MSU RETURNING MATERIALS: PIace in book drop to remove this checkout from LIBRARIES Jun-(jilun. your record. FINES wiII be charged if book is returned after the date stamped beIow. ,w £,ut ; . n " L. 3’ "7-. 1 ~ 4—03 I 1’ TH 17-: £- a} e”! (Ii 4%} , i: ii- .3! «I A STUDY OF VALUES AND ATTITUDES IN A TEXTBOOK CONTROVERSY IN KANANHA COUNTY, WEST VIRGINIA: AN OVERT ACT OF OPPOSITION TO SCHOOLS By Don J. Goode A DISSERTATION Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fquiIIment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of PhiIOSOphy Department of Administration and Curriculum 1984 ABSTRACT A STUDY OF VALUES AND ATTITUDES IN A TEXTBOOK CONTROVERSY IN KANAWHA COUNTY, WEST VIRGINIA: AN OVERT ACT OF OPPOSITION TO SCHOOLS By Don J. Goode Incidents of overt opposition to schools have been recorded almost since the inception of public education in America. While there are many documented incidents of such opposition, little research has been done on the values and attitudes of those involved in those incidents. The purpose of this study has been to test the conceptual framework that those whose values lead them to oppose schools will also oppose other public institutions and that the attitudes they hold toward schools are reflective of more general values that they hold. The study was developed in two parts. First, an anthro- pological set of data were collected on the cultural background and the chronology of the event of opposition to the schools, a textbook controversy that took place in Kanawha County, West Virginia. Second, data were gathered (through a survey method) on the values and attitudes of subjects involved in the incident. Each subject was asked to rank eighteen values on the Rokeach Value Survey and to respond to a series of attitude items on a likert-like scale. The Don J. Goode quantitative data were analyzed in order to test four hypotheses generated from the conceptual framework of the study. A total of l75 persons comprised the two groups in the study. Of these, 48 responses were received from subjects favoring the adoption of a set of textbooks and 33 responses were received from persons strongly opposing their adoption. The findings of the study included the following: 1. There were three values on which the two groups differed to a statistically different degree. The greatest disagreement occurred on the value Salvation where the Pro-Text Group ranked it last and the Anti-Text Group ranked it first. 2. Statistically significant differences between the two groups occurred on six of ten items dealing with attitudes toward education. 3. While no statistically significant difference could be found between the two groups on their attitudes toward other public institutions, there was an observed tendency in that direction. 4. The study showed that for all respondents, their atti- tudes toward education were reflective of more general values that they held. To my wife, Jill, who encouraged this work and supported it in many ways . . . To my children, Brad and LariAnn, who grew through the experience of sacrifice . . . To my parents, Ceil and Sol Goode, who encouraged us to rise above their shoulders . . . To America, who rescued my grandparents from Oppression and allowed us to all know freedom . . . Nith deepest love . . . ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF TABLES ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . Chapter I. II. III. IV. INTRODUCTION . Background Statement Problem Statement Conceptual Framework Summary . Statement of Purpose Brief Review of Literature Hypotheses to be Tested . Limitations of the Study . Sampling and Instrumentation Data Collection Analysis . Significance of the Study REVIEW OF LITERATURE Values and Value Systems Defined . Values and Attitudes. Relationship Values and Behavior Relationship of Literature to the Study I Appalachian Values . PLAN OF THE STUDY The Population Site . . . . Collection of Data: Qualitative Sample . . . . . . . . . Instrumentation . . . . . . . Collection of Data: Quantitative . Analyses of Data: Quantitative THE DATA Historical Data . Page vii Violence . . And Religion . . And Land and Coal The Event. Quantitative Data - Analyses Hypothesis I . Hypothesis II Hypothesis III Hypothesis IV V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, DISCUSSION, AND IMPLICATIONS Summary of the Study . . Development of the Method . Application of the Quantitative Method Analyses . . . Conclusions . . Implications for Practitioners . Implications for Future Research APPENDICES A. Copy of Brochure B. Cover Letter . C. Mrs. Moore's Objections to Books D. What Your Children Will Read BIBLIOGRAPHY iv Page 171 I75 I76 I78 187 Table 0 o O o O .b 00 N .10 LIST OF TABLES Comparative Study of Personal Characteristics Comparative Study of Family Life Characteristics Comparative Study of Relationships With Others . Some Contrasting Value Orientations Rokeach Value Survey, Form G . Frequency Distributions of Value System Reliabilities of Forms D and E . . . . Medians and Value Rankings of Pro-Text Group and Anti-Text Group . . . . . . . . . Comparison of Value Rankings of Those Involved in Kanawha County Textbook Controversy Items l-lO from Questionnaire Responses to Education Attitude Items by Pro-Textbook Subjects . . . Responses to Educational Attitude Items by Anti-Textbook Subjects . . . . . Comparison of Educational Attitudes of Those Involved in Kanawha County Textbook Controversy Comparison of Group Scores of Pro-Textbook Group and Anti-Textbook Group on Attitudes Toward Education . . . . . . . Items ll-ZO from Questionnaire Responses to Attitude Items About the Court System by Pro-Textbook Subjects . Responses to Attitude Items About the Court System by Anti-Textbook Subjects . . . . . . . Page El 52 53 54 60 61 . 126 . 128 . 131 . 132 . 133 . 134 . 136 . 138 . 139 . 14O Table 4.ll Comparison of Attitudes Toward the Courts of Those Involved in the Kanawha County Textbook Controversy . . . . . Items 21-30 from Questionnaire Responses to Attitude Items About Kanawha County Government by Pro-Textbook Subjects Responses to Attitude Items About Kanawha County Government by Anti-Textbook Subjects . Comparison of Attitudes Toward Kanawha County Government of Those Involved in the Kanawha County Textbook Controversy Comparison of Group Scores of Pro-Textbook Group and Anti-Textbook Group on Attitudes Toward the Courts and Toward Kanawha County Government . Score Summary for All Respondents on Educational Attitude Survey . Comparison of Value Rankings of Those Who Were Conservative or Liberal on the Educational Attitude Survey vi Page . 141 . 142 . 143 . 145 . 146 . 147 . 150 . 151 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This writer wishes to express his appreciation to the many people who helped to make this study possible. Because of the breadth of the project, there were a large number of people who contributed in a variety of ways. When first I visited Kanawha County, West Virginia, I came as a stranger. When my final visit ended, I left behind many who had become my friends. Without their help, this project would have been impossible. I treasure the time I spent with them. Dr. Richard Hunt of the West Virginia College of Graduate Studies made available his office and his time to give me an initial start. His knowledge of the controversy and of its chief participants was invaluable. Mr. and Mrs. Elmer Fike spent many hours with this stranger and helped to identify others who could assist. Mrs. Donald Raines went a great deal out of her way to provide information on prospec- tive subjects for the study. Reverend Avis Hill, who functioned at the center of the controversy from beginning to end, not only spent time recounting his experiences, but was most generous in sharing his files with me. Also, Mr. Donald Means, who died tragically only a few days after I spoke with him, provided welcome information. Dick Parr was another who contributed generously of his time. vii Doris and Henry Colomb welcomed me into their home as a friend, and without the extensive amount of time that Doris contri- buted, I might never have been able to identify enough subjects to have completed the study. The same may be said of Deb and Dan Blackwood. In addition to the information that Deb provided, she also took time away from her busy schedule to act as my tour guide through the narrow and bumpy roads that run through the rural hollows of beautiful Kanawha County. Israel Koller lent a helping hand in gently nudging some subjects into returning their survey forms. Reverend Jim Lewis, now of Ann Arbor, Michigan spent an afternoon recounting his experiences as a pro-textbook leader. His ability as a story teller was outstanding, but the fact that his reminiscences were rich with sensitivities to the Appalachian cul- ture made his stories a valuable tool to this writer. His generosity in sharing his volumes of newspaper articles deserve my unending thanks. To all of the warm people of Kanawha County, I shall be forever indebted. Dr. Phillip Cusick has acted as my advisor on this project. From the beginning, he has encouraged the work and lent his support to it. Without his help the entire doctoral program would not have been possible. The other members of my committee, Dr. Herbert Rudman, Dr. Charles Blackman, and Dr. Richard Farace have viii contributed valuable suggestions. Also, thanks to Dr. Keith Gold- hammer for sharing his ideas and literature from his personal library. Special thanks to Eric Gordon who guided me through the intricacies of the statistical methods utilized in the study. ix CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Background Statement The United States has a long and continuing history of censorship aimed at school textbooks. While this study will deal generally with attitudes and values that people hold toward public schools, the more specific issue of textbook censorship will be used as an example of citizens' attitudes and values about schools. Textbook censorship has been chosen because movements to ban textbooks have often resulted in clear, overt public opposition to schools. Participants in these banning movements are clearly identifiable for purposes of research. Group pressures on textbooks in American public schools can be traced as far back as the post Civil War where some veterans of the Civil War raised charges that "textbooks were undermining the causes which they carried into battle at Shiloh, Bull Run, and 1 The regional loyalties of the Civil War did not die Gettysburg." easily and veterans from each side desired that their particular viewpoints should be supported in textbooks. Each side met with some degree of success. 1J. Nelson and G. Roberts Jr., The Censors and the Schools (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1963), p. 25. Textbook censorship movements in the United States have come in cycles, each cycle aimed at a different target. In the l9205, Charles Grant Miller, a columnist for the Hearst newspaper chain, wrote a series of articles warning parents against "Anglicized" his- tories, articles that resulted in attacks on textbooks for anti- British reasons.2 Antitextbook events subsided dtring the Great Depression years, but resurfaced in the late l930$ and early l940$ when several national organizations targeted textbooks that they felt threatened their American way of life. Representative of that era were the attacks on the textbooks of Harold Rugg spearheaded by the Guardians of American Education.3 Over a twenty year period, Rugg had produced a series of texts which were in use in over 4,000 American schools. The G.A.E. and other organizations branded Rugg as a "Frontier Thinker," and in a period of about five years the Rugg texts virtually disappeared from school use. The post World War II years were characterized by attacks on books alleged to foster communism; books which were judged by their critics "to be at variance with morality, truth, justice or 4 In most instances, a national figure or a national patriotism." organization led the attack against textbooks. While censorship attempts have continued, more recent attempts have been less associated with national figures or organizations and, in most 21bid., p. 27. 3Mary Anne Raywid, The Ax Grinders (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1962), p. 5]. 4Nelson and Roberts, The Censors and the Schools, p. 53. cases, these activities are now directed at local schools by local groups.5 The targets of contemporary critics have been books that they have judged to be obscene, too value oriented, lacking in basic American ideals, and purveyors of secular humanism. Much contemporary writing dealing with censorship of school textbooks has to do with trying to establish the incidence with which 6 has been the most textbook banning attempts are occurring. Burris active in trying to establish the extent to which censorship attempts are taking place. Working with the National Council of Teachers of English, Burris conducted a survey of secondary school teachers who were members of the NCTE. Having compared his 1980 results with sur- veys taken in 1977 and 1966, Burris concluded that "censorship pres- sure (incidence) is a prominent and growing part of school life." Feedback from Burris' survey seemed to confirm Taylor’s belief that censorship attempts seem to now be associated with local censorship groups.7 L.B. Woods8 conducted another kind of study by reviewing reported cases of censorship attempts as reported in the Newsletter on Intellectual freedom, a publication of the American Library Associa- tion which tracks censorship attempts. Woods concluded that there was 5Kenneth I. Taylor, "Are School Censorship Cases Really Increasing?" School Library Media Quarterly II (October 1982): 32. 6James E. Davis, ed., Dealing with Censorship(Urbana, Illinois: National Council of Teachers 6? English,71979). p. 36. 7 Ibid., p. 18. 8L.B. Woods, A Decade of Censorship in America (Metuchen, N.J., and London: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., l979). a signficiant increase in reported censorship cases from 1970-1975 when his study was completed.9 The previously mentioned Newsletter on Intellectual Freedom reports censorship attempts as the publisher becomes aware of them. 10 The March 1982 issue reported attempts to ban To Kill a Mockingbird from the Warren Township Schools in Warren, Indiana, a movement to ban Of Mice and Men in Newkirk, Oklahoma and an angry attempt to ban Studs Terkel's Working from classroom use in Girard, Pennsylvania. The January 198211 issue reported an attempted ban of Alexander Solzhenitzin's One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich in Buchland, 12 Massachusetts. The November 1982 issue reported the removal from sixth through twelfth grade classrooms of one hundred copies of the Merriam Webster New Collegiate Dictionary in Carlsbad, New Mexico as a result of a parental complaint about obscenity. Literally hundreds of such events are cited by issues of the publication. Each of these censorship movements and attempts were charac- terized by overt opposition to the schools. In each case, it appears that the targeted books contained some content which was offensive to the values of those involved in the Opposition movement. 91bid., p. 145. loAmerican Library Association, Newsletter On Intellectual Freedom (Chicago: American Library Association, 1982), March} p. 47. nIbid., January, p. 10. lzIbid., November, p. 206. Problem Statement The general problem that this research project seeks to address is an insufficiency of available empirical research on the attitudes and values of those individuals involved in overt acts of Opposition to the public schools. This problem will be studied by using text- book censorship as an incident through which these attitudes and values will be studied. Most available literature dealing with the censor- ]3 and Woods14 ship of school books has, like the studies of Burris dealt with data collectioncrfincidence of textbook banning. While this information is valuable, it does not deal with those people ac- tually involved in censorship attempts. Most literature dealing with censorship simplyidentifies it as a phenomenon associated with conser- vative persons or organizations. In contemporary times, publications such as the mlshave associated censorship attempts with the New Right, a name given to the current conservative element of American society. Perhaps the most comprehensive scholarly attempt at explain- ing the values and beliefs of those involved in censorship attempts can be found in a 1959 doctoral dissertation done by Mary Anne 16 While her work dealt generally with criticism of the Raywid. schools, she has hypothesized that much educational criticism is accounted for by deep-rooted differences of belief in our society 13Davis, Dealing with Censorship. 14Woods, A Decade of Censorship in America. ‘5Ben Brodinski, "The New Right: The Movement and Its Impact," Kappan (October 1982): 87. 16Mary Anne Raywid, "Contemporary Educational Criticism: An Anal sis and Appraisal" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Illinois, 1959 . regarding what "ought" to be. She referred to this phenomenon as "value cleavages." Conceptual Framework "Public education is an instrumentality of society for carrying out a function which society has decreed to be a desirable one - the education of all of the children of all of the pe0ple."17 Each state is charged with the responsibility of providing for the establishment of public schools, a responsibility which has fallen to the states as a result of the Tenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. While each state has developed its own unique way of establishing and maintaining a public school system, a common denominator to each of the states has been the support of the public schools through the taxing of the citizenry. In addition to the funding that citizens provide to the schools, many of these citizens develOp further relationships with the schools. Some contribute their time and some develop strong emotional ties to their schools. Because schools receive such support from the public, they accumulate and control a great many resources, resources that accrue to the public schools a considerable amount of power. With their trained personnel and their control of considerable amounts of equipment and materials, the schools are able to determine the direction of education in their respective communities including, in 17E. Edmund Reutter, Jr. and Robert R. Hamilton, The Law of Public Education (Mineola, New York: The Foundation Press, Inc., 1976). P. l. large part, what children will be taught and by what pedagogical means. It follows, then, that the public school systems have at their disposal both goods and services which they must distribute among the citizenry which provides those resources. The question of what method might be employed in determining the manner of distribution of these goods and services might be argued from many directions, but for the purposes of this study, emphasis will be placed on Nicholas Rescher's Distributive Justice.18 19 Aristotle described distributive justice as justice which "is exercised in the distribution of honor, wealth, and the other divisible assets of the community." Rescher,20 while using Aristotle's definition as a springboard, has expanded on Aristotle's concept: The sc0pe of our concept will include the distribution of goods and evils generally, without regard to whether the distributing agent is an individual or a person proper, or a collective individual or person such as a corporation or state. By Rescher's definition, the schools would qualify as an entity, as an arm of the state, which has both goods and evils to distribute. A most perplexing question centers around how these resources should be distributed. Experience tells us that there will be various groups competing for these resources and that these resources are not usually sufficient to fulfill all of the demands 18Nicholas Rescher, Distributive Justice (Indianapolis, New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1966). ‘91bid., p. 5. 201bid., p. 6. upon them. In order to answer the question, Rescher has grounded his theory in the "principle of utility" which asserts that utility should be distributed according to the rule of "the greatest good for the greatest number."21 While the "principle of utility" has an ideal sound to it, it is not exact enough in its simplest form to be helpful in deter- mining just how resources may be distributed in a just manner. 22 Herbert Spencer, for instance, has questioned the concept of equal shares for all: "Everybody to count for one, nobody for more than one." Does this mean that whatever is proportioned out, each is to have the same share, whatever his character, whatever his conduct? Shall he if passive have as much as if active? Shall he if useless have as much as if useful? Shall he if criminal have as much as if virtuous? If the distribution is to be made without reference to the natures and deeds of the recipients, then it must be shown that a system which equalizes as far as it can, the treatment of good and bad, will be beneficial. If the distribution is not to be undiscriminate, then the formula disappears. The something distributed must be apportioned otherwise than by equal division. There must be adjustments to amounts to desserts; and we are all left in the dark as to the mode of adjust- ment - we have to find another guidance. It would seem, then, that the "principle of utility" cannot stand on its own in answering questions about equity and fairness in distribution. Clearly, there is more than pure equality involved. The "principle of utility" may serve as a part of an explanation of how distribution may take place, but other factors must be examined. Rescherz3 focuses his attention on the matter of claims: 21Ibid., p. 8. 22Herbert Spencer, The Data of Ethics (New York: 0. Appleton and Co., 1879), sec. 84. 23 Rescher, Distributive Justice, p. 56. Life is replete with claim creating circumstances typi— fied by the making and breaking of contracts and promises . in the nature of things, most distributions are of the func- tional sort that is unavoidably claim responsive. "The greatest good of the greatest number," always recognizing that the resulting distribution of goods and evils should be commensurate with the legitimate claims of the individual at issue . . . The "principle of utility" cannot be a serious candidate fer a principle of distribution when its formula- tion does not take account of the dessert (merit, legitimate claim) of the individuals involved. There are many kinds of claims that may be registered by individuals against the resources of their institutions. Rescher identifies categories of these claims, which he calls "canons“ and lists these as the canons of equality, need, ability, effort, pro- 24 ductivity, public utility, and supply and demand. But finally, he dismisses the fact that any of these claims taken individually would satisfy distributive justice because they each recognize only one kind of claim.25 Rescher takes the position that distributive justice is based on a "Canon of Claims," that distributive justice consists in the treatment of people according to their legitimate 26 claims, both positive and negative. He summarizes the utility of his Canon of Claims as follows: The Canon of Claims plainly avoids the fault of over- restrictiveness; indeed, it reaches out to embrace all other canons. From its perspective each canon represents one particular sort of ground on whose basis certain legitimate claims--upon whose accomodation it insists-- can be advanced. The evaluation of these claims in context, 24Ibid., p. 73. 25 26 Ibid., p. 82. Ibid., p. 82. 10 and their due recognition under the circumstances is in our view the key element of distributive justice.2 What Rescher is saying is that there are many claims that individuals may register and that each has a legitimate basis on which it should be considered—-there is no priority of order. In short, distributive justice requires the accommodation of legitimate claims. It is a part of the thesis of this study that when indivi- duals contribute to their organizations (and in a wider sense to their public institutions) that they place certain claims upon those institutions and that those claims equate to expectations that they will receive certain benefits in return (benefits in the sense that those institutions will behave in a way that will satisfy their expectations). Peter Blau28 has described this phenomenon as "fair exchange" and he has suggested that individuals' satisfaction with the benefits they receive depends not so much on the quantity of those benefits, but on the fact that their expectations are not disappointed. It is a further part of the thesis of this study that the expectations that individuals have of their institutions are depen- dent upon the value systems held by these individuals, and that value systems play an important part in how individuals ultimately behave. Blau has stated that proposition this way: "General 27Ibid., p. 82. 28Peter M. Blau, Exchange and Power in Social Life (New York-London-Sidney: John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 1967), p. 156. 11 expectations . . . are governed by prevailing values and social standards, and by the previously experienced attainments by indivi- duals."29 Mary Ann Raywid30 has woven an interesting hypothesis to support this point of view: "We act in accord with what we think to be true (our beliefs) and with our ideas of what ought to be." Her exampletrfsoutherners objecting to integration on emotional grounds, but supporting it because they value the rule of law is a helpful example of values guiding behavior.3] d32 Rale further hypothesized that we have a tendency toward consistency in our value systems and that our values are arranged in a hierarchial fashion. The work of several scholars 133 would support that point of view. Myrda wrote that "Most persons want to present to their fellows--and to themselves--a trimmed and polished Sphere of valuations where honesty, logic, and consistency 34 rule." William Graham Sumner saw a "strain toward consistency" in 35 our valuations, and Myrdal has suggested that we have a hierarchy of valuations that we feel some to be more important than others. 291bid., p. 145. 30Raywid, "Contemporary Educational Criticism: An Analysis and Appraisal," p. 36l. 311616., p. 362. 321bid., p. 344. 33Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1944), p. 1027. 34WilliamGraham Sumner, Folkways (Boston: Ginn and Company, 1940), pp. 5-6, 34, 35. 35Myrdal, An American Dilemma, p. 1029. 12 Assuming that our expectations are guided by our value systems, then it would follow that what benefits we expect from institutions to which we contribute are dependent on what we would consider to be rewarding and, in turn, what we would consider to be rewarding would be dependent upon what values occupy the highest positions in our value hierarchies. The fact that individuals hold different value systems would explain why they react differently to the behavior of their institutions. This would hold true for how individuals respond to public schools. What they expect schools to do with and for their children would be dependent upon their value systems. The question of how these value systems affect an individual's expectations of the schools may now be addressed. It is the thesis of this study that an individual's educational attitudes (and there- fore his expectations of the schools) will be reflective of a more general set of values that he holds, and that his educational atti- tudes will be consistent with the attitudes (and therefore his expectations) that he has regarding other public institutions. The question may be raised as to how individuals may respond if they are disappointed in what kinds of benefits they receive from their institutions (if the benefits are at odds with what their values lead them to expect from their institutions). Blau36 continued, "If their sense of justice is so outraged by their 36Blau, Exchange and Power in Social Life, p. 231. 13 oppression . . . retaliation against the oppressors may be more gratifying to them than securing the continuation of their meager rewards." This study will use an incident of attempted textbook censorship in order to examine the values and attitudes of those involved in overtly Opposing the public schools. Summary American public schools are financially supported by all of the citizenry, and are supported to an even greater extent by some via the investment of time and emotional support. In that regard, American public schools are thought of as public institutions. American people have certain expectations of their public institu- tions and those expectations are grounded in the values that indivi- duals hold. While it is not a purpose of this study to investigate how these values are acquired, it seems that values once acquired have a consistency in each individual and that certain of these values occupy a higher priority in their value systems which will influence all of the values held by the individual, including his educational attitudes. Those values, in turn, determine what an individual expects as benefits from the school--he places certain claims on the schools. Schools cannot satisfy all of the claims upon them and those individuals who perceive that their claims are not being rewarded may choose to oppose the behavior of the schools. 14 Statement of Purpose The purpose Of this study is to test the conceptual framework that those whose values lead them to oppose schools will also oppose other public institutions and that the attitudes they hold toward schools are reflective of more general values that they hold. An incident of attempted textbook censorship will be used as an example Of Opposition to schools and data will be gathered from citizens who favored censorship and those who did not in a specific community. Brief Review of Literature In order to understand the nature of values and value systems, it is helpful to examine values from the standpoint of what sub- systems combine to form and support them. A single definition of values and their subsystems is not easily achieved because of the large number of definitions extant in the literature. For the purposes of this study, definitions developed by Milton Rokeach37 will be used. Rokeach theorized that valug§_are a kind of belief "centrally located within one's total belief system, about how one might or ought not, to behave, or about some end state Of existence worth, 38 39 or not worth, attaining." A belief was described by Rokeach 37International Encyclopedia Of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1, "The Nature of Attitudes“ by Milton Rokeach, pp. 449L458. 381bid., p. 454. 391bid., p. 450. 15 "as any simple prOposition, conscious or unconscious, inferred from what a person says or does, capable of being preceded by the phrase 'I believe that . . .'" Building still further on the concept, 4O Rokeach described a belief system_as "the total universe of a person's beliefs about the physical world, the social world, and the self." Finally, Rokeach4] described a value system as a "hierarchical organization--a rank ordering--of ideals or values in terms of importance." The idea Of a hierarchy of values arranged in some organiza- tional fashion appears in other areas of the literature. Myrdal42 speaks of a "value hierarchy that causes peOple to want to present themselves in a consistent manner." He also speaks of a need for peOple who present inconsistencies to reconcile those inconsisten- cies.43 Lowry W. Harding44 in psychological literature, has said that harmonizing value conflicts is important to a stable persona- lity. Ashael Woodruff45 carries this hypothesis even further in speculating that "the major activities of some maladjusted persons will prove to be out of harmony with their value patterns is a most 4OIbid., p. 454. 4'Ibid., p. 455. 42Myrdal, An American Dilemma, p. 1027. 43Ibid., p. 1029. 44Lowry W. Harding, "Experimental Comparisons Between Generalizations and Problems as Indicies of Values," Journal of General Psychology_38.l (January, 1948): 33. 45Ashael D. Woodruff, "Personal Values and the Direction of Behavior," School Review 50.1 (January, 1942) 41. 16 promising hypothesis." Adorno, et al.46 have also used as a hypo- thesis for their study of authoritarianism the belief that "the political, economic and social convictions Of an individual often form a broad and coherent pattern as if bound together by a mentality or spirit . . . It would appear that there is much agreement that individuals have values which are organized into hierarchical value systems, and that consistency in those value systems may be so important to individuals as to be a value in itself. As we have seen, that con- sistency may even be an important aspect Of a stable personality. 47 Robert Beech , in his review of literature, provides some insight as to how a value system effects an individual: A person's value system permits him to make choices between alternatives because of the hierarchical nature of the system itself. As Woodruff and DiVista43 state it, "an individual will try to promote all of his higher positive values as opportunity permits, but each value will have precedence over those below it in his pattern when conflict develops . . . " 49 Kluckholn, et a1. , have gone even further in explaining the affects of values on behavior: 46T. W. Adorno, et al., The Authoritarian Personality (New York: Harper Brothers, 1950), p.T1. 47Robert P. Beech, "Value Systems, Attitudes, and Inter- personal Attraction" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University, 1966 , p. 7. 48The Relationship Between Values, Concepts, and Attitudes, Educational PsycholOgicalTMeasurement, 1948 quoted by RObert P. Beech, "Value Systems, Attitudes, and Interpersonal Attraction" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University, 1966), p. 7. 49C1yde Kluckholn, et al. in Toward a General Theory of Action, ed. Talcott Parsons and Edward Shils (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1959), p. 396. 17 Values are ideas formulating action commitments. These ideas are instigators of behavior, ". . . within the indivi- dual but are not to be conceived as internal social 'forces' in the classical sense of the word 'force'. Operationally, the observer notes certain kinds of patterned behavior. He cannot explain the regularities unless he subsumes certain aspects of the processes that determine concrete acts under the rubric 'value'." We see in Kluckholn's comments further allusion to patterned behavior, but he has gone so far as to place values as the motivators for that patterned behavior. But Kluckholn50 cautions against interpreting this patterned behavior as a result Of a neat dual systematic hierarchy of values. His point is simply that we have priority values which are for the most part general in nature, and which contribute to the organization and functioning of the total system. The role that values play in determining what people expect from their institutions needs investigation, but Jacob and Flinks' have found values to be associated with what roles human beings play in society and have commented how values effect their expec- tations: . . values have the property of imposing obligations or defining what is socially expected of the person in a certain role. Conversely, role values define the rights- which a person can expect to claim by virtue of fu f1 1ng his role Obligations according to expectations. 501bid., p. 420. 5'Ph1111p E. Jacob and James J. Flink, "Values and Their Function in Decision Making," The American Behavioral Scientist, supplement, 9 (May, 1962): 15. 18 It would seem that the values that a person holds will affect what he thinks he has a right to expect if he fulfills his obliga- tion of supporting public institutions. Where values equate with expectations, there are certain to be situations that arise where expectations (hence values) are dis- 52 has suggested that a appointed. Under these circumstances, Blau revolutionary feeling may surface fostering overt opposition to that social structure. Allusions to "patterns of behavior" and "consistency" and "hierarchial structures" indicate the need for individuals to arrange their values in a systematic way which may predispose them to act and react to certain situations and Objects with a degree of constancy. If that is true, then one might expect that an individual might hold similar expectations for various public institutions which he supports. Hypotheses to be Tested Hypothesis I Between those who supported the adoption of the textbooks and those who opposed them, there are no values on which there are statis- tically significant differences. Hypothesis II There is no significant difference between the educational attitudes of those supporting the adoption of the textbooks and those Opposing their adOption. 52 Blau, Exchange and Power in Social Life, p. 232. 19 Hypothesis III There is no significant difference between the attitudes of those supporting the adoption of the textbooks, toward other publicly supported institutions, and the attitudes toward other publicly supported institutions of those Opposing the adoption of the text- books. Hypothesis IV The educational attitudes Of those studied will not be significantly related to their general values (terminal values). Limitations Of the Study l. The study will be limited to the study Of a censorship event as it relates to school textbooks. 2. Results of this study will not be generalizable since the study will deal with a specific pOpulation (Kanawha County, West Virginia) and since there is no way to determine the total population of those involved in censorship incidents. 3. The study will be limited to the investigation of Oppo- sition to the schools by local citizen groups. Other forms of Opposition exist as national movements and through national organizations. 4. This study will be limited to public schools (K-12). NO attention will be given to private schools or colleges or universities. 5. The study will not be concerned with the outcome Of the censorship attempt. Its focus will be on the values involved in raising opposition to the schools. Sampling and Instrumentation In 1974, a major textbook censoring event occurred in Kanawha County, West Virginia. From that population, two groups 20 will be surveyed. One group will include a minimum of thirty per- sons who favored the censoring of textbooks and the other group will include a minimum Of thirty persons who were Opposed to the censor- ing of textbooks. Data Collection Analysis Two sets of data will be collected for this study: Part 1: Historical Data A chronological account of the textbook controversy in Kanawha County, West Virginia will be constructed from news arti- cles appearing in the Charleston Daily News and the Charleston Gazette, the two leading newspapers in Kanawha County. As an introduction to the chronological account, cultural information from pertinent literature will be presented. Part II: Quantitative Data Hypothesis I Between those who supported the adoption of the textbooks and those who Opposed them, there are no values on which there are statis- tically significant differences. Analysis In order to determine the difference between the values of those supporting the texts and those opposing them, a 21 non-parametric median test will be used.53 The median rank for each group will be determined. Hypothesis II There is no significant difference between the educational attitudes of those supporting the adoption of the textbooks and those Opposing their adoption. Analysis For the purpose of comparing the educational attitudes of the two groups, an independent t-Test will be employed. The independent variable will be whether the respondent supported or opposed the books. The dependent variable will be the total attitude score on the ten questions dealing with the educational attitudes. This will enable the generation of the two group means so that they can be compared. Hypothesis III There is no significant difference between the attitudes of those supportingthe adoption of the textbooks, toward other publicly supported institutions, and the attitudes toward other publicly supported institutions Of those opposing the adoption of the textbooks. Analysis For the purpose of comparing the attitudes of the two groups toward the courts, an independent t-test will be employed. The independent 53Sidney Siegel, Nonparametric Statistics for the Behavioral Sciences (New York, Toronto, London: TMCGYaw-HIITTBOOK Company, 1956), pp. 111-112. 22 variable will be whether the respondents supported or Opposed the books. The dependent variable will be the total attitude score on the questions dealing with the courts. For the purpose of comparing the attitudes of the two groups toward Kanawha County government, an independent t-test will be employed. The independent variable will again be whether the respondents supported or opposed the books. The dependent variable will be the total attitude score on the ten questions dealing with Kanawha County Government. Hypothesis IV The educational attitudes of those studied will not be signi- ficantly related to their general values-(terminal values). Analysis In order to determine the relationship between the terminal values of each group and their attitudes toward education, the non- parametric median test will again be employed. A determination will be made for the educational attitudes as to whether the individual was "liberal" or "conservative". A median rank for each value of each group will be determined. A comparison will be made of the median rankings for each value across the two groups. Significance of the Study Very little empirical research exists on the subject of Opposition to schools. Where censorship is concerned, the literature is rich on recipe-type articles on how to deal with censorship 23 attempts, but it lacks data on personal values which lead individuals to become a part of censorship events. Little has been done in the development Of theoretical concepts which may help to explain Oppo- sition to schools in general and censorship attempts in particular. This study will be conducted from a theoretical base with a key Objective being outcomes which will help to broaden our knowledge of those involved in opposition to schools and in censorship attempts in particular. By testing the conceptual framework Of this study, the study may serve as a springboard for further research in this area. Historical accounts extant about textbook censorship events in this country have tended to conclude that such events have been the result of conservative persons and/or organizations (conservative in the context Of sociOpolitical definitions). Since contemporary censorship attempts seem to be more local than national (a change from historical precedent through the 1960s) it will be helpful to know if the values and attitudes involved in local events are consistent with those attributed to more national censorship events. The helpfulness may be in the form of providing those involved in textbook selection, or in defense Of textbooks, with information that will increase their sensitivities as to how a certain segment of the population may react to particular kinds of textbook content, and their understanding of why that segment of the population is reacting that way. It seems clear that Opposition to schools, including textbook challenges, is occurring across the United States 24 and that a broad audience exists for information on those Opposing schools. Inasmuch as every public school teacher and administrator is a potential target for a textbook challenge, the findings of this thesis may be helpful as a formal preparation tool for them, not only because it addresses the textbook issue, but because it also deals generally with values and attitudes held by a segment of the school community toward public institutions. CHAPTER 11 REVIEW OF LITERATURE The literature review for this study is divided into five major sections: 1. A survey of definitions of values and value systems; 2. A discussion of the relationship of between values and attitudes; 3. An examination of the effect of values on behavior; 4. An overview Of how values are related to this study; 5. An examination of group value homogeneity and Appalachian values. Values and Value Systems Defined The term "value" has found its way into the literature of a number of disciplines. Consequently, a single definition for the term "value" that would satisfy researchers in various fields is nearly impossible to establish. What has been a common theme in most discussions of "value", however, is that the term has been used in one of two ways. 0n the one hand it has been used to refer to l the property Of an Object, and on the other hand it has been given 'M. Brewster Smith, Social Psychology and Human Values (Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1969), p. 100. 25 26 a subjective meaning, a "general term for personal dispositions 2 toward a psychological object or class of Objects." Most generally, and for the purposes Of this study, "value" is used in the subjective sense in which it refers to motivational properties in individuals.3 PhilOSOphers have long struggled to assign a definition to values and it was until relatively recent times that the bulk Of discussion regarding values was found in the literature Of philosophy. In fact, writers in philosophy have been very protective of values as a part Of their domain. Handy4 has given us the philoSOpher's point of view: Problems of values have always been of interest to philOSOphers. In our tradition the majority Opinion has been that a scientific approach to values is not fully adequate; some even maintain that scientific inquiry is basically irrelevant to values. Handy's reference to scientific inquiry being irrelevant to values is reflective of a school of thought that would discourage the development of some system of value definition and value- measurement that would facilitate the study of values on an inter- disciplinary basis. However, in recent times increasing attempts at scientific inquiry have been made in an effort to study human values. It is from the areas of social psychology and psychology that most 21bid., p. 100. 3Robert John Homant, "Values, Attitudes and Perceived Instrumentality" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Michigan State University, 1970 , p. 1. 4Rollo Handy, Value Theory and the Behavioral Sciences (Springfield, 111.: Charles G. Thomas, 1969), p. 13. 27 of these efforts have come. Dukes5 , in a review of psychological research on values, pointed out that psychologists had long ignored the study of values, leaving it to philOSOphers. But, he continued, "more and more Of them (psychologists) seem to concur that psychology is one science which cannot consistently waive its responsibility for dealing with problems Of human values."6 Clyde Kluckholn7 has commented on the importance of defining values in a way that will allow scientific inquiry: The concept Of value supplies a point of convergence for the various Specialized social sciences, and is a key concept for the integration with studies in the humanities. Value is potentially a bridging concept which can link together many diverse specialized studies - from the experimental psychology of perception to the analysis Of political ideologies, from budget studies in economics to aesthetic theory and philosophy of language, from literature to race riots . . . Attempts at defining values have been numerous and there is a diverse body Of literature extant on the nature of human values. This review will concentrate on value definitions which have been among the most prevalent and enduring in the literature. While some attention will be given to philosophic themes on values, the preponderance of references will be from those active in the fields of psychology and social psychology, fields which have pro- duced the greatest efforts at scientific inquiry on values. This 5William F. Dukes, "Psychological Studies of Values," Psychological Bulletin 52 (1955): 24. 61bid., p. 25. 7Clyde Kluckholn, "Values and Value Orientations in the Theory Of Action," in Toward a General Theory of Action, ed. Talcott Parsons and Edward Shills (Cambridge: HarvarHFUniversity Press, 1959), p. 389. 28 approach is particularly apprOpriate since this study is based on a scientific approach to the study of values. Reid8 did not attempt to define specific values, but his description Of how a value might be defined is helpful primarily because Of its consideration for the socialization process by which human values are learned. He described a value as a "feeling that is a product of interrelated past eXperiences and present experiences that is Operating in response to a particular situation."9 His concept that a value is activated by a particular stimulus and that it is a "feeling" is shared by many value theorists who perceive values to be primarily affective in nature. '0 was one Of the first to attempt to establish a Spranger typology of values. His work has been used for many years and, as will be shown, his typology provided material for some of the earliest attempts at scientific measurement Of human values. Spranger defined six major value types and contended that every person could be regarded as approaching (but not fitting perfectly within) one or more of the value directions. He did not argue that there are six types of peOple, but that there are six types of values to which each 8John R. Reid, A Theory Of Value (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1938), p. 54. 91bid., p. 54. 10E. Spranger, Libensformen (3rd ed. Halle: Niemeyer, 1923; translated by P. Pigors, Types of Men; New York: Steckert, 1928). 29 1] Spranger explained the six person may be related to some degree. types of values as follows: 1. The theoretical - The dominant interest of the ideal theoretical man is the discovery of truth. 2. The economic - The ideal economic man is primarily interested in what is useful. 3. The esthetic - The esthetic man sees his highest value in form and harmony. 4. The social - The highest value of this ideal type is love Of people, whether one or many, whether conjugal, filial, friendly, or philanthrOpic. 5. The political - The political man is interested primarily in power. 6. The religious - The highest value may be called unity. He is mystical, and seeks to comprehend the cosmos 12 as a whole, to relate himself tO its embracing totality. Relying on Spranger's typology Of values, Allport, Vernon, 13 in 1931, devised a simple paper and pencil test in and Lindzey, order to investigate human values. Using a forced choice test, participants were given simple situations and asked to decide how they would respond to them. While the test was used for many years, its primary weakness was that it discovered only the relative importance Of the six values to the subject. In that respect, the test was ipsative in that it could not measure value strength, only the relative importance of values to the subject. Though the HG. W. Allport, Pattern and Growth In Personality (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1961), p. 297. 'ZIbid., p. 298. 13G. W. Allport, P. E. Vernon, G. Lindzey, A Study of Values (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1960). 3O discovery of only relative rankings of values may have been a scientific weakness in the test, it nevertheless began to clarify the beliefs that peOple have a hierarchy of values and that in given situations their higher order values will take precedence over other values. This hierarchy of values provides a "value system" for an individual. 14 Williams , has given us yet another definition of values which includes a discussion of value systems: Values concern the goals or ends of action and are, as well, components of the selection of adequate means. Even so far as choice is not deliberate or conscious, allocation never- theless is of one kind rather than another. Some balancing of alternatives must occur whenever alternatives exist. Since acts, including failure to act, typically involve a renunciation of other possible courses of behavior, every act "costs something." In this sense, values . . . are defined by choices. In relation to value systems, Williams continued: System here refers to some determinate arrangement of parts or entities - that is, to a set Of relationships that is more than a chance ordering Of parts. To speak of a value system is then, to imply that values are not simply distributed at random, but are instead interdepen- dent, arranged in a pattern, and subject to reciprocal or mutual variation. 5 An interesting contrast in defining values can be seen in the work of Froman and Maslow. Froman16 perceives values as being at two levels: (1) the desired, which he describes as the needs and wants of a person, and (2) the desirable, those things which '4Robin M. Williams, Jr., American Society (New York: Alfred A. Knapf, 1956), p. 375. 151616., p. 385. 16Lewis A. Froman, People and Politics (Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1962), p. 20. 31 express what "should" and "ought" to be. Maslow17, on the other hand, is not concerned with the "desirable". He believes that there is a hierarchy Of human needs and that human values are clustered around satisfying those needs. The concept of what is "desirable", as in Froman's defini- tion, is found in many areas of the literature and well defined in Kluckholn's definition Of values: A value is a conception, explicit or implicit, dis- tinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the desirable which influences the selection from available modes, means, and ends of action.18 The "desirable" is what it is felt or thought prOper to want. It is what an actor, or group of actors desire - and believe they ought or should desire for the individual or a plurality of individuals.19 Woodruff20 has defined values as any object, condition, activity, or idea which an individual believes will contribute to his well being. Further, he has reiterated the theme of a value system as a rank ordering of values and that rank order will be used by the individual to judge the possible effects on himself of any situation which may confront him. His rank ordering Of values will help him select a course of action in a given situation. Recurrent in most of these descriptions of values is the idea that choice is an important part of describing values. Values 17A. H. Maslow, Toward a Psychology of Being (New York: Van Nostrand, 1961). 18Kluckholn, "Values and Value Orientations in the Theory of Action," p. 395. 19 Ibid., p. 396. . 20Ashael D. Woodruff, "Personal Values and the Direction of Behav1or," The School Review 1 (January, 1942): 33. 32 do not exist in neat individual components, but rather they are a part of a group or hierarchy of feelings that we have and it is from this hierarchy of feelings that we make choices about how we will behave or respond in given situations. Woodruff and Divesta21 have emphasized the concept of choices as a part of values and value systems, and they have pointed out that even when a person fails to act in accordance with one of his values, he may justify that by saying that he is trying to satisfy a more important value. Values, it would appear, Offer us choices about modes of conduct. Smith, too, has alluded to the concept of choice in attempting to define values: Whenever we talk about values and valuing, we are confronted - in actuality, in principle, or in retrospect - 32:: E25522: eggggggcig.ggocesses of selection or choice Smith23 believed that these choices could be made to bring about some "end term" in the behavioral sequence or as an instrument to attaining some further Object or state of affairs. 24 also included the concepts of choice in his discus- Morris sion of values: At times the term "value" is employed to refer to tendencies or dispositions of living beings to prefer 2'A. D. Woodruff and F. G. Divesta, "The Relationship Between Values, Concepts, and Attitudes,“ Educational Psychological Measure- ment 8 (1948): 646. 22Smith, Social Psychology and Human Values, p. 100. 23Ibid., p. 100. 24Charles Morris, Varieties Of Human Values (Chicago, Ill.: The University of Chicago Press, 1956), p. 115. 33 one kind of object rather than another . . . Such values may be called operative values. . . the term value is Often restricted to those cases of preferential behavior directed by "an anticipation or foresight of the outcome" of such behavior. In contrast to the Operational values, such values may be called conceived values. Perry25 found the idea of choices as perhaps the most enduring characteristic of values: It is this all pervasive characteristic of the motor- affective life, this state, act, attitude, or disposition of favor or disfavor, to which we propose to give the name "interest." This then, we take to be the original Source and con- stant feature of all value. To this juncture, some recurrent themes have been identified in striving for a definition of values: (1) values are essentially affective orientations toward some object or situation, (2) values appear to be higher order directors of behavior, (3) values exist as a part of value systems, and (4) the concept Of human values involves individual choices from among a set or "system" Of values that human beings hold. Considering the importance of values in the literature, there have been numerous attempts (several discussed here) to clearly define values in a way that might hold possibilities for scientific inquiry. h26 Milton Rokeac , whose work is central to this study, has been an important contributor to the literature on values since the 25Ralph Barton Perry, General Theory of Values (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1954), p. 115. 26Milton Rokeach, The Nature Of Human Values (New York: The Free Press, 1973). 34 late 1960s. Rokeach has defined values and value systems in the following way: A value is an enduring belief that a Specific mode of conduct or end state of existence is personally or socially preferable to an Opposite or converse mode of conduct or end state Of existence. A value system is an enduring organization of beliefs concerning preferable modes Of conduct or end states of existence along a continuum of relative importance.2 Rokeach refers to specific modes Of conduct as instrumental values and to end states of existence as terminal values.28 While there is a definite relationship between terminal and instrumental values, this study will concentrate on terminal values as Rokeach has defined them. Rokeach has identified a list of eighteen terminal values which was gleaned from literature mentioning various American values (and values Of other societies), from his own terminal values, and from a list drawn from a large pOpulation of students and business- men.29 Rokeach has related values to attitudes and behavior, and those relationships will be examined in the second and third sections Of this literature review. This study concentrates on the values of two groups of peOple; those who supported and those who Opposed a textbook adoption in Kanawha County, West Virginia. For that reason, this examination 27Ibid., p. 5. 28Ibid., p. 7. 291bid., p. 29. 35 Of value definitions and the quest for scientific inquiry in the study Of values is central to clarifying the underlying causes for the conflict (described in detail in Chapter IV of this study). Values and Attitudes: Relationship The literature on attitudes is far greater than that on values. The reason for this does not seem to be that attitudes are perceived as a more important object Of study, but rather an explana- tion lies in the fact that the measurement of attitudes has been more easily achieved than has the measurement of values. h3O Rokeac has distinguished an attitude from a value in the following way: An attitude differs from a value in that an attitude refers to an organization of several beliefs around a speci- fic Object or situation. A value, on the other hand, refers to a single belief of a very specific kind. It concerns a desirable mode of behavior or end state that has a transcen- dental quality to it, guiding actions, attitudes, judgments and comparisons . . . The concept that attitudes are within the service of values is found repeatedly in the literature. In what has become a landmark 31 study, Woodruff and Divesta concluded that "one's attitude toward a Specific object or condition in a Specific Situation seems to be a function of the way one conceives that Object from a standpoint Of 33 its effect on one's most cherished values." Woodruff also noted 30Milton A. Rokeach, "A Theory of Organization and Change Within Value-Attitude systems," Journal Of Social Issues (1968): 14. 31Woodruff and Divesta, "The Relationship Between Values, Concepts and Attitudes," p. 657. 32Woodruff, "Personal Values and the Direction of Behavior," p. 33. 36 that attitudes would be functions of the combination of value pattern and Specific situation. 33 experimented with the manipulation Of personal values Hollen and found that in nearly every case those whose values changed more also changed their attitudes more than did those whose values did not change substantially. Homant34 attempted to test the relationship of values and attitudes by linking attitude Objects to values. He found that by linking attitude Objects to important values there was significantly more attitude change than when the attitude Objects were linked to less important values. Rosenberg35 had earlier arrived at a similar conclusion stating that value importance is significantly related to attitude position. Approaching the same position from a slightly different 36 direction, a study by Stogdill suggests that people will seek relationships with others who they think will reinforce their own value systems. This has been called a need for "consensual validation."37 . 33Charles C. Hollen, "Value Change, Perceived Instrumentality, and Attitude Change" (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1972). 34Robert John Homant, "Values, Attitudes, and Perceived Instrumentality" (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1970 . 35Milton J. Rosenberg, "Cognitive Structure and Attitudinal Affect," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 53 (November 1956 : 371. 36R. M. Stogdill, Individual Behavior and Group Achievement (New York: Oxford University Press,71959). 37H. S. Sullivan, Conceptions of Modern Psychiatry (Washington, D.C.: The William Alanson’White Psychiatric Foundation, 1947). 37 In a widely read and quoted study, Smith38 surveyed a group of subjects on their attitudes toward Russia. By this method he was able to account for attitudes towards Russia in terms of personal values that the respondents said were important to them. He questioned his subjects on how certain aspects of communism in Russia would affect their value systems. He was able to establish a relationship between their values and their attitudes towards Russia. Rokeach39, hypothesizing that ”whatever the attitude, it is an expression or manifestation of and should therefore be signifi- cantly related to some subset of terminal or instrumental values," has conducted several extensive studies showing the relationship of values to attitudes. He argued that certain values and attitudes are within the realm of specific social institutions. That being the case, values identified as being within specific social institutions should be predictors of attitudes within those same social institu- tions. Rokeach asked a national sample to first respond to his Value Survey. This required respondents to rank eighteen terminal values and eighteen instrumental values in the order Of importance to them. Then he asked the respondents a series of attitude ques- tions on eleven tOpics which included: (1) civil rights, black and 386eorge Henley Smith, "The Interrelationships of Attidudes Toward Russia and Some General Desires," Journal Of Psychology 21-22 (1946): 91-95. 39Rokeach, The Nature Of Human Values, p. 95. 38 poor Americans, (2) blacks, (3) the Martin Luther King Assasination, (4) student protests, (5) Vietnam (adults), (6) Vietnam (students), (7) communism, (8) church activism, (9) personal importance of religion, (10) extrinsic-intrinsic religion, and (11) dogmatism. The results enabled him to confirm that virtually all of the atti- tudes were Significantly associated with some cluster or subset of 40 For instance, in the dogmatism study, high scores on the values. dogmatism scale (attitude scale) were found to be significantly assOciated with high rankings of the values "salvation" and “obedient". However, in attempting to establish values as predictors Of certain attitudes, there were some surprising outcomes ("a world at peace" was just as highly prized by hawks as by doves). On the other hand, certain values that had no apparent relation to a given attitude turned out to predict it (racists cared significantly more for “family security" and "happiness" and significantly less for "inner harmony" than do those who are less racist).4' What Rokeach has shown is that it is possible to relate certain values and certain attitudes within the boundaries of each individual study. This would represent a congruent view with that expressed by woodruff.42 The Rokeach approach to the relationship of values and attitudes is particularly pertinent to this study where his method 4°Ibid., p. 117. 4'Ibid., p. 120. 42Woodruff,“PersonalValues and the Direction of Behavior,“ p. 33. 39 has been replicated to study the relationship between terminal values and attitudes toward selected publicly supported institutions. Values and Behavior The term "behavior" may have a wide variety of interpreta— tions ranging from a single act such as selecting a new car to much more complicated modes of conduct such as choosing a wife or husband, or selecting a particular occupation. Despite the simplicity or complexity of behavior, the question addressed here is whether or not that behavior is in the service of values. Probably the best way for establishing a relationship between values and behavior is to manipulate a value and then observe changes of behavior. However, there are two problems with that approach: (1) first, it is a difficult task to manipulate a personal value, and (2) there are ethical questions involved in the manipulation of personal values. The most common approach has been to wait for an observable value change and then to wait and see if there is a resultant behavior change.43 44 Homant has reported on an experiment by Rokeach that has addressed the relationship of values and attitudes: . . a group of college students were randomly divided into an experimental group and a control group. Both groups filled out an attitude questionnaire concerned with (among other things) their beliefs about equal rights for Negroes. One week later the group filled out Rokeach's terminal value scale. After they had completed this, the 43Homant, "Values, Attitudes, and Perceived Instrumentality," pp. 12-13. “with, p. 12. 40 experimental group only was given information to the effect that people with a certain value consideration (namely, a relatively low rank of “equality" and high rank of "freedom") were generally against civil rights and that they "care a great deal about their own freedom, but are indifferent to other peOple's freedom." Three weeks later, subjects were retested; eXperimental roup subjects showed a significant increase in "equality" Iwhile control subjects did not). At the same time, however, there were no significant changes in either group in their attitudes toward equal rights for Negroes. Three months after the manipulation, subjects were retested once again. The changes in equality persisted, and furthermore this time there were significant changes in the attitude items concerning equal rights for Negroes (in the experimental groups only). . . . the manipulation was repeated with a new group of subjects. Three months after the manipulation, all experimental and control group subjects were solicited by mail to join the National Association for the Advancement of Colored PeOple. Compared to 6.5% of the control group subjects, 14.7% of the experimental group subjects paid $1.00 to join the NAACP. The difference was Significant at beyond the .01 level of confidence. Thus, we have some fairly straightforward evidence that values, attitudes, and behavior form a functional system. A manipulation in terms of "equality" produced changes in "equality", changes in attitude toward civil rights, and differences in behavior with respect to joining the NAACP. This last study seems to show clearly that attitudes and behavior are in the service of values.45 46 In yet another study, Rokeach abd McLellan gave an experi- mental group feedback information about the values of a control 45Personal communication from Rokeach quoted in Robert John Homant, "Personal Values and Perceived Instrumentality" (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State Univeristy, 1970), pp. 12-13. 46M. Rokeach and Daniel McLellan, "Feedback Information About the Values and Attitudes of Self and Others as Determinants of Long Term Cognitive and Behavioral Change,” Journal of Applied Social Psychology 2 (1972): 236-251. 41 group, but no information about their own values. The control group was given no information at all. Four months later students were selected to behaviorally support various activities of a "Committee to End Racism." Students in the experimental group showed a significantly greater behavioral effect than did control group subjects. From this they were able to conclude that those who were able to reconsider the position of their values showed behavioral changes that control students did not. 47 Allport has referred to the link between values and behavior and believed that man, in fact, molds his future based on 48 felt there were important possibi- his personal values. Woodruff lities from efforts to understand the function of personal values in individual behavior and hypothesized that the activities of maladjusted persons might be explained by their behavior being out 49 in yet another of harmony with their value patterns. Rokeach article has described a value as a standard that tells us how to act or what to want. In all of these articles, the relationship between values and behavior is characterized as a strong tie. Studies in the area of belief congruence lend support to the concept that a strong relationship exists between values 47Allport, Pattern and Growth in Personality, p. 454. 48Woodruff, "Personal Values and the Direction of Behavior," p. 41. 49Milton Rokeach, "The Role of Values in Public Opinion Research," Public Opinion Quarterly XXXII (Winter 1968-69): 550. 42 50 have described belief and behavior. Rokeach and Rothman congruence: The principle of belief congruence asserts that we tend to value a given belief, subsystem, a system of beliefs in prOportion to their degree of congruence with our own belief system and further, that we tend to value peOple in prOportion to the degree to which they exhibit beliefs, subsystems, or systems of beliefs congruent with our own. In other words, our behavior may be in accord with that of others who share our values and that we will act in a way that will bring us closer to those who share our values. Osgood and Tannenbaum5] have stated the principle of con- gruity in a slightly different way: "The principle of congruity in human thinking can be stated quite succinctly: changes in evaluation are always in the direction of increased congruity with the existing frame of reference." He asserts that the issue of congruity only arises whenever a message is received which relates two or more objects of judgments. Put another way, we will tend to change our behavior toward a particular person or object only when we can recognize that there are differences between our orientations towards those persons or Objects and the orientations of others. In those situa- tions we tend to behave toward objects or persons in a Similar manner as those sharing our values. 50Milton Rokeach and Gilbert Rothman, "The Principle of Belief Congruence and the Congruity Principle as Models of Cognitive Interaction," Psychological Review 72 (1965): 128. 5ICharles E. Osgood and Percy H. Tannenbaum, "The Principles of Congruity in the Prediction of Attitude Change," Psychological Review 62 (1955): 43. 43 Relying on the concept of belief congruence, Thornton52 studied the television viewing habits of selected subjects. He con- cluded that respondents with similar values tend to view similar television programs. From these conclusions he was able to infer a relationship between values and behavior. Beech's study seems to substantiate Thornton's work. Beech53 found that an interpersonal attraction existed between subjects who perceived that they held Similar value systems - peOple who share similar value systems will behave in a way that will bring them into contact with each other. It has been possible to measure direct correlations (rather than relationships) between values and behavior in some very specific situations. Homant and Rokeach54 conducted a study in which groups of sixth grade children were asked to respond to some value questions of which "honesty" was the value of focus. After determining where the children ranked honesty among twelve values, the children were given the Opportunity to cheat under various levels of motivation to do so (rewards for high scores were varied). It was found that children with a higher value for honesty cheated less than children with a lower value for honesty under conditions 52Lee Richard Thornton,'VlCorrelationStudy of the Relation- ship Between Human Values and Broadcast Television" (Ph.D. disserta- tion, Michigan State University, 1976). 53Robert Paul Beech, "Value Systems, Attitudes, and Inter- personal Attraction" (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1966), p. 85. 54Robert Homant and Milton Rokeach, "Value for Honesty and Cheating Behavior," Personality_1 (2) (Summer 1970): 153-162. 44 of high motivation to cheat. The study presented an interesting instance of values guiding behavior. Other studies have correlated attitudes with behavior and Since we have already seen that attitudes correlate with values, we might assume that there is a causal link extant between values, attitudes, and behavior. Therefore, studies of attitudes affecting behavior are indirectly reflective of values affecting behavior. In one such study, DeFluer and Westie55 had subjects respond to ques- tions about their feelings toward Negroes. Later, they asked each subject to pose for a picture with a Negro of the Opposite sex. They found a strong correlation between stated attitudes toward Negroes and the willingness to pose for the pictures. 58 59 are others who 60 Allport56, Asch57, Murphy , and Stagner have included values in their accounts of behavior, and Froman has concluded that the more important a value is to us, the more likely we are to act on it, all other things being equal. 55Melvin L. DeFleur and Frank R. Westie, "Verbal Attitudes and Overt Acts: An Experiment on the Salience of Attitudes," American Sociological Review 23 (December 1958): 667-673. 56G. W. Allport, Personality: A Psychological Interpreta- tion (New York: Henry Holt, 1937). 57S . E. Asch, Social Psychology (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1952). 58G. Murphy, Personality (New York: Harper, 1947). 59R. Stagner, Psychology of Personality(New York: McGraw Hill, 1948). 60Froman, People and Politics, p. 20. 45 Relationship of Literature to the Study To this point the review of literature has concentrated on the nature of values, attitudes, and behavior. While these three subjects have been treated individually in the review, they are in fact closely interrelated. There is a causal relationship between values, attitudes, and behavior and this review has pointed to the faCt that, as Rokeach6] has said, "values are centrally located within one's total belief system“ and as such determine the attitudes and guide the behavior of individuals. This study is essentially a study of how values affect the attitude and behavior of a group of people who raised overt opposi- tion to the Kanawha County School System (Kanawha County, West Virginia) because they Opposed the adOption of certain textbooks by the school system. The nature of the incident is described in detail in Chapter IV of this study. It is the thesis of this study that when individuals support institutions (e.g., schools) that the expectations they have regarding rewards from these institutions are equated with the values that they hold, and that they will oppose those institutions if their expectations are not realized. The leap that occurs between dissatisfaction and political action (as was International Enc clopedia of the Social Sciences, Vol. 1 "The Nature of’Attitudes, by Milton ROkeach} pp.’449-458. 3 46 the case in the Kanawha County controversy) has been described as "relative deprivation."62 It is hypothesized in this study that attitudes toward schools will be related to values and that a similar relationship will exist between attitudes toward schools and other publicly supported institutions. Since the conceptual framework of this study and the hypo- theses designed to test that conceptual framework are focused on human values, it is apprOpriate that the nature of values and their effects on attitudes and behavior have been reviewed. By under- standing the values, value systems, attitudes and their effects on behavior, a measure of the value cleavage that existed between those who supported the books and those who Opposed them can be better understood. Additionally, this review has allowed for speci- fic definitions of values and attitudes (definitions by Rokeach) which provide for a clear understanding of the hypotheses and the relationships suggested in them. To this juncture, no space has been given to discussion of the homogeneity of values in specific social groups or as to how values are maintained or "passed on" in those groups. Literature of that nature is important to this study as the study deals heavily with people who are "Appalachian." The final sectionlrfthis review will deal with Appalachian values. 62Samuel H. Barnes, Barbara 0. Farah, Felix Heunks, in Political Action, ed. Samuel H. Barnes (New York: Sage Publications, 1979). 47 Appalachian Values In this study, those who Opposed the textbooks in Kanawha County have been identified as people with Appalachian antecedents. A description of their cultural background is found in Chapter IV. 63 Feather has provided a strong definition of the relationship between culture and values: At a very abstract level of analysis, a culture can be thought of as a social system that possesses identifiable and interdependent structures or institutions . . . A culture is associated with a set of shared beliefs, attitudes, and values among its members; these orientations are reflected not only in the behavior of individuals, but also in societal organization and functioning . . . Feather also emphasized the importance of values in the study of cultural groups: Values and value systems are important concepts in virtually all analyses of social or national character, whether these values be considered as central reference frames underlying the way in which societies function, or as complete products of historical, economic, technological and others forces, or as both.54 The role that culture plays in socializing individuals to its 65 in the following manner: "They values has been explained by Smith expect such and such of me - but they are everyone (probably including the ghosts of my ancestors); they comprise my whole social world, and their wishes for me in effect constitute the requirements of the objective order." Here we can see how cultures perpetuate 63Norman T. Feather, Values in Education and Society (New York: The Free Press, 1975), p. 195. 64Ibid., p. 196. 65Smith, Social Psychology and Human Values, p. 107. 48 themselves through their various institutions, thus extending common values down through succeeding generations. The homogeneity of values within Specific groups was high- 66 lighted by Stringham where he found common value systems existing among professors and graduate students of educational administration. 67 Butler found a high degree of internal group homogeneity among the general public in a value study conducted in an Appalachian community. 68 Rokeach , in a number Of studies, has found that groups are differentiated by the values they hold. He has reported that: We find that various combinations of these terminal and instrumental values significantly differentiate men from women, hippies from non-hippies, hawks from doves, policemen from unemployed Negroes, good students from poor students . . . retail merchants from salesclerks, Jews from Catholics, Democrats from Republicans, and so forth. One of the most poignant studies of cultural homogeneity was done by White.69 In the study he asked various subjects to do a content analysis of prOpaganda and public Opinion materials on Hitler, Roosevelt and the Nature of PrOpaganda and of the personality study in Black Boy. A system Of symbols was devised whereby the 66William Clair Stringham, "Value Systems of Graduate Students in Educational Administration" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Utah, 1973). 67Donald Carroll Butler, "An Analysis of the Values and Value Systems Reported by Students, The General Public, and Educators in a Selected Appalachian Public School District (Ph.D. dissertation, Michigan State University, 1973). 68Rokeach, "The Role of Values in Public Opinion Research," p. 555. 69Ralph K. White, Value Analysis: The Nature and Use of the Method (Glen Garden, N.J.: Libertarian Press, 1951), p. 14. 49 symbols represented basic values (described in the study as goals and standards of judgment). They are given the following directions: 1. Enter a symbol on the margin for each goal or value judgment that is stated or implied. 2. Tabulate your results. 3. Interpret each numerical unit. The ratings of the subjects showed a very high correlation (.93). From this, White concluded, “Our culture does have a value system which can be empirically studied, and which constitutes a common background for the most diversified types of research.70 It seems clear that each social group will hold similar values and value systems and that we will, therefore, find that there should be identifiable value similarities within cultures. Since this study focuses on a group of citizens identified as being a part of the Appalachian culture, this group Should be no exception. While this study will concentrate on examining Appalachian values within the limits of the Rokeach Value Survey, there have been few other attempts to describe Appalachian values even though inhabitants of Appalachian areas have long been considered as com- ponents of a Single culture. This paucity of work on Appalachian values may be due, in part, to the decades of illiteracy in Applachian areas and the resultant scarcity of trained observers and writers. 7°Ibid., p. 87. 50 Perhaps the most comprehensive look at Appalachian values 71 has been provided by Jack E. Weller in his book, Yesterday's People. Weller spent thirteen years as a minister in an Appalachian area and has based his work on his observations and conversations 72 While much with numerous Applachian people during that time. more is said of the characteristics of Appalachian people in Chapter IV of this study, Weller's comparisons of Appalachian people with middle class Americans sheds light on the values of Appalachian people. These comparisons may be seen in Tables 2.1-2.4. In this study, a group of West Virginia parents steeped in the traditions and values of their Appalachian heritage came into overt conflict with a group of middle class Americans over the adop- tion of some school textbooks. Where this kind of value cleavage between cultures exists, adversarial situations may very likely occur. As Williams has theorized: . . in mass behavior, persistent and wideSpread value tension leads to political struggle, schismatic cleavages, or to the segregation of various groupings into a kind of mosaic society. 3 7'Jack E. Weller, Yesterday's PeOple (Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky Press, 1966). 72Ibid., p. 1. 73Williams, American Society, p. 387. 51 TABLE 2.l.--A Comparative Study of Personal Characteristics.74 Middle Class American Southern Appalachian l. Emphasis on community, church, 1. Individualism; self- clubs, etc. centered concerns 2. Thoughts of change and progress; 2. Attitudes strongly expectation of change, usually traditionalistic for the better 3. Freedom to determine one's life 3. Fatalism and goals 4. Routine-seeker 4. Action-seeker 5. Self-assurance 5. Sense of anxiety 6. No particular stress on maleness 6. Stress on traditional masculinity 7. Use of ideas, ideals, and 7. Use of anecdotes abstractions 8. Acceptance of object goals 8. Rejection of object goals 9. Oriented to progress 9. Oriented to existence 10. Strong emphasis on saving and 10. No saving or budgeting budgeting ll. Desire and ability to plan ahead 11. No interest in long-range carefully careful planning 12. Placement of group goals above 12. Precedence of personal personal aims feelings and whims over group goals 13. Recognition of expert Opinion 13. Expert opinion not recognized 74 Ibid., p. 161-62. 52 TABLE 2.2.--Comparative Study of Family Life Characteristics]5 Middle Class American Southern Appalachian l. Child-centered family 1. Adult-centered family 2. Responsibility for family 2. Male-dominated family decisions shared by husband and wife 3. "Togetherness" of husband and 3. Separateness of husband wife - and wife; separate reference groups 4. Home tasks shared by husband 4. Sharp delineation of and wife home tasks between hus- band and wife 5. Many family activities shared 5. Few shared family (vacations, amusements, etc.) activities 6. Disciplined child-rearing; 6. Permissive child-rearing; stress on what is thought stress on what pleases best for the child's development child 7. Family bound by common interests 7. Family bound by emotional as well as emotional ties ties; few common interests 8. Family a bridge to outside world 8. Separation of family and outside world 75Ibid., p. 162. 53 TABLE 2.3.--Comparative Study of Relationships with Others. Middle Class American Southern Appalachian 1. 10. 11. 12. 13. Reference group less important Object-oriented life pattern ASsociation between sexes Strong pressure of status Striving for excellence Readiness to join groups Ability to function in objec- tive ways in a group Attachment to work; concern for job security and satis- faction Emphasis on education Cooperation with doctors, hospitals, and "outsiders" Use of government and law to achieve goals Acceptance of the world Participation in organized amusements, cultural activi- ties, etc. 10. 11. 12. 13. 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