THE THEORY 0F “NEWER? E MQORE

Thasis for ‘the Dagzeo of M. A.
MICHlGAN STATE UNSV’ERSITY
Am Warren Baker
1964

THESIS

LIBRARY

Michigan State
University

 

THE THEORY OF WILBERT E. MOORE

BY

Ann Warren Baker

A THESIS

Submitted to
Michigan State University
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

Department of Sociology and Anthropology

1964

m‘ 9-4.3

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Chapter Page

I. INTRODUCTION. 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 1

Background and Contributions of Wilbert E.

Moore. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l
Processually Articulated Structural Model . 7

II. ELEMENTS AND PROCESSES. . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Knowing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10

Feeling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l7
Achieving . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28

Norming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38

Dividing the Functions. . . . . . . . . . . Sl

Ranking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S7
Controlling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
Sanctioning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
Facilitating. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83

III. COMPREHENSIVE OR MASTER PROCESSES . . . . . . . 89
Communication . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89

Boundary Maintenance. . . . . . . . . . . . 90

Systemic Linkage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 93
Institutionalization. . . . . . . . . . . 101
SoCialization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104

SOCialcontr01oooooo0000.00. 106

Chapter Page

IV. CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL ACTION . . . . . . . . . . 109
A. Territoriality. . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
B. Size. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111
C. Time. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
V. SOCIAL CHANGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 119
VI. CONCLUSION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127

BIBLIOGRAPHY. O O O O O O O O O O O O O C O O O O O O O l 29

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I can never hope to acknowledge adequately the debt
owed my parents. It is they who led me into this academic
field by stimulating and encouraging an insatiable curiosity
in the world I have seen and the more remote parts of the
world I hope to see.

The teachers at Michigan State University who are
giving me the knowledge and tools with which to understand
this world deserve more than the line of credit space per-
mits. In particular I wish to express appreciation to my
committee chairman, Dr. Charles P. Loomis, and committee
members, Dr. William Form and Dr. James McKee, whose com-
ments and suggestions were of great help in writing this
thesis. A special note of appreciation goes to Drs. John
and Ruth Useem whose patience and encouragement cannot be
forgotten.

In this effort it is perhaps Dr. Wilbert Moore him-
self who deserves the most credit, for his contributions

have been great to sociology--and to me.

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION
W, E, Mgoggg Position and Cogtgibgtion

Wilbert E. Moore's graduate training in sociology
was at Harvard University; since 1943 he has been at Prince-
ton University where he is a Professor and Research Associ-
ate of the Office of PopulatiOn Research. Much of his so-
ciological writing is based on his research on postwar eco-
nomic and demographic problems of Eastern and Southern Eur-
ope, prospects for international migration, and on modes
of labor recruitment in developing areas.

Moore has contributed greatly to sociology by his
research and writings in the areas of industrial sociology,
demography, social stratification, economic development,
and general theory. Particularly in his more recent works,
Moore has shown interest in understanding the problems and
processes of social change.

Sociology, according to Moore, is the "science of
social relationships (structure), the consequences (func-
tions) of those relationships for ongoing social systems,
and the processes of social change." (42, 207) This struc-
tural-functional viewpoint may be seen throughout his writ-

ing. He finds this method of analysis useful in comparing

Y

\

societies, for starting with elements, values, human acts,
rules, goals, etc., common to all societies, creates aware-
ness of patterns relating the functions. The functional
approach, he points out, is not restricted to searching
for universals of societal structures, for functions are
consequences of patterns of action. On the other hand, the
danger of becoming overly specific should also be avoided;
one should not attempt a theory to account for all instances.
A theory of labor organization, for example, should account
for various stages of development as seen in different cul-
tures, but not for all unique situations or productive sys-
tems, including those of exotic tribes. Functional analysis
must distinguish universally necessary elements of structure
from those necessary to a given society.

A single, universal explanation of human behavior
is unlikely to be discovered since the functional inter-
dependence of social organization is looser and more flex-
ible than either a biological organism or mechanical model.
The principle of ”structural substitutability" indicates
that there is usually a range of alternatives of explana-
tions--it doesn't allow for a general theory of behavior.
Some structures may have to be seen as the consequence of
a unique "historical accident.”

Structural functional analysis has been charged with
being static, and Moore feels this has been so. By his in-

terest in social change and extensive treatment of it he

indicates that he does not feel it need produce a static
view of social structure. All sciences first developed as
static descriptive sciences. The dynamic dimension of an-
alysis requires more knowledge of cause and effect sequences,
for instance, of "sequential connections between primal
cause-~industrialization—-and ultimate effect--a modernized
society." (65, 93) Moore points to demography as a dynamic
aspect of the study of social organization, for the constantly
changing demographic status of a society has many implica—
tions for changing social organization. It is the functional
equilibrium model regarding change as an external accident,
not the whole idea of functional analysis, that needs be
changed, he feels.

What is needed, according to Moore, is a functional
model to account for inconsistencies and strains, uncertainty
and tension, intervention and evolution in the system. While
Parsons, for instance, treats continuous change as a condi-
tion, Moore wants to study that condition for its own sake
rather than as a background for other processes; he considers
tendency to change an intrinsic part of society, not simply
the influence of contact with the West. In studying social
change Moore frequently uses the subsystem as a unit of ob-
servation. It has a wide range--from socialized individual
(the personality system) to communities—-and is always a
concrete rather than an analytical system. Subsystems, such

as power structure, are found in all societies.

In general, Moore stresses the need for more compar-
ative studies, particularly of industrialization, but also
recognizes problems in such studies. One of the major prob-
lems is the difficulty of reducing qualitative differences
to quantitative terms for analysis and statistical work;
for example, it is difficult to find a single quantitative
index capable of comparing social stratification in Japan
and India with Brazil's open class system.

Moore's contributions to sociology span several sub-
fields. Only a few works, indicating his breadth of inter-

ests, can be mentioned here.

M
Moore feels the integration of theories stemming
from different sciences is an important step toward the
understanding of social organization. While this may make
research planning more difficult it aids theory development.
He has made a step in this direction in.§§gnggy_ggg_§ggtgtx
(35), relating theories of economics and sociology. He has
also worked toward integration of theories developed in dif-
ferent parts of the world, writing on the state of sociology
in America as well as reviewing theories from abroad (Argen-
tina and Italy). Theoretical emphasis in his more recent

writings has been on structures of social change.

W
In W (14).

./

one of Moore's earliest and best known books, he attempts

to show the relation between the structure of industry and
the society within which it is located, the functioning of
the industrial structure as a whole. He calls this a book
of "applied sociology," meaning the application of sociolog-
ical principles to the analysis of a set of concrete social
relationships. In articles Moore deals with various aspects
of industrial society: unions, management, aged, and con-

flicts in industrial organization.

.QSEQQEEEEX

Moore has placed emphasis in this field of inquiry
on aspects related to industrialization and economic change.
Many of the earlier articles dealt with migration; later

he emphasized the concept and nature of the labor force.

W

W is an excellent example
of Moore's use of structural functional analysis. He mod-

ified this approach "to incorporate analysis of motivation

as a dynamic element in the system, particularly in view

of the stresses and strains inherent in any concrete system,
and accentuated by the presentation of new alternatives.”
(28, 300) This book presents the cross-cultural approach

he advocates, as do two books he has jointly edited,'§§Qngm;g

W (38) and W
W- (57)

The two major emphases found in Moore's articles
on economic development are an analysis of the industrial-
ization process through a convergence of economic and socio-

logical theory, and consideration of labor commitment.

We

Moore's writing in this field came early in his ca-
reer and is limited compared to the others. Several of these
articles are of historical interest, dealing with slave law,
ante-bellum (Civil War) stratification, and aspects of Amer-
ican socialist theory.

Before continuing, it would be wise to define one
key term which Moore uses in discussing social change and
industrialization,'nggt_ggmmitg§at, This is the acceptance
and performance of behavior appropriate to new social forms,
the industrial way of life in particular. This involves

actions and norms appropriate to varieties of social forms

and contexts (19§i_g£_sgmmitmgnt) acquired through varieties

of sequential socialization via‘gggn§i§§_gfi_ggpggg;g. (57, 9)
The underlined terms, important to the understanding of com-

mitment, are also basic to Moore's theory and his treatment
of it. The concept of committed labor is important for eco-
nomic development both theoretically and practically, since
those committed to the new way of life need less supervision,
are more reliable in crises, and behave in a more predict-

able manner.

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Sch

Wilbert Moore's writings will be analyzed in terms
of social elements and processes. These, along with the
comprehensive processes and conditions of social action,
are the units of analysis in the Processually Articulated
Structural Model developed by Dr. Charles P. Loomis (PAS
Model).

If the reader is interested in what Moore has written
on a particular subject he will not find that reviewed in
a unit here, for demography, social structure, labor and
such topics involving many elements and processes will be
dealt with in several parts of the model. If, however, the
reader is interested in Moore's ideas on social change, or
the other aspects of interaction between individuals and
societies, his search will be greatly facilitated by this
presentation. In addition, Moore's views on these basic
elements and processes can be readily compared with the views
of other scientists who_have been analyzed in the PAS Model.
The model has value as a comparative instrument because a
given aspect of social structure or action is treated under
one heading, despite the fact that various authors may con-
ceptualize or name it in many different ways.

As well as having utility for understanding converg-
ences among sociological theorists, the PAS Model aids sys-
tematization of a wide variety of research findings. In

§9§;§;_§y§tgg§, Loomis illustrates how the PAS Model can

I‘D

be used to analyze societies ranging from the static Old
Order Amish to societies in extreme change situations, as
seen in disasters. That the dynamic aspects of social struc-
ture are accounted for in the model is readily seen by the
processes like tension management and decision making.

Loomis presents the PAS Model saying that the inter-
action basic to sociology is

. . characterized by patterned social relations
that display in their uniformities social 3;_m§gt§,
articulated by social prgcesseg, the dynamics of
which account for the emergence, maintenance, and
change of sogial systems. (68, 1) An element is
simply one of the constituent parts of some larger
whole . . . [it] is the unit of analysis employed
in explaining interaction from the point of view
of a given discipline. An explanation of social
interaction calls for the examination of the ele-
ments of the social system. (68, 5) The elements
that stand in a given relation to each other at a
given moment do not remain in that relation . . .
for any length of time. The processes mesh, stabi-
lize, and alter the relations between the elements
through time; they are the tools through which the
social system may be understood as a dynamic func-
tioning continuity-~a 'going concern'. . . . Regard-
less of the diversity, each process is characterized
by a consistent quality of regular and uniform se-
quences and is distinguishable by virtue of its
orderliness. The same orderliness is the essence
of any social process through which transition from
one social condition to another is accomplished.
For the present purposes the social processes may
be classified under two headings: the specialized
elemental processes which articulate separate ele-
ments and the comprehensive or master processes
which articulate or involve several or all of the
elements. . . . The structural-functional categories
(section headings) are handy names by which any
structural element and its particular functional
process may be designated as a closely connected
bundle of phenomena. (68, 6-7)

As mentioned earlier, one concept or phenomenon may

often be classifiable in several elements or processes. At

times it was necessary to place such a concept arbitrarily
in one rather than another category. In such instances the
writer has tried to mention the heading under which a con-
cept is actually discussed in each place it could have been
included. An example of the difficulties of classifying
some of Moore's ideas may be seen in the following quotation
on attitudes, which are
. . . tendencies to act in specified ways in spec-
ified situations. Such tendencies to act involve
both a gognitivg definition of the situation and an
gfjggtgg§_explanation of the situation. Any behavior
of interest necessarily involves,a£§ggt§yg_or gyglr
components, at least ends and criteria of
choice. (39, 164)
The underlined are all elements in the PAS Model.

Another difficulty in putting Moore's writing into
the PAS Model was the problem of condensing the material
applicable to a particular element or process to suitable
size. During the last year Moore has come out with an entire

book on each of two of the sections of this model, time (64)
and W (65), as well as an article on society

as a West system- (67)

CHAPTER II

THE ELEMENTS AND ELEMENTAL PROCESSES

Ewing

ief w s B

One of the main themes in Moore's books is the idea
that industrialization, the development of a factory system,
cannot be considered inevitable. The framework of ideas,
values, and knowledge necessary to maintain a social struc-
ture must be considered not only in the recipient culture,
but the industrial as well, and the interplay between the
belief systems must be considered. Although Westerners
often take the desirability of knowledge for granted, even
in their own culture there is some ambivalence toward its
value. This may be seen in statements of negative evalua-
tion such as ”ignorance is bliss," and "what I don't know
can't hurt me.“ (21, 787)

In the West knowledge is usually taken to mean ra-
tional knowledge. Although rational thinking is not as
basic to preindustrial or industrial societies, it does
exist. The greater part of beliefs basic to preindustrial
societies may not be scientifically rational, but they have
an equally powerful effect on behavior. In our society,

for instance, those who believe in the non-rational idea

10

11

of white supremacy, accept it, and act upon it, as a scien-
tific fact. The reality of this type of belief and norm
is usually reinforced by religious belief. Such non-rational
beliefs, especially the supernatural, along with aesthetic
aspects of culture, tend to be relatively immune to change
forces affecting the rest of a culture, and are the last
aspect to change. This is because they are not subject to
rational calculation or experimental modification. Once,
however, rationality has been accepted and institutionalized,
institutionalization of change is inferred because the prob-
lem solving approach strives to find a new and better way.
Change starting in the more practical realms of culture may
eventually affect the supernatural belief system.

One of the greatest barriers to labor commitment
is the adjustment of preindustrial people to the rational,
scientific, Gesellschaft—type belief system characteristic
of industrialized societies. Often people fail to realize
this fundamental necessity of commitment, thinking that only
short run performance of appropriate activity (such as work-
ing at a machine in a factory) is all that is required.
In the more developed societies, cognitive learning takes
place in a formal, impersonal situation or institution.
In Western society lessening of parental control over child-
ren and increased equality of male and female roles are due
partly to the accessibility of extra-familial sources of

knowledge and skill. Most primitive societies, however,

12

sanction age and sex differences in knowledge and skills
to maintain stability. Common orientations, such as minimum
levels of cognitive consensus, are necessary for commitment
to any kind of life, and are hard;for anyone to change. It
is more difficult to convince people to accept new beliefs
than new tools, and often a new form is adopted with no know-
ledge of its use.
Moore devotes an article to ignorance, discussing

it in terms of its functions for social structure and action.
(21) He posits the theorem that

apart from the role of ultimate values and attitudes

relative to them, perfect knowledge is itself im-

possible, and an inherently impossible basis of

social action and social relations. Put conversely,

ignorance is both inescapable and an intrinsic ele-

ment in social organization generally, although

there are marked differences in the specific forms,

degrees, and functions of ignorance in known social

organizations.
Perfect knowledge he defines as

all knowledge ideally available to man in general,

and not simply that which is believed available’

within any context of social action. Ignorance

may refer to past, present or future conditions

or events, as long as valid knowledge is conceiv-

ably available. . . . ignorance is to be kept dis-

tinct from 'error,' whether of fact or of logic, and

from the act of ignggigg what is known. (21, 788)
Ignorance, Moore feels, is not necessarily dysfunctional to
a social system. Sometimes maintenance of a system depends
on ignorance of outsiders. A nation may keep ahead of other
nations by withholding from them knowledge on which their
progress is based, as well as knowledge of its weaknesses.

Ignorance of people in the system functions to

/\

13

preserve the position of the privileged, reinforce tradi-
tions and values, preserve fair competition, preserve stereo-
types, and give incentives appropriate to the system. Ignor-
ance generally functions to keep a social system conserva-
tive, and strengthens the group's esprit de corps, encourag-
ing group rather than individual action. Those in power
benefit from ignorance within the group since individuals
kept from new ideas maintain rigid concepts of right and
wrong. Moore illustrates this with the American Communist
party which convinces members that the powers on high have
the authority to make decisions on the basis of their know-
ledge. Members are required to have faith that the party
line thus set is best, even though established outside the
American situation, thus not always seeming relevant. From
this it can be seen that Moore doesn't agree with the idea
that ignorance causes much of the instability in the modern
world.

Moore doesn't deny, however, that ignorance in its
conservatism hinders social change. It is difficult to ac-
cept alternative modes of production or social organization
when the alternatives are unknown. When alternatives are
apparent, their adoption is frequently hindered by lack of
skills to pursue them. This lack of skills stems in part
from the fact that education in less developed countries
emphasizes clerical and literary proficiency rather than

technical or manual. As knowledge of skills increases the

14

pattern of skill distribution changes considerably, as will

be discussed under the element,,§§nk.

v M a ° 5 a P o e s

Attitude, according to Moore, determines an individ-
ual's tendency to act. Cognitive definition of a situation
is one of its main components. Moore describes in some de-
tail the kind of cognitive mapping resorted to by Southern-
ers in the United States to make slavery compatible with
Christian ethics. (3) Ideologies rationalizing the dominance
of a minority range from natural superiority to divine grace,
both of which were called upon by the Southerners. As long
as slaves were not Christian, they could be treated as things;
difficulties in cognitive mapping arose when they converted
to Christianity. They were then given enough legal status
as persons to be brought to trial for crime, but not enough
to press charges on crime against them or to enter legal
contract. Slave owners held the slave trader and overseer
for the institution of slavery. Somehow being party to the
system did not imply as much guilt to them as organizing
it. These means employed by slave owning Whites to ease

their guilt feelings can also be considered examples of

W or W- The question
of slavery will also be discussed underlgygtggtign,since

it involves a conflict of values.
A common cognitive orientation is necessary to the

cohesion and survival of a social system. In preindustrial

15

societies, where it is especially prevalent, this common
pattern of cognitive mapping stems partly from education,
but more from other socialization agencies, such as family,
work, and market. Tradition, myth, and sentiment are the
basic support of a common orientation.

A rational world view, common in industrial socie-
ties, is often taken as an indication of technical change.
This approach questions tradition, myth, and sentiment, all
of which hinder decision making. It assumes man's ability
to control nature, thus to initiate purposive change. A
rational world view, ”calculated control," can't simply be
introduced into a preindustrial society; it presupposes rele-
vant knowledge, reasonable certainty of relation between
actions, and objectively verifiable results.

Rational approach suggests that not only manipula—
tion of the physical world, but people as well, is benefic-
ial. Viewed in this way, mental health becomes a technical
problem to be dealt with by adjustment techniques, rather
than a religious problem as it is seen in preindustrial so-
cieties. Thus, modern bureaucracies employ specialists in
"social technology," i.e.: administrative and personnel
experts, human relations and liaison men, etc. Rationality
is basic to social organizations such as corporations. It
is less basic to conflict groups such as unions which rely
on sentiment, non-rational ideologies, to maintain support

of rank and file membership.

16

Scientific writings have tended to emphasize the
importance of rationalistic orientation in society. Two
developments in sociology have served to reduce the impor-
tance ascribed to this kind of knowledge and thought pattern-
ing. One of these is the study of the function of magic,
superstition, and ritual, in social organization, as pre-
sented by Malinowski. The second is the distinction between
irrational and non-rational orientations, and the realiza-
tion of how important the ultimate values and attitudes to-
ward them are to a society, as exemplified in Pareto and
Parsons. (21, 787)

Validation of beliefs is illustrated in examples
of dependence on symbols of work, and restrictions to one
field of specialization for workers--both especially char-
acteristic of industrial society. In a specialized status
the worker can see his knowledge and beliefs validated; he
does not try to venture into other fields where he does not
have the necessary knowledge. Because of the impersonal,
dispersed nature of social contacts, it is easier for groups
of people with dissimilar beliefs in Gesellschaft society
to validate their own beliefs without excessive conflict
than in Gemeinschaft society. Lack of tight organization
in Gesellschaft society, permitting existence of divergent
beliefs, makes the introduction of new ideas easier. The
process of societal transition reveals how different belief
systems of preindustrial and industrial systems are, espec-

ially when the process of validation brings them into direct

17

conflict, providing barriers to the introduction of the new
ideas.

Moore points out examples of cognitive mapping in
an observer's analysis of a society as well as within a so—
ciety. An American investigator, for instance, may inter-
pret a developing industrial system with a pro-management
bias leading to confusion and failure to distinguish between
commitment to industrial labor and commitment to management
practices. This is largely because the middle class investi-
gator is more familiar with the ways of managers than of
the native workers, thus can better understand and interpret
them. This illustrates reference group influence on cogni-
tive mapping. In addition, in a foreign country, it is the
managers with whom the investigator deals. Cognitive map-
ping on the part of the investigator is also seen in fail-
ure to distinguish between a concrete organization and its
component analytic systems. Misconceptions in the analysis
of line and staff differentiation are this kind of conceptual

error.

reeling.

WW

Sentiment, if strong enough, can present a more for-
midable barrier to social transformation than belief; the
latter can be changed through rational demonstration of an-

other belief's greater validity, but the former does not

18

react to logic. Not only does sentiment include attachment
to familiar forms, but also lack of interest in the new forms.
However, once an individual becomes committed to a new sys-
tem, such as industrialization, sentiment can be equally
strong for it.

Group cohesion within a system is an important fac-
tor in commitment. Moore identifies four major sources of
cohesion, or potential sources of division: productive or-
ganization, industry, occupation (craft), and general status
(industrial union, labor party). (53, 388) Because these
categories are not exclusive, and sentiments are transfer-
able, it would be impossible to base an organization on only
one of these. Cohesion in a productive organization, such
as a manufacturing company, includes the internal division
of labor and management. Loyalty in this unit is distribu-
tive, i.e., identification with other members of the organi-
zation, as well as collective. The collective unity of a
productive organization can be seen in conflicts between
”locals” of a union.

Identification with the industry is strongest where
unions are organized according to industry rather than em-
ployer. Loyalty to this unit develops most readily among
market oriented managers with contacts across firm boundaries
within the industry, and is probably weakest among the pro-
duction workers who haven't opportunity to develop a feel-

ing of belonging to the industry as a whole. Loyalty to

I1

19

industry may also be weak when the industry is state owned
or a monopoly, thus coextensive with the firm.

Sentiment is particularly high when occupation is
the main source of cohesion. Identification with fellow
workers has many bases, similarity in education, training,
income, interest in maintaining income, and common career
patterns. Identification is particularly strong among highly
skilled workers, for those with less skill and those with
more (i.e., managers) have flexible enough skills to allow
them to move into, and identify with, a variety of occupa-
tions. Especially for the highly skilled, occupational co-
hesion appears to be the strongest.

Strength of occupational identification, just men-
tioned, indicates that allegiance to the more general status
of labor or management is not as preclusive as some liter-
ature makes it seem. However, general division of allegiance
by status usually does divide at or near the division between
labor and management.

Loyalty to a variety of reference groups is coex-
istent with affective neutrality in industrial society.

Moore mentions that specific sentiments of loyalty to oc-

cupational group, status, etc., temper norms applicable to
financially rewarding services. Such loyalties are presum-
ably symmetrical, applying to both parties in a deal, buyer
and seller. Even when loyalties are regarded as temporary
due to mobility, conflicts develop because actual special-

ization is incomplete, and there is some overlap of groups.

20

Cases of extreme specialization cause problems in sentiment
as well as limiting belief. Extreme specialization is one
source of lack of job commitment, for frustration, Moore
feels, is inherent in highly specialized work, and leads
to a search for alternative modes of expression, or reform.
Commitment to industrialization in general may stem
from "differential levels of positive effect." In other
words, success in one locus of commitment carries over into
feeling about another; loci are mutually reinforcing. Once
behavior appropriate to relations between the loci, as well
as to a specific locus, is learned, an all encompassing feel-
ing of commitment is more easily attained. Positive atti-
tude toward industrial employment is also enhanced by a feel-
ing of general social participation, and by provision of
securities and amenities at least equivalent to those of
the traditional organization. Not only is it important for
an organization to gain commitment of workers, but to keep
it; the latter may mean sacrificing an immediately efficient
organization, but will pay off in commitment later. A fully
committed industrial worker tends to extend his commitment
beyond the locus of work, status, etc., into fields such
as politics. In some cases political commitment may be
stressed early in development process, for ”nationalism
provides a kind of non-rational focus of identification
and rationale for the extensive disruption of the traditional

order." (65, 94)

21

It is possible to get highly committed workers quickly,
but the recruits are primarily from among the young, disaf-
fected, unprivileged, who do not have strong sentimental
attachment to tradition, and have little to lose by break-
ing it. Many, however, are not easily convinced to break
with tradition to join the industrial labor force. Moore
discusses feelings that prohibit entering an industrial labor

force in articles such as "Primitives and Peasants in Indus-

try" (19). and books like WW
in_2313122igg‘5;g§§ (55). The former is a study which "con-

siders mainly the general conditions and attitudes that im-
pede or induce a shift to industry." (19, 45) One particu-
larly strong motive for attachment to old forms is economic
and family security of a tribe or village. A prominent char-
acteristic of change from pre-industrial society to indus-
trial is decreased strength of kinship associative senti-
ments, along with development of a culture of affective neu-
trality, involving kinship as well as work relationships.

Many problems of social change are sharply high-

lighted in kinship systems. Since kinship is a

fundamental and universal structural feature of

all societies, and one maximally surrounded by

sentiments and values, it is a major potential

barrier to social transformation, as well as a

principle source of individual orientations to

life. (55, 66)
Once a society has accepted the sentiments associated with
the kinship structure of Gesellschaft society other insti-
tutions will not be so hard to change, although the change

may be slow. The kin group is one of the prime means of

22

instilling attitudes and sentiments proper to a new social
order into the population. Emotional security includes feel-
ings of responsibility as well as of security; protection

of health, family stability, and care for children are im-
portant for feelings of emotional security.

In trying to establish an industrial system one must
remember that needs other than the narrowly defined reward
for merit must be served. Sentiments governing the work
of women, children, care of aged, and development of a leisure
class must be considered. Such values govern the definition
of minimum standards, i.e.: wage, hours, and work condi-
tions. Every industrial plant, in addition, has its own
social structure to be considered, its network of reciprocal
rights and obligations supported by both sentiment and for-
mal rule.

The fact that much of the above discussion touched
on the importance of societal norms indicates that, while
the concept of commitment is a matter of sentiment, it deals
largely with the sentiment attached to traditional or trans-
ferred to new norms. Commitment will be discussed again

in the section on‘ngtmtng.

”2:70! M1119Lue: a1! ~22u1- 1 .9 -f ‘9 ,mag, -‘ 1 P .

In the introduction to Loomis' M n S Th r

(69, xxiii), Moore makes special note of the importance of
the process of tension management for understanding society,

for it allows consideration of disorder and purposive change

23

in a society, both basic to understanding a social system.

Viewing society as a tension management system, he feels,

is a more realistic approach than an equilibrium model, for

both change and order are made problematical but normal.

He sees tensions or strains as an intrinsic part of social

systems, not extraneous variables or accidents accompanying

change.

Moore points out four ways the theoretical tension

management model of society is different from the equilib-

rium model.

1.

2.

3.

4.

To the degree that at least some tensions are
really intrinsic, and not simply organizational
problems that can be readily resolved, the pre-
dicted change will neither restore an equilib-
rium or static state nor create a new one.

The consequences of change will almost certainly
be tension producing as well as possibly ten-
sion-reducing.

The use of the term "tension” does not imply
that change will initially reduce tension.

For some sequential analyses it may be appro-
priate to identify or predict tension-producing
changes rather than change-producing tensions,
not to evade the postulate of intrinsic tensions,
but rather to take into account the necessity
for a starting point and the frequent desira-
bility of "getting particular," of making rather
specific predictions rather than highly general
ones. For example, there is an intrinsic ten-
sion between any social system that endures
beyond the lifetime of its members or the age
limits of membership, and the system's mode

of recruiting new members. Here, then, is a
likely place to look for change. The analysis
may begin, however, by identifying a change in
the number or qualities of recruits and then
predicting the tensions that the change can

be expected to produce.

The conception of society (or any social struc-
ture) as a tension-management system involves
no presumption at all that the management is

24

"successful," or that the system as identified

in fact persists, or even that it will last long

enough to permit us to speak of "transitions"

from one system to another. The probability of

any of those things happening can be determined

only by identifying the system and the variables

that will determine the course of its change.

One possible course may be destruction. (65, 11)

Moore suggests two major sources of tension, 1) a
high degree of interdependence, especially between exclusive
membership groups, and 2) rapidity of change, with increase
in deliberate change plans. Rapid sequences of planned change
mean that the extent to which a social system can success-
fully "contain" a given change may be a function of the pre-
ceding and following changes; the nature of both these other
changes and the time intervals between are also factors.

If strain is inherent in social systems, how is it
they remain viable? Moore suggests that order is based on'
structural regularity allowing for predictability, and on
the capacity to manage many tensions, and recover. Socie-
ties are both creators and dissipators of tension. In "So-
ciety as a Tension Management System," (67) he lists ways
in which industrial societies manage internal strains:

1. The rule of rationality in decision making.

2. ”The techniques of arbitration, of adjudication,
of compromise."

3. ”A social system also has available tension?
diversion, and perhaps tension-mobilization . . .
up to a point-an external enemy produces inter-
nal cohesion in a social system. . . . Of course,
a major problem of tension-management through
tension-mobilization is that it may be ultimately
self-defeating. The social energy that is mo-
bilized is probably not freely transferable,

25

but rather is limited to the physically or mor-
ally equivalent enemy. Thus the resultant so-
cial action may be most wasteful in that the
system becomes a captive of its real or imag-
ined enemies, and is increasingly unable to act
independently."

4. "Then there is tension-dissipation, the obfus-
cation of issues, which we suggest is the sort

of thing that holds our unsystematic system of

social stratification together. The tremendous

multitude of incomparable ways in which people

get judged is one of the circumstances that

avoids their looking too closely at any one

way and worrying about its equity. A man can

be first in some field if he just looks hard

enough."

5. "Change itself is not only a creator of tensions

but also a tactic in their management. The very

rapidity of change in industrial societies is

partly what keeps people from noting their dis-

comfort with the way things are.” (67, 103-4)

A highly interdependent system, such as an industrial
society, has advantages and disadvantages in managing ten-
sions. It is more vulnerable to internal tension, disaffec-
tion, and ideological appeals of psychological warfare. On
the other hand, when individuals are fractionated by con-
flicting role demands, a society is not so apt to be split
by class cleavages. Moore hypothesizes that the fast change
and multi-fractionated interests of industrial society per-
mit realignment of sides according to issues. There is,
thus, less tension than if people aligned themselves in the
same way on all issues, producing constant conflict between
set groups. When no one issue dominates a system, extensive
internal conflict can be tolerated. If, however, interde-

pendence exists without values and procedures for assuring

r1

0

26

the continuity and solidarity of the system, friction may
be more bitter because of preclusive group memberships.

Industries sometimes try to manage the strains they
help create by serving as a voluntary association and a com-
munity, but still maintaining productive efficiency. Moore
doubts that industries will be able to do this, for the bal-
ance between rational and affective interests will always
be problematical. The same problem prevails within industry
where unions and pressure groups are formed according to
interests and loyalties to express sentiments.

In industrial society many kinds of groups have been
organized to manage tension. Unions fulfill this function
when representing workers in conflict with management. Since
this kind of conflict involves decision making, unions and
management will be further discussed under that heading.

Old age societies and pension clubs serve not only to give
financial security, thus alleviating tension about the fu-
ture, but also give a sense of needed social security.

It is the government, however, that serves as the
"residuary legatee of unsolved social problems." Because
it is called upon when tension mounts, over time it accumu-
lates tension managing functions which, in the long run,
increase its functions. As it manages societal problems
and directs the course of change, it may also create for
itself more problems. It is the government's job, also,

to handle international tensions. One of the means of

f.

27

international tension management is the use of external enemy
to keep internal peace, i.e., balancing one block of nations
vs. another. Another is technical or cultural cooperation.
However, the assumption that this will dissipate political
tension doesn't have much theoretical support; international
tension cannot be managed without bases for compromise and
adjudication. Despite increasing structural similarities
between societies as they industrialize, they don't neces-
sarily grow together or even more alike. Nations often find
opposite solutions for managing very similar tensions.
U.S.S.R., for instance, unlike the U.S.A., manages inter-
national tensions by increasing the population's political
participation, without increasing its political power, to
develop a feeling of group unity in national pride.

Thus far the discussion of tension management has
focused primarily on industrial society where affective neu-
trality and mobility reduce probability of conflict. In
industrial, as in primitive societies, kin ties and taboos
operate to manage tension. Another form of tension manage-
ment common to all societies is temporal segregation, but
temporal rules increase in number, precision, and importance
with the increased demands on time in a specialized society.

Communication of sentiment is important to the co-
hesiveness of social units, whether the family, work organi-
zation, or nation. Togetherness may be symbolized by call—

ing other members of an organization by their first names,

28

or using symbolic titles like Comrade, Citoyen, etc. Accep-
tance of doctrine on faith is usually required by members
of a very cohesive group, and an act of faith or even con-
version, which communicates sentiment, is necessary for leaders
of radical political parties. Ritual is high among organi-
zations such as the Communist Party, and much emphasis is
placed on prescribed forms endowed with emotional fervor,
presumably aroused by the organization38 goals. Verbal sym-
bols, represented by epithets and special terms for activ-
ities such as "agitprop" for agitation and propaganda, are
important, as are quotations from leaders or founders. Rit-
ualized means reinforce belief in religion by connecting
common ends and values of society with an imaginary world
symbolized by concrete sacred objects.

External enemies, verbal symbols, and ritual are
also important means of b m e and will be

expanded later in that respect.

mains

G Ob e
In writing of increased unity in the world, Moore
is referring, in part, to the increased universality of cer-
tain goals, such as the desire for a certain minimum stand-
ard of living.
When goals, including a minimum standard of living,

necessitate change in the socio-economic institutions, then

29

economic development becomes a means as well as an end, es-
pecially when there is a large gap between the actual and
desired levels. The fact that the concept of economic de-
velopment does fulfill both functions, Moore feels, is the
central problem to the volume of labor commitment and social
change in developing areas.

”Disputes over goals and means are likely. Goals
are generally stated rather abstractly but must be specified
before they become the ends of action. . . . " (65, 57)
Desire for social change as an end and as a means are inde-
pendent variables; when they are not mutually reinforcing
the differences between them grow sharper through time.

In many preindustrial societies there is a desire for eco-
nomic development which is physically possible, but no ac-
companying desire for change which is psychologically diffi-
cult. Accepting change as an end when it requires a major
transformation of the socio-economic structure is problemp
atical because the normative system of society relates to
more than economic goals. When the end can be seen as a
continuum, i.e., merely an increase in existing means of
production, then the two types of commitment, ends and means,
are mutually reinforcing. When the end is a distinct state,
involving a major transformation of the socio-economic struc-
ture, there is likely to be a conflict between the ends and
means. The means of a new life pattern are often in too

great a conflict with existing structures.

30

Economic well being is not the sole goal; even if,
in underdeveloped areas, the aspiration of economic develop-
ment is so high it has temporal, strategic primacy it won't
be pursued at all costs. The cost of economic development
is measured in terms of values sacrificed. ”No industrial
economy has 'solved' the problem of work incentives” that
will not conflict with some end or value. (28, 307) "Since
well being is not the sole goal of any society, and cannot
be if it is to survive as a viable system, the value conflict
is not trivial or simply based on temporary ignorance or
misunderstanding." (55, 7) Resistance to change stems from
the nature of society, from the organization of interrelated
activities oriented toward certain goals necessary to its
own survival.

In conflict with the end of economic development
may be goals of other institutions such as religion. Strength
of economic production as an end is also weakened by values
placed on responsibility for dependents, maintenance of or-
der, etc. The very fact that societies do have hierarchies
of values conflicting to varying degrees with objectives
of change aids the selection of goals and priorities for
development. For technical change to be top priority the
goal of technical "progress" must be assumed and must stay
constant. Until now the priority of technical change fit
.because the goal of economic productivity remained relatively

‘constant. However, this is no longer so, for change in ends

31

makes previous technology wasted, as is seen in switching

from peace to war time goals. Thus, the Marxian theory of
social change resulting from factors of production neglects
constancy of ends, a basic element in economic development.

When there is a conflict of interests or ends there
is no a priori reason to expect economic ends to prevail.
Organizations such as political reform parties must frequently
compromise, for their image of ideal society includes a num-
ber of potentially separable goals. Members desiring eco-
nomic change conflict with those preferring goals such as
nationalism or pacifism. Another consideration that must
be made in planning of economic development is whether em-
phasis should be on immediate or long run goals. This is
complicated by the presenCe of three immediate economic goals
alone, satisfaction of rising aspirations, support of rapid
population growth, and capital accumulation.

The character of societal organization also helps
the selection of goals for planning change in that common
standards of relative worth help determine whose interests
to serve. Relationship between organizational objectives
and individuals' motives for joining the organization are
complicated because many associations are not based on com-
mon interests, with all members seeking the same goal, but
rather each pursuing Similar but individual goals. In this
case, particularly, collective action becomes instrumental,

but once the organization is established its continuation

32

does become a common end of members.

An institutional definition of the situation which
allows self interested pursuit of the desired end is needed.
If the goal of planned economy is achievement of a higher
degree of community welfare men needn't be altruistic. Yet
serving individual before group goals continues to hinder
society or organization when vested interests are strong.
The goal of social equality, for instance, is approved, but
not at the cost of sacrificing property and inheritance.
Corruption is the substitution of individual for organiza-
tional goals; the individual tendency to convert prescribed
means to goals with ritualistic adherence is also a problem.

Not only do organizations face the problem of indi-
viduals putting their own goals before those of the group,
but they must also deal with the multiplicity of each indi-
vidual's goals. One of the main weaknesses in wage theory
is that it fails to account for this multiplicity of indi-
vidual goals. In any societythere are many important ends,
and money is not necessarily the means for all. The effi-
ciency of financial incentives is proportional to the range
of individual and group ends and values that money can serve.
People don't choose between economic and non-economic goals;
many interests or ends are served concurrently, and there
will always be some conflict between values served.

A person in a highly traditional culture faces a

real decision about which of his many ends will reign supreme.

33

If he emphasizes economic ends and enters a factory system
he will not have to sacrifice all his traditional values,
but will either have to adapt to new ends, or live in con-
tinual open conflict. In the early stages of industrializa-
tion the individual only identifies with part of the new
goals. In fact, if he did try to identify completely with
the overall goals of the organization it might evenihave
negative consequences; he might try to work beyond his own
process, confusing the rhythm and order of the production
flow. It is in this period of partial commitment that Moore
finds the closest approximation of ”economic man,” for the
closest relation between financial reward and performance
exists in the early stages of industrial development. This
is before the individual begins to identify with goals of
prestige, status symbols, and work conditions, and after
he has removed himself from some of the former goals of the
preindustrial society. It is the nature of the different
ends, along with functions of activities, and attitudes in
which they are pursued, which constitutes the difference
between industrial and primitive society, more so than psy-
chic constitution or rational thinking. Multiplicity of
ends is closely related to the question of which of a vari-
ety of rewards carry the most incentive for work which will
be considered under gangtigné,

Individuals can be said to have goals or ends, but

administrative organizations do not; they have missions,

t1

34

i.e., a set of specific, limited, and ordered objectives.
These are precisely formulated so progress toward them can
be measured. When there is a multiplicity of missions it
is doubtful that all can be achieved simultaneously. Con-
temporary corporations, however, tend to violate limits of
missions by adopting objectives such as development of em-
ployee personality, education, citizenship. Such "ends"
are difficult to order. Some goals established in adminis-
trative organizations are difficult or impossible to verify,
such as achieving favorable public image. For an associa-
tion to be long lived, its goals (Moore uses goals as well
as mission when referring to associations) should be flex-
ible and it should be able to invent new ones to adapt to
changing environment.

Looking at corporations in general, it is difficult
to say what their primary objectives are. The many costs
unrelated to production or sales make it seem unlikely that
maximization of profits is the only goal. It is certain
that one generalized goal of corporations is to survive as
affluently as possible. It is only when this general goal
is threatened and with it the viability of the organization
that workers get worried and concern themselves with the
mission of the organization; otherwise only a very small
per cent of the membership is interested in this mission
or goal.

Much societal unity is achieved through members'

35

possession of common goals. Common ends do influence be-
havior, although they are highly subjective, particularly
religious goals. No society has yet become so secularized
that it has completely removed transcendental ends and super-
natural entities. Some system must integrate ultimate values;
although goals such as progress, or transcendental ends,

may serve as a uniting factor, the integrating effect of

them is not great unless the goals are known to all.

Go.“

A if -4. 14d Con om- . La -n_ c - .s . P -

When choice of goal is not the problem finding means
to goals becomes a technical matter. The technological level
of activity, because it is never concerned with more than
means, is ultimately subordinate to religious, political
or economic activities. It is the "technology," i.e., the
mechanical and administrative means of achieving an associ-
ation's "missions," which determines what the jobs for_ac-
complishing ends will be, and who will fill them.

Even if ends in a society or organization are agreed
upon, there is not necessarily agreement about means to
achieve them. Pursuit of ends may not be efficient because
of the lack of centralization in planning means to carry
out goals, uncertainty about immediate objectives, and nec-
essity of rapid expansion in crises.

Since Moore is interested in economic development,
activity oriented toward this goal is discussed more fully

than other goal attaining activities. Social planning, in

36

its broadest sense, is organized and deliberate social con-
trol for the achievement of certain objectives; agencies

and pressure groups develop to implement this process. Plan-
ning for the future has two distinct parts: 1) choice of
goal, mobilizing resources, and organizing to achieve the
goal, and 2) what Moore calls telenomy, the attempt to pre-
dict uncontrolled trends of the future and adapt to them.
These orientations come together when a forecast trend be-
comes the base of telological action, when secondary and
tertiary consequences of planned action are predicted and
attempts made to emphasize the positive and minimize the
negative, and when efforts are made to improve predictive
basis of teleonomic action bringing more elements under con-
trol. (64, 97)

Moore mentions marginality, enterprise, mobility,
education, skills, and involvement in market matrix as ele-
ments in the motivational framework for economic development.
In underdeveloped countries motivation is necessary, but
not sufficient for economic development. Motivation is sup-
ported by technical assistance trying to maximize its long
run effects with limited resources and time, helping to de-
velop skills and interest so the population can carry on,
and adapting means of change to local conditions. Working
toward immediate goals may be dysfunctional in the long run,
for "rushing" leads to "faux pas," such as training programs

in cities where they are not needed, or buying tractors for

I"

37

small farmers instead of teaching them contour plowing.

When investment is considered a means of economic develop-
ment it often aims at other goals as well, such as political
goals of defense, world power, or survival. Social movements
are apt to arise around these goals, particularly with eco-
nomic innovation. Moore interprets these more as a desire

to extend the innovation than a reaction to it.

In preindustrial society kinship or community groups
work together toward a given goal. An important latent re-
sult of this is the maintenance of group solidarity. An
individual in a preindustrial society, motivated to seek
economic improvement, cannot always achieve it, for even
if the system includes an inherent dynamic toward improved
technology and increased production, the network of institu-
tional and organizational limitations, lack of capital, level
of agrarian techniques, etc., are restricting. A developing
society needs to encourage both career and intergenerational
mobility. Educational facilities are necessary to develop
mobility. Facilities alone are insufficient; education must
also provide affective links such as teachers and parents
who serve as models in order to transform attitudes and en—
courage mobility and flexibility in pursuit of goals. With-
out this kind of link education can only indoctrinate the
individuals to establish new traditions, but motivation is
not deep and lasting.

Goal attaining activity is brought out strongly in

38

the case of the new factory worker attempting to raise his
standard of living. Gesellschaft goal attaining activity

is seen to be more instrumental than expressive; a worker
works to gain money to attain the desired and rather than
working for that end directly. In a Gesellschaft society

it is recognized that the individual has a choice of goal
attaining activities; he is not born into a situation which
determines the means as well as the end. An open class,
highly mobile society encourages individual striving toward
individual goals. There seems to be some fear that once

a society achieves its goal of prosperity motivation to keep
up activity supporting that end will decline. Moore feels
that this problem is not as great as that of slow, vacillat-
ing goals and means. He finds that individual activity such
as insurance, long term savings, etc., in prosperous soci-

eties still points toward long range improvement goals.

W

N m me

The means of pursuing goals, just discussed, are
limited and specified in any system by rules. Rules can
hinder development in two ways. Violation of rules is met
by negative sanctions, thus change is difficult. Laws sup-
porting values and ostensibly aiding development, on the
other hand, may be self defeating. For instance, rules meant
to encourage indigenous economic development by discouraging

foreign domination may discourage all private investment.

39

Rules, or formalized norms, have their rationale
in values of a society. They assure predictable behavior,
allocate activity by competence, allocate personnel by tech-
nical merit, and depersonalize relationships to counteract
a potentially high degree of heterogeneity and turnover in
an industrial society. Many rules are not specified; Moore
mentions that, despite the momentary nature of industrial
society, a kind of "ethical universalism” develops envelop-
ing strangers and competitors as well as friends. Economic
and social orders develop a kind of "industrial jurisprudence"
or common law, not part of formal statuses and decisions,
but accountable in the end to legal principles such as seen
in collective bargaining. While this somewhat informal jur-
isprudence does exist, Moore feels that if modern business
management were really professional it would have developed
a binding code of ethics protecting professional standards
and clients.

An institution, according to Moore, is a "system
of norms (rules of conduct) referring to a major aspect
of social life. Minimal institutional controls include those
over division of labor, disposition of property rights, and
methods of distribution.” (10, 443) The function of these
institutions is "to relate standard patterns of action in
society, often encompassed in concrete social organizations,
to general system of functional requirements and values of

that society." (60, 63) Some applications of social norms

40

may be functional for a particular segment of society, but
dysfunctional on the whole, i.e., the code of ”honor among
thieves." Moore uses institutional order in its normative
sense, saying, for instance, that the traditional division
of labor emphasizes norms of public administration and older
professions more than business administration, risk taking,
or engineering.

Norms are important to the key concept of "labor
commitment," which involves internalization of norms in a
new productive organization and social system by workers.
Among the first learned are the informal norms within a work
team which determine work pace. Internalization of norms
will be discussed more fully in the section, evg;uatiog.
Internalization of industrial values is important, for ap-
propriate activity will follow, but the converse is not nec-
essarily true. The new worker, however, doesn't have enough
contact with the values of the society to be able to inter-
nalize them; but it is when he first enters the system that
he needs to understand its value most because specialization
makes him more dependent on the unfamiliar society. Moore
states the problem Durkheim noted of how to prevent exten-
sive division of labor from leading to general social col-
lapse through insufficient integration around common values.

Inconsistencies between ideal values and patterned
social behavior, frequently found, are a potential source

of social change, for change is essentially an effort to

41

bring the two to closer approximation. Moore indicates that
change is not based in the economy as much as in changes
of beliefs and values, leading to changes in norms and ac-
tions, and in the long run, influencing a broader range of
change programs than economic. One of the best examples
of conflicting values offered by Moore is an essay on the
position of the slave in the ante-bellum South. (7) The
owning of humans as slaves, made necessary by the norm of
a market oriented economy, was in direct conflict with Chris-
tian ethics upholding the sacredness of family and individ-
ual. This conflict in part explains why laws regarding the
status of the slave in the South at that time were so inde-
terminate, and why the trader and overseer became scapegoats.
As important as the discrepancy between ideal values
and behavioral practices is the inherent strain between nor-
mative alternatives. This strain, present within any soci-
ety, is intensified when the alternatives are from another
social structure and a different way of life. Normative
conflict may seriously inhibit or even prevent full labor
commitment, the forerunner to overall commitment to societal
norms which is essential for sustained economic development
and the survival of a society. Conflict may exist within
either a stable or transitional society between norms of
an individual's various statuses such as family man, church
member, factory worker, or on a more limited scope, between

sets of differential norms in a factory system perceived

42

erroneously as a single norm. Full commitment requires com-
mitment to the new system at all loci, such as work place
and market place. This is a difficult achievement when comp
mitment to one norm often hinders commitment to another, but
the choice of one does not dispel or dismiss the other. Some
of the norms to which workers must commit themselves in the
new system include competitive occupational placement, ra-
tional appraisal of alternative opportunities, identifica-
tion with reference group, loyalty to reference groups, im-
personal relationships, functional specificity, achievement
orientation, promptness, rational decision making.

Particularly hard for the newcomer is adjustment
to norms of integration necessary in Gesellschaft organiza-
tion.

The punctuality, steady and continuous effort often
many steps removed from the visible product and the
alternation of work and rest with reference to the
clock rather than the task, all required by the fac-
tory system of production, are at marked variance
with the organization of tasks in primitive and peas-
ant life. (28, 48)

In addition to commitment to norms of the various
loci, it is necessary to become committed to relations be-
tween loci, to the entire system. Transferability of norms
in industrial society from one action pattern to another
aids role playing and helps maintain the systematic char-
acter of highly specialized substructures. A person fully

committed to such norms needs little external sanction to

guide his behavior.

43

The emotional security of preindustrial society,
important to group solidarity, hinders commitment to new
ways. The security system, including feelings of responsi-
bility as well as of security, includes such values as pro-
tection of health, family stability, and care for children.
An industrial system must serve needs other than the narrowly
defined reward for merit. Norms and sentiments governing
work of women, children, care of aged, and development of
a leisure class must also be considered. Need for such norms
is responsible for establishment of minimum standards such
as wage, hours, and conditions in the factory system. An
industrial normative system must prompt the individual to
develop his potential talents (applicable to industry) and
offer rewards as appealing as those of non-industrial life.

Generally a worker is oriented toward a concrete
social structure within an institution and has only little
knowledge of the broader institutional framework. Commit-
ment to the factory locus, for instance, includes adapting
to its own social structure, the network of reciprocal rights
and obligations supported by sentiment and formal rule.
Within the factory and the market there are special norms
important to the societal transition to industrialization,
such as money and credit arrangements, mutuality of contract
obligations, freedom of contractual negotiations, and com-
plete transferability and divisibility of property rights.
Economic change involves these norms of property, division

of labor and exchange first.

44

Property involves a system of rights of persons or
other social units in scarce values; it defines the relations
of individuals to each other, as well as to the scarce val-
ues. Property relationships are at least triadic; they in-
volve l) the person or social unit, 2) the object or locus
of scarce values and 3) a potential challenger of rights.
(41, 64) Conceptions of property ownership held in most
underdeveloped areas don't fit well into industrial society
where ”ownership" can refer to different social units hold-
ing common or diversified rights in the same value locus
(i.e., many workers have right to same machine), different
rights of transfer, and use of appropriation of increase,
etc. The contemporary American concept of property is dis-
cussed in some detail in the article "The Emergence of New
Property Conceptions in America." (6) The concept of private
property never implies limitless rights. If some limitations
based on the equally legitimate rights of others were not
enforced (i.e., the right not to be shot by a gun owner),
the base of social order property institutions are supposed
to regulate would be destroyed. There seems to be increas-
ingly a distinction made between property rights in capital
goods, and in consumption, often phrased as anthesis between
property and human rights.

The acceptance of market norms and consumer orien-
tation depends on the degree and form of prior exchange re-
lationships. These norms are accepted more easily if exten-

sive barter or money system existed before. Contemporary

45

consumer behavior is guided by norms of the needs of the
consuming unit, such as the desire to acquire relevant status
symbols. The free market system, however, tends to degrade
status symbols, for copies of the symbols can be produced

in quantity. Some of the norms found in the market system
of industrialized society include rational cost calculation,
mobility, ethical universalism, functional specificity, con-
tract, and loyalty to employer.

Important to an industrial social structure is be-
lief in equality of opportunity and mobility, the belief
that in an open class system hard work pays, and will be
rewarded by a tangible change of status. This confirms the
stability of the normative system and prevents rigid strat-
ification by keeping the system at least officially open.

In both industrial and preindustrial societies it is largely
belief in the normative system that supports it; it is not
necessary that beliefs and facts about a system, such as
opportunity for advancement, be in absolute conformity.
Belief in the system legitimizes the authority of power fig-
ures; the authority does not determine the beliefs. This,
Moore points out, is particularly true for the authority

of factory managers.

Moore deals with norms surrounding treatment of aged
in society at somewhat greater length than other norms. '
Much of this is found in "The Aged in Industrial Societies."
(25) The increased proportion of aged in the population

is a result of a seemingly universal value favoring life

46

and longevity supported by a more productive, rational eco-
nomic system making longer life possible. But the same proc-
esses that make old age possible (industrialization and ur-
banization) make it very difficult for the aged to be useful
or supported in the traditional way. The occupational struc-
ture, fast changing, has no use for obsolete skills of the
aged; but their main problem is lack of an institutionally
sanctioned place in the social structure with sanctioned
responsibilities for their care in keeping with industrial
norms. It is not only separation of generations that causes
hardships on the aged, but the differing expectations of
the elders and their children toward the rights and responsi-
bilities of age, stemming from incomplete institutionaliza-
tion of the conjugal family. Yet the young adult who does
not take complete care of elderly parents is actually pur-
suing an equally legitimate norm, providing for himself and
his children. He faces the possibility of criticism for
caring for parents as well as not caring for them; the norms
of "respect age," and "honor thy parents” are difficult to
integrate with the norm of mobility.

Many norms, such as affective neutrality and ration-
ality, are dealt with in other parts of the paper. Here
the writer has tried to deal with the idea of norm per se

more than with examples of norms.

W
The concept of labor commitment discussed in the

47

preceding section might have also been discussed here, for
commitment is a kind of attitude; effective evaluation of

a situation, according to Moore, is one of the major com-
ponents of attitude. Three categories of people can be iden-
tified with respect to attitudes toward any value or norm:
the complete conformist who has internalized the values and
may even pressure others to join, the external conformist
kept in line by external sanctions, and the overt deviants.

The complete conformist in the traditional system
is the least likely to enter the industrial system. The
complete conformist to the new industrial system, the fully
committed labor element, is greatly beneficial to the oper-
ation of an industrial system in a preindustrial society,
_for fully committed individuals are more predictable, need
less supervision, and learn more rapidly since they can gen-
eralize norms from one situation to another.

Conflict arises in the society when some individuals
are fully committed to the traditional and others to the
industrial way of life. Conflict within the individual is
most apt to appear in the external conformist. He still
feels traditional village ties and reciprocity norms, and
aspires to fulfill fixed duties. But he has accepted, to
some extent, the aspirations of the industrial society, usu-
ally beginning with a desire for a common minimal standard
of living or at least its means of achieving traditional ends.

The process of entering the industrial system and

48

the decision to stay or leave both take considerable evalu-
ation of alternatives. Study of the transition taking place
in the commitment process requires distinguishing between
the cognitive and affective elements of the process. The
latter are of particular concern here; the internalization
of norms and attitudes "always involves strongly affective
relations and thus something approximating the specifications
for 'primary groups.'" (55, 12) With increased commitment
many beliefs are strengthened, others lost, resulting in
disillusionment. Not everything in the new order is just
as expected. This is a problematical situation for the in-
dividual, but not greatly harmful to the society, for it
is not absolutely necessary to have the ideals match real-
ity. The strength of traditional values as a deterrent to
entering the new system stems from conflict with the corres-
ponding industrial values and norms, and from the fact that
change per se is negatively evaluated in traditional society.
Individuals may be pressured by the traditional norms to
remain in the old system, or to return to it; it is often

only the external sanction of laws that keeps them in line
with the industrial system. Values or norms have behavioral
consequences only to the extent they are matched by attitudes
toward them, i.e., to the extent they are positively evalu-
ated or internalized.

The overt deviant in traditional.society, the rebel

or the outcast, is the one most apt initially to enter the

new industrial system. When traditions are negatively

49

evaluated they don't present a barrier to entering the in-
dustrial system.

Negative evaluation of a new situation leads to low
morale, and often to low productivity. One factor contrib-
uting to this is division of labor according to specialized
functions. The resulting loss of pride in task and finished
product is thought to be responsible for devaluation of work
as an acceptable human activity. Moore feels that morale
would improve if workers were trained for, and given, skilled
mechanical work demanding continued high standards of skill.
The nature of supervision may also be an important factor
in low morale. Training natives for supervisory posts, Moore
suggests, would increase positive evaluation of the work
situation. However, this also has difficulties, for workers
are suspicious of native supervisors playing favorites with
their own kin group. Support from fellow nationals on a
work team also eases commitment.

Even though factors such as pride in work and super-
vision can be pointed out as important to morale, Moore feels
not enough is known about morale. He urges that studies
be made of the relationship among operational definitions
of morale such as productivity, verbally expressed work sat-
isfaction, absence of apparent tension. More should also
be known about conflict between deference system, based on
evaluation of performance, and formal authority system, based

on evaluation of status. (The deference vs. authority system

50

of rank will be discussed under Evaluation of Agtors.)

Moore mentions several times the attempt in develop-
ing societies to change attitude toward fertility control.
This poses particular problems because of the personal, in-
timate value-laden character of sex conduct. Literacy and
age are both important to how fertility control is evaluated,
but neither alone can account for differences in attitude.
Moore has studied several characteristics among Mexican fac-
tory workers that seem to be associated with how this ques-
tion is evaluated. None of these variables such as place
of birth (rural-urban), length of education, literacy, age,
alone accounts for the difference in attitudes toward fer-
tility control. States of mind, or motives, are largely
responsible for evaluation of change. Since they are not
observable they must be inferred from action, statements,
knowledge of the actor and norms of the situation, and tested
theories of behavior. In the early stages of industriali-
zation what people spend money on might indicate what they
value most highly. As money becomes increasingly essential
to all realms of life, however, it loses its utility for
predicting just what people value most.

The theory of acculturation, that is, of cultural
diffusion and resultant change, indicates that in-
novation is most acceptable if, in both form and
degree, it represents only a small departure from
customary standards and practices. (28, 303)

The evaluation process emphasizes certain aspects of society

and stresses the convergence of ends and norms. If, with

51

industrialization, the new means or ways of doing things
converge with present ends of society they are acceptable
and change takes place. Japan, for instance, industrialized
with more ease than many other non-Western societies because
the Japanese evaluative system emphasized items similar to

many in industrial society.
D i n the n on

-q_:-R- t I . -o = ‘ne -- h ” -m‘n . - P_-

Role differentiation and the function of status-roles
are quite different in Gemeinschaftulike and Gesellschaft-
like societies, thus are important to consider in the proc-
ess of change from one to the other. In a primitive society
one status position may have several role functions, in mod-
ern Western society each role is encompassed in a different
position with different inherent commitments calling for
different types of behavior. This makes it difficult to
compare the labor concept in industrial and in developing
areas. In the former, economic activity is production of
a physical product, in the latter it often entails aesthetic,
magic, or religious elements as well as aspects of the kin-
ship structure. In preindustrial society it is often hard
to distinguish work from non-work and to detect the primary
role being enacted. The industrial division of functions
is one great barrier to change; it is hard for a new worker

to adapt to its functionally specific type of economic

52

relationship and division of labor. Workers coming from

a system of highly integrated statuses expect a highly inte-
grated system. This expectation only serves to emphasize

the lack of integration of status positions and role. The
newly recruited worker finds it difficult to determine what
to expect or how to act in different positions. In the plant
the worker must learn to interact with bosses, other workers,
and machines in a different and not explicitly or rigidly
prescribed manner.

Changes in the productive system inherent in indus-
trialization have many implications for the availability
of work positions. Specialization, both the effect and
source of productive superiority, increases the number, as
well as variety of occupations. Division of labor and spec-
ialization are most marked where inanimate sources of power
and inanimate mechanisms to multiply effects of human effort
are utilized.

Increasing organizational size encourages special-
ization, extension of the total range of functions, and the
fineness with which people are placed in jobs in that range.
This is seen in the development of administrative, technical,
clerical, professional, financial, and distributive services.
Generally in industrializing economies there is an increase
in the number of roles dealing in goods and services. Ex-
pansion of the latter is particularly important to maintain-

ing viable economy. The increasingly large size of managerial

53

and service sectors of the economy is one of the factors
leading Moore to criticize Marx's dichotomizing society into
two classes. As labor and management both become increas-
ingly heterogeneous the line between them is blurred by oc-
cupational shifts and occupational identification. The lat-
ter refers to the fact that interests common to a particular
occupation are often considered more important than those
common to one rank but cutting across occupational boundar-
ies. (This was mentioned in the section on.§gg§imgg§,and
will be again under gang.) Moore feels that Western scien-
tists are also guilty of dichotomizing society by using con-
ceptual categories such as primary-secondary groups, formal-
informal organization, management-labor. He prefers to look
at social structure as "fissionable" rather than dichotomous.
The necessary accompaniment of specialization is
coordination, necessitating an enlarged and more diverse
administrative structure. Administrative positions depend
on a hierarchy of specialization and rank, not a division
between them and labor. They also depend on the moral or-
der, a body of rules for continuity. New productive organi—
zations tend not to provide new leaders and positions for
the traditional system, but provide, instead, a new and com-
peting system, that usually wins. The success of the new
system depends largely on the relationships between positions
or functions which are more indispensable than the people
in the roles. In traditional society the individuals in

the roles are more important.

54

Specialization includes division and dilution of
job requirements as well as diversification and addition
to them. This creates demand for new skills and makes old
ones obsolete. Thus, when, and if, a displaced worker re-
enters the occupational system it may be at a lower position,
or require additional specialized training. Colonial devel-
opers, particularly, often failed to recognize the potential
labor available by retraining workers. Failure to detect
and utilize convertible craft skills because of color bars
or the assumption that unskilled workers can't be trained
has, in the long run, hindered economic development. In
the contemporary industrial system the tendency to put union
membership above technical competence in hiring, firing, or
promoting, is not dissimilar in effect from the colonial
mobility barriers. If a newcomer to the industrial system
lacking technical and social skills is denied a desired oc-
cupational role he may develop attitudes hostile to indus-
trial process and support reactionary movements, or drift
to employment in non-market services such as tourist related
jobs. The latter can lead to ridiculous specialization of
jobs in the system.

Division of labor can be seen in industrial socie-
ties within the work teams, between different work positions
constituting the flow of production, and accompanying sys-
tems of authority. While this division of labor makes the

individual feel more on his own in one sense, there are ways

55

of reducing the feeling of aloneness. Carrying out indus-
trial tasks is an individual operation, but must be coor-
dinated with that of others. At first it is difficult for
the new worker to realize that he can't help his neighbor
with his task, for it might confuse the flow, and it would
break norms. "Togetherness" is found in groups forming around
common interests in common positions in the economic system,
rather than around kinship. Little is said, according to
Moore, about the social structure of the preindustrial groups
which might facilitate the identification of the new worker
with occupational groups like unions. As an indication that
preindustrial societies are not necessarily lacking such
groups he notes the guilds of craftsmen prevalent in the
preindustrial West. In industrial society relations between
individuals in the production system need to be functionally
specific, limited to the technical demands of the role; uni-
versalistic, based on the criteria of any part of the popu-
lation without regard to previous social relations; and ra-
tional. The intrusion of ethnic, class, or family loyalties
disrupts industrial organization, for instance, when native
supervisors are suspected of family favoritism.

Changes in the work role, accompanying changes in
productive technology, have significant effects on the oc-
cupational structure, social groups, and individual person-
ality. To see the effect of the changes on personality it

is necessary to look at the effect of role specialization

56

and possible role conflict on personality integration, the
relation between work satisfaction and individual need-dis-
positions, and implications of uncontrolled, and perhaps
unpredicted changes in work roles for emotional balance and
security. (48, 242) One individual in an industrial society
may take many roles to perform: father, husband, laborer,
and member of a church, social organization, or political
party, etc. Attempting to fulfill the requirements of such
a large number of diverse roles can create dissonance. Not
only are there many roles to be fulfilled, but even in a
tightly integrated social system it is impossible to specify
the roles and their functions absolutely. The requirements
are apt to constitute ranges of behavior rather than highly
precise behavioral limitations.

With industrialization the state, like an oversized
individual, increases the number of roles in which it must
function almost to the point of being unable to handle them
all. Some of its conflicting roles include producer and
consumer, tax collector and distributor of benefits, pro-
ducer of money and regulator of its supply, and determiner
and supporter of prices.

While individuals and states take on additional
roles, families, it is said, decrease their number of role
functions. This is due to production being taken from the
home, and to the increased importance of institutions out-

side the home, such as the school and church.

57

Status role specialization of industrial society
may limit the individual in terms of what he does in one
position, but industrialization also frees him by allowing
a wider choice of non-ascribed status positions. Status
mobility can be a source of frustration for one not accus-
tomed to the norms of industrial society. This is especially
true for unskilled workers who fear their status—roles be-
coming extinct, a fear never known before. Mobility implies
and encourages transferability and interchangeability of
status role performers, again not the case in preindustrial
society. Mobility can either be between status positions
or geographical because norms of industrial societies are
largely transferable from one action pattern to another.
Predictability of behavior thus provided allows mobility

and enhances cooperation between and within status roles.

am:

W

Moore, in an article written with Kingsley Davis,
attempts to find a more systematic classification of strat-
ification systems. Classifying whole societies as feudal,
caste, or open class, they feel, is problematical because
it chooses only two criteria and ignores others. The excerpts
below, from ”Principles of Stratification' (13) give an ex-
cellent presentation of a social system of ranking.

If the rights and prerequisites of different
positions in a society must be unequal, then the

58

society must be stratified, because that is pre-
cisely what stratification means. Social inequal-
ity is thus an unconsciously evolved device by which
societies insure that the most important positions
are conscientiously filled by the most qualified
persons. Hence every society, no matter how simple
or complex, must differentiate persons in terms

of both prestige and esteem, and must therefore
possess a certain amount of institutionalized in-
equality. It does not follow that the amount or
type of inequality need be the same in all socie-
ties. . . . Granting the general function that in-
equality subserves, one can specify the two factors
that determine the relative rank of different posi-
tions. In general those positions convey the best
reward, and hence have the highest rank, which a)
have the greatest importance for the society and

b) require the greatest training or talent. The
first factor concerns function and is a matter of
relative significance; the second concerns means
and is a matter of scarcity. (13, 243)

Positions are ranked according to functional importance,
not prestige. Establishing a position's rank by the latter
is circular reasoning. Two independent indicators of a po-
sition's function are

a) the degree to which a position is functionally

unique, there being no other positions that can

perform the same function satisfactorily; b) the

degree to which other positions are dependent on

the one in question. . . . It is safe to assume

that the more important functions receive the first

and clearest structural differentiation. (13, 244)

Problems of social stratification are never solved,

especially the degree of integration of the various systems
of social stratification. This is particularly true in de-
veloping areas where the traditional and industrial systems
of stratification may continue to operate in competition

for a while. Also, very little attention has been given

to the relationship between the rank based on division of

,A

n

/\

/1

59

labor, and those based on political order, kinship systems,
etc. Moore and Davis suggest some general principles of
stratification which they feel
. . . form a necessary preliminary to a considera-
tion of types of stratified systems, because it is
in terms of these principles that the types must
be described. This can be seen by trying to de-
lineate types according to certain modes of vari-
ation. (13, 248)
The most important modes they mention and their polar types
are:
a) degree of specialization: specialized-unspecialized
b) the nature of functional emphasis: familistic-authori—
tarian (theocratic and totalitarian)-capitalistic
c) the magnitude of inviduous differences: equalitarian-
inequalitarian
d) the degree of opportunity: mobile (open)-immobile (closed)
e) the degree of stratum solidarity: class organized-class
unorganized

What state any particular system of stratifi-

cation is in with reference to each of these modes
of variation depends on two things: 1) its state
with reference to other ranges of variation, and
2) conditions outside the system of stratification
which nevertheless influence that system. Among
the latter are the following: a) stage of cul-
tural development, b) situation with respect to
other societies, c) size of the society. (13, 249)

In the early stages of development the rising middle
class challenges the traditional societal ranking system
based on ethnic origin and family lineage. In the "modern"
sector of society in industrializing areas, where industry

is ”intrusive," not "crescive" (growing), class differences

,‘s

6O

tend to be accelerated, for the mass of society is unskilled,
and the managers, technicians, and supervisors probably come
from a different part of the social structure, one which
permitted higher education and training. As industrializa-
tion proceeds class lines blur with their functions increas-
ingly overlapping. As development proceeds splits within
the society do not always follow class lines; they follow
different lines on each issue like "multiform fractures."
The scope of common and differential interests in the het-
erogeneous industrial community is too broad to fit Marx's
social rank, or "class consciousness" scheme. Moore feels
that Marx's division of society into two social classes
defined in terms of the relations of production neglects
certain groups which blur the labor and management distinc-
tion such as independent and tenant farmers, white collar
workers, and professionals. He sees the implications of
division of labor, not only in production and distribution,
but in effect on social stability as well.

Industrialization weakens labor solidarity by chang-
ing specialized demands for particular skills and removing
most workers from direct participation in physical produc-
tion. Division of labor into specialized functions has three
results: a) the changing technological situation demands
new skills (while the demand for certain hard work decreases,
the demand for machine designers and repairmen increases),

b) the proportion of unskilled workers decreases, and c)

U

61

the proportion of semi-skilled, skilled, clerical, technical
and managerial status positions rises. The following illus-
trates the changing pattern of relative distribution of status

roles in a society as it develops:

Skilled
lo 20 30 7
Unskilled (65, 99)

Frequently, in the process of industrialization,
individuals find themselves having to adjust in two social
structures, the new and the old. Preindustrial societies
may rank members, but they do not develop a system of strat-
ification or classes. Any existing mobility in rank repre-
sents a genuine change of status and prevents the rigid strat-
ification associated with emphasis of traditional societies
on sacred not secular.

If an individual does break with the traditional
social structure to enter industry he may gain or lose status
in his own society. The result depends on how committed the
society is to the idea of change, how willing it is to take
the risks involved, and how highly the required skills are
valued. This situation is confusing to the transitional
individual. Ranks in one society cannot be compared to those
in the other since they do not serve the same functions,
require the same skills, or even follow a similar pattern.
Change not only requires that an individual adapt to a new
system of stratification, but to his own place in it and

his relation to the old system as well. To some the old

62

system may look good in retrospect; to others the inequal-
ity of the old may instill a preference for the new. The
newcomer may have difficulty understanding his new status,
for status rank is determined by distinctions within an ad-
ministrative organization combined with unreliable transla-

tion of these in terms of general status in the community.

Eva at n of ors and A o ation of Status Roles

Within a community individuals are ranked according
to a variety of factors. In preindustrial societies rank
is largely ascribed.

Age and sex are universal criteria for role alloca-
tion; "at least some succession of patterns of action by
individuals moving through age categories are universal fea-
tures of human societies." (65, 50)

In industrial society, where rank is achieved, eco-
nomic standing is an important criterion for evaluating in-
dividuals' relative standing. The primary economic source
of power and prestige in industrial society is not income,
but rather ownership of capital goods (including patents,
good will, and professional reputation). Ownership of con-
sumer's goods (income), is an index, not a cause, of social
standing. Expensive clothes, cars, homes, eating habits,
are all symbols meant to convey high rank. Symbols of high
status, however, have been degraded by mass production of
what were expensive, scarce items. But the present fast

changes in form and style of goods still allow differentiation

63

between the classes in that only the rich can always afford
"the latest." Symbols of position which can be ranked by
concensus are "status" symbols. "Situs" symbols have no
readily identifiable "scalar value," i.e., there is no real
concensus about whether Rotary or Lions club badges carry
more prestige.

Individuals may also be judged by their friends and
organizational affiliations. Religion, ethnic group and
race influence a person's social (and economic) standing.
Individuals are often judged on these criteria in the work
situation, as well as in the community, despite the fact
that evaluation there is purported to be strictly rational.
Often organizations themselves can be ranked by prestige
such as religious groups in America. When a country is de-
veloping the prestige of a new occupation or organization
may be determined by the type of people to enter it first;
if disaffected are attracted it will not have very high
status, while the support of influentials gives high ranking.

According to Moore, evaluation of actors and status
roles in society is based mainly on functional utility and
scarcity. Those who perform highly useful tasks, requiring
much training, will be highly valued. While extreme divis-
ion of labor produces many specialists with relatively little
basic ability or training who do not command very high pres- '
tige, true experts thus produced are given due recognition.
The prestige of scientists, engineers, and other highly

skilled and trained people is accentuated by increased

64

authority relative to other functionally important positions.
Since these experts remain technical, in dealing with means
to ends, they cannot achieve the highest ranks in a society,
for those are reserved for positions which integrate soci-
etal goals at economic, religious, and societal levels--such
as priests.

A by-product of specialization is the creation of
very technical occupations. Since these can be understood
by only a few, it is difficult to rank them and the commu-
nity must resort to broader classifications of occupation
or other means of social classification. Even these do not
produce a unitary system of differential valuation, but
rather a vague, plural system of stratification. Social
class, Moore suggests, is becoming more of an analytical
tool for the observer than a meaningful part of social struc-
ture. (48, 250)

In industrial society, where workers are assigned
jobs and evaluated on a supposedly rational basis of achieve-
ment, the labor market provides the mechanism for matching
people and jobs, as well as rewards to motivate people to
enter the jobs. Individuals are hired to fit job specifi-
cations. Moore sees this as the supremacy of the organiza-
tion over the individual;'flt is easier to change the man
than the jOb." If, however, the right person cannot be found
to "fill the slot" the situation can also be remedied by

redefining jobs to match people, changing people (training)

65

to match the job, or increasing financial reward to get qual-
ified people. In industrial society skill, rather than eco-
nomic position, determines a person's entrance into an oc-
cupation. In general, the more scarce the skill required

in a job, the higher the prestige given the job. Economic
standing has no effect on occupational allocation except

as far as money provides training and skills, or family
"pull."

The problem of fitting people to jobs becomes more
difficult as one moves up the occupational hierarchy; job
specifications become more vague, like "creativity" and
"leadership," making selection procedures more difficult.
Moore predicts increased use of mechanical match makers,
such as IBM machines, for men and jobs. Managers, for the
most part, are competitively selected, sometimes by succes-
sive competitions to move up the line, sometimes by selec-
tion Of a new candidate from outside the system. Given
equally good work in an industrial situation, rewards and
rank are usually accorded by seniority; however, personal
”pull" with superiors is not an unknown factor in advance-
ment.

Another factor in role allocation is mobility. A
job offered to two equally qualified candidates will be
given to the one who can afford to move to the job. Four
kinds of mobility reflect allocation of status roles--those

are between: a) ranks or positions, b) segments of the

66

economy or specialized labor market, c) geographical loca-
tions and d) employers. Moore qualifies the idea that mi-
gration is a function of economic opportunity because it
neglects to consider the fact that the economic system and
economic relationships fit into broader institutional pat-
terns. "Economic opportunity," he states, "is meaningless
unless circumstances allow occupational shift and free ac-
cess to the means of economic advance." (4, 86) Moore il-
lustrates this by pointing to the implication of social status
of occupation in the ante-bellum south. Despite the fact
that in both South and North jobs were plentiful and wages
about the same, unskilled white workers went North to avoid
the stigma of doing the same work slaves did.

Slavery, ownership of others' labor, of all kinds
of ownership, has had the greatest significance for strat-
ification because of its inherently unequal relationship.
Slaves were relegated to this position because they were
regarded as so intrinsically inferior, socially and physic-
ally, that they could not be human. Evaluation of the slave
was based on religion (they were heathens), race, and lack
of ability-(training was largely denied). Negroes and Whites
had a ”caste law” type relationship with unequal division
of privileges, duties, obligations and opportunities; there
was no chance of traversing boundaries. Individual quali-
ties, as in the Indian caste system, were irrelevant.

With rank comes a pattern of deference. This sys-

tem of ranking, different from rank based on authority, stems

67

from division of labor within production flow. The defer-
ence pattern within a factory is the ranking of workers ac-
cording to skill. Workers in lower positions defer to those
above them in a pattern of differential service relations.
This asymmetrical service relationship is clearly not one

of authority. The example Moore gives is that of a skilled
operator accepting the services of a sweeper without return-
ing a service, but also without authority, for both are under
the authority of the unit foreman. ”It is possible to value
and differentially reward types of performance on a func-
tional basis without setting up an authority system. In-
deed, this distinction lies at the heart of line and staff
problems." (55, 33) To some degree deference in authority
ranking conflicts with deference based on skill. Moore feels
that combining the two into a single hierarchical structure

would not avoid the problem.

W

W

So generally useful is power that like income
it may be termed a'universal means.‘ Power and
wealth may, in fact be converted into one another,
so that there is an understandable tendency for the
two to act together. . . . In all social situations,
other persons are potential means to any given per-
son's ends. That is, if he can exert control over
the actions of others, he can use their talents or
labor for his own purposes. The exercise of power
[is] authority if its/legitimacy is socially recog-
nized. o o o (14, 262)

Authority means the hierarchical system of flow,
the content of which is information. (55, 36)

68

Sometimes power is viewed as an end, but, according to Moore,
this is usually a "misinterpretation of the symbolic means-
end relationship." (14, 262)

As with most of the preceding elements discussed,
authority and power are presented in two contexts, the in-
dustrial and preindustrial. In the former, power is usually
oriented toward maintaining the status quo, is ascribed
rather than achieved, and is linked to and supported by the
supernatural. The industrial West, with its diversity of
power types and bureaucratic type of power structure, pre-
sents a different picture; it is on this that Moore concen-
trates. Power can be looked at from the point of view of
the worker's relations with the power structure, management,
ownership, and government control.

Many of the laborers in new factories of industrial-
izing nations are there as a result of a special kind of
power, direct or indirect coercion. Direct coercion takes
the form of requiring labor on public works with little or
no pay, the alternative being long term indenture. Indirect
coercion, taxes payable only in cash, forces natives to the
factories to earn this payment. It takes more than author-
ity to establish gag_pg£pg§g§§g a new production system;
coercion does not call forth commitment.

There are several factors in industrial patterns
of authority that make adjustment difficult for newly re-

cruited workers. It is difficult for them to make the change

69

from the general and personal authority system of preindus-
trial society to the specific impersonal one in industrial
society. In the latter administrative authority is based
not on tradition, but on the functional requirements of pro-
duction: a) the need to coordinate, communicate and direct,
and b) the need for such authority imposed by the state.

A reason cited in the Mexican study for not seeking employ-
ment in factories was opposition to the authority of bosses
inherent in the factory organization. Although there are
problems of adjustment to a new system and labor commitment
reportedly was more easily achieved in Japan by maintaining
the status quo ante in regard to authority, Moore takes is-
sue with the idea of maintaining the traditional status sys-
tem in all developing cultures. The dehumanizing aspect of
the authority structure reported in the new system is not
necessarily absent in the old. Moreover, the old authority
structure is often in conflict with the organization and
requirements of the new. In some preindustrial situations
there is less of a barrier to commitment and resistance to
power figures because the population has been "broken in"
by "politics of development"--some kind of external rule.
This step socialized the adults a little to the new way of
life. Since the process of transition is a matter of emo-
tional involvement transitional authority structures are
frequently embued with charismatic authority. "Routiniza-

tion of charisma" is common, but may be a slow and uneven

process.

70

With the advance of industrialization labor develops
a self identity, and begins to work for common goals, at
first through craft groups, then unions. "One of the most
immediate goals of . . . unions is the changing of the bal-
ance of power in industrial organization." (14, 262) The
interaction of this more cohesive labor force with manage-
ment has led gradually to a redefinition of the scope and
character of management. The Marxian dichotomy of labor
vs. management might have fit the pattern of early industrial-
ization. In the more mature industry, however, the line
between the two groups blurs (discussed also under'gggk).
Through collective bargaining and development of parallel
management and union bureaucracies industrial disputes re-
define the power relation and question the prerogatives of
management. ”The 'inner dynamics' of the present state of
industrial relations in the advanced economies appears more
nearly a sort of 'syndicalization by accident' than a devel-
oping class struggle between capitalists and proletarians."
(31, 542)

The meeting of corporation and union bureaucracies
having the same rank and file membership still entails con-
flict of loyalties and leads to issues of balance of power.
The fissionable character of industry in time of conflict
points out a more pervasive problem, that of fulfilling in-
dividual and group aspirations or losing their active sup-
port. The relationship between management and unions, gen-

erally classified in typological terms such as cooperation-

71

conflict, often centers around the difficulties in insuring
actions and norms of a factory system. Problems in the re-
lationship are a consequence of potential discrepancy between
the authority's ideological and functional roles, increments
to the authority system from ill trained uncommitted labor
force, and the relation of ideology to the labor force.

These are interacting elements and if one changes others
will.

Different types of authority exist. The type of
authority in a factory is largely directional in nature with
its normative sanction based on function. The man at the
top of a bureaucracy, Moore comments, is often like a mon-
arch, developing an ideology to justify his position and
making some element of his authority independent of the func-
tional role. This keeps his accountability at a minimum.

The relation of the authority figure to organization prop-
erty increases the difference between the function and nor-
mative sanction of authority. If the individual in author-
ity controls property his sanctioned authority extends be-
yond that of organization tasks, even if stockholders and
unions impinge somewhat on his authority and power.

The single boss, however, is practically nonexistent
in contemporary Western society because of separation of
ownership and management and the increasing size of economic,
political, and other organizations. The power structure
of bureaucracies follows a pyramidal character. 'The number

of echelons in the pyramid depends somewhat on the size of

72

the organization and width at the base, but not exclusively
so. A highly diversified company, because more coordination
is required, will have a steeper power structure with more
levels than an organization of the same size producing all
the same thing. Authority may be delegated (line organiza-
tion), or it may be divided according to spheres of compe-
tence (staff organization); most bureaucracies combine the
two principles. Power, in bureaucratic organization, is
in the position, not the person. Moore describes in detail
the nature of bureaucratic organizations, corporate owner-
ship, and management, but he still feels there is not enough
understanding of the nature of this kind of organization.
He asks:

What is the significance of pyramidal, bureaucratic

structure in organizations, that unlike industrial

management, makes executives at least nominally

accountable to rank and file, and what special

problems does this pose in getting policies accepted

down the line? (17, 655)
Inherent organizational problems, such as the relationship
between kind and amount of authority (as line v. staff) or
tension between lay administrator and subordinate expert,
threaten cleavages in management.

In modern corporations three different situations
must be distinguished in regard to actual control over pol-
icies and activities: a) complete ownership, b) financial
control and c) managerial control. All three of these con-

cepts are confusing to traditional ideas. In industrial

society ownership is thought of as "principle of unlimited

/‘\

73

rights" in which all or most of the significant rights of
some locus of value are controlled by a single social unit;
thus, a city or a corporation with unitary control over some
locus of value, may be treated as an individual. The dis-
persion of capital ownership allows concentration of capital
control and the possibility of controlling huge economic
interests with only a small per cent of outstanding stock
by pyramiding through holding companies.

In its separation from ownership in contemporary
industry, management is relatively autonomous. This does
not mean complete freedom, however, for it is subject to
vetoes and potential restraint from stockholders, customers,
employers, government, and decisions must be guided by fac-
tors such as wage legislation or special insurance requiree
ments. With all the groups just mentioned able to restrain
management, it faces a "moral crisis" consisting in part
of a dilemma about who it represents. It seems that, in
terms of actual accountability, managers represent themselves.

Industrial management in this situation is increas-
ingly professionalized; it has become a career in which
attachment to the organization is ensured with a well defined
series of steps to the top and elaborate definition of rights
and duties of each office to prevent internal competition.
Probably the best example of professionalization and regu-
larized advancement through clear-cut ranks is seen in gov-

ernment bureaucracy. Political leaders, like their industrial

74

counterparts, are subject to controls. The three major fac-
tors Moore sees controlling political power are: a) the
small number of actual holders of political office compared
to the total population, b) rules designed to limit leader's
activity to that in the interest of the group, and c) the
fact that authority is in the office, not the person who

can be removed.

The state is the ultimate power structure. Its power
is based on the necessity of intervention in the public in-
terest in the highly interdependent economic system of in-
dustry, distribution, and consumer. States often base their
claim to legitimacy of power on continuity with the past
over a long time. Even revolutionary governments attempt
to tie themselves with some element of tradition or past.

The state's institutional controls are basically
the same as those in any economic system,governing, division
of labor, disposition of property rights, methods of distri-
bution. Social controls of industry are an elaboration of
institutional conditions on economic activity; they limit
and define economic activity, determine the ends of society
to be served and the values with which they must be consist-
ent. Controls on the economy, such as protection of economic
opportunity for investors and consumers, and employment stand-
ards, uphold values such as efficiency, competition, equity
and health.

Without totalitarian control it seems unlikely to

75

Moore that economic transformation is possible in underde-
veloped nations. Some degree of government intervention,
representing the opinions of the population is necessary,
even in developed countries. The alternative to a controlled
economy, as Moore sees it, is chaos, "a battle of giants

for economic and political supremacy, the victory going to
the group with the support of the greatest number and diver-
sity of interest groups." (7, 41) The integration of the
economic order by a centralized government needn't mean so-
cialism, but may have as its purpose and result a wider ex-
tension of opportunity for competitive activity. Those who
want more freedom in economic opportunity and security will
probably be the strongest support for a planned economy in

a democratic political order.

D ' M in nd ' 'at’ c

The size and shape of the corporation's pyramid of
power is determined to a large extent by the decision mak-
ing power of administrators. When an organization is very
centralized the pyramid will be tall and narrow, whereas
decentralized decision making policy flattens the pyramid.
An illustration of the former is the formal structure of
the Communist Party in America, typical of groups in con-
flict with established institutions. In such groups, which
need tight discipline and restricted decision making, the
decisions and policies of the higher units are binding.

Decision making in groups like the Communist Party differs

76

from that in a democratic society in that numerical propor-
tionality is not considered, power carries more weight in
decisions, and a minority can't question the majority decis-
ion. In many Western industrial corporations, on the other
hand, decision making is carried out on all levels of author-
ity, leaving only major policy decisions and questions of
overall coordination for the president or top manager. If
the bottom man, the worker, does not agree with the admin-
istrative decisions, he at least has access to institution-
alized channels of complaint, the grievance committee or the
union.

Collective bargaining is an important type of decis-
ion making in the industrial system; it reflects prior de-
cisions on the part of both parties. Unions, based on the
assumption of internal disagreement, arrive at agreement
through democratic process. Since union representatives
are responsible to those below them, and may be resting on
a weak compromise decision within their own ranks, their
position for collective bargaining is often not as strong
as management's. But management, although it assumes inter-
nal unity, is really not a solid unit; the devisive influ-
ences of competition for scarce resources of the enterprise,
rank friction, line-staff tension, and changes necessary
for the survival of the organization, affect the ability
to make decisions. As a delegate with responsibility to

those above him, the management representative can present

77

a stable argument stemming from a single authority figure.

In some respects, however, the union position in collective
bargaining is more stable, for their external orientation

is almost solely toward management. Management's external
relations, in contrast, are multi-directional; thus, in deal-
ing with unions, management decision making ability is lim-
ited by attempts to balance many different external interests.

While management strives to decentralize collective
bargaining to avoid the effective collective power of unions,
the union wants to centralize in an attempt to reach firm
wide bargains. Where the process of collective bargaining
is highly formalized and hindered by rules and precedents
agreements may be reached outside the structure. Means of
doing this range from blackmail at the expense of the union
member to effective coalition at the expense of the consumer.
All industrial systems, including totalitarian, provide al-
ternative ways of pressure and protest; some are direct vs.
employer, and some are indirect, such as influencing the
legislature.

Americans, who seem to be raised with a distrust of
politics and politicians, want a decentralized power struc-
ture despite the resulting maze of administrative agencies.
Americans also stress the importance of a free (not uncon-
trolled) economy. Centralized political power in contempor-
ary Western society is practical only if the central agency
is responsible for general policy decisions, and the rest

of the structure is decentralized with functional authority.

78

Developing nations, on the other hand, need greater
centralization of power in a planned economy. This kind
of political order increases the area over which resources
can be coordinated and products distributed. Even though
these political and economic systems are centralized, it
is necessary that they be representative and impartial in
making decisions. Centralized bureaucracy, necessary to
planned economy, needn't always suffer from inefficiency
which is merely the lack of coordination. One of the cru-
cial issues when a government bureaucracy is in charge of
economic planning is the extent to which the officials feel
responsibility to the populace. Hitler, for instance, like
other dictators, was only responsible to a small group.

It is important, but difficult, to work for an end agreed
upon in the society; while a general end such as security

or development may be agreed upon, uniformity of judgment
does not follow on the question of the internal distribution
of rights and duties..

In industrial society decision making should be ra-
tional (as was discussed in the section on,g9£g§). Ration-
ality in corporate behavior is not the same as individually
rational behavior. Often the former--working for posterity
of an organization--contradicts rational behavior at the
other level--individual desire to work for oneself. Indi-
viduals in their corporation positions, however, are expected

to act according to logic and available information, not

79

self interest. In some instances alternatives to rational
conduct, such as decisions based on precedent, are called
for; this is quite different from a non-rational decision
like attributing certain events to the stars. Differential
use of rational procedures and differential control of know-
ledge are important elements in maintaining social power.
Knowledge based on an instrumental view of the world enables
better manipulation of environment and society. The power
of the decision maker in a rationally oriented society rests
on the legal contractual power in the society.

When there is conflict in industry between the of-
ficial hierarchy of authority and the deference system of
authority workers tend to look to leaders in the deference
system and to unions for decisions and initiation of action.
The ultimate decisions over the factory, however, are made
by the official power figures. This group's decisions not
only govern the worker in the factory, but often in the com-
munity as well. This is particularly true in towns where
the majority of the population is related to the factory
in some way. In such situations the power balance in the
community may go either to the factory or to the workers.
Over the years industries in such positions have turned in-
creasing attention and effort of management to the community.

Thus far decision making and power have been dis-
cussed at the level of the state and industrial organization.

On a smaller scale, but also important to the individuals

80

involved, is the power structure of the family. Timing and
availability of information are as important to decision

making in this locus as in the larger organization. In fam-
ily decision making the power of the father or mother varies

with ethnic group, status and society.

nin
0: ;s :1 ~m21 a d Ae-_i a .1 of ; ,t_o is a P o

Sanctions may be penalties for not conforming, or
they may be rewards to induce desired behavior. Moore deals
primarily with the latter, discussing ways of inducing tra—
ditional peoples to enter industrial production systems.

All societies have some kind of inducement rewards
distributed according to positions; this differential dis-
tribution of rewards is the base of social stratification.
It is not necessary for a society to reward positions in
proportion to their functional importance; the reward need
be only high enough to keep the position filled with quali-
fied personnel. There are three main kinds of rewards a
society may offer, things contributing to sustenance and
comfort (including money), things that contribute to humor
and diversion, and things contributing to self respect and
ego expansion. Rights associated with a position may also
be considered a kind of "built-in" sanction.

Rewards tend to be high for positions requiring long
expensive training and great technical skill. This assures

talent and motivates training for these jobs. Relative

81

scarcity of trained people for positions in a pure labor
market causes financial reward to be distributed according
to merit. Rewards seek their own level, for if they are

too high and draw more recruits than needed, the over supply
debases the rewards.

"Every position that secures for its incumbent a
livelihood is, by definition, economically rewarded." (13,
246) Unequal allocation of economic returns controls en-
trance into positions whose main function is not economic.
Economic reward tends to be an important index of social
status; however, it is not the size of the income that gives
a position prestige, but rather the prestige of the position
causes it to command a high income.

The most common reward in industrial society is eco-
nomic. The belief in the efficacy of wage differentials for
motivation is based on assumptions of flexible competitive
system with financially acquisitive, mobile labor, a valid
assumption in an industrial economic system. Unfortunately,
these assumptions are not universally applicable; high wages
are often insufficient to recruit people from essentially
non-market societies for the industrial labor force. Wage,
even in industrial society, is only one of many motives;
in the early stages of economic development they are a rather
small part of total motivation because there is little use
for money. In countries where taxes are levied wage may

be a temporary incentive, but while it may induce entrance

82

into industry, it will not induce commitment. Wage is not
a very powerful incentive in a society where status is as-
cribed, unless it can be used to uphold the traditional way
of life, i.e., in payment of bride price. The effect of
wage as an incentive depends on the alternatives available.
Actually, Moore feels, the whole "question of 'economic' vs.
'non—economic' motives is a sham battle in social science
leading to total confusion of issues." (60, 78) There is
no such thing as a pure economic motive; but rather the at-
traction of financial and non-financial incentives which
depend on the utility of money in the society.

The notion of "profit motive" (competition for mone-
tary rewards) doesn't really apply in preindustrial society;
even in industrial society it is a misnomer, for the major—
ity of individuals, such as managers, clerical workers and
laborers, work for wages, not profit. Another limitation
to the profit motive theory is the fact that men are crea-
tures of unlimited wants not all of which are served by
monetary rewards. It appears that industrial society may
have pushed material production and rewards to the point
of endangering the system's stability. Rewarding several
motives provides a more certain base for cooperation than
a single incentive. Often the non-monetary sanctions oper-
ating in labor recruitment are more important than monetary
factors in labor commitment. Non-monetary attractions in-
clude new opportunities, free choice of associates, oppor-

tunity to develop new skills, chance to escape oppressive

83

tradition, national identity, and prestige.

Crumbling of the traditional security system, agri-
cultural underemployment, decrease of handicraft production,
may push a man into the factory. This entrance to the fac-
tory, however, will only be successful to the extent the
social structure is or becomes compatible with the incentives
offered by the new system. If the old security pattern crum-
bles and is not replaced, the dissatisfied individual may
turn to opium, etc., or return to the village. A sense of
social participation is important in developing a positive
labor attitude toward industry; this is frequently still
missing in industrial societies. Security is a kind of re-
ward found in participation and feeling of belonging.

In the modern organization rewards for work are ra-
tionally allocated and optimally utilized because they are
tied to types of activities and awarded on basis of compe-
tence. However, once an individual is fully committed, the
nature and amount of reward is not the most important fac-
tor in keeping him in the system. Thus, rewards need not
be raised above the point at which "whatever rewards the
individual desires from his performance remains adequate

to assure that performance." (43, 125)

W

1 a; 7*u-1 and U m _za Lo of Fac Vm_i-s as a

Moore distinguishes between non-material culture

84

(knowledge, ideas, etc.) and material (tools and other fa-
cilities). The latter part of culture is most subject to
change, therefore possibly is of a causal, or somewhat in-
strumental importance in change. A change in technology
can lead to a change in a way of life, i.e., the automobile
and courtship, or the automatic dish washer and laundry and
family. Technology must be used to further constant goals.
When goals are changed (as from war to peace) much of tech-
nical progress is invalidated.

In dealing with the relationship of technology and
change Moore seems to agree with Sorokin that what are here
called facilities are not prime movers. He does not support
Ogburn's theory of "cultural lag," nor does he accept many
Marxian hypotheses regarding the role of technology in de-
velopment. The Marxian theory that social change is based
on factors of production, he feels, neglects important ele-
ments in development such as constancy of ends; for tech-
nical change to be primary the end of technical "progress"
must be assumed and constant. The Marxian emphasis on tech-
nology and "relations of production” providing the dynamic
factor in technical change neglects consideration of the
large number of possibly independent variables subsumed under
the concept of "economic factor" without clear dynamic ref-
‘erents. This theory doesn't distinguish between the simply
:relevant factors and those which are determined by other
elements. Moore indicates that the role of technology in

“the theory of change would be more plausible if it were

85

regarded as a segment of culture more susceptible to change
than others, thus perhaps of some causal significance.

The instrumental nature of technology, in some con-
ditions, requires modification of some practices and values
in working for the achievement of others. The influence
of the automobile on recreation patterns exemplifies this.
But technology can only expand to the point that its conse-
quences for other values are still acceptable to society.
It is because society agrees to some value changes related
to technological development that technology looks like a
causal factor.

The most obvious effect of technological change is
diversification of products. Of more interest to a sociol-
ogist are the implications of change in technology for the
individual worker. These include a changed relation to ma-
chines, increasing specialization and diversification of
occupation, and changing demand for skills.

Workers are closely related to tools of production.
Moore's definition of a work team's function is the effici-
ent utilization of both men and machines. Men and their
ideas, in this view, are also tools or facilities. Since
both kinds of facilities in a factory, machines and men,
are highly specialized special knowledge and skills are re-
quired for their interaction. Interaction is the proper
term, for the belief that machines determine men's behavior
:in.the factory is a misrepresentation, in Moore's opinion.

Diachines may pace the rate of production, but they also free

86

the worker for other things. Men design their machines to
serve their needs and abilities, the machines don't design
their operators.

The amount of contact a worker has with the machine
depends on his level of skill. A very low skilled worker
will have very little contact, remaining at the level of
non-machine oriented tasks such as sweeping. With an in-
crease in skill, to a certain point, there is an increase
in proximity to the machine. By the time the managerial
level of skill is attained there is again considerable dis-
tance between the worker (manager) and the machine.

The use and ownership of tools is much less compli-
cated in preindustrial than industrial society; each person
usually makes and owns the tools he uses for all the steps
in production. Workers just entering the industrial system
have to make major adjustments in their concepts of property.
They must overcome or learn to adjust to the feeling of be—
ing subordinate to the machine. Moore feels this could be
alleviated by giving workers more actual control over the
machines or redistributing property rights in machines giv-
ing workers a greater sense of social mastery. Even older
workers who may identify with their machines to the point
of considering them property realize that they do not own
these tools. Moore is particularly interested in the ques-
tion of how property rights over machines can be shared by

workers and "others." By "others" he means publicly or

87

privately appointed managers, government officials, entre-
preneurs, and inventors. It is hard for newcomers to accept
the fact that "workers have property rights in jobs and man-
agers have proprietary powers usually accorded only to own-
ers under older notions of private property." (63, 6) The
fact that different people can have different rights in the
same aggregate of assets is particularly foreign to tradi-
tionally oriented workers, for, as Moore points out, corpor-
ate ownership is as much a violation to the concept of pri-
vate property (individual owner having individual control
over production) as government intervention.

Shortage of facilities such as capital, money, land,
and other resources, is one of the main barriers to economic
progress. Underemployment in poor countries reflects this,
while unemployment in advanced nations reflects lack of ad-
justment to rapid change. Limited capital means that prod-
uct diversification would be at the expense of the little
marketable surplus there is. Capital destruction in war
is harmful, decreases the ratio of productive capacity to
population.

Land, one of the most important resources in under-
developed nations, is a facility. Moore discusses the prob-
lem of land-man ratio in some detail, particularly in his
demographic writings. The problems are primarily too many

people for the land and traditional subdivision of the land

into tiny, inefficient plots. Land is not only an agricultural

88

problem, for cities fast outgrow their supply of available
land, but these problems will be handled in the section on
territoriality.

The most important facility, but one often overlooked
in talking of facilities, is the human population. The na-
ture of the population pyramid has many implications for
a nation's ability to advance economically. The well known
lag of birth rate decline behind declining death rate pro-
duces a population with a high proportion of dependents in
the non-working ages. This is particularly problematical
in deve10ping areas, for this situation usually accompanies
the initial push for development, and seriously limits the
ability to devote resources to capital for improvement.

In a developing nation the position of the aged (dis-
cussed in the section on.g2gm§) becomes quite serious, for
mobility of laborers makes care for them difficult. Their
numbers swell at the same time industrialization is empha-
sizing youth in the development of new skills. This makes
self sufficiency even more difficult for the aged. They
have a "trained incapacity" for taking new jobs. This prob—
lem, Moore feels, will not disappear soon through demographic
changes. The ratio of urban to rural population also has
importance for the ease of economic development. The dis-
persed agrarian population of preindustrial societies initi-
ally hinders industrialization, but this potential labor
force is attracted in large numbers to population centers

when industries are established.

CHAPTER III

COMPREHENSIVE OR MASTER PROCESSES

ggmmunigation

"The essence of social interaction, and a primary
condition for the existence of any social group, is to be
found in communication." (14, 93) Even in a large organi-
zation "the worker should be able to recognize the appropri-
ate sources of messages (orders), to understand their nature,
and to provide the appropriate response.” (55, 36) But,
given an indirect communication system, such as writing,
the individuals initiating action may exist for the receiver
as only a name and position. Indirect lines of communica-
tion in an administrative bureaucracy tend to impersonalize
relationships, and, by bottlenecks in communication flow
at intermediate levels, may threaten the efficiency of op-
eration they are designed to enhance.

Communication channels tend to be vertical, the
length of the lines determined by decentralization; the
more decentralized the system, the shorter the line to the
locus of problem solving. Communications networks in admin-
istration are particularly dependent on fulfilling expecta-
tions of others in terms of sequence and speed of messages,

i.e., bypassing regular channels makes a message seem to

89

9O

lack authenticity; messages arriving too early or too late
may mean disaster.

Communication is important in establishing and bind-
ing relationships across large geographical areas. Mass
media is instrumental in creating cultural and lingual homo-
geneity, even extending "mass culture" across national bor-
ders. The development of communication and transportation
was crucial to the maintenance of a colonial empire, and
undoubtedly affected intensity and effectiveness of internal
political control. Within a country, as well, governmental
control of communication is very important to the maintenance
of power.

Although Moore doesn't deal with communication at
length, he does mention it in several contexts. Non-verbal
communication, such as gestures, facial expressions, or the
possession of goods which act as status symbols, are impor-
tant communicators. Among the problems of an investigator
studying industrialization in another culture he mentions
language barrier. Lingual problems are also likely to face
members of an industrial or economic development team in
another culture. These communication problems are further

confounded by high illiteracy rates.
B n Ma n

Boundary maintenance is reflected in the descriptions

of preindustrial social mores such as strong kinship ties,

91

and commitment to values of work, religion, etc., which pre-
vent the adoption of new ways.
Any society has some degree of resistance to change,
whether the source of the change be internal or
external. That resistance arises from the nature
of society itself. . . . It follows that an inno-
vation in the organization of production and the
means of gaining a livelihood will initially en-
counter resistance approximately proportional to
the integration of the established pattern. (28,
302)
Technological, economic, and educational underdevelopment
are perpetuated by,and in turn limit,contacts with other
cultures.

Moore mentions various means of maintaining boundar-
ies including territorial isolation, external enemies, or
highly ritualized means (as in churches and radical polit—
ical parties). Membership criteria such as conversion of
some kind, continual reference to founders and basic doc-
trines, terms of togetherness such as "brother,” "Citoyen,"
or use of first names also enhance group solidarity.

The above examples of boundary maintenance are ways
a group distinguishes itself from the larger society. Boun-
dary maintenance action may also stem from attempts of the
majority to protect itself from the intrusion of a smaller
group. Such a situation is evidenced in the South where
Whites have used law and myth to keep the Negroes out. Moore
discusses some of the problems that arise when there is de-

sire to maintain a boundary, but the method is difficult

to uphold; Southerners, for instance, held that slaves, since

92

they weren't Christian, could not be considered persons.
Their conversions, then, created great dissonance and called
for further rationalization, such as physical inferiority

of Negroes, to keep the boundary strong.

Boundary maintenance is frequently inferred in state-
ments such as the following: "The conditions in preindus-
trial social systems that may aid the development of a labor
market include rational work organizations, and especially
the existence of specifically bartered services." (55, 53)
One might assume that lack of these characteristics prevents
easy socialization to new ways. The emphasis on mobility
seems to be another back door to the concept of boundary
maintenance, for mobility within a social structure or mo-
bility between social systems would seem to indicate a break-
down of at least some of the physical, psychological, or
cultural factors of boundary maintenance.

Moore's "barriers to change," or to commitment, can
be considered a kind of boundary maintenance, as they pre-
vent individuals from moving into other groups. These usu-
ally are not consciously established techniques to maintain
group solidarity, but rather are an inadequacy of means for
contact such as ignorance of alternatives, lack of qualifi-
cations, lack of financial ability. Since Moore presents
these as barriers to change, they are better considered in

the chapter on sgcial ghangg.

Since many of the books under review deal with change

93

the discussion of boundary maintenance centers on boundaries
between two or more social systems, as described above.
Moore refers also to types of boundary maintenance within
industrial society, such as affective neutrality and high
mobility. Labor specialization serves as a boundary by re-

ducing contact and conflicts between workers.

Systemic Linkage

Moore's approach to the study of social change re-
flects the importance of systemic linkage. He does not find
the model of an integrated social system useful, for while
it accounts for the relationship of parts, it does not ac-
count for change. He writes of linkage at different levels;
he discusses the increasingly close ties between remote areas
of the world which sweep away differences of attitude and
belief, as well as the links between an industrial plant's
subsystems.

Systemic linkage is inherent in the very process
of transition from preindustrial to industrial social sys-
tem. The crucial point in the possible extension of an in-
dustrial pattern to new areas and cultures involves the whole
question of acculturation, understood in the most general
sense as cultural change under impact of an external cultural
system. One of the few unconditional statements that can
be made about this kind of cultural interaction is that the

influence of the foreign culture depends on the nature of

94

the indigenous. (20, 295) The more tightly integrated the
host culture, the less susceptible it is to the outside cul-
ture. If functions of the society fundamental to survival
are endangered, the resulting state of flux makes entrance
easy for a new culture. Degree of functional similarity
between new and old is another important variable contrib-
uting to the ease with which the two integrate. It is eas—
ier, for instance, to influence a traditional society to
reduce mortality which fits the value pattern well, than
to reduce fertility which is highly valued in primitive so-
ciety. The less comparable the goals of the two cultures
are, the longer the time required to make a change.
Acculturation includes changes in belief systems,
norms, products of human activity, social organization, at-
titudes and values. Moore's study of acculturation deals
primarily with the impact of industry on a traditional so-
cial structure, with the attendant processes of urbanization,
and destruction of extended kinship systems and traditional
modes of social stratification. More specifically, Moore
describes industrialization in terms of various loci of com-
mitment. Commitment to place of initial exposure to the
new system is usually generalized to other loci. These loci
.include place of work, market system, and social structure.
CEhe latter includes kinship, stratification, political sys-
‘tem, and common orientations (norms, cognitive concensus,

values) .

The problem of integration is one of systemic linkage.

95

In industrial society, Moore says, this can be approached

in two ways: a) the relations between systems of social
action (organizations), and b) the relations between ele-
ments of the normative system (institutions). Industrial
societies are such fragile systems that damage to coordinat-
ing parts of the system (transportation or communication)
might destroy its operation as a whole.

Within industrial society the factory itself is a
focus of systemic linkage in two respects; as a total sys-
tem it is linked to other social systems, and as a system
it is made up of many interdependent subsystems. Too often
social scientists refer to the factory as self contained,

a complete social system in itself. Believing that all so-
cial relations are functionally interdependent, they study
the work place as the primary focus of commitment. Moore
does not consider this a true picture, for he sees the fac-
tory as a structure whose boundaries are never coterminous
with any single analytical system. Aspects of many differ-
ent overlapping systems-~place of work, labor market, unions,
community--are manifest in the factory. Integration of these
systems means that a change in the productive system, such
as involvement in work and market economy, leads to changes
in other traditional institutions.

The implications of technical change in industry
can be found throughout a society. Dealing with this topic

is problematical in that analysis must be made in terms of

96

abstractions such as economy, demography, ideology which
obscure the functional and temporal interplay of social sys-
tems. Tracing organizational or institutional implications
of technological changes requires consideration of at least
two ranges of variation, directness or indirectness of links,
and type of social unit to which the effect or implication
is attributed.

Moore points out that change can be studied advan-
tageously in terms of three interrelated institutional com-
plexes found in all societies--property, labor, and exchange.
The importance of these institutional conditions is evident
for

. . . they function to integrate the isolated eco-
nomic act or the particular economic organization
into the fabric of the normative order of society;
that is, the institutions so 'define the situation'
that self-interested action also fulfills the ex-
pectations of society. (10, 450)

Moore states that one cannot overlook the relation
of industry to society and proceeds to list several types
of relations: a) the social life of industrial personnel
as it affects industrial organization, efficiency, morale,
b) the reciprocal effect of industry and culture, c) polit-
ical and legal controls of industrial activity, d) industry
and community. There is, he points out, a great span of
interrelation between industry and society extending from
the upper limit to the lower limit of market operation. At

one end of the continuum is the company town where scrip

is not even used for purchases, but all transactions are a

97

matter of bookkeeping; the upper limit is the city where

the relationship between industry and community is charac-
terized by particularistic affectivity. In some situations
town and factory (or union) organizations may serve the same
functions. Unions, for instance, may also serve as employ-
ment agencies, insurance companies, credit unions, and com-
munity centers.

Just as the industrial system is linked to other
systems in the society, there are links between the subsys-
tems within industry. Within a factory the three basic fac-
tors of production, technology, workers, and management are
interrelated. These are so closely linked that they change
simultaneously, becoming more closely related with develop-
ment. This high degree of interdependence means that the
work of one group depends on that of another, not that the
groups overlap in task. Although these groups do not nec-
essarily have overlapping functions, they do have overlap-
ping membership. The worker can identify with any (or sev-
eral) of the following groups in the factory: the produc-
tive organization (as a loyal employee), occupation (as a
craft unionist), or the general system (as a member of a
professional body). That these are not mutually exclusive
groups (as was discussed under sentiment) is a source of
tension and structural change.

There are many problems involved in organization
of people involved in maintaining production flow in an in-

dustrial system. Problems arise with reference to questions

98

of position and activity in particular, i.e., the question
of authority and responsibility. Every plant has a social
structure, a network of reciprocal rights and obligations
supported by sentiment and formal rule, to provide order
and stability in operation. It is important to know both
the formal and informal linkage patterns.

The most important patterns of relations within a
factory are those linking laborers and managers. These can
be seen clearly in the develOpment of collective bargaining,
industrial jurisprudence, common law growing out of collec-
tive bargaining, and contract. Moore questions the ability
of labor and management to remain structurally flexible enough
to maintain independent identity in view of the existence
and modification of the other. Conflict continues to exist
between line and staff. One interpretation of this conflict
is that it is a natural consequence of interaction between
two distinct and sometimes opposite, but simultaneously ex-
isting, groups in the same concrete organization. With the
development of industry unions broaden their base of affil-
iation and services, thus their relations with other groups.
This way "competing jurisdiction" develops not only with
other similar groups but with other forms of social affil-
iation supposedly functionally distinct. Moore would like
to see increased study regarding the interaction of union
and management, two groups with a common rank and file mem-
bership.

The interdependence of institutions may be seen in

99

the assumed correspondence of rational or realistic polit-
ical affiliation to economic interest. This relationship
depends on the unresolved normative issues of economic pol-
icy and equity of differentials in income and power, issues
particularly salient in periods of transition. Politics
and the state figure more strongly in economic activity pres-
ently in developing countries than in our own laissez-faire
economy. In the transition process the polity is the instru-
ment of change and/or the recipient of the tensions and prob-
lems of change. It is the interdependence of industry, dis-
tribution, and consumer in contemporary society which makes
public intervention necessary. Political socialists are
particularly adept at capitalizing on this interaction by
using one part of the institutional structure (democratic
franchise) to change another (control of economic production).
In totalitarian countries the state even invades the family
and associational affairs. 1

Individuals may link opposing groups; an extreme
example of this is native labor migration in South Africa
which bridges otherwise incompatible groups and rigid types
of social restraint. The study of the human links between
social systems raises an important question: What is in-
volved in a worker's decision to leave traditional ways for
modern economic activities and become a liaison between two
ways of life? The decision is primarily one of commitment

to a market system rather than a preindustrial non-market

100

system. Competition between the two can be seen at any stage
in development. This competition between new and old affects
the individual's primary group relations, for it leads to
conflict in the family. Transition from old to new does not
necessarily deprive the family of functions, rather the func-
tions change, accounting in part for the instability of the
industrial family. The individual's decision rests in part
on what kind of a family he wants, what kind of market, and
what relationship between the two are desirable, for as with
all the loci, change in one has many implications for the
entire life pattern. For successful development both at a
national and individual level, these two institutions should
be mutually reinforcing. In changing to the industrial sys-
tem the individual must learn the new appropriate actions

and norms for family, market, and for the relation between
the two. Since one function of any institution is relational,
commitment to that one includes commitment to its relations
with other institutions.

The culmination of the transitional phase comes with
the individual's involvement in all loci of commitment which
requires rejection of the most basic values of preindustrial
society, and to a greater extent the substitution of new
values. For this reason the greatest problems of transition
are often faced in the culminating phase. The early pres-
ence of conflict and problems may result in a more complete

eventual commitment than when transition appears initially

101

easy. For instance, it might hinder industrial development
if decentralized industry fit the previous social structure
so completely that a small increase in production had no
further implication for capital accumulation or attitude
change to give a continual transformation. The reaction of
workers to a new situation, on the other hand, might be suf-
ficiently hostile to prejudice a population against any fur-
ther changes of this type. When there is danger of negative
reaction to industrialization it is not surprising to find
an accompanying growth of nationalism, for that is one of
the few socially approved outlets for emotion which other-
wise could be very disruptive. Political movements may al-
leviate tension by helping integrate individuals' lives,
combine social roles, and give emotional allegiance to dis-

affected industrial workers.

Institutionalizatign

Moore defines an institution as "a system of norms
referring to a major aspect of social life." (10, 443) In-
stitutions function "to relate standard patterns of action
in society, often encompassed in concrete social organiza-
tions, to the general system of functional requirements and
values of that society." (60, 63) (Institutions are also
discussed in the section on Nggms.)

The commitment of institutions to a new way of life

might be considered as institutionalization. The emphasis

102

in Moore's writing, however, is on that process as it occurs
within an individual, how commitment develops predictable
behavior; this process does incorporate most of the other
processes and elements. The broader aspect of institution-
alization is reflected in the difference between preindus-
trial and industrial institutions and how the change occurs.

In "Social Framework of Economic Development" (60)
Moore includes the institutionalization of change as a fac-
tor of secondary relevance for economic development in the
institutional framework. Institutionalization of the change
to industrial society is deliberate, with governments act-
ing as the primary source of institutionalization because
the norm of change is slow to catch on. Only later do pri-
vate institutions adopt the new ways. Protest movements and
other new organizational forms arising out of industrializa-
tion, often regarded by management and government with sus-
picion, Moore sees as economic interest groups which can
help economic transition by providing a substitute for tra—
ditional social bonds. Once a change has been accepted, how-
ever, and industrialization is established, institutional-
ization and bureaucratization may hinder continued change.
This would be the case, for instance, in institutionaliza-
tion of investment decisions.

It is often assumed that those nations now develop-
ing will have the same institutionalized patterns that exist
in the Western countries. It is assumed that such patterns

are inherent in a developed economy because they are so

103

similar in appearance and function in the industrialized
nations. Moore reminds his readers that such patterns do
not necessarily follow development; the alternative patterns
of economic and social organization have not been exhausted
yet, and the developing countries, by combining traditional
values with industrial development, could institutionalize
quite different patterns of doing things. Institutionaliza-
tion of patterns does not always serve a functional purpose;
once institutionalized, a behavior pattern is likely to out-
live its usefulness.

Moore mentions that mobility prevents or often re-
tards institutionalization of persistence of particular types
of relationships, and increases the efficacy of generalized
norms which is a necessary base for an industrialized society.
The conjugal family fits into the category of particularis-
tic relationships. While this kind of family is said to
be the best adapted to industrial society, it is not yet
completely institutionalized. This incomplete institution-
alization is reflected in the position of the aged in in-
dustrial society, as was discussed under‘gggms. Failure
to recognize this situation may account for the lack of at-
tention industrialized society gives the aged. Industrial—
ization also prevents institutionalization of status by as-
cription. Institutionalization of norms is a function of
the institutional order of society, providing norms of con-
duct in specific contexts and consistent with the general

values and appropriate claims of other societal structures.

104
Socialization

Any system, developed or not, will have some degree
of flexibility due to uncertainties in socialization. Since
no two families are alike, and no family treats every mem-
ber the same, differences are inevitable. Another variable
in socialization is the reduction of the family's socializ-
ing function. This trend, Moore feels, is exaggerated; more
important is the change in the magnitude of educational ac-
tivity, not just the transfer of that activity to the school.
Of greater import yet is the goodness of fit between educa-
tion and industrial needs, the accessibility of education,
and the extent to which formal education gives socializa-
tion in norms, not just information. Transitional societies
often face the problem of education distorted by undue em-
phasis on training the elite.

Children raised in industrial society are socialized
to expect the norms of the factory work situation. Lacking
this socialization it is difficult for an adult member of
a preindustrial society to be committed to an industrial
way of life. Moore does not deny the legitimacy of the
Freudian emphasis on early socialization, but feels we stress
it to the extreme of neglecting adult socialization, which
he gives equal or perhaps greater importance in a change
situation. Marx, on the other hand, seems to ignore social-
ization, suggesting that occupation determines class ideol-

ogy. This, Moore says, is only partly true in that class

105

differentiates socialization patterns, thus only indirectly
providing the basis for ideology.

In socialization of the individual, learning proceeds
from general to specific norms. The process of societal
development follows a parallel pattern, for when the transi-
tion period is over, general unifying acts and norms become
the foundation for learning more specific kinds of behavior.
This sequence is important to the understanding of commit-
ment in transition because it shows that initial exposure
to a new form of doing things in specific (rather than a
general) context is no guarantee of overall commitment.

Moore mentions several agencies which are responsible
for socialization in a transitional society, including em-
ployment exchange and labor recruiters, communication media,
information services, standards of unions and professional
societies, vocational education and counseling, peer group
workers and reference groups.

The initial agencies of exposure to industrial so-
ciety are classified into three main types: a) Precommit-
ment or predisposing agencies in traditional culture which
facilitate the sanctions and norms of industrial society,
such as open class stratification and status by achievement
(China). b) Transitional agencies which undertake the proc—
ess of socialization, including both affective and cognitive
elements--the former is largely a personal relation type

of agency such as the family, whereas cognitive socialization

106

takes place in more formal situations, primarily through

the educational system. Educational agencies are particu-
larly important to a society in the process of transition
because it is necessary to socialize adults. Once adults

are socialized the children receive this normative and cog-
nitive training to a larger extent in the family. Even after
a society has left the actual stage of transition, education
remains one of the most important socializing agencies be-
cause it is the agency of status mobility. c) Agencies which
reward the new values and actions--socialization alone is

not enough; new learning must be rewarded.

An individual moving into the new culture of an ur-
ban industrial area from a village without proper socializa-
tion, giving social and work skills, may become hostile.
Moore suspects that much of what is thought to be hostility
or maladjustment on the part of the new worker may be pro-
test vs. low wages, poor conditions, and/or poor supervision.
It is not hard work to which they must be socialized, but

a different kind of work.
So ia ntro

Much of what Moore has written about social controls
has already been discussed in this paper under the headings
0f 29212;: m: and w.

"Social control depends on a combination of inter-
nalized social norms (moral conformity through socialization)

and balance of positive and negative sanctions effectively

107

motivating individuals to prescribed actions." (52, 842)

In any society the function of social institutions is to
direct and control the manner in which individuals pursue
self interest to assure that it is ordered. It is possible
to develop a series of social controls aiming at all kinds
of objectives in conformity with the desires of different
interest groups if the objectives and their relative impor-
tance are determined.

Preindustrial societies are not less regulated than
industrial. What makes the adjustment to the latter hard
for the newcomer is that norms are less familiar, thus their
legitimacy is less apparent. In fact, social controls in
a traditional society may be so restrictive that the desire
to escape them may often serve to push individuals into the
new industrial system.

"Social controls" of industry Moore sees as an ex-
tension of the "institutional conditions of society." The
controls are central to societal cohesion, for while they
limit economic action, they also define it by determining
the ends to be served. Ends are important within a factory
as well, for where they are inconsistent problems of con-
trol become involved with public interest outside the fac-
tory itself.

In a corporation the concept of "span of control"
is important to understanding the pyramid of power. It

is defined as "the number of direct subordinates whose work

108

is supervised by any power holder." (63, 48) Since this
span is limited by human vision, time, energy, and knowledge,
it is necessary to delegate authority for the surveillance
of the large numbers or great diversity of tasks found in
modern corporations.

If the tenuous theory that attitude favorable to
deliberate social control stems partly from extension of
physical technology can be accepted it has all kinds of im-
plications for political organization and practice. If this
is so, there should be an increased emphasis in the polit-
ical realm on control of thought with devices to measure
and influence public opinion, and the legal system should
increase the number and complexity of laws. The question
in contemporary society of how much control should be exer-
cised is the question of how to enforce responsibility for
actions affecting public interest, for while each individual
may be the best judge of his own interest, it is not certain
that in his own interest he will protect others. Thus, the

state must become the ultimate agency to enforce social codes.

CHAPTER IV
CONDITIONS OF SOCIAL ACTION

Dr. Moore explicitly points out the importance of
the same conditions of social life for social system analy-
sis that Dr. Loomis does in the PAS Model. "One analytical
scheme for identifying tension inherent in the social system
mentioned is to pay attention to the main parameters, or
limiting conditions of social life--numbers, space, and

time... o e e n (67, 98)

Territoriality

One of Moore's basic questions has a territorial
aspect--are there relatively standard sequences of change
in the structure of economies undergoing industrial develop-
ment which are valid through time andlspggg? He is inter-
ested in spatial repetition of development patterns.
Territory is important in industrial society, for
often production resources must come from a wide area, in-
<:luding other nations, with distribution covering an equally
(wide area. Not only must resources and products be geograph-
ically mobile, but labor as well, for unlike most systems
of production, industry means temporal and spatial separa-
tion of work from other meaningful parts of social existence.

A positive evaluation of mobility is a key factor in the

109

110

change from Gemeinschaft to Gesellschaft society. There are
several types of mobility in an industrial society; one of
these--geographical--can entail great cost and social penal-
ties. Since work place in an advanced society is not based
on kinship, friendship, or residential proximity as it is

in traditional societies, entering industrial society requires
adjustment to new physical location and new residential pat-
terns resulting from relocation as well as to the norm of
mobility. Moore shows ecological, demographic, and economic
factors as conditions for commitment. Indirect though those
may be, he feels their influence on acceptance of norms is
stronger than some more direct influences.

In Southeastern Europe, as in most of the underde-
veloped nations, land is very important to the majority of
the population, but because of the system of land tenure
and inheritance it is in small, inefficient holdings. In
this situation peasants are unable to develop enough capital
to either improve their methods, or to leave the farm for
the city. Not only are resources limited in a situation
like this, but initiative seems to be drained.

Crowded conditions are problematical in rural and
tarban settings alike. Initially in industrialization migra-
tion is to the urban areas; as these become recognizably
crowded decentralization begins with businesses, industry,
and residences moving to the suburbs.

There is a relationship between the location of an

 

 

lll

institution and its character. It is interesting to note

the effect of location of residence (urban-suburban-rural)

on the nature of family life and other institutions. In the

city and its suburbs one of the biggest problems is relating

size, location, and function of social activities. There

is also some speculation about the relation of factory loca-

tion to success of acceptance, and whether the transition

to industry would be speeded and met with less hostility if

the factory were brought to the villages where workers are,

rather than locating where workers have to come to the factory.
Territorial or ecological factors also operate within

the factory. The physical relation of worker to machine

varies with degree of skill (discussed under Facilities).

In the study of modern industry it is necessary to consider

the relation of spatial patterns to efficiency and psycholog-

ical factors. There is also benefit in studying the ecology

of work teams, including the properties of size, spatial

distribution, and specialized activity in space.
Size

One of Moore's main interests is demography, thus
the size and composition of population, and implications of
demographic data are frequently brought out. Demographic
factors are definitely related to the ease with which indus-
trialization is accepted in developing areas. Demographic

imbalance, particularly of age and sex, is significant to

112

the nature of transition, and in turn is affected by the transi-
tion.

Studies of population behavior in developing nations
contradict Malthusian theory. In general it has been shown
that with economic development and industrialization the birth
rate has declined, but is industrialization necessary to re-
duce the birth rate, Moore asks. Canada, New Zealand, and
Australia have low birth rates, but are not highly industri-
alized nations. They are, however, urbanized, and herein seems
to lie the key factor. Related are the questions of whether
fertility would decline as readily if decentralized factories
are established, and whether reduction of fertility stems
more from the misery of early industrialization or from a
positive improvement incentive. The decline of mortality
seen in the West is not inherent in industrialization. In
the West it has largely been a by-product of political order,
improved transportation, sanitation, etc.

Fertility, mortality and migration may be treated as
independent variables. The fact that they also may be con-
sidered as dependent variables when emphasis is on the social
context of the data points out that biological or economic
explanations aren't sufficient to explain trends. The rela-
tion of fertility to social and psychological aspects of mo-
bility presents a good lead to the understanding of "inter-
vening links" between "structural" character of a population

and fertility behavior. Reproduction is socially motivated,

113

prescribed by rules of marriage, sex relations in marriage,
and remarriage.

Size and growth rate of a population have implica-
tions for the state of the economy. Many societies early
in development face the grave problem of supporting an ex-
ploding population on something less than an exploding econ-
omy. A stable population, on the other hand, is not neces-
sarily the answer for it may lead to a stagnant economy.
Size of labor potential is one aspect of the economy partic-
ularly affected by the size and nature of the population.
The size of the labor force is the product of many factors;
this multiplicity of components leads to problems of defin—
ing the labor force. The maximum size would be all people
capable of activity useful enough to command reward. In
fact, it is less, because of minimum and maximum working
age norms, role of women in labor, migration, etc.

The ratio of the number of people engaged in agri-
culture to the necessary number has implications for develop-
ment of industry, for the more over populated the land, the
greater the push toward industry. Inheritance of land by
one person pushes the other family members to new occupa-
tions more quickly than do the equal inheritance systems
of China and Eastern and Southern Europe. The very unequal
size of the holdings is also an important variable in the
course of development.

A corporation's size affects the diversification

114

of products, the scope of its market, kinds of resources
(pooled or individual), formality of procedure, internal
differences of power and income, and threat to individual
from collectivism. A large plant permits greater special-
ization, requires a greater per cent of supervisory and man-
agerial employees, and needs expansion of staff services
for internal operation. The authority structure of a cor-
poration depends on the size of the organization and the
width of the pyramid base (as was brought out earlier under
‘22!§;). The larger the organization, in general, the less
identification with the firm per se; this has implications
for the probable collision of interests. It has been spec-
ulated that these large productive units, on the other hand,
are more immune to traditional pressures than are small en-
terprises.

Within the organization the size of work unit appears
to be related to efficiency of work. The number of actors
directly supervised by one authority figure ranges from 4-5
to 20-30.

Economic development involves both increased magni-
tude and variety of products and services available, as well
as a larger proportion of these moving through the market.
Size and proportion are theoretically distinguishable, but
often one is taken for the other. This confusion prejudices
interpretation of the increased scale of market, measured
by production and consumption, as a valid index of welfare

improvement.

Time

Moore is sufficiently interested in time as a condi-

 

tion of activity to have written a book about it, Man, Time
and Sogigty. (64) As well as a condition of action, time
can be considered a resource. In an overall view of this
concept, Moore has

. . . suggested that time may be viewed as an or-

ganizational resource that is generally scarce and

thus represents the problem of allocation. But

the passage of time is also an orderly variable,

giving rise to such problems as synchronization,

sequence, rate, and the temporal horizons of pre-
diction and control. That time and its measure-

ment are 'arbitrary' from various social or cul-

tural perspectives does not eliminate their signif-

icance; indeed, a convention so widely adopted and

enduring may be thought of as 'given'--which is
generally the case in sociological writing--or as

an independent and virtually autonomous variable

having an impact on the social system that is

worthy of analysis. (66, 169)

There are, according to Moore, several different kinds of
time:

a) biological time, such as the time required to heal
a wound.

b) psychological (or subjective) time, which affects
interest or boredom, although disciplined by conven-
tional or objective time.

c) social time, defined by the completion of different
contest variables with regard to hours and minutes.
Recurrence permits identification and marking off
of cycles. (64, 7)

d) astrophysical time, such as speculation on the theory

116

of relativity.

Time is an intrinsically dynamic concept, meaning-
less without denoting recurrence and sequence. For purposes
of analysis, however, time may be considered a "static"
parameter of human behavior. Human behavior must be organ-
ized and located according to divisions of time, because
the finite character of time units makes it scarce relative
to demands. It is man's mortality that gives time its ul-
timate scarcity. The scarcity of time increases with the
number of claims made on the same temporal unit. Societal
strain and individual role conflict result from competition
for the same unit of time.

Temporal ordering of activities involves synchroni-
zation, sequence or phase, and speed or rate, each of which
implies cognitive expectations of actors. Synchronization
and sequence are necessary for an individual's manual manip-
ulation, locomotion, and language learning, as well as for
division of work in a group. Synchronization can signify
social solidarity, for example, when a family eats together.

Where close timing and synchronization are emphasized
in work this norm may be carried over to other situations.
In the industrialized United States precise timing extends
to social events, whereas other cultures allow more latitude
in this respect. Precision of timing is also influenced by
position on the authority scale; the higher up the ladder,

the less stringent is the requirement of promptness. Temporal

117

coordination lessens as distance from machine processes in-
creases.

The size and character of families are determined
largely by time variables such as the rate of child bearing
and age of parents. The family of procreation has three
major periods, or stages: pre-children, child raising, and
"empty-nest." The amount of time devoted to family activi—
ties is, in a sense, an indication of the value placed on
the family, for time allocation can be considered a kind of
evaluation. For the most part, however, the family is a
recipient of residual time, that time not claimed by other
activity. Modern time-saving devices make it possible to
supplement the time available for family activity.

Since voluntary organizations do not require a time
commitment, the amount of time, measured in number of man
hours, each commands can be seen as an indication of rela-
tive importance of the various organizations. Time devoted
to voluntary associations may be part of discretionary, or
leisure, time. Societies are organized with provision for
leisure; the Incas set aside three or four days a month for
discretionary time, as we have Sundays and holidays. Leisure
has long been a prerogative of the upper classes. Now that
it is more widespread, the way it is spent becomes a status
symbol. A problem in excess, leisure may benefit a society
in allowing for the extension of ”social participation."

Societies differ in strategies of temporal patterns.

118

The primitive society (at least until contact with the West)
generally does not value change. Capitalist societies have
tended to let economic fluctuations or cycles operate on

their own, whereas developing countries tend to operate within
planned stages of development covering a given span of time.
The longer the time period planned, the more complex must

be the sequential aspect of the timing. The revolutionary
group desiring to change all at one time is the other extreme
from the primitive. "Without time there is no change and
without change no sense of time." (65, 22) This leads di-

rectly to the following chapter on sociai change.

CHAPTER V
SOCIAL CHANGE

Moore has dealt so extensively with the concepts
of social change that it is difficult to abstract these alone
for this chapter. Examples of how he views much of social
structure and society in terms of change can be seen through-
out this paper. Rather than exemplify how Moore interprets
social systems in a social change framework, this chapter
presents his theory of social change, based on two works
devoted entirely to that subject: "A Reconsideration of
Theories of Social Change" (59) and Sogiai Change. (65)

There is no need to apologize, Moore feels, for the
lack of _a theory of social change. Is there any reason to
expect a single theory of change, Moore asks. Since there
is no single "prime mover" behind all social change, and
since there is no singular theory of social structure, there
is no reason to expect only one theory of change. No uni-
versal explanation can be expected to account for the vari-
ability in social systems. Social systems may vary in size,
duration and range, all creating divergences that must be
accounted for.

Moore reviews and comments on the various schools

0f SOCial change ranging from the static, cross-sectional,

119

120

structural-functional viewpoint to the equilibrium model
which views change as important but external and largely
accidental. Abandonment of the evolutionary approach to the
search for origins of change has meant neglect of concern
for sequences and transformations also. Moore suggests that
there is a large middle ground to which sociologists should
turn in explaining social change; that middle ground is

. . . between the global theories which explain too

little because they attempt too much, and the relativ-

istic position that views all change as unique. . . .

Within that spacious terrain one may note the stand-

ardized internal dynamics of groups of various types,

and identify the sources, forms, directions, and

rates of change in types and segments of social

systems. If the resulting theory is not exactly

simple, neither is it wholly simple-minded. (59,

811)

The fact that much of sociological research is con-
cerned with relations between characteristics of the social
systems relegates change to an external variable, only of
interest for its consequences, and neglects the question of
the source of change. The most outstanding progress Moore
sees in the theory of social change, to remedy this situa-
tion, is the identification and analysis of sources of change.
He categorizes the developments in thinking about sources
of social change as follows:

a) Various determinisms: It does little good to re-
nounce the idea of external causes of change if the idea of
single "determinism" is held. Moore supports Sorokin's ar-

gument that this leads to confusion in identifying the major

variable, so that technology is equated with material culture

121

instead of with a set of applicable scientific principles,

or normative elements are subsumed by the "economic" factor.
This approach also makes interdependence of variables unavoid-
able, and because of that alleged principles are not empir-
ically confirmed.

b) Adaptation to external events: Consequences of
external events, if they are patterned sufficiently enough
to allow generalization, can benefit sociological theory,
even if the "external" sources are beyond the reach of pres-
ent theory. When the "external" cause of change is another
culture or society, as in the case of acculturation, the
problem is not so much one of the source being beyond the-
oretical reach, but rather beyond the reach of reliable re-
search.

c) Resolution of human problems: Within social sys-
tems there are universally persistent problems which are
potential sources of social change. Common functional pre-
requisites of social systems Moore sees as minimal condi-
tions for survival of a society, not as stable conditions
of social survival. Within individual cultures inconsist-
ency between ideal values and social behavior may also serve
as an impetus to change.

d) Flexibilities in the system: Uncertainties in
socialization, and role ranges and deviations are certain
sources of change, but don't give particular guidance to

form, direction, or rate of change.

122

e) Inherent strains: Within any social system there

are inherent strains. Three of these, demographic imbalance,

universal scarcity situations, and "dialectical" conflict

between normative alternatives, in particular, have impli-

cations for change in the system. (59, 811-14)

Change is ubiquitous; its features in the contem-

porary world may be generalized as follows:

1.

2.

For any given society or culture rapid change occurs
frequently or "constantly."

Changes are neither temporally nor spatially iso-
lated--that is changes occur in sequential chains
rather than as "temporary" crises followed by quiet
periods of reconstruction, and the consequences tend
to reverberate through entire regions or virtually
the entire world.

Thus, since contemporary change is probable "every-
where" and its consequences may be significant "every-
where," it has a dual basis.

The proportion of contemporary change that is either
planned or issues from the secondary consequences

of deliberate innovations is much higher than in
former times.

Accordingly, the range of material technology and
social strategies is expanding rapidly and its net
effect is additive or cumulative despite the rela-
tively rapid obsolescence of some procedures.

The normal occurrence of change affects a wider range
of individual experience and functional aspects of
societies in the modern world--not because such so-
cieties are in all respects more "integrated" but
because virtually no feature of life is exempt from
the expectation or normality of change. (65, 2)

In all societies there are "persistent patterns of

action," that continue year after year the same; other fea-

tures change in a regular way producing predictable trends.

But tensions and strains may arise out of these characteristics,

123

for persistent patterns may be in persistent conflict, and
types and rates of change may not be synchronized. It is
the complexity of dynamic patterns, not error due to the
number and interplay of uncontrolled variables, that creates
uncertainty, and makes predictability in social systems dif-
ficult. The problem of predictability, however, is not so
inherent in the system, as it is in our difficulty of under-
standing what is involved.

Change is normal and essentially ordered. Moore
makes an important distinction in the analysis of order and

change between

. . segtences of smali actions, that in sum es-
sentially comprise the pattern, the system, and
ghanges in the system itseif, in the magnitude or

the boundaries, in the prescriptions for action,

in the relation of the particular system to its

environment. (65, 6)

Even order is marked by change from moment to mo-

ment, and persistence is the characteristic of the

pattern, of the system of action, but not of single

actions. (65, 5)
Persistent patterns surrounding human activity such as mar-
riage, death, and cyclical (weekly, etc.) activities give
order and constancy to events. Other elements of persistence,
seen only occasionally, such as prescribed procedures of
transition in life stages, maintain a pattern despite the
two aspects of change inherent in them, the moment-to-moment
sequence of prescribed actions, and the differences in be-

fore and after behavior.

When society is viewed as a tension-management system

124

rather than a self-equilibrating system both order and change

become not only problematical but normal. The theoretical

tension-management system Moore suggests differs from equilib-

rium model in the following ways:

1.

2.

4.

To the degree that at least some tensions are re-
ally intrinsic, and not simply organizational prob-
lems that can be readily resolved, the predicted
change will neither restore an equilibrium or static
state nor create a new one.

The consequences of change will almost certainly
be tension-producing as well as possibly tension-
reducing.

The use of the term "tension" does not imply that
change will initially reduce tension. For some se-
quential analyses it may be appropriate to identify
or predict tension-producing changes rather than
change-producing tensions, not to evade the postu-
late of intrinsic tensions, but rather to take into
account the necessity for a starting point and the
frequent desirability of "getting particular,” of
making rather specific predictions rather than highly
general ones. For example, there is an intrinsic
tension between any social system that endures be-
yond the lifetime of its members or the age limits
of membership, and the system's mode of recruiting
new members. Here, then, is a likely place to look
for change. The analysis may begin, however, by
identifying a change in the number or qualities

of recruits and then predicting the tensions that
the change can be expected to produce.

The conception of society (or any social structure)
as a tension-management system involves no presump-
tion at all that the management is "successful,"
or that the system as identified in fact persists,
or even that it will last long enough to permit

us to speak of "transitions" from one system to
another. The probability of any of those things
happening can be determined only by identifying
the system and the variables that will determine
the course of its change. One possible course may
be destruction. (65, 11)

The theory of social change must integrate statics

and dynamics, for one cannot exist without the other. Statics

125

must precede dynamics, as the structural-functionalists
maintain, but static propositions will not match reality
unless followed by dynamics. One of the first and most
important steps in adopting the "structural" approach to
change is specifying the gait,to which change is attributed.
Each of the three major aspects of any social system, actors,
forms (patterns of interaction), and functions (intended or
unintended consequences of action) varies independently to
some extent, but not completely randomly. Once the unit of
change is defined, the external causes may be differentiated
from the internal sources. The structural model of the so-
cial system allows investigation of Sorokin's "imminent change"
or intrinsic change within the framework of orderly analysis.
Moore points out another distinction which can be made, and
should be made, within the framework, that between "acciden-
tal change" (unplanned, inevitable, but explainable) and
"planned" change.
Moore makes several points regarding methodology of
studying change.
1. Form and direction of change clearly are in part
a function of time periods and observational
units. [Not all changes are necessarily direc—
tional in any significant sense.)
2. The shape of a curve fitted to trend data accord-
ingly depends in part on the detail demanded--
for example, a curvilinear trend may be made
rectilinear by greater generalization (and con-
sequent loss of information or "goodness of fit").
3. Wherever reliable quantities are available, the

available mathematical alternatives in curve fit-
ting are much more numerous than Sorokin's

126

[patterns of direction of change--linear-uni-
linear, oscillating, spiral, branching,--or
cyclical] or other alternatives.

4. The possible formal models are further multiplied
if "interaction in process" or other complicating

features are introduced. (59, 816)

"In sum, an 'integrated' theory of social change will
be as singular or as plural as sociological theory as a whole,

and will include about the same subdivisions and topics."

(59, 818)

CHAPTER VI

CONCLUSION

Both the content of Moore's works and the analysis
of these in terms of a model such as the PAS Model have
greatly aided the academic growth of this writer.

Moore's broad interests and lucid style give the
reader many good insights. While Moore's writings are not
highly empirical, his ideas stimulate many, many hypotheses
which could serve as the basis for valuable empirical stud-
ies. This writer has been impressed with the dynamic and
broad approach Moore takes, particularly in the field of
economic development. The need to compare phenomena in
various cultural settings, the need to integrate knowledge
from different social sciences, i.e., sociology and econom-
ics, and the need to emphasize the dynamic element in the
structural functional approach seem evident to this writer.
Moore has contributed greatly to sociology by writing with
these points in mind.

It is not an easy task to review nearly 70 books
and articles in a limited space without losing much of value
in terms of both content and style. The PAS Model, however,
does provide a good framework for presenting the most salient

parts of a large amount of material. This writer feels she

127

128

understands Moore's ideas more fully having analyzed them

in terms of the elements and processes of the PAS Model, than
if she had only read and summarized them. The reader of this
review may not be able to follow the development of Moore's
ideas as easily in this form, but can review more easily
those parts of Moore's writings of particular interest to
him. Another advantage of the PAS Model is the ease with
which a theorist's ideas can be compared with those of other
writers once they have been analyzed in the same conceptual

schema.

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RUM USE GEL?