Commission, Michigan's Labor Market, XVIII (January, 1963), p. 14. 290Michigan Employment Security Commission, Michigan's Labor Market, XVII (January-December, 1962). 291161d. 161 completed a merger with a smaller Argentine automobile manufacturer, and motor production facilities in Cordoba were undergoing expansion. Short- term production lay-offs in January drew union protest, and all workers in production departments were put on short work-weeks, rather than lay- ing off a segment of the labor force. Employment remained steady during most of the period of interviewing, but in the last week there was again talk of large-scale lay-offs. Inflation continued at a high rate in Argentina, and, though automobile workers were given automatic cost—of- living increases every three months, prices were very high. Thus, industrial growth had begun to slow its pace, though employment in the industrial sector remained strong. The instability in the automobile industry was seen as a temporary problem. And on June 28, 1966, a military dictatorship replaced the ineffective and somewhat unpopular elected government. CHAPTER V ANALYSIS OF INDEPENDENT AND CONTROL VARIABLES In previous chapters we reviewed a large number of studies which varied in terms of the independent and control variables used to under- stand worker adaptation. We also formulated three general hypotheses, each of which applied to a different set of independent or control variables. The three sets were: level of societal or communal develop- ment, demographic characteristics of workers, and technological work environment. In Chapter IV we discussed the societal and communal settings in both Argentina and the United States. In this chapter we look at the two samples in terms of demographic characteristics, and some aspects of the work environment. ~But, in addition, we wish to explore the interrelationship of the independent variables. First, the samples are described in terms of basic demographic characteristics. Then they are compared with each other, and, where possible, with the local population or labor force.‘ Finally, we consider the relationship between different demographic variables, and their relationship to technological work environment, or skill level. Demographic variables of greatest interest are those which predict or account for variations in worker adaptation. These "first order" variables include father's occupation, age, birthplace, education, occupational background, and seniority in the automobile plant. There 162 163 are, moreover, other independent variables which may be seen as elabora- tions of the variables listed above. These "second order" variables include OCCupation of respondent's grandfather, birthplace of father, age at entry into labor market, total number of occupations held, and geographical mobility. Though some of these variables will be included in the description of the samples, they serve primarily as supplements to the major independent variables. This chapter is organized into four major sections. The first section includes "background variables": age, education, place of birth, and type of birthplace. "Occupational socialization" variables are in the second section. They are age at first job, total unemployment, total number of different occupations held, and occupational background. Occupation of father and grandfather are also included in this section, as are the birthplace and union membership of the father of the respond- ent. Sections three and four focus on the worker's current social and occupational situation. Important variables include subjective social class identification, place of residence, total family income, marital status, and number of children. Occupational variables are skill level, seniority, and present functional classification in the plant. Within each section, we will focus on those variables which form the base of the analysis of the dependent variables in the following chapter. 164 Background Variables--Age, Birthplace, and Education 482 Moore's292 hypothesis that the historic age of an occupation is correlated with the mean age of its occupants is supported by our data; Argentine workers are considerably younger than the American workers. Data in Table 8 show that nearly all Argentine workers interviewed are under the age of forty, while more than one-half of the American sample is over forty. The youth of IKA's labor force may be explained by the greater ability of young people to abandon their jobs to enter the expanding automobile industry, and by management's preference for younger workers who have both greater physical stamina and fewer depen- dents. The latter is an important consideration in Argentina where workers are paid allowances for wife and children, and where company medical benefits cover family members. Consistent with these national differences is the fact that, within the local male labor force, Argentine automobile workers are younger and American automobile workers are significantly older. The age of Oldsmobile workers is reflected in the fact that nearly one-fifth of the sample is 55 years of age or over. In Argentina, many workers semi-retire from the labor force when they are about 50 years old. This is particularly true for workers who have substantial retirement benefits in strongly unionized industries and in government. Many of these 292Wilbert E. Moore, "Changes in Occupational Structures," Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Development, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966), p. 205. In» *5 165 .ommu¢N .ma .omwfizofiz .qm unmm .cowumasaom onu mo mowumwuouomumso .H .Ho> .Aoowmwo wawucaum unmeauo>ou .m.= u.o.n .=0uwcwnmm3v coma “cowumaamom mo msmaoo .m.D .momaou msu mo smousm .m.b "scum causadofimu .mmum HmowumHuMum smuwaomouuoa vumoamum magmas; .Ho>o was ma owm .cho monZn .momH .HHHQ< .N .02 ouomsu .AoHHouummoa mo HmGOwomz Onomaou .mmofiaocoom mmwoomau mo woufloomm "mnoouoov mnoouou mo omoswo ma do ooaoaomma % oonam munom muumooocm .mocowomwwumo>cH o momaou .mowumfiomumm ow Hmuocou cowououwo "Eon“ woumHaono .mnoonoo mo zufiu onu mo mouom gonna mo ho>uom mamaom .uo>o cam 0N own .monE o>wuom mHHmoflaocoomm Amsmv AmNNmAv sz Amawv Amaaav sz ooH ooH mHmuos ooH ooH mHmuOH ma 8 +om u 5 +00 mm mm mm-sq . H as am-om mm mm mouom w am @8108 mm mm mmuom Hm um mmuom No Noa mm- $00 xwm m~10N onEmm nmouom Honmq mm< mamamm mmouom Honda mw< wcflmomg onoouou .aowflzowz .waflmcmq mom .mcwuoowu¢ .mnoonoo .oopom Hoan HmooH ow mmflma mam mnmxuoB oHHnoEOqu mo mw< .w maan 166 workers engage in supplementary, part-time employment. This may further account for the relative youth of the Cordoba sample. For both samples there is a positive relationship between age and skill level, as shown in Table 9.293 The dramatic differences are due Table 9. Age according to skill level Skill Level Unskilled Semi-Skilled Skilled Totals _Agg IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA 01:5 IKA 0% Under 21 - 7% 1% 1% 2% - 1% 2% 21-30 68 29 59 17 38 9 60 19 31-40 23 33 32 30 51 21 31 29 41-50 8 15 8 20 9 25 8 19 51-60 1 13 - 20 - 34 1 21 61+ - 3 - 13 - 11 - 10 Totals 100 100 100 101 100 100 101 100 (N) (133) (69) (96) (132) (45) (47) (275) (248) IKA: X2 = 18.644; DF 2 6; p (.01; C = .321. (For calculation, the data were collapsed into four age cohorts: Under 25 years; 26—30; 31-35; over 35 years.) Olds: X2 = 35.322; DF = 8; p (,001; C = .434. (For calculation, the data were collapsed into five age cohorts: Under 25 years; 26-35; 36-45; 46-55; over 55 years.) 293Except where data appear in tables, chi-square values and levels of significance will not be given. Whenever two variables are "related," this implies that the level of significance is .05 or better. A "low" level of significance, or a "weak relationship" means that the relationship does reach the .10 level, but does not reach significance at the .05 level. A "trend" refers to a relationship significant at the .20 level. Generally, we rely on the .05 level of significance. Where variables are "not related" means that the relationship does not reach the .05 level, or that there is no special necessity for mentioning a weak relationship or a trend. 167 in part to the greater age spread in the American sample. Over four-tenths of the American skilled workers are over 50 years old; the Argentine sample includes no workers as old in skilled positions. Four-tenths of the Argentine skilled workers are 30 years of age or less; in the American sample less than one-tenth of the skilled workers are as young. Even assuming equal opportunity for upward mobility into skilled ranks, it is notable that many young Argentine workers have already achieved highly skilled positions. On the basis of this experi- enced mobility we would expect unskilled and semi-skilled workers to aspire to skilled positions. But, we would also predict, similarly on the basis of experienced mobility, that young skilled workers would not be content remaining at this level for the remainder of their working lives. Functional classification is also related to age. In both samples, line workers are generally younger than machine operators, inspectors, or skilled workers. However, in the Argentine sample, machine operators are as young as line workers, while in the American sample, though over half of the line workers are under 26, less than a third of the machine operators are this young. This sharp break in the American pattern may reflect intra-plant mobility, in which young workers are initially employed on the line, and are later moved to machine and inspection positions. The American data also may reflect relatively high turnover among assembly-line workers within an otherwise stable labor force. In Argentina, all workers are relatively young. But the similarity in age between line workers and machine operators no doubt reflects direct hiring into both line and machine positions, and a turnover rate that is not disproportionately high for line workers. 168 In both samples, age is positively associated with seniority and wage-rate skill level. The only work condition variable ngt related to age is income, and this occurs only for the Argentine sample. ReSpond- ents were asked for gross estimates of total family income. The failure of the relationship to reach significance in Argentina is due to the fact that many single workers live with their parents. Often one or more brothers continue to live with the parents until marriage (which usually occurs at a somewhat later age than in the United States). Thus, the total family income may be quite high. What is critical is that a given level of income from factory employment, while sufficient for a young single man, creates a strain for manual workers with dependents. We would thus expect this relationship between age, income, and dependency to also affect worker adaptation. What background variables are related to age? As the data in Table 10 indicate, in both samples older workers are more likely to have 294 been born in rural areas. Further, over seven-tenths of the IKA 294Background and work socialization variables are presented in the form of large tables, like Table 10. In each case, a portion of the demographic variables selected is presented in the table, in its rela- tionship to the major variable under discussion. For the variables listed in each table, only a portion of the variable is shown. In Table 10, for example, 71 per cent of the IKA workers aged 20-25 were born in Cordoba. This implies that the other 29 per cent (not shown in the table) were born elsewhere. For each variable, "Total Sample" refers to the percentage of the total sample which fell in the category presented in the table. In terms of education, for example, 38 per cent of the American sample had six years of education or less. The "N" refers to the number of peOple in the category presented, "p" is the probability of receiving the chi square value obtained purely on the basis of chance. In the lower right-hand corner of each table appears the distribution of both samples on the major variables under discussion. Current work-related variables have not been included in these tables. Tables 30 and 31 summarize associations between skill level and func- tional classification and other independent variables. 169 388 A33 62 mm 02 NS Sm m3 SN .5 3 am 2 So. So. So. 3. S. on. no. 8. no. cm. a .82 $2: .Sm N1: a? fin N2 .\.$ .48 .Sm .Sm xi 635m :38. we Hm mm mm «c am an mm mm on on NH +o¢ +mm NN ma mm mm on «m ow Ho Ho ma mm 0H mduom mMnHm mm mm mq N am am mm 00 mm mm mm «H mmuom omuou No gnu Nqfi 1 No qu Noe xmm New qu x06 NBA mmuom mmuow mofio oz noooo HowuumnocH um aH um>o mmH mmH mm mm mq mm «m mHH mofi omH NmH mm z #00. mo. #0. Hoo. mo. mo. #00. no. mo. Ho. mo. Ho. a 4.86 NS 43 .EN a: 4.2 «.3 a? was 4.0m 4.8... 4.0m 3.58m :38 «w mm mm ad Hm 0H mm om mm mm No- No +o¢ +mm mm mm mm NH mm Hm mm Om no em om mm mquom mmufim wq mm mm ma ma mm nm em mq 06 m8 om mmuom omuom N08 Rum Nam NHH xqm Non Nsa xmm fiom Ran Non Nmfi mmuom mmuom moHo ownamwwoaoo omuooaom ou wowouooom waoouw omm acouommwo CH mnoxuo3 mo moflumwuouomumno .ofi mHQmH 170 workers under 25 years of age were born in Cordoba or the surrounding area, but less than one-tenth were born in the province of Cordoba out- side of the city of Cordoba. Internal migration to Cordoba thus occurs at a somewhat advanced age, and probably takes place only after a period of employment in the community of birth. The two samples differ in terms of the relative "contribution" of the state or province to the industrial work force. Young workers who have migrated to Lansing were likely to have been born in the state of Michigan. In Argentina, the situation is reversed. Young migrants are more likely to have been born outside of the province of Cordoba. For the young workers, then, the Argentine plant draws on a labor market that encompasses a large geographical area. These patterns reflect the differential opportunity for industrial employment, and the concentra- tion of opportunities in this sector in the city of Cordoba. Level of education is inversely related to age in both Argentina and the United States. The range of educational achievement is greater in the American than in the Argentine sample. This is so even when the greater age spread in the American sample is taken into account. The Argentine plant generally restricts entry to those with at least elemen- tary schooling. And many young Argentines are continuing their educa- tion in technical institutes, the national Technological University in Cordoba, or in commercially operated evening schools. Age is related to nearly all occupational socialization variables. For variables linked to the workers' family of orientation, older workers in both societies are more likely to have fathers born in rural areas, who were employed in agriculture, and consequently were not members of labor unions. These variables reflect general transformations of the 171 society; for example, the decline in employment in the agricultural sector which occurred earlier in the United States than in Argentina is reflected in the failure of the relationship between age and grand- father's occupation to reach significance in the United States sample, and the systematic positive relationship between these two variables in the Argentine case. In Argentina, older workers are more likely to have had grandfathers employed in agriculture, while in the United States we find no significant relationship between age and grandfather's occupation. Age is related to different aSpects of the respondent's occupa- tional experience. Though occupational background is significantly related to age in both societies, in Argentina young workers are more likely to have had prior industrial experience; in the United States, though nearly all have had primarily industrial experience, older workers are somewhat more likely to have previous industrial experience than young automobile workers. Total number of different occupations held is positively related to age in both samples. What is notable, though, is that even among Argentine workers under 25 years of age, over four- tenths have held at least three positions prior to working in the auto- mobile plant. A high level of occupational turnover seems to character- ize the Argentine workers. Both total amount of unemployment and age at first employment tap aspects of early occupational experience. Both are related to age in the Argentine case, but not for the United States data. At one point in the developmental process, usually as higher levels of education become widespread, we would expect the age of entry into the labor market (or age at first job) to increase. In Argentina, many workers 172 still enter the labor market when quite young, having completed only a portion of their elementary schooling. In Argentina, regardless of age, education would be the factor determining age of entry into the labor market. We would expect workers to enter the labor market whenever they are not in school. In the United States, laws limit the employment of minors, and compulsory education requirements are enforced. If indus- trial workers experience periods of brief unemployment throughout their working life,295 total unemployment should be associated with age. But in Argentina, older workers did not report significantly longer periods of total unemployment than younger workers. In fact, the relationship tended to be inverse. In Argentina, extended unemployment often occurs immediately following entry into the labor force, i.e., following termi- nation of the first job. Often, young men enter marginal positions in the service sector. These jobs are somewhat temporary, and are termi- nated by military service near the age of 18. Stable first jobs are difficult to locate, especially when the applicant has relatively little education. But following military service, and on the basis of some generalized occupational experience, workers may not experience many other extended periods of unemployment. Age is related to general occupational background in Argentina but not in the United States. Nearly all of the American workers have had most of their occupational experience in the industrial sector, but those coming from either agriculture or the service sector are not con- centrated in a specific age group. Though the relationship is only some- what systematic, younger workers in Argentina are more likely to have 295Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom: The Factory WOrker and His Industry (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1964), p. 197. 173 had industrial experience while older workers tend to have had most of their experience in agriculture or the services. The small machine shops (talleres) in Argentina were important suppliers of automobile workers except for the oldest age group. In these small shops workers become acquainted with basic industrial tools, motors, and machinery. Employment in the automobile plant involves a change in work organiza- tion, but the general industrial experience obtained in these small shops may be useful. In the United States, on the other hand, it is difficult to obtain any type of industrial experience, except through employment in a relatively large factory. In summary, age is related to most demographic and work organi- zation variables; it is probably the best single predictor of these variables. Age was related to many variables in both societies. But in Argentina, age was not related to amount of unemployment, age at first job, or total family income. For the Oldsmobile workers, age was not related to occupational background, as nearly all workers had had prev- ious industrial experience prior to their employment in Oldsmobile. The only variable not related to age in either sample was subjective social class identification. Birthplace 1: Both plants appear to draw on primarily local labor markets. Data in Table 11 show that about three-fourths of both samples were born in the city or state in which the plants were located. The two samples do not differ from each other in terms of the proportion born outside of the city, nor do they vary from the local population, though the 174 Table 11. Place of birth of automobile workers and local population, Cordoba, Argentina, and Lansing, Michigan Cordoba Lansing Birthplace Local Populationa Sample Local Populationb Sample Cordoba or 69% 77% Lansing 50% 42% State 25 35 Other States 19 20 20 20 Foreign 12 5 3 3 Totals 100 100 100 100 (N) (188,967) (275) (292,007) (247) 8Data for all males in City of Cordoba. Calculated from: Direccion Nacional del Servicio Estadistico, Cuarto Censo General de la Nacion 1947 (Buenos Aires: Direccion Nacional del Servicio Estadistico), Tomo I, Cuadro No. 5, Poblacion Total Clasificada por Sexo y Origen, Cordoba Capital, pp. 182—183. bData for total population of Lansing standard metropolitan statistical area. Calculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, Egg. Census of Population: 1960 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Print- ing Office), Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population, Part 24, Michigan, pp. 24-221. birthplace data for the latter are quite scanty.296 Given the relative youth of the Argentine workers we might have expected many to have migrated from regions outside the city or province. The data do not support this. Instead, the data reflect the ability of the city and province to supply IKA with needed workers. Further, though internal migration has swelled the population of Cordoba in recent years, 296The data for Cordoba are for 1947, and current data would probably show a lower proportion of foreign born, and more persons born in the city or the province of Cordoba. 1‘s“: -. .1... 175 migrants from outside the province, or even outside the city, are not disproportionately represented in the automobile plant. f Turning now to the type of birthplace, we have trichotomized the samples in terms of being born in urban (over 15,000), fringe (small towns surrounding the cities studied), and small town or rural areas. Table 12. Type of birthplace of Argentine and American automobile workers Type of Birthplace Argentina United States Urban 63.6% 32.0% Fringe 6.6 14.2 Rural 29.8 53.9 Totals 100.0% 100.1% (N) (275) (247) As Table 12 shows, the Argentine sample is thus heavily represented by workers born in urban areas, while the American workers approximate the pattern which w0u1d be expected for an early-industrial society. If either of the samples could be characterized in terms of movement "from field to factory" it would seem to be the American, not the Argentine workers, who have moved into industrial employment from rural areas. We have given general birthplace data in terms of the location and type of birthplace. Though these two variables tap somewhat differ- ent dimensions, they both relate to similar clusters of other independent variables. They are both linked to other background variables, and to those work socialization variables such as father's occupation and father's birthplace. They relate to only a few occupational background 176 and current work conditions variables. Location and type of birthplace are the only independent variables not related to either skill level or wage-rate. Functional classification is related to type of birthplace in the American sample, and to location for the Argentine data. In the United States, a dis- proportionately large number of skilled workers were born in urban areas, machine operators tend to be those born in fringe areas sur- rounding Lansing, and nearly half of those born in rural areas were employed as inspectors. In Argentina, four-tenths of those born in the city of Cordoba were assembly-line workers, while inspectors tended to come from places outside of the province. Age is related to both birthplace variables, as Table 13 indicates. The most notable difference is in the age of those born outside the state or province. In Argentina, over seven-tenths of the inter-state migrants are under 30 years of age, implying relatively recent migration. Only one-sixth of the American workers born outside of Michigan are as young. And in both societies older workers consti- tute a disproportionately large part of the rural born. The age of the workers born in the fringe surrounding Lansing and Cordoba, however, differs. In the United States sample those born in the fringe are undifferentiated in terms of age from those born elsewhere, but in Argentina workers from Cordoba's fringe tend to be somewhat older than average, and some of these were no doubt among the first workers recruited by IKA. Type and location of birthplace are, of course, highly inter- related. The pattern that emerges shows that Argentine workers born outside of the province were generally born in urban areas, while 7 7 1 Ansmv AmNNV men men mnu as as an wan own 2 on. om. ON. CH. ow. no. Hoo. No. a goon Noon Nan nNo Nam snm Nam Nan ems ems pnaepm nmuon on on an no mm mm mm NH Hm ms :309 nnmaw .Hmnam 8n 6 en no mm mm mm s an Hm pmpnnn manmpmq .mnoonoo Nmm Nae wa Nam Nan Nam Nam find Nm¢ Nwm swan: mono oneoGD masonwxomm nomenu now umnnm sons: nomad oomnanunnm nm>oz Immacuo HonnumowcH nu ma nw>o an no: nonnom «0 oan mm mm ad «0 mm wan men own us can z H00. H00. Hoo. No. On. mo. Hoo. Hoe. mo. Ho. a ens gnu gnu gmm Nam ems was New Nmm Nos pnaesm swoon mm mm on mH mq mm «m 0H wN om :30H HHmEm .Hmnnm am mm as an nm em 8n cm oq mm emannn mcnmppa .mnomnoo an NNH NHN Rom Non Nam New Nwo Nod fine Gonna mono onfiamnwoaon omuoonow 0n wanonooom mooonmsnnnn mo momzu uconmwwno Eonw mnwxn03 mo monumnnmnomnmnu .mH oHan 178 American workers tend to come from rural areas in this case. Age, too, bears on this relationship. Among young workers in both societies, those coming from either urban or rural areas are less likely to have been born outside the state or province than older workers. In both societies rural birthplace is associated with a lower level of education. Argentine workers from the Cordoba fringe have an even lower level of education than those born in other rural areas. This, along with other relationships discussed in this section, suggests a kind of "contiguity effect" whereby workers, though perhaps less quali- fied, are drawn from nearby small towns and rural areas, and are able to move into industrial employment. Location of birthplace is related to education in an Opposite manner in the two samples, as shown in Table 14. For Oldsmobile workers, those born in Lansing have a higher level of education than workers from the state or outside the state. In Argentina, inter-province migrants are on the average much better educated than those from either the city or province of Cordoba. The relationships between birthplace and other demographic variables imply something about the status or advantages of employment in the automobile industry in the two societies. The higher qualifica— tions of Argentine migrants (young, more education, urban-born) for industrial work suggests that Cordoba's industrial sector, and the automobile plant in particular, have a strong attraction. In the United States, non-locals are somewhat lgpp qualified, suggesting that the automobile industry, especially in good times, attracts people not quali- fied for better jobs elsewhere. A trend in the data supports this general idea. The American south has, in recent years, contributed many workers to the industrial plants in the north. These workers, often 179 Anamv Amamv man amn anN am Hm am man aan z om. om. oa. om. no. NO. ON. no. a moan moan maa Nam mam xnm mam man ems mam mnaaam mason mm mm Om mm mm mm mm mm mm oc onon3mmnm mm mm mm om mm mm mm mm om Hm apmnnonz \Amocn>onav mnoonou find No6 an Nmo Nam Nmm Nam No fine Now mcnmcmq\mnoonou mono «MH mono «MH mono mz nonpooo HmnnumooaH no on no>o on non nuanmm mo connmooq mm mm mq No mm man mm eon mmn mm 2 om. moo. moo. moo. moo. no. mo. #0. moo. moo. a ans mna mam amm mam mms mam mom mam mom snagsm nmuon «m mm n n mm om on On Na am mno£3mwnm as No a m an m8 m8 mm we Ha :mmnnonz \Aooan>onmv mnoonoo ans man mas ems mam mas nmm ems mnm as mcnmpmu\mnopnoo mono onsmmnwoemo omnoonom 0n wanonooom oomnasunnn mo GOHumooq .¢H oHan 180 Negroes, typically enter unskilled work. The few in the Oldsmobile sample from the south are predominantly in unskilled positions. In Argentina, the north and northeast sections are relatively under- developed, and economically unstable. These regions, too, have sent many to the industrial centers of Cordoba, Rosario, and Buenos Aires. But workers in our sample who are from these regions tend to be in semi- skilled and skilled positions in the automobile factory. These workers are qualified in terms of education and experience, and are hired quite selectively by the plant for relatively highly skilled positions. Neither the type nor the location of the respondent's birthplace is related to his occupational background. However both birthplace variables are related to the occupation and birthplace of the father. About one-fifth of both samples are second generation residents of the city. The expansion of Lansing near the turn of the century, and the comparable, but later, growth of Cordoba are reflected in the data. Nearly all workers born in the Lansing fringe were sons of men born in Lansing or in the state of Michigan. Only six-tenths of the Argentine workers had fathers who were born in Cordoba or in the province. As would be expected rural born respondents were more likely to have fathers employed in the agricultural sector. What is significant is that over one-third of the rural born Argentine workers had fathers employed in the service sector. Less than one-tenth of the rural born American workers had fathers in the service sector. Many Argentine workers, then, though born in rural areas, have not necessarily been exposed to the agricultural way of life. But in the United States, rural birthplace combines with socialization in an agricultural milieu. 181 This analysis has shown that in terms of both type and location of birthplace, important differences exist in the way in which these two variables interrelate with other demographic variables. These birth- place variables were not related to skill level. But in most other respects, Argentine workers born outside of the local area were more likely to reflect high qualifications for industrial employment than their American counterparts. Though both samples include many rural born workers, Argentine workers were much less likely to have been raised in an agricultural setting. In general, the cluster of variables related to birthplace was such that it was the American, rather than the Argentine, sample that appeared to best fit the model usually applied to developing societies. Education As would be expected on the basis of differences in level of development, Argentine industrial workers in our sample have completed fewer years of education than their American counterparts. But, as shown in Table 15, compared to the local labor force, IKA workers have a higher level of education and Oldsmobile workers reflect a somewhat lower level of education than the local labor force. Recruitment into the Argentine plant draws more educated persons into industrial employ- ment, and this pattern supports our earlier argument of the relatively prestigeful nature of industrial employment in Cordoba. The difference in the United States is due primarily to the very few automobile workers with university training, as compared with the higher percentage of males in the Lansing labor force with some university education. 182 Table 15. Education of automobile workers and members of local labor force, Cordoba, Argentina, and Lansing, Michigan Years of Cordoba Lansing Education Labor Forcea Sample Labor Forceb Sample None 4% 2% 1% (-) 1-6 58 41 7 5 7-9 16 32 25 33 10-12 9 24 45 59 13+ 13 l 22 3 Totals 100 100 100 100 (N) (3110) (275) (73824) (249) aEconomically active males and females of all ages, sample sur- vey of labor force of City of Cordoba. Calculated from: Direccion General de Estadistica, Censos e Investigaciones, Encuestra Sobre Empleo y Desempleo en la Cuidad de Cordoba (Cordoba: Facultad de Ciencias Economicas, Consejo Nacional de Desarrollo), Cuadro No. 6, Abril, 1965. bData are for males only, 25 years and over, Lansing standard metropolitan statistical area. Calculated from: U.S. Bureau of the Census, U.S. Census of Population: 1960 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office), Vol. I, Characteristics of the Population, Part 24, Michigan, pp. 24-230. Cross-tabulations with other independent variables reveal that education is generally related to more independent variables in the United States than in Argentina. But the most important national dif- ference, and one that has implications for our analysis of worker adaptation, is that education is significantly related to functional classification, wage-rate, and skill level 2311 in Argentina. In spite of the strong relationship between age and education, and between age and skill level in the United States sample, Oldsmobile workers in 183 different positions are relatively undifferentiated with respect to educational achievement. In the Argentine sample nearly five-tenths of those with only primary schooling (6 years) are assembly-line workers, while only one-tenth of those with more than six years of education are found on the assembly-line. Education thus appears to be a factor in the initial assignment to a semi-skilled or skilled position, and can serve as the basis for upward mobility within the plant. Within this group of Argentine industrial workers, educational achievement is rewarded with occupational status. This no doubt reflects management's reliance on formal education for training highly skilled personnel, in lieu of widespread industrial experience. Though the general thesis of Table 16. Education according to skill level Years of Skill Level Education Unskilled Semi-Skilled Skilled Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds None 2% 2% 2% - - - 2% (-) 1-6 58 4 29 7 20 2 41 5 7-9 30 33 38 33 27 26 32 32 10-12 11 59 29 58 51 64 24 59 More than 12 - 2 2 2 2 8 l 3 Totals 101% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (133) (69) (97) (133) (45) (47) (275) (249) IKA: x2 = 46.893; DF = 4; p<.001; E = .518. Olds: x2 = .965; DF = 2; p (.70; ‘c' = .090. (For both IKA and Olds some education categories were collapsed for calculation.) 184 occupational reward for educational training supposedly holds in American society, education bears no relationship to job assignment or skill level for the American sample. In addition to an inverse relationship between age and educa- tional achievement in both societies, both type and location of birth- place are related to education, as shown in Table 17. But the direction of the relationship differs cross-nationally. In Argentina, those with less education are more likely to come from Cordoba, while those with higher levels of education are less likely to have been born in the city of Cordoba. In the United States sample, those born outside the city of Lansing, often in rural areas, have a lower level of education. The Cordoba pattern supports a general notion of selective migration to the industrial center, and employment of more qualified industrial workers. It is perhaps a lack of Opportunities in other areas that "pushes" these more educated, younger workers out of other regions and into the Cordoba industrial labor market. Both better opportunities for industrial employment and facilities for the continuation of education would be major attractions of the city of Cordoba. Both sets of data confirm our expectation of an overrepresenta- tion of workers with fathers in agriculture among the less educated. And in both societies, workers with higher levels of education are more likely to have fathers who were employed in the service sector. In the Argentine case, nearly two-thirds of those with more than six years of education had fathers in the service sector, as compared with only one-fourth of those with low education (education was trichotomized). In both societies, then, educational achievement links to the family of orientation. What is equally important is that few American workers 5 8 1|. Aaqmv amnmv nan man mmn amn Ham am mm Nm mmn amn z cm. moo. oa. om. an. moo. noo. moo. noo. om. a NooH Noam Nae Nmm NaN Nmm Nam Nnm Nam Nan Nam Nmm pnaamm npuon mm mm as am om mm mm ma mm mm mm mm +0n +on am am mm am a no a-N Nmm Nma Nmm Nmm NNN NoN Nam Nmm Nmm Na NaN NON a-o m-o msno mun mmno 4mm ammo «an wsno amn mane men ammo mmn mmno men mommaom amuOH mnOh +¢ ooaonEoCD ocoonmxomm Huc0nn 30h umnnm GOHGD nonmq mononusom onwm mom no>oz ummsouo HmnnnmoocH no on nw>o an non noaumm no mnoow aa am as mm Non mmn mmn am am men 2 moo. no. om. no. moo. no. on. mo. moo. mo. a an Nmm Nmm Nmm qu Nom Nam Nmm Nmm Nmm anaEMm mason mm an an an as ea me am as No +on +on a mm om an am a-N Nmm Nmm Nmm Nom Nom Nmm Nmm Nmm Nmm Nom a-o m-o umwno mun ammo «Mn mane man ammo mun mane mun ammo «NH unsunsonnw< mcnmama no mnoonoo mammamq no mon< Honom A onsmmnonmo wonoomom 0n wanonooum masonw HMCOHnmonoo unonomwno an wnoxnoB mo monumnnouomnmso .nn oHAMH 186 with fathers in the service sector enter industrial employment. These exceptional few do have a higher level of education, but, as we have indicated, education is not related to work position in the automobile plant. Though it is difficult to estimate the extent to which industrial workers are aware of the linkage between education and position in the industrial hierarchy, the general status of industrial employment in the two societies is probably such to encourage employment of better educated persons in Argentina, and to discourage industrial employment at the level of manual work among better educated persons in the United States. The differential relevance of educational achievement for occupa- tional experience in Argentina and the United States is also reflected in the relationship between education and occupational socialization variables. Aside from the obvious relationship between education and age at first job, only occupational background is related to level of education in the American sample, and it reaches only a low level of significance. The direction of the relationship differs nationally. In Argentina more educated workers tend to have had experience in the industrial sector, while in the United States, the sample is relatively undifferentiated in terms of occupational background, and combining those with experience in industry with those who have worked only in the automobile plant completely removes any relationship between education and occupational background. Finally, seniority is inversely related to education in both samples, though the relationship is not systematic in the Argentine case. In Argentina, workers at the middle level of education, the lower segment of high school, are most likely to be those relatively new to the factory. The Argentine plant, of course, has been in operation a 187 relatively short period of time. But the data do indicate that, from the first, educational achievement was an important consideration in hiring.297 Over a longer period we might expect some general increase in the level of education of workers hired. But, paradoxically, if the Argentine plant will later follow the pattern of the American factory, education will increasingly play a lggg significant role in job assign- ment and intra-plant occupational mobility. Education, then, plays a quite different role in the occupa- tional experience and in-plant job assignment in the two societies. Our data confirm the general suggestion of the greater importance of formal training in a society lacking widespread industrial experience. Given the linkage between educational achievement and other independent variables typically related to worker adaptation, we would expect educa- tion to account for some variation in Argentine workers' adaptation. Occupational Socialization Variables This section is concerned with variables which reflect the occupational experience of the automobile workers prior to their employ- ment in the automobile plants. We also explore variables which tap the life style of the respondent's family of orientation, and reveal impor- tant features of his own occupational history. 297With less complex technology, education would be a consider- ably less important variable. A mining operation on the Peruvian coast utilized relatively unskilled workers, and for the first several years did not even maintain company records on the educational level of its work force. In the Argent ine automobile plant, on the other hand, education is a key variable in decisions to hire new workers. 188 Occupation of Father Occupational data for the father of the respondent point to the type of environment in which the worker was socialized. Despite age differentials between the samples, we would expect workers in a develop- ing society to be more likely to be first generation industrial workers, and to have fathers employed in the agricultural sector. Data in Table 18 only partially substantiate this. Though more American workers had fathers in the industrial sector, two-fifths of the American workers had fathers employed in agriculture, as compared with only one-fifth of the Argentine sample. Nearly half of the Argentine workers were sons of small businessmen, professionals, or managers, but only one-tenth of the American sample falls into this category. There are several possible explanations. Some of the national difference might be attributed to the marked age differentials; fathers of older American workers were in the labor market prior to the turn of the century, when the United States still had a high proportion of persons engaged in agriculture. A some- what more plausible explanation, and one that is related to our general argument, concerns the relative status of industrial employment in Argentina and the United States. If, in the United States, industrial employment is not highly valued, few sons of workers in the service sec- tor would enter this type of work. This would be especially so where the industrial sector was not rapidly expanding. In Argentina, on the other hand, this sector is expanding, industrial firms can be selective in hiring, and only the better-educated sons of industrial and service sector workers can move into factory employment. Relationships between occupation of father and other independent variables, shown in Table 19, are patterned differently in the two 189 Table 18. Occupation of father of automobile workers in Argentina and the United States Occupation of Father Argentina United States Agriculture 21% 41% Manual Labor 26 30 Services 46 10 Skilled Crafts 7 19 Totals 100% 100% (N) (271) (241) samples. An important note of caution is that, as a general hypothesis, the influence of father's occupation decreases with the age of the respondent. OCCupational and residential patterns become less con- tingent upon social origins as one establishes his own career pattern and life style. Thus, that father's occupation is related to consider- ably fewer independent variables in the American sample may merely reflect the older age composition of the workers. An alternative inter- pretation would be that class differentials and occupational opportunity in a more traditional, early-industrial society tend to be ascribed on the basis of characteristics of the family of orientation. No work-related variable is significantly associated with father's OCCupation in the U.S. sample; in Argentina, seniority, functional clas— sification, and skill level are related. However, functional classifica- tion is related to father's occupation at only a low level of significance and does not reflect a systematic pattern. Those with fathers in the service sector were under-represented on the assembly-line, and 190 Ansmv AHNNO mmn mmn mam mm ma Nm smn amn 2 OH. Om. Om. HO. OH. OH. HOO. HOO. a NOOH NOOH Nmm NNO Nmm Nam Nmm NOH qu Nmm mHaEmm HOOOH OH N mm mm mm Om wq O ma Om mummno omnnnxm OH O6 mm mm mm Om ON OH Om OO moon>nom Om ON on «O OO mm mm 8 mm Nq nonmq Nosow: NHO SHN Nmm Nmm Nmm Nmm Nmm Nmm NOO NOO onOOHOOnnw< mOHO «MH mOHO oz umasooo HmnnumDOcH no OH no>o an uoo nonumm OONOOOOOOo mmH NHH NO NHH OOH «ma mNH mm mm NOH z HOO. HOO. HO. HOO. Om. HOO. HOO. HOO. HO. HOO. a Nmm Nmm Nmm qu qu NOm xqm NOm Nmm NOO OHOEmm HonoH Nq mm on om Nu mm mm mm mm mm mummno OOHanm Om mm ON mm mm mm 88 mm 88 an moon>nmm OO mm Hm am «a me me «N mo 08 nonmq Hmocmz Nmm xww Nmm Nmm find Nmm Kan Ndm Nmm N66 onanOOnnm< mOHO Unnamnonoo OOOOOHOm .OH oHan 191 over-represented in inspection and repair. Downward intergenerational mobility is most possible for those workers with fathers in the service sector. Their over-representation in departments somewhat removed from the core of the production process (inspection and repair) perhaps reflected both the status preference of these workers, and their prior education and occupational experience. A similar pattern occurs in the U.S. data, though those with fathers in the service sector were also over-represented in the skilled trades. The relationship between skill level and father's occupation in the Argentine case derives from the concentration among unskilled workers of those with fathers in agricul- ture and in the crafts, and a similar concentration of those with fathers in general factory and other manual work currently in skilled categories in the automobile plant. In both societies, father's occupation is related to age, educa- tion, and birthplace. Also, those with fathers in agriculture were older, less educated, and more likely to have been born in a rural area. Other occupational categories with respect to father's occupation are not systematically related to these independent variables, nor are they differentiated by the age or education of the workers. In the Argentine sample, however, several sharp breaks occur. Workers with fathers employed in services or crafts were much younger and better educated than those with fathers in agriculture or general manual occupations. It is thus education, as a function of the father's occupational position, that moves these relatively young workers into both inspection and skilled positions. Regardless of father's occupation, Argentine workers with higher levels Of education were more likely to be skilled workers; thus education does not negate all of the inter-generational influence of .. 192 father's occupation. For any given level of education, workers with fathers in general manual occupations were more likely to hold skilled positions than workers with fathers in agriculture, or in services or skilled crafts. Thus the Argentine data reflect the combined influence of ascribed and achieved factors in the placement of industrial workers in the plant hierarchy. With economic development, we can expect a decline in the importance of both father's occupation and educational achievement in placement of workers within the industrial manual labor force. Indeed, the pattern noted for the Argentine workers might be found to hold in American society for an analysis of lower-level professionals or white collar workers. The jump from father's occupation to various aspects of the respondent's own occupational experience is more tenuous; only in the Argentine sample are any occupational background variables related to the occupation of the father. Of greatest interest is the interrelationship between father's occupation and the occupational experience of the respondent prior to employment in the automobile plant. There is a systematic increase in the percentage of workers with industrial experi- 2 ence as one moves from those with fathers in agriculture to those with H fathers employed in general labor and the services, and to those who are sons of skilled craftsmen. In the United States, there is no signifi- cant relationship between father's occupation and the occupational experience of the respondent. Our analysis has shown that stronger intergenerational occupa- tional linkages exist in an early-industrial society than in an advanced industrial society. The American data reflect a more open society, with 193 a minimal influence of intergenerational variables. Occgpational Background There are important national differences in the occupational background of the automobile workers. As the data in Table 20 show, Oldsmobile workers tend to be "career" industrial workers, in that only one-tenth had substantial occupational experience outside of the Table 20. Occupational background of Argentine and American automobile workers Occupational Background Argentina United States Agriculture 2% 6% Business and Service 32 5 Small Machine and Repair Shops 35 - Industry 26 80 No Previous Occupation 5 9 Totals 100% 100% (N) (275) (249) industrial sector. In contrast, only three-tenths of the Argentine workers reported occupational experience primarily in industry. In both samples, few have worked in agriculture, though the percentage that have worked in agriculture is higher in the United States than among the Argentine workers. One-third of the Argentine workers had prior occupa- tional experience primarily in small shops or talleres. These shops often specialize in the repair of motors, machining of small parts, craft- type manufacturing. Though quite small, they often have a metal lathe, 194 some welding equipment, or other tools similar to those utilized in large-scale industries. If these shops are included, with other indus- trial establishments, nearly two-thirds of the Argentine sample had some industrially-relevant occupational experience prior to entering the automobile plant. Several factors limit the relationship of occupational background to other independent variables. First, the American sample is relatively undifferentiated-~nearly all workers had spent most of their working life in the industrial sector. Occupational background may in fact relate to other variables, but the American sample, significantly, included almost no workers with extensive prior experience in the service sector . 298 Secondly, while the Argentine sample is more differentiated, the large number of workers with experience in small machine shops con- founds the industrial-service distinction. As indicated previously, these shops utilize industrial tools, but are involved in repair or extremely small-scale manufacturing operations. Finally, the Argentine sample included very few workers from agriculture. The few from services in the American sample and the several workers from agriculture in Argentina, have made it necessary to combine non-industrial experience in the following analysis. 298In a study of automobile assemblers, Walker and Guest found that about one-sixth of the assemblers ". . . were drawn from the professional-managerial or clerical and sales group" (p. 31). C. R. Walker and R. H. Guest, The Man on the Assembly Line (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952). Although this differs from the occupational background of the workers in this study, the workers in this study may have spent a small portion of their work careers in these occupations, but were classified as "industrial" in terms of their dominant occupa- tional experience prior to entering the automobile factory. 195 Certainly reflecting these analytical problems, occupational background displays a somewhat random pattern of relationships with other independent variables. It is more sensitive, however, in the Argentine case. Data presented in Table 21 show that, in both soci- eties, occupational background is related to age, education, age at first job, and total number of jobs held-~variables which would be expected to link closely to general occupational background. The direc- tion of the relationship, however, varies nationally. In Argentina, workers with non-industrial backgrounds tended to be older than average, while in the United States those with similar backgrounds were somewhat younger. This suggests that even in contemporary United States, some sector mobility is typical of industrial workers. Oldsmobile workers with different occupational backgrounds did not reflect different levels of education, except for the higher level of education among those whose only occupational experience has been with Oldsmobile. In Argentina, level of education was higher among those with industrial experience than among either those with work experience in small shops or those in agri- cultural or service occupations. In spite of the strong relationship between age and both occupa- tional background and several work-related variables, occupational back- ground is ppp related to functional classification, skill level, or seniority among American workers. This suggests that occupational exper- ience has little relevance for job assignment, promotion, or compensa- tion in the American automobile plant. In Argentina, occupational back- ground is related to all three of these work-related variables. The convergence of a labor market in which generalized industrial or factory experience is not widespread, and a modern large-scale factory in which 196 8.5 $3 mm Nm aa nm as as z OH. HOO. OH. HO. Om. ON. a NOOH NOOH NOm NqH NHO NHN NHN Nmm OHanm Hmuoe Ow Hm mm mm mm mH ON ON mnumsocH -- mm I N .. mH -- mm 29m 63.182 NHH NOM NOH NOH Nam Nmm NOm NON _mOOH>nom no OnsuHDOHnw< mOHO o an nonnmm OH cnom nonnmm HmcoHnmmsooo qu OHH NOH OmH mmH mm mm OOH 2 OH. HOO. Om. ON. ON. OH. mO. HO. O Nmm qu fiHq xOm qu Nom NOm NOO OHOEmm HmnoH mm mm H8 Hm mm «N am wO knumomcH .. 3 .. om -- Hm .. 8 82m 65566: NOm Nmm NOO qu NHO Nmm NOm qu mOOH>nom no onOuHOOHnw¢ mOHO Onsmmnwosov OonuoHom On wcHOnooom mwcoonwxomn HmooHumasooo ncmnmmwno OOHB mnoxno3 mo momumnnonomnmno .HN OHOmH 197 many non-automated machines require at least semi-skilled operators, means that occupational experience is likely to affect hiring, placement, and intra-plant occupational mobility. Both functional classification and skill level show a similar pattern. Workers with prior experience in agriculture or the services were concentrated on the assembly-line or in unskilled positions as machine Operators. Those with prior experience in small machine shops (talleres) were found in all classifications, sug- gesting that education may be an additional factor in placement for those with this type of occupational background. And, as expected, workers with industrial experience were typically found in inspection and skilled work. Given the rapid growth of the Argentine plant, the relationship between occupational background and seniority provides clues to the pattern of recruitment for the plant. The data indicate that high seniority (i.e., the first workers hired) is most typical Of workers with experience in agriculture or the services, and that those from machine shops and from the industrial sector reflect progressively less seniority. The recent industrial development of Cordoba means that even five years prior to the study there were fewer opportunities for indus- trial employment. The relationship between occupational background and seniority, then, also reflects changes in the availability of industrial employment in Cordoba. The data point to two trends which may apply to more general considerations about the relevance of occupational experience for indus- trial workers in societies at different levels of development. First, though the proportion of the labor force with industrial experiences naturally increases with development, industrial employment may attract 198 ‘fgggp‘workers from other sectors in advanced industrial societies. In fact, sectoral mobility may be more typical of early-industrial than of advanced industrial societies.299 In the latter, movement into factory employment is more likely to imply downward mobility. We have tried to argue that, in contrast, movement into the industrial sector in an early-industrial society may involve upward occupational mobility. Secondly, even if industrial workers in early-industrial and advanced industrial societies were similarly differentiated in terms of occupa- tional experience, the relevance of experience for task performance or assignment in an industrial plant may decrease with development. Plants in advanced industrial societies may utilize a smaller percentage of skilled and semi-skilled workers, and instead rely more on automated production equipment, Often specifically designed for a particular industry or phase of production. The relationship between occupational background is especially important in that it was significant only in Argentina. We would thus expect occupational background to have a greater effect on worker adaptation in Argentina than in the United States. Inter-generational Mobility We have noted that the Argentine and American workers differ in 299In re-industrial settings, however, recruitment into the industrial sector may also involve some reluctance to move from agricul- tural and service sectors into industrial employment. This, of course, is the basic thesis of the developmental theorists. One case which sup- ports this thesis at a re-industrial stage is Manning Nash's Machine-Age Maya (Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, l958)study of a textile mill in a Guatemalan peasant community. The first workers had to be imported from other villages. Only after the mill had been in operation for a while were locals willing to move into the industrial sector. 199 terms of their own occupational background, and that there are also some differences in the occupational backgrounds of their fathers and grand- a fathers, though cross-national similarities increase as we move back in time. In fact, in terms of the occupation of the grandfather, there are almost no national differences in the proportion employed in agriculture or in industry. Table 22 shows the greater amount of inter-generational mobility that occurred between the grandfather and the father of the Argentine ' respondents. To a greater extent than in the United States, the Argentine data show large-scale movement out of agriculture and into the service sector. But in both societies, about two-thirds of the fathers of the automobile workers had fathers who were employed in the agricultural sector. The American data reflect somewhat less sector mobility, and where this type of movement has occurred, the industrial sector and the skilled crafts are the most common targets. Movement into the service sector was not widespread even among the fathers of the American workers. Few were able to move from either industry or agriculture into the services. What is particularly striking about the fathers of the Ameri- 5 can workers is the movement iptg agriculture that took place, even among those who, in turn, had fathers in industry or in the skilled crafts. In part, this reflects the early agricultural settlements of the Midwest by sons of workers in East Coast industrial establishments. In Argentina, there is almost no evidence of industry-agriculture inter-generational movement. As we would expect in a developing society, most of the move- ment is into industry. 200 AooHanOOHmO now coHnmmouoo n0nmz .mnoznmmoamno now .mNs. u o mSo. v.a ma n ma ”Hmo.Nm u an “ammo mpmapnnop noxnos Hannpmpppn was apepumpno mannnxmv .mHm. u m.mnoo. v a mm u an mmHm.sm u an "man HOOHO Amenv ammo Hmv ANV ammo HNHO HsHO Ammo Hmmv HNO Amanv ANNHO Ammo H8O Hmnv ANmO Asmv Hamv Hmmnv amnnv may NooH Noam Noam Noam Noam NooH Noam NooH Noam Noam ammuon an 8 mm mm Hm m an a an m pmsmunpno mannnxm Hm m8 om mm mm mN a mm m H8 nmmnoz OOH>nom om mm as om mm an as mm mm mm Hanna: HmmnnmsocH Nms Nmm Nmm -- Nm Nm Nmm Nm Nam Nmm nanommn spam no nmanmm ammo man msno anH ammo man mmno man ammo man mHOOOH cmEmummnu noxnoB noanB nonoan Bnmm cowumasooo OOHHHHO OOH>nom HunnumaocH no noanmm nOHOS ooHnmadooo n0nmz .mnonnmmvcmnu Hmanoumm .mnOSOOm coHnmmaooo nOmoE .mnonnmm an mnOSOOHOOOnm Hmcnmnmm mo mOoHummoooo nOHOX .NN OHOmH 201 Table 23 presents data on the inter-generational mobility between the fathers of the respondents and their sons. The American data reflect an accentuation of the trends noted above. Regardless of the father's sector of employment, nearly all of the American workers had spent most of their working lives in the industrial sector. The Argentine data show the extent to which the service sector is a common target for first- generation industrial workers with fathers in agriculture. In fact, a common "route" for many Argentine workers, even those with fathers employed in the industrial sector, was to work in the service sector prior to entering industrial employment. Sons of farmers were actually more likely to have had experience in the service sector than those whose fathers were employed in the services. Moreover, sons of indus- trial workers and those with fathers in the services reflect a very similar distribution in terms of occupational background. Given this pattern of inter-generational mobility, it would be erroneous to con- clude that service-to-industrial movement implies downward mobility. While it is clear that there is, in both the United States and Argentina, little movement into agriculture, the services appear to occupy an ambig- uous category in Argentina. In less-developed societies, most urban areas are service rather than industrial centers. The service sector would include both office-workers and the proprietors and clerks of the multitude Of small businesses. Movement from the service sector into industry may thus imply upward occupational mobility in a developing society. That nearly half of those workers with fathers in agriculture entered the service sector prior to their employment in the automobile factory, suggests the relative ease of entry into service employment. Few sons of skilled craftsmen moved into this sector and, presumably, 202 .monocoavonw onou Suns mHHoo mo noses: n no mmsmooa 5mm: mHHmHOHwnuno no: moan mH onosvmunco 6:9 .OHmEum amonnwe< onu now onwsumunno man we :oHumHOOHmO man an omOsHoam no: mos anommnoo mnnn .OHOEOm unannoa< onn now mHHOO Omonu an momma o: thcoscomcou onm ononu swooauH< .OHOEmm manucown< Ocu On tho oHanHHmam mH mnemonmu unneo AconanaonO now OomamHHou AmCOmV OOH>nom Ono Enmmv .ON. V O HO n ma HONO.OH n «x "mOHO AcOHanOOHmO now meaOHHou AmCOmV OOH>nom Ono Snowy .HO. v a HO n ma mumm.ON u x “npm mam mmpanaam -- mm -- am -- mm -- as -- mm «Nance ammo maomm panama Ono Ocnnomz HHmEm mm Hm am om ma am oa mm mm an npxnoz nannpmsmpn Nm Na Na -- -- NH Nm -- Nan Na napompm puma no upspmm mane «an msno man mmno man ammo man ammo «an mHmuOH cmEmnwmno nmanS nmxnoz nonoan snow ocoonwxomm OOHHme OOH>nom HmnnumovcH no noenmh HmcoHnmasooo OOHOOODOOO nOHOZ .mnosnmm .mcom canonmxomn HmcoHummsuoo .mOOm hp connmmouoo n0nmE .mnofiumm .MN OHan 203 these workers, and at least some of those who were sons of service workers, would have had the resources to move into employment in the service sector. That they were actually more likely to enter indus- trial employment provides some support for our suggestion that, in an early industrial society, industrial employment is relatively prestige- ful, and Offers well-paying employment to those who can obtain employ- ment in a modern factory. Current Work and Non-Work Conditions In this section we consider the two samples in terms of variables which describe the current work and general life situations of the auto- mobile workers. Family Status Situation Marital status and number of children indicate the nature of familial Obligations. These variables are also linked to age, as a man with grown children and one with two children still in school have quite different family responsibilities. Given important national differences in age, we would expect differences in the family status situation of the Argentine and American workers, and the data shown in Table 24 show this to be so. Even Argentine workers over 35 years Of age had fewer children than their American counterparts. And, as we have noted previously, a high percentage of the Argentine sample was made up of young, single workers. As an independent variable, dependency is related to age and seniority in both societies, and to birthplace, functional classifica- tion, and skill level in the United States. High dependency is, for the Oldsmobile workers, most typical of semi-skilled machine operators; 204 Table 24. Family status situation of workers according to age Family Status Age Situation 35 or Under Over 35 Totals IKA 014g, IKA Olds IKA Olds Single, or Married-- no Children 51% 21% 10% 13% 42% 20% 1—2 Children 42 43 51 28 44 34 3 or More Children 7 36 37 59 14 51 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (218) (89) (57) (159) (275) (248) IKA: x2 = 49.393; DF = 2; p < .001; E = .569. Olds: x2 = 12.343; DF = 2; p < .01; E = .318. six-tenths of the machine operators had three or more children. In the Argentine sample, skilled workers had more children than others, though the relationship is not statistically significant. This difference may have important implications for worker adaptation as, in the United States, those with large families tended to have the less well-paying jobs. We would expect them to reflect both a high level of acoupational dissatisfaction, and probably few occupational aspirations. } Social Class Identification I To ascertain subjective social class identification automobile 5 workers were asked, "Would you say that you belong to the: upper class middle class working class lower class?" Few answered upper class or lower class. The distribution between middle \ and working differs cross-nationally but is related to few independent 205 variables. Argentine workers were more likely to identify with the middle class, while American workers tended to label themselves working class. Collapsing upper and middle, and working and lower class, Table 25 shows the responses of the two samples. Table 25. Class identification of Argentine and American automobile workers Class Identification Argentina United States Middle Class 59.9% 24.2% Working Class 40.1 75.8 Totals 100.0% 100.0% (N) (272) (240) It is tempting to attribute this difference to the general upgrading and national involvement of workers resulting from the policies of the Peron movement, and the continuing power of labor unions. But a better inter- pretation might relate to the position of an industrial worker in an early-industrial society, as compared with a similar worker in an advanced industrial society. Societal attribution of higher status to A industrial workers in early-industrial societies would most likely be .H -120. reflected in the subjective class identification of the workers, with the result that more of them would identify with the middle class. Subjective class identification is related to functional classi- fication in both societies, and to seniority and skill level in Argentina. In the American case, as well, middle class identification is associated with having an occupational history characterized by low turnover, and with having worked only in the automobile plant. Reflecting the status 206 assignment of the society, the percentage of workers identifying with the middle class increases as one moves from assembly-line workers to those in skilled trades, as the data in Table 26 indicate. Table 26. Percentage identifying with middle class according to functional classification Functional Classification Argentina United States Assembly-line 50.0% 16.7% Machine Operation 60.7 20.0 Inspection 66.2 28.1 Skilled Trades 75.0 40.7 Total Sample 59.9% 24.2% (N) (163) (58) IKA: x2 = 7.552; DF = 3; p (.10; E = .225. Olds: x2 = 7.363; DF = 3; p < .10; ‘c" = .237. Though unfortunately we have no data on class identification for other industrial workers, we would predict that in Argentina automobile workers are more likely to identify with the middle class than other industrial workers, while in the United States they are less likely to do so. Two other relationships between independent variables and social class identification draw our attention to important national differences. Social class identification is related to education in Argentina, and to occupational background in the United States. Identification with the middle class increases with educational achievement. Education is an important means for mobility into the middle class in Argentina. While this same relationship between education and class may generally hold in 207 American society, it is notable that it occurs within a group of indus- trial workers in Argentina, but not in the United States. In the Argentine sample, there is a slight relationship between father's occupation and social class identification, with those having fathers in the service sector most likely to identify with the middle class, and those with fathers in agriculture least likely to do so. Control- ling for both education and father's occupation, the relationship between education and middle class identification still exists, but is strongest among those with fathers in agriculture. Within the American sample, though workers with fathers in the services or in crafts were, as a group, somewhat more likely to identify with the middle class, education sharply differentiates this group. More than one-third of those with a higher level of education identified with the middle class, but only one-tenth of those with a low level of education did so. In Argentina, then, the influence of education on class identification is important regardless of father's occupation, but is least strong for those workers with fathers most likely to be considered as middle class. But in the United States it is precisely this group (with fathers in the service sector or skilled crafts) which reflects the greatest differenti- ation in class identification on the basis of educational achievement. Finally, occupational experience contributes to social class identifica- tion in the United States, but not in Argentina. Though workers with general industrial experience were undifferentiated in terms Of class identification, a greater percentage with prior experience in agriculture identified with the working class, and those whose only experience had been in the automobile plant were more likely to identify with the middle class. 208 Place of Residence For many reasons, industrial workers in the American mid-west . often combine industrial employment with rural or urban fringe residence. Many large industries are located in small urban centers. Both research settings permit this combination Of urban employment and rural residence. Lansing is not a Detroit, and Cordoba is not a Buenos Aires. Many workers in both samples live in small towns and rural areas surrounding Table 27. Place of residence of Argentine and American automobile workers Place of Residence Argentina United States City 85.5% 43.4% Surroundings 14.5 56.6 Total 100.0% 100.0% (ED (275) (249) the cities. Over half of the American workers lived outside of the city of Lansing, while less than one-sixth of the Argentine workers resided g outside the city of Cordoba. The sample of automobile workers slightly 1 represents those living outside the city of Cordoba, because of the difficulty of arranging interviews with workers living in these small towns and rural areas. Table 28 contrasts those residing in the city with those living Outside the cities studied. Most notable trends are: the lower level of education among Argentine workers residing outside of the city of Cordoba, the few non-city Argentine workers with industrial occupational backgrounds, and the fact that those living outside the city of Lansing were more likely to be second generation residents of 209 Hasmv asnmv man Nm mmn mmn nmm am Han nan aa mm 2 om. mo. om. oH. om. no. mo. oN. no. cm. a NooH NooH Nnm Nan NaN Nmm Nam Nnm Naa Nmm NHs Nmm anaspm nanon mm mm mm mm ma 8N Nm mm ms am as mm mmpnmpponnpm Nma Nmm Nme NNH Nnm Nam NHa Nam Nmm Nmm Nmm Nan anno cnmunz mmno man mmno «an mmno «an acne man amno «an mmno «an mmamamm TOUCH. CQHUHHLU @0%OHQEm¢D UGDOvaHUmm HNSOHU mach. a...» mhdufifiowhm¢ mocmvwmmm +m mam HON/OZ IMQDOUO HmHHumDHOGH vamm mm: CH .Hmfiumm m0 mUMHm mm am as am ma mHH men mmn mmH Hm am man z om. no. noo. oa. om. no. noo. om. Hoo. Hoo. mo. no. a Nam Nan Nnm Nmm Nmm Nms Nna Nom Nam Nom Nmm Nnm anaspm mason nm NH mm Na mm mm ms mm mm as H8 08 mmpnmcponnsm Nam Nan NmH Nmm qu Nam Nmm NHm Nmm Nam Nom Nmm anno unannz mmno man ammo mmn mmno man mpno man mmno «an acne man now nmnnh wOHmGOH .mnoonoo mmoH no mnmow wcnmcma no mon< Honom AO CH Gnom Hmfiumh O GOfiu—mufiwm mnHOHuHOU CH fihom Gun Ghom Amy—HOV mm wadD MO momHm ll moHOmHnm> OnsamnonOO OOnOOHOm On wanwnooom oocownmon mo OOOHO nconnOO .ON OHOmH 210 the Lansing area, while there is no relationship between father's birthplace and the place of residence of the Argentine workers. Seniority is related to place of residence in both societies, but the relationship is in opposite direction. In the United States, those living in outlying areas had, on the average, less seniority than workers living within the city of Lansing. Argentine workers living in the small communities surrounding Cordoba, however, were more likely to have a higher level of seniority. We cannot automatically conclude that initial recruitment to the Argentine plant drew primarily from outside of the city. Indeed, workers living in the city may have had greater access to labor market information, and early recruits may have left the automobile plant. However, the location of the plant on the outskirts of Cordoba favored, in some ways, the workers from a cluster of small communities near the plant. In particular, many workers were drawn from the community in which IKA executives first settled. Skill level is related to residence only in the United States, though the Argentine data reflect a similar trend, as shown in Table 29. Table 29. Place of residence according to skill level Skill Level Place of Residence Outside City Within City Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Unskilled 52% 30% 47% 25% 48% 28% Semi-skilled 40 59 35 47 35 53 Skilled 8 12 18 28 17 19 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (50) (138) (224) (111) (274) (249) IKA: x2 = 3.193; DF Olds: x2 = 10.759; DF 2; P < .30; C i .156. = 2; p < .01; c = .298. 211 In both societies, workers living outside the city tended to be less skilled. In the United States, then, the strong relationship between seniority and skill level partly accounts for the linkage between high seniority and residence in Lansing. But in Argentina, seniority and skill level, though positively associated, relate to residence in oppo- site directions. We suggest that unskilled workers living outside of Cordoba reflect higher seniority than those residing within the city. This is indirectly supported by the fact that Argentine workers living outside the city were significantly Older than their urban counterparts, while in the United States they were somewhat younger. Skill Level and Functional Classification In the analysis of demographic variables, skill level was fre- quently related to a number of variables. Functional classification was also linked to many demographic variables. Generally, the relationship was similar to that between the demographic variable and skill level, and for this reason no specific mention was made of functional classification in several sections of the preceding analysis. A summary of the associa- tions between functional classification and demographic and other work- related variables is presented in Table 30. Though the relationship between skill level and numerous demographic variables has been shown in several previous tables, Table 31 presents the profiles of workers in different skill levels. Both skill level and functional classification are related to more non-work independent variables in Argentina than in the United States. On an extremely general level, this suggests that Argentine workers are more differentiated on demographic variables, and that these 212 HOmw. HOO. O mOO.HON HNNO. HOO. O mmN.NOH Ho>oH Hanm OOmN. HOO. O NNO.MMH OOON. HOO. O mON.O¢H onmmnowmz OOOO. HOO. NH Hno.qm OwOm. HO. O OqN.OH 4AanoHamm nu OO. O OmO.¢ ONON. NO. O mmm.mH OHom mach «0 nonasz -- om. m mam.m anm. no. 8 mam.Hm mesonmxppm npaOHOpasppo 1: On. O mmo.m mwwm. HOO. O OmN.wN LOO nmnnh no ow< nu ON. m mOO.H ONqN. mO. m NNN.O :oHOD m.nmcnmm :- ON. O Omm.NH OOON. OH. O Oow.mH coHnmasooo m.nonnmm u: Om. m mmo.m dem. HOO. O ON0.00 coHanDOm u: Om. O NOH.O HHwN. mO. O OHH.¢H OOHanOHusoomHOLnnHm wOwN. mO. O NNm.mH an ON. q wom.m OOkHuumumHasnnHm OONm. HO. NH OO0.0N mmHm. NO. O OO¢.ON mwm m. NW ..Ha Nx b. a ma Nx monmnm OmnHCD manncown¢ Omanonuxno3 ocm Onsamnwoamm mEOm Ocm mOHannm> :oHanHmHmmmHo HmcoHnocow Com3nmn mcoHanOOmm< .Om oHan 213 HNH NOH mOH OOH HNN OO NO mm mmH mHH OmH OmH z Om. OH. Om. OH. ON. HO. Om. mO. Om. OO. OO. mO. a NOO NNm NON NNO NOO NHm NOm NOH NOO NOO NOO NmO OHOEOO HOnOH Om Om mO OO NO ON Hm N Om mO OO NO OOHHmeOO mm OO ON mm NO NO mm ON mO OH mO HN OOHHmeuHEOO me NNO NON NHN NmO NOO NON NON NHO NOO NmO NOO OOHHHNO mOHO mz umOOOOO HmHnnmnwcH nm OH no>o an nonnmwwcmnw an nos nonnmm HO>OH HanO OO mm OO NO mO OHH NOH OmH mmH NO OO OOH 2 ON. NO. mO. ON. On. HOO. OO. ON. Om. Om. HOO. HO. O NHO NHN NHN NON NOm RmO NHO NOm NOm NOm NOm NOO OHOEOO Hmnoa OO ON OH NN Om OO Om Om Hm ON Om OO OOHHmeOO mO OH mN OH OO Hm OO HO mm mm om OO OOHanmuHEOO NNm Na NHN NON NNm NO NmO NOO Nmm NON NOH NOO OOHHHxO mOHO OH Hanm OHnOmnOoEOO OmnOOHOm On OOHOnooom mHo>OH HHme nconwmmnv nm mnoxnos mo mOnannOnOmnmnO mOHannm> .HO OHan 214 differences also influence one's position in the plant hierarchy. Among American workers, societal variables such as education, occupation of father, and occupational experience appear to have little relevance for skill level within the plant. It should also be noted that skill level and functional classification have traditionally been used to account for variations in worker adaptation in advanced industrial societies. If, in a developing society, these variables are influenced by other, non-work factors, we may expect these background and occupational socialization variables to have a great impact on worker adaptation in an early- industrial society. As factors influencing worker adaptation in an early-industrial society, work-related variables may become intervening rather than nearly causal, as in advanced industrial societies. Conclusions This analysis of independent and control variables has served several purposes. First, we have described the two samples in terms of basic demographic variables, and, where possible, have compared the automobile workers studied to segments of the local population. We have also seen how some interrelationships sharpen our awareness of additional characteristics of the research settings. In some ways, this chapter is an extension of our previous discussion of the research settings, and, in particular, we have some additional evidence confirming the differen- tial place or status occupied by the two automobile plants in their respective communities, and local labor markets. But this chapter also serves as an introduction to the analysis of worker adaptation. We have examined the interrelationship of many of the variables traditionally used to account for worker adaptation. The general assumption is that 215 other independent variables related to these traditional variables should also be related to worker adaptation. Thus, for example, the relation- ship between skill level and education in Argentina leads us to expect that both variables may relate to worker adaptation. In many cases, as well, specific independent variables related to other variables only in one society, or were linked only to a particular cluster of variables in both societies. Location of birthplace, for example, was related to nearly all family-of-orientation variables, but showed a significant relationship with few occupational background or current work condition variables. The limited scope of these variables suggests that they would probably account for only those aspects of worker adaptation that are linked to a common area. Birthplace, for example, may be related only to sector adaptation, as the latter involves a comparison between farm, service, and industrial occupations. The next chapter presents the analysis of the dependent variables in terms of the independent and control variables reviewed in this chapter. CHAPTER VI ANALYSIS OF DEPENDENT VARIABLES In the preceding chapter we considered the interrelationship of the independent variables. We turn now to an analysis of the major dependent variable--worker adaptation to industrial employment. Through- out we have been concerned with four aspects of adaptation--sector, occupation, job, and aspirations. This chapter will consider each separately. In each section we will describe the Argentine and American samples in terms of their distribution on the dependent variables. In effect, we thereby test the cross-national hypothesis of the relation- ship between societal and community development and worker adaptation. We then consider the relationship between the dependent variables and the sets of independent variables described in the preceding chapter. Adaptation to the Industrial Sector Socio-economic development involves continued differentiation of the labor force and occupational system.300 From a predominantly agricul- tural society, the industrial sector expands, as a nation moves into the early-industrial stage. As development continues, employment in the 300Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset, "Social Structure, Mobility and Development," Social Structure and Mobility in Economic Development, ed. Neil J. Smelser and Seymour Martin Lipset (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1966). 216 217 service sector increases relative to both the industrial sector and the small agricultural sector which remains. Although the sectors represent rough prestige gradations, inter- sector occupational mobility can occur on a given status level. Further, adaptation to the industrial sector, particularly in an early-industrial society, is always viewed in a comparative framework, relative to similar (economically or technologically) occupations in the agricultural or service sectors. In this study we examine adaptation to the industrial sector in terms of standardized inter-sector comparisons which may not necessarily correspond to the respondent's present position in the indus- trial system. We also consider sector adaptation in comparison with more realistic alternatives specified by the respondent. General standardized comparisons are based on a series of items prefaced with the assumption of similar economic rewards. The respond- ents were asked to make sector comparisons on the basis of machines preferred and different dimensions of three comparable occupations in different sectors. Choice of Farm, Factory, or Office Machine Preference for a factory machine over an agricultural or office machine is a reflection of high worker adaptation to the industrial sec- tor. The Argentine and American automobile workers were asked, "With the same hourly pay, would you prefer to work on a farm machine, an Office machine, or a machine in a factory?" Their responses are shown in Table 32. The Argentine workers clearly reflect a high preference for factory machines. The most extreme cross-national difference is in terms 218 Table 32. Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines Machine Preferred Argentina United States Farm Machine 7.4% 41.1% Office Machine 22.1 10.0 Factory Machine 70.3 49.0 Totals 99.8% 100.1% (N) (272) (241) of preference for agricultural work, as less than one-tenth of the Argentine workers, but over four-tenths of the American workers, indi- cated their preference for farm machinery. This difference reflects variations in sector adaptation, and is related to contrasting character- istics of agriculture in the two societies. Though the question attempted to hold economic factors constant ("With the same hourly wage . . ."), farm machinery in Argentina would imply small tractors, at best, while in the United States the complex of farm machinery is large. Thus, as we approach factory machinery, comparability increases. Respondents in both societies no doubt used machines similar to those found in the auto- mobile plants as their reference point. The large cross-national differ- ences in the percentage preferring factory work reflect differences in worker adaptation to the industrial sector. The greater preference for office machinery in the Argentine sample may reflect more general Latin American values relating to non-manual work, while the low preference in the American case confirms previous findings that industrial workers lack interest in white collar positions. 219 NO single independent variable is significantly related to this measure of sector adaptation in both societies. Location of birthplace is related in Argentina to the dependent variable, but reaches only a low level of significance for the American data. In addition to age, nearly all work-related variables are related to sector preference in the United States, but none of them accounts for variations in the machine preferred by the Argentine workers. In Argentina, on the other hand, education and occupational background are related to sector preference. In advanced industrial societies, negative aspects of assembly- line work should result in a lower level of adaptation, reflected here by preference for a farm or office machine over a factory machine. Though developmental theory would suggest a similar hypothesis, we have suggested that in an early-industrial society, work-related variables will be less likely to differentiate workers in terms of adaptation to industrial employment. Thus, that skill level is related to machine preference pply in the United States supports the general technological work environment hypothesis. Table 33 shows the relationship between skill level and machine preferred. Regardless of skill level, at least two-thirds of the Argentine sample indicated their preference for the industrial sector. Conversely, over two-thirds of the American unskilled workers indicated their preference for farm machinery, reflecting a low level of adaptation to the industrial sector. Office work was selected by nearly a third of the semi-skilled workers in the Argentine plant. Though we would expect functional classification to show a similar relationship, it is again only in the American sample that the relationship is statistically significant, though it approaches signifi- cance in the Argentine sample. Except for inspectors, over seven-tenths 220 Table 33. Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines according to skill level Machine Skill Level Preferred Unskilled Semi-skilled Skilled Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Farm 9% 54% 4% 39% 9% 30% 7% 41% Office 18 10 30 12 16 2 22 10 Factory 73 36 66 49 75 68 71 49 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (133) (67) (97) (131) (44) ,(43) (274) (241) IKA: x2 = 7.045; DF = ; p < .20; E = .214. Olds: x2 = 12.540; DF = 4; p < .02; E = .301. of the Argentine workers in each functional category preferred the indus- trial sector. The failure of these work-related variables to account for differences in sector in Argentina confirms our general hypothesis con- cerning the greater differential impact of work variables on adaptation in an advanced industrial society. Current work experience in the industrial sector, and the varieties of occupational settings reflected by skill level and functional categories have not produced differential adaptation to the industrial sector among Argentine workers. American workers, on the contrary, varied in their adaptation to the industrial sector in terms of their current position in the plant hierarchy. The high interrelationship between skill level and education probably accounts for the lack of a significant relationship between skill level and sector preference in Argentina. As the data in Table 34 show, about four-fifths of the less-educated Argentine workers reflect high adaptation to the industrial sector, regardless of skill level. 221 .ON..V O ”N n ma HOmO.m u Nx “OOHanOOm mam moconomonm nOnOOO AcoHanaonO now OomOmHHOO Enmm Ocm OOHOOOV .Nmm. u.m mno. v a ”N u an mOmmmn H mm unm>6n Hnnxm sap mpcpnmmmna neuupm Azanpapppm mmnmv AOOnansonO now OOmOmHHOO OOHHHMO mam OOHHmeuHEOO ocm coHanOOHmO now OOmOmHHOO Enmm mam ounmwov on. v a ”H n ma amn~.m H mm unm>pn nnnxm mam mppmnpmwna nonpmm Aconumpssm sonv "mane .Oom. n p.mno. v.a ”a u an mmm0.0H H mm "ponnpopmm ppm mocmnmnpna nouumm .omm. n o ”no. v a mm u an mHmm.~n u an "connpppmm pap auaonmnpnm nonomm Ampnnnxa-n2mm .mmnnnmapmw. "man Hemnv Ammo Ava Hosv Anav Annv Ammv HNNV sz N00n NQOn NooH NOOn NooH N00n N00n N00n mnmpon 88 NN as mm mm mm am n8 NnOOUpm mn m an mn m -- N a mpnmmo an Nmm Nam Nmm Nas Nms Nam Nmm spam Hanan mannnxm mannnnm-n26m mannnxmpm mason mannnxm mmnnnxm-nspm mannnnmcm coHansOm Ono: no mnmmw OH OOHnmoswm mmon no mnmow O Oonnomonm mmnmnm OoanD mannomz Ammnv Ammo Hva Ammo amnnv Nav Aomv Homo sz NOOn N00n N00n Noam Noam N00n Noam Noam mnmson mm ON om nm om mN om nm Nppnpmn mm Nn Om ma an nn om nn ppnmmo Na Na Nm Nnn Nm Nnn -- Nm spam Hanan mmnnnnm mannnNm-n96m sonnnxmpm nmuon mmnnnxm mannnxm-n86m mmnnnnwpm COwumUDHum wHOZ HO mummy? N Cowumoflwm mmmd. HO mummw o @mhhwmmnm manncown< Ocnnomz HO>OH HHHxm Ocm coHanOOO On OOnOnOOOm mmcnnome OnOnOmw no .OOHOOO .Enmm now OOcOnOOOnO nonnoB .Om mHan 222 For American workers, skill level also has little influence on sector preference among workers with less education. In both societies, among more educated workers skill level is positively associated with prefer- ence for the industrial sector. Yet even one-fourth of the more educated American workers indicated their preference for farm machinery! In both Argentina and the United States, there is little difference between unskilled and semi-skilled workers. Controlling for skill level, in Argentina the influence of educa- tion on sector preference decreases with skill level, while in the United States, education has the least impact on sector preference among un- skilled workers. Regardless of level of education, over half of the unskilled American workers indicated their preference for farm machinery. If Argentine workers expect education to lead to skilled positions, the more educated workers in lgpg skilled positions should reflect this incon- sistency by low adaptation to the industrial sector, and the data do support this. Less educated Argentine workers reflected a high level of adaptation regardless of skill level; industrial employment may be the best they can obtain. In the United States, education does not lead to upward mobility within blue-collar ranks. The negative influence of unskilled factory work leads to a preference for the agricultural sector, regardless of the level of education, though those unskilled workers with more education were somewhat more likely to prefer office machinery than less educated workers at the same level of skill. Level of education is inversely related to preference for the industrial sector, and positively associated with preference for working with office machinery. This relationship is significant only in Argentina, although the American data show a similar trend. Though 223 education was positively related to skill level, more educated Argentine workers nonetheless reflect a lower level of adaptation to the industrial sector. In the United States, education was not related to skill level, and we find only a tendency toward an inverse relationship between level of education and adaptation to the industrial sector among American workers. In Argentina, education has been a factor behind the mobility of relatively young workers into skilled positions. Yet the data show that their aspirations are not confined to the industrial sector. Though some skilled workers showed a high level of adaptation to the sector, others, probably the more educated, reported a preference for employment in the service sector (working with an office machine). The data in Table 35 show no relationship between age and machine preferred among Argentine workers, but reflect a positive relationship Table 35. Worker preference for farm, office, or factory machines according to age Machine Age Preferred 35 or Under Over 35 Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Farm 7% 50% 9% 37% 7% 42% Office 23 14 17 8 22 10 Factory 70 36 74 55 71 48 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (217) (88) (57) (152) (274) (240) IKA: x2 = .90; DF = 2; p < .70. _ Olds: x2 = 8.21; DF = 2; p < .02, c = .265. between age and preference for industrial machinery for the American auto- mobile workers. Low adaptation to the industrial sector is most typical 224 of American workers under 35 years of age; half of them indicated a preference for farm machinery. This cannot be explained in terms of either occupational background or place of birth, as young workers are more likely to have been born in urban areas and most have had industrial experience. Preference for agricultural machinery can be seen as a rejection of factory employment, coupled with few opportunities for mobility into office employment. Given the forced choice in the ques- tion, the "only way out" was to select the agricultural sector. Had the small businessman been included as an alternative, many would no doubt have selected it. The Argentine workers are not differentiated with respect to age, except for a slight tendency of younger workers to pre- fer office work. Table 36 shows that controlling for age reduces the relationship between education and sector preference among Argentine workers, and only among older workers does the inverse relationship between education and preference for industrial machinery persist. The additional control for age does not yield a significant relationship between education and sector preference among American workers, though a weak relationship does exist among American workers under 35 years of age. Over two-thirds of the less educated American workers in this age group preferred agricultural machinery, while nearly one-fifth of those with ten or more years of education preferred working with office machinery. Low adaptation to the industrial sector is most typical of young American workers, though alternatives to the industrial sector-- agricultural or office work--tend to be a function of the level of educa- tion for these workers. In Argentina, low sector adaptation is more typical of workers with a high level of education, and age has a minimal effect on sector performance. The data thus Support the hypothesis that 225 .qmm. u m ”OH. v a ”N ma mmom.m u «x "cowumoswm mam mocmummmum HOuoom Awasowv "wwflo AaoHumHSUHmo How womamaaoo mowmwo cam Bummv .amm. u w ”no. v a ”H u an maao.q u Nx ”nonsmosem sum mommuommum penumm Aeaov .om. v a ”N n ma www~.q u «x ":oHumosum wan mucouomoum HOuomm chsowv "o Ho mwd mo whom» mm mw< mo whamw mm nova: wouuommum moumum booms: mcflnomz Amofiv “adv Aoov Amoflv Aoofiv Aomv sz Noofl NOOH NooH NOOH xoofi NOOH meuOH mu mm mm me mm mm knouomm wH mm OH mm on NH ooflmmo Nu Nw Nu Nu fio Nm 89mm HauOH whom» +5 mummy one Hmuoe mummw +5 mummw ouo uo>o no mw< mo mummw mm mw< mo mummy mm nova: wouuomoum mewucmwu¢ mcflsomz cowumoocm cam mwm ou wcfivuooom mmcflsome mu0uoww no .oofimmo .Eumw How mocmummmua umxuoz .om mfinme 226 education is an important factor in the sector adaptation of industrial workers in developing societies. But, contrary to our expectations, education appears linked to low adaptation to industrial employment, especially among workers well advanced in their occupational careers. In a more traditional, early-industrial society we would expect to find more inter-generational influence. In fact, analysis of the independent variables showed that only in Argentina was father's occupa- tion related to occupational background and skill level. If the occupa- tion of the father also shapes attitudes toward different occupations, first generation industrial workers should be less likely to reflect adaptation to the industrial sector. In the United States, on the other hand, we would expect minimal inter-generational influence, and, conse- quently, little relationship between occupation of father and adaptation to the industrial sector. The data, however, reflect the opposite of the pattern expected. Inter-generational influences appear to have a sig- nificant effect on sector adaptation in the United States, but not in Argentina. As seen in Table 37, among American workers there was a tendency to prefer that sector which most closely corresponded to the occupation of the respondent's father. In Argentina, there was wide- spread preference for the industrial sector regardless of the occupation of the father, though over a quarter of the Argentine workers with fathers in the service sector did express a preference for office machines. If the occupation of the father did orient the Argentine workers toward non-industrial employment, positive evaluation of factory employment seems to have overcome these variations. The American response pattern is similar to that expected in a more traditional, Ere-industrial society. The clash between the agricultural occupation 227 AcoHumasono wow womdmafioo Eumm wow mowwmov .mom. u.w ”Ho..v a mm n he mom.NH n Nx ”meo .8. v a 6 n .3 ”can; u Nx ".33 9.va 82V 8.3 as 3.3 32V at :3 33 £3 93 NooH Noofi NooH Noofi xooH goofi Noofi Noofi NooH NooH mamuoy we an no mm on «o «m cm mm nu >HOuomm a mm «H HH NH mm m NH 0 ma oofimmo qu Nu Nam No Nmm Nw Nmm No Nmm Ne Eumm mwflo umw gonad Henna: manuaoofiuw< Umuwmmwwm uocumm mo coHumadooo wafisomz Hmnumw mo coHumaoooo cu wowwuouom mocflcome thuomw Ho .oowmwo .Ewmw Mom mocmummwua Hoxuoz .nm oHan 228 of the father and the factory employment of the son appeared most sharply in the United States, while in Argentina first generation industrial workers were no less adapted to factory employment than those with fathers in general manual work or in the skilled crafts. Both the cross-national and the work environment hypotheses are supported. Argentine workers were more likely to prefer factory machin- ery, but were relatively undifferentiated in this preference by skill level. On the other hand, demographic variables did not systematically account for worker adaptation to a greater degree in Argentina than in the United States. Instead, pre-occupational socialization variables appeared to have more influence in Argentina, and occupational experience variables, as well as father's occupation, better account for this measure of sector adaptation in the United States. Choice of Small Independent Farmer, Skilled Factory Worker, or Office Worker Sector preference in the preceding section was defined only in terms of machines, with the implied connection to a general occupation. In this section we increase the specificity of the occupation within each sector, as well as attempt to hold economic reward constant. Respondents were asked to compare three occupations on several dimen- sions. The question was, "Suppose that an office worker, a skilled factory worker, and a small independent farmer were jobs with the same annual income. Which of these do you believe is the occupation most desirable..., most respected..., most necessary..., most monoto- nous..., and the one that gives the most satisfaction?" For each of the above dimensions, respondents were asked to choose one of the three occupations. 229 In both societies "skilled factory worker" referred to skilled trade occupations in a large factory. The Spanish term, especializado, is used to designate the categories applicable to skilled workers in the Argentine automobile plant. Few small independent farmers in a develop- ing society would have incomes equal to that of a skilled factory worker, even though the respondents were asked to assume equality of income. In Argentina, as in many other Latin American nations, agriculture polar- izes in very large farms (estancias in Argentina) and quite poor marginal farming operations. While the agricultural referent may thus be less valid in Argentina than in the United States, the service sector occupa- tion (office worker) is probably more realistic. Male office clerks are still widespread in Argentina, especially outside of the Buenos Aires complex. Bank tellers, receptionists, bookkeepers, and accountants are usually male, though these positions are increasingly filled by women. Yet recent status gains in Argentina have been for industrial workers. In many office positions wages are low, and employees work at two different occupations, one in the morning "shift," from 7 A.M. to l P.M., the hours kept by banks and government offices, and hold another job in the afternoon, from 4 P.M. until 8 P.M. In the United States, male office clerks have essentially disappeared; most males in clerical positions are on some type of executive training or sales program. The data presented in Table 38 indicate that Argentine workers were more likely than their American counterparts to choose the indus- trial sector on the four "positive" dimensions, and were less likely to indicate factory work as the most monotonous. There are substantial national differences in each case, with the least difference on the percentage of workers indicating that the skilled factory worker is the 230 Ammmv Noofi Nmm No New AweHOV mmumum cabana Assay soofl Nafi Nam ass AHm no HmEHmm ucmemaowcw HHmEm mam .woxwo3 mowwmo .umxu03 >uouomm wmafiflxm mo mcoHuNSHm>o o>flumumaaou .wm mHan 231 most desirable occupation. Argentine and American automobile workers reflected a quite similar evaluation of the office worker. Though Oldsmobile workers were more likely to indicate office work as most respected, national differences are quite small with respect to the evaluation or preference for office work on the other dimensions. Idealization of the small independent farmer is reflected in the American workers' continued preference for the agricultural sector, and they were less likely than their Argentine counterparts to list farming as the most monotonous occupation. Generally, the data support the cross-national hypothesis. Further, Argentine workers did not reflect the traditional Latin American preference for white-collar work. Except for the nearly four-tenths who indicated office work as the most respected, Argentine workers were more likely to select either factory or farm work rather than office work. Before turning to an analysis of these measures of sector adaptation in terms of selected independent variables, it should be noted that nearly eight-tenths of the American workers and four-tenths of the Argentine workers listed the small independent farmer as the most necessary. In a surplus agricultural economy, such as the United States, realistic estimates would not put the small independent farmer as of primary necessity. The choices of the American workers seem to reflect an older rural bias combined with a negative evaluation of industrial employment. The Argentine workers reflect a more realistic appraisal of an early-industrial economy which must simultaneously develop its indus- trial potential and rely on agriculture for domestic supply and export production. The five dimensions are related to few independent variables in either Argentina or the United States. The three more general 232 dimensions--most desirable, most respected, and most necessary--are related to few independent variables in either society. The only dimension which warrants more detailed analysis is the listing of the most monotonous occupation. Adaptation to the industrial sector is reflected by those workers who list the small independent farmer or the office worker as the most monotonous occupation. Conversely, listing skilled factory work as the most monotonous is an index of low adaptation. The referent for the industrial sector was that of a skilled factory worker, rather than an unskilled assembly-line worker. Had the latter been used, most respondents would probably list this industrial occupation as most monotonous. In both Argentina and the United States this measure of sector adaptation is related to skill level. In Argentina, both educa- tion and occupation of father were important variables, and both type and location of birthplace bear some relationship in the United States. As Table 39 indicates, in both societies skilled workers are least likely to list the occupation in the industrial sector as the most monotonous. In the American sample, the percentage of workers listing either office or farm work as most monotonous increases systematically with skill level. Earlier we argued that in Argentina the image of the small independent farmer was less positive than in the United States. The data appear to support this notion, as one-fourth of the unskilled Argentine workers listed small independent farming as the most monotonous occupation. This unskilled group was the least likely to give this response among the American workers. Inter-generational influences may contribute to a basic orienta- tion toward employment in different sectors. And some variables, such as 233 Table 39. Judgments of skilled factory worker, office worker, and small independent farmer as the occupation most monotonous according to skill level Occupation Skill Level Most Unskilled Semi-skilled Skilled Totals Monotonous IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Skilled Factory Worker 16% 53% 28% 36% 7% 13% 19% 36% Office Worker 59 41 53 54 79 76 6O 55 Small Independent Farmer 25 6 19 10 14 ll 21 9 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (128) (64) (96) (124) (44) (45) . (268) (233) IKA: x2 = 14.433; DF = 4; p (.01; E f. .306. Olds: x2 = 18.520; DF = 4; p < .001; c = .367. occupation of father, tap the environment in which the respondent was socialized. The relationship between father's occupation and occupation most monotonous, shown in Table 40, is significant only in Argentina, and follows somewhat different patterns cross-nationally. In the United States, the percentage of workers with low adaptation to the industrial sector is highest among workers with fathers who were in the agricultural sector, and least typical of workers whose fathers were skilled craftsmen. But in Argentina, workers reflect a nearly uniform adaptation to the industrial sector regardless of father's occupation. Finally, it is interesting to note that, in Argentina, workers with fathers in agricul- ture were also those most likely to choose farm work as most monotonous, while those with fathers in the service sector were least likely to do so. Return to the land would probably be least agreeable to those raised in an agricultural environment in a developing society, whereas in an 234 AcOwumHsono pom wmwamfifioo Eumm mam ouwmmov .om..v 6 mm n ma mm.~ u Nx "meflo .mHm. u w “do. v a.m6 n ma m~w~.aa n «x "axH Ammmv Aqomv Aoqv Awfiv Aewv ANNHV Aoav Amov AHmV Aomv sz soofi Noofi gooH Noofl goes Noofl Noofi wooH Noofi Nooa mfimuoe w Hm ma wN 4 NH 6H NN N mm “magma qupCoaowcH HHmEm 6m 06 mm mm m6 «6 mm mm on ma pmxpoz masons gem Rafi Nmm ska Nmm New Nmm Nmfi ems sea guano: awesome cmfiawxm mefio axH meflo «MH mefio «MH mefio «MH mefio «xH 6666666662 mamuoe mummuo woafiwxm mmow>uom Mona; Hmscwz. manuaoowww< umoz nonumm mo coHummsooo cowumasuoo wmsumw mo cowummsooo ou wcwwwooom mSOGOuocoE uwoe demandsooo onu mm onHmw ucmocwaowaw HHmEm wow .wmxwoa oowmmo .uoxwoz kHOuUMM vawam mo muCoEwosh .oo ofinwe 235 advanced industrial society the small independent farmer is idealized by many industrial workers. Developmental theory would suggest the opposite pattern, and some anthropological reports stress the yearning to return to the land on the part of many new industrial workers.301 However, this attitude, if in fact typical of some developing societies, belongs more to the pre-industrial than the early-industrial society. And, if this pattern occurs in both pre-industrial and advanced industrial societies, evaluation of agricultural employment would seem to follow a somewhat curvilinear pattern. If the "return to the land" idealization exists at all in early-industrial societies, our data indicate that it is most likely to occur among workers with fathers in the service sector. Among the Argentine workers, education was inversely related to an earlier measure of sector adaptation: more educated workers pre- ferred office rather than factory machines. Yet, in terms of the occu- pation considered most monotonous, highly educated workers were more likely than less educated ones to list office work as the most monoton- ous. This relationship is presented in Table 41. Less educated workers were more likely to feel that farming is most monotonous, confirming the findings discussed in the preceding paragraph. Highly educated workers most probably distinguished between general work in an office, implied in the selection of office machinery, and specific occupations in an office, referred to in the alternative, "office worker." The Spanish translation, oficinista, implies little more than a clerk, and, as indi- cated above, these positions are still frequently held by males. In the 301Our review of the literature noted little empirical support for the desire to return to agriculture in developing societies. 236 Table 41. Judgments of skilled factory worker, office worker, and small independent farmer as the occupation most monotonous accord- ing to level of education--Argentina only Occupation Education Most 6 Years or 7-9 10 Years Monotonous Less Years or More Total Skilled Factory Worker 16% 22% 20% 19% Office Worker 54 61 71 60 Small Independent Farmer 30 17 9 21 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (115) (87) (66) (268) IKA: x2 = 13.113; DF = 4; p < .02; 'c' = .293. United States, however, male "office workers" are typically found in higher level clerical or administrative work. Thus, the seeming incon- sistency of highly educated Argentine workers who both preferred office machines, but considered office work as the most monotonous occupation might be explained by the specific connotations attached to the "office worker." These workers would perhaps like to work in an office, but would not prefer to hold lower clerical positions which, in many cases, pay less than their wage in the automobile factory. Four of the dimensions were combined into an Index of Situs Preference. A score of l was given on each dimension for workers who listed the skilled factory worker as the occupation most desirable, most respected, and most necessary. For the last dimension, the occupation most monotonous, a score of l was assigned to workers listing either the small independent farmer or the office worker as the most monotonous 237 occupation. A maximum score of 4 means that the worker reSponded in favor of the industrial sector on all four dimensions, and a score of 0 means that non-industrial employment was preferred in each case. Distributions for the two samples are presented in Table 42. Table 42. Index of situs preference Index of Situs Preference Argentina United States High Adaptation to Industrial Sector 4 20% 6% 3 27 12 2 27 25 1 16 37 Low Adaptation to Industrial Sector 0 9 20 Totals 100% 100% (N) (266) (231) One-fifth of the Argentine automobile workers reflected high adaptation to industrial sector on each of the four dimensions, while one-fifth of the American workers favored either the service or the agricultural sector on each dimension. Table 43 presents some of the associations between the index of situs preference and a variety of work and non-work independent variables. Not one relationship is statistically significant for the Argentine data. In the United States, at least one variable from each group of variables does, at least, reach a low level of significance. The lack of signifi- cant relationships in the Argentine sample is not merely due to the 238 Ho. H oNH.m ON. H qon.~ moaoowmmm on. N NNa. On. 6 6mm.q suNpoHamm ON. m mkN.o cm. m 0mm.N .mpmmmNu Napofiuoasm Noe. N mmm.mN ON. N omo.¢ N6>6a NNNxm ON. N oqN.¢ co. m Nmo.m easopwxomm chonumasouo No. m «6m.mN 0N. m NNk.m aoNumasuoo m.pmnumm om. N «mm.N mm. m 6mm.N cofiumoaem No. m wfim.qN om. m mom.w coNumooq--6omNasupHm om. N NN¢.N om. w mwo.w mama--6umNasume OH. H NNN.N oN. N wNN. mwa an .3 Non m .3 Non mmumum bongo: mcfiucowu< moanmwwm> woumHouuxu03 mam .c0wumnwflmwo0m HmcoHquSUUO .wcsowwxomn mEOm cam mocowwmowa msufim mo xooCH msu smo3uon mcofluMHUOmm< .mq chmH 239 interrelationship of the items making up the index. Even cross- tabulations between the independent variables and the individual items revealed few significant relationships, and most of these dealt with the item on the occupation most monotonous. The pattern of relation- ships between the independent variables may account for the lack of relationship in the Argentine case. It is also possible that, in spite of the construction of the item, respondents were in fact using differ- ent referents for the sector comparisons. The relationships between independent variables and the Index of Situs Preference in the American cases follow a pattern similar to that noted with other measures of sector adaptation. High adaptation to the industrial sector was more typical of older, skilled workers, who lived in the city of Lansing, rather than in surrounding areas. American workers with fathers in the agricultural sector were more likely to reflect a low level of adaptation to the industrial sector. In fact, father's occupation was related to all four of the items making up the Index, though there was only a weak relationship for the occupation considered the most monotonous. Occupational Experience and Adaptation to the Industrial Sector The previous sections probed sector adaptation in somewhat ideal terms. Workers were asked to indicate sector preference under an ideal free-choice situation, with workers using as referents occupations with which they may be only indirectly acquainted. In a developing society, or where the industrial sector was rapidly expanding, many industrial workers would have had some non-industrial experience. WOuld workers reflect a high level of adaptation by expressing a preference for 240 industrial occupations, as opposed to other non-industrial occupations held? It is the relationship between occupational experience and sector adaptation to which we now turn. On the basis of a detailed occupational history, respondents were asked, "Of all these occupations (including your present one in the auto- mobile plant), which one did you like the most?" Obviously workers without non-industrial experience could not have listed a non-industrial occupation as the one liked best. But our classification of occupational background represented only a summary of occupational experience. A worker with the majority of his experience in the industrial sector could have, nonetheless, held a non-industrial occupation at one time. High sector adaptation would be reflected by those workers indicating either (1) that they liked their present industrial occupation best, or (2) that they liked a previous industrial occupation best. Table 44 shows the responses of the Argentine and American automobile workers. Table 44. Situs of occupation liked best Occupation Liked Best Argentina United States Like present industrial occupation best 63.0% 62.5% Like other industrial occupation best 7.5 2.2 Like non-industrial occupation best 29.4 35.3 Totals 99.9% 100.0% (N) (265) (232) Although workers in both societies reflect quite similar responses in terms of preference for their present positions in the automobile 241 industry, IKA workers were somewhat more likely than Oldsmobile workers to prefer a different industrial occupation. Even this small difference is notable in that nearly nine-tenths of the American automobile workers had spent most of their working lives in the industrial sector. Two important implications emerge. First, many of the American workers appar- ently had been employed for brief periods in non-industrial occupations. Secondly, in spite of the fact that these periods do not constitute the majority of their occupational experience, nearly a third of the workers listed non-industrial occupations as those liked best, reflecting a low level of adaptation to the industrial sector. The relationship between this measure of sector adaptation and occupational background throws additional light on national differences. Those preferring their present occupations are relatively undif- ferentiated in terms of occupational background, with a tendency for greater preferences for present occupation among Oldsmobile workers with industrial backgrounds. Occupational background is related to sector preference among those listing a different occupation as the best liked. In the American sample those few preferring other industrial occupations were workers with general experience in industry. In both societies, workers with general industrial experience who reflected low sector adap- tation tended to list manual jobs in the service sector as the occupation best liked. If longing for a "return to the land" is an index of low adaptation to the industrial sector, Oldsmobile workers with agricultural and service experience, and to a lesser extent, those with general indus- trial experience, reflected low adaptation as they listed farming as the occupation preferred. In the Argentine sample, in contrast, workers with agricultural and service backgrounds were more likely to prefer other 242 industrial occupations. Why did some workers like a previous occupation better than the one they currently held in the automobile plant? Considering only those workers who said they liked a previous occupation best, the reasons given for this preference reflect the bases for dislike of their present occupation, as shown in Table 45. Given the few in each sample that preferred another industrial occupation, reasons listed for preferring a different occupation also reflected factors contributing to a low adaptation to the industrial sector. Table 45. Reasons for liking a previous occupation better than present occupation Reasons Argentina United States General type of industrial work 24.0% 20.2% Wages or secure employment 1.0 6.0 Supervision or social factors 16.7 17.9 Challenge of work 57.3 27.4 Physical factors 1.0 28.6 Totals 100.0% 100.1% (N) ' (96) (84) Wages and security of employment are not major reasons for preferring an occupation other than the present one in either society. And in both samples at least one-fifth of the workers indicated they preferred a different occupation because of the general type of work involved. The largest cross-national differences occur in the relative emphasis on physical factors or challenge of work. American workers were more 243 likely to react negatively to the physical environment of the factory, and Argentine workers, on the other hand, reacted negatively to the lack of challenge in their present work, as compared with previous occupations they had held. This difference can be interpreted in several ways. In a developing society, most employment concentrates in relatively small- scale enterprises. Job segmentation and routinization are characteristic of large-scale enterprises, and thus many Argentine workers find them- selves in repetitive jobs for the first time in the automobile plant. Even skilled workers felt a lack of challenge in aspects of their work in that many decisions were made by supervisors or engineering personnel. That is, many Argentine workers appeared to expect variety and challenge in industrial employment. Yet what appears as a complex manufacturing process utilizing modern machinery is, in fact, segmented into a multi- tude of simple tasks. For the blue-collar worker in an early- industrial or advanced industrial society, the challenge and variety of work probably varies inversely with the size and complexity of the factory. While many Argentine workers complained about some aspects of the physical environment of the automobile plant, few felt that physical variables were much better in previous occupations. The automobile plant was generally clean, light, and well ventilated, except in a few departments. American workers, however, reflected something of a "fresh air bias" in their preference for some previous occupations because they worked out-of-doors, or at least out of the factory setting. In terms of reasons for preferring a previous occupation over that presently held in the automobile plant, Argentine workers focussed more on some intrinsic factors of work, while their American counterparts were somewhat more likely to concentrate on the physical environment. 244 In spite of the range of factors listed by both Argentine and American workers, the specific factor listed bears little relationship to current work and non-work variables. The national difference dis- cussed above, however, provides some support for the general hypothesis of higher adaptation to the industrial sector among Argentine workers. Conclusions--Adaptation to the Industrial Sector Argentine automobile workers reflected a higher level of adapta- tion to the industrial sector than American workers holding similar positions in the automobile industry. Contrary to what might be pre- dicted on the basis of developmental theory, Argentine workers were more likely to reflect adaptation to the industrial sector. Further, even those Argentine workers who did not prefer industrial employment tended to choose the service, rather than the agricultural, sector. Positive evaluation of agriculture was more typical of American workers. Gener- ally, analysis of sector adaptation supported the cross-national hypothesis of higher adaptation to the industrial sector in early- industrial societies. The data appear to support our contention that industrial employment in an early-industrial society is highly valued, and that important differences in the agricultural sector in societies at different levels of development make it unlikely that agricultural employment will be favorably viewed by industrial workers in an early- industrial society. Skill level was a more effective predictor of sector adaptation in the United States, though in some cases, the Argentine data also tended toward a positive relationship between skill level and adaptation to the industrial sector. American workers appeared to react directly 245 to their current industrial positions when responding to different measures of sector adaptation. In the Argentine sample, the only measure of sector adaptation significantly related to skill level was the choice of the most monotonous occupation. Measures of sector adaptation, then, support the technological work environment hypothesis suggesting that work-related variables predict worker adaptation more effectively in advanced industrial societies. The pattern of relationships between measures of sector adapta- tion and demographic variables did not reflect a consistent pattern, in part because of the complex interrelationship between demographic and work-related variables discussed in the preceding chapter. In Argentina, level of education was an important variable, leading to low sector adaptation among better educated workers holding less skilled positions. Among the American workers, age was positively associated with adaptation to the industrial sector, but it appeared to have little influence on sector adaptation among the Argentine workers. Though we expected inter-generational influences to be stronger in Argentina, it was only among American workers that father's occupation was related to sector adaptation. American workers appeared to utilize the occupational environment in which they were raised as a basic point of reference, and typically preferred the sector which most closely corresponded to their father's sector of employment. Adaptation to Occupation In Part I we found significant national and intra-plant differ- ences in adaptation to the industrial sector. Sectoral comparisons were followed by comparisons between current occupation and previous occupations 246 held by the automobile workers. In this part, and in Part III, the emphasis becomes more specific. We focus on adaptation to the general occupation and to the particular job or task in the automobile plant. As pointed out in the review of the literature, many previous studies made no distinction between occupation and job. Further, though researchers may utilize this distinction, it may not be understood by the respondent. In this study, we tried to point out the distinction between a general occupation and the specific job or task to the respondent. Significantly, and due in part to the nature of the union contract, even Argentine assembly-line workers indicated their "occupacion en IKA" in general terms, such as mechanic or electrician. The union contract specified occupational titles for most workers, but those on the assembly line were, in fact, labeled as general production workers. Following the respondent's detailed description of the task, the interviewers concluded with the statement, "then your job or task is ." This distinction was referred to in the later sections dealing with adaptation to job and occupation. Occupational Experience and Adaptation to Occupation In the discussion of sectoral adaptation, one measure of adapta- tion to the industrial sector was the preference for industrial occupa- tions by workers whose occupational experience included non-industrial employment. This same item can be used to measure occupational adapta- tion. Occupational adaptation is reflected by workers who liked their present occupation in the automobile plant best, as compared with all other previous occupations held. Table 46 excludes respondents whose only occupational experience has been in the automobile plant. 247 Table 46. Occupation liked best Occupation Liked Best Argentina United States Present Occupation 63.0% 62.5% Previous Occupation 37.0 37.5 Totals 100.0% 100.0% (N) (265) (232) As we noted in our discussion of sector adaptation, the Argentine- American difference is nil. In this section we will contrast workers who preferred their present occupation with those who indicated that they liked a previous occupation best. Our discussion of the interrelationship of the independent variables noted the general influence of societal variables such as education and father's occupation on the skill level and functional classification of the Argentine workers. Further persistence is reflected in the relationship of father's occupation and preference for present occupation in Argentina, shown in Table 47. Father's occupation Table 47. Occupation liked best according to occupation of father-- Argentina only Occupation Occupation of Father Liked Best Agriculture Manual Labor Services Skilled Crafts Total Present 74% 64% 62% 28% 63% Previous 26 36 37 72 37 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (57) (69) (118) (18) (262) IKA: x2 = 12.390; DF = 3; p < .01; '0 = .290. 248 is the only occupational socialization variable related to the dependent variable under discussion. And, though father's occupation is related to the occupational background of the automobile workers, this latter vari- able is not related to occupational preference. One might argue that in a developing society, adaptation to an industrial occupation would be most likely among those few workers whose fathers were skilled craftsmen, and least among first generation industrial workers. The data, however, suggest the opposite pattern. Nearly three-quarters of workers with fathers in agriculture reported that they preferred their present occupa- tion, but only three-tenths of those who were sons of skilled craftsmen reflected adaptation to their present occupation. If industrial employ- ment enjoys relatively high status in an early-industrial society, workers in the skilled crafts should occupy a place near the top of the blue-collar hierarchy. The low adaptation to current occupation among sons of craftsmen might be due to an implicit inter-generational compari- son made by these workers. Workers with fathers in the skilled crafts may have experienced some downward inter-generational mobility by enter- ing the automobile plant, and may reflect this in a preference for a previous occupation. The relationship between occupation liked best and seniority is significant only in Argentina. Workers with more seniority were more likely to indicate their present occupation as the one liked best. Skill level, on the other hand, is positively associated with preference for present occupation only among the American workers. Though there is a positive relationship between skill level and seniority in both societies length of service appears to influence this measure of occupational adap- tation in Argentina, while American workers are differentiated by aspects 249 of their present occupation, reflected in skill level. Cross-national comparisons, then, supported the general hypothesis. Few non-work variables accounted for variation in either society. In Argentina, however, the continuing inter-generational influence of the occupation of the father was an important variable. Yet, contrary to developmental theory, adaptation to the current occupation was mggt typical of first generation industrial workers with fathers in the agricultural sector. Instead of reflecting a low level of adaptation, these workers may have felt that their present occupation in the plant was a marked improvement over their father's occupation. And, it may be that their comparative evaluation was further reinforced by the use of both family and friends in non-industrial occupations as points of reference in their positive evaluation of their occupation in the automobile plant. Occupational Experience and the Basis for Adaptation to Occupation The automobile workers were asked to indicate the reasons for their choice. Here we consider only the reasons given by workers who indicated that they preferred their present occupation over previous positions held. Reasons for liking a different occupation were explored in our discussion of sector adaptation. The present concern is with factors contributing to adaptation to the current occupation in the automobile plant. Table 48 shows the reasons given for preference of the present occupation over all previous occupations. Wages and employ- ment security, especially the former, were given as reasons for prefer- ring their present occupation by many workers in both societies. This reflection of "instrumental adaptation" was only slightly more prevalent 250 Table 48. Reasons for liking present occupation better than a previous occupation Reasons Argentina United States General type of work 27.2% 21.2% Wages or secure employment 33.5 37.1 Supervision or social factors 1.9 4.6 Physical factors 1.9 11.4 Challenge of work 35.4 25.8 Totals 99.9% 100.1% (N) (158) (132) among American workers. There is, however, some evidence that intrinsic adaptation was more typical of the Argentine workers. As compared with their American counterparts, they were more likely to reflect a general preference for industrial type of work or to emphasize the challenge in their present occupation, and they were less likely to list physical con- ditions or social factors as the reasons for liking their present occupa- tion best. In terms of the reasons for reflecting adaptation to the industrial sector, Argentine workers were more likely to indicate those reasons which tap an intrinsic basis for occupational adaptation. Though few independent variables differentiated workers who liked their present occupation best from those who did not, several variables are related to the reasons for occupational preference in both societies. Both functional classification and skill level are important differentiating variables, but few demographic variables are related to reasons for occupational preference. Given the small number of cases, we 251 have collapsed "supervision" with "social factors" and "physical factors" with "general type of work" in the following analysis. Functional classification, reflecting the nature of the occupa- tion held in the plant and the occupational referent for those liking their present occupation best, is related to the reason behind this measure of occupational adaptation. When the samples were dichotomized, though functional classification did not differentiate those who pre- ferred their present occupation from those who preferred a previous occupation, the data in Table 49 indicate that, in both societies, assembly-line workers were more likely to emphasize wages and employment security--instrumental adaptation--and less likely to focus on the challenge of their present occupation. Skilled workers, on the other hand, were more likely to reflect intrinsic adaptation, listing the challenge of their work as a factor contributing to occupational prefer- ence. The tendency of Argentine workers to focus on intrinsic rather than instrumental factors noted in our earlier discussion persists for all functional classifications for both samples, with two exceptions. American skilled workers were somewhat more likely to list the challenge of work as a factor contributing to occupational preference, and Argentine machine operators were more likely than their American counter- parts to emphasize wages and employment security. We will return to these two "deviant cases" after looking at the relationship between skill level and reasons for occupational preference. Table 50 shows a pattern similar to that noted above, though the Argentine sample shows considerably less internal differentiation. And, repeating the pattern noted above, Argentine unskilled and semi-skilled workers were more likely to emphasize intrinsic factors than American 252 .Nss. u w.mNo. v a ”6 u an moo.NN u Nx "msNo .mmm. u w.mNo. v a no u an NON.mN u Nx ”49H ANNNV ANNNV ANNV AmNV ANsV Aosv Asmv Aosv ANNV fiva sz NOON NOON NOON NOON NooN NOON NOON NOON NOON NOON mNmuoe 8N mm mm Ne 6N mm NN mm 6 8N mwc6NNmeo x663 Nm Nm 6N NN 6N mN N6 mm N6 06 race mo make NNN Nam NNN NON Nmm Non NqN Nmm Nmm NNs suNpsomm--smm meNo «MN msNo «MN meNo «NH msNo asH msNo «MN meuoe cmEmuwmuo wouoommcH HmemH magnomz Hoanaomm< Cowmmm GOMumonwmmmHo HmcoHuocam m.umxH03 coHumonwmmmHu Hmcofluocsm ou wowwuooom mcoHumasooo mooN>mwm Ham cmnu wouumn cofiumasooo ucommua wcHxHH wow acmmom .mq manna 253 Table 50. Reason for liking present occupation better than all previous occupations according to skill level Worker's Skill Level Reason Unskilled Semi-skilled Skilled Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Pay--Security 38% 50% 28% 37% 31% 25% 34% 37% Type of Work 35 44 32 44 15 16 31 37 Work Challenge 27 6 40 19 54 59 35 26 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (79) (32) (53) (68) (26) (32) (158) (132) IKA: X2 = 8.20; DF = 4; Olds: x2 = 27.90; DF p .10; C = .301. 4; p .001; C = .559. workers at the same skill level. But Argentine skilled workers again failed to follow this pattern, and instead were more likely than American workers to emphasize instrumental factors in their occupational prefer- ence. Though the total number of cases is small, and the differences between American and Argentine workers are not large, this consistent deviation from the remainder of the Argentine sample deserves some comment. With the exception of the skilled workers the data support the cross-national hypothesis. That is, though there were no cross-national differences in the percentage of workers who liked their present occupa- tion best, analysis of the reasons for occupational preference revealed that Argentine workers were more likely to emphasize intrinsic factors, and American workers tended to list wages and employment security, instru- mental factors, as the reason for their preference. The argument, of course, is that while both samples generally reflected high occupational 254 adaptation, a higher level of adaptation was reflected by the Argentine workers' emphasis on intrinsic factors. Acceptance of negative features of industrial employment may be accompanied by a focus on the economic rewards of work. Emphasis on the challenge of industrial work, however, reflects a positive adaptation to the industrial setting. This cross- national difference, moreover, may link to differences in prevailing labor market conditions in the two societies. For many Argentine workers, even those in unskilled or semi- skilled positions, employment in the automobile industry was more chal- lenging than previous occupations. But this did not appear to be the case among skilled workers in the Argentine sample. In Argentina, skilled workers in the automobile industry were very well paid, and con- siderable overtime boosted their total income.302 They consequently enjoyed an income no doubt superior to what they might have earned in a different industrial setting. Yet, the tool and die and experimental departments in the Argentine plant probably offered less opportunity for individual initiative and creativity than skilled jobs in other indus- tries. With the introduction of automatic die-copying machines and the transfer of the design function to engineers, work in these departments may have been more like general production work than would have been the case in a smaller plant or in a different industry. Skilled workers in Argentina, given their industrial occupational experience, did not con- front the exciting world of machinery for the first time in the 302That skilled workers rather than production operatives work long hours of overtime supports our earlier comments on the increasing "production" role of the tool and die department. It also reflects the current state of the market for new automobiles in Argentina and the problem of increasing inventories of unsold cars at the time of the study. 255 automobile plant, as did many unskilled and semi-skilled workers. Certainly the demand for skilled workers will keep wages high, but we can expect their tasks to become increasingly regulated and "production- 1ike." In terms of this measure of adaptation, at least, instrumental adaptation may begin with skilled workers in an early-industrial society, rather than with unskilled workers as is often the case in advanced industrial societies. The deviant case of the Argentine skilled workers has reduced the strength of the relationship between both functional classification and skill level and reasons for preference of present occupation. Indirectly, therefore, the general technological work environment hypothesis is supported, as we argued that work-related variables would have less predictive power in Argentina than in the United States. Satisfaction with Current Occupation This study made a distinction between job and occupational satisfaction. Occupational satisfaction was measured by the question, "On the whole, how do you feel about being a (Occupational Title)?" Responses were in terms of five closed categories. The responses of the Argentine and American automobile workers are shown in Table 51. Occupa- tional satisfaction is one dimension of worker adaptation to an indus- trial occupation. Workers reporting that they are very satisfied or satisfied with their current occupation reflect a high level of occupa- tional adaptation. Both Argentine and American workers reflected a relatively high level of occupational satisfaction. National differences appear most markedly among those workers selecting the non-commital "neither 256 Table 51. Occupational satisfaction Argentina United States Very Satisfied 19.8% 22.7% Satisfied 68.5 56.3 Neither Satisfied nor Dissatisfied 2.2 13.8 Dissatisfied 8.4 5.2 Very Dissatisfied 1.1 2.0 Totals 100.0% 100.0% (N) (273) (247) satisfied nor dissatisfied." If this middle category is considered as reflecting a lower level of satisfaction than either of the positive responses, the data provide some support for the cross-national hypothesis. Combining the two positive categories, almost nine-tenths of the Argentine workers and nearly eight-tenths of the American workers reflected adaptation to their current occupation. Though this differ- ence is small, it is in the direction predicted by the cross-national hypothesis. A range of independent variables helps to account for variations in occupational satisfaction. In both societies, age, seniority, and skill level are positively related to level of occupational satisfaction. And in the United States, functional classification and type of birth- place are related to occupational satisfaction. Rural-born American workers reflected a higher level of satisfaction than workers born in urban or fringe areas. No occupational socialization variables are significantly related to occupational satisfaction. This is somewhat 257 surprising since many, such as occupational background, father's occupa- tion, and father's birthplace, were related to the same variables which link to occupational satisfaction. Though several occupational sociali- zation variables were related to sector adaptation, as we focus on the current work setting the influence of these more general variables fades. Most studies of industrial workers have found a positive rela- tionship between skill level and satisfaction, and both the Argentine and American data, presented in Table 52, confirm these previous findings. Table 52. Occupational satisfaction according to skill level Occupational Skill Level Satisfaction Unskilled Semi-skilled Skilled Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Low 15% 36% 11% 19% 2% 6% 12% 21% Medium 68 55 70 57 65 55 68 56 High 17 9 19 24 33 38 20 23 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (133) (69) (97) (131) (45) (47) (275) (247) IKA: x2 = 9.797; DF = 4; p < .05; E = .251. Olds: x2 = 23.545; DF = 4; p <.001; '0' = .400. However, though the relationship is systematic in both societies, important differences appear. At all levels of skill, IKA workers reflected higher levels of occupational satisfaction than their counter- parts in the American plant. These national differences, then,support our general hypothesis, and are not an artifact of an unusually high level of adaptation among a particular skill group, though in the Argentine case most of the statistical significance is due to the 258 high satisfaction of skilled workers. Functional classification is related to occupational satisfaction only in the United States. Though American machine operators and inspec- tors were relatively undifferentiated, nearly one—third of the assembly- line workers reflected low satisfaction, while two-fifths of the skilled workers reported that they were very satisfied with their occupations. In Argentina, functional classification bears no relationship to occupa- tional satisfaction, but, as noted above, skill level is positively associated with occupational satisfaction. Skill level reflects the hierarchical position of the worker in the plant, while functional clas- sification describes the current occupation of the worker regardless of the level occupied by the workers performing the task. A semi-skilled inspector, for example, would have a more routinized and repetitive task than a skilled inspector. The American data suggest that pg£h_work task and hierarchical level influence occupational satisfaction. In the Argentine case, however, only hierarchical position, reflected in skill level, is related to occupational satisfaction. In the Argentine plant, what is important in occupational satisfaction is 22E whether a worker operates a machine or works on the assembly line. Rather, differences in level of satisfaction depend on whether a machine operator works in a production department or in the tool and die department. Departmental location, reflected in skill level, appears to be more important than the nature of the specific task. There are several possible interpretations of this national dif- ference. There is greater task variation within functional categories in the Argentine plant. Machine operators in the tool and die shop may enjoy considerably more variety in their work than machine operators in 259 production departments. But this variability also exists in the American plant, though it is perhaps of greater significance in Argentina. Given the dramatic national difference--a relationship between functional clas- sification and occupational satisfaction only in the United States--a cultural emphasis on formal ranking in Argentina may help to account for this variation. Certainly Argentine workers were conscious of the intra- plant ranking system, and organizational levels or ranks also played an important role in the larger society. Given some similarity in task, skill level can take on features of ascribed status, and is correlated with location in the plant. Experimental and tool and die departments were attributed high prestige by the workers, and many, when asked about occupational change, named these departments as desirable places to work, rather than indicating specific occupations. In terms of occupational satisfaction, then, general plant status may contribute more to the Argentine workers' satisfaction than features of the present task. This general notion will be explored further when we consider other instances in which worker adaptation is related to skill level in both societies and to functional classification only in the United States. Age is positively related to occupational satisfaction in both Argentina and the United States, according to data presented in Table 53. Dissatisfaction is most widespread among American workers under 25 years of age; over four-tenths reflected a low level of occupational satisfac- tion. Yet even young Argentine workers were less satisfied than older workers. Developmental theory would have predicted that very young workers, without experience outside of the industrial sector, should reflect a higher level of satisfaction than older workers. The latter, according to the theory, confront greater problems of cultural adjustment 260 Table 53. Occupational satisfaction according to age Occupational Age Satisfaction 20-25 26-35 Over 35 Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Low 19% 41% 10% 29% 7% 16% 12% 22% Medium 69 50 72 62 58 55 68 56 High 12 9 l8 9 35 29 20 22 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (65) (22) (153) (65) (57) (159) (275) (246) 2 IKA: x = 13.90; DF = 4; p < .01; C = .297. 0163: x2 = 18.52; DF = 4; p < .001; E = .359. when moving into a large factory. Instead, the data show a similar pattern of dissatisfaction among younger workers in both societies. The strong interrelationship between age, skill level, and seniority, and occupational satisfaction, calls for further analysis. In both societies, occupational satisfaction increased with the age of the worker. In the American case, a high level of satisfaction was especially characteristic of workers over 45 years of age. These older workers made up nearly half of the American sample, but there were few workers this old in Argentina. Multivariate analysis of the effect of age and skill level on occupational satisfaction was based on a dichotomization of the two samples on the basis of age. Thus, very young workers, those under 25 years of age, were combined with others under 35 years of age. And in the Argentine case the "old" category contained few workers over 40. Collapsed in this manner, the relation- ship between skill level and occupational satisfaction remains signifi- cant only among American workers 35 years of age or under. There is no 261 significant relationship between skill level and occupational satisfac- tion among either American or Argentine workers over 35 years of age. And among young Argentine workers the relationship between skill level and satisfaction also fails to reach statistical significance. In part, the lack of significance in these relationships is attributable to the small number of cases in some cells, which required considerable collapsing for statistical analysis. Controlling for skill level fails to yield any significant relationship between age and occupational satisfaction among the Argentine workers. For the American workers, however, there is a strong positive relationship between age and satisfaction among unskilled workers, and a similar, though weaker, relationship among semi-skilled and skilled workers. For the Argentine case, then, though both age and skill level are separately related to occupational satisfaction, taken together they do not account for variations in occupational satisfaction. But in the United States, age appears to be a slightly better predictor of occupational satisfaction, though this relationship is reinforced by the high association between age and skill level in the American plant. Several characteristics of the Argentine plant force may account for the lack of a relationship between the combined influence of skill level and age, and occupational satisfaction. First, the sample reflects less differentiation in age than the American sample. Secondly, though significant, the linkage between age and skill level is not nearly so marked as in the United States; many relatively young Argentine workers did hold skilled positions. Finally, both age and skill level reflect a somewhat weaker relationship to occupational satisfaction than in the United States, as indicated in Tables 52 and 53. With a greater age 262 spread among Argentine workers in the future, we might expect a stronger relationship between age and skill level, and between age and occupational satisfaction. Further, we have argued that work—related variables are of greater significance for worker adaptation in advanced industrial societies, and with continued deve10pment, the impact of skill level on occupational satisfaction may become more pronounced in Argentina. In both societies, seniority is positively related to occupa- tional satisfaction. But, in both societies, seniority and skill level are highly interrelated. For the American workers, the relationship between skill level and satisfaction persists when we control for senior- ity. In the Argentine case, the relationship between skill level and satisfaction disappears when seniority is used as a control. Controlling for skill level, in no case does the relationship between seniority and occupational satisfaction reach statistical significance. Further evi- dence that seniority alone does not lead to adaptation is provided when age is used as a control. Controlling for age, there is no significant relationship between seniority and occupational satisfaction, and, con- versely, the positive relationship between age and occupational satis- faction persists when seniority is used as a control. Mere amount of experience in a factory, then, does not appear to influence occupational satisfaction in either the Argentine or American automobile factory. In the American plant, and to a lesser extent in the Argentine factory, .« seniority appears to influence adaptation because of the high interrela- tionship between seniority and both age and skill level. Occupational satisfaction is thus a function of the in-plant work environment, reflected in skill level, and also varies with the general stage in the life cycle of the individual, tapped through age. 263 .om._v a “N u no Namm.H u Nx ACOHUNHDUHNO How UmmdeHOU GOHuowmmHu—mm .5;me vcm Swwmv .omm. n o ”OH..V a “H n ma Hmon.m n Nx “GOHumuovm hp c0nnommmnumm HMGOnumasooo n. .om. v 6 ”6 n ma Nmm6.N N Na HsoHumHsono non 66666HH66 66HHHH6-H866 6:6 66HHHx6c=V .m6m. n_w ”Ho..v a “N u an Nmm6.oH u x "H6>6H HHme >6 consumanumm HaaoHDmaaooo "H66HHmeaav "acnumosom use c0nuomwmnumm HmCOHumasooo “acnnmonom van acnuommmnumm HmCOnumasooo Hmwfio "AcoHumosem nwnmv "mH Hanxm cu wanwnooom coHuommmnumm HmcoHumasooo .qm oHLmH 264 Though not significantly related to occupational satisfaction in either society, level of education does influence the relationship between skill level and occupational satisfaction, as the data in Table 54 indi- cate. We would expect education to have a greater impact in Argentina because of the interrelationship of skill level and education there. In fact, controlling for education essentially eliminates the relationship between skill level and occupational satisfaction among less educated Argentine workers, and substantially reduces the magnitude of the relationship for comparable American workers. What we find, instead, is a relatively high level of satisfaction among less educated workers, regardless of skill level. Skill level has a strong influence on occupa- tional satisfaction only among the more educated workers. Nearly half of the more educated, unskilled American workers reported a low level of occupational satisfaction. Further, controlling for skill level does not reveal any significant relationships between education and occupational satisfaction, though in several cases there is the expected trend toward an inverse relationship, especially among unskilled American workers. Factors Disliked about Current Occupation Studies of worker adaptation in both developing and advanced industrial societies have dealt with various negative features of indus- trial employment. Few isolate those attributes which are specific to industrial occupations. And some have essentially ignored the fact that non-industrial occupations can also be repetitive, physically tiring, and dirty. While disliking nothing about one's current occupation reflects adaptation to an occupation, some differentiation of factors disliked can distinguish those negative features which nonetheless reflect some 265 adaptation from those which reveal a low level of adaptation to an industrial occupation. Factors disliked about an industrial occupation can be categor- ized in terms of their implications for worker adaptation. Monotony is a widespread negative feature of highly segmented, machine paced indus- trial work. Most unskilled and semi-skilled jobs involve routine and repetitive work. Lack of challenge, as a negative feature of industrial work, may reflect a reaction somewhat similar to disliking an occupation because of monotony. But it implies a somewhat higher level of adaptation or greater commitment to the industrial sector. It suggests that the worker feels his present occupation does not utilize his training or capacity, while monotony connotes more of a direct rejection of one's current industrial occupation. If this is a valid distinction, to report disliking an occupation because of lack of challenge reflects a somewhat higher level of occupational adaptation than dislike based on monotony. Certain factors are given in the social and technological environment of a factory. A supervisory structure, technologically based cooperation with fellow-workers, regulated hours and shift work, and working indoors are nearly inescapable features of industrial employ- ment. Though the coercive or restrictive nature of these factors may vary with department, task, and skill level, to report these factors as disliked features of one's current occupation reflects a relatively low level of adaptation to industrial employment. Most industrial occu- pations are characterized by these features; the only way to avoid them is to leave the industrial sector. 266 Some physical conditions such as intense heat, fumes, and noise are generally specific to the industrial sector. Physical aspects of work--heavy or physically tiring tasks--may also be associated with manual work in other sectors. A dislike based on these physical condi- tions, then, may not imply such a direct rejection of industrial employment. Our general argument is that factors disliked vary in the level of adaptation implied. Though disliking nothing implies high adaptation, disliking the lack of challenge implies, nonetheless, a higher level of adaptation than disliking based on either monotony or the supervisory structure. What we are suggesting is a ranking of responses to the following question, in terms of the level of occupational adaptation implied by the response, "What do you most dislike about your present occupation?” The distribution of the responses of the Argentine and American automo- bile workers is shown in Table 55. The data support the general cross- national hypothesis insofar as Argentine workers were more likely to dislike nothing about their current occupation than their American counterparts. Differences in the factors disliked are due in large part to the many American workers who reported their dislike of supervision, hours, or social factors. This general category masks some other national differences, and, to some extent, the differences rest on some special characteristics of the plants studied. Nearly one-fifth of all Oldsmobile workers in the sample listed time factors, principally shift work, as the factor most disliked, while less than one-tenth of the Argentine workers mentioned this factor. The American plant, at the time 267 Table 55. Factors disliked about occupation Argentina United States Dislike nothing 35.3% 19.1% Dislike something 64.7 80.9 Dislike lack of challenge 34.7% 10.8% Dislike physical conditions 27.3 19.0 Dislike monotony 8.0 21.0 Dislike supervision, hours 30.1 49.2 Totals 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% (N) (272) (176) (241) (195) of the study, utilized a rotating shift system, with workers changing to a different shift each month. This generally applied to line workers, machine operators, and inspectors, and to some skilled workers. Many American workers complained of the difficulty of adjusting to a new time schedule each month. In Argentina, the situation was quite different. The assembly-line generally operated only during the day shift, from 7:30 A.M. to 4:18 P.M.303 Machine production operated on about half strength during the evening shift, and the tool and die department operated on nearly full strength in the evening shift. In addition, a small number of workers in machine production and tool and die worked the Argentine version of the "graveyard" shift, from midnight until 303All Cordoba seemed to be aware of the shift times of IKA, probably because of the "to the minute" cutting points, i.e., 4:18. One can only guess that this was a North American-inspired mnemonic device to counter the somewhat less than rigid Argentine conception of time. 268 7:30 A.M. In Argentina, then, fewer workers were involved in the "off" shifts, and those who worked evening and night shifts were the more skilled, rather than line and production workers as in the American case. Moreover, shifts did not rotate in Argentina. At the time of the study some tool and die workers were attempting to establish rotating shifts, but resistance came primarily from many young men whose permanent shift allowed them to continue their schooling. Rotating shifts would have disrupted their studies and classwork. On the other hand, some workers had worked the same shift since beginning with IKA, and wished a change. Some operational variations in the two plants, then, account for some of the differences in the factors disliked about the current occupation. Analysis of the independent variables linked to the factors which the respondents disliked about the occupations is divided into two parts. First, we consider the samples as dichotomized between those disliking something and those who indicated that they disliked nothing about their current occupation. Secondly, we consider only workers who said they disliked something about their occupation. As indicated previously, to dislike nothing reflects a relatively high level of occu- pational adaptation, but, in addition, we have tried to order the factors disliked in terms of the level of adaptation reflected. We would expect work-related variables to have the greatest impact on the response pattern to this question. Functional classifica- tion, however, does not differentiate workers who disliked something about their occupation from those who did not. But among workers who indicated that they disliked something about their occupation, both samples do vary in terms of functional classification, as shown in Table 56. Further, some of the cross-national differences noted above 269 AzanumHsonu now vomamfiaoo cmEmummno wan noncommch .Nmm. n.w ”no. V a me n ma moN.6H n Nx "mono Aconnmfizofimo now womamnnou hcouocoz can omcoanmnu mo xomav .qu. u w.mmo. v.m me n ma www.ma u Nx Hnmasm HN m .. NH 6H NH N 6 N m .8386: NH NN NH 6N NH 6H NN NN 6N H6 mcoH6H6aou HmonNHH NHH N6N NNN NNN NNH NN6 NoH Nmm N6 N6N mmamHHmsu Ho NomH 66Ho «NH 66Ho «NH 66Ho «NH 66Ho 6NH 66Ho «NH mfimuoe cwEmuman nOuommmcH nausea ocnxomz. noHnEmmm< woxnamnn mnOuomm acnnmonmnmmmao HmcoNuocsm acnumonmnmmmao Hm:0nnoc:m Ou mcnwnooom acnumasooo uaonnso usonm voxnnmno aneuomm .om mHLmH 270 (see Table 55) persist within each functional category. Except for skilled workers, Argentine workers were more likely to note the lack of challenge in their work. Perhaps the large American-Argentine differ- ences reflect the failure of employment in the Argentine automobile plant to fulfill expectations of interesting and challenging industrial work. Few American workers complained of the lack of challenge, and, indeed, they may not expect these qualities in their work. In each category, as well, American workers were more likely to list social, supervisory, or time factors as disliked. Though Argentine workers were, in general, more likely to dislike physical factors, this national differ- ence concentrates among assembly-line and skilled workers. Finally, very few Argentine workers listed monotony as a negative factor. But, though few cases are involved, inspectors and skilled workers in Argentina were £233 likely to complain of monotony than machine operators or assemblers, while within the American sample, machine operators and assembly-line workers were more likely to list monotony as a disliked feature of their occupation. The analysis of independent variables revealed a strong relationship between both education and occupational background, and the Argentine workers' current position in the plant. Less-skilled Argentine workers were, in many cases, new to the industrial environment, and thus did not react negatively to features which are somewhat inherent in industrial technology. ‘Many skilled workers and inspectors, however, found themselves in occupations offering less variety and opportunity for creativity than they might have encountered elsewhere in the industrial sector, but outside of a large factory. We have noted the high interrelationship between skill level and level of education in the Argentine sample. Though the association 271 between skill level and factors disliked did not reach a high level of significance, education does differentiate those disliking something about their occupation from those who disliked nothing about their cur- rent occupation. Less educated Argentine workers reflected a higher level of occupational adaptation in that they were less likely to dis- like something about their current occupation. Moreover, better edu- cated Argentine workers were somewhat more likely to complain of the lack of challenge or monotony of their current occupation, while less educated workers tended to dislike physical factors. As differences in educa- tional achievement diminish, we would expect more work-related variables to have a greater impact on the worker's evaluation of his occupation. In the United States, we find no relationship between level of education and factors disliked. In Argentina, though education does not neces- sarily lead to a high level of adaptation, it appears to influence the basis for occupational adaptation. The content of the occupation becomes more important with education, and physical aspects become less critical as objects of worker criticism. Yet, perhaps the concern with the challenge of work is a feature of an early-industrial society. In Argentina, workers with relatively high levels of education found them- selves employed as skilled industrial workers. Given a larger wage and status differential between industrial and white-collar employment, and a lower demand for skilled workers, typical of an advanced industrial society, these same workers would probably not even enter the industrial sector on the level of manual labor. The somewhat lower level of adapta- tion noted for workers which should theoretically have few adaptational problems testifies to the "late early-industrial" orientation of these workers. With continued industrial development, we would expect their 272 concern with intrinsic factors to increase, and many of them will probably leave the industrial sector. OCCppational Change and Occupational Adaptation We have focussed on occupational adaptation in terms of compari- sons with other occupations held, occupational satisfaction, and a general evaluation of occupational features disliked by the automobile workers. We now turn to adaptation as reflected in the future occupa- tional orientation of Argentine and American workers. As this topic is elaborated in a later section on occupational aspirations, here we are concerned only with a single, key question: "Have you ever thought of having an occupation different than your present one?" The responses were first categorized "yes" and "no," and those responding affirmatively were asked to indicate the frequency with which they thought about changing occupations. This latter group was also queried as to what occupation they would like to have, why they wished to change, and their plans for and chances of making the change. In this section we deal only with the initial response to the general question, and con- sider those who think about a change "often" as reflecting a lower level of adaptation than those thinking about a change only "sometimes," or not at all. The worker responses are shown in Table 57. The data indi- cate that although a lower percentage of Argentine workers thought about changing occupations, those who did so were more likely to think about changing "often," and in this way reflect a lower level of adaptation than the American automobile workers. Chinoy and others have noted that American workers may "daydream" about leaving industrial employment, and thereby distract themselves from negative aspects of industrial 273 Table 57. Potential for occupational change Argentina 1 United States Never think of occupational change 53.8% 33.5% Sometimes think of occupational change 21.8 47.2% 44.0 66.1% Often think of occupational change 24.4 52.8 22.6 33.9 Totals 100.0% 100.0% 100.1% 100.0% (N) (275) (127) (248) (165) employment. If it is legitimate to argue that thinking less often ("sometimes") about occupational change is more indicative of this non- realistic orientation to occupational change, then the data show this to be more typical among American workers. Further, we would expect responses to reflect some minimal awareness of current labor market con- ditions. In our analysis of the research settings, a long-run decline in industrial employment in the automobile industry in Lansing was con- trasted with the dramatic growth of Cordoba over the past decade. Though conditions were somewhat unstable in both settings at the time of the fieldwork, generally better conditions in Cordoba may account for the more definite stand taken by Argentine workers regarding occupational change; they were more likely than their American counterparts to think about change "often" instead of "sometimes." Given common work settings, we would expect the potential for occupational change to be lower in a declining labor market. Although the above argument is highly conjec- tural, some of these notions may become clarified as we consider the relationship of some independent variables to this measure of occupational adaptation. 274 In both societies, functional classification and educational achievement are related to the potential for occupational change. Further, age and seniority are related to this measure of occupational adaptation among American workers. Table 58 shows the relationship between functional classification and the potential for occupational change. Though the relationship is not systematic in either sample, several patterns do emerge. First, for the American workers, there is a progressively higher percentage of workers who reflect high adaptation (never think of changing) as one moves from assembly-line workers to skilled trades workers. But those American workers who did think about changing occupations were not significantly differentiated in terms of functional classification. For the Argentine workers, high adaptation follows a slightly curvilinear pattern; a higher percentage of assembly-line workers and skilled workers reflected a low potential for change than inspectors or machine operators. Low adaptation was especially typical of Argentine inspectors, as less than two-fifths reported that they never thought of changing their occu- pation. Potential for occupational change reflects both internal plant and external labor market variables. Many of the Argentine inspectors, for example, were young engineering students, and others were attending night school in hopes of moving into a skilled position in the plant. That nearly three-fourths of the American assembly-line workers reflected low occupational adaptation confirms the findings of many prev- ious studies. This response reflects both some dislike of the present occupation and a lack of realistic occupational alternatives. Among those workers who did think about occupational change, we would have expected assemblers to reflect a higher potential for change than skilled 275 .mNm. u m. Ho._v a u an ”HNH.NH u NN "66Ho .NNN. u w mHo. v 6 m6 u .3 ”$6.3 u N6N 22H N66HV HNNHV HoHV HNHV HH66 H666 H666 HH6V H666 NNNV H26 NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH mHmuon 6N N6 om 6m Hm H6 66 66 mm mm 66666 .66» N66 NN6 N6N N66 N66 Nam N66 N66 NN6 NN6 mmeHumaom .mmn H66N6 NmNNV HNNV HNNV H666 HoNV H666 wav HN66 HNNV sz NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH mHmuon N6 66 66 66 NN N6 66 66 NN Hm --mmn Nmm N66 N66 N6m NNN NNN N6N NN6 NNN NN6 66>62 .62 66Ho «NH 66Ho mz Hmuoe mnmow +oH mnmmw one Hmuoe mnmmw +oH mnmmw muo cenummsooo mw¢ mo mnmow mm no>o nova: no ow< mo mnmow mm ucomonm wcnwcmso % mwuwum Humans: 259w mxHHnHHH. o. HNoHV N666 N666 AN6HV HNoHV H666 sz Noon NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH mnmuoe mm mm mm on No Nm coumo no mmenquom NN6 NN6 Nmm Non Nmm Nmm no>oz HmuOH mnmow +N mnmo» one HmHOH mnmmw +N mnmow one :oHummsuoo no>o no ow< mo mnmmw Hm manqumn< mw< mo mnmow Hm nova: ucmmonm wcnwcmnu uoon< mxcnna COHHMoDvm cam mwm Ou wanvnooom owcmso HmcoHumdsooo now HmHucmuoH .66 6H66n 281 education is to allow workers mobility into more skilled positions, but at the same time, it encourages continued interest in occupational change. In terms of a stable labor force, less educated workers appeared more likely to remain content with their present occupations. This condition persists so long as education is an important factor in the potential mobility of industrial workers. For less educated Argentine workers, employment in the automobile industry was one of the best positions they would have obtained. Further upward movement was often limited to those with additional education. But in the United States, similar employment is viewed less positively, and, moreover, education is pg; a critical variable in upward mobility (at least in terms of the differential educa- tional achievement of industrial workers). That is, within blue-collar ranks, education is not rewarded with occupational status, as we noted in the lack of a relationship between education and skill level in the American case. Conclusions--Adaptation to Occupation In this section we have considered a number of different measures of occupational adaptation, ranging from a comparison between the present occupation and all previous occupations to a preliminary analysis of the future occupational aspirations of the Argentine and American automobile workers. The data failed to support the cross-national hypothesis in two instances. Nearly two-thirds of the workers in both societies pre- ferred their present occupation over all previous occupations. Secondly, there were only minimal cross-national differences in the level of occu- pational satisfaction. However, we did find Argentine workers more 282 likely to list intrinsic rather than instrumental bases for preference of their present occupation over previous occupations held. Argentine workers were also less likely to dislike features of their current occupa- tion, and those who did were more likely than American workers to focus on the lack of challenge in their present work, and less likely to com- plain of the monotony, supervisory structure, or time schedule associ- ated with their present occupation. In terms of the potential for occupational change, Argentine workers tended to polarize into those not wanting change, and those reflecting a very high potential for change. Among the American workers, there was evidence of a generalized, though infrequent, desire to change occupations. As in the analysis of sector adaptation, work-related variables more effectively accounted for variations in the American sample. Cer- tainly one factor is the age of the plant. Although seniority is an important variable in both samples, the newness of the Argentine plant means that, as compared with American workers, most Argentine workers have spent little time in the automobile industry. Moreover, we have indicated that the work environments in the Argentine plant may show more similarity across different levels of skill than in the American plant. Many skilled craftsmen in Argentina were in routine jobs, and a number of Argentine machine operators did have varied, though semi-skilled, occupational roles. Both age and education were important background variables influencing various aspects of occupational adaptation. Age generally appeared to predict occupational adaptation better in the United States, in part, perhaps, because of the very great age spread of the American sample. In fact, age somewhat altered the relationship between skill 283 level and occupational satisfaction among the American workers. It appears that, in many cases, the strong relationship between age and skill level has clouded the possibility that age is the most critical variable. We found that occupational satisfaction was related to skill level only among younger American workers. But, conversely, age linked most strongly to satisfaction, in the American sample, among less skilled workers. If, in fact, there had been a greater age spread among skilled workers, we might have found age to be an effective pre- dictor of occupational satisfaction at all levels of skill. Adaptation to Job Ideally, the occupation-job distinction is between a general, somewhat transferable line of work and the specific tasks carried out by the worker in his work place. This distinction is most meaningful for skilled personnel such as tool and die makers or inspectors. But even for an unskilled worker, a distinction can be made between a general occupa- tion such as automobile assembler, and specific tasks which may range from attaching heavy body pieces to making final adjustments just before the completed automobile leaves the assembly line. Analysis of adaptation to jos is thus more specific than that of either occupation or sector. Sev- eral aspects of adaptation discussed in the previous section, with respect to occupational adaptation, will be again considered in this section, but applied to job or task. We will explore adaptation to job as reflected in job satisfaction, factors liked about the job, and orientation toward changing jobs within the automobile plant. Job Satisfaction Workers were asked about the satisfaction derived from performing 284 their current tasks or jobs in the automobile plant. Responses were in terms of five closed-form categories, ranging from "very satisfied" to "very dissatisfied." In Argentina, translation of this item was difficult, and the item tended to be interpreted as asking if workers thought their work was ”satisfactory," instead of "satisfying" as was initially intended.304 The open-ended questioning of the reasons for the level of satisfaction expressed revealed, however, responses that were generally comparable to those obtained in the United States. Table 61 shows how the Argentine and Table 61. Level of job satisfaction Level Argentina United States Very Satisfied 16.9% 20.2% Satisfied 69.6 62.4 Neither Satisfied nor Dissatisfied 1.8 10.9 Dissatisfied or very Dissatisfied 11.7 6.5 Totals 100.0% 100.0% (N) (273) (247) American automobile workers are distributed in terms of job satisfaction. As with occupational satisfaction, a higher percentage of American workers fell into the ambivalent category. More Argentine workers reported that they were "satisfied," but, as well, over one-tenth indicated some dissat- isfaction. Generally, however, there are not significant cross-national 304Walker and Guest report a similar pattern in their study of American automobile assemblers. "When commenting on features of the immediate job in preliminary interviews, workers frequently related job satisfaction to the quality of the work performed." Charles RH Walker and Robert M. Guest, The Man on the Assembly Line (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), p. 59. 285 differences. More important differences emerge when we analyze job satisfaction in terms of selected independent variables. The pattern of relationships is somewhat similar to that found for occupational satisfaction. Age, seniority, and skill level are related to job satisfaction in both societies. Functional classification and education are important independent variables in Argentina, and social class and residence are related to job satisfaction only in the United States. Table 62 shows that unskilled and semi-skilled Argentine workers are essentially undifferentiated in terms of their level of job Table 62. Job satisfaction according to skill level Job Skill Level Satisfaction Unskilled Semi-skilled Skilled Totals IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds IKA Olds Low 14% 28% 17% 16% 4% 6% 13% 18% Medium 72 6O 69 65 67 58 70 62 High 14 12 l4 19 29 36 17 20 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (133) (68) (97) (132) (45) (47) (275) (247) IKA: x2 = 8.329; DF = 4; p < .10; E = .232. Olds: x2 = 16.594; DF = 4; p (.01; 'c" = .340. satisfaction, while in the American sample there is a systematic, positive relationship between skill level and job satisfaction. Cross-nationally, workers in semi-skilled jobs reflect quite similar levels of satisfaction. The general cross-national hypothesis is supported only by unskilled workers; Argentine unskilled workers reflect a higher level of job satisfaction than their American counterparts. 286 In both societies age is positively related to job satisfaction. As was the case with occupational satisfaction, older workers in both developing and advanced industrial societies reflected higher levels of adaptation. Though the general cross-national hypothesis is supported, we had argued that older workers should, according to developmental theory, reflect lower levels of adaptation in Argentina on the basis of greater adjustment problems. This suggestion is not supported by the data, and the high interrelationship between age and skill level, and between skill level and job satisfaction, demands multivariate analysis. Controlling for age, skill level is related to job satisfaction only among older Argentine workers. For young Argentine workers, and for both young and old American workers, the relationship between skill level and job satisfaction is not significant. This suggests that it is age rather than skill level that affects job satisfaction, and that the relationship between skill level and job satisfaction is an artifact of the high interrelationship between age and skill level in both societies. The relationship between skill level and job satisfaction among older Argentine workers provides some indirect support for the hypothesized lower adaptation among older workers. Adaptation would be most diffi- cult for older workers employed in unskilled assembly-line and machine tending work. It is these workers who reflected a significantly lower level of job satisfaction, relative to others in the same age group in more skilled positions. When skill level is the control variable, there is a significant relationship between age and job satisfaction for all Argentine skill groups, and among the more skilled American workers the relationship approaches statistical significance. Regardless of skill level, older Argentine workers reflected higher levels of job satisfaction 287 than their younger work-mates. These data are presented in Table 63. In both societies, seniority is positively associated with job satisfaction. The preceding multivariate analysis found that age, rather than skill level, was a critical factor in job satisfaction. Age and seniority are, naturally, highly interrelated. But seniority taps the worker's total experience in the automobile plant, while age links more to his general position in the life cycle. If it is in fact experience within the factory environment that leads to job satisfaction for workers at different levels of skill, we would expect, at least, to find that when skill level is controlled, the relationship between seniority and job satisfaction remains significant. To the contrary, we find that only among less skilled American workers is there a positive relationship between seniority and satisfaction, though there is a similar, but weak, relationship among unskilled workers in the Argentine plant. This suggests that, for more skilled workers, job satisfaction is more a function of their general life position, reflected in age, than of their experience in the automobile plant. When we control for seniority, on the other hand, the relationship between skill level and job satisfaction disappears in the Argentine sample. We do find, however, a positive relationship between skill level and job satisfaction among the American workers, regardless of seniority. Seniority and skill level are both work-related variables, while age is a more general background variable. The pattern of relationships that has emerged from the multi- variate analysis provides some support for our general hypotheses con- cerning the relative impact of work and non-work variables in societies at different levels of development. In the analysis of the influence of age, seniority, and skill level on job satisfaction, only age was a 288 .6N6. u m mNo. v.6 H6 u 66 H66.HH u Nx 66H66666H66m N6 H6>6H HHme N6Hov .6NN. u.w moH.uv 6 mN u 66 mN6N.6 n NN 66H666N6H66m N6 666 N66HHH66 666 66HHHN6-H6666 .ON. v 6 ”N u 66 HH6N.N n NN 66H66666H666 N6 666 H66HHH666=6 N88 .N66. u.w mHo..v 6 mN u no H6mo.HH n NN aoHuommmnpmm N6 66¢ N66HHme 666 66HHH66-H8666 .N6N. u.w “No. v 6 mN u 66 mHHN.N u NN 66666666H66m N6 664 H66HHH66666 u<6: HNNHV H666 H666 N66 HHNV H666 NNNV H666 N26 NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH 6H666n 6N oH 6m 6N NN 6H NH 6 66Hm H6 66 6m 6N 66 oN 66 N6 66H662 NNH N6N N6 -- NNH N6N N6H Nmm 366 6H0 mono» 6H0 wcoow wHo mono» 6H0 mono? H666n 66HHHNN 66HHH66-H666 66HHH6666 66H66666H666 666 666666 666H66 66 H6>6H HNOHV H66H6 NNNV NNHV HNNV N666 N666 H666 N26 NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH NooH 6H666n 6N HH NN NH 6N N 6H NH 6NHm 66 NN 66 NN 6N 6N 6N 66 66H66z N6 N6H N6 N6 NHN N6H NN N6N 366 6H6 wesoN 6H6 NanoN 6H6 wesoN 6H6 (meson H666n 66HHH66 66HHH66-HE6N 66HHH6666 66H66666H66m 666 manucmwn< mo Ho>oq owm mam Hm>oH Hanxm cu wanonouom c0nuomwmnumw now .mo mHan 289 significant variable in the Argentine case. For the American data, age was significantly related to job satisfaction among only more skilled workers, but both seniority and skill level appeared to contribute to job satisfaction. Contrary to developmental theory, work-related vari- ables appear to have a greater impact on this measure of adaptation in the more industrialized society. It is only when the combined effects of skill level and age are considered did age link to job satisfaction for the Argentine workers. Of all the independent variables, education is the best predictor of job satisfaction for the Argentine workers. Level of education is inversely related to job satisfaction among Argentine workers only. As is seen in Table 64, nearly one-fourth of those with less than seven years of education indicated that they were highly satisfied with their current jobs. This relationship is in the same direction as that Table 64. Job satisfaction according to education--Argentina only Level of Job Education Satisfaction Less than 7 Years 7 Years or More Total Low 8% 17% 13% Medium 69 71 70 High 23 12 17 Totals 100% 100% 100% (N) (119) (156) (275) 2 IKA: x = 8.45; DF = 2; p < .02; E = .252. between age and job satisfaction, but cross-cuts the positive relation- ship between education and skill level. More educated Argentine workers, 290 then, did not reflect higher adaptation to their industrial jobs as we initially predicted. Rather, they were more likely to indicate some dissatisfaction with their task assignment in the automobile plant, although in terms of occupational satisfaction we noted no difference on the basis of education. Factors Liked about Job--Bases of Job Adaptation Reasons for the job satisfaction of the worker were probed following the initial closed-form questions. Respondents gave both positive and negative reasons, reflecting their level of job satisfac- tion. Responses of the two samples are presented in Table 65. The data Table 65. Reason for job satisfaction Reason Argentina United States Type of work, challenge, advancement 16.7% 24.4% Prestige, recognition, control over work 19.3 17.7 Easy work, variety, accustomed to work 43.0 36.1 Working conditions, supervision 5.9 6.3 Low status, low prestige 5.9 5.9 Negative conditions, monotony 9.3 9.7 Totals 100.1% 100.1% (N) (270) (238) show few large cross-national differences. A slightly higher percentage of the American workers mentioned type of work or opportunities for advancement as the basis for job satisfaction. In fact, though eight per cent of the American sample cited opportunities for advancement, 291 less than two per cent of the Argentine sample did so. This is somewhat surprising in that actual opportunities are probably greater in the Argentine plant. Argentine workers were somewhat more likely to give a "non-involved" reason for job satisfaction, viewing their present job as easy, not involving a rapid pace, or one to which they had become accustomed. We have combined the two negative categories and have also merged "easy work, variety, accustomed to work" and "working conditions, supervision" in our analysis of the relationship between the reason for job satisfaction and independent variables. Functional classification is the only variable related to the dependent variable in both societies, as is shown in Table 66. Though both Argentine and American automobile workers are differentiated in terms of functional classification, there are remarkably few national differences. In both societies, skilled craftsmen were less likely to mention negative factors, and were more likely to focus on the type of work and opportunities for advancement as bases for job satisfaction. Among line workers, ease of work and working conditions contributed to job satisfaction. National differences concentrate among assembly-line workers and machine operators. Argentine workers in both groups were more likely than their American counterparts to emphasize working con- ditions or the easy nature of industrial work. Generally, there are few important national differences in the basis for job satisfaction. The differences that do exist present some inconsistencies, and do not reflect a particularly high level of adaptation to job for either the Argentine or American automobile workers. On the contrary, the internal, generally systematic, variations within each sample point to the common influence of work task in both a developing and an advanced industrial 292 .66N. u 6 m2. v.6 H6 u 66 ”6.6H u NN "66Ho .666 u w :8. v 6 «6 u .66 H6.NN u NN "HRH HNNNV NoNNV NNNV HNNV NNNV N666 H666 N666 N666 H666 N26 NooH NooH NooH NooH NQOH NooH NooH NooH NOOH NooH 6H666n 6N NH 66 NN 6N NN 6N HH NH 6 66666666>6< .6666HH666 .66Nn NH 6H 6H NN NN 6N HH 6N NH oH Hoppaoo .66H666nm N6 66 66 66 66 N6 66 N6 66 N6 666H6H6poo .6663 N666 N6H N6H NN NN NHH N6H N6N N6H N6N N6H 6666666 6>H6666z 66Ho 6NH 66Ho 6NH 66Ho 66H 66Ho «NH 66Ho 6NH mamuOH :mSmuwmnu neuooamcH nwoame mswsomz noHnEmmm< acnuommmnumm now c0numonmnmmmHU HmGONHUGDm now mCOmmmm conumonmwmmmflo Hmconuocsw On wcnwnooom c0nuomwmnumm sch now mCOmmmm .oo mHQmH 293 society. Few other independent variables are related to the basis for job satisfaction. Age and seniority are related to this variable in the United States, and education links to the reasons for job satisfaction among the Argentine workers. In spite of the strong relationship between age and both func- tional classification and skill level in both societies, it is only among the American workers that age is significantly related to the reasons for job satisfaction. Nearly one-fourth of the American workers 35 years of age or less complained of negative factors, while less than one-tenth of those over 35 did so. Intrinsic factors such as type and challenge of work, and opportunities for advancement, were given by over three-tenths of the older workers, but only a little over one-tenth of the younger workers gave similar reasons. That this important demographic variable is related to a measure of job adaptation only in the United States is contrary to our initial expectations. The limited age spread of the Argentine workers may be one explanation. It may also be that many young workers in Argentina were attached to their jobs on the basis of intrinsic variables, and, reflecting the general societal perspective regarding industrial work, did not focus on those negative aspects of the factory environment which lead to low levels of satisfaction in more industrial societies. The relationship between seniority and the basis for job satis- faction is significant only in the United States, and follows the pattern noted above with respect to age. WOrkers with higher seniority were more likely to list intrinsic factors as the basis for job satisfaction, while those with less seniority tended to focus on negative factors, or cited 294 the easy nature of their task or working conditions as contributing to job satisfaction. In spite of the strong interrelationship between education and skill level in Argentina, the relationship between job satisfaction and skill level was positive, whereas education was inversely related to satisfaction. The different influence of work environment and education is again seen in the reasons given for job satisfaction. The pattern that emerges among workers with different levels of education varies from that noted in our analysis of the effect of functional classifica- tion, shown in Table 66. The most critical difference is that one-fifth of the Argentine workers with more education listed negative factors in connection with job satisfaction. They were much less likely to see either work conditions or the easy nature of the task as contributing to job satisfaction, and, as we see in Table 67, they were more likely to focus on intrinsic factors than their less educated work-mates. Except Table 67. Reasons for job satisfaction according to education--Argentina only Reason 336 Education Job Satisfaction Less than 7 Years 7 Years or More Total Negative Factors 8% 20% 15% Easy Work, Conditions 64 38 49 Prestige, Control 14 23 19 Type, Challenge, Advancement l4 l9 17 Totals 100% 100% 100% (N) (116) (154) (270) IKA: x2 = 19.164; DF = 3; p < .001; '0‘ = .352. 295 for their higher propensity to list negative factors, the relationship generally supports our hypothesis of higher adaptation among more edu- cated workers. It is important to note, as well, that education is not related to the reasons for satisfaction in the United States. Adaptation and Job Change A major assumption in the discussion of occupational change was that those desiring change reflected a lower level of adaptation than those workers who did not wish to change from their current occupation. Among those desiring change, the reasons for potential for occupational changes revealed further variations in the level of occupational adapta- tion. Similar assumptions underlie the present analysis of job change or job rotation. Only jobs within the range of the worker's present occupation were potential "targets" for job change. We are also con- cerned with the reasons for wishing to change jobs. The general argu- ment is that, among those wishing to do so, those giving a dislike of their present job as the major reason reflect a lower level of adapta- tion than workers wanting to change jobs to learn more or increase their general skill. Occupational change can quite obviously involve a similar change in income. The question, however, specified a change in job without a change in wage. The automobile workers were asked, "Would you like, without a change in pay, to change type of work activity every once in a while or not?" The Argentine and American workers' responses are shown in Table 68. American automobile workers reflected a higher level of adaptation to the job in that they were less likely to want to change from their present job. Three-fourths of the Argentine workers indicated that they would 296 Table 68. Desire for job change Argentina United States No Change Desired 24.9% 56.4% Desired Job Change 75.1 43.6 Totals 100.0% 100.0% (N) (269) (.2 36) like to change from their present task or job. The reasons for wanting a change also vary nationally. Open- ended responses were classified into three categories reflecting differ- ent degrees of adaptation. Though we have considered all those desiring to change jobs as reflecting lower adaptation to the job than those who do not, workers wanting to change because they dislike their job will be considered as reflecting lower adaptation than those wanting to change to avoid monotonous features of their present job. And the latter workers, in turn, reflect lower adaptation than those wanting to change to learn new skills, to advance, or to learn the entire production process. Considering only automobile workers who indicated interest in changing from their present jobs, the Argentine and American workers responded as shown in Table 69. When we consider the reasons for want- ing to change jobs, then, a higher percentage of Argentine workers reflect high adaptation, as over one-third of them indicated positive reasons as a basis for job change. In both samples, most workers indi- cated a change to avoid monotony. Argentine workers also considered aspects of their jobs to be monotonous, though to a lesser extent than among their American counterparts. 297 Table 69. Reasons for desiring job change Argentina United States Positive reasons--learn more, know production cycle 36.6% 15.2% Avoid monotony 53.7 77.7 Change to avoid negative features-- dislike job, fellow-workers 9.7 7.1 Totals 100.0% 100.0% (N) (205) (112) In the analysis of the independent variables related to potential for job change, the initial "yes-no" response is combined with the reasons for wanting to change jobs. The range from no change desired to change for negative reasons reflects a continuum along which workers vary from high to low in terms of adaptation to their current job. Several work-related variables are associated with this measure of adaptation to job. In addition, in both societies age is related to potential for job change, and type of birthplace and education are related to job change in at least one of the societies. In both Argentina and the United States, adaptation to job increases with skill level; in both societies skilled workers were less likely to want to change from their present job than either semi-skilled or unskilled workers. The national differences noted above persist at each skill level, and, as Table 70 shows, in each society there are sub- stantial differences between workers at different levels of skill. More- over, both samples show some differentiation in terms of the reasons for wanting to change jobs, but in both societies the relationship fails to 298 AcoNansono 666 66666HH66 66HHH66-H666 666 66HH6666 6N. v 6 6N n 66 66.6 n NN .66N. u m m6H. v 6 m6 6 66 HmNH.6 u NN n66H6 "66H H66 + H66 + H66 .H66 6 o mH66. v 6 MN 6 66 m6.6N n NN "66Ho .N66. 6 6 NH66..v 6 MN 6 66 N6.NH n NN "66H HNV + NH6 NNHHV N66NV H6H6 HNNV H666 HHNV NN66 NHHHV H66 N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H 6H66on N 6H 6H 6 HH 6 N HH 6666666 6>H66wmz H66 6N 66 66 66 6N N6 66 66 N66666oz H66 N6H N66 N66 NH6 N6H N66 N6H N66 6666666 6>H6H666 H66 66H6 66H 66H6 66H 66H6 66H 66H6 66H 666666 66 6H66on 66HH666 66HH666-6666 66HHHN666 666666: 666 Ho>mA Hanxm chmmmm NNNNV H66N6 H666 H666 HNNHV NH66 H666 HNNHV H66 N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H N66H 6H66on 66 mm Non Nmm ON mm Now $66 H6 N6 Rom Nmm mm «m Nmm Nofi owcmso on mucmz Amv 6666666 666666 oz HHV 66H6 66H 66H6 «NH 66H6 66H 66H6 66H 666666 666 6H6666 66HH666 66HH666-H666 66HH66666 666366 H6>6H HHme 66666666 H6>6H HHme 66 wanonooom mwcmso pom now mnemmmn mam Hmnncmuom .06 mHLmH 299 reach statistical significance. In both Argentina and the United States, skilled workers were somewhat differentiated from both semi-skilled and unskilled workers in the reasons given. As we would expect, skilled workers were less likely to want to change because of monotony, and more likely to want to change jobs for positive reasons. But the national differences in the reasons for job change noted above are seen at each skill level. Even nearly two-thirds of American skilled workers listed monotony as the reason for wanting to change from their present job. Why should workers in different societies with essentially similar work tasks reflect different reasons for wanting to change jobs? In part, of course, it may be that relatively inexperienced IKA workers who cur- rently listed positive reasons for wanting to change jobs will, with time, tend to list monotony as the factor provoking interest in job change. But the listing of positive reasons reflects a commitment to the industrial sector which, we have been maintaining, derives in part from the favorable position occupied by modern industry in a developing society. ‘Many Argentine workers felt that job rotation would allow them to learn a wider range of operations, thus both fulfilling their basic interest in the production process, and improving their value both within and outside of the factory. Employment in the automobile industry can serve a training function in Argentine society, and job rotation would expand the workers' area of competence. Further, it is important to recognize that listing positive reasons implies that the worker considers his job as having some transferability, either to other sections within the plant or to other industries within the Cordoba labor market. In the United States, on the other hand, changing from one automated machine to another does not increase the general knowledge of the automobile worker, 300 and job change is desired primarily as a means of avoiding monotony. Seniority is inversely related to potential for job change. Much of this is due to the high interrelationship of seniority and skill level in both societies. Regardless of seniority, skilled Argentine workers were less likely to want to change jobs than their less-skilled counter- parts. But experience in the plant does reduce the desire to change jobs for both unskilled and semi-skilled workers in the Argentine plant. Those few workers with low seniority who held skilled positions were, however, slightly mggg desirous of changing jobs than skilled workers with higher seniority. In terms of the reasons for wanting to change jobs, seniority bears no relationship whatsoever. Work tasks do not become increasingly monotonous with time, nor, as we suggested, is change for positive reasons more typical of new workers. Age is the only background variable related to job change in both societies. Older workers, who were also the more skilled and those having more seniority, reflected higher adaptation to job, as they were less likely to want to change work tasks. Table 71 reveals some inter- esting relationships which were concealed in the preceding analysis. National differences in the potential for job change [lines (1) and (2) in Table 71] rest on the significant age differential between the two samples. The largest cross-national difference is in the 26-35 age group, while those under 26, and those over 35, do not differ to any degree. Somewhat over half of the American workers between 26 and 35 indicated an interest in changing jobs, but nearly eight-tenths of the Argentine workers in this age group wanted to change jobs. And in terms of the reasons given, this age group shows a sharp cross-national difference, while those over 35 years of age were not even differentiated, 301 N.v 6 gm ha mNmHoH H NX "muao .v 6 u 66 .6NH.6 6 N6 .6NH AcoNumHsono now womamaaoo mCOmmom o>Humwmz wcm hcouocoZv Now< ha chmsu on waHucmz now mnemmom .666. n m. .H66. v 6 6N6 66 .666. 6N NN .66H6 .666. ... 6 ..H66 v 6 .NH 66 .N6.6H n N6H .sHH ow< hp owcmzu now wnm306 owouHuu< HNHHV H66N6 H666 HH6V N666 H6HHV N6N6 H666 N26 NOON NOON NOON NOON NOON NOON NooH NOON meuOH N 6H 6 6H 6 6H 6 6 N66 6666666 6>H6666z 6N 66 NN 66 N6 N6 66 66 H66 N6666662 N6H N66 N6H NNN N6H N66 N6H NN6 N66 6666666 6>66H666 mwfio uom: onu cw vmwafiocw coon o>ms hosu cam .mcowumaaooo Hmflnumsvaw ou wouwamm mumxuos amowuoe< d haao .oHAMu msu aw knowoumo :HonmAuooH>uom: ozu aw womafioafi coon o>ms hmsu mam .musuaaowhwm aw cowumasooo am On wouwamm mumxuo3 mcflucmwa< m %Hcom AmmHv AmNHV Ammo Ammo Ammo Afisv -- AHmV Aoov Asmv Asmv -- sz Noofl NOOH good Noofi Noofi NOOH -- Noofi Noofl goofl Noofi -- wfimuoa «H Rd mm am a mm -- we NH mm m -- xuoz mo mwcmHHmeo Hm ms «N mH -- NH -- ma mm NH 4 -- muausumm--amm om mm a -- at ca -- m MH om am -- aoama>umasm unmuouumm Hmwoom muouomm Hmoflmhnm uuxnoz mo make Nam NQH Noq New NNN Rm nu Noa Noq Nmm fiqm u mwao uom noow>uom wcflwcmno omGOwumeam< HmaoHumasooo How mGOmmom mCOwumeamm Hmcowummsooo ou mowvuooom Sofiumasooo unoummmww m ou omcmfio ou magnumB Mom mQOmmom .mn mHLMH 317 occupation listed this as a reason for their choice. This confirms other findings that indicate that, among the Argentine workers, large-scale factory employment is viewed negatively primarily because of the organi- zation of work into highly segmented, repetitive operations. Education is the only independent variable related to reasons for occupational change in either society, as seen in Table 78, and the Table 78. Reasons for wanting to change to a different occupation according to education LI:_ 4'- Reasons for Education Changing 0-6 Years(IKA) 7+ Years(IKA) Occupations 0-9 Years(Olds) 10+ Years(Olds) Totals IKA. Olds IKA. Olds IKA Olds Type of Work-- Physical Factors 21% 45% 14% 34% 16% 38% Social Factors-- Supervision 18 32 23 21 22 23 Pay--Security 3 15 20 27 15 24 Challenge of Work 58 8 43 18 47 15 Totals 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% (N) (33) (47) (91) (96) (124) (143) IKA: x2 = 6.538; DF = 3; p < .10; E _=_ .320. Olds: X = 12.885; DF = 3; p < .01; C = .489. relationship is statistically significant in both Argentina and the United States. In both societies, more educated workers were more likely to list wages and employment security as a reason for wanting to change occupations, and in both Argentina and the United States, less educated workers were more likely to react against physical conditions or to want to leave their present job because of the general type of work involved. 318 Workers in the two societies differ in terms of the relationship between education and the listing of challenge or social-supervisory factors. In Argentina, more educated workers were less likely to want to change occupations because of the challenge involved, or because of opportunities for advancement. This is probably linked to the fact that few of the lggs educated workers would want to change because of economic reasons, while nearly one-fifth of the better educated Argentine workers listed economic reasons as a factor in changing occupations. For less educated Argentine workers, who were also more likely to be currently holding less skilled occupations, a different occupation would involve less segmented, less routinized work, regardless of whether they aspired to a different, more skilled occupation in the industrial sector, or desired to leave the industrial sector entirely. In the United States, more educated workers, who were as likely as less educated workers to have unskilled positions, were more likely to give lack of challenge as a reason for leaving their present occupation. In both societies, then, the relationship between education and the reasons for wanting to change to a different occupation reflects the current utilization of educational training by the plant, and links to occupational alternatives open to industrial workers. Plans for Occupational Change Industrial workers often think about changing from their present occupation, but often these aspirations remain mere hopes, not carried into actual occupational change. Some measure of the intensity of occu- pational aspirations was reflected in the frequency with which workers thought about changing from their present occupation. We found that 319 those Argentine workers who did think about change did so with greater frequency than their American counterparts. We noted that Argentine inspectors and machine operators were more likely to think "often" about changing their occupation, and, in both societies, frequency of thinking about occupational change increased with education. Workers who indicated interest in having a different occupation were asked if they planned to change their occupation. Their response is shown in Table 79. Our earlier contention that most American workers Table 79. Plans for occupational change Argentina United States Plans to Change Occupation 65.6% 22.7% Does not Plan to Change Occupation 34.4 77.3 Totals 100.0% 100.0% (N) (127) (163) did not seriously consider changing their occupation receives some sup- port. Yet, in terms of the national hypothesis, the data show American workers as reflecting a higher level of occupational adaptation, as it is the Argentine automobile workers that were more likely to plan to change from their present occupation. On the other hand, we have consistently argued that opportunities are greater in an expanding, early-industrial labor market, and the higher propensity for realization of occupational aspirations reflected by the Argentine workers provides some support to this argument. 320 Table 80 presents some of the relationships between the indepen- dent variables and plans for occupational change. Age is the only variable related to plans for occupational change in both societies, and the relationship is inverse. Though education was linked to both the occupational target and reasons behind interest in occupational change, it is not related to plans for change. Planning for change, then, would seem to be primarily a function of the stage in the life cycle of the individual. It links to a lesser extent to the nature of the current occupation of the worker, and does not appear to relate to factors which would seem to influence his chances for making an occupational change, such as education or occupational background. Aspirations seem to func- tion as a type of "escape valve" for many industrial workers. That generalized attitudes toward occupational change were related to other variables, and that these variables failed to differentiate workers in Table 80. Associations between plans for occupational change and some demographic and work-related variables Argentina United States X2 DF 4p X2 DF P Age 4.069 .05 7.347 1 T01 Birthplace--Type 1.084 .30 3.130 2 .30 Education 3.715 .20 .969 l .50 Occupational Background 1.311 .70 .074 2 .90 Father's Occupation 4.652 .20 1.415 3 .80 Skill Level .232 .90 2.570 2 .30 Functional Classificat. .245 .90 .125 2 .95 Seniority .695 .50 12.059 1 .001 321 terms of their plans for such change, would support this hypothesis. Semi-skilled, better educated workers may think about changing their occupation but they are no more likely to plan for such change than less educated workers in either unskilled or skilled positions. Conclusions--Occupational Aspirations In this section we examined adaptation to industrial employment as reflected in occupational aspirations for the future. The general hypothesis was that workers whose aspirations are outside of the indus- trial sector reflect a lower level of adaptation than those seeking changes within the industrial sector. In addition to the target of occupational aspirations, we were also concerned with reasons for change and with the possibility of fulfilling the aspirations. Compared to the Americans, the Argentine workers reflected a higher level of adaptation to the industrial sector; very few American workers aspired to other industrial occupations. Proprietorship was a more predominant target for Argentine workers, and nearly one-fifth of the American workers aspired to an occupation in agriculture. Primary differences in the reasons for occupational choice occurred in the greater propensity of Argentine workers to mention challenge of work and possibilities for advancement, and the greater emphasis on type of work and physical factors among American workers. American workers appeared to reflect a generally negative reaction to basic elements of industrial technology, while it was the organization of technology into simple, repetitive tasks that received emphasis by more Argentine workers. Con- trary to the general hypothesis, Argentine workers were more likely to be planning to change their occupation. Few American workers planned to 322 change their occupation, and the proportion planning to change was smallest among those aspiring to an occupation in agriculture. Compared with other aspects of worker adaptation, work-related variables have a relatively negligible effect on occupational aspira- tions. With one exception, it was only among American workers that any work-related variable was associated to any aspect of occupational aspiration. The different work tasks and occupational environments found in the automobile plant do not generally, and particularly in Argentina, provoke differential occupational aspirations. Insofar as work-related variables were associated with occupational aspirations only in the United States, the data do support our general technological work environment hypothesis. But, in general, occupational aspirations are not linked to these variables. Instead, occupational aspirations appear to be more a function of other variables, indirectly related to work experience. Level of education is probably the best predictor of occupa- tional aspirations in both Argentina and the United States. Education does not, contrary to our initial predictions, lead to greater attachment to the industrial sector in an early-industrial society. Rather, in both societies, education leads to aspirations to white collar employment. And in both societies, workers with more education were more likely to give instrumental, economic reasons for wanting to change occupations. Yet, age appeared as the primary factor in actual plans for occupational change. In both societies, the potential for occupational change decreases with age. The two samples differ significantly on the two variables that seem to have the greatest influence on occupational aspirations--age and 323 education. We have maintained that the higher aspirational level in Argentina reflects the more dynamic labor market of an early-industrial society. But it is possible that the differences are, instead, a func- tion of the age and educational composition of the two samples. We would argue that, in spite of these differences, the Argentine and American workers both reflect more general characteristics of the labor market in the two communities studied. Regardless of age, Argentine workers placed less emphasis on wages, reflecting, perhaps, the bene- ficial wage position enjoyed by the Argentine automobile workers. Even one-sixth of the American workers with over nine years of education aspired to an agricultural occupation, symptomatic of limited alternative channels for upward mobility in the service and industrial sectors. Thus, while the future may bring an increase in the average age, and a decrease in the level of education of the Argentine automobile workers, relative to other workers in the Cordoba labor market, the high aspira- tional level will probably persist as long as industrial growth continues. Further, conditions are such that fulfillment of the Argentine workers' aspirations would lead to considerable upward mobility, and perhaps to better utilization of the human resources of the society. On the other hand, that nearly one-fifth of the American sample aspired to agricul- tural employment does not reflect the optimal use of the experience and education of these workers. Rather, it suggests a rejection of indus- trial employment, and an idealization of the rural way of life. CHAPTER VII CONCLUSIONS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR FURTHER RESEARCH Three general hypotheses were based on a discussion of several theoretical perspectives used in the study of worker adaptation and a review of a large number of empirical studies of adaptation in societies at different levels or stages of development. The general national hypothesis, intended as the basis of a curvilinear model of adaptation, stated that worker adaptation to industrial employment will be higher in early-industrial societies than in advanced industrial societies. The rationale was based on the differential status of industrial employment in societies at different stages of development. Analysis began in Chapter IV with a detailed discussion of the societal, communal, and occupational settings of the Argentine and American segments of an international study of automobile workers. We subsequently explored the interrelationship of numerous demographic and work-related independent variables. The major analysis chapter dealt with worker adaptation to the industrial sector, and adaptation to specific occupations and jobs within this sector. We also considered adaptation as reflected in occupational aspirations. Two of the general hypotheses specified the anticipated effect of two types of independent variables on worker adaptation. These two hypotheses linked to the cross-national hypothesis in that we argued that demographic characteristics would show a stronger relationship to 324 325 worker adaptation in early-industrial societies, and that technological work environment variables, specifically skill level, would better pre- dict worker adaptation in advanced industrial societies. Three General Hypotheses The national hypothesis was supported by most measures of adaptation to industrial employment. On a wide range of measures, the Argentine workers reflected a higher level of adaptation than American workers. The technological work environment hypothesis, specifying a positive relationship between skill level and adaptation to industrial employment received wide verification in both societies. Further, there is considerable evidence that, as initially suggested, work-related variables more effectively account for variations in worker adaptation in advanced industrial than in early-industrial societies. The demo- graphic hypothesis, however, received less support. We had suggested, in Chapter III, that the direction of the relationship between worker adaptation and most demographic variables would differ in early- industrial and advanced industrial societies. One specific hypothesis, for example, was that occupational satisfaction would vary inversely with education in the United States, but would show a positive relation- ship in Argentina. Instead, we found that where demographic variables were related to measures of worker adaptation, the relationship tended to be in the same direction in both societies. Theoretical Implications This study began as an attempt to bridge studies of worker adaptation in developing and advanced industrial societies. Through selection of workers in a common industry, we attempted to hold the 326 industrial work environment constant. Where the cross-national hypothe- sis was not supported, we noted the influence of this common work setting on worker adaptation. This suggests that many previous reports of large cross-national differences in adaptation may be more a function of the wide diversity in work environments that exists within the indus- trial setting, than of more general cultural differences. Our data provide little support for the general developmental theory on the problems of adaptation of new industrial workers. Rather, this study adds to the growing literature suggesting that workers rapidly adapt to the new technological setting of modern industry. Selection of the automobile industry constitutes an extreme case of an advanced industrial organization in a developing society, and we would expect some of the adaptational problems that did exist to be less typical of Argentine workers in smaller, less modern industrial establishments. The data do confirm the findings of many other studies of worker adaptation in industrial societies. Our focus on the internal differ- entiation or skill hierarchy of the automobile plant has shown the variation that exists within an industry typically viewed as employing primarily assembly-line workers. The Curvilinear Model As a means of linking the theoretical perspectives of studies of worker adaptation in developing and advanced industrial societies, we proposed a curvilinear model of industrial adaptation. We suggested that adaptation to industrial employment would be lower in both pre-industrial and advanced industrial societies than in early-industrial societies. Though, of course, this study did not include the pre-industrial case 327 that would confirm the curvilinear nature of the relationship, the data do show, in many cases, a higher level of adaptation among Argentine workers. Generally, cross-national variation, and thus the applicability of the model, decreases as the scope of adaptation narrows. Argentine workers were far more likely to reflect high adaptation to the industrial sector, but Argentine-American differences on the level of job satisfac- tion were very small. The control over job setting afforded by concen- trating on automobile workers resulted in minimal cross-national differ- ences in worker adaptation where Argentine-American differences in work setting were minimal--in the actual task or job. In spite of the common locus of occupations in the automobile plant, more general, societal definitions and expectations regarding the occupation produced greater cross-national differences in occupational adaptation. The only aspects of worker adaptation which consistently did not fit the curvilinear model were those relating to the potential for job and occupational change. If a high potential for change is interpreted as reflecting low adaptation, then the higher potential for change of the Argentine workers provides some support for the linear developmental model. The fit of the data to the curvilinear model was based, in some cases, on the interpretation of the level of adaptation reflected by the responses to an open-end question. Though one might argue that desire to change occupations because of the lack of challenge implies a lower level of adaptation than desire to change to avoid monotonous aspects of the present work, Argentine workers nonetheless reflected a more positive evaluation of their occupation and industrial employment. Even analysis of the factors underlying the potential for job and occupational change showed a greater commitment to the occupation and to the industrial 328 sector than in the United States. Potential for change thus appeared as more a direct function of labor market conditions than did adaptation to sector, occupation, or job. But, if our general analysis of labor market conditions is valid, the relationship between potential for change and level of societal development may also be curvilinear, though it would follow a U curve. Potential for change would be highest where the industrial labor market was expanding most rapidly, and we suggest this would occur in early-industrial societies. Satisfaction and potential for job or occupational change do not necessarily vary inversely. In an expanding labor market, workers may both reflect high satisfaction and still wish to change either job or occupation. The curvilinear model portrayed the relationship between worker adaptation and level of societal development. The relationship implies that level of development, as an independent variable, influences or at least conditions the level of worker adaptation. Our analysis of the research settings focussed on the development of the industrial sector in the two communities studied, and perhaps a more exact label for this "independent" variable would be the level of community industrial develop- ment. And others might suggest that the age of the industry is the critical variable, and that adaptation is lowest in very new and very old industries, regardless of the stage of development. But both community development and the age of the industry link to the general level of societal development. Indeed, they are factors in the determination of the level of development. Rapidly expanding industrial communities are more likely to be found in early-industrial societies, though we might expect to find similar levels of adaptation in industrial communities in industrial societies displaying characteristics similar to those 329 encountered in Cordoba. Moreover, with few exceptions, old, established, large-scale industries are not found in communities in either pre- industrial or early-industrial societies. Where these industries do exist in these societies, they are often found in metropolitan settings that have many characteristics of a more industrial society, and their internal organization and production system is likely to vary dramatic- ally from that found in the two automobile plants studied, and other modern plants. With time, Argentine and American differences in the level of adaptation will decrease. But to argue that it is only the age of the plant that is critical is to ignore the other labor market and societal changes that will surely accompany continued Argentine indus- trialization. That is, we cannot conceive of the continued existence of the Argentine plant without expecting dramatic changes in the setting as the society moves into the advanced industrial stage. The age of the plant, then, is an.igdgx of more general communal and societal changes accompanying industrialization. Limitations of the Study and Implications for Further Research Some of the limitations of the present study serve to clarify future research needs. First, the link between the characteristics of national and community settings, and worker adaptation remains an inferential one. To what extent are workers in Lansing and Cordoba aware of the histori- cal development and current conditions of the labor market? We argued that both structural and attitudinal changes occurring with development place the industrial worker in a large factory in a relatively 330 advantageous position, economically and in terms of social status, in an early-industrial society. But future research must focus on the amount and use of this general information, and, in particular, on the function- ing of labor markets in developing societies. There are several strategies available in the comparative study of the impact of different industrial settings. One is to attempt to hold the society constant, and to focus, as did Blauner,306 on the range of industries within the society. A second, used by this study, holds the type of industry constant, and seeks maximum variability in the national and community settings. But uncontrolled factors persist. Blauner gave considerably more attention to community factors when dis- cussing textile mill workers than in his discussion of automobile assemblers. And the two automobile plants in this study varied in their place within the national and local industrial systems. Further, we acknowledge that Argentine-American similarities might have been greater had we studied a plant in metropolitan Buenos Aires. A key variable in many studies of worker adaptation seems to be the place of the industry studied vis-a-vis the general economic system in the community. A third strategy in the study of worker adaptation might be to hold constant the level and relative complexity of the industry within the local context. That is, if the Argentine automobile plant is the newest, most complex, and most prestigeful place of employment in Cordoba, perhaps an industry occupying a similar position in an American community should be selected for comparative analysis. Would we find, for example, that Argentine 306Robert Blauner, Alienation and Freedom: The Factory WOrker and His Industry (Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1964). 331 automobile workers and American workers in an automated, continuous process plant reflect similarly high levels of adaptation? Would workers in older textile mills in Buenos Aires reflect a perspective similar to workers in American automobile plants? The third strategy, then, places less emphasis on the work environment in an absolute sense, and gives more attention to the conditioning of worker adaptation by historical and community factors. Education is viewed positively in both developing and advanced industrial societies. Yet education appeared to have a far greater impact on worker adaptation in Argentina. An underlying factor was that, in the Argentine plant, there was a strong relationship between education and skill level. Further research is needed on the differential utiliza- tion of education in the industrial sector, and On the way in which both this utilization and general societal values about education influence workers' attitudes toward the value or necessity of education. We have assumed that the general inexperience of the Argentine labor force neces- sitated management reliance on formal technical training. But it may f well be that a higher level of education signifies, for the Argentine plant, a general awareness and flexibility, rather than Specific tech- nical skills. With a simultaneous increase in the level of education and the spread of industrial experience in Argentina, and the use of more automated machinery in the Argentine plant, we would expect education to have less relevance for job assignment within the blue-collar industrial sector. This process has already occurred in the United States. Yet societal emphasis on the value of education continues. The interpreta- tion of these values by American workers is an important area for further research. One expression of this ideology is the use of correspondence 332 schools by American workers. These commercially operated institutions, advertising widely in home mechanic and sporting magazines, offer train- ing leading to semi-technical jobs in the service sector. Many offer training in the management of small businesses. Yet the extent to which this type of education leads to occupational mobility remains in ques- tion. Further, we have noted the importance of Argentine technical high schools for the training of qualified workers, and as a step to addi- tional formal training in engineering. Though perhaps technical high schools once occupied a similar position in the United States, in many communities attendance at such a school symbolizes resignation to life- long blue-collar employment. Yet, given the reality of limited mobility, such technical education could benefit many industrial workers. If, as many maintain, automation "produces" new jobs, these new technical repair and monitoring positions will probably require better training than offered in most "college-prep"-oriented high schools. We have given little attention to the place of the union in the two automobile plants. Both have relatively strong, well-organized unions, and it is certain that worker reaction to future developments of the plants and response to the dynamic position of the automobile industry in the national and local settings will be channeled through the union. We have argued that worker adaptation is, in part, a function of the position of the worker and the industry in the community and the local labor market. Unions will play an important role in maintaining or improving that general position. Fluctuations in earnings of American automobile workers have been countered with union proposals for a guaran- teed annual wage. At the time of the fieldwork in Argentina, union and management were confronting the problem of recurrent large-scale layoffs, 333 due to the variations in automobile sales which have, in a similar manner, produced seasonal layoffs in the American automobile industry since the 1920's. Focus on union activity and on worker expectations of the union may provide additional clues to the impact of societal or communal variables on the adaptation of industrial workers. All of the workers in both societies reflect a higher level of adaptation than their co-workers who are no longer employed in the automobile plants. Our earlier criticism that previous studies did not trace the subsequent behavior of those who manifested low adaptation thus also applies to this study. Without a panel study, we cannot under- stand the consequences of worker adaptation for future occupational involvement. Moreover, though we tried to estimate the relative selec- tivity of hiring practices by comparing the workers in the plants with the local labor force, more detailed analysis of the application, selec- tion, and placement of workers is needed. It is at this point that many of the conditions which later influence adaptation are established. This study adds to the growing number of comparative, cross- cultural studies of problems related to socio-economic deve10pment. Given the study design, we tried to achieve comparability in the research instrument. To avoid a superficial item-comparability, we provided detailed contextual material. Yet, in some cases, we were forced to conclude that cross-national differences reflected a lack of comparabil- ity in the items, rather than significant differences in attitudes. Comparability problems thus often serve as a means of conditioning the researcher to cross-national differences. For example, though agricul- tural employment may be valued in Argentina, use of the "small independ- ent farmer" as a referent automatically implied substantial income and I 1"”- 334 amenity differences that did not exist in the United States. Future research, especially that focussing on sector and occupational adapta- tion, should explore occupational alternatives that are relevant in the local setting. Finally, this study has moved closer to the workers than most previous studies of worker adaptation in developing societies. Many sociological studies have relied on indirect evidence of worker adapta- tion, such as turnover and absenteeism rates. Even those studies which are based on interviews with workers often focus more on informational than attitudinal variables. 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