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I. {link L 3 . . i > .t‘i 3. ....€.:.....%, .313 . 3 £33. 1.: I . onnJh ‘3 IHESIs LIBRARY Michigan State University This is to certifg that the thesis entitled RELIGIOUS TYPOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL IDEOLOGY OF THE CLERGY presented bg Leo Driedger has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for Ph°D’ degree in- _S °°i°_1°.gy_ Major professor Date 7/27/64 0-169 ABSTRACT RELIGIOUS TYPOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL IDEOLOGY OF THE CLERGY by Leo Driedger The central purpose of this study was to investigate possible correlations between five social factors and the attitudes and behavior of clergymen on social issues. The problems were: (1) To determine how much and in what ways clergymen related to social issues, (2) find the variables which affected their behavior and attitudes toward social issues, (3) combine a number of these variables into a religious typology, and (4) predict the social ideology which would tend to correlate with religious types. A purposive sample of one hundred clergymen was selected in Lansing, Michigan, a middle-sized urbanarea° The datavmnxzcollected by personal interview, using a schedule of one hundred questions. Information was collected on sixteen social issues in the political, economic, civil liberties, welfare and religious areas, in addition to data on other social factors. The chi—square and corrected contingency coefficient tests were used to determine differences among the clergy. About fifty tests resulted in significant associations. The data on denominational differences were tested by rank—order Leo Driedger correlations. The analysis of specific social issues and deviations emphasized status inconsistencies. Three broad hypotheses centered around: (1) The degree of involvement of the clergy in social issues, (2) the classification of religious groups according to the influence of five variables, and (3) the range of variation within religious groups. Four types of clergymen were developed, where each type represented a specific combination of social class, theology, ethnicity, church polity and stage. These types of clergymen were named prophetic, conversionist, synthesist and priestly. The hypotheses were largely substantiated. It was found that the prophetic clergy held more conservative atti— tudes and were less actively involved in social issues, while the priestly clergy were significantly more liberal in attitudes and more active in social issues. The clergymen of Episcopal, Methodist and United Church of ChriSt denomin— ations tended to be priestly types, while the Pentecostal, Holiness and Bible Church groups tended to be prophetic types° The clergymen also tended to be non—controversial persons who were generally not directly involved in the concerns of government, business and labor. The conservative clergy tended to be significantly more concerned with the dangers of Communist infiltration in America and alcoholic drinking, while the liberal clergymen were more concerned with the dangers of nuclear war, the promotion of peace, and Leo Driedger racial discrimination. All clergymen irrespective of social class, theology, ethnicity, and the polity and stage of their churches were more concerned with divorce, and juvenile delinquency, than issues such as big business monopoly, labor power and the United Nations. Two theoretical change processes were developed related to institutionalization and secularization. The thesis was that the prophetic clergy were the most other- worldly and the least institutionalized and secularized° The trend, however, was for clergymen and denominations to become more institutional and secular, developing into priestly types who were more this—worldly. The clergymen who were conversionists tended to change in the direction of institutionalization, but remained largely sacred, while the synthesist clergymen changed more in the secularization process, but were less institutional. The conversionist and synthesist types therefore were two developmental types in the change process toward a priestly type. Religious types helped to predict social ideology. The prophetic type was more conservative and less involved in societal problems, and the priestly type tended to be more liberal and more involved. RELIGIOUS TYPOLOGY AND THE SOCIAL IDEOLOGY OF THE CLERGY BY Leo Driedger A THESIS Submitted,to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology 1964 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The assistance of the members of the doctoral committee of the writer is gratefully acknowledged. Dr. William H. Form, chairman of the committee, was of invaluable assistance from the initial planning stages of the study through its completion. Professors James B. McKee, Charles P. Loomis and Walter E. Freeman provided ideas and critical evaluation of various manuscripts. The Institute of Community Development and Services, of Michigan State University, made secretarial and interviewer time and materials available for which the writer is indebted to Dr. Walter E. Freeman, Chief of Research and member of the doctoral committee. Mr. John Jackson assisted two weeks with interviewing clergy which saved valuable time. Teaching associates at Central Michigan University provided a congenial environment for discussion. Especial appreciation is due to Dr. Bernard Meltzer, head of the sociology department, for his encouragement and comments on the dissertation proposal. The helpful cooperation of fellow graduate student Robert Ordway on the joint schedule construction and inter- viewing, is gratefully acknowledged. Discussions and ideas were shared over many cups of coffee with friends and fellow ii graduate students in the university Quonset 81, which led to new areas of search. The writer wishes to express appreciation to his wife Darlene, and daughter Diane, for consideration and patience in long hours of research. Darlene's typing of many pages, and Diane's playing with few interruptions, helped to make this dissertation possible. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter Page I. THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS . . . . . . . . . 1 Classical Studies 3 Research Potentials ll II. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Social Ideology 18 Religious.Typology 28 Statement of the Problem 37 III. STUDY DESIGN AND RESEARCH HYPOTHESES . . . . 39 Research Hypotheses 39 The Clergy Sample 43 The Research Site 46 The Interview 51 Sampling 54 Data Gathering 57 Index Construction 60 IV. ANALYSIS OF DATA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 74 Descriptive Analysis 74 Analysis of the Clergy 88 Analysis of Religious Groups 116 Analysis of Social Issues 126 Analysis of Deviations 132 V. INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS . . . . . . . 139 Verification of Hypotheses 139 Theoretical Conclusions 142 Research Problems 153 Implications for Future Research 154 BIBLIOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 APPENDICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 iv Table 10. ll. 12. l3. 14. 15. 16. LIST OF TABLES Page Clergy interviewed according to religious groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 Weighting of education, income, occupation, and residence criteria for the clergy's social class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62 Answers to questions related to doctrinal beliefs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Weighting of national origin and racial composition criteria included in the ethnicity variable . . . . . . . . . . . . 66 Weighing of size and age criteria for church stage . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69 Weighting of sermons preached, books read, items written, and work done criteria included in social behavior of the clergy on sixteen social issues . . . . . 71 Age distribution of sample clergy in ‘ urbanized area, 1964 . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Lansing area clergy born in rural and urban areas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Academic and religious education of Lansing clergy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 Years of academic education of the clergy . . 78 Religious education of the Lansing clergy . . 78 Income of Lansing clergy . . . . . . . . . . . 79 Social class of the clergy and congregations . 8O Theological orientation of Lansing clergy . . 82 Polity of Lansing churches . . . . . . . . . . 83 Racial composition of Lansing congregations . 83 Table 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. Birth places of Lansing clergy . . . . . . . Size of congregations in Lansing . . . Age of congregations (when established) . Age of denominations and religious groups . . Associations between stage and polity of church,and attitudes, behavior, and social class of clergy . . . . . . . . . Associations between theology, social class, attitudes, and behavior of clergy on social issues and polity of churches . . Associations between stage, age, and size of church, and Theology, attitudes and behavior Of the clergy on social issues Associations between ethnicity (race, nationality) and attitudes toward social issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Associations between polity and size of churches and attitudes of clergy toward social issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Associations between clerical attitudes toward peace, war, prayer in schools, social issues, issues named, and behavior on issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Associations between theology of clergy and attitudes toward war, race, alcohol and communism . . . . . . . . . . . . . Associations between clergy assessments of church involvements in social issues, and their attitudes and theology . . Associations between behavior on social issues, social community participation, social class, social attitudes, political contacts, theology of clergy and church committees, and church statements made on social issues . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi Page 84 86 87 87 91 94 96 99 100 103 106 110 112 Table Page 30. Ranking of churches by stage (age, size) and social class, (education, income, occupation, residence), theology, attitudes and behavior of clergy on selected social issues . . . . . . . . . . 119 31. Ranking of sixteen selected social issues by the clergy according to their importance: number of sermons preached, books read, items written, work done and statements made within one year . . . 128 32.. Spearman's Rank—Order Correlations and signifi— cance tests between clergymen's ranking of sixteen social issues and number of sermons preached, books read, statements made, items written, and work done . . . . 133 33. Associations between education, income, age and theology of Lansing clergy . . . . 182 34. Associations between theology, income, education, attitudes, issues named and church size of Lansing clergy . . . . . . 183 35. Associations between theology, peace attitudes, alcohol attitudes, communism attitudes, behavior and education of clergy . . . . . 184 36. Associations between church statements and behavior, income, theology, age, ethnicity, contacts written by clergy . . 185 37. Associations between behavior and age of clergy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 38. Spearman's Rank—Order Rho and Z score correlations summary of class, theology, church stage, social attitudes and social behavior of the clergy . . . . . . 187 vii Figure LIST OF FIGURES Expected ranges of behavior and attitude variation on social issues . . . Behavioral and attitudinal paradigm of social ideology of clergy . Secularization and institutionalization paradigm of religious typology . . Ecological setting of the Lansing urbanized area 0 O O O O O O 0 0 O O O O O O 0 Theology, class, stage, ethnicity, polity, and age of clergy according to their attitudes and behavior on social issues Superimposition of the secularization and institutionalization types upon the attitudinal and behavioral ideologies Change processes of the clergy from prophetic to priestly functions via the conversion— ist and syntheSist routes viii O Page 26 28 . 36 . 49 . 134 . 142 . 148 LIST OF APPENDICES Appendix Page A. INTERVIEW SCHEDULE . . . . . . . . . . . . 166 B. INDICES FOR VARIABLES . . . . . . . . . . 179 C. TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182 ix CHAPTER I THEORETICAL CONSIDERATIONS Throughout history men have been concerned with the relation of religion to their society and culture. The research proposed here probes some of these relationships. Bellah reviewed concisely the degrees with which various religions throughout the world accept and reject society.; This study attempts to add to this area by focusing on the various types of religious groups in a middle-sized city, isolating some of the variables which may be related to their rejection or acceptance of society. The plan of research is as follows. First we shall review briefly the leading or classical interpretations of the relations between religion and society. This shall be followed by a discussion of typologies used in research to probe this relationship. The traditional typologies will then be examined with the purpose of possibly creating new ones which are better adapted to religion within an urban industrial society. The typologies thus created will be part of a general scheme to study the attitudes and behavior of urban clergy lRobert Bellah, "Religious Evaluation, American Journal of Sociology, 29:3 (June, 1964), 359. in a middle-sized midwestern city. The central concern will be attitudes and behavior toward selected social issues in a secular society which we will call social ideology. Hopefully a new typology will help us to understand the secularization and institutionalization orientations of churches as revealed through their clergy. In America the study of the sociology of religion was largely neglected in the first half of the twentieth century. It is only in the last decade that the institution of religion began to draw concentrated attention.2 Talcott Parsons' review of the theoretical development of the sociology of religion presents one of the more concise overviews of this area of study, and he illustrates the need to consider early work.3 We agree with him that the work of Durkheim, Weber, and Troeltsch needs to be considered, but wish to add the writings of H. Richard Niebuhr. Although this research continues in Troeltsch's tradition, it is devoted to isolating those variables characteristic of American religious bodies which are related to H. Richard Niebuhr's work. 2Elizabeth K. Nottingham, Religion and Society (New York: Random House, 1963), p. vii. 3Talcott Parsons, "The Theoretical Development of the Sociology of Religion," Journal of the History of Ideas, 5 (April, 1944), 176—90. Classical Studies Durkheim in The Elementary Forms of Religious Life was interested in the sources of religion. In his research he analyzed the origins of religious life in terms of animism, 4 It was an examination naturism, totemism, myth, and ritual. of early and primitive religions to find the source and cause of religious activity among men. The general conclusion Durkheim came to was that religion is eminently social. He defined religion as "A unified system of beliefs and practices relative to sacred things, that is to say, things set apart and forbidden — beliefs and practices which unite into one single moral community called a Church, all those who adhere to them." Religion was largely a product of society, closely woven into its fabric. In primitive societies the social, cultural, and religious elements of society could hardly be distinguished from one another. Religion was a development of the social evolution of man. Durkheim's comparison of Pretestant, Catholic, and Jewish suicides in his work Suicide, influenced a number of American studies.6 He found significant variations between 4Emile Durkheim, ThefiElementary Forms of Religious Life, trans. Joseph Ward Swain (New York: The Crowell- Collier Publishing Co., 1961). 5Ibid., p. 62. 6Emile Durkheim, Suicide, trans. John A. Spaulding and George Simpson,(Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1951). these three European religious groupings which studies have followed later. This threefold division could hardly be called a typology, but it was an attempt at scientific comparisons of meaningful religious groupings. Durkheim's egoistic, altruistic and anomic suicides illustrates his early work on typologies, but it did not contribute directly to the sociology of.re1igion. Whereas Durkheim stressed the influence of society on religion, weber studied the influence of religion on society. In The Protestant Ethic and the Rise of Capitalism, weber carefully traced the influence that the doctrine of "the calling had on the economy of society. He came to the conclusion that the Protestant ethic largely influenced the rise of capitalism.7 Both Durkheim and Weber were con- cerned with cause and effect, but they came to opposite conclusions as to whether religion or society was more influential. Durkheim compared many primitive religions, while Weber studied the more established religions such as Christianity, Hinduism, and Buddhism. A careful study of society in India and China resulted in Weber's conclusion that although the social setting in India and China would have encouraged capitalism, because of the nature of their religions, it did not come about. 7Max Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Talcott Parsons (New Yerk: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911). In contrast to Durkheim's comparison of Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish religions, Weber did much more research on the variations of doctrine and beliefs within these three groups. Weber isolated such doctrines as "the calling," and "the priesthood of every believer" and enlarged on the influence that these special doctrines had on the economic institutions. Weber's probing into the elements of the various religious groupings, helped to illustrate the impor- tance of looking more carefully at variations within denonimations and religions. Thus, Durkheim's concern with society resulted in a close'examination of the influential elements of society, while Weber's concern with the various religions, resulted in isolating more of the religious elements. Weber developed a typology of religious leaders I dividing them into (1) Charismatic, (2) traditional, and (3) rational types.8 Not much has been done with this typology. Honigsheim worked on such concepts as "the second one,0 i.e., the one who follows the prophet, but this was mostly an elaboration of Weber. The latter's views on the influence of the Protestant ethic on the rise of capitalism resulted in much more research than flowed from his leadership typology. Thus, Simmel, Fanfani, Tawney, and others have argued Strongly that Catholic and Jewish religions contributed as much to the rise of capitalism as Protestants did. It would seem that a pursuit of Weber's 8Max Weber, The Sociology of Religion, trans. Ephriam Fischoff (Boston: Beacon Press, 1963). leadership typology might also guide future research. Ernst Troeltsch, influenced by his friend Weber, recognized the interplay between religion and society. Troeltsch's The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches is a two volume historical study of the interplay between society and the Christian religions in Europe before the eighteenth century.9 He intertwined the influence of religion upon society. -Durkheim's and Weber's broad research on cause and effect of religion and society gives way to recognition of both in the work of Troeltsch. Whereas Durkheim studied primitive religions and Weber the more established religions of the world, Troeltsch confined himself to the Christian religion in Europe. He worked hardest on the differentiations within Protestantism. He covered the period before eighteen hundred, so his work was considerably narrowed in focus. The typological contributions of Durkheim and weber were largely outside of the sociology of religion, while Troeltsch is best known for his church, sect, and mysticism typology which is one of the early typologies devoted to the sociology of religion. Many studies have taken his sect-church typology as a model. Mysticism, a third type, seems to have fallen by the wayside, making Troeltsch's typology a dichotomy. The tendency to eliminate the 9ErnstTroeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, 2 VOls., trans. Olive Wyon (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1960). "mysticism" type, simplified research but may have left out certain needed dimensions. By narrowing his field to Protestantism Troeltsch was able to isolate various elements of religion, arranging them in meaningful correlations. The sect-type was a small, cohesive, gemeinschaft—like, doctrinely defined group in contrast to the larger, less disciplined, gesellschaft—like heterogeneous church—type. Troeltsch‘s contribution to isolating these variables was of great significance. His typology also permits the consideration of religious changes. The tendency of sect-type churches to become more church—type—like, in what has often been called the sect-church cycle, has built into it a dynamic that many typologies lack. However, since his study involved largely non—industrial, or only emerging industrial societies, some of the change processes inherent in industrialization, urbanization, and bureaucratization of contemporary American society today were not considered. The sect—church typology also wrestles significantly with the relation of religion to culture and society. The sect tends to isolate itself, while the church-type becomes much more a part of the surrounding society, adapting to many of its institutions. Troeltsch speaks to this long-standing religious and philosophical discussion of religious and cultural relationships which also concerned Durkheim and Weber. Since the study of the sociology of religion was neglected in America, it is difficult to find outstanding American sociologists who worked in this area. Yet we need to look for American studies which clarify the historical and sociological process of religion, the impact that religion and society have upon each other, and indigenous religious types. Everett Hughes, acclaimed H. Richard Niebuhr's, The Social Sources of Denominationalism written in 1929, a classic in the sociology of religion in'America.lO Niebuhr traced the social history of denominations in America as Troeltsch traced European religious history. The historical approach to society is also reminiscent of Weber's studies of religion, and Niebuhr acknowledged his indebtedness to both Weber and Troeltsch.ll Like Durkheim, he traced the effect that society had on religion in America. He did not come to the conclusion that American religion was largely a product of society, but did conclude that the various denominations were greatly molded by sociological factors such as class, race, ethnicity, nationalism, and economics. Niebuhr's The Kingdom of God in America, a sequel to his earlier writing, appeared in 1937. He writes: loEverett Hughes, in a book review of Niebuhr's work, American Journal of Sociology, 60:3 (November, 1954), 320. 11H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (New York: Meridian Books, Inc., 1929), p. vii. Though the sociological approach helped to explain why the religious stream flowed in these particular channels, it did not account for the force of the stream itself; while it seemed relevant enough to . the institutionalized churches it did not explain the Christian movement which produced these churches; ' while it accounted for the diversity in American religion it did not explain the unity which our faith possesses despite its variety; while it could deal with the religion which was dependent on culture it left unexplained the faith which is independent, which is aggressive rather than passive, and which molds culture rather than being molded by it.12 In his first book, Niebuhr, like Durkheim, studied the effect that culture and society had on religion; in the second book, like Weber, he explored the effects that re— ligion had on society. Here we have an American scholar, who wrestled with the cause and effect concerns of both Durkheim and Weber. Although Niebuhr's first book is well known among sociologists, his second is less known, but it has influenced persons working in the field of theology and' ethics. In 1951 Niebuhr published a third book entitled Christ and Culture. In it he crystallized a five—fold typology of religion in America. He writes: I am most conscious of my debt to the theologian and historian who was occupied throughout his life by the problem of church and culture - Ernst Troeltsch. The present book in one sense under- takes to do no more than to supplement and in part to correct his work on The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches. l2H. Richard Niebuhr,_The Kingdom of God in America (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1937), pp. ix-x. l3H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New YOrk: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1951), pp.ix—x. lO Niebuhr was modest, for his book did more than supplement Troeltsch. Christ and Culture, combined his previous two books into a typology which grew out of an examination of American religious history and its social setting. Niebuhr has in many ways done for American sociology of religion what Troeltsch did in Europe. Niebuhr discusses two types of relationships between religion and culture which parallel Troeltsch's sect-church typology. The one type, Christ against culture, would be much like Troeltsch's sect—type, where the religious group isolates itself from society. His second type, Christ of culture, is much like Troeltsch's church—like type, which identified greatly with culture. These two polarities resemble Troeltsch's dichotomy. Niebuhr's three other types will be discussed later. Alongside of the three great theoreticians of the sociology of religion, — Durkheim, Weber, and Troeltsch, - we place H. Richard Niebuhr. We do this for several reasons: (1) He synthesized much of the work of the other three, (2) he studied American social history applying much of the work of Weber, Durkheim, and Troeltsch, (3) he began work on a typology which grew largely out of his study of American sociology of religion, and (4) his writings suggest numerous areas for empirical research. 11 Research Potentials A review of additional research reveals that much study has been done in at least five problem areas, to which the classical sociologists pointed in the earlier section. These problem areas will be discussed, and summarized at the end of this section, as they relate especially to the work of Niebuhr, and the development of the research problem of this dissertation. First, with a few exceptions introductory socio- logical texts include a chapter with a few paragraphs on magic in nonliterate societies, some mention of the work of early pioneers, and a discussion of American church member— ship and organization.14 Men like Durkheim, Malinowski, and Redfield have given us insights on religion in primitive, rural gemeinschaft-like settings, but the urban aspects of religious phenomena, except for Lenski's recent Detroit study, need much study.15 We agree with Nottingham that most study of religion has been done in preliterate societies which have sacred values; some work has been done in changing pre~industrial societies; but research on religion in industrial—secular societies has been limited.l6 l4Nottingham, op. cit., p. v. 15Emile Durkheim, The Elementary Forms of Religious Life (New Ybrk: The Crowell-Collier Publishing Co., 1961); Bronislaw Malinowski, Magic, Science, and Religion (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1954); Gerhard Lenski, ‘The Religious Factor (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1961). 16Nottingham, op. cit., pp. 19-24. 12 Although the examination of rural religion is needed, since almost seventy percent of the American population is urban, we need to accelerate research in this latter direction. Second, much work needs to be done in categorization and isolation of religious variables for examination, explan— ation, and prediction. Warner, Herberg, and Davis have attempted broad overviews of American religion, which have been helpful, but for a more specific understanding of distinctions and differences we must look elsewhere.17 Durkheim, in his work Suicide, studied Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish religions for comparison of suicide rates in France. Herberg, Underwood, and Lenski followed this division in their studies.18 Although a threefold division has been helpful, there have been several problems. In community studies members of the Jewish religion are frequently a small fraction of the total population. It is difficult to get a large enough sample for comparison with others. Lenski in Detroit, sometimes could and sometimes could not compare Jews with the other two.19 The second problem is more serious, where the denominations within Protestantism are so diverse and represent such a wide range l7W. Lloyd Warner, The Family of God (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961)} Will Herberg, Protestant, Catholic, Jew (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1955); Kingsley Davis, Human Society (New York: Macmillan Co., 1949). 18Will Herberg, op. cit.; Kenneth Underwood, Protestant and Catholic (Boston: Beacon Hill Press, 1957); Gerhard Lenski, op. cit. l9 Lenski, ibid., pp. 283—318. I3 of class, race, theology, and polity, that lumping these into one category becomes meaningless. For example, the high class stone church with a thousand white, professional, theologically liberal members in an Episcopal Church of episcopal polity, is included with the low class cement block church with thirty Negro, blue collar, fundamentalist members in a Holiness Church of congregational polity. Many liberal Jewish and Catholic churches would be more like the Episcopal Church than the Hbliness Church. Weber already made much finer distinctions by building his Protestant ethic upon the concept of "the calling," the priesthood of every believer, and predestination within Calvinism, which was a segment of doctrine, related to a segment of the Protestant group.20 Third, how much religion becomes involved in society is a significant area which needs research. Becker developed a sacred—secular continuum which was designed not only for the study of religion, but also for study of the total society. Benton Johnson holds that the degree of religious relatedness to society, or the degree of isolation on the other hand, is a significant way in which to categorize many religious groups.21 Thus, on considering Protestantism, Catholicism, and Judaism, one can find various groups which 20Weber, op. cit. 21Benton Johnson, "On Church and Sect," American Sociological Review, 28:4 (August, 1963), 539—49. 14 are other—worldly while others would be more this—worldly. Troeltsch's church-sect typology, included this dimension in a limited way.22 H. Richard Niebuhr devoted an entire book to five different types of relations of churches to their culture.23 Some denominations had to be forced into his social types, but the typology seems to hold some promise, although little sociological research has been done on it. Fourth, although important religious typologies have been contributed by Troeltsch and Weber, very few recent researchers have contributed in this area.24 To be sure it is difficult to do empirical research in this area especially when so many variables are present. Troeltsch isolated some six to eight variables which distinguish church—like and sect-like denominations.25 The application of this typology to the study of American religion results in certain dif— ficulties. Thus, Howard Becker, Milton Yinger, Peter Berger, and D. A. Martin found it necessary to expand and refine the typology.26 As stated earlier, a primary reason for this 22Troeltsch, op. cit. 23H. Richard Niebuhr, Christ and Culture (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1951). 24J. Milton Yinger, Religion, Society and the Individual (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1957), pp. 143—44. 25 Troeltsch, op. cit., pp. 993-99. 26Howard Becker and Alvin Boskoff, "Current Sacred— Secular Theory," Modern Sociological Theory (New York: The Dryden Press, 1957); Yinger, op. cit.; Johnson, op. cit. p. 540. -15 may be that the typology was derived in the study of Christian Europe before 1800.27 It should be noted that Troeltsch's typology was used fruitfully in studies of American sect groups such as the Amish, Mennonites, Hutterities, etc. made by sociologists John Hostetler and E. K. Francis and others, but the typology is less useful for the study of his ”church" types.28 In Europe national religions were common, so that the Anglican Church in England, or the Lutheran Church in Germany Were relatively homogeneous "church" categories, with most other religious groups listed as sects. With no national religion in America, the situation is reversed for the religious majority group (Protestants), is most heterogeneous and proliferated into scores of denominations and churches. To distinguish differences within this larger group is crucial, and this makes Troeltsch's typology less useful. Finally, there have been significant studies on both the clergy and the laity. Weber developed different types of religious leaders dividing them into (1) Charismatic, 29 (2) traditional, and (3) rational leaders. Others such as Lenski compared the clergy with the laity, and found that 27Johnson, ibid., pp. 540-42. 28John Hostetler, Amish Society (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1963); E. K. Francis, "The Russian Mennonites: From Religious to Ethnic Group," American Journal of Sociology, 54:2 (September, 1948), 101—107. 29 Weber, op. cit. 16 the clergy more consistently held the distinct views of their denominations on social issues.30 Benton Johnson claims that because they attended seminaries the clergy are more indoctrinated in the teachings of the particular denomination to which they belong.31 Thus, in order to isolate variables related to distinctions within American religious groups a sample of clergymen who represent these distinctions more sharply than a sample of the laity would be helpful. The church—sect typology of Troeltsch actually grew out of the "priest" and "prophet" leadership concepts of religion.32 The priest relates more to ritual and the performance of religious duties of the structured organi— zation. The prophet proclaims individual insights to those who are often outside the larger accepted religious group. He may also criticize aspects of the larger body and propose new direction and change which can result in the formation of new small groups. The clergy will be discussed in more detail since they are a part of the research sample. One of Niebuhr's main problems was to account for the diversity of American denominationalism in the face of the changing character of American society. These are difficult problems which no one has satisfactorily resolved. 3OLenski, op. cit., pp. 285-87. 31Johnson, op. cit., p. 548. 32Yinger, op. cit., p. 143. 17 (1) Most introductory texts ignore the problem. (2) Early attempts to analyze diversity is within the traditional breakdown of Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish categories. (3) Others depend heavily upon Troeltsch and his sect- church typology. (4) Recent sociologists suggest religious relatedness to society as one promising area for study. (5) Research reveals that the clergy are a good sample for study. In the next chapter these areas will be brought into greater focus, under the concepts of social ideology and religious typology. CHAPTER II THE RESEARCH PROBLEM The main problem of this research is to examine the relationship of the type of church of the clergyman, and his general orientations toward the broader Society or his social ideology. This chapter will examine briefly the two main concepts, social ideology and religious typology. The attitudes and behavior of the clergy on social issues will be included in our discussion of social ideology. Five variables will be considered under the discussion of religious typology in this chapter. The research problem will be stated after the two main concepts social ideology and religious typology have been specifically discussed. First, we shall deal with social ideology. Social Ideology Early sociologists were very much involved in the source of ideas, and the influence that society had on ideas and action. Weber's extensive studies on the sociology of religion were undoubtedly stimulated by some of Marx's ideological theories.l Marx advocated the "deterministic lDaniel Bell, The End of Ideology (New York: Collier Books, 1962), p. 395. 18 19 presumption that there is a one—to-one correspondence between a set of ideas and some class purpose.2 Durkheim, Weber, Troeltsch, and Niebuhr all wrestled with these relationships between ideas and class purposes in religion, as an attempt to clarify the role of ideas in social change. Bell claims that ideology is the conversion of ideas into social levers. What gives ideology its force is its passion.' Abstract philosophical inquiry has always sought to eliminate passion, and the person to rationalize all ideas. For the ideologue truth arises in action, and meaning is given to the experience "by the trans— forming moment." He comes alive not in the con- templation but in the deed. One might say, in fact, that the most important latent function of ideology is to tap emotion. Other than religion (and war and nationalism), there have been few forms of channelizing emotional energies.3 According to Putney and Middleton, several dimensions of religious ideology have often been confused or mixed indiscriminately. They would divide the ideological system into at least four dimensions or types of variation: The person‘s acceptance or rejection of the tenetk of the system, his orientation to other persons with respect to his belief, the significance of his beliefs to his self conception, and the degree to which he recognizes ambivalence to his beliefs. The first two dimensions are social relationships, and the last two are psychological relationships which emphasize 21bid., p. 397. 31bid., p. 400. 4Snell Putney and Russel Middleton, "Dimensions and Correlates of Religious Ideologies," Social Forces, 39:4 (May, 1961), 286. 20 both the attitudinal and behavioral aspects of ideology. Ideology deals with the relationship of the present social condition to an ideal situation, or the justification of the present in terms of an ideal. In a sense religion also deals with similar problems relating the person to the ideal world and explaining the present. In this study we wish to explore how clergymen of various religious groups relate to the broader community or the present society, both in terms of their attitudes and beliefs toward certain present social issues and their behavior regarding them. Although the term ideology has broader ramifications we will use it in this research in a more limited way. The examination of literature which follows deals largely with the social issues which have been studied by sociologists in relation to religion. The sixteen social issues selected for this research are discussed, followed by a section on ideology variation as a projection of attitudinal and behavioral types that one might find. Examination of the Literature. Let us turn to the studies which examine the relation of religion to social issues. Jerome Davis sent a questionnaire to 100,000 religious leaders to determine their social action patterns.5 Some of his social issues included race, labor strikes, politics, 5Jerome Davis, "The Social Action Pattern of the Protestant Religious Leader," American Sociological Review, 1:1 (February, 1936), 105—140 21 etc. Almost all of his 4700 returns were from Protestants, so Catholics and Jews did not respond well. He found that in general there was more desire for social action than actual action. Several studies have been made on specific social issues such as Tripp's study of the churches' relations to war; Clark's study of a Canadian sect's relations to politics; Johnson's work on the impact of war on religion; Edwards' study of religious racial prejudice; and Loescher's study of Protestant attitudes toward race.6 Russel Dynes, in studying the relation of church- sect typology and socio-economic status found that "indi- viduals of different denominations but equivalent in socio— economic status may be more similar in certain religious attitudes than individuals of the same denomination who differ in socio—economic status."7 This led us to hypothe- size that there will be much overlapping in positions taken en social issues by clergymen of different religious groups ! 6Thomas Tripp, “Rural Churches and War,“ Rural Sociology, 7:2 (June, 1942), 210—117 S. D. Clark, "The Religious Sect in Canadian Politics," American Journal of Sociology, 51:3 (November, 1945), 207-16; Ernest Johnson, "The Impact of War on Religion in America," American Journal of Sociology, 48:3 (November, 1942), 353-60; Lyford Edwards, "Religious Sectarianism and Race Prejudice," American Journal of Sociology, 41:2 (September, 1935), 167—797 Frank Loescher, "The Protestant Church and the Negro: Recent Pronouncements,‘ Social Forces, 26:2 (December, 1947), 197—201. 7Russel Dynes, "Church—Sect Typology and Socio— Economic Status,“ American Sociological Review, 20:5 (October, 1955), 555—60. 22 such as Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish. Liston Pope‘ found that occupation and education were highly related to political preferences. Glock and Ringer made a study of church policy and the attitudes of ministers and parishioners toward social issues.9 They divided these into economic, political and social issues, dealing with questions on war, participation in politics, government control, labor unions, human rights, the United Nations and immigration. They found that ministers tended to reflect churchpolicy.lo Obenhaus and Schroeder also took selected social issues to church members in the Midwest and found little interest in these issues, nor did they find that theology and ethnic factors accounted for much of the variation.11 Their questions were related to the United Nations, labor unions, social security, and federal health insurance. There was no indication that laymen expected leadership 8Liston Pope, "Religion and the Class Structure," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 256 (March, 1948), 84-91. 9Charles Glock and Benjamin Ringer, "Church Policy and the Attitudes of Ministers and Parishioners on Social Issues," American Sociological Review, 21:2 (April, 1956), 148-56. lOIbid. llVictor Obenhaus and W. Widick Schroeder, "Church Affiliation and Attitudes Toward Selected Public Questions in a Typical Midwest County," Rural Sociology, 28:1 (March, 1963), 35-47. 23 from ministers on social issues, and more than 75 percent knew of no social issues on which their church had taken a 2 . . . . The difference between various denominations was stand.l minimal. Shellenberg and Stine used somecflfthese same issues in one Methodist Church, comparing the attitudes of age groups, sexes, leadership and various groups within the church, and found that they differed significantly.13 Benton Johnson claims that how churches relate (or do not relate) to society and culture may be one of the more important variables to consider in sociological 14 Research shows that a number of research of religion. social issues have been used to study religious groups. No comprehensive study of many isSues has been made however, but issues studied were important which was helpful in the selection of issues for this research. Social Issues Selected. What to include in a limited study of social ideology is a difficult problem because of the many issues that could be considered. The sixteen issues selected are only a small sample of all Social issues but are representative of the total range. Issues have been lZIbid. l3James Shellenberg and Leo Stine, Report on Study of Social Attitudes, of the First Methodist Church, Kalamazoo, Michigan, by the CommiSsion on Christian Social Concerns, 1963. (Mimeographed report.) l4Benton Johnson, "On Church and Sect," American Sociological Review, 28:4 (August, 1963), 546—49. 24 selected on the basis of those used successfully in other studies by Glock and Ringer, Obenhaus and Schroeder, Shellenberg and Stine, Dynes, Pope, and Davis, which were discussed earlier. The five categories cover the field quite well, although not entirely.15 (a) Political issues such as communism will be treated on a community level, while the United Nations and the threat of nuclear war are international issues. (b) Economic issues also envelopes three components: big business monopoly, especially corporations; labor union power; and unemployment. The first is related to business and the last two to labor. (c) Civil Liberties. Questions on racial discrimination in churches, housing, jobs, and education were asked. Free speech in relation to religion and communism, and censorship of movies, magazines and news rounded out the civil rights and liberties categories. (d) Welfare is related to three basic human needs: medicare concerned with health needs; better housing of the poor especially in slum areas; and juvenile delinquency relating to social problems of youth. (e) The Religious category included issues which have often been regarded as religious issues. The supreme court decision made prayer and Bible reading in schools a live issue. Some religious groups stressed Sunday business 15Glock and Ringer, op. cit.; Shellenberg and Stine, op. cit.; Dynes, op. cit.; Pope, op. cit.; Davis, op. cit. 25 closing and abstinence of alcoholic drinking. Divorce would be placed under family if we had such a category, but marital union and the home are considered sacred aspects of religion. Sixteen social issues are too many to deal with very deeply, but a number of questions were designed to gain attitudinal and behavioral activity on each. More discussion will follow on specific questions later. Ideology Variations. A number of variations in the behavior of individuals in relation to the selected social issues would be expected, and a few possibilities are listed below as illustrated in Figure 1.. Type A: Wide Range of Behavior Variation. In this type the range of differences among clergy would be great. About a third Would be active on social issues, another third would be passive, and an equal proportion in between the two extremes of behavior. On an active—passive social involvement continuum, representation would be rather evenly distributed along the entire continuum, with a slight clustering in the middle as Figure 1A suggests. Type B: Narrow Range of Behavior Variation in the Centre. The range of variation would be narrower in this type with relatively few being very active or very passive, and a majority in between. One would find a sharp peak in the centre of the active-passive continuum, resulting in a majority in a moderate category of involvement. A. __——w””-—~‘““‘-—-_ Active Passive Social Involvement Active PaSSi e Social Involvement Figure 10 Expected distributions of behavioral and attitudinal 26 ctive Social Involvement ctive Passi Social Involvement eral Conserva Social Attitudes variations on social issues. 27 Type C: Clustering on the Active End. A majority of individuals would tend to be active. Individuals or denominations would be involved in social issues, and a relatively smaller grouping would be passive. Type D: Clustering on the Passive End. Here a majority of individuals or denominations would tend to be passive. They would not be involved in social issues, with a relatively small group being active. A comparison of individuals within a sample Would reveal which type they would tend toward, and a series of samples could be compared. Various denominations could also be compared to ascertain which tended to be active or passive. The second part of the ideology concept is concerned with the attitudes of individuals toward social issues. These could be placed on a liberal—conservative social attitude continuum. Those who Would tend to favor change away from the traditional pattern on social issues, would be considered liberal, and those who would favor the status quo would be considered conservative in attitude. Variations of attitudes could be conceived of in a number of ways. Again one could compare these attitudes for denominations, individuals, or sub—samples. Figure 1E illustrates the attitudinal possi- bilities. This raises the further question of whether there Would tend to be a unitary relationship between the attitudes 28 and behavior of a sample of subjects or denominations. The paradigm of Figure 2 illustrates the possibilities. Cell 1 represents a combination of conservative attitudes and non-involvement, while Cell 4 would represent the opposite with liberal attitudes and active behavior on social issues. Cells 2 and 3 would be combinations which would not fall at these two extremes. One would expect most individuals to fall into Cells 1 and 4, and fewer into Cells 2 and 3. This interpretation assumes that there is a tendency toward a correlation between liberal attitudes and active behavior and conservative attitudes and non-involvement in social issues. SOC IAL ATTITUDES 9.1 (D O > . . g E; Conservative Liberal _§ m m A.” m l 2 ,4 fl A S :‘i’ O .41 3 4 m u 0 <1: Figure 2. Behavioral and attitudinal paradigm of social ideology of clergy. Religious Typology American sociologists have worked with Troeltsch's church—sect typology rather extensively.l6 Although their l6Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, 2 vols. (New York: Harper Torchbooks, 1960). 29 studies have led to clarification of many issues, it would seem that the building of typologies is somewhat at a stand— still as indicated earlier. Troeltsch's typology is based largely on: (1) Historical writings, (2) old world social organization, (3) in the State—Church environment, and (4) upon a society which before the 1800"s was less urbanized and industrialized. Fruitful as Troeltsch's work has been, it would be helpful to base a typology on: (1) American history, (2) new world social organization, (3) in a heterogeneous church environment, and (4) in a highly industrialized urban culture. Troeltsch's church—sect typology contains many elements which are still significant for American religious study. Although sociologists have used the typology, the various variables have not been sufficiently studied empirically to see whether they hold true for the American scene. There has been a reluctance to explore these elements outside of the church-sect frame of reference. There have been significant studies of sect types, or denominations in various stages of change, but little research has been devoted to the "church" type, and a delineation of the elements and their effect on American society. Although this investigation will continue in the tradition of Troeltsch, in search of meaningful typologies of religion, it will not follow his church—sect typology as such, even though his work and that of others have greatly influenced this research design. 30 In the discussion of typology, a review of the literature will be made with special emphasis on five variables. Research contributions are organized around the variables which appear to be most influential for the development of a typology. Another section is devoted to a combination of these five variables into projected religious typologies oriented to social change variations. Variables Affecting Social Ideology. The problem is to isolate the independent variables in religious groups which affect their social ideology. The purpose is not to develop an air-tight comprehensive typology, but rather to isolate variables which appear to influence the problem. At this point We are moving in the direction of the creation of a new typology, but if it does not develop, then the influence of selected factors for social ideology may represent a contribution in this area also. The variables to be examined are social class, theology, polity, ethnicity, and stage (age and size of church). Lloyd Warner's, Liston Pope's,and Bernard Lazerwitz's studies have indicated that the social class variations . , . 7 among the different denominations are great.l‘ The l7 . . . Warner, op. Cit.; Pope, op. c1t.: Bernard Lazerwitz, "A Comparison of Major United States Religious Groups," Journal of American Statistical Association, 56 (September, 1961), 568—79. ‘ 31 Congregationalists, Episcopalians, and Presbyterians were in the highest class; the Baptists and Catholics were at the bottom, with the other groups falling in between these two extremes.18 As an occupational group, ministers ranked high.19 But the range within the occupation varies a great deal. Gustafson says, "The American Clergy is as heterogeneous a group as exists within any of the profes— sions."20 These averages of the clergy as an occupational group give us a relative mean in relation to other groups, but the variations within the clergy group must be worked with in order to make distinctions for explanation and comparison. Furthermore, over half of the denominations which would be in a lower class than the Baptists have not been included in class rankings. In other words, half of the smaller denominations have not been included in the discussion of American religious differences which is a serious oversight. The total range of denominations dis— cussed by Niebuhr must be studied. Wirth's 1928 study emphasized the many smaller ethnic groups within the Jewish religion, and Niebuhr's 1929 study emphasized the importance of ethnic groups living 8Lazerwitz, ibid. 19Paul Hatt and C. C. North, "The Ratings of Occupations,"_Qpinion News, 9 (September, 1947). 20James Gustafson, "The Clergy in the United States," Daedalus, 92:4 (Fall, 1963), 724—44. 32 in a gemeinschaft-like way, often shunning the larger gesellschaft.21 However, with restrictions on immigration in effect in America for a while, the American population is becoming more homogeneous ethnically, so that we agree with Herberg that national ethnic differences are less pronounced than they were.22 E. K. Francis' study shows the same kind of importance of the ethnic and national origin variables of historical sect groups such as the Mennonites. Lenski's division of Protestants into Negro and white showed some differences between races.24 In urban areas, the racial factor is becoming more important all the time, because of migration of Negroes from the South. Campbell and Pettigrew studied Little Rock ministers during the school racial integration crisis; the Negro minister has been studied by Harry Roberts; and studies of racial prejudice in religion by Lyford Edwards and Frank Loescher indicate the importance of the racial variable.25 A review of the literature suggests 21Louis Wirth, The Ghetto (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1928); H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism (New York: Meridian Books, Inc., 1929). 22Will Herberg, Protestant, Catholic, Jew (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1955). 23E. K. Francis, "The Russian Mennonites: From Religious to Ethnic Group," American Journal of Sociology, 54:2 (September, 1948), 101+107. 24Gerhard Lenski, The Religious Factor (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1961). 25Ernest Campbell and Thomas Pettigrew, "Racial and Moral Crises: The Role of Little Rock Ministers," American Journal of Sociology, 64:5 (March, 1959), 509~l67 Harry 33 that race and national origin need to be taken into account in any typology of churches. Benton Johnson claims that "the leadership of most religious bodies can be roughly classified as predominantly conservative or liberal in a theological and ideological sense."26 Troeltsch's church-sect typology stressed the. emphases of sects upon the gospel and the Sermon on the Mount.) Orden Smucker made a study of the religious practices in East Lansing, using questions to determine liberal and conservative theology with some success.27 There is evidence that theology will be one of the most important variables in constructing typologies. George Myers found that episcopal or congregational church polity was related to the movement of churches within urban areas.28 Gibson Winter holds that middle class con- gregational polity churches within urban areas are rapidly moving to the suburbs leaving the central city to sects Roberts, "The Rural Negro Minister: His Personal and Social Characteristics," Social Forces, 27:3 (March, 1949), 291—300; Harry Roberts, "The Rural Negro Minister: His Work and Salary," Rural Sociology, 284-97; Edwards, op. cit.; Loescher, op. cit. 26 Benton Johnson, "0n Church and Sect," American Sociological Review, 28:4 (August, 1963), 541. 27Orden Smucker, A Study of Religious Practices and Attitudes in East Lansing (East Lansing: Social Research Service, Michigan State University, 1950), p. 57. 8George Myers, "Patterns of Church Distribution and Movement," Social Forces, 40 (May, 1962), 354—62. 34 and churches of episcopal polity which stay.29 Myers did not find this to be true in his study of Seattle. What influence polity has on social ideology has not been greatly studied.30 We doubt that it will distinguish the direction of attitudes, but hypothesize that episcopal polity will make for stability and authority which will make prediction more possible. The age and size of the church called ppggp, appears to be another important variable. The age of a church both nationally as a denomination, and locally should be con- sidered in a typology. Troeltsch claimed that the early stage church was generally younger and small; while the late stage groups would be much larger and older. In this sense we are using stage for the changing historical process, and are not necessarily using the other elements of Troeltsch's typology, many of which overlap with the four other variables already mentioned.31 If we develop a typology with our variables, then the sect-church typology would create a problem, since it is a typology by itself. Thus we use stage in this limited sense. The age and size dimensions of Troeltsch's typology have possibly been the least criticized; they will be used in our typology in combination 29Gibson Winter, The Suburban Captivity of the Churches (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1962). 30 . Myers, op. Cit. 31Liston Pope, Millhands and Preachers (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942). 35 with the other four variables. Typology Variations. Having isolated the five variables; class, theology, polity, ethnicity, and stage, we can combine these into a framework which holds some promise for a typology. Richard Niebuhr did not develop his ideas on secularization and institutionalization in the form of a paradigm, but his synthesist, dualist and conversionist types suggest that these dimensions did not fall on the "against" — "in" culture continuum.32 The secularization and institutionalization concepts are useful in that they clearly portray the urban, industrial American change process. In this sense they more clearly show a present day process, than Troeltsch's sect-church typology. If we consider the secularization process as one axis, using Becker's sacred and secular concepts as opposite polarities, then we have isolated one process of change.33 By sacred we mean the holy or other-worldly. The secular concept would designate a this—worldly orienta— tion. A second process would be the institutionalization axis, with opposite poles designated informal and formal.34 32H. Richard Niebuhr, The Kingdom of God in America (New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1937). 3Howard Becker and Alvin Boskoff, "Current Sacred- Secular Theory,” Modern Sociological Theory (New York: The Dryden Press, 1957). 34The informal and formal polarity titles are not adequate, but better terms were difficult to find. 36 This axis would deal with the social structure process of change. This typology with two axes operating, results in four types of religious organizations. These types are: (l) Sacredsinformal, (2) Sacred—formal, (3) Secular-informal and (4) Secular—formal. The five variables discussed earlier (theology, class, stage, ethnicity, and polity) have been placed into cells one and four. An intensive examination needs to be made, to see which variables fall into cells 2 and 3 and whether a pattern of stable types develops. We are not in a position to hypothesize what this may be, but hope to have suggestions later in the summary chapter. INS TITUTIONALIZATION Informal Formal l 2 Conservative o Theology 3 Low Class U 2 g Early Stage E High Ethnicity g Congregational Polity 52 g 3 4 a Liberal Theology m g High Class r-l 8 Late Stage 8 Low Ethnicity Episcopal Polity Figure 3. Secularization and institutionalization paradigm of religious typology. 37 Statement of the Problem "One of the largest gaps in the sociology of religion is the determination of the conditions under which a religious group will accept the secular order, withdraw from society by devaluing it, or challenge and attack the power structure."35 very broadly speaking, this is the area we wish to explore. It will be our task to gather facts on the attitudes and behavior of the clergy on social issues. These data hopefully will contribute to an understanding of the relevance of religious typology to social ideology of American clergy— men who Work in an industrialized urban area. It is also necessary "to search for uniformities of relations between "36 This is more than classes of sociological variables. the establishment of social facts. The important social variables need to be broadly delimited. The variables of social ideology center around attitudes and behavior on‘a number of social issues related to political, economic, welfare, civil liberties, and religious categories. The variables related to typology which we want to explore are social class, church polity, clergy theology, race and nationality, and the size and age of churches. 35Milton Yinger, Sociology Looks at Religion (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1961), p. 148. 36Robert Merton, "Notes on Problem—Finding in Sociology," Sociology Today, eds., Robert Merton, Leonard Broom, Leonard Cottrell, Jr. (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1959), pp. ix—xxxiv. 38 The problems are to (1) determine how much and in what ways clergy relate to social issues, (2) find the variables which affect their behavior and attitudes toward social issues, (3) combine a number of these variables into a religious typology, and (4) predict the social ideology (attitudes and behavior of clergy) which will tend to cor— relate with religious types (class, theology, stage, ethnicity, polity combinations). CHAPTER III STUDY DESIGN AND RESEARCH HYPOTHESES Research Hypotheses There are three guiding hypotheses and a series of more specific hypotheses which need to be tested. The first guiding hypothesis sets forth the relation— ship between the types of clergy and their behavior and attitudes toward selected social issues. The more specific hypotheses test the relationships between the five independent variables (theology, class, stage, ethnicity, and polity) and clergy attitudes and behavior on social issues. The second guiding hypothesis spells out the combin— ations of variables that we hope to find in various religious groups and how they rank in relation to clergy attitudes and behavior on social issues by denominations. The more specific hypotheses predict which religious groups will tend to be sacred—informal, and which secular—formal, and the resultant variations in social ideology. The third guiding hypothesis delineates which areas of social issues clergymen tend to relate to, and which they tend to ignore. The specific hypotheses spell out the combinations of social types and social ideology expected. 39 4O Guiding Hypothesis A. Sacred—informal clergymen (conservative theology, low class, early stage, high ethnicity, congregational polity) will hold conservative attitudes and be uninvolved in social issues, while secular—formal clergy— men (liberal theology, high class, late stage, low ethnicity, episcopal polity) will be significantly more liberal in attitudes and be involved in social issues. 1. There will be a significant correlation between liberal attitudes and active involvement in social issues and conservative attitudes and non-involvement in social issues. 2. Clergymen of conservative theology will hold significantly more conservative attitudes toward social issues than clergymen of liberal theology. 3. Clergymen of lower social class will hold signifi- cantly more conservative attitudes toward social issues than clergymen of higher class. 4. The clergy of smaller, and newer churches (early stage) will hold significantly more conservative attitudes toward social issues than the clergy of larger and older churches (late stage). 5. The clergy of racial minorities, and/or first and second generation immigrants (high ethnicity), will hold significantly more conservative attitudes toward social issues than the clergy of non-racial and/or non—immigrant majorities (low ethnicity). I.t,‘ I. .I III; .1 ‘L. I J 0 Jill. 41 6. Clergymen of churches with congregational polity will tend to hold significantly more conservative attitudes toward social issues, than the clergy of episcopal polity. 7. Clergymen of liberal theology will be significantly more actively involved in social issues than clergy- men of conservative theology. 8. The clergy of higher social class will be signifi- cantly more actively involved in social issues than the clergy of lower class. 9. The clergy of late stage churches will be significantly more actively involved in social issues, than the clergy of early stage churches. 10. Clergymen of lower ethnicity will be significantly more actively involved in social issues, than clergy— men of higher ethnicity. Guiding Hypothesis B. There will be a significant correlation between sacred-informal clergymen by religious groups (conservative theology, low class, early stage, high ethnicity, congregational polity) and conservative attitudes toward social issues, and passive non-involvement in them. Secular—formal clergymen by religious groups (liberal theology, high class, late stage, low ethnicity, episcopal policy) will hold liberal attitudes toward social issues and be actively involved in them. 42 1. Clergymen of Episcopal, Methodist, and United Church of Christ religious groups would tend to be the secular-formal type, and clergymen of Pentecostal, Holiness, and Bible Church groups would tend to be the sacred—informal type. 2. The range of variation within the independent variables (theology, ethnicity, class, stage) among clergymen, will differ significantly within and among denominations affecting the consistency and direction with which clergymen relate to social issues. 3. Variables such as theology, class, and stage are more important than broad religious groupings (Pro— testant, Catholic, Jew), in determining behavior and attitudes toward social issues. There will be frequent overlapping of denominational lines. 4. The clergy of some denominations will have greater variations of attitudes and behavior on social issues than others. Lutherans would tend toward homogeneity while Baptists would represent more heterogeneity. Guiding Hypothesis C. The clergyman tends to be a non—controversial person who will generally not become directly involved in the concerns of government, business, and labor, but will be more involved in welfare and religious social issues. However this will vary by theology, class, stage and types of issues. 43 1. Clergymen of conservative theology will be more concerned with the dangers of Communist infiltration in America than clergymen of liberal theology. 2. Clergymen of conservative theology will be more concerned with the dangers of drinking and alcohol, than clergymen of liberal theology. 3. Clergymen of liberal theology will be more concerned with the dangers of nuclear war and the promotion of peace, than clergymen of conservative theology. 4. The clergy of liberal theology will be more con— cerned with racial discrimination than the clergy of conservative theology. 5. All clergymen (irrespective of class, theology, ethnicity, stage) will be significantly more con— cerned about divorce, and juvenile delinquency, than issues such as big business monopoly, labor relations, and the United Nations. The Clergy Sample One would expect to find group differences more marked among the clergy than among the laity, because they have been indoctrinated in the teachings of the church and more exposed to its influences.l For this reason we chose the clergy as a sample rather than the total member— ship, thinking that they would more clearly bear out the lGerhard Lenski, The Religious Factor (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1961), p. 287. 44 variables which we were seeking to test. Gustafson says the clergy are a very heterogeneous professional group. He may have a high school education, or he may hold a Ph.D. degree. He may be an administrator in an ecclesiastical bureaucracy, or a professor in a theology faculty, or a pastor responsible for work with young people within a staff ministry. This heterogeneity should be advantageous for our study to differentiate between the issues and variables. On discussion of the involvement of the clergy in social affairs, Gustafson states: With Protestantism the variations are great: Lutheran schools have been less adaptive than Protestant Episcopal and Presbyterian schools; Methodist and Congregational schools have been more concerned with "relevance" than any of these others. We hypothesize some of the very distinctions Gustafson makes. The great conflict and difficulty of the clergy is to remain loyal to ancient traditions of thought in institutional life and practice and still relate effectively to modern society. Liston Pope's study of the clergy in cotton mill communities is one of the early studies concerned with the relationship of the clergy to economics.4 Pope“s study 2James M. Gustafson, "The Clergy in the United States," Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 92:4 (Fall, 1963), 724. 3Ibidol p. 7390 4Liston Pope, Millhands and Preachers (New Haven: Yale Universitvaress. 1942). 45 and Form and Miller's comments led us to hypothesize that clergymen tend not to become involved in economic and polit} . 5 cal issues. There are a number of articles on role conflicts of the clergy. Samuel Blizzard's articles state the dilemma of the minister in relating to issues such as politics, economics, etc.6 Burchard examined role conflicts among military chaplains, who were engulfed in a war machine which was not compatible with values of Christianity.7 Campbell and Pettigrew studied the role that ministers played in the Little Rock racial crisis.8 In the latter two studies it was found that many chaplains and ministers did not become involved in the issues of war and racial conflict. Bryan Wilson wrote on the conflicts of Pentecostal ministers with society, which related to their theology and world view.9 5William H. Form and Delbert C. Miller, Industry, Labor, and Community (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1960). 6Samuel Blizzard, "Role Conflicts of the Urban Protestant Minister," The City Church, 7:4 (1956), 13—15; Samuel Blizzard, "The Minister's Dilemma," The Christian Century,73 (1956), 508—10; Samuel Blizzard, "The Roles of the Urban Parish Minister, The Protestant Seminaries, and the Sciences of Social Behavior," Religious Education, 50:6 (1955), 385—92. 7Waldo Burchard, "Role Conflicts of Military Chaplains," American Sociological Review, 19:5 (October, 1954), 525—35. 8Ernest Campbell and Thomas Pettigrew, I”Racial and Moral Crises: The Role of the Little Rock Ministers," American Journal of Sociology, 64:5 (March, 1959), 509—16. 9Bryan Wilson, "An Analysis of Sect Development," American Sociological Review, 24:1 (February, 1959), 3—15. 46 Many of these articles tended to conclude that for various reasons the clergy were often not involved in social issues. A series of articles were written by Comfort and Roberts on related aspects of the clergy to rural life, and especially the Negro minister. An elaboration is not needed, except to note how some of the problems of Negro lower class clergymen differ considerably from that of the white clergy.lO Lenski made an extensive comparison of the attitudes of the clergy and the laity toward selected issues.11 He found that the clergy generally took more distinct positions than the laity. This would support our choice of the clergy for a sample. The Research Site While not a major metropolitan area, Lansing, Michigan, is a middle—sized city of about 115,000 population. With the inclusion of East Lansing, Okemos, Holt, and the surrounding urbanized area, the population is about 150,000. The churches of East Lansing have large representations of students and faculty members from Michigan State University. loRichard Comfort, "Survey of Activities and Training of Selected Rural Ministers in the United States," Rural Sociology, 12:4 (December, 1947), 375—87; Harry Roberts,"The Rural Negro Minister: His Personal and Social Characteristics, Social Forces, 27:3 (March, 1949), 291—300; Harry Roberts, The Rural Negro Minister: His Work and Salary," Rural Sociology, 284—97. llGerhard Lenski, The Religious Factor (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1961). 47 In some churches about seventy—five percent of those who attend are related to the university. About twenty clergy— men who serve academia are well represented in this urbanized area. The Lansing urbanized area has three major sources of employment, namely the automobile industry, the state government, and Michigan State University. Thus labor, business, government, and education are well represented. A number of the central city churches have state government persons who attend. Occasionally special meetings, related to the interests of government officials are held in the central city churches. This includes many visitors who come to the capital for sight-seeing or other business related to government. The automobile industry is represented by Oldsmobile, White Motors, and Motor Wheel manufacturing companies. Form and his students studied various aspects of labor and industry in this area.12 Such industry attracts blue collar workers, so that they are well represented in Lansing. Lansing has relatively small proportions of foreign l2 Dominants and Community Power: A Comparative Analysis, American Journal of Sociology, 69:5 (March, 1964), 511-217 William H. Form and J. A. Geschwender, “Social Reference Basis of Job Satisfaction: The Case of Manual Workers," American Sociological Review (April, 1962), 228-377 William H. Form and Warren Sauer, “Labor and Community Influentials: A Comparative Study of Participation and Imagery," Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 17:1 (October, 1963). Many other studies too numerous to mention. Donald Clelland and William H. Form, ”Economic 48 born and Negro residents. However about ten percent of the clergy in the urbanized area are Negro. Forty—five denominations were represented among the 180 churches and synogogues, in the Lansing urbanized area.13 This wide range of denominations was quite representative of the range of American denominations and religious groups. The large religious groups were well represented. The following churches had high representation (number of churches of each denomination in brackets): Baptist (31), Methodist (20), Lutheran (13), Church oszod (7), Catholic .1. (10), Nazarene (10), Church of Christ (7), etc. Unfortunately there was only one Jewish synogogue. Each of the 180 churches was visited, and plotted on a large map, showing the coverage as indicated in Figure 4. There were three deteriorated sections of the city, where churches clustered close together, marked 1, 2, 3, in Figure 4. Baptist and Church of God churches were heavily represented in these low class housing, blue collar occu- pational areas. All three concentrations were in Lansing, crowded around the central business section. The section to the west marked "1" in Figure 4 had a heavy Negro popu— lation; the section to the north marked "2" was populated by Mexicans and Negroes; and the easterly section marked "3" had a concentration of Negroes and Mexicans also. 13A Comprehensive Directory of the Churches of the the Lansing Area (Lansing: Lansing Area Council of Churches, 1963). ii ,Efla ll’ 50 The Negro churches and clergymen were located in these sections. Most of these churches had small memberships, and the church buildings were either of cement block, or wood structure.14 A few were old brick churches bought from denominations which moved away. None of the higher class Methodist, Episcopal, United Church of Christ, or Presbyterian churches were located in these three slum- tendency areas. The Catholic Church, largely because of its parish system, maintained a very even distribution of its ten churches throughout the urbanized Lansing area. There was a large cathedral downtown, there were two churches in the transitional zone, and two in suburban areas, and others in other parts of the city. Eight churches were new or relatively new, all were built of brick, and eight were adjoined by schools. All of the ten churches were large, with large parish family memberships. All of these churches- except one were staffed by members, including school teachers and personnel. The growing activity of these churches was impressive. The central business section of Lansing, with the concentration of the capital and government buildings, also accumulated a clustering of stone churches, marked “4" in Figure 4. Methodist, Catholic, Presbyterian, Congregational, l4Duane Tromble, Locational Aspects of Churches in Urban Community (unpublished M.A. Thesis, Michigan State University, 1963). 51 Episcopal, and Baptist churches maintained large buildings located one block away from the capital building, and in the heart of the business section. These were upper class churches. The Baptist and Catholic churches also repre— sented upper class segments of their religious groups even though they tended to have larger segments of lower class members than the other four. There were four churches in both Okemos and Holt marked off the map in Figure 4. With a large number of MSU faculty members living in Okemos it tended to be somewhat suburban—like, but Holt did not have these features. East Lansing, adjoining Lansing, was an incorporated city by itself, but in many ways a suburb, marked "5" in Figure 4. It did have satellite city features, with a business section of its own, and Michigan State University as an important center of work. The Lansing urbanized area had typical suburban churches located in all directions of its periphery, so these were well represented. The Interview An Interview Schedule was used to collect data.15 The schedule was divided into three sections of questions related to the independent variables, and the behavior and attitudes of the clergy toward social issues. 15Appendix A includes the questions used for interviewing. 52 Ten questions were designed to ascertain the clergy- men's theology.l6 They focused on problems of doctrinal V positions. Several questions, such as how they felt about the Work of some preachers, who they thought was closest to their own doctrinal position and which Lansing area clergy they felt most comfortable with, were designed to indicate which denominations and associations they con- sidered desirable. The clergymen were also asked to rank themselves on a liberal—conservative continuum, and they were asked what these terms meant to them. Nine questions were designed to establish the social class level of the clergyman and his congregation.17 There were questions on the education of the clergyman and his congregation, his income, the occupation of his father, and the work he himself did prior to becoming a clergyman. The clergyman's place of residence (address) and the cost of the parsonage in which he lived were other criteria used to determine social class. A summary of these four, was used to determine the clergyman's social class, and a summary of the congregation's education and occupation was used to determine their class. Five questions were designed to determine the stage which the church was in. The age of the church congregation (when established) and when the denomination was established l6Questions 115—124 in Appendix A. l7Questions 110—114, l4, 19, 32, 40. 53 were one set of criteria.18 The second criteria was the size of the church membership. These two were combined to deter- mine whether the church was in an early or late stage of development. A small young church was considered to be in an early developmental stage, and an old large church was designated as being in a late stage of development. Two questions were designed to establish church polity.19 Clergymen were asked to describe their organi— zation, and draw a chart which illustrated the lines of authority and communication. Ethnicity was determined by asking five questions.20 One criteria was the clergyman's race, and the race percentages of his congregational membership. The second criteria was the clergyman's nationality and how long his parents had lived in the United States, as well as the national origins of his congregation. The second section of the Interview Schedule con— tained twenty—five questions on the behavior of the clergy on social issues.21 The clergyman was aSked to list the number of sermons he preached in the past year on the sixteen selected social issues as one criteria for behavior. Other questions asked about the number of items written, l8Questions 1-3, 21, 58. 19Questions 59, 61. 20Questions 17, 18, 108, 109, 181. 1Questions 129—153 in Appendix A. 54 books read, church statements made, and local community work done in the past year on these sixteen issues. Con— siderable discussion on these issues will follow later. Two questions determined the church organizations working on social issues, and seven questions were designed to ascertain clergy involvement in associations and organi— zations in the community.22 Finally, clergymen were asked about their contacts with government officials on specific issues, and with specific groups. The third section of the Interview Schedule was devoted to the attitudes of the clergy toward social issues. Twenty—six questions were asked on the sixteen selected social issues in the political, economic, civil liberties, . . . . . 23 welfare, and religious areas, which were discussed earlier. Sampling The universe consisted of the clergy of the Lansing urbanized area, including Lansing, East Lansing, Okemos, Holt, and the surrounding urban churches. A listing of churches was secured from the Lansing Council of Churches.24 In addition a thorough check of all churches was made to make sure churches were still there and had not moved. This check eliminated several and added a number of churches to the final list. Since several churches had more than one 22Questions 142, 143, and 144—150. 23Questions 154-180 in Appendix A. 24A Comprehensive Directory of Churches of the Lansing Area (Lansing, Mich.: Lansing Area Council of Churches, 1963). 55 minister, the head clergyman of each church was selected. There were about 180 head clergymen of churches in this area. We did not take a random sample of the clergy. For the purposes of this study, a selected sample of sixty percent of the universe was taken. It was an analytic purposive sample. To make sure that we had adequate repre- sentation of theology, class, race, polity, age and size as independent variables in our sample, we selected 100 churches and interviewed their leading clergymen. Two groupings of churches were selected. The first group included those denominations with three or more churches in the Lansing area. In order to compare some of these denominations later, it was necessary to have a representa— tion of at least three or more in each denomination. Every denomination, irrespective of class, theology, polity, etc. had a chance of being selected, depending solely upon whether there were at least three churches established in this area. This selection included the Baptist, Methodist, Lutheran, Church of God, Catholic, Nazarene, Church of Christ, Holiness, Presbyterian, Episcopal, Bible Church, Jehovah's Witness, Free Methodist, Latter Day Saints, United Church of Christ, and Assembly of God churches. Churches of various combinations of variables were included, as the sample indicates. since the Baptists were so heavily represented, it was felt that a selection of ten of 56 Table 1. Clergy interviewed, according to religious groups.a Number of Number of Religious Groups Religious Groups Churches Churches Lutheran 13 (13) Free Methodist 3 (4) Baptist , 10 (31) Holiness 3 (5) Methodist 8 (20) Church of God in Nazarene 6 (10) Christ 3 (3) Presbyterian 6 ( 6) Pentecostal 3 (3) Catholic 6 (10) Orthodox 2 (2) United Church of Assembly of God 2 (3) Christ 4 ( 4) Church of Latter Church of Christ 4 ( 7) Day Saints 2 (4) Church of God 4 ( 7) Evangelical United Bible Church 4 ( 4) Brethren 2 (2) Non-denominational 4 ( 4) Reformed 2 (2) Episcopal 3 ( 4) Jewish 1 (1) Christian 3 ( 3) Salvation Army 1 (1) United Missionary l (1) Other (26) Total 100(180) aThe 180 churches in brackets represent the number of churches in the Lansing Area. The 100 churches (unbracketed) were the churches selected for the sample. the thirty-one churches was sufficient, but all the churches of the other groups mentioned were included. To complete a total number of 100 churches in the sample, the remaining thirteen to be selected were chosen randomly from the churches of the remaining universe. Thus denominations with fewer than three churches in the Lansing area had a chance of being selected also. These thirteen Churches were placed in two categories, named ”fundamental" and "non—fundamental" in order to rank them with the other denominational churches already selected in the first Selection. 57 In many ways it would have been desirable to have a much larger sample for adequate comparison of the clergy by denominations. When chi—square tests on the clergy were run statistically for comparisons without reference to denomination, then the problem of numbers was not great. However, in the comparisons of clergymen within denominations, this was somewhat of a handicap. However, since the collection of data required lengthy interviewing, it was not possible to select a larger sample, because of the time and expense involved. The interview was pretested with three clergymen, to determine length of time for the interview and the sharpness of the questions. Some suggestions were helpful. A number of questions were clarified, and a few added. Data Gathering To save time and expense, Robert Ordway, a graduate student in the Michigan State University Sociology and Anthropology Department, and I combined our questions in one Interview Schedule. The first part of the schedule, which is not included in the appendix, was devoted to his problem, and the second to the problem of this dissertation. This combination of efforts had certain advantages and disadvantages. Instead of each interviewing a hundred clergymen, we needed to interview only half as many. Since we both had selected the same universe for study, there would have been duplicate interviewing of 58 clergymen, which would have resulted in more refusals, which we avoided. The main disadvantages were that more checking and coordination was required because sometimes one person was farther ahead than the other making it necessary to wait for the other at times. Less than half a dozen refusals Were encountered in the two months of interviewing. Interviews ran from one and one—half hours to two and one-half hours per person. The clergy were telephoned and an interview appointment made, warning them that it would take two hours. On the Whole there was excellent rapport, and since they knew it would take considerable time, they were not overly restless. All of the clergy wanted a short report on the findings when asked, and several dozen expressed interest in the study. A number said the questions had provoked a re—examination of some things they were doing. Several were a little suspicious, and quite a few said they had been interviewed rather frequently by MSU students for various research projects. To guarantee anonymity, a letter from the Institute of Community Development was presented at the beginning of each interview. Clearance from the Lansing Catholic Chancery was secured and a letter from the Chancery presented to Catholic clergymen. Most of the clergy were quite willing to answer all questions on finances, attitudes, and behavior. Since the clergyman is a professional man, making appointments by telephone worked well. On a few occasions, 59 two, three, or even four appointments had to be made in person for a future interview. It was found in contacts by telephone that several clergymen of lower class felt quite uneasy, and were rather suspicious, whereas when the appointments were made in person, this created much less suspicion. Some interviews were greatly shortened because the interviewees were articulate, concise, and methodical. Others deliberated frequently and long, so that other inter— views tended to stretch out, resulting in some weariness toward the end. In a few cases communication was a problem. One or two clergymen who were Mexican and aged found it difficult to comprehend the questions so that answers were sometimes on a superficial level. On one occasion the clergyman was old so that hearing was a problem. For some of the clergy with less education and of lower class, it was necessary to interpret the questions in simpler language. Some of the concepts were foreign, and needed re—wording. Several found it very difficult to rank the social issues in order of importance. With a few exceptions, the clergy were a very amiable and cooperative group to interview. It would appear that few professionals would give as much time, and seek to answer as honestly as these did. About 95 percent of the clergy gave accurate and precise information, and the interview schedule and questions seemed to be adequate. 60 Index Construction The Interview Schedule included a series of questions on social involvement, social attitudes, social class, theology, ethnicity, church polity, and stage of development. It was necessary to construct an index for each of these areas. A discussion of the construction of each index follows. Social Class. Several studies made on social class were based on education and occupation.25 Four criteria were used to determine the social class of the clergy in this study, including education, occupation, income, and residence. For the determination of the social class of their congre— gations, only education and occupation were used. Scores ranging from 1 to 9 were assigned to each of the education, income, occupation, and residence criteria. The total score for each clergyman was then classified under Warner's category class system.26 I The value of the clergyman's parsonage and the respondent's address using the U.S. Bureau of Census popu~ lation and housing report, determined the housing price range of the census tract in which the clergyman lived. The salary, and benefits such as parsonage, insurance, car 25Bernard Lazerwitz, "A Comparison of Major United States Religious Groups," Journal of American Statistical Association, 56 (September, l96l), 568—79. 26 . . The indicators used were upper upper, lower upper, upper middle, lower middle, upper lower and lower lower. See Table 2 for the social class score in each category. 6l allowance, gifts, and outside work determined the range of the clergyman's income. The number of years of education including both theological (Biblical) and academic education, determined the total years of education. Since the sample represented a single occupational group, we determined class origin by asking for their father“s occupation, and the Work they were engaged in prior to their present work. The NORTC prestige scores for occupations were divided into nine groups to determine the occupational range. These four criteria as indicated in Table 2, resulted in a fairly sophisticated class determination which either education or income alone would not have been able to do. The reason for using more criteria was that an income index for clergy is less reliable than for other occupations. Also, since many had a number of years of theological training, the educational criteria alone would not have been as reliable as if only academic training would have been involved. Therefore, it was felt that more criteria would result in a more complex, but a more valid index.27 Clergy's Theology. The theology of the clergy was determined by using a liberal-conservative index. The five indicators were strongly liberal, liberal, middle, conservative and strongly conservative.28 The three criteria 27See Appendix B.l and Table 2 for the social class index. 28See Appendix B.2 and Table 3 for the theology index. 62 Table 2. Weighting of education, income, occupation and residence criteria for the clergy's social class.a Years of Clergy's Rank Education Income of Father's Residence Score of Clergy Clergy Occupation Value 1 l—8 $3,000—3,999 Service Worker Under $10,000 and Laborer 2 9~12 4,000—4,999 Farmer and $10,000-ll,999 Farm Manager 3 13—15 5,000-5,999 Operative and 12,000—14,999 Kindred Worker 4 16 (BA) 6,000—6,999 Craftsman, Fore— 15,000—19,999 man and Kindred Worker 5 l7 7,000-7,999 Sales Worker 20,000~24,999 6 18 (MA) 8,000-8,999 Clerical and 25,000—29,999 Kindred Worker 7 19 (BD) 9,000—9,999 Self—Employed 30,000-34,999 Manager and Proprietor 8 20 l0,000-lO,999 Salaried Manager 35,000—39,999 Official & Proprietor 9 21 (PhD) ll,000- Professional, 40,000— Technical and Kindred Worker aThe social class score is a summary of the education, income, occupation and residence rank scores of each clergy— man. The lowest possible social class score was 4 and the highest 36. These scores were placed in Warner's six classes as follows: 5—9 lower lower, lO-l4 upper lower, 15—19 lower middle, 20—24 upper middle, 25—29 lower upper and 30—34 upper upper class. 63 used to determine theology were: (1) Doctrinal beliefs, (2) identification with other theologians and clergy, and (3) placement of themselves on the liberal-conservative continuum. The doctrinal belief scores as illustrated in Table 3 were the most influential criteria for classify- ing the clergymen. The other two criteria were used largely to validate and help interpret direction. Table 3. Answers to questions related to doctrinal beliefs.a Answer Totals Don't' Question No Know Yes Do you believe in life after death? 0 0 100 Will some be punished? 9 4 87 Do you believe in the virgin birth of Christ? 6 5 89 Do you believe in Christ's physical resurrection? 5 5 90 Do you believe in Christ's second coming? 7 4 89 The Bible is God's word and all ' 'it says is true? 31 ll 58 Totals ' 58 29 513 aThe figures in the answer columns represent the answers of 100 clergy on each of the doctrinal questions. Scores were assigned as follows: 1 for each negative answer, 2 for uncertain, and 3 for a positive answer. Individual total doctrinal scores ranged from 8-18. Total scores (summary of individual's score on each question) were placed in five categories as follows: 18 strongly conservative, l6—l7 conservative, l4—15 middle, ll-l3 liberal, and 8—10 strongly liberal. 64 When asked to place themselves theologically, common theological terms such as liberal, existential, neo-orthodox, evangelical, conservative and fundamentalist were used, and they were asked to define what these terms meant to them. The clergy with strong liberal doctrinal tendencies con— sidered themselves liberal or existential, while clergymen with strong conservative doctrinal beliefs, classified them— selves as conservative or fundamentalist. The clergy whose doctrinal beliefs tended to be in the middle somewhere, often classified themselves as either neo—orthodox, or evangelical (a popular term) or a combination of the two. For the clergy who tended to fall in the middle, the identification with other clergymen was a very helpful guide for interpre— tation. If a clergyman tended to associate or identify himself with clergymen of conservative doctrine, then it was interpreted that he leaned in that direction. To determine doctrine, questions were asked on life after death, punishment after death, the virgin birth, the resurrection, the second coming of Christ, and the Bible. Table 3 indicates their answers on each of these issues. This criteria of doctrinal belief was definitely the most reliable. The other criteria helped to further interpret borderline cases. The clergy's own placement of them- selves theologically, had limited value, especially for a large number in the middle. Various theological terms have been so widely used, that they do not mean the same thing to everyone. 65 Clergy and Congregational Ethnicity. The two criteria used to determine ethnicity were: (1) National origin, and (2) racial composition of both the clergyman and his congre— gation. The racial composition continuum ranged from a white clergyman and an all white congregation designated as low, to high including a Negro clergyman, and an all Negro congregation as indicated in Table 4. Three categories in between accounted for combinations of various degrees. The highest score of racial complexion was five. The con— tinuum on nationality also ranged with scores from one to five. A score of five, represented high ethnicity with the combination of a foreign born clergyman, his foreign born parents, and a congregation of more than 50 percent first or second generation immigrants as indicated in Table 4. These two criteria, race and nationality, were added resulting in an ethnicity continuum ranging from high to low.29 In several tests they were taken separately. The rationale for combining these two was that both racial and nationality groups tend to maintain a sub-culture result- ing in possible variations in attitudes and behavior. Several studies have taken race only, but it would seem that nationality Would have this same effect, and it should be accounted for in consideration of this variable.30 29See Appendix B.2 and Table 4 for greater detail on the ethnicity index. 30Gerhard Lenski, The Reliaious Factg; (Garden City: Doubleday and Company, 1961). Lenski divided Protestants into white Protestants and Negro Protestants with significantly different results on several variables. 66 Table 4. Weighting of national origin and racial composition criteria included in the ethnicity variable.a Rank Racial National Score Composition Origin 0 Native born 1 Respondent and Congre- Respondent's parent or gation all white parents foreign born 2 Respondent white and clergyman and his parents 90—99.9% of congre— foreign born gation white 3 Over 10% of congregation Clergyman, his parents of another race than and 10—24% of congre- their clergyman . gation lst or 2nd generation in America 4 Respondent Negro and Clergyman, his parents congregation 90—99.9% and 25—50% of congre- non—white gation of let and 2nd generation 5 Respondent Negro and Clergyman, his parents congregation all and over 50% of congre- non—white gation of lst and 2nd generation aEthnicity score equals racial composition rank score plus national origin rank score. The ethnicity scores ranged from 2—7. In a number of cases, the racial composition and national origin scores were used separately. Church Polity. The common threefold division of church polity is congregational, presbyterial, and episcopal, ranging from local autonomy of the congregation to considerable determination of local church policy by a national or inter— national hierarchy. It delineated the lines of authority, and the degree of dominance of a local group by an outside larger structure. 67 Each clergyman was asked to indicate the church polity of his denomination and local church. In about ninety percent of the cases, the designation was clear, with the clergy within a given denomination basically agreeing among themselves whether their church was congregational, presbyterial or episcopal. In a few cases including the Church of Christ, and non—denominational churches the polity was not so clear, so that all clergy were asked to draw organizational charts of their denomination as well as their congregation. This helped to clarify what demands the denomi— nation made upon the local group. A five point continuum, designating "congregational” as one, "presbyterial" as three and "episcopal”I as five resulted in an index indicating the degree of denominational control over the local groups.31 The clergyman‘s church was classified as he placed it at one of these three points on the continuum, unless he was somewhat uncertain, or tended to think it included a combination of two. Some of the Lutheran, Church of Christ, and Church of the Latter Day Saints clergy did not agree among themselves. For these borderline cases, two more categories, mixed (episcopal, presbyterial) and mixed (congregational, presbyterial) were created, with scores of two and four between the other three polity categories. Although this was a fairly refined continuum on polity, for the purposes of this research, 31See Appendix B.4 for the polity index.v 68 the episcopal, mixed (episcopal, presbyterial), and presby— terial categories were collapsed into an episcopal category, and the congregational and mixed (congregational, presby— terial) churches were collapsed into a second grouping designated congregational. Table 15 of the descriptive analysis section which follows shows this in greater detail. The Catholic, Episcopal, Greek Orthodox and Church of God in Christ churches were designated as having episcopal polity. The Methodist, Free Methodist, Salvation Army, "' Latter Day Saints and Evangelical United Brethren churches were mixed (episcopal, presbyterial), and the Presbyterian and Reformed churches were presbyterial. Three were mixed (congregational, presbyterial), namely the Lutheran, United Missionary, and Nazarene churches. The largest number were of congregational polity, including the United Church of Christ, Jewish, Bible Church, Baptist, Christian, Church of Christ, Church of God, Pentecostal, NOn-denominational, Assembly of God, and Holiness churches. Stage of Development. The two criteria used for the stage of church development were the age of the congre- gation and denomination and the size of the church member— ship. Table 5 shows the age ranking of the Lansing churches with scores ranging from 1-9. The denominational ages were also ranked with scores ranging from 1—9. The 69 church and denominational rank scores were summed and divided by two to arrive at a church age (summary) rank score ranging from 1-9. Similarly the church sizes were ranked, with rank scores ranging from 1—9. Finally the church (summary) age rank and church size rank scores were summed, and divided by two to arrive at a church stage score with a possible range from 1—9. Table 5. Weighting of size and age criteria for church stage.a Church Denominational Church Rank Age Age Size Score (When Organized) (When Founded) (Number of Members) 1 1950's l925-present l - 99 2 1940's 1900—1924 100 — 249 3 1930's 1850-1899 250 - 499 4 1920's 1800—1849 500 — 749 5 1910's 1750-1799 750 — 999 6 1900's 1700-1749 1000 — 1249 7 1880—99 1600's 1250 - 1499 8 1860—79 1500's 1500 — 1999 9 Before 1860 Before 1500 2000 — and over aChurch stage score equals church age summary rank score (church age rank score plus denominational age rank score divided by tw0) plus church size rank score divided by two. The size of the churches ranged from under fifty to over tw0 thousand members. The age of the churches varied considerably also, with some established before 1860. The combination of age and size to form stage indicates the . v.1 I‘l‘ll..l..-I.I. SI II In I‘lllllll 70 historical development of the religious group represented.32 Churches with a small membership and recently established were designated in an early stage of development. Larger churches, with a long denominational history and established early in Lansing were in a late stage of development. The Catholic churches especially were of the late stage type. Social Involvement. The three areas of social involvement are: (1) Behavior of the clergy on sixteen selected social issues, (2) involvement of the clergy in community affairs, and (3) church involvement in social issues. The three were treated separately and not summarized. The four criteria to determine the behavior of the clergy on the sixteen selected social issues were: (1) Number of sermons preached, (2) books read, (3) items written, and (4) work done on each of the sixteen issues in the last year as illustrated in Table 6. The sum of these scores ranged from zero to twenty-four. Those falling below the mean were considered passive, and those falling above were considered active. A series of questions on which community organizations the clergy belonged to, how often they attended meetings, whether they were committee members, officers, or past officers was used by Chapin.33 A social participation index 32See Table 5 and Appendix B.5 for greater detail on the stage index. 33S. Stuart Chapin, "Social Participation and Social Intelligence," American Sociological Review, 4:1 (February, 1939), 157—66. 71 required the following weighting: One point for each organization belonged to, one point for fifty percent atten— dance of each organization, one point for each committee membership and one point for holding an office or past office.34 Summarization resulted in a social participation continuum, with clergymen falling below the mean designated as low, and those falling above the mean designated as high. Table 6. Weighting of sermons preached, books read, items written, and work done criteria included in social behavior of the clergy on sixteen social issues.a Number of Number of Number of Rank Sermons Number of Items Involvements Score Preached Books Read Written in Work Done 0 None None None None 1 1 — 9% l — 2 l 1 2 10 - 19% 3 — 4 2 2 3 20 — 29% 5 — 6 3 3 4 3O - 39% 7 - 8 4 4 5 4O — 49% 9 - 10 5 5 6 50 — 59% ll — 12 6 6 7 6O — 69% 13 - l4 7 7 8 70 — 79% 15 - 16 8 8 9 80 — 89% 17 — l8 9 9 aRank scores of sermons preached plus books read plus items written plus work done (on sixteen selected social issues in one year) equals the social behavior score of the clergyman. The social behavior scores ranged from 0-24. 34See Appendix A, question 144 for a concise chart showing the various alternatives. The social participation scores ranged from 0—9. 72 Church involvement in social issues was determined by two criteria: (1) Whether they had a committee working on social issues, and (2) the number of denominational state— ments made on the sixteen selected social issues. Data on church involvement was not used extensively. The number of church statements made on the sixteen social issues ranged from 0-12. The United Church of Christ, Episcopal, and Methodist churches were especially prolific. Although a comparison of the social involvement of the clergy with some other group such as the laity, or other professional groups would have been desirable, this was not possible. It would have indicated whether they were more or less involved compared with other outside groups. As it was, our comparison was only among the clergy of the sample. The indicators on an active—passive social behavior index were high, highly, moderately, slightly and low. For dichotomous usage, some fell below and others above the 35 mean. Social Attitudes. The three criteria used to deter— mine social attitudes were: (1) A spontaneous ranking of the five social issues the clergymen deemed most important, (2) attitudes toward sixteen selected social issues, and (3) a ranking of these sixteen social issues in order of importance. 35The index for social involvement can be checked in Appendix B.6 and Table 6. 73 Twenty-seven Likert type questions were devoted to determine attitudes on the selected sixteen issues discussed earlier in Chapter I. The clergy were asked to respond with strongly agree, agree, uncertain, disagree or strongly dis— agree with rank scores from one to five assigned to these questions. For several social issues, only one attitudinal question was used for each. Several questions were devoted to issues on racial discrimination, threat of nuclear war, communism, etc. Where there was more than one question per issue, the attitudinal scores of all questions were summed and divided by the number of questions on that issue. This resulted in an attitudinal score for each clergyman on each' of the sixteen selected social issues ranging from 1-5. A summary attitudinal score was attained by adding the scores of the questions of the sixteen selected social issues for each clergyman, referred to from here on as social attitudes score. The range of social attitudes scores of the clergymen was 36—107. The possible attitudinal range was 26-130. The scores for each question and all the issues were designed so that the lowest score of one, represented the most liberal position, advocating change, and the highest score of five represented a conservative position preferring the status quo. The lowest social attitudes score of 36 therefore, represented the most liberal attitudes toward the sixteen social issues, while the highest score of 107 73a represented the most conservative position. Before any other attitudinal questions were asked, the clergy were asked to list the five most important social issues and problems confronting American society. This was done to ascertain which issues were most prominent in their own minds, whether they thought specifically about social issues or only vaguely, and how much their listing coincided with our own sixteen selected social issues. The degree of specificity and the degree of vagueness was determined this way. The clergy were also asked to rank the selected sixteen social issues according to their order of importance. This was done to compare this ranking with their own listing of five issues, as well as permit comparison with their answers to the attitudinal questions, to see what correlation there might be.36 An extensive discussion of the attitudes of the clergy toward the sixteen selected issues and their ranking follows in Chapter IV. 6See Appendix B.7 for greater detail on the social attitudes index. All attitudinal questions are listed in Appendix A, questions 155-180. CHAPTER IV ANALYSIS OF DATA The first part of this chapter describes the sample population. The second part analyzes the relations among the variables and the clergy using the chi—square and the contingency coefficient tests. The third part deals with the data by denominations, using rankczorrelation tests. Analysis of specific social issues takes place in part four, and the fifth part is an analysis of deviations with emphasis on status inconsistencies. Descriptive Analysis Table 7 shows the age groupings of the clergy in the sample. The mean age was 45.5 years. None of the clergy were under twenty—five years of age, and one was over seventy. Clergymen over sixty—five served small, lower class, churches on a part time basis, and did not receive a regular salary. The percentages in age groups represent a normal curve with the exception of the 40—44 age group, which is smaller than expected. This may be a consequence of the smaller number entering the ministry during World War II. Table 8 presents data on the number of clergy born in rural and urban areas. About one-quarter were of 74 75 Table 7. Age distribution of sample clergy in urbanized area. Age Groups Number Under 25 0 25-29 6 30—34 10 35_39 23 47 Young 40-44 8 45—49 16 50—54 13 55—59 13 60—64 5 53 Old 65 and over 6 Total 100 Mean Age 45.5 Median Age 47.0 Table 8. Lansing area clergy born in rural and urban areas. Area Total Category Area Born Number Number Rural Farm 11 22 Town, Village 11 Urban Small City 40 76 (2,500—49,000) Middle—Sized 15 (50,000—199,ooo) Large 10 (200,000—1 Million) Metropolis 11 (Over 1 Million) No Answer 2 Total 98 100 Area Mode Small City 76 rural background, and about three-quarters were of urban background. The largest proportion (two—fifths), were born in small cities of populations between 2,500—49,000. The birth places of the clergy represent the range from farm to metropolis, with at least ten in each category. The most interesting part is that only about one—fifth were born in large cities over 200,000. Lansing area clergymen had a mean education of seven- teen years and a median education of nineteen years as Table 9 illustrates. Only one clergyman had less than eight years of education. Four-tenths had nineteen to twenty years of education, and about one—tenth had more than twenty years. This total number of years includes both religious and academic education, so a closer look at each of these is necessary. The mean academic education of the clergy was about two or three years of college. About one—tenth had grade school education or less as indicated in Table 10. About seven-tenths were college graduates, and about one—fourth had taken academic graduate training. The range of academic training was great, ranging from less than grade school education to possession of doctor°s degrees. In addition to academic training, about four-fifths of the clergy had some religious and theological training. There were mainly two types of training represented. About one-fifth were trained in Bible Schools, on an undergraduate level. The Baptists, Non-denominational, and Bible Church clergymen were heavily represented in this type of education. 77 Table 9. Academic and religious education of Lansing clergymen. . . . Years of ClaSSification . Number Totals Education Grade School 1 8 and less 1 High School 14 9 - 10 9 ll — 12 5 College 20 13 - 14 12 15 - 16 8 Graduate School 54 17 - 18 14 19 — 20 40 Advanced Study 11 21 — 22 6 23 — 24 5 Total 100 100 Mean Education 17 years Median Education 19 years About three—fifths were trained in seminary beyond college on a graduate level. Somewhat over a third had completed three year programs leading to the Bachelor of Divinity Degree. Table 11 indicates that the mean religious education was a little under two years. About one—fifth had no religious training. The lack of religious training was not concentrated in any particular denomination, although two or three of the Latter Day Saints, Free Methodist, and Nazarene clergy had no religious training. All of the Episcopal, Lutheran, Presbyterian, United Church of Christ, Jewish, EUB, and Christian clergy had some religious training. 78 Table 10. Years of academic education of the clergy. Academic Years 9f Number Totals Training Education Grade School 4 _ 8 ll 11 High School 9 _ 12 12 12 College 54 Some 13 — 15 8 Graduate 16 46 Graduate School 23 Some 17 5 Master's Degree 18 11 Beyond Degree 19 4 Doctor's Degree 20 — 21 3 Total 100 100 Mean Academic Education 14.6 years Median Academic Education 16.0 years Table 11. Religious education of the Lansing clergy. Religious Years Pf Number Total Training Education None 0 21 21 Bible School 21 0 — 1.9 7 2 and over 14 Seminary 58 Some 0 — 1.9 8 Master's Degree 2 — 2.9 7 Divinity Degree 3 - 3.9 36 Beyond Degree 4 — 5 7 Total 100 100 Mean Religious Education 1.82 years Median Religious Education 2.00 years 79 The mean and median income of Lansing area clergy— men was $7,500. Incomes ranged from under $4,000 to over $11,000 indicated in Table 12. Ten percent received an income of over $11,000, while only three percent received under $4,000. These income figures include salary, housing, insurance, gifts, travel allowance, and other income, etc. It was not possible to get income figures from nine people. Some were of lower and some of higher incomes. The Lansing area clergy did not seem to be deprived financially. Table 12. Income of Lansing clergymen. Income Number $ 3,000 — $ 3,999 3 4,000 — 4,999 9 5,000 — 5,999 .10 Low 6,000 — 6,999 18 7,000 — 7,999 18 8,000 — 8,999 12 9,000 — 9,999 8 High 10,000 — 10,999 3 11,000 — and over 10 Not given 9 Total 100 Mean Income $7,500 Median Income $7,500 All of the Episcopal, Presbyterian, United Church of Christ, and Jewish clergymen received salaries above $7,000 annually. The Holiness, Church of God in Christ, United Missionary, Salvation Army and Free Methodist clergy received salaries below $7,000 annually. The greatest discrepancies were among the Nazarene clergy with incomes 80 ranging from $4,000 - $10,000, and the Church of God clergy with incomes ranging from $3,000 ‘- $10,000. Tables 9—12 on education and income show data used to determine the social class of the clergy. Table 13 shows the number of clergymen and congregations in each of Warner‘s six classes. The clergy mode tended to be upper middle class, while the congregational mode tended to be lower middle class.(the latter based on estimates of the clergy). Table 13. Social class of the clergy and congregations.a . . . Number Number ClaSSlflcatlon of Clergy of Congregations Upper upper 4 12 Lower upper 15 61 Higher 12 Upper middle 42 12 Lower middle 17 25 Upper lower 13 39 Lower 16 LOWer lower 9 17 Not reported 0 6 Total 100 100 Clergy mode Upper middle Congregational mode Lower middle aThe social class of the clergy was determined by a combination of their education, income, father's occupation, and residence. The congregational social class includes the education and occupation of the members. Twenty—five of the clergy were of lower class than their congregations. This included (number of clergy in brackets) Lutheran (7), Presbyterian (3), United Church of Christ (3), Episcopal (2), Reformed (2), Nazarene (2), 81 and one in the Christian, Greek Orthodox, Pentecostal, Non—denominational, Bible and Holiness churches. Thirty- eight clergymen were of higher social class than their congregations. Five of the six Catholic; three—fourths of the Methodist and Church of Christ; one half of the Presbyterian, Baptist, Nazarene, and Church of God clergy were in a higher social class than their members. Table 14 shows a distribution of clergymen by theo— logical orientation. The mode and median orientation was conservative. About three—fourths of the clergy were either conservative or strongly conservative. Conservatives held exclusively or almost exclusively to the virgin birth of Christ, punishment after death, the Bible as infallible, the second coming of Christ and identified themselves with conservative clergymen. Those who placed in the middle were included with the liberals for chi-square tests. Numerous past studies have shown clergymen to be conservative theo~ logically, and this was substantiated in this study.1 In fact, about one—third were strongly conservative. Episcopal and United Church of Christ clergy were strongly liberal; Methodist clergy were liberal; Presbyterian clergy tended toward the middle; and the rest were conserva— tive or strongly conservative theologically. lOrden Smucker, ”A Study of Religious Practices and Attitudes in East Lansing,"(East Lansing: Social Research Service, Michigan State University, 1950); Benton Johnson, "On Church and Sect," American Sociological Review, 28:4 (August, 1963), 539—49. 82 (Ifzafkole l4. Theological orientation of Lansing clergymen. Theology Number Totals ss-t:3:ongly Liberal 8 Z I,j_13eral ll \ 24 Liberal Middle 5 ) C2c>raservative 41 g 53tzlrongly Conservative 35 76 Conservative Total 100 100 Ddc>ciea Theology Conservative Med ian Theology Conservative The larger proportion of religious groups were CCDIISJregational as indicated in Table 15. The first three Carteaggories, episcopal, mixed (episcopal—presbyterial) and prfisslayterial were placed under the episcopal category which reEDIT€asented almost two—fifths of the total, while congre— gath—CDHal and mixed (presbyterial—congregational) were pla<2€ad under a congregational category comprising three— fjJEtllls of the churches.2 Ninety of the Lansing clergy sample were caucasian, nir1€3 Were Negro and one was Mexican.3 Table 16 presents tile? racial composition of church membership. About seven— tex'lths of the congregations were all caucasian. Six The discussion under index construction on pages 6‘7 and 68 lists the churches as they were placed in the various polity categories. 3Three Church of God in Christ, two Pentecostal, tWO Church of God, one Baptist, and one Methodist were Negro and the Mexican clergyman was Baptist. 83 Table 15. Polity of Lansing churches. lPolity Number . Totals Episcopal 14 Mixed (Epis-Presby) 16 38 Presbyterial 8 Mixed (Presby—Cong) 20 } 62 <2<>Iugregational 42 Totals 100 100 1%313343 l6. Racial composition of Lansing congregations. Racial Mixed Mixed Total Composition Categories Number Number All Caucasian 69 MiXed 24 98—99.9 Cauc. 18 Over 10% Non—Cauc. 2 Over 10% Cauc° l 95-99.9 Non-Cauc. 3 A13~ NOn- Callcasian NO Answer \ 'Totals 24 100 \ CcDrigregations were all Negro. About one—quarter were Inixed, but only three had a racial minority group of over ten percent (Church of Christ, Pentecostal, Church of God in Christ). Thus most of the racially mixed congregations were only nominally integrated. 84 Table 17 shows that five of the Lansing clergy were foreign born. About one—fifth of their fathers, and one- seventh of their mothers were foreign born. Seven—tenths of the churches had less than a five percent foreign born membership, and about one-fifth of the churches had ten percent or more foreign born members. The largest number of the churches with a high foreign born membership were Catholic, Greek Orthodox, and Lutheran. Table 17. Birth places of Lansing clergymen. . Area Total Place of Birth Area Number Number United States 95 Michigan 18 Midwest 35 Northeast 16 Northwest 8 Southeast 4 Southwest 5 South 8 Other 1 Foreign 5 Germany 1 France 1 Ireland 1 Poland 1 Greece 1 Totals 100 100 Of the ninety-five clergy born in the United States, slightly more than half were born in the midwest and about one—sixth in Michigan. This represents a larger number who served churches in the areas where theyxnere born. 85 The racial composition of the churches and their clergy plus the national origins of the congregations and the clergy were combined to establish ethnicity. Tables 16 and 17 contain descriptive data pertaining to this variable. In a number of tests racial composition and national origins were tested separately. The number of members in each congregation varied considerably from under fifty to over two thousand. Table 18 indicates the mean number of members at 250° One-fifth had a membership of under fifty. About one—seventh had over 1000 members. The memberships of all but one of the Catholic churches were over 1500. The churches of six denominations were all larger than the mean, and nine denominations had no churches with a membership as large as the 250 average. It was found also that almost one—fifth of the clergy claimed that 100 percent of their members were active. Active membership was defined as making a regular contribution to the church, and attending church at least once a month. Almost two-fifths stated that less than four-fifths of their members were active. The most important finding on congregational age was that the churches were relatively young, for over 4The Catholic, Episcopal, Presbyterian. United Church of Christ, Jewish and Methodist churches were all over 250 members. None of the Hbliness, Assembly of God, Church of God in Christ, Pentecostal, Church of Christ, Greek Orthodox, United Missionary, Free Methodist, and Salvation Army churches had a membership of over 250. 86 two-fifths were less than 25 years old as indicated in Table 19. These had been established during or after World War II.5 Only eight denominations were represented by churches which were established before 1900.6 Table 18. Size of congregations in Lansing. Number of Members Percent under 50 20 50 - 99 13 100 - 249 16 250 — 499 21 500 — 999 16 1000 — 1499 1500 - 1999 2000 and over Total 100 Due to the rapid growth of the Lansing urban area, many churches were started rather recently, along with the growth of education, industry, and state government. The distribution of age of the denominations was somewhat different, with only sixteen churches representing denominations begun after 1900 as indicated in Table 20. 5All of the Church of Christ, Bible Church, Non- denominational, Pentecostal, Greek Orthodox, United Missionary, Reformed, and Church of Latter Day Saints churches were established after 1930° 6Five Methodist, three Baptist, three United Church of Christ, two Lutheran, two Presbyterian, one Episcopal, one Jewish, and one Catholic church were established before 1900. 87 Table 19. Age of congregations (when established). Years Percent 1950 - 32 1940 — 49 11 1930 — 39 16 1920 — 29 13 1910 — 19 8 1900 — 09 2 1860 - 99 11 Before 1860 No Answer 1 Total 100 Table 20. Age of denominations and religious groups. J14 - Jilin ,, After 1925 None 0 1900 — 25 Nazarene, Pentecostal, Church of 17 God in Christ, Assembly of God, Holiness 1850 - 99 Church of God, Free Methodist, Salvation 9 Army, United Missionary 1800 — 49 Church of Christ, Christian, Baptist, 21 EUB, Church of Latter Day Saints 1750 — 99 Methodist 8 1700 - 49 None 0 1600 - 99 Congregational 1500 - 99 Lutheran, Presbyterian, Reformed 21 Before 1500 Jewish, Catholic, Orthodox, Episcopal 12 Not Apply Non-denominational, Bible Church 8 Total 100 88 The age of the denomination and the age of the local congregation were combined to arrive at age as one of two parts of the stage of development. The other part was church size. Analysis of the Clergy In the analysis of the clergy, the five independent variables, and the two dependent variables will be discussed in the following order: Class, theology, stage, ethnicity, polity, attitudes, and behavior. Over sixty chi—squares were run, of which fifty were significant below the .05 level of confidence.7 The corrected coefficient of contingency was computed for each chi—square. Social Class. Since the education and income of the clergy were important elements of social class, they were tested and a high correlation was found between low education and low income of the clergy.9 It was also reasoned that clergymen of higher education would likely 7The X2"s used in this analysis ranged from 3.24 to 31.6, with P < .06 to P < .001 levels of confidence. In the discussion of data, all chi-squares will be listed in tables and footnotes with few appearing in the main text. 8A corrected coefficient of contingency was com— puted for each chi—square with scores ranging from .249 to .693. In the discussion of the data, the following termin- ology will be used with reference th the'C scores: .500 - .699 a very high correlation; .350 - .499 a high correlation: .250 — .349 a moderate correlation; below .250 a low correlation. 9Table 33.A in the Appendix. X2 = 7.7, P < .01; 5': .382. 89 serve congregations of higher education, while clergy of less education would likely serve congregations of less education.10 This association was found because congregations tended to hire clergymen more on their level of education. The age of the clergy was thought to be positively related to education, but it turned out to be negative for younger clergymen tended to have lower education.ll There appeared to be no reason for this surprising finding. There was no particular denominational trend on the age of their clergy. Table 21.A indicates that lower class clergymen were serving newer and smaller churches. This very high correlation between the social class of the clergy and the stage of their churches was related to income and educa- tion.12 Smaller churches could not afford to pay the high salaries which large congregations could afford. This meant that larger churches drew more educated clergymen who were better trained. The social class of the clergy correlated with church polity. Churches of episcopal polity had a higher proportion of clergymen in higher social class levels.l3 10Table 33.3 in the Appendix. X2 = 4.6, P < .05; .250. 11 .318. m u 2 Table 33.0 in the Appendix. X 5 41,P < .05; 0| II 12Table 21.A. X2 = 23 3, P < AMIL;E'= .622. 2 13Table 21.3. X 7.3, P < .01; 6': .368. 90 Apparently the clergy in more hierarchical churches which are more highly organized were better educated and more highly paid. More clergymen of lower education and income were in churches of congregational polity. It should be noted, however, that there were as many congregational churches with clergymen of higher class (thirty-two) as clergymen of lower class (thirty). The congregational structure allowed for considerable variation on both edu- cation and salary. The small number of lower class clergymen in episcopal churches, accounted largely for the significance level involved here. Episcopal polity resulted in more educational and income uniformity on a higher class level. There was a high correlation between lower class clergymen and conservative attitudes toward the sixteen social issues, when all the issues were combined into a single score.l4 Studies have shown that there were variations on individual issues so these differences will be discussed later. The data suggest that, on the whole, higher class clergymen display attitudes supporting change, while lower class clergymen tend to support the status quo. It is significant to note, however, that while one-fourth of the lower class clergy held liberal attitudes, oneethird of the higher class clergy held conservative attitudes. We suspect that on several of the sixteen issues higher class clergymen may be conservative, while their over—all attitudes are liberal. 14Table 21.0. X2 = 17.10, P < .001; a = .531. 91 and. n.w emm. n m. Hoo. v e m.oe n we Hoe. v e oe.ne u mx ooe 1 e6 mm ooe e6 mm nmsnne mmommH 1, Hmfloom mm mm 6 m>euo¢ Hmeoom no me ow m Happens phase“ wmhmao mo >mnwao mo H0H>msmm m>Hum mopsuflppfi mm mm mm m>ennne an em om u>nmnqoo :mem 30a emem 304 amnoao mo mmmao Hmfloom .Q wmnmao mo mmmao ameoom .U mom. n m. mmp. n.w Ho. v e m.n u we , Hoe. v e m.mm n we can an mm , cos 1 am mm mm mm d emeooneem s . mm me oe meme peace eoeseo no N6 mm om emeoeumm -mhmeoo evened me me am sauna mmmpm no em 30a Edam 30g hmnmau mo mmmau Hmfloom .m hmnmao mo mmmao Hmfloom .¢ .wmnmao mo mmmao HMHUOm pom .HOH>mst .mQGDUHpnm pom .nousso mo quHOQ pom mmmum cwame wQOHUMHUOmm< .HN GHQMB 92 Although the correlation between the social class of the clergy and their behavior on the sixteen social issues was not as high as their attitudes on these issues, the 15 It is important to note that correlation was still high. there were about as many clergymen of higher class who were passive, as lower class clergymen. The_leve1 of significance was attained because a very small number of lower class clergy (only six) were active on the social issues. Thus quite a few of the clergymen of higher social class held liberal attitudes toward these social issues but were not involved in them. Theology of Clergy. A high correlation was expected between the theology and the social class of the clergyman, but it was not expected to be as high as it was.16 This was one of the very high correlations which indicates that class and theology are twin variables which any study of this kind must take into consideration. All of the clergy of liberal theology were of higher social class, which suggests that higher education and income tend to influence theology in the liberal direction. To clarify this further we ran a chi-square test on education with theology.l7 This revealed a greater number 15Table 21.D. X2 l6Table 22.A. X2 20 1, P < .001; 6': .620. 17Table 33.D in the Appendix. X2 = 16.3, P < E = .530. 10.8, P < .001; t = .441. .001; 93 of clergymen of conservative theology who were of lower education (forty~five), and a smaller number (thirty—one) who were of conservative theology and of higher education. The same was done with the theology and education of the clergy resulting in a high correlation between liberal theology and higher education.18 Twice as many clergymen of liberal theology served churches of episcopal polity as served churches of congre— gational polity. On the other hand, when we considered clergymen of conservative theology by themselves, more than twice as many served churches of congregational polity as of episcopal polity.19 Clergymen of conservative theology tended to hold conservative attitudes toward the sixteen selected social issues.20 More than twice as many clergymen of liberal theology held liberal rather than conservative attitudes, while almost twice as many of conservative theology held conservative rather than liberal attitudes. Again, it will be necessary to look more closely at the individual issues later, to gain a greater understanding of attitudinal variations. Table 22 shows that a slightly stronger correlation between theology and behavior was found than between theology _ 18Table 34.A in the Appendix. X2 = 12.3, P < .0017 c = .471. 19 2 - Table 22.3. X = 10.47, P < 0001; c = .419. 20 2 _ Table 22.c. X 6.57. P < 002; c = .351. 94 mmm. u w amm. u w Ho. v m mm.h u Nx No. v m hm.© H mx OOH _ cm on ooa em on . mmsmmH mmommH Hafioom mm ea Hm m>nuo< Hmfloom so we ma mm Hmnmnaq ., tnm3bu xmnmao m0 mmumao mo mo oe mm 0>ammmm uoa>memm mm m we .>emmcoo mmpsnauum Hmumflflq .>nmmcou Hmnmfleq .>Hmmcoo hmnmau mo hmoHomsa .Q mommao mo mmoaomne .0 men. n m omb. u w Hoo. v e ae.oe n «x Hoo. v e e.om u mx ooe _ am be ooe am on mm be mm .naem an am am swam xpflaom amnmau mo Ne m an .deoo eonseo mm 0 mm Poe nnmao emaoom Hammond .PHomcoo Hmnonflq .>n0mcoo mmnmao mo wmoHomSB .m >mnmao mo mmoHooSB .< .mmnonsso mo hoaaom tom .mmommH amnoom so mmnoao mo H0H>m£mn tom .m0U5pHuum .mmmao HMHUOm .xmoaomnu cmwBuwn mQOApmfloommm .NN manna 95 and attitudes. Clergymen of conservative theology tended to be passive on the sixteen selected issues, while clergy— men of liberal theology tended to be active.21 A detailed analysis will follow later in this chapter. Stage of Church. The relationship between the size and age of the church was tested and the highest correlation of the study was found.22 The size and age of a church go together rather consistently. A test on the size of the church and the education of the clergy confirmed the trend that larger and older churches tended to hire clergymen with better education. This is possible because they can afford to pay more for better educated clergymen, and also they tend to be of higher educational status themselves, so they prefer clergy- men with more education. Table 23 shows that the clergy of conservative theology tended to serve smaller and younger churches.2 Only two clergymen of liberal theology served churches of early stage, while the other twenty-two of liberal theology, served larger and older churches. Since the correlation 21Table 22.3. X2 = 7.55, P < 001; E = .382. 22Table 23.A. X2 = 31.6, P < 0001; a = .693. 23 . . 2 _ _ Table 34.3 1n the Appendix. X — 23.8, P < .001; c = .621. 24 2 Table 23.3. X = 17.0, P < .001: E = .542. 96 see. u w Hoe. v e H.me u we ooa mm me mm mm b mm mm mm mumq >Hnmm Nam. n w Hoo. v m o.ha n mx ooe _ mm me gm mm N mm mm me mama manmm pen mapsnapum .mmoaomnu pom mwommH m>flpo< HMHoom co . hmnmao mo T>Hmmmm H0H>mnmm mmmum LUHDSU .Q Hmumnflq hmnmao mo .>Mmmcoo kmoHowne mmmum eonseo .m .zonsso mo TNHm pom mmm 0mm. u w Hoo. V m m.©a H Nx ooa mm me mm mm NH Hm ma mm mumq manna mom. H w Hoo. V m ©.Hm n Nx ooe _ em me he mm m mm ma 0% mmnmq HHmEm mmommH HTHUOm Hmumaflq tnmsou wmnmao mo .>Hmmcoo monounuua ommum eouseo .o UHO noeneo 302 m0 00¢ evened no mnam .4 .mTSmmH Hmaoom co hmnmao may mo HOHPMbTQ .mmmpm cmmemQ mcoflumeuommm .mm OHQMB 97 with class was so strong, it was found that higher education is related to the fact that more clergymen work in larger churches. However, in comparing class and stage with theology and stage, some significant differences were found. More clergymen of conservative theology (forty-three), than of lower social class (twenty-nine), served churches of an early stage. Only two of liberal theology served churches in the early stage, while sixteen of higher class served such churches. The analysis showed that clergymen of younger and smaller congregations tended to hold conservative attitudes toward the sixteen social issues.25 Three times as many clergymen of churches of late stage held liberal attitudes as clergymen of early church stage. Five times as many clergymen of churches in the early stage of development were passive in their behavior on the social issues as were active.26 The clergymen of late stage churches Split evenly on their activity on social issues. Ethnicity of Clergy and Church. There was a greater association among the social class, theology and church stage variables than between these variables and ethnicity. There was only a very slight tendency for the clergy in the lower classes to come from ethnic and racial origins. 25Table 23.0. X2 26Table 23.3. X2 .530. CI II 16.3, P < .001; 12.1, P < .001; E = .477. 98 Nor was a significant association found between the social behavior of the clergy and nationality and raCe. When churches with higher percentages of foreign born members and their clergymen were compared with the native born clergymen and members on attitudes toward the selected social issues, the native born tended to hold more liberal attitudes.27 Three—fourths of the Negro clergy and the clergy with racially heterogeneous congregations held liberal racial views compared to one-half of the white clergymen with all white congregations.28 ~Those involved in racial problems were more concerned about changing injustices. Otherwise the clergy with conservative attitudes tended to come from churches of high ethnicity, while the reverse was true for the clergy holding liberal attitudes toward the sixteen social issues. Church Polity. There was a greater association among the class, theology, and stage variables than between these variables and polity. There was not a significant relation- ship between church polity and the behavior of the clergy on social issues. However, there was a significant association between the size of the church and church polity. Larger churches tended toward episcopal polity, and smaller churches toward congregational polity.3O The churches of hierarchical 27 2 Table 24.A, 6.28, P < .02; E = .341. CI I 5.15, P < .05; .313. 10.44, P < .01; a = .440. 29Table 24.0. X 28Table 24.3. X X 30 X Table 25.A. 5.37, P < .05; E = .315. 99 Owe. ”U Ho. V e ea.oH n x mmsmmH HmHonw .monm3ou hmanU mo mmUSUHuu¢ mneuecenm .o N OOH Ow Hm Hm mm wH HmanHH me OH mm .>Hmmcoo 304 amen MHm. H w Hem. w mO. V m mH.m n mx NO. V m mm.m n mx OOH Oh Om OOH Hm mo pm am mm ememneq xmameo no me am mm emhmnaq motouHupm we Om m .>nwmcoo HmHomm Hm OH He .>nmmooo 30H smHm ®>Hpmz omHmHom coHuHmOQEou HMHomm .m mmommH HMHUOm Unw3ou >mHmHU mo mmpopHuu¢ chHHo Hmeoenmz .m UHMBOH mmpopprm pom AwuHHMCOHpmc .momnv huHUchpw .mmSmmH HMHOOm ommemQ mGOHHMHUOmm< .vm OHQMB 100 N OOH mm No .mw ON NN Hm HH 0% .mHmm .mmnmooo HmquHH .>Hmmcou mwommH HMHoom tnm3ou mmHmHU mo monopHuud anHoe rouseo .m mHm. n m mo. V m em.m u we OOH mm mm Hm mm mm mmumq eohseo me mH om HHmsm no ouam .mHQm .mmnmooo snaHoe nonzeo .e nummommH HMHUOm pnmzou wmano mo motopprm pom mononoco Ho TNHm tom poHOQ cmmBqu mCOHHMHoommd .mN THQmB 101 polity tended to build larger congregations, while those of congregational polity, with less authority from on top, allowed for the proliferation of churches into many more smaller groups. There was a high correlation between church polity and the attitudes that clergymen held toward selected social issues. Twice as many clergymen of churches of congregational polity held conservative attitudes, as liberal attitudes toward social issues, and more than twice as many clergymen of churches of episcopal polity held liberal attitudes than conservative attitudes toward social issues.31 This is especially interesting in light of the fact that there was not a significant relationship between church polity and the behavior of the clergy on social issues. Clergymen of churches of episcopal polity seemed to hold attitudes toward social issues which favored change, but did not actively follow through on these issues. Attitudes Toward Social Issues. Before the clergy were confronted with the sixteen selected social issues, they were asked to name the five most important issues and problems confronting American society. There was a wide range in the specificity of their responses to this question. Those who listed specific issues,including some of the sixteen issues selected, were rated as having a specific orientation to social issues, while those who tended to respond -31Table 25.3. X2 = 11.9, P < .001; E = .462. 102 philosophically, or cited issues related to theological questions often not including any of our sixteen issues, were ranked as unspecific or vague on social issues. Although the test fell just short of being significant, a definite trend was evident. The clergy holding conservative attitudes tended to be low on specificity, while those holding liberal attitudes were high on specificity.32 These responses appear to be related to the this—worldly and other-worldly, or sacred and secular types of thinking. The clergy oriented to the sacred, tended to think in broad generalities, while the secular oriented clergy tended to have a more specific View of the social issues involved. There was also a high correlation between the con- servative theology of the clergy and low specificity on the five issues named, and liberal theology and high specificity.33 When the conservative—liberal and active—passive dimensions on the sixteen social issues were examined, moderately high correlations were found between conservative attitudes and passive behavior. Table 26 shows that one— half of the liberals and only one-fourth of the conservatives were active on social issues.34 There was a strong tendency toward a unitary relationship between those who did not advocate change (conservative) and were uninvolved, and 32 2 Table 26.D. x = 3.24, p < 006; _ 33Table 34.D. in the Appendix. X2 = 9.92, p < .01; c = .424. 34 .249. CI ll 2 Table 26.A. X = 8.25, P < .01; .389. CI II 103 dam. n w 6O. V e em.m u mx OOH _ me HO bu0 ,HHHomem Om ON Hm emHm pmsmz mmsmmH Om Om Om suHo m>am -HMHooem . 30H HMHTQHH .>H®mcou Hoo. OOH _ mmommH HMHUom pnton hmHmHo mo TTOSHHHHN .Q NHv. n w HO. V m H.m n Nx mo _ mm Om mQDOHO mommm Ne Om NH HmHTQHH UHMBOH NOHTHO mo em O OH .>amncoo nmpstnne HmnmflHH .>wacoo 0% Wm HO. OOH _ mm mm mHoonom CH Hwhmum UHMBOH hmanU mo meouHop< phagon xOano no nmpannpm .o mwommH HMHoom co hmano mo H0H>m£wm wmsmmH HMHoom UHMBOH mmnoHo mo mmpoquwd .m mmommH HMHUom OHMBOD amHmHo mo mopsunufl .¢ .wmsmmH so H0H>mswfl pom .mHoocom CH wamnm .HmB .momwm UHMBOH mmpopHuum HMUHHTHU COTSHTQ mCOHHMHUOTmm .UwEmc mmommH .mmzmmH HMHUom .QN OHQMB 104 between those who held positive attitudes toward change (liberal) and who were active. It is necessary to look more specifically at some of the attitudes held by the clergy on given social issues. Differences on the class, theology, stage, polity and ethni— city variables did not affect all of the selected sixteen social issues in the same degree. The issues in which there was the greatest cleavage shall be described. A chi-square test on attitudes toward all issues and answers to the question, "How do you react to the work that groups are doing in the area of nuclear test bans, disarmament and peace movements?", revealed a high correlation.35 Those who were conservative attitudinally on all the issues, also tended to hold negative (conservative) views toward the work of peace groups, while those who were liberal on all attitudes, held favorable views toward peace movements. Table 26 shows that the conservative clergy were not only suspicious of peace groups, but also wanted prayers in school, while liberals took the opposite position.36 Several questions were related to the recent test ban treaty and the readiness of U.S. military forces in case of aggression. Clergymen of conservative theology tended not to be in favor of the treaty, and favored strong military forces. 35Table 26.3. X2 36Table 26.C. X2 9.1, P < .01; E = .412. 12.6, P < 0001; E = .479. 105 Table 27 indicates that clergymen with a conservative theology tended to favor continued war preparation.37 It was the second highest correlation. Only three clergymen of liberal theology were conservative on the war issue, while twenty—one were liberal. Three times as many clergymen of conservative theology as of liberal theology favored continued war preparation. A similar correlation was found between the theology of the clergy and their attitudes toward peace groups. The clergy of conservative theology were skeptical or against peace movements, and clergymen of liberal theology tended to be much more favorably inclined toward these groups.38 A correlation was also found between readiness for war preparations and suspicion toward peace movements.39 In the area of race clergymen of liberal theology favored integration of the races, while theologically con- servative clergymen were almost evenly split on attitudes toward race relations. Theologically liberal clergymen tended to favor taking a public stand, integrating churches, conducting weddings of inter-racial couples, and integrated denominations. It was noted that only four out of twenty- four clergymen of liberal theology held conservative attitudes 37Table 27.A. X2 = 29.6, P < .001; E = .679. 38 . . 2 _ Tabke 35.A in the Appendix. X = 12.4, P < .001; c = .472. 39 . . 2 _ Table 35.B 1n the Appendix. X = 5.81, P < .02; C = .321. 3mm. u w ewe. n m 106 HOO. V m O.3H u we HOO. V e O.NH u «x OOH . em on OOH am On _ EchoEEoo HonooH< om .HN ON HMHTQHH tnm3ou mm HN mm HmanHH Unm3ou ameHU mo hmeHU mo om . m be .>Hmmcou mmtsquu< we m He .>nmmcoo mmoopHuu¢ HMHTQHH .>nwmcoo HmnonHH .>nmmooo NOHTHU mo hmoHowne .Q wmanO mo >OOHOTSB .U mHv. n w Ohm. n w HO. V e 0.0 n mx HOO. V e 0.0m u mx OOH _ am On OOH am 63 II. 00mm mm ON Om HmanHH OHMBOu Ow HN OH HMHTQHH 803 OHMBOH hmHmHo mo wmanU Ho we _ v Ow .>nmmcoo mmoanuu< OO m hm .>nmmcoo motsanpm HMHTQHH .>mecoo HmHTQHH .>nmmcou xmanU Ho wmoHoch .m mmano mo mmoHomna .m .EmHGSEEOU pom .Honoon .momn .HMB UHmBOu mmpouHuum tom NOHTHU mo HmoHomtu cmm3pmn mQOHHMHOOmm¢ .ON THQmB 107 toward race, while the remainder held liberal attitudes.4O It must also be pointed out that almost half of the theo— logically conservative clergymen held liberal attitudes toward race, possibly indicating a national liberal trend. Another social issue which significantly divided the clergy by theology was attitudes toward alcoholic drink- ing. The clergy of conservative theology held moral attitudes against drinking, while clergymen of liberal theology held permissive attitudes.41 Only three clergymen of liberal theology held prohibitionist attitudes toward drinking, whereas seven times as many (twenty—one) held permissive attitudes. The theologically conservative were almost evenly divided on the issue. The question asked was, "Is any alcoholic consumption morally wrong?" Almost half of the clergy (forty-four) thought it was morally wrong, and a little over half (fifty—six) thought it was not. The Lutherans and Catholics, who were theologically conservative tended to be permissive on the alcohol question, which is related to their long historical stand on this issue. The pattern of association between position on theology, and attitudes toward race, alcoholic drinking and communism were very similar. The tendency of the theologically conservative to hold conservative attitudes toward communism, and the theologically liberal to hold 40Table 27.3. X2 = 9.6, P < .01; a = .413. 41 2 'Table 27.0. X 12.6, P < .001; a = .487. 108 liberal attitudes was very highly correlated.42 Again, only three clergymen of liberal theology were strongly against communism, while seven times as many were liberal. Those who were in favor of the right of Communists to speak publically in the United States, and who thought Communists had not infiltrated American institutions greatly, were designated liberal, and those who were uncertain, or thought the opposite were considered conservative. There was a high correlation between the clergy who held conservative attitudes toward communism as well as alcoholic drinking, and clergymen who held liberal attitudes toward these issues. Three findings dealing with the clergymen“s specific attitudes on the social involvement of the churches in the wider community need specific mention. These deal with: (l) The degree to which the church is working on social problems, (2) how effective is the church"s work on these problems, and (3) whether the church should be involved in the social problems of society at all. First, the clergy were asked to agree or disagree with the statement, "The church is working hard to solve social problems in our society." Clergymen with conservative attitudes toward the sixteen selected social issues, tended 42Table 27.3. X2 = 17.8, P < 0001; E = .557. 2 43Table 35.C in the Appendix. X = 12.44, P < .001; E = .473. 109 to agree that the church was working hard to solve social problems, and the clergy with liberal attitudes toward the social issues tended to disagree.44 It would seem that the other—worldly ideology of the conservative clergy produced strong hopes or faith in what the church was doing, while those with a this—worldly orientation found the church's work quite insufficient to meet present problems. The same trend was evident in reactions to a second assertion "Churches are not very effective in solving social problems in our society." The clergy holding conservative attitudes toward social issues thought the church was effective, while the liberally oriented clergy disagreed.45 This again illustrated differences in world-view orientations and what the task and the work of the church should be. There was also a relationship between the appraisal of church involvement in society and the theology of the clergy. The theologically conservative appraised church involvement as high and the theologically liberal assessed church involvement as low.46 The this-worldly and other— worldly correlation was again hioperation, although the significance of the relationship was just above the < .05 level. 44Table 28.A. X2 45Table 28.3. X2 3.87, P < .05; E = .276. 5.1, P < .05; E = .317. 46 .261. CI II Table 28.C. X2 3.466, P < .067 110 AHm. n w mo. V e H.m n mx no me me mm .ma mm 8H m HH HMHTQHH .>H®mcoo m>Hbomenm 362 3>Hpomeem pommmm tomato mo HmmHmHmm¢ mmanU mmsmmH HMHUom pntOp hmeHU mo mTOSUHuufl .m am _ mm 68 mm m Nm OQHHHOB usmEm>Ho>oH uoz flonsno mo Hmmeummm Ob OH Ne mceroz xmnoHo HMHGQHHH o>H®mCOU hmHmHU mo hmoHowne .0 OON. H w mO. V m hm.m H NM no 1 me me hm MN vH monnoz HCTET>H0>QH poz conscu mo HmmHmnmmfl OO mN mm mcHxMoz wmanU HMHTHHH .>Hmmooo mmommH HMHoom Unmsou wmanU mo mmpouHuud .¢ .wm0Homnp pom mopsuHupm nHmnu pom mmsmmH HMHoom oH whomEm>Ho>cH nonono mo muomammmmmm mmano owwSme mQOHumHUOmm¢ .mN THQmB 111 About twice as many clergymen agreed as disagreed with each of the two statements discussed. Relatively few agreed with the third statement, "It is not the task of the church to work with social problems." All but one of the fourteen who did agree were of conservative theology; all but two held conservative attitudes toward the sixteen selected social issues; and all were passive on the sixteen social issues. The answers to the three questions just discussed tended toward the following pattern: (1) Those who thought the church was working hard also thought it was effective, (2) those who thought the church was not working hard assessed the work of the church as ineffective, and (3) those who thought the church should not be involved gave mixed reactions. Behavior on Social Issues. As suggested earlier the behavior of the clergy on social issues was significantly associated with social class, theology and church stage. Some of the details will now be examined. First a discussion will ensue of the social participation of the clergy in community organizations, which is followed by an examination of their behavior on specific social issues. There was a high correlation between high social participation in community organizations and active involve— ment in the sixteen social issues and non—participation and . 47 non-involvement. 47Table 29.A. X2 = 12.7, P < .001; E = .480. 112 mmw. H w Nfim. H w HOO. V m O.NH n Ox NO. V e H.O u mx OOH am mO OOH mm nO nmsmmH HOHoom am OH O Haemnae ermHo no as mm am HmnmnHH Ohmsoe >00HOO£B >OHOH0 mo Oh HN mm .>Hmmc00 Hm HH 0% .>Hmmc00 mOUSUHupm eOHm 30H LOHT 30H mm£085£0 mo mmmuuHEEOU :oHpofl HmHoom .Q >OMOH0 mo muUOHCOU HOOHHHHom .0 OOO. n w OOO. n O HO. V m 0.0 u mx HOO. V e a.mH H OH OOH 1 38 mm OOH 38 mm _ mmommH HO Om mm emHm smemHo mm mm OH O>H30¢ HmHuom no mo mmmHU >0H®H0 mo Om HH Om 30H HOHuom OO mm me 0>Hmmmm noH>pemm cmHm 30H LmHm 30H xmano NOHmHo mo :oHpmmHoHnnmm HmHoom >UHCSEE00 .m 00 coHpmmHuHunmm HmHoom >HHCSEEO0 .fi .mmommH HOHoow co mme muQOEmpmum £08530 tom .mmmeHEEoo sonsno 0cm .mmano Ho mmoHomnu .mpomucoo HMUHUHHOQ .mmtsuHuum HOHoom .mmmHo HOHUom .QOHHOQHUHHHOQ HOHUOO thQSEEoo .mmommH HOHoom so noH>mch cmmbmQ mCOHumHoommm .ON wHQOB 113 The clergy of lower social class were also signifi- cantly lower on social participation, while clergymen of higher social class participated more.48 This would indi— cate that the clergy of lower class tended to be less involved in any kind of community activity, including those unrelated to social issues, than clergymen of higher class. It was found however, that about as many of the higher class (twenty— five), were low on social participation as the lower class (twenty—eight). The correlation between class and partici- pation is attained by the fact that fewer clergymen of the lower social classes (eleven) participated highly, while many more clergymen of higher social classes (thirty—six) did participate. It was established that active participation in social issues was associated with higher class, and low participation with the clergy of lower class. A breakdown of the class index revealed that the clergy with higher education were more involved, resulting in a high correlation.49 Three times as many clergymen of higher education were involved as those of lower education. The finding was similar on the incomes of clergymen and their behavior on social issues, although not as highly significant.50 It was found that 48 2 Table 29 3. X = 8.8, P < .01; E = .398. 49 . . . 2 _ Table 35.D in Appendix. X = 13.8, P < .001; c = .492. 50 . . 2 _ Table 36.A 1n Appendix. X — 4.03, P < .05; E = .276. 114 there was some status inconsistency between the education of clergymen and their income, which will be discussed later. The clergy were questioned on whether in the past year they had written or spoken with city officials, congress— men, legislators, or the President on racial problems, the nuclear test ban, or medicare. Those who rated high on such contacts, also held liberal attitudes on the selected sixteen social issues, while those who rated low were conservative on social attitudes.51 This was further substantiation of an association between liberal attitudes and activity on social issues. Again there was a very high correlation between those who rated high on political contacts and were liberal theologically, and those who had not contacted government officials and were of conservative theology.52 A high correlation was found between the clergy of liberal theology, who served churches with social action committees, and those of conservative theology who did not have such committees.53 Apparently, churches concerned with social issues which had social action committees tended to call ministers of liberal theology. A related finding was that churches with clergymen of liberal theology 51Table 29.0 X2 = 6.1, P < .02; E = .342. 52Table 36.0 in Appendix. X2 = 16.0, P < .001; a = .526. 53 Table 29.3. X2 = 12 0, P < .001; 0 = .468. 115 tended to release more church statements on various social issues. The results of the test were just above the (.05 level of confidence, but the direction was there.54 To summarize, it was found that the behavior of the clergy on social issues was consistent in all of the behavioral areas. Clergymen of liberal theology, higher social class, lower ethnicity, and of churches of later stage and episcopal polity, tended to be significantly more active on social issues and involved in community affairs, than their counter- parts. Age of Clergy. The age of the clergy was not found to be significantly related to many variables, but a few things should be said about it. Chi-square tests between the age of the clergy and their income, social class, theology, social attitudes, social participation, church polity, and stage of church resulted in no significant associations. In three areas, however, there were significant associations which may be described. First, there was a correlation between the age and education of the clergy, the young having less education than the older.55 Moreover a greater proportion of the younger clergy tended to come from ethnic backgrounds.56 54 . . 2 ~ _ Table 36.3 in Appendix. X = 3.52, P < .06; c = .261. 55 . _ . 2 . Table 33-C in Appendix. X = 5.41, P < .05; E = .318. 56. .~ , ~ 2_ Table 36.D 1n the Appendix. X — 3.99, P < .05; E = .275. 116 However, the most important finding was that the younger clergymen were most passive on the selected social issues.57 While an equal number of older clergymen were active and passive, four times as many younger clergymen were passive than active. Several possible explanations may account for this situation. It may be that the younger clergy— men being new in their churches felt they could not preach freely on controversial issues, while older clergymen felt more confident in this anaa. Also younger men may not have had as many opportunities to make contacts in the community, being more preoccupied with church work. Analysis of Religious Groups Whereas in the previous section the analysis included the clergy as individuals, in this section clergymen will be grouped under denominations and denominational comparisons will be made. The Spearman”s rank—order correlation was used extensively to rank the clergy by denominations according to class, theology, stage, attitudes toward and behavior on social issues. The twenty—five denominations or religious bodies were ranked in nineteen categories. Since eight denominations had only one or two churches represented, these eight were placed in two groupings labelled non— fundamentalist and fundamentalist. The Jewish, Evangelical 57Table 37 in the Appendix. X2 = 8.42, P < .01; E = .395. 117 United Brethren, Reformed, and Orthodox were placed under the non—fundamentalist category, and the Salvation Army, Latter Day Saints, United Missionary and the Assembly of God under the fundamentalist category, according to their theological leanings. The Congregational and the Evangelical and Reformed Churches were combined under The United Church of Christ. At the time Of data collecting this amalgamation was just completed, but the churches were still somewhat separate. Some variationS‘fiere found between the two on social class and behavior, but they were combined since they are now one denomination. Table 30 indicates the number of clergymen represented from each church body in the sample. Independent Variables. Table 30 includes a ranking of the clergy by churches according to the three independent variables; social class, theology of the clergy, and church stage of development. There was a positive correlation between a high class level and liberal theology of the clergy.58 The greatest variation was found among the Catholic, Church of Christ, Church of God in Christ, and Pentecostal clergymen. The Catholic and Church of Christ clergymen were of higher social class, but of more conser- vative theology than their class would suggest. On the other 58Rho = .696; Z = 2.95, P < .01. In the discussion of the data the following terminology will be used with reference to Rho scores: .800 - .899 a very high correlation; .700 — .799 a high correlation; .600 — .699 a moderate cor— relation. 118 OH OH H OH OH «H OH NH H OH OH OH OH W KO 0 v OH OH OH OH H HH OH NH OH «H m \9 F N H m uanoenmz when H000 mo OHQEommd .hnmconwHE UOUHQD .mCOEHOE .OEM< QOHHO>HOOV umHHmpcwEmvcsm mcwnmnmz Panno no eunseo nanmmm Ooo mo eonseo OHHOEHOU. CMHHmHH£0 CMHTSflSH AXOUOSHHO .OmsnoOmm .mpm .enHPOOO N&HHM#C®EMUQSWICOZ COHHOHOQmem umHOocuwS Amwm Ocm HOQOHHOOOHOCO0V umHnso mo SUHDQU OwuHQD HmmoowHQm Hoax H0H>m£®m ream pOanbne Hcmm wmmwm Mcmm Mcmm >O0H0m3B mmmH0 m®£0H5£0 mo HODESZ mmconocU Uwuomem so OOHOHU mo H0H>m£®9 Com .mEOOCH .GOHHOUSOOV .nmwanuun mmmHo HOHoom mam HwNHm .wwsmmH HOHUOm .hOOHOOSp .HOUCOUHme .COHHMQSUUO .wOmv mOmum >9 wmconsco mo OCHHQmm .Om OHQOE 119 OH mmHHOOmnm0 mo HOQEDZ ON mmSUHS£0 mo HOQESZ OOH Hmuoe OH OH OH NH OH O HOpmoomucwm OH OH 0H OH OH v £0H5£0 OHQHO OH OH HH OH OH O mmmcHHom OH OH OH OH OH 0 HOQOHUOQHEOQOOICOZ OH O OH HH OH m anH£0 CH O00 Ho conss0 120 hand, the Church of God in Christ and the Pentecostal clergy were of lower class, but held somewhat more liberal theo- logical views, although generally conservative. Clergymen in higher social classes tended to serve larger and older churches than those of the lower social classes. This correlation was even higher than between social class and theology.59 Only the Catholics deviated somewhat, for they ranked highest on the size and age of their churches, but ranked only eighth on the social class level of their clergy. Before leaving the discussion of social class, it should be noted that Lazerwitzranked the membership of the larger American churches in order of social class.60 He ranked seven denominations in the following order: Episcopal, Congregational, Presbyterian, Methodist, Lutheran, Catholic, and Baptist. There was almost a unitary relationship be- tween his ranking and ours, except that the Congregational and Presbyterian clergy were reversed in our sample. The reason for this was that by combining the Congregational and Evangelical and Reformed churches to form the United Church of Christ, a somewhat different category was formed. Had we included only the Congregational clergy, the ranking would have conformed exactly to that of Lazerwitz. 59Rho = .834; z = 3.54, P < .01. 60Bernard Lazerwitz, "A Comparison of Major United States Religious Groups," Journal of American Statistical Association, 56 (September, 1961), 568—79. 121 Lazerwitz ranked only seven churches, placing the Catholics and Baptists in the lower class. When the nineteen religious denominations of this research were ranked, there was a much greater range of variation. Since the smaller and lower class churches were included, it was found that the Catholics ranked eighth on social class, and the Baptists ninth, which meant they were really in the upper middle of the total range. Although they were at the bottom of the first half, they did rank higher than over half of the churches. The limited range of Lazerwitz“s denominations created a false impression, since he did not include the smaller lower class churches.61 Therefore, this study represents a much more representative range of class comparisons for it includes smaller and lower class churches. The same con— clusions apply to the range of theological beliefs as well as church age and size. A moderate correlation was also found between the theology of the clergy and the stage of church development. A positive correlation was found between the degree of theological liberalism of clergymen and the age and size of their churches.62 The Catholic clergy were very deviant for their church stage ranked in first position but their clergy ranked fifteenth in theological liberalism. When the Catholic clergy were excluded, the rank correlation was much higher.63 6libig. 62Rh0 = .620; z = 2.63, P < .02. 63Rho = .757; z = 2 90, P < 01 122 The churches were not ranked according to the ethni— city and polity variables. On the polity variable churches tended to fall in dichotomous polarities making ranking difficult. Ranking the churches on degree of racial and ethnic composition of their memberships was also difficult. Dependent Variables. Table 30 includes a ranking of the clergy by churches according to their attitudes and behavior on social issues. A discussion follows on the rank correlations among the social class, theology and church stage variables, with attitudes and behavior on social issues. The correlations between the social class of the clergy and their attitudes toward social issues by religious‘ groups resulted in a positive correlation between higher 64 The rankings of social class and liberal attitudes. the Church of Christ clergy were found to be most disparate for they ranked eighteenth on social class and seventh on attitudes. The Free Methodist and the Church of God clergy also had deviant rankings. The clergy of the Church of God actually represented two branches of that church from Indiana and Tennessee. The clergy of the Indiana Church of God conference were considerably more liberal in most areas, so in a sense these two branches should have been treated as separate groups. 64Rho = .670; z = 2.84, P < .01. 123 When clerical attitudes toward social issues and their theology were compared by church groups, a positive correlation between liberal theology and liberal attitudes was found.65 Catholic clergymen again displayed great deviations in ranks. Their theology rank was fifteenth while their social attitude rank was fifth. These clergymen were conservative on theology, but quite liberal on social atti+ tudes. The Free Methodist clergy again held deviant rankings being tenth in theological beliefs and last or nineteenth on social attitudes, making them conservative on both variables, and the most conservative of all clergy on social attitudes. The Non—denominational clergy too had a deviant ranking, being seventeenth on theology (very con— servative) and tenth on social attitudes. There was also a moderate correlation between clergy- men of early stage (small and young) churches and conservative attitudes toward social issues, and clergymen of late stage churches holding liberal attitudes.66 The clergy of the Church of God in Christ, Non—Denominational, and Free Methodist churches displayed the most deviant rankings. The first two were more liberal on attitudes than their church stage would suggest, and the latter were reversed. In Table 30 the attitudes of the clergy toward social issues, and their behavior on social issues were 65Rho = .707; z = 3.00, P < .01. 66 Rho 2.86, P < .01. .674; Z 124 compared by religious groups. There was a positive cor— relation between liberal attitudes and active involvement.67 The clergy most deviant were the Church of God in Christ who ranked seventh on attitudes, but seventeenth on behavior; clergymen of the Church of Christ who were more conservative attitudinally, ranking fifteenth, but were much more active ranking sixth on behavior; Catholic and Presbyterian clergymen who were liberal in their attitudes (ranking fifth and third respectively), were much less involved, ranking thirteenth and eleventh respectively. On the whole, the correlations between the independent variables and attitudes toward social issues ran higher than the correlations be- tween the independent variables and behavior on social issues. A high correlation was found between the behavior of clergymen on social issues and their social class level. Those in higher social classes were active on social issues. Very few of the churches were highly deviant in their rankings on social behavior and social class.68 Clergy- men of the Presbyterian Church ranked second on social class, and eleventh on involvement in social issues. Actually, they were the most deviant of all groups on behavior. They ranked in the lower half on behavior (eleventh), but ranked very high on class, theology, stage, 67Rho = .595; z = 2.52, P (.02. 68 Rho 3.39, P (.01. .799; Z 125 and attitudes. It was also found that there was a positive cor— relation between theologically liberal clergymen and active behavior on social issues.69 The Church of Christ clergy held the most deviant rankings with a conservative theology ranking of eighteenth, and an active involvement ranking of sixth. Nazarene clergymen were also conservative theologi— cally ranking sixteenth, but were fairly active on social issues, ranking eighth. Finally, there was a positive correlation between the involvement of the clergy in social issues and serving late stage churches.7O Again the Presbyterians ranked high on stage (late) but low on behavior (uninvolved) resulting in a high deviancy, as did the Catholic clergy. The clergy of the Church of Christ and the Holiness churches were deviant in the opposite direction, being churches of relatively early stage, but having clergy who were fairly active on social issues. The listing of the nineteen churches in Table 30 provides a summary ranking of the three independent and two dependent variables. The ranks of the five variables for each church were added, resulting in a general rank position. The clergy of the Episcopal, United Church of Christ, and Methodist churches tended to conform to the 2.59, P < 002. 2.37, P < .05. 69Rho = .611; Z 7ORho = .558; Z 126 behavioral Type C with a clustering on the active—liberal end of the continuum, presented in Figure l. The Pentecostal, Holiness and Bible churches tended to cluster on the passive end conforming to behavioral Type D. Baptist clergymen conformed to a wide range of behavior and attitudes, much like Type A, and the Catholic clergy clustered more narrowly in the middle, like Type B, shown in Figure 1. Analysis of Social Issues The social issues thus far have been discussed rather broadly, often in summary, as they related to the other independent variables. It is necessary to discuss many issues separately and examine the attitudes and involvement of the clergy in them. Many issues will be compared; the importance assigned to them by the clergy will be studied; and the types of relationships of the clergy to the issues will be discussed. First, an analysis of the importance of the issues. The clergy were asked to rank the sixteen selected social issues in order of importance. Those issues which they considered the greatest issues or largest problems of society they ranked first, and those which seemed of lesser importance they assigned a lower rank. This re— sulted in a ranking of the social issues from one to six- teen. The rank scores on each social issue of the hundred clergymen were summed. The issues with the smallest scores ranked highest and those with the largest scores fell to the bottom. 127 Table 31 shows that the race issue was ranked first. In fact, the first four issues, race, delinquency, divorce, and alcohol were rather consistently ranked on top of the list. On the other hand, big business monopoly, medicare, Sunday business closing and support of the United Nations were ranked low. On a number of issues with average middle rankings, such as the threat of war, prayer in public schools, and Communist infiltration in America, there was a wide range of opinion. In some cases these issues placed toward the top or bottom, depending on the clergymen"s attitudes, resulting in an average middle rank. All of the behavioral items were compared with the sixteen issues ranked by the clergy.71 There was a very high positive correlation between the importance of an issue ranked, and the number of sermons preached on that issue. Table 31, for example, shows that the race, delinquency, and divorce issues were ranked most important, and the largest number of sermons were preached on these issues during one year. In a similar way big business monopoly and medicare were ranked fifteenth and sixteenth by the clergy and the smallest number of sermons were also preached on these two issues. Two issues deviated somewhat from this correlation, and these were censorship and unemployment. Censorship was 7lThe Spearman‘s rank correlation scores will be referred to as follows: 800—899 a very high correlation: 700—799 a high correlation; and 600—699 a correlation. 72Rho = .859; z = 3.32, P < .01. OOHQEOQD noan 2: OGHmsom Oonsom Oqusom coHumm IHoHuHmm 2D MH MOQOH OOHQEOGD HMS Honmq OOHQEOQD HOQmH mHthOmowo NH mom com nommmm 858800 mum OHm HOQmH mom com Mm3om. coHoD HOQOH HH ZD Homcm0 HOQOH 20 25 ZD Ochsom Hoom OH nooomm ZD Hwhmnm HOB mom OHm Somwmm HQOEOOHQ808D O 8 Homo00 HOB Homcwo mom com tomwmm nmwmnm Hmmmnm Hoonow O M Hmhmnm mom cow Ochsom co8800 Hwhmnm H03 Sommmm wmnm O HOB Mwhmnm OOHQEOQD Hmhmnm HOB HOmQO0 ummnflB HOB O 058800 058800 mom 05m Howcm0 OCHHwQ Hocoon 8mH858800 m H0£00H¢ OCHHwQ H0£00H< HocooHfi H0£00H< 058800 H0500H< w OQHHwD Hoc00H< muno>HQ mono>HQ wono>HQ 00H0>HO mono>HO m w0H0>HQ wono>HO womm momm co8800 OQHHmQ OocwoOcHHwQ N 00mm mowm OQHHoo OCHHoo womm womm womm H 0H00m whom8mumnm moon omuuHHB Ommm Omnommnm mmommH OH Momm noH>m£mm £08550 HHOZ m8th mxoom mQOEme m0 Momm OHOEEDO mo HOQESZ mo HOHEUZ m0 HOQESZ wocmuHOQEH .HmmO moo GHQHHB wOmE mHQOEOHOHm Ocm OQOO #803 .omuHHn3 OEOHH .Omwn mxoofl .Owsommnm mCOEme m0 HOQEDG “OUGOHHOQEH HHOSH 0p OCHOHOUUM OOHOHO wan On mmsmmH HmHoom Omuomem cowuwa m0 OGHMcmm .Hm mHQmB 129 mnmoHOmS mom OHm Ochoom mom OHm OCHmsom mnmoHOmS mnmoHOmS mom OHm nommmm OHOUHOOS OOHQEOGD tommmm OHOUHOOZ mom com HomC00 HOBOO mom OHO mmmonom OHm mnmoHOmE OHOUHOOE OOHQEOQD Oon0H0 mmmoH Imom OOOCSO OH OH OH 130 considered relatively unimportant (twelfth), but ranked sixth on the number of sermons preached on it. Unemployment was reversed, for it was ranked ninth in importance, but only fourteenth on the number of sermons preached. There was also a very high correlation between rank of issues and the number of books read on those issues.73 There was a positive correlation between an issue ranked important, such as race for example, and many books read on that issue. Big business monopoly was the only signi- ficant deviant, where it ranked sixteenth on importance, but ninth on the number of books read on that issue. In a few cases such as medicare, Sunday business closing, etc. few books were available to read in that area, which may have had something to do with the low amount of reading. Whereas the clergy preached and read considerably on many of the sixteen selected social issues, they had written relatively little on these issues. Although not as highly correlated as sermons preached and books read, there was a positive correlation between a higher rank given an issue and writing on it.74 The deviations in rank- ings were also considerable, for the issues freedom of speech, unemployment, censorship, Sunday business closing and big business monopoly issues. The clergy wrote most on delinquency, race relations, divorce, and alcohol, which 73Rho = .850; z 74Rho = .666: Z 3.29, P < .01. 2.58, P < .01. 131 also conforms with their ranking of these issues in the top four in order of importance. Table 31 also shows the ranking of issues according to the work done by the clergy on such issues in the com— munity. The most work had been done on those issues ranked important.75 There was a positive correlation between high ranks on race, delinquency, divorce, and alcohol issues and working the most on these issues in the community. The low rankings on big business and medicare was accompanied by very little work done on these issues. The rankings of the clergy were quite disparate on communism, threat of war, and free speech-for they ranked these issues as fairly important, but did very little work on them in the community. On the other hand, there was an opposite pattern on Sunday business closing, where theyianked this issue as relatively un- important, but had done considerable work to keep businesses closed on Sunday. Finally, a positive correlation was found between issues ranked as important and the number of church state- ments made on such issues. Race, delinquency, divorce, alcoholic drinking, and Communism were ranked most important, and the greatest number of churches had also made statements of position on these issues.”76 On the other hand, while big business monopoly and medicare were ranked least important, 75Rho = .644; z 76Rho = .797; z 2.49, P < .01. 3.08, P < .010 ll 132 few churches had made positional statements on these issues. The greatest deviancies were on Sunday business closing ranked relatively unimportant but more statements made on it, and poor housing ranked moderately unimportant, and almost all churches had taken no stand on that issue. Table 31 includes a summary ranking of the total behavior on the sixteen selected issues. The number of sermons preached, the number of books read, the items written, the community work done and the church statements made were summed. The issues with the smallest score (highest number of high rankings) were ranked on top, down to the highest score at the bottom. There was a very high positive corre— lation between issues ranked important, and degree of activity on such issues.77 In fact, there were no important deviations; on four issues there were no deviations; and on ten there was a deviation of no more than one. A summary table of the Spearman's rank—order cor— relations on the issues discussed is included in Table 32. The table presents a birds—eye—view of all the Z scores, the rank correlations, and the levels of significance for easy comparison. Analysis of Deviations Although the objectives and hypotheses of this research did not call for an examination of the clergy who 77Rho = .797; z = 3.08, P < .01. 133 Table 32. Spearman"s Rank-Order Correlations and significance tests between clergymen's ranking of sixteen social issues and number of sermons preached, books read, statements made, items written, and work done. Behavioral Significance Items Rho Z Level Sermons Preached .859 3.32 P < .01 Books ‘ Read .850 3.29 P < .01 Number of Statements .797 3.08 P < .01 Items Written .666 2.58 P < °01 Clergy Work .644 2.49 P < .01 Summary of Behavior .891 3.45 P < .01 were conservative—active and liberal—passive, some signifi— cant trends should be noted. As seen in Figure 5, forty clergymen were conservative—passive, and twenty—four were liberal—active on attitudes and behavior on social issues. The remaining thirty-six, about one—third, (eleven) were conservative—active and liberal-passive (twenty—five). These thirty-six who deviated from the attitudinal and behavioral polarities needed to be examined further. These were analyzed for the polity and stage of the church, and ATTITUDES TOWARD SOCIAL ISSUES 134 BEHAVIOR ON SOCIAL ISSUES Passive Active Class Education High 15 High 4 Low 25 Low 7 Theology Income m Conservative 38 High 7 .3 Liberal 2 Low 4 4J Ethnicity Theology E High 14 Conservative ll 3 Low 26 - Liberal 0 m Polity 40 Ethnicity ll 8 Congregational 31 High 7 L) Episcopal 9 Low 4 Stage Polity Early 29 Congregational Late 11 Episcopal Clergy Age Stage Young 22 Early 4 Old 18 Late 7 Clergy Age Young 4 Old 7 Class Class High 17 High 23 Low 8 Low Theology Theology Conservative 18 Conservative 10 Liberal 7 Liberal 14 Ethnicity Ethnicity _, High 17 High 8 a Low 8 Low 16 m Polity 25 Polity 24 53 Congregational 9 Congregational 13 q Episcopal l6 Episcopal 11 Stage Stage Early 9 Early 3 Late 16 Late 21 Clergy Age Clergy Age Young 20 Young 7 Old 5 Old 17 Figure 5. Theology, class, stage, ethnicity, polity, and age of clergy according to their attitudes and behavior on social issues. 135 the social class, theology, ethnicity, age, education, and income of the clergy.78 Conservative—Active. Only eleven clergymen were conservative-active. These eleven will be compared with the forty conservative-passive and the twenty-four liberal—active clergymen, to see in which areas they are alike or unlike the other types. The theology and education of the clergy, and the polity of their churches was more like the forty conser— vative—passive clergymen illustrated in Figure 5. The age and income of the clergy, and the church stage of their churches tended to be more like the twenty-four liberal-active clergymen. There was an important relationship between the theology of the clergy who were conservative-passive and conservative-active on social issues.79 All of the conser- vative-active and about ninety—five percent of the conser- vative-passive clergymen were of conservative theology as opposed to only about forty percent of the liberal-active clergy. The church polity relationship was not as pronounced but clear nevertheless. About eighty-five percent of the conservative-active and about sixty-five percent of the conservative-passive clergy were from churches of congre- gational polity, while only about fifty—five percent of the liberal—active were of this type. Thus, in the comparison 78Generalization with small numbers is dangerous, so that the conclusions drawn are tenuous. 79Tests of proportion were not used since the sample was not a normal population and since the numbers were small. 136 of these two variables, the conservative—active clergymen were decidedly more like the conservative-passive than the liberal— active, It should be noted that the social class variable of the conservative-active clergymen revealed no particular trend, with an equal number of lower and higher class clergymen repre— sented, However, when the two criteria, education and income were examined it was found that there were significant varia- tions, with a strong representation of clergymen with lower education, but with higher income. The lower education was more like the conservative-passive clergymen, and the higher education was more like the liberal—active clergy, About sixty—five percent of the conservative—active clergymen were older, of higher income and served churches of later stage, while of those who were liberal—active ninety— five percent were of higher class, eighty-five percent served churches of a later stage, and about seventy percent were older, The trend, therefore, was for conservative-active clergymen to be like the conservative—passive clergy in theology and education, serving churches of similar polity; on the other hand, they were more similar to the liberal-active clergy in age and income, and the stage of their churches, Liberal—passive, Twenty-five clergymen were liberal- passive as contrasted to only eleven who held conservative attitudes on social issues, but were active on them° These twenty—five will be compared with the forty conservative— passive and twenty—four liberal-active clergymen to learn 137 about their similarities and differences. Liberal—passive and liberal-active clergymen were most alike in their social class levels and in the stage of their churches. About seventy percent of the liberal-pasSive and ninety—five percent of the liberal—active clergymen were of higher social class, while about sixty percent and eighty—five percent of their churches were of later stage. Both groups also tended to come from churches of episcopal polity. As for age, eighty percent of the liberal-passive were classified as young while there were about an equal proportion of young and old found among the conservative-passive; of the liberal—active, only about thirty percent were of younger age. There were no pronounced similarities between the liberal—passive and conservative-passive clergy. Both groups had a greater representation of the theologically conservative, but whereas there were almost no theological liberals among the conservative-passive, there was a heavy representation among the liberal—passive One observation on ethnicity is important. The clergy in the two deviant groups (conservative—active and liberal- passive) both had a higher representation of high ethnicity. About seventy percent of the liberal-paSsiVe,and about sixty percent of the conservative-active were of higher ethnicity, while only about thirty—five percent of the conservative—passive and liberal—active were of high ethnicity. Thus, the two deviant groups of clergymen had higher ethnicity in common. Thus, the conservative-active clergy resembled each of the other two groups, but on different variables. Later 138 it will be argued that this combination of independent variables may have been important in determining the fact that they were conservative in attitudes and actively involved in social issues° Similarly it will be argued that the liberal—passive clergymen represent liberal attitudes and non-involvement in social issues because of the variables related to them. Further discussion on this will follow in the concluding chapter. CHAPTER V INTERPRETATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS This chapter will deal first with the verification of the hypotheses, followed by a theoretical discussion of social ideology, religious typology and social change. Some research problems and implications for future research are given in conclusion. Verification of Hypotheses The three guiding hypotheses discussed in Chapter III were largely substantiated, although the second half of hypo— thesis C, relating to the greater participation of the clergy in welfare issues was not verified. The specific hypothesis A.1O referring to the greater involvement of ethnically lower clergymen in social issues was rejected. The other eighteen specific hypotheses were largely verified. Guiding Hypothesis A. It was found that sacred- informal clergy (conservative theology, lower class, early stage, higher ethnicity, congregational polity) held more conservative attitudes and were less actively involved in social issues, while secular-formal clergymen (liberal theology, higher class, late stage, lower ethnicity, episcopal polity) were significantly more liberal in attitudes and more 139 140 active on social issues. The first nine of the specific hypotheses, spelling out the guiding hypothesis were also verified. The results showed however, that the social class and theology variables were of greatest significance, while ethnicity and polity were less important. The stage (age, size) of church development was a more consistently signifi— cant variable in relation to attitudes and behavior than had been expected. A second verification of the guiding hypothesis A was provided by the findings on social participation. The clergy who were actively involved in the sixteen social issues, were also deeply involved in community affairs, as revealed by their higher social participation scores. Clergymen who were con— servative-passive were neither involved in the social issues nor did they participate much in community organizations. Guiding Hypothesis B. There was a correlation be- tween sacred—informal clergymen by denominations (conser— vative theology, lower class, early stage,higher ethnicity, congregational polity), who were conservative in attitudes and not involved in social issues, and secular—formal clergymen by denominations (liberal theology, higher class, late stage, lower ethnicity, episcopal polity) who held liberal attitudes and were active on social issues. The four specific hypotheses were verified also. Clergymen of the Episcopal, Methodist, and United Church of 141 Christ denominations were of the secular—formal type, and clergymen of the Pentecostal, Holiness and Bible Church groups tended to be the sacred-informal type. The range of variation within the independent variables among the clergy— men, differed significantly within and among denominations, affecting their relations to social issues. Variables such as the theology and social class of the clergy, and the stage of their denominations were more important in differentiating types than broad groupings such as Protestant, Catholic, Jewish. The range within the Protestant denominations was very wide, so that a broad cate— gory such as ”Protestant“D was not helpful. Lutherans tended toward homogeneity of attitudes and behavior as hypothesized, and the Baptists were very heterogeneous in social attitudes, social activity, social class, and theology. Guiding Hypothesis C. The clergymen tended to be non— controversial persons who were generally not directly in- volved in the concerns of government, business, and labor. It was hypothesized that they would be much more involved in welfare and religious social issues, but this second part of the hypothesis was not verified. The social involvement of the clergy did vary by their theology and social class level, the stage of their churches, and the type of issues. Clergymen of conservative theology were mcre con- cerned with the dangers of Communist infiltration in America and the dangers of alcoholic drinking, than the clergy of 142 liberal theology. The Lutherans and Catholics were exceptions on the issue of alcoholic drinking, however. On the other hand, the clergy of liberal theology were more concerned with the dangers of nuclear war, the promotion of peace, and racial discrimination than clergymen of conservative theology. All the clergymen irrespective of social class, theology, ethni— city, and the stage of their church were significantly more concerned about divorce and juvenile delinquency than such issues as big business monopoly, labor power and the support of the United Nations. The guiding and specific hypotheses were largely substantiated, and only the specific hypothesis A.l was rejected. Theoretical Conclusions There iEnow sufficient confirmaticn of the interplay between the religious types and social ideology, that one can be superimposed upon the other, as illustrated in Figure 6. The data confirmed an association between clergymen of conservative theology, lower social class, and higher ethnicity from churches of early stage and congregational polity, and conservative attitudes toward and non—involvement in social issues. These were the conservative—passive clergy who were in the sacred-informal processes of secularization and institutionalization. On the other hand, there was a significant association between clergymen of liberal theology, higher class and lower ethnicity, coming from churches of 143 INSTITUTIONALIZATION (Behavior) INFORMAL FORMAL (Passive) (Active) Conservative Theology Low Class Early Stage High Ethnicity Congregational Polity SACRED (Conservative) Liberal Theology High Class Late Stage Low Ethnicity Episcopal Polity SECULARIZATION (Attitudes) SECULAR (Liberal) Figure 6. Superimposition of the secularization and insti— tutionalization sacred—informal and secular-formal types upon the attitudinal and behavioral con— servative-passive and liberal—active ideologies. episcopal polity and late stage, and liberal attitudes toward and involvement in social issues. These were the liberal-active clergy in the secular-formal processes of institutionalization and secularization. Whereas Durkheim elaborated on the effect that society had on religion, and Weber developed the effeCt of religion on soc1ety in his Protestant ethic, Niebuhr wrote on the influence of both on each other. The data show that there are associations between religion and society, but we do not attempt to say which influences the other more. The relationship has been established, which should be useful 144 in predicting future behaviora and stimulating future research“ Social Ideologyo This research has been devoted to this—worldly and other-worldly orientations of clergymen to societyo The attitudesg whether liberal or conservative” and the behavioral involvement whether great or small, have resulted in data which helped distinguish individual clergy— men and churches in social ideologyc The findings clearly show that sacred—informal types tended to hold conservative attitudes and were not actively involved in social issues, while the secular—formal clergy held liberal attitudes and were involved in social issueso The secular-informal and sacred—formal types were clergymen in various stages of development on attitudes and involvement“ By asking the clergy for the five most important social issues confronting society] degrees cf specificity of orientation on social issues were obtainedu The low specificity orientation was associated with conservative attitudes] and high specificity with liberal attitudeso The clergy with a this-worldly orientation were able to name specific social issuesy illustrating that they were thinking in terms of specific issues” The clergy of other- worldly and low spec1fic1ty crientation cften did not mention a Single social issuej but rather named religious or philosophical issues” Again; this suggested a vague! non—societal frame of reference] unrelated to the problems of society” 145 One of the most interesting and unexpected findings was in the area of estimations of church effectiveness and church involvement, The clergy with the most conservative attitudes and conservative theology claimed that the church was involved in social issues, and was effective in such work° These were the clergy who were least active in social issues, but they thought the church was effective, On the other hand, the clergy of liberal theology and liberal attitudes, who were the most active, were the ones who thought the church was not very effective and not very involved in social issues, This is further evidence of this—worldly and other- worldly thinking, The clergy who Were most involved, and more aware of the issues, saw the ineffectiveness of the church, while those who were detached, looked upon these issues in very broad vague terms, thinking that the church was effective, but not evaluating this aspect carefully, We conclude that religious involvement or non— involvement in society is a good approach by which to dis— tinguish the differences among the proliferation of American religious groups, Furthermore, it is a subject which helps to filter out the social and religious variables which are important in predicting change, It also clearly shows that a discussion of the various American religious groups in broad categories such as Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish is much too broad for many careful insights and predictions on religious behavior, We must isolate variables first, 146 and then build up a theoretical structure from these building blocks, with the guidance of the broad theory which Weber, Durkheim, Troeltsch, and Niebuhr have given us, Religious Typologies° What has been shown so far is a dichotomous relationship between religious types and social ideologyo The conservative-passive clergyman in the sacred— informal process will be referred to as the prophetic type. He is prophetic and charismatic, in a small, young, lower class congregational church of informal structure which allows freedom and flexibility° The liberal—formal clergy— man in the secular-formal process will be referred to as the priestly type, This clergyman performs more formal duties, often related to ritual, in a higher class, episcopal setting, in larger and older churches,l These are the two dichotomous types which represented two-thirds of all the clergymen in the sample, The much greater and larger task, however, is to add other dimensions which transcend the dichotomous level, Troeltsch"s "mysticism” type indicated the need for such types. Niebuhr suggested the synthesist, conversionist, and dualist types for possible extra-dimensional research, A discussion of deviant clergymen in the analysis chapter revealed that particular combinations of variables tended to be associated with these clergymen, The conservative— l . . The prophet and priest terms have been borrowed from Troeltsch, 147 active clergymen in the sacred—formal process will be re— ferred to as conversionist, and the liberal—passive Clergy in the secular—informal process will be called synthesist. The four types are placed in Figure 7 with their accompany- ing variables. The conversionist type represents a strong commit— ment to the sacred—conservative elements of religion, not far advanced along the secularization process resisting encroachment upon religion. To combat the strong societal influence, these clergymen launch their own offensive, seeking to convert society to religion. Such a clergyman would likely conform to Weber“s charismatic type. He would rally considerable institutional help to formalize his position so as to be effective. Thus, his church would be well advanced in the formal institutionalization process, but not far advanced in the secularization process, Analysis of the sacred—formal type revealed that this tended to be a clergyman of conservative theology, lower education, higher income, of older age in a congregational polity church of later stage, The synthesist type would be concerned with working out a compatibility between religion and society, resulting in a flexible faith relevant to the institutions of society. Religion would contribute to society in the area of purpose, morals, integration, and ethics while society would be the change agent, molding religious ethics and social institutional structure. These two, intermeshed, would result in a 148 INSTITUTIONALIZATION (Behavior) ’7ébfi9 C3 INFORMAL FORMAL ONVERB (Passive) , (Active) 3 I? w w, Prophet ConverSIOnist 8 Conservative Theology Conservative Theology '3 Low Class Low Education. " a g Early Stage High Income m g High Ethnicity Late Stage 2 g Congregational Polity Low EthniCity m g Congregational Polity 0 Old Clergy Age v ? \\ \ Synthesist SECULARIZATION (Attitudes) MK 2 czCI Liberal Theology \\ Liberal Theology ¢ 3 High Class \ High Class g3 Late Stage W \ Late Stage and High Ethnicity \ Low Ethnicity (nil Episcopal Polity Episcopal Polity Young Clergy Age . . (e 4’64 Figure 7. Ideological and typological change processes of the clergy from prophetic to priestly functions via the conversionist and synthesist routes. 149 synthesis. The secular—informal type of clergyman would have progressed considerably along the secularization ‘process, having been greatly influenced by society. To allow for such change, the religious variables would need to be flexible, and the institutional or societal variables Inore established and stable. ‘ In examining the data, it was found that the secular— informal clergymen tended toward liberal theology, higher class, higher ethnicity and youth, serving later stage churches of episcopal polity as illustrated in Figure 7. This combination of variables would allow such change, which will be illustrated later. The combination of variables related to the prophetic and priestly types were hypothesized and verified. The nature of the variables related to the synthesist and con— versionist types has been discussed in a postefactum manner. The data suggest that further research on these two additional types on another axis would be fruitful. Religious Change. Secularization and institutionali- zation are the two change concepts taken from Niebuhr's writings, which have been integrated into the typology para- digm in Figure 7. We would hypothesize that churches in the Lansing urbanized area tend to change from a sacred other- worldly view of society to a more secular this—worldly view of society. This process will be termed secularization, where the churches which clergymen serve tend to change 150 from smaller and younger to larger and older, developing finally into a late—stage church. As the church progresses to a later stage it can afford to pay its clergyman more, so he receives a higher income and often desires more education. Thus, the clergyman of higher class, in the process of obtaining more education. develops a more liberal theology. Congregational polity allows clergymen much greater opportunity to change, often beginning at a very low class and theologically conservative level, while episcopal polity permits a lesser range of variation on the social class, theology, and stage variations. Racial and immigrant ethnic groups (depends on church) will tend to begin at the sacred end of the secularization process also. The second change process is related not so much to the society relationship, as the structural aspects of church organization itself, called institutionalization. The change process here is from informal organization on a gemeinschaft level, to more formal gesellschaft—like procedures and organization.2 The small, relatively new group in the early stage of organization is quite informal, structurally. The church includes members and clergymen of less education and income, on a lower class level. Often of racial or ethnic subcultures, they tend to depend on in-group and gemeinschaft—like values, thus resisting more 2The informal and formal categories are not ideal, but the best we could arrive at. Many other terms were considered, but were less desirable. 151 formal organization. Congregational polity lends itself more to flexible autonomous procedures, therefore their theology is usually built informally around the Bible as the point of reference, rather than on theological structures of thought or liturgy. Whether the change process develops fast depends on how well a religious group can shore up some of its theological, ethnic, or congregational values. Usually income and education are the roads into the institutionali— zation process. As the clergy and members become more educated, there is a demand for more formal structure to their theology. Greater education may lead to more formal religious educational organization. More education demands more income, and more income demands more comfort and bigger churches. All of this tends toward formal institutionali— zation of the church, moving to the more urban gesellschaft- like type of American values. This institutionalization process is resisted in various degrees especially by groups, to illustrate extreme examples, the Hutterites and the Amish. Other groups such as the Methodists moved fast into insti— tutionalization. The change process takes place in two directions via the informal—secular and the formal-sacred processes. Which route the change takes depends on whether the secularization or the institutionalization process has more effect. If institutionalization is strong and sacred change not great, then the clergymen tends toward the sacred—formal type. If 152 the secularization process is strongest, then the informal— secular variables seems to be in effect. The data suggest that in the process of change, some clergymen remained synthesists or conversionists, never moving through the full process of change to become priests. Others in their lifetime, become priests. Therefore, we have both transi- tional and real synthesist as well as conversionist types. Some are in the process of becoming priests, while others are distinct types who will remain synthesists and con- versionists. Once the secularization and institutionalization process has run its full course, there are three possibilities for change as illustrated in Figure 7. One is for the clergyman to remain a priest fulfilling his functions with little further change. Reform is a second possibility, where a new beginning in sacred and informal religion is made. A third course is for the clergyman to leave the ministry and take up some other occupation. It is concluded that the influence of religion on society, and the influence of society on religion cannot be separated. It would appear that society is more influential, but there is a constant interplay between the two. We also conclude that in the study of religion, both the social psychological and the sociological aspects must be taken into account, as Yinger strongly advises. Both attitudes and behavior were inextricably intertwined in 153 the social ideology of the clergy. We also conclude that the isolation of variables of societywhich influence religion, is much needed and should be pursued extensively if the sociology of religion is to become an empirical science. In conclusion, (1) The data haveshown that there are definite prophetic and priestly types of clergy who hold distinct ideologies. (2) The data suggest conversionist and synthesist types of clergy with certain combinations of variables possibly in the process of change, which point to good hypotheses for future study. (3) The change processes involved from prophetic to priestly types have not been verified, but it is theory which has grown out of empirical study which might also be pursued in future research. Research Problems There were at least three problems related to this research which could be improved in futurework. l. The sample was small and not randomly selected. Since the interviews averaged two hours in length, it was not possible to select more than 100 individuals. A large project with sufficient funds would permit a much larger sample, which could be drawnirandomly. 2. Comparisons between types and denominations was limited to individuals and groups within the sample. A cmmnparison of the clergy with their congregations, or with (Niler occupational groups, or with other samples in other 154 areas of the country would have permitted greater applica- tion to the larger society. 3. The seven variables tended to be too many for a small study. To develop typologies and ideology sufficiently, however, even more variables would need to be taken into account and studied more deeply but this requires a larger project. For this research seven variables tended to be hard to manage, even though it was necessary to use that many. Implications for Future Research 1. Five variables (social class, theology, polity, ethnicity, stage) were found to be important. This research would confirm the thesis that more work needs to be done on religious types, and that isolation of the related variables is essential. 2. The attitudes and behavior which clergymen display on social issues is important in seeking to differentiate between the social class, theology, race, and nationality and the polity, age and size variations among their churches. 3. The interrelationships among variables of typology and ideology in religion is important. A simple theory on the dominant influence of one over the other was not found and would be difficult to determine in future research. 4. The categorization of religious groups into three or four groups (Protestant, Catholic, Jew or sect, church) is inadequate for research on American religion. It is 155 especially important to divide the Protestant denominations into a number of categories in order to make meaningful predictions. 5. clergymen were a good sample to differentiate among different variables. They tended to hold distinct views, so that comparisons were pronounced. A large national sample of clergymen might be superior to laymen, if heterogeneity is sought in religious research. BIBLIOGRAPHY BIBLIOGRAPHY A. Books Bell, Daniel. The End of Ideology. New York: The Crowell- Collier Publishing Co. (Collier Books), 1962. Berger, Peter L. The Noise of Solemn Assemblies. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1961. Bredemeier, Harry C. and Richard M. Stephenson. The Analysis of Social Systems. New York: Holt, Reinhard and Winston, Inc., 1962. Childs, Marquis W., and Douglass Cater. Ethics in a Business Society. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1954. Davis, Kingsley. Human Society. New York: Macmillan Company, 1949. Durkheim, Emile. Suicide. Trans. John A. 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New York: The Free Press of Glencoe, 1949. Miller, Robert M. American Protestantism and Social Issues. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1958. Niebuhr, H. Richard. Christ and Culture. New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1951. The Kingdom of God in America. New York: Harper and Brothers Publishers, 1937. ., and Daniel D. Williams (eds.). The Ministry in Historical Perspectives. New York: Harper and Brothers, 1956. ‘ . The Social Sources of Denominationalism. New York: Meridian Books, Inc., 1960. Nottingham, Elizabeth K. Religion and Society. New York: Random House, 1963. Pope, Liston. Millhands and Preachers. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1942. Raushenbusch, Walter. Christianity and the Social Crises. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1907. deeach, Milton. The Open and Closed Mind. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1960. Troeltsch, Ernst. The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches. 2 vols. Trans. Olive Wyon. New YOrk: Harper and Brothers (Torchbooks), 1960. Underwood, Kenneth Wilson. Protestant and Catholic. Boston: Beacon Hill Press, 1957. Wach, Joachim. Sociology of Religion. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944. Warner, W. Lloyd. The Family of God. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961. 159 Weber, Max. The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1911. . The Sociology of Religion. Trans. Ephraim Fischoff. Boston: Beacon Press, 1963. Winter, Gibson. The Suburban Captivity of the Churches. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1962. Wirth, Louis. The Ghetto. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1928. Yinger, J. Milton. Religion, Society and the Individual. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1957. Sociologerooks at Religion. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1961. B. Journals and Periodicals Bellah, Robert N. "The Religious Evolution," The American Sociological Review, 29:3 (June, 1964), 358-74. Berger, Peter L. "Sectarianism and Religious Sociation," American Journal of Sociology, 64:1 (July, 1958), 41—44. Blizzard, Samuel. "Role Conflicts of the Urban Protestant Parishbflnister," The City Church, 7:4 (1956), 13-15. "The Minister's Dilemma, . Christian Century, 73 (1956), 508-10. , "The Roles of the Urban Parish Minister, The Protestant Seminaries, and the Sciences of Social Behavior," Religious Education, 50:6 (1955), 385—92. Burchard, Waldo W. "Role Conflicts of Military Chaplains," American Sociological Review, 19:5 (October, 1954), 528-35. Burchinal, L. G. "Some Social Status Criteria and Church Membership and Church Membership and Church Attendance," Journal of Social Psyghology, 49:1 (February, 1959), 53—64. Campbell, Ernest Q., and Thomas F. Pettigrew. "Racial and Moral Crises: The Role of Little Rock Ministers," American Journal of Sociology, 64:5 (March, 1959), 509-16. 160 Cantril, Hadley. “Educational and Economic Composition of Religious Groups: An Analysis of Poll Data," American Journal of Sociology, 48:5 (March, 1943), 574—79. Chapin, S. Stuart. "Social Participation and Social Intelligence," American Sociological Review, 4:1 (February, 1939), 157~66. Chapman, Stanley H. -"The Contemporary Pastorate," American Sociolqgical Review, 9:6 (December, 1944), 597-602. "The Minister: Professional Man of the Church," Social Forces, 23:2 (December, 1944), 202—206. Clark, S. D. "The Religious Sect in Canadian Politics," American Journal of Sociology, 51:3 (November, 1945), 207-16. Clelland, Donald, and William H. Form. "Economic Dominants and Community Power: A Comparative Analysis," American Journal of Sociology, 69:5 (March, 1964), 511-210 5 Comfort, Richard 0. "Survey of Activities and Training of Selected Rural Ministers in the United States," Rural Sociology, 12: 4 (December, 1947), 375—87. Cope, J. Raymond. "The Church Studies its Emerging Function,' Journal of Social Issues, 6:1 (1950), 5—13, Davis, Jerome. "The Social Action Pattern of the Protestant Religious Leader," American Sociological Review, 1:1 (February, 1936), 105—14. Dynes, Russel R. "Church-Sect Typology and Socio—Economic Status," American Sociological Review, 20:5 (October, 1955), 555-60. Edwards, Lyford P. "Religious Sectarianism and Race Prejudice," American Journal of Sociology, 41:2 (September, 1935), 167-79. Form, William H., and Warren Sauer. "Labor and Community Influentials: A Comparative Study of Participation and Imagery," Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 17:1 (October, 1963), 3-19. Francis, E. K. ."The Russian Mennonites: From Religious to Ethnic Group," American Journal of Sociology, 54:2 (September, 1948), 101~107. 161 Glock, Charles Y., and Benjamin B. Ringer. "Church Policy and the Attitudes of Ministers and Parishioners on Social Issues," American Sociological Review, 21:2 (April, 1956), 148—56. Gustafson, James M. "The Clergy in the United States," Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 92:4 (Fall, 1963), 724-44. Hatt, Paul K., and C. C. North. "The Ratings of Occupations,’ Opinion News, 9 (September, 1947). Hiltner, Seward, and William R. Rogers. "General Consider- ations on Method in Research," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2:2 (Spring, 1963), 204~208. Hoffman, Nicholas von, and Sally W. Cassidy. "Interviewing Negro Pentecostals," American Journal of Sociology, 62:2 (September, 1956), 195-97. Holt, John B. "Holiness Religion: Cultural Shock and Social Reorganization," American Sociological Review, 5:5 (October, 1940), 740—47. Hoult, Thomas Ford. "Economic Class Consciousness in American Protestantism," American Sociological Review, 15:1 (February, 1950), 97—100. Johnson, Benton. "On Church and Sect," American Sociological Review, 28:4 (August, 1963), 539—490 Johnson, F. Ernest. "The Impact of War on Religion in America," American Journal of Sociology, 48:3 (November, 1942), 353-60. Landis, Judson T. "Social Action in American Protestant Churches," American Journal of Sociology, 52:6 (May, 1947), 517—22. Laserwitz, Bernard. "A Comparison of Major United States Religious Groups," Journal of American Statistical Association, 56 (September, 1961), 568—79. Lenski, Gerhard. "Status Crystallization: A Non—Vertical Dimension of Social Status," American Sociological Review, 19:4 (August, 1954), 405-13. Loescher, Frank S. "The Protestant Church and the Negro: Recent Pronouncements," Social Forces, 26:2 (December, 1947), 197-201. 162 Miller, E. "The Structure of Modern Society and the Structure of Church," Ecumenical Review, 11:2 (January, 1959), 157-67. . Myers, George C. "Patterns of Church Distribution and Movement,“ Social Forces, 40 (May, 1962), 354-62., Naegle, Kasper D. "Clergymen, Teachers and Psychiatrists," Canadian Journal of Economic and Political Science, 22 (February, 1956), 46—62. Obenhaus, Victor and W. Widick Schroeder. "Church Affiliation and Attitudes Toward Selected Public Questions in a Typical Midwest County," Rural Sociology, 28:1 (March, 1963), 35—47. ., W. Widick Schroeder, and Charles D. England. "Church Participation Related to Social Class and Type of Centre," Rural Sociology, 23:3 (September, 1958), 298—308. Parsons, Talcott. "The Theoretical Development of the Sociology of Religion," Journal of the History of Peterson, William. ."Religious Statistics in the United States," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 1:2 (Spring, 1962), 165-78. Pfautz, Harold W. "The Sociology of Secularization: Religious Groups," American Journal of Sociology, 61:1 (July, 1955), 121~28. Phatiodis, John D., and Jeanne Biggar. "Religiosity, Education and Ethnic Distance," American Journal of Sociology, 67:6 (May, 1962), 666—72. Pope, Liston. "Religion and the Class Structure," The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, 256 (March, 1948), 84—91. Putney, Snell, and Russel Middleton. "Dimensions and Correlates of Religious Ideologies," Social Forces, 39:4 (May, 1961), 185-90. Roberts, Harry W. "The Rural Negro Minister: His Personal and Social Characteristics,” Social Forces, 27:3 (March, 1949), 291—300. "The Rural Negro Minister: His Work and Salary,I Rural Sociology, 284—97. 163 Rodehaver, Myles W. "Ministers on the Move: A Study of Mobility in Church Leadership," Rural Sociology, 13:4 (December, 1948), 400-10. Schroeder, W. WidiCk. "Lay Expectations of the Ministerial Role: An Exploration of Protestant-Catholic Differentials," Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2:2 (Spring, 1963), 217-27. Smith, Luke M. "The Clergy: Authority, Structure, Ideology, Migration," American Sociological Review, 18:3 (June, 1953), 242-48. Tripp, Thomas Alfred. "Rural Churches and War," Rural Sociology, 7:2 (June, 1942), 210—11. vernon, Glenn M. "Background Factors Related to Church Orthodoxy," Social Forces, 34:3 (March, 1956), 252-54. Wilson, Bryan R. "An Analysis of Sect Development," American Sociological Review, 24:1 (February, 1959), 3—15. . "The Pentecostal Minister: Role Conflicts and Contradictions," American Journal of Sociology, 64:5 (March, 1959), 494-505. Winter, Gibson, "Methodological Reflections on 'The Religious Factor,°" Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 2:1 (October, 1962), 53-56. C. Other Materials A Comprehensive Directory of Churches of the Lansing Area. Lansing, Michigan: Lansing Area Council of Churches, 1963. Becker, Howard, and Alvin Boskoff. "Current Sacred-Secular Theory," Modern Sociological Theory. New York: The Dryden Press, 1957. Carlin, Jeromone F., and Saul R. Mendlovitz. "The American Rabbi: A Religious Specialist Responds to Loss of Authority," The Jews: Social Patterns of an American Group. Ed., Marshall Sklare. New York: Free Press, 1958. Hughes, Everett C. "Book Review," H. Richard Niebuhr, The Social Sources of Denominationalism, American Journal of Sociology, 60:3 (November, 1954), 320. 164 Merton, Robert. "Notes on Problem-Finding in Sociology," Sociology Today. Eds., Robert Merton, Leonard Broom, Leonard Cottrell, Jr., New York: .Basic Books, Inc., 1959, ix—xxxiv. Shellenberg, James, and Leo C. Stine. "Report on Study of Social Attitudes, of the First Methodist Church," Kalamazoo, Michigan: Commission on Christian Social Concerns, 1963. (Mimeographed.) Smucker, Orden C. "A Study of Religious Practices and Attitudes in East Lansing," East Lansing, Michigan: Social Research Service, Michigan State University, 1950. (Mimeographed.) "Summary Survey of Church Membership Strength in Michigan, 1950—1960," Michigan Church Census Packet. Lansing: Michigan Council of Churches, 1962. Tromble, Duane. "Locational Aspects of Churches in Urban Community." Unpublished Master's thesis, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan State University, 1963. APPENDICES 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. APPENDIX A INTERVIEW SCHEDULE How long have you lived in this area? Which communities have you lived in longest? Community Size Years What type of community do you prefer to live in? Large city Town Other Small city Rural Why? Are you ordained? No Yes When? How long have you been a clergyman? Where were you born? Country (Nation) State City Farm What is your age? In which country were your parents born? Father Mother IF NOT BORN IN USA, Did they live in the USA? No Yes How long? 166 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115. 167 What kinds of work did you do prior to becoming a clergyman? (If any) 1. 2. 3. What is (was) your father's main occupation? (What kind of work did he do?) What formal education have you completed? CIRCLE HIGHEST GRADE Grade School 5 6 7 8 High School _ 9 10 11 12 College 13 14 15 BA Where? Grad. School BD MA Doctorate Where? Other (Bible, vocational, etc.) Specify Number of years Where? Do you have another job in addition to being a clergyman? No Yes What kind of work is it? How many hours a week? wa do you feel about the work of: IF HE DOESN'T KNOW‘ MARK 3 Strongly Approve Neutral Disapprove Strongly Approve Disapprove Billy Graham? 1 2 3 4 5 Fulton Sheen 1 2 3 4 5 Martin Luther King 1 2 3 4 5 116. 117. 168 Do you believe in life after death? No Yes Will some be punished? No Yes Do you believe: NOT APPLICABLE FOR JEWS In the virgin birth of Christ? No Yes Don't Know 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. In Christ's physical resurrection? No Yes Don't Know In Christ's second coming? No Final Consummation? Yes No (end of all things) Yes Here are two statements concerning the Bible. Which one is closest to the position you hold? 1. The Bible is God's Word and all it says is true 2. The Bible was written by men inspired by God and its basic moral and religious teachings are true, but it contains some errors. 3. Other reply. SPECIFY Which nationally known theologicans or preachers are the closest to your own theological position? Names: How do you place yourself theologically? Liberal Evangelical Existentialist Conservative Neo-orthodox Fundamentalist Other. SPECIFY 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 169 What does this term mean to you? Name five Lansing area clergy whom you feel most comfortable with. Name their denominations. Clergymen Denominations Does your church belong to any larger inter-church bodies? ' No Yes ENTER WHICH ONES ON CHART BELOW Do you actively participate in the work of any of these bodies? No Yes ENTER WHICH ONES ON CHART BELOW In What way? ENTER ON CHART BELOW Organization Q. 125 Q. 126 Q. 127 Belong Participate In what way WCC NCC NAE 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 170 Organization Q. 125 Q. 126 Q. 127 Belong Participate In what way ACC OTHER Do you think churches should agree on division of territory in which they work? (What is your view on congregational comity?) How many sermons do you preach per year? In how many of these do you specifically focus on current social issues? If you were asked to list the five most important issues and problems confronting American society, which ones would you list? ENTER ISSUES ON CHART BELOW Have you preached, spoken, or lectured on any of these issues in the past year? ENTER ON CHART BELOW Entire Number with Issues Sermon Illustrative materials 133. 171 Here are sixteen cards which have one social issue or problem written on each of them. HAND OUT EXHIBIT ONE. Arrange them so they follow each other in order of importance with the most important on the top down to the least important at the bottom. ASK HIM TO RETURN THEM TO YOU. SLIP A RUBBER BAND AROUND THEM AND PUT THEM IN YOUR POCKET TO ENTER HIS RANKING ON PAGE 26 AFTER THE INTERVIEW TO SAVE TIME. HAND OUT EXHIBIT II. ASK THE RESPONDENT TO RESPOND BY STATING THE NUMBER ON HIS CARD WHICH HE IS REFERRING TO. THIS CARD IS TO BE USED FOR QUESTIONS 134-139. 134. 135. 136. 137. 138. 139. 140. Have you preached, spoken, or lectured on any or all of these issues during the past year? ENTER HOW OFTEN ON CHART ON NEXT PAGE Have you written on any of these sixteen issues? (articles, books, pamphlets, sermons printed, etc.) Which ones? ENTER ON CHART ON NEXT PAGE How many books have you read on these sixteen issues in the past year? How many on which issues? ENTER ON CHART ON NEXT PAGE On which of these sixteen issues, has your church made a statement or stated a position? ENTER ON CHART ON NEXT PAGE Do you have copies of these statements? GET STATEMENTS IF AVAILABLE. No Yes Apart from the above activities, have you personally worked on any of these issues locally? ENTER ON CHART ON NEXT PAGE. In what way? 172 ENTER ANSWERS TO QUESTIONS 133-137, 139 ON THE CHART. Q. 133 Q. 134 Q. 135 Q. 136 Q. 137 Q. 139 SIXTEEN RANK NUMBER NUMBER OF NUMBER CHURCH LOCAL ISSUES ISSUES OF ITEMS BOOKS STATE— CHURCH TIMES WRITTEN READ MENT WORK PREACHED 1. United Nations Support 2. Threat of Nuclear War 3. Communism in America 4. Big Business Monopoly 5. Labor Unions Power 6. Unemploy~ ment 7. Racial Discrimi— nation 8. Free Speech 9. Censorship of Movies, etc. 10. Medicare 11. Better Housing for Poor 12. Juvenile Delinquency 13. Prayer in Schools 173 Q. 133 Q. 134 Q. 135 Q. 136 Q. 137 Q. 138 SIXTEEN RANK NUMBER NUMBER OF NUMBER CHURCH LOCAL ISSUES ISSUES OF TIMES ITEMS BOOKS STATE- CHURCH PREACHED WRITTEN READ MENT WORK 14. Sunday Business Closing 15.A1coholic Drinking 16. Divorce 141. 142. 143. J144. Are there any local, state or national social issues we have not mentioned which you have worked on? What are they? What did you do? Is there an organization in your church which works on social problems? (Social Action Committee) No Yes What are they? What associations or organizations do you belong to, such as, professional, business, service, clubs, lodges, veterans, etc.? ENTER ON THE FOLLOWING CHART TOGETHER WITH QUESTIONS 145 - 148. 174 Q. J144 Q. J145 Q. Jl46 Q. J14? ‘Q. J148 Q. Jl49 Organization How often What % Are you a Are you Have you does it do you committee an of- been an meet? attend member? ficer? officer in the past? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 150. Do any of these organizations deal specifically, or to any degree, with social issues? No Yes Which organizations? What problems do they work with? 175 151. Have you written to or spoken with city officials, congressmen, legislators, or the President about race problems, nuclear test ban, or health programs such as medicare? Check Which People? Race Test ban Medicare Other (Specify) 152. How do you react to the work that groups are doing in the area of nuclear test bans, disarmament and peace movements? 153. Are you actively working with such groups? No Yes Which? __ 154. Do you tend to agree or disagree with the following statements? CHECK 1. The church is working hard to solve Agree social problems in our society. Disagree 2. Churches are not very effective in Agree solving social problems in our society. Disagree 3. It is not the task of the church to Agree work with social problems. Disagree HAND OUT CARD II. ASK THE RESPONDENT TO STATE THE NUMBER WHICH MOST NEARLY EXPRESSES HIS ATTITUDE TO EACH QUESTION. CIRCLE THE NUMBER HE GIVES IN RESPONSE AS FOLLOWS: 1. STRONGLY AGREE 2. AGREE 3. UNCERTAIN 4. DISAGREE 5. STRONGLY DISAGREE 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 176 The Supreme Court made a wrong decision on prayer and religious instruction in public schools. The government should not give financial support of any kind to church and parochial schools Divorce may be permissible under some circumstances:' Any alcoholic consumption is morally wrong. Stores should not do business on Sunday (Saturday for Seventh Day Adventists and Orthodox Jews). Some sort of government program (such as medicare) should be enacted to assist people in handling medical expenses. The government should spend more to house the poor better. Only the family and the church should work to solve problems of juvenile delinquency. Taxes should be sharply in— creased to raise the level of support for public welfare. 164. Obtaining financial assistance 165. through welfare should be a difficult and hard experience so people will be motivated to help themselves. The minister should take a public stand on the race issue. SA SD 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177 All churches should be integrated and welcome members of other races. A minister should be willing to conduct the wedding of an inter- racial couple if his service is called for. Non—violent demonstrations such as the March on Washington, and memorial marches for the Birmingham girls who were killed recently, are necessary ways to arouse the conscience of the nation on discrimination. Communists in the United States should have the right to speak publically in favor of their beliefs. The Bill of Rights permits anyone to make speeches against religion. Do you approve of this right? State and local government should exercise greater moral censorship over movies, books, TV, etc. Big business has too much influence in this country. Labor Unions are becoming too powerful. Most of the unemployed (except the ill and aged) could get a job if they really tried to. The government should spend considerable money to retrain the unskilled. The United States should continue to strongly support the United Nations. SA SD 177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 178 SA A U D SD Communist China should be admitted into the United Nations. The most important current objectives of our foreign policy should be to deter aggression by keeping ready the greatest military forces 1 2 3 4 5 Do you approve of the test ban treaty as one step toward disarmament? Communists have infiltrated American institutions and have a great deal of influence in them? 1 2 3 4 5 What What What is is is the the the respondent's race? respondent's sex? Male Female name of the respondent's church(es)? What What is is the the respondent's name? respondent's address? Would you like to have a brief resume of the findings from these studies, Date of Interview? , , No Yes after they are completed? 1963 Interviewer APPENDIX B INDICES FOR VARIABLES 1. Social Class Index Criteria: Lower Upper Lower Upper Lower Lower Middle Middle Education Income Occupation Residence Lower Upper Upper Upper SOCIAL CLASS INDEX 2. Theology Index Criteria: Strongly Conservative Conservative Moderate THEOLOGY INDEX 3. Ethnicity Index Criteria: Low Middle Doctrinal Beliefs Identification with Others Placement of Them- selves Strongly Liberal Liberal Race National Origin High ETHNICITY INDEX 179 180 4. Polity Index Criteria: Placement of Them- selves Organizational Chart of Church Organizational Chart of Denomination Congrega- Mixed Presby- Mixed tional (Cong-Presby) terial (Presby-Epis) Episcopal POLITY INDEX 5. Stage Index Criteria: Early Size of Church Age of Church and Denomination Late STAGE INDEX 6. Social Involvement Index Criteria: Selected Issues Sermons Preached Books Read Items Written Work Done Social Participation Attendance of Meetings Committee Involve- ment Church Involvement Social Action Organization Social Statements Made Low Slightly Moderately Highly , High SOCIAL INVOLVEMENT INDEX Passive Active 181 ' 7. Social Attitudes Index Criteria: Sixteen Selected Social Issues Ranking of Issues Five Most Important Issues Strongly Strongly Disagree Disagree Uncertain Agree Agree.. SOCIAL ATTITUDES INDEX mam. H w omm. n w Hoo. v m m.mH u mx ooa mm we 4N Hm m .nfla magmas on Hm me .mcoo no smoaomna swam 30d hmnmav mo goflum050m .Q omm. u w mo. v m o.e n mx ooa mm me me am mg roam coflpmmwumcoo am am om Bog wo.gOHpm05Um swam 30a mo. v m He.m u mx OOH mm as me am AH 6H6 mm am am muses roam Boa xmuoau mo 0mg xmumao mo goHDmUSUm .O >meHO mo coflpmogpm .m Nwm. n w Ho. V m h.h H mx OOH mm mg mm em ms swam mg ma om 3OQ. 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MHOZ . mOODUHpum Hg Hm ON mgoo momom OO O mm mgoo momwm .QHH .mgoo .QHH .mgoo hmHmHU mo meSpHup¢ H03 .m . . SmeHU mo wmoHowna .fi .memHU mo COHDMUDOO tam H0H>mnmfl,.mm©5uHupm EmHQDEEoo .mOUSHHupm Honoon .mmpngupm momma .hmoHomsu gmmBqu ngHHmHUOmmm .mm mHQmB 185 mum. n m mo. v m oo.m n m ooH no mm o4 mm Hm Hm oH mm OHO OGSOM Hoo. v m o.OH n mx ooH em on . SOHOHO xmano >9 30g 6cm mm OH RH con amuuHss SUHSEO mo muomucou roam suHqunpm so om 30g HmoHuHHom .an .mcoo HON. H m oo. v o mm.m n m OOH VN Oh om OH wm om m Nw .QHH .mgoo meOHO mo mm< .Q mo. v m SOHOHO mo mmoHomnB ..O ooH mmsmmH mam: HmHoom co mm mugmfimumum 3mm nounso we memHO mo xmoHOOSB .m m>Huo< Ohm. u m m0 w H NX mm QEOUCH Om 30H ®>Hmmmm SOHOHO mo H0H>mamm .< .mmm .meHOmnp .mEoogH .hmumHo >9 gmuHHHB muumugoo .wuHngnum .HOH>M£®Q muflm m#C®E®#M#m QUHDSU C®®3nvmn~ mCOHUMHUomme .Om OHQOB 186 Table 37. Associations between behavior and age of clergy. Behavior of Clergy Passive Active \ Age of Young 42 y 11 53 Clergy Old 23 24 47 65 35 100 X = 8.42 p < .01 .395 CI ll 187 Table 38. Spearman's Rank—Order Rho and Z score correlations summary of class, theology, church stage, social attitudes and social behavior of the clergy. Correlations Rho Z Significance . ,Level Class Theology .696 2.95 < .01 Class Stage .834 3.54 < .01 Stage Theology .620 2.63 < .02 Attitudes Class .670 2.84 < .01 Attitudes Theology .707 3.00 < .01 Attitudes Stage .674 2.86 < .01 Attitudes Behavior .595 2.52 < .02 Behavior Class .799 3.39 < .01 Behavior Theology .611 2.59 < .02 Behavior Stage .558 2.37 < .05 "- H I," H H 'H "I H I I T“ H S“ | A!” H u 3 1293 03062 0 54