PERSONAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE STRESS ON ACHIEVEMENT IN AMERICAN SOCIETY Thesis for ”W 'chru OI ph. D, MICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY William H... Jarrett 1961 IHESIQ This is to certify that the thesis entitled PERSONAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE STRESS 0N ACHIEVEMENT IN AMERICAN SOCIETY presented by WILLIAM H . JARRETT has been accepted towards fulfillment of the requirements for fldegree in SOCIOIOQY and Anthropology / / 7-1/7] W -' / / . ’/ /./ 2-: M- IlffLJf. [8 ,/4,1 5} L/ ,7 ‘—T V Major professor Date May I9, I96I 0—169 LIBRARY Michigan State University L I B R A R Y Michigan State University PERSONAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE STRESS ON ACHIEVEMENT IN AMERICAN SOCIETY By 'William.H..Jarrett AN ABSTRACT OF A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and.knthr0pology 19611 ABSTRACT PERSONAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE STRESS ON ACHIEVEMENT IN AMERICAN SOCIETY By William H. Jarrett The problem.concerns the personal effects of the pervasive emphasis_on achievement in American society, The subjects are 368 seventeenyyear-old high school boys living in Lenawee County, Michigan. Conceptually, the thesis builds on Merton's (1957) essay on social structure and anomie wherein variant role responses are posited as results of a scarcity of means relative to highly stressed cultural goals. A review of the literature shows that four variables, social status, parental stress on achievement, independence, and ability, are associated with high educational aspirations, a measure of life-goals. All of these, except independence, are explicitly included in Sewell and Haller's (1959) post hoc explanation of an observed negative relationship between social status and personality adjustment. These five variables, called antecedent variables, are shown to be major sources of means-scarcity relative to future achievement. The linkage of the literature on anomie and achievement furnishes the basis for predictions about the effects of lack of means in individual cases. Two possible effects of this means~scarcity, localized alienation and nervous tension, are discussed. The former is interpreted as (objective) powerlessness relative to possible achievement. Both theoretical and William H. Jarrett empirical justification is presented for reinterpreting the results of Sewell and.Haller to conform.to this view of alienation. Predictions are made that both alienation and nervous tension will vary inversely with availability of means. Fritz Heider's (1958) theorem.that imbalance leads to stress is applied to the problem. Situational balance is shown to be a function of the degree to which a person's life-goals, environmental facilitation and personal power are compatible with the requirements of the social order with respect to achievement. In this framework, alienation and nervous tension are hypothesized to be effects of imbalance. Methodologically, the five antecedents are used to characterize each subject in terms of a five-dimensional attribute-space. Functional and pragmatic reduction of the attribute-space yields five achievement- types and the hypotheses predict the rank-orders of these types on the indices of alienation and nervous tension. The hypotheses correctly predicted the rank-orders of the types on the index of alienation; however, the results suggested that the hypotheses were someWhat insensitive to particular interaction-effects of independence and ability. The hypotheses failed to accurately predict the rank-order of the types on the index of nervous tension, although the results confirmed previous findings that nervous tension tends to vary inversely with social status. It follows that localized alienation.may, but nervous tension.may not, be interpreted as a personal consequence of imbalance among the success goals of youth and certain specific means available for their achievement. 'William.H. Jarrett Suggestions for future research focus on the ways in which stress may be reduced. One possibility is avoiding those persons and situations that actively contribute to stress (Festinger, 1957); thus, persons high on alienation might seek out social relationships that did not involve achievement-oriented activity, giving rise to differences in social par- ticipation between persons high and low in alienation. Two personal con- sequences follow, viz., redefined value-attachments and differences in personality organization. The major contribution of the study lies in the linkage of localized alienation in adolescents to the considerable liter- ature on anemia in adults. REFERENCES Festinger, Leon (1957), A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance, Evanston, Illinois, Row Peterson and Company. Heider, Fritz (1958), The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations, New York, Jehn Wiley and Sons. Merton, Robert K. (1957), Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, Illinois. The Free Press. Sewell, William H. and A. o. Haller (1959). Factors in the Relationship between Social Status and Personality Adjustment of the Child, American Sociological Review, 2hz783-79l. PERSONAL CONSEQUENCES OF THE STRESS ON ACHIEVEMENT IN AMERICAN SOCIETY By 'William H. Jarrett A THESIS Submitted to Michigan State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Department of Sociology and.Anthropology 1961 Cry "’3 — .’ p I EJJ ’7 ' ‘- l / kw 9:94». I /?730 ‘) 7/.a ACKNOWLEDGMENTS writing a thesis requires the marshalling of all the resources at one's command. I would like to take this opportunity to publicly acknowledge the resources which I have been fortunate enough to have at my disposal. A. O. Haller made his Lenawee County data available to me and for this, and for his continued insistence on high standards of craftsmanship, I am.most grateful. 'Whatever excellence I have achieved in this work has been largely due to his instruction and she couragement. I am indebted to the members of my committee, particularly Jay.Artis and Charles wrigley, for their advice and comments on my work. I have spent numerous hours in conversation with Eugene Erickson and his constructive criticism has been most helpful. I. W. Miller patiently guided me through the initial intricacies of the Lenawee County data and to him, and to Shailer Thomas, who contributed to my understanding of the Cattell test, I am.grateful. Finally, I would like to acknowledge the assistance of the staffs of the Tabulating Service and Computer Laboratory of Michigan State University for their aid in tabulating the data used in.this thesis. Throughout the past eighteen months, my wife has willingly stopped her work and looked and listened to my problems and to her, and our children, who refused to pay any attention to any- one's problems, I owe a substantial debt of gratitude. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . LISTOFTABIES............... LIST OF APPENDICES ° CHAPTER I. II. INTRODUCTION. . . . . . . . . .‘. . . . Purpose of the thesis . . . . . . . The prOblem. . . . . . . . . . . . Contributions of the thesis . . . . Scope of the thesis . . . . . . . . Organization of the thesis . . . . Introduction .. . . . ... . ....... The prOblem . . . . . . . . . . . The antecedent variables. . . . . . The consequent variables. . . . . . The model of balance and imbalance. Statement of the problem. . . . . . The hypotheses . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion 0 O O O O O O O O O 0 III. MEASUREMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction. . . . . . . . . .'. . CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND OF THE HYPOTHESES . O O 0 O O Q 0 O 0 O O O 0 O O O O 9 The site and the sample . . . .'. . - . . Measurement of the antecedent variables Measurement of the consequent variables Reduction of the attribute-space . Conclusion 0 0 0 O O O O O O C O 9 IV . RESU LTS 0 O O O O O O O O O I O O Introduction . . . . . . . The hypotheses . . . . . . Tests of the hypotheses . . Conclusion . . . . . . . . e o O O O O 0 O 0 iii 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O 0 O O 6 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 O O ‘0 O O 0 C O O O O O O C O Page ii caviar :9 \croIAIAIJ I4 '—l .‘1 Conan>n> vICDChku TABLE OF CONTENTS (continued) CHAPTER Page V 0 CONCLUSION O O O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O 0 0 O O O O an Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . Localized alienation and anemia. . . Consequences of localized alienation Suggestions for future researdh . . O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O 0 00.. .00. (I) 4:.“ REFERMCES O O O 0 O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 92 iv Table l. 2. 3. h. 5. 6. 7. 9. 10. LIST OF TABLES Page Logical combinations of the antecedents . . . . . . . . . 30 Rank-order of types of amount of imbalance . . . . . . . 31 Rank-order of combinations within types . . . . . . . . . 3h Intercorrelations of the antecedents . . . . . . . . . . Ah Index of Alienation and correlations with status . . . . A9 Classification of the sample by the antecedent variables. 53 Numerical composition of the five achievement types . . . 55 Means and variances of five types on Index of Alienation O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 62 Predicted and actual relations among alienation means of five types. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63 Means and variances of five types on Index of Alienation under four conditions of power. . . . . . 67 Predicted and actual relations of types I, II and III on Index of.Alienation under four conditions of power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Predicted and actual relations of types IV and V on Index of Alienation under four conditions of power 0 O O 0 O O O I O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O 69 12.. Means and variances of five types on Index of 13. Nervous Tension. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Predicted and actual relations among nervous tension means of five types. . . . . . . . . . . . . 76 LIST OF TABLES (continued) Table Page 1h. Means and variances of five types on Index of Nervous Tension under four conditions of power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77 15A. Predicted and actual relations of types I, II and III on Index of Nervous Tension under four conditions of power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79 15B. Predicted and actual relations of types IV and V on Index of Nervous Tension under four conditions of power . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 Vi 1. LIST OF APPENDICES Richland County Matrix of California Test of Personality Items, Factor Loadings, sis Linkage -Amlys is O O C . . O C C C O O O 0 I O . Description and Loadings of the IQ PE Test Factors Used to Measure Independence . . . . . . . . . . Intercorrelations of Lenawee County California Test 12f Personality Items Used in Index of Alienation . Linkage-Analysis of Lenawee County Matrix of California Test 2f Personality Items . Means and Standard Deviations of Variables in T-score Form and Formulas Used in Computations . . Page 96 . 10h . 107 . 109 . 112 CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Purpose of the thesis The purpose of this thesis is to develop and test hypotheses about the personal effects of the emphasis on success in American society. The Problem. The problem concerns the impact of this emphasis on seventeen- year-old boys in terms of (a) their own commitments to the success goal and (b) the interaction of their commitments with given.expectations of others. Predictions are made with respect to two consequences of (a) and (b), viz., localized alienation; and nervous tension. Contributions of the thesis The contributions of this study lie in several spheres. First, a possible link with "anomie" is forged through the isolation of certain situational correlates of localized alienation, which correlates have previously been found to precipitate anomie. These situational factors, when combined with specified personal orientations, are shown to place the pepson in an imbalanced situation for which only a limited number of resolutions are possible. One solution is "anemia" or anomie as sub- jectively experienced; another solution is localized alienation which may be the temporal antecedent to anomia in adults. 1This concept is fully discussed in Chapter II. Basically, alienation (as used here) refers to a condition of “self-to-others" dis- tance (Nettler, 1957) or estrangement. Two particular "others" are specified, the family and the school, hence the affixing of the adjective, localized, to distinguish this usage from'the more pervasive sense of estrangement that is generally indicated by the term in current literature. -1- -2- Second, this study illustrates how the careful application of the logic of investigation helps in separating antecedent from.consequent gvariables. Using the organismeenvironment framework, certain.variables are extracted from.the relevant literature, then placed into a theoreti- cal relationship with each other through use of Heider's theorem of cognitive balance. Use of this model facilitates prediction since it demands a precise statement of a delimited set of variables. Once this has been done, the various combinations of variables can be considered and hypotheses for each combination derived. Then and only then are the data categorized. Given this procedure, the so-called "blinding" effect of theory is minimized. A specific result of this procedure being employed is the derivation of a set of attributes which are said to "maximize" commitment to the success-goal and "minimize" the effects of imbalance. The effects of imbalance are cast in the form of predictions about localized alienation and nervous tension. Scope of the thesis Inferentially, the study is limited to 368 seventeen-year-old boys living in Lenawee County, Michigan in the spring of 1957. Substan- tively, generalizations are restricted to similar samples in highly industrialized, open-class societies, though the parameters of these societies cannot be specified on the basis of present information. Finally, certain assumptions are made to facilitate analysis and the scope of the study is limited by the degree to which the assumptions are valid. Organization of the thesis Following this introductory chapter, a conceptual statement of the hypotheses is made in Chapter II. There the relevant literature is reviewed, the antecedent and consequent variables extracted and placed in a context which permits deduction, and the final section contains a derivation of the conceptual hypotheses for each combination of the antecedents as it bears on localized alienation and nervous tension. Chapter III presents the description and evaluation of the various measurement techniques used in the study, and contains a rather extended description of the selection of items used to measure alienation and nervous tension. Chapter IV begins with an operational statement of the hypotheses, then presents the results and analyses of the hypotheses in terms of their predictive ability. Chapter V summarizes the study and contains a discussion of the findings viewed in.their capacity to generate further research. CHAPTER II CONCEPTUAL BACKGROUND OF THE HYPOTHE§E§ INTRODUCTION Purpose of the chapter This chapter lays the groundwork for the hypotheses. Immediately below there is a brief statement on nomenclature, followed by an enlarged statement of the problem. This statement leads into a review of the relevant literature, the result of which is the extraction of the ante- cedent variables. Then.the cognitive balance model is introduced to link the antecedents with the consequents. The literature on certain consequences of imbalance is then summarized and the chapter concludes with a derivation of hypotheses which are applicable to all combinations of the antecedents. Nomenclature Science deals with reality in terms of metaphors or models. The model employed here is that of organism interacting with environment. The term £303: is used to denote the abstraction from the organism, and gbjegt denotes the abstraction from.the environment. Here, actor denotes a EEEEEE’ while objects are of two kinds, sggial and nonsocial. It is important to note that interaction occurs only with social objects (other persons or collectivities) while nonsocial objects may be either physical or cultural entities. Characteristics predicated of the actor alone are called person-attributes; all others are termed situational or environmental. The term orientation links persons to relevant objects in their environments; if one wishes, "attitude" may be substi- in- -5- tuted for orientation without any meaning being lost. Finally, frequent references will be made to cultural systems, which have three important aspects for this study; (1) they are objects of orientation (nonsocial things that can be cognized by persons), (2) they are institutionalized in social systems, and (3) after learning occurs, they may be said to have been internalized. THE PROBLEM Background The empirical concern of this thesis is the area of "social structure and anomie." Conceived by Durkheim and placed into the main stream of interest by Merton (1957), the issue involves a situation in which persons are required to strive for a goal without adequate means to attain it. In.American society anomie is said to stem from the dis- crepancy between the pervasive emphasis on success and the fact of socially structured obstacles to success (Merton, 1957, p. 18h). The result is a stress which impinges upon nearly every member of the society, with varying effects. Although the term."anomie“ has been used to denote normlessness, as well as ambiguous norms, in.this study it denotes an ambivalence toward norms, such that both conformity and deviation are accompanied by misgivings (Johnson, 1960, pp. 557-558). When anomie is predicated of persons rather than social systems it is called "anomia" (Srole, 1956). The Problem Given anomie as one effect of what might be called a "means-end" disjunction, considerable attention has been.given to other effects of the same condition. Recently, two papers have appeared that address themselves to the personal effects of the disjunction in a parallel manner. One of these, Cohen's Delinquent Boys: The Culture gfithg Gangs (1955), proceeds from a speculative position and attempts to account for the development and maintenance of a delinquent sub-culture among adolescents in terms of psychological mechanisms. The basis of these mechanisms is a reaction-formation engendered by the discrepancy between the success-goal and the available means. The other paper (Sewell and Haller, 1959) begins from an empirical base and presents an inductive explanation of an Observed negative relationship between socio-economic status and personality adjustment, independently arriving at the same set of antecedent conditions as was posited by Cohen. Sewell and Haller's paper furnishes the point of departure for the present analysis, an inquiry into the differential personal effects of status-induced stress on success and achievement in American society. Since their post- factum.explanation summarizes most of the theory implicit in the litera- ture on anomie, their digest is quoted below: 1. The early socialization of the lower-status child results in the internalization of values and the development of behaviors characteristic of the lower-status family and neighborhood in which he is reared. 2. When the lower-status child extends his activities into the larger social environment of the school and the come munity, he encounters many values and behavior expectations that are quite different from those of his family and neighborhood. -7- 3. He is made to feel that some of these values and behaviors are superior to those of his own family and neighborhood, so he tries to adopt them. h. Since these values and behaviors are in conflict with those of his family and neighborhood and since the low status position of his family in many ways inhibits the behavior dictated by them, he experiences tension states which may be manifested in (a) concern ever the social status of his family, (b) concern over his ability to perform up to expected levels, especially in school, (c) rejection of his family since its members are perceived by him as responsible for his inability to behave according to his higher status values; and finally, (d) a syndrome of nervous behavior indicative of general anxiety (p. 519). This digest contains, implicitly and explicitly, the variables to be utilized in this thesis. Taken from.thcir context, these are (1) status, (2) parental cultural standards as presented to their children for adoption, (3) the offspring's life-goals, (h) relevant means for goal-attainment and (5) a set of reactions on the part of the persons involved. Methodologically, (l), (2), (3) and (D) will be treated here as "antecedent variables," while (5) will furnish the basis for the "consequent variables," localized alienation and nervous tension.2 The next three sections of this chapter develop these con~ cepts more fully so that hypotheses can be derived to predict the occurrence of (5). 2The terms "antecedent" and "consequent” are used in preference to the traditional usage, independent and dependent variables, because we wish to speak of interaction among the antecedents and it seems illogical to speak of interaction among independent variables (wrigley, 1959). Further, in this thesis, the terms "variable" and "attribute” are used as synonyms, recognizing that at times the former refers to a continuous characteristic and the latter to a dichotomous character- istic, as the terms are used in other works. The Problem Given anomie as one effect of what might be called a "means-end" disjunction, considerable attention has been.given to other effects of the same condition. Recently, two papers have appeared that address themselves to the personal effects of the disjunction in a parallel manner. One of these, Cohen's Delinquent qus: The Culture 3fithe_GangL (1955), proceeds from a speculative position and attempts to account for the deve10pment and maintenance of a delinquent sub-culture among adolescents in terms of psychological mechanisms. The basis of these mechanisms is a reaction-formation engendered by the discrepancy between the success-goal and the available means. The other paper (Sewell and Haller, 1959) begins from an empirical base and presents an inductive explanation of an Observed negative relationship between socio-economic status and personality adjustment, independently arriving at the same set of antecedent conditions as was posited by Cohen. Sewell and Heller's paper furnishes the point of departure for the present analysis, an inquiry into the differential personal effects 9: status-induced stress 2n success and achievement in American society. Since their post- factum.explanation summarizes most of the theory implicit in the litera- ture on anomie, their digest is quoted below: 1. The early socialization of the lower-status child results in the internalization of values and the development of behaviors characteristic of the lower-status family and neighborhood in which he is reared. 2. When the lower-status child extends his activities into the larger social environment of the school and the come munity, he encounters many values and behavior expectations that are quite different from'those of his family and neighborhood. -8- THE ANTECEDENT VARIABLES Introduction The first part of this section develops the concept of life-goals, the fulcrum of the thesis. The second part discusses the situational variables, socio-economic status and parental expectations; they are called "situational" because they are "givens" to the person and con- stitute conditions of his action. The third part is concerned with the person variables, ability and independence, so-called because they are predicated of the person alone. Throughout this section the focus is on the empirical relationships among the antecedents, particularly as they cluster around life-goals. The remaining sections of this chapter focus on the effects of this clustering on individuals. Life-goals Literature on social mobility and social stratification com- monly points to education as one of the Chief mechanisms of upward movement in the status hierarchy. Regardless of why this is the case, the choice of the person with respect to education carries with it a commitment to one of several life~styles, at least in American society. Given the societal emphasis on elementary and secondary education for all new members, it is not until late high school that the person must make this commitment for himself. Regardless of what thoughts he might have earlier, at this point he must declare himself with respect to future education. Depending on the choice, he either signifies his intention to enter the occupational world immediately at a rather low level or indicates his desire to enter it at a higher level at a later date, using post-high school training as a vehicle. For this reason, -9- social scientists tend to accept educational aspirations as a crude indication of the strength of a person's commitment to the success-goal, recognizing that the indicator itself explains little of the dynamics of the commitment-process. The elements of this commitment have been discussed under the rubric of the "achievement-syndrome" (McClelland, 1953). Rosen (1956) summarizes much of the literature and suggests that there is indeed a "dissimilar concern with achievement" (p. 20h) in the various social classes, which concern involves two elements; (1) a psychological fac- tor called "achievement-motivation" and \(2) a cultural factor, "value- orientations" which are seen as "defining and implementing" achievement- motivated behavior. Rosen's data offer evidence of the imperfection of educational aspirations as an indicator of achievement-motivation since ability and aspiration do not go hand in hand with motivation and value orientations (p. 209): Value scores . . . proved not to be related to academdc achievement, although they are associated with a kind of behavior that is, if not in itself an act of achievement, at least a factor in social mobility . . . . It was found that an individual's value score, but ngt his motivation score, is related to educational aspirations. This thesis focuses on one aspect of commitment, choice with respect to college training. Rosen's paper provides evidence that this choice is (l) empirically relevant to commitment to life-goals and (2) some- what delimited in its scope, viz., it is related to value-orientations .but unrelated to motivational components. Turning from the elements of commitment, it is important to ascertain the extent to which this commitment is expected.g£ actors _— m—o— _ —.—- —'-."-—---1 w- .-- H mttrw-‘M.—'A .nn in the social system. Johnson, (1960, p. 558) maintains that the -10- commitment is preferred for all but not eXpected pf all. Merton (1957) posits anomie as a product of a society in which all are required to strive for a goal but at least some lack sufficient means. The dif- ference in their respective positions is whether or not the commitment is institutionalized, i.e., expected of all persons occupying given positions. Empirically, the extent of commitment to success (measured by educational aspirations) is found to be confounded by other factors, viz., status, parental stress, ability, and indirectly, independence. The extent and nature of this cluster will become apparent as this section progresses, but for the moment it is necessary to decide as to the degree to which the commitment is expected of actors in the society} Sewell and Haller (1959) handle the issue by a series of assumptions which should be made eXplicit. First they assume that the cultural standards (hence value- orientations with respect to life-goals) of lower-status families differ from those of middle-status families, and second that the school trans- mits values coincident with those of the middle-class. Third they assume that the boys involved at least partially internalize both parental and school expectations, which in the case of lower-status boys produces a conflict which somehow must be resolved. An unstated corollary of this third assumption is that middle-status boys should manifest an absence of this conflict, if assumptions one and two are valid. Since the available evidence (to be explored momentarily) suggests the possibility of a confounded set of relationships, it is difficult to draw a clear-cut conclusion as to the nature of the expectations involved. Therefore, the position taken.here is that commitment is required (institutionalized) for high or middle-status persons but not of those of lower-status. However, -11- it is important to remember that societal rewards are conferred only if a commitment is made, is carried through, and is successful. The issue of societal expectations is important because violation of institution- alized expectations is generally held to constitute deviance from the point of view of the society (Cohen, 1959, p. h63) and the problem of the thesis is to inquire into the effects of the stress on success, including strains toward deviance. The Situational Variables Every beginning student in sociology is told that status effects are manifested in the actions of some persons toward other persons. The “others" in this analysis are high school boys; the agents of influ~ ence are their parents. It is via the parents that socio-economic status first enters the lifespace of the subjects and for this reason status and parental expectations are often discussed together as though they were one and the same. When Merton (1957, p. 158) speaks of the family as being the "major transmission belt for the diffusion of cultural standards to the oncoming generation" he is pin-pointing the element of the parental status=role of concern here. Further, the assumptions of Sewell and Haller focus on the interaction of parent-child as one of the possible sources of conflicting values. Status and family. Until recently, research into the influences on educational aspirations have tended to be of a bivariate nature. Those studies which focused on status-induced effects have assumed that, given status, parental stress, or the lack of it, followed. Hyman (1953) reports that while middle-class adults consider post-high school training necessary for success, lowermclass respondents do not and argues that commitment to the success—goal is largely a "fiction" in the lower—classes (p. hOB). Hollingshead (19h?) Supports this view with his investigatiOn of the effects of the class structure in a small midwestern community.‘ A recent paper by Bordua (1960) takes as its focus the influence of parental stress on college aspirations and offers an opportunity to test the wisdom of treating status and parental expectations as one and the same (empir- ically). Bordua considers the influence of status and parental stress separately, commencing with a bivariate relationship between status and college plans, then introduces parental expectations to see if the original relationship was spurious and confounded by parental effects. His findings show that "social status differences are considerably but not completely accounted for by differences in parental stress“ (p. 268). In fact, more variance is accounted for with the parental variable than with status; thus the relationship is multivariate, rather than bivariate. Given this data, plus the known influence of status on educational plans (Sewell, Haller and Strauss, 1957), it follows that an inquiry into differential commitment to success should incorporate both status and parental expecta- tions into the research design. Family and school. Earlier (pp. 10-11) the assumptions of Sewell and Haller were shown to involve the influences of both family and school on the value-orientations of the subjects. Bordua‘s paper attests to the empirical validity of their assumptions concerning the family, leaving the influences of the school to be explored. Since the school, with the famiky, is charged with the socialization function in American society, any inquiry into the effects of socialization should pay some attention to the school's contribution to the problem. Fortunately, -13- two sources are available for examination; a recent paper by Wilson (1959) suggests that school systems exert influences on educational aspir~ ations which are independent of family effects and a speculative paper by Parsons (1959) integrates the role of the school system into litera- ture concerning achievement and life-goals. In the following analysis, the assumptions made by Sewell and Haller are shown to have partial, but not complete, theoretical validity. First, a major difference between the family and the school is that the latter is an achieved status system Whereas the former is not. Given this, the emphasis on achievement (thought to be a reflection of middle-class standards) becomes understandable, since the positive valu- ation of achievement is a requisite for successful learning in the class per se. Second, given the positive commitment to achievement, the lesson learned in school can and must be generalized to higher-order social systems in which the members of the school class will be involved later. Thus the emphasis on achievement is necessary at both the school and Societal level and for obvious reasons (the family cannot emphasize eachievement) the school is the major collectivity in which this lesson Inust be learned if it is learned at all. Parsons (1959 p. 309) stresses 'tJie role of the family as one of "cooperation" with the school in 131?ansmitting this "shared valuation of achievement" which places value both on initial equality ~a_n_d on differential achievement. Taking society as the point of reference, the primary function (351? ‘the school is that of "selective allocation of contingents to future 37“:>:lxes" (Parsons, 1959, p. 311), the result of which is to differentiate 1Z6151<3= members of the school class along the axis of achievement. Considering -m- the problem of the thesis, it is here that the lower-status youth encounters a means-scarcity in two spheres; ability, which is known to be distributed along status lines (Sewell, Haller and Strauss, 1957) and value-orientations, where the middle-class family's standards more nearly'mirror those presented in the school. The latter statement follows from the evidence that achievement-orientation is higher in the middle than lower-class. If it is granted fliat middle-class youth are likely to evidence more complete socialization for achievement in terms of ability and values, then it follows that to the extent their lower- status counterparts seek to compete, they encounter a means-scarcity. And since the reward-system of the society must logically exclude those who do not compete, the degree of means-scarcity is for that reason highest in the lower-classes. It is this state of affairs that Merton and others have cited as contributing to the occurrence of anomie and as constituting a strain toward deviance. Unfortunately the influence of the school system cannot be incor- porated into the research design of the thesis because of a lack of data. For this reason the results of the investigation will possibly be con- founded by school differences such as those reported by Wilson (1959). Lack of knowledge of school differences is perhaps the main empirical lacunae in the present study. §E§E§EZ‘ Evidence has been presented linking socio-economic status and parental expectations to the differential commitment of youth to life-goals. The influence of a third factor, the school, has been incorporated into the conceptual scope of the thesis. Whereas status and parental stress are situational factors, the following portion of this section turns to a consideration of attributes predicated of the youth alone, independence and ability. -15- The Person Variables Independence. Thus far three attributes have been shown to be contained in the inductive explanation of Sewell and Haller. Rosen's paper on the achievement-syndrome suggests that another variable, independence, be added to the research design. Drawing upon previous research he reports that independent behavior is a demand made by mothers of children with high achievement-motivation (1956, p. 211); and Parsons (1959, p. 300) maintains that the level of independence is "the most important single predispositional factor with which the child enters school." By independence is meant "his level of self-sufficiency relative to guidance from adults, his capacity to take responsibility and to make his own decisions in coping with new and varying situations“ (Parsons, 1959, p. 300). Douvan and Adelson (1958, p. 38) report that the upwardly mobile boys in their sample "manifest a drive toward inde» pendence and responsibility whereas the downwardly mObile do not." The relevance of this factor to the present problem lies in the fact that the capacity for independent behavior seems to be one of the requisites for successful competition in achieved status systems. Although it emerges from.parent-child interaction, once gained it provides a basis for generalization to autonomy from reliance on authority figures gen- erally (Douvan.and Adelson, 1958, p. 38). It is important to note that this attribute designates a capacity of Which the possessor may be only dimly aware; youths with high independence will "feel comfortable" in achieved status systems, whereas their low independence counterparts will not. -15.. Ability. The final attribute classified as an antecedent variable comes to the problem from several sources. Sewell and Haller speculate that concern over ability leads certain persons to manifest tension-states, Parsons (1959) feels that ability is the key to the ”differentiation of the school—class along the achievementnaxis” and several studies have established the empirical association of ability with other factors in achievement~orientation (Sewell, Haller and Strauss, 1957), (Rosen, 1956) and (Douvan and Adelson, 1958). Put succinctly, ability is the answer to the question."gan the person do so—and-so?" In this thesis ability is seen as a means to achieving success. Low ability constitutes a means-scarcity to the youths involved since the known association of ability and success leads one to label the for- mer as a requisite for the latter. Given the assumption that high commitment to the success-goal is expected of middle and upper-status persons, the lack of ability for such actors becomes a critical problem, considerably more so than for their lower-status counterparts for whom the expectation of commitment is weaker. On the other hand, in view of the positive association between the situational variables and high life~goals, the low-status youth of high-ability also encounters a means- scarcity in competing with his higher-status competitors who are more likely to have undergone socialization of a type emphasizing acquisition of the attitudes and behaviors associated with success. Summary This rather lengthy section has isolated the antecedent variables from their theoretical and empirical context and indicated the relevance of the set for the problem of the thesis. This task was accomplished by .17- stunning that, with the exception of independence, all of the antecedents there included in.Sewell and Haller's discussion of the negative associa- 1xion.between status and personality adjustment. Independence was shown in: be one of the variables typically associated with anticipatory :socialization for successful achievement. Given the competitive nature of’success, the necessity of each of the antecedents for attaining success is suggested by the tendency of the antecedents to occur together. Hence, the lack of one or more of these can be said to constitute a means-scarcity of varying dimensions. The delineation of the concept of means-scarcity illuminates what Merton refers to as an anomie situation, whereby means are insufficient to preferred goals. From this scarcity comes an ambi- valence toward the normative structure of the society on the part of the persons involved. Finally, the extent of the "requiredness" of a positive commitment to success was said to vary with the social-status of the person. THE CONSEQUENT VARIABLES Introduction The purpose of this section is the delineation of the consequent variables, alienation and nervous tension. 'Whereas the previous section was concerned with the sources of strain, this section focuses on the possible effects of strain. Following the procedure used earlier, the paper of Sewell and Haller furnishes the point of departure, but more literature is reviewed to develop the concepts. For reasons which become apparent later, alienation is treated more adequately than is nervous tension. -18- Alienation To develop this concept, it is necessary to go back to the paper of Sewell and Heller and examine the procedure by which the four tensionp states resulted from their analysis. These "tensionestates" are actually four factors derived from a factor analysis of thirty items taken from the California Test pf Personality - Elementarijorqu. These items were selected from.the total inventory of test items because they were found to be more highly associated with social status than any other items. The factor analysis yielded nine orthogonal factors; however, only the first four were judged to have “any meaningful content" (p. 513). Consequently the tension-states which they posit as effects of the structural strain are actually hypothetical constructs, composed of a number of personality test items which statistically constitute separate dimensions and substantively are interpreted as separate effects. Given the nature of a factor as a hypothetical construct, there is not a priori guarantee that its substantive content will be homogeneous. Of their four factors, only one (nervous tension) is clearly homogeneous substantively. Another factor (concern over ability) manifests homogeniety but may be interpreted differently, and will be so interpreted below. The remaining factors (status concern,and rejection of familyB) are interpreted as substantively separate only because of fine factor analysis. When the loadings of these two factors are examined, two things are apparent; first the manifest content of the loadings of both factors have in common some kind of a reference to the family (generally conditions which are deriva- tive of the family's status) and second, one item appears on both factors ("I try to keep boys and girls away from my home because it isn't as nice A... 3Haller has agreed that this factor might more accurately be called alienation from.family. -19- as theirs"). There is no reason why both of these features should not result, given the nature of factor analysis; rather the point is that they 32 result. Finally, when the original matrix of Sewell and Haller is analyzed by another technique, the result is a mixture of the items from. all of the factors except nervous tension.h It should be clear that, thus far, it is simply a matter of different techniques yielding dif- ferent results. The position taken here is that the three item areas may legiti- mately be subsumed under one rubric, alienation. Leaving the title to be discussed below, empirical evidence may be adduced to support this position. Douvan and Adelson (1958) inquired into the behavior patterns of three “mobilityhcategories" of adolescent boys, and report finat statistically significant differences were found ammng the three groups with respect to a number of variables (p. h3). Among these variables were “achievement-mode" or, criteria for choosing jobs, "autonomy" or extent of reliance on authority-figures, and "familybmilieu," the sub- ject's relationship with their parents. Empey (1956, p. 707) presents findings which link the item areas of "status concern" and "alienation fromfamily'“S The itemeareas, alienation and powerlessness._ Given empirical grounds for questioning the substantive separation of the three areas, the question becomes why they are said to reflect alienation. Seeman hThe matrix of Sewell and Haller, the factor loadings and the results of the alternative technique are found in.Appendix (l). SEmpeyreports that "lower-class seniors were significantly more inclined than upper-class seniors to want a job that had a higher social standing . . . than the one their father had, to rate their family income as insufficient for family needs, to think it important that they have a better income than their father." (p. 707). -20- (1959) reviews the literature on the concept of alienation and discusses five different usages of the term; powerlessness, meaninglessness, norm? lessness, isolation and self-estrangement. Concerning powerlessness, he casts alienation in an expectancy framework, the feeling held by an individual that his own behavior cannot determine the outcome of events which he seeks (p. 78h). In this thesis, alienation is interpreted as powerlessness, not in an expectancy framework, but rather objectively, or from.the standpoint pf the conditions in the society, particularly those determining who succeeds and who does not. This conception is similar to that of Nettler (1957) who defines an alienated person as "one who has been estranged from, made unfriendly toward, his society and the culture it carries" (p. 672). The present conception differs from Nettler's in that the concern is not with the larger social order but with a delimited portion of the total society, the relevant objects in the youth's environ- ment Which bear on his chances for success. Interpreted in this sense, not only are ability and independence elements of power (means for suc- cessful competition) but also status and parental expectations may be similarly interpreted. All of the antecedents constitute means which are either present or lacking with respect to achievement, and the lack of any one or combination of them constitutes a condition of powerlessness (objectively) for that particular person relative to societal stress on achievement. Consequently, it is appropriate to modify the label of the itemrareas to conform.to the empirical limits of the analysis and call it "localized or situational alienation." Hereafter, when the term aliena- tion is used it should be understood in this restricted sense. If this -21- usage is granted as legitimate, then it follows that one who lacks any or all of the means or elements of power is a likely candidate for alienation from his immediate environment.6 Alienation as chronologically prior to anomie. Earlier anomie was defined as involving an ambivalence toward the normative structure and the suggestion made that alienation might be an earlier state of ambivalence. 'Why'this should be is relatively simple to explain. Anomie (or more accurately, anemia) is said by Srole (1956, p. 711) to refer to the indi- vidual's "generalized, pervasive sense of 'self-to-other‘ distance, or 'self-to-other alienation'" and the locus of the difficulty is specified as the result of three sets of forces: . . . (1) Reference groups beyond his immediate field of action, within which acceptance and ultimate integration are sought. (2) Generalized qualities of the molar society penetrating his contemporary action field as those affect, (a) his life-goals, (b) his selection of means toward these goals and (c) his success or failure in achieving these goals. (3) The socializa- tion processes of his interpersonal relationships during child- hood and adolescence, as these have conditioned the interpersonal expectations, value orientations and behavioral tendencies of his current personality structure. 6No useful purpose would be served by an extended discussion of why status and parental expectations constitute elements of power. However, this much may be said: First, there is required the assumption that all boys would strive for success given the proper set of conditions; the antecedents are the important conditions. Second, if any boy desires success, his status (derivative of his family's status) either introduces him to the appropriate learning and opportunity structures for fulfill- ment of his goal or to some extent obstructs his access to these structures. Third, parental stress is generally accompanied by an emphasis on those behaviors which are perceived by the parents as implement- ing successful achievement; independence is only one of fliese. However, the lower their status, the less likely they are to perceive what is necessary due to a diminishing acquaintance with success; and, to this extent, the boy is handicapped in his own competition. Cloward (1959) presents a discussion of learning and opportunity structures and Rosen (1956) furnishes some references to parental aspire: tions. Strodback (1958) discusses the dynamics of the parent-child interaction stemming from.stress on achievement. -22~ Given the ages of the subjects in this inquiry it is not reasonable to ask into their reactions to goal-achievement when in some cases they are just finishing their preparation for commencing goal-attainment, and in other cases, they are making plans to further prepare themselves for this quest. However, given the restricted scope of the concept, it seems legitimate to speculate that a general sense of powerlessness with respect to norms and goals is precipitated by an early unsuccessful learning experience as this is reinforced by the spiraling of adult experience. The adult reactions to this state of affairs is then called anomia. Nervous Tension ‘Whereas the inquiry into the occurrence of alienation can be said to follow from.numerous sources in the literature, the conceptual back- ground of nervous tension as an effect of a cultural discontinuity is not nearly as rich. The inclusion of this variable in the inrestigation is frankly'exploratory; From the results of Sewell and Haller (1959) the linkage of a nervous syndrome with the broad effects of strain is estab- lished and the inquiry is continued in this thesis. It is assumed that nervous tension is somehow a result of the same set of circumstances that produces alienation and it is further hypothesized that nervous tension varies in the same way and under the same circumstances as alienation. It should be made clear ab initig that the actual cause- effect relationship will be only slightly advanced ii the predictions that will be made are found to obtain. Whatever the causal matrix involves, its telatienship to social stnuctural influende'is'eXtremely complex“andflthis analysis will, if successful, do little to advance knowledge cencerning the causabity; rather thelcontributiOn will be to supporting empirical- -23- generalizations as to its occurrencO. Thus the relationShip between the“ . . . ! cultural stress and the effect should be<00nstrued as an association.1n LC the strictest sense of the word. M This section has isolated the effects of socially induced strain. The study of Sewell and Haller furnishes data which is reinterpreted to form two consequences of strain, alienation and nervous tension, which in turn, are translated into hypotheses below. THE MODEL OF BALANCE AND IMBALANCE Introduction The purpose of this section is to order the antecedents and con- sequents, using a parsimonious but general model to do so. No additional material is introduced in this section, other than units of the model. One methodological point will facilitate understanding. Reference will be made to two kinds of imbalance, cognitive and situational. Any condition perceived by a person can be termed cognitive; if perceived it must somehow be represented in the person's situation, hence may also be termed situational. Heider speaks of cognitive imbalance because of his interest in person perception; yet he also considers situations because of the influence of other persons or nonsocial objects on the person's behavior. This analysis treats the person and his environment under the general rubric of “situation," including inferred states of cognitive balance or imbalance, characterizing the youths who are the subjects of this thesis. -2h- Finally, Heider has developed a shorthand system of representing conditions of balance and imbalance and the elements thereof. The use of the shorthand system implements the rule of parsimony and for that reason it will be utilized in this and pertinent sections below. Balance and Imbalance The issue of cognitive balance or imbalance arises when the fact of the emphasis on success is viewed phenomenally, i.e., from the person's perspective. The condition may be called situational if viewed objectively or causally (Heider, 1958, p. 166). Given a person, p, and a situation composed of other persons, 0, and nonsocial objects x and y, p may be said to be in a state of balance if the situation is relatively favorable to him or characterized as in a state of imbalance if the situation is relatively unfavorable to him. Heider (p. 166) pinpoints the logic of situational analysis using Nurray's concept of the "stimulus~situation": . . . it is convenient to classify the SS (stimulus-situation) according to the kind of effect - facilitating or obstructing - it is exerting or could exert upon the organism.. . . . By ‘effect' here we do not mean the response that is aroused in the subject . . . rather we mean what is done tonthe subject before he responds. To Heider, balance is "a situation in which the relations among entities fit together harmoniously" (p. 201). The entities are p, o, and the like, and the relations may be of two kinds; sentiment relations and_unit relations. The former is equivalent to an attitude toward something or somebody, an "orientation" in other words. Following Heider, the generic symbols to be used in representing positive and negative sentiments are L (like) and DL (dislike). Unit relations refer to the fact that certain things tend to be perceived as belonging together; a "person and his deeds" are an example. -25- The symbol U denotes the cognitive unit between two entities and notaU the fact that the two entities are segregated (Heider, p. 201). For example, p may be in the same family as o (on) or may dislike o (pDLo). Or, p may dislike an x (a nonsocial object) that he perceives o to like (pDszand oUX). Given this, and assuming that p likes o in other respects, there is imbalance because the two sentiment relations (pLo and pDLx) are not harmonious with the unit relation (on). The imbalance can be resolved in three ways: 1. a change in sentiment relations wherein p decides he really doesn't like 0 after all; 2. a change in the unit relation wherein p decides that 0 doesn't really like x; or 3. pidecides that either 0 or x is not important to him after all, in which case either the relation pLo or pDLx is said to "leave the cognitive field." In the event of any of these three changes, the balanced state is re- established. If, for whatever reason, the imblance persists, stress results. If the imbalance persists over time, the stress produced originally is "multiplied" by the secondary effects of enduring it. Imbalance and the problem of the thesis Sewell and Haller's explanation may be reinterpreted in terms of the model in the following manner: Imbalance exists because the lower» status boy'"1ikes" the values and behaviors promulgated by the school, which conflict with those held by his parents whom he also likes. The tensionpstates found to exist can be said to represent the effects of 13113313110 5 o -26... Summary This brief section has introduced the model of imbalance and ax~ plained its effects. The theory holds that given imbalance, some change will occur so that the balanced state will be restored; however this latter theorem.is not applied in this thesis since the concern is with the effects only (alienation and nervous tension). The model is intro~ duced so that the relations between the antecedent and consequent variables might be ordered and thus clarified. One point remains to be made. Given the nature of the problem facing p, he cannot dissociate himself from the imbalance in which he is said to be involved. In the case which concerned Sewell and Haller, he has to decide either in favor of the family or in favor of the school if a rational plan for his future is to develop. If he does not dissociate himself from one or the other, the tensionsstates will continue and presumably increase over time. This latter point is, of course, beyond the scope of the thesis. However, in the final chapter, some suggestions will be made as to What future states of affairs might come of this unresolved imbalance. STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM Introduction The purpose of this section is to state the problem succinctly; this is accomplished by setting it into the framework of Heider's model. No additional material is introduced; rather the emphasis is on clarification. -27- The Problem In the terms of Heider's model, the concern is with a person p in a situation composed of other persons 0 and certain nonsocial objects, w, x, y, z. A basic (ascribed) attribute of p is social status, x, (pUx) which is properly predicated of his parents (on) but because of his relationship with them, is also predicated of him. Depending on the value of.x (whether it is high or low) high come mitment to achievement, y, is either expected of p or preferred but not expected of him. That is, if x is high, p ought to like y; if x is low, p may like y but y'is not an ought for him. Furthermore, if x is high, then 0 should want y for p and if x is low, 0 may want y for p. If we assume that in all cases on, (p and o are a unit, which they are) then given oLy and on+_(high) there is imbalance if pDLy. If oLy and oUX_ (low) there is still imbalance if pDLy'but the magnitude of the imbalance is mitigated since y is not an ought (institutionalized) for any pUx_. Yet, even if oLy and pLy where x is low, there is still some imbalance because only a high x is said to maximize the probability of achievement and conversely, minimize imbalance. Thus for all pUx_ the situation is still relatively disadvantageous come pared to all pUx+. Now there are two person-attributes (elements of personal power) which either mitigate or accentuate imbalance, depending on whether they are available to p, viz., w (independence) and z (ability). From pre- vious research we know that given pLy, both pr+ and pUz+ can be expected because w and z have been found to be positively associated with y. Thus, for all pLy, the lack of w+ and/or z+ and/or z+ precipitates imbalance since these are elements of the modal pLy and a given p will be competing with more fortunate counterparts. -28- seiner: Use of Heider‘s theoretical model facilitates statement of the problem.of the thesis, particularly with respect to identifying degrees of imbalance and balance. Balance is shown to be a function of the degree to which p's preferences (pay), his environmental facilitation (p:x, ozy) and personal power (pzw, pzz) are in accord with the require= ments of the objective order with respect to achievement. THE HYPOTHESES Introduction There are three parts to this section. The first part states the general hypothesis and specifies the elements of the hypothesis when it is applied to the problem of the thesis. The second part derives hypotheses for all combinations of the antecedents; this is done by means of a multivariate equation for identifying the relative degrees of balance or imbalance. The final part of the section predicts the effects of imbalance as these are manifested in the ranks of the combinations on indexes of alienation and nervous tension. The general hypothesis and the problem The basic hypothesis is, given imbalance, stress results. The elements of imbalance in the problem are low values on any of the antece- dents. The varieties of stress in the problem are (1) alienation and (2) nervous tension. Specifically, if it is assumed that all actors would strive for success given the proper conditions, then the general hypothesis follows, that to the extent that one or any combination of two or more of ”v m -—.- the antecedents take low values, to that extent imbalance exists, which imbalance is manifested in high scores on alienation and nervous tension. -29- The combinations of antecedents A review of the literature suggests that certain combinations of the antecedents had received considerable attention while others had been ignored. For example, Merton's classic paper (1957) is primarily con- cerned with the combination pUx_pLy wherein imbalance results from a means- scarcity; Merton suggests that innovation stems from this condition. Sewell and Haller (1959) are also intrigued with this particular situation and Douvan and Adelson (1958) go further and consider several others. The possibilities of any one combination notwithstanding, con- sideration of all possible combinations of the antecedents has consider- able merit in itself as Dubin (1959) shows with his extension of Merton's typology; Consideration of all possibilities forces one to isolate all the implications of a theory, and in so doing, minimizes the blinding effect of any particular combination. Table 1 presents all possible combinations of the antecedents, each of which is labelled a "type." The types are formed on the basis of the two situational variables, plus life-goals. The procedure to be followed in deriving the hypotheses will be to consider the implications of the general hypothesis for each type, then consider what should be said about conditions within each type. Thus two sets of hypotheses will be derived predicting values on the consequents; one set which predicts the ranks of the types, and another which predicts the ranks of the comp binations within types. -30- Table 1. Logical combinations of the antecedents. ‘—‘—'~-a—-—~_._- .- '—-.- -q Parental A. Life Type Status Expectation Goals I Low Low Low II Low Low High III Low High Low IV Low High High V High Low Low VI High Low High VII High High Low VIII High High High Inspection of the table reveals several obvious parallels. For example, I and V are similar except for differences in status, as are II and VI, III and VII, and IV and VIII. Consequently, if the effect of status differences is specified first, then hypotheses can be derived for four combinations rather than eight. Similarly if the effect of parental expectations and life-goals can be specified in like manner, one statement will suffice rather than four. This can be accomplished with the con- struction of what might be called a "logical" equation for identifying imbalance. Given such identification, predictions about effects can be made. The equation for identifying betweenstype imbalance is, Eb . h - E[ (x + 03y) + my + pm} where, BE denotes imbalance between types x " status ozy " 0's expectations for p's life-goals pzy " p's own expectations for his lifeugoals pzo " balance or imbalance between p and o over"y ~31- Since each of the antecedents is dichotomized, the identification of ime balance will be facilitated by letting any high score take the value of “l" and any low score the value of "0". Thus the total imbalance in the .ith type is the sum of the values of the individual variables subtracted from.h. (The rationale for subtracting the sum from a constant will be explained momentarily.) The discussion of the antecedents in the earlier parts of this chapter has presented the rationale for the inclusion of these variables, the lack of which is said to constitute imbalance. The only additional variable introduced above is the balance or imbalance between p and o, discussed when the imbalance model was explained. One methodological point remains to be clarified. Derivation of total imbalance in this manner assumes that each of the antecedents makes (1) an independent and (2) an equal contribution to the total. This is assumed in absence of information indicating the prOper weights for each variable. The validity of the assumption is examined when the hypotheses are tested and data analyzed. r Effects of imbalance between types L When imbalance is derived in the manner described above, the eight types are found to be distributed in the following rank—order of amount of imbalance: Table 2. Rank-order of types by amount of imbalance. Type: I II III V VI VII IV VIII Amit: 3 3 3 2 2 2 l O “’3 .2- -3 3— Consequently, if each of the types is measured for the effects of imp balance, the following relations should be found to obtain as the measured effects of imbalance: [ < < < _= < = E J > [ < = g = < ] > E > < ’I II III 3] \VI pcoeooopcw can an cadawm mo soameHMflmmmHo any .e .Hnt ma He mm as a .m HHH> HN aH on son amH amHm e q 0H amHm HH> awH emHm w: seq mH mN mm son N H m anm H> mmH eme o H H 30H a eme NH 20H N m m emHm e w Bog N H m 30H eN ON on anm eH Ho emHm e a mH 30H )1 r. . - ma OH :H 4N aNHm HHH NmH e .m : Ha 20H wH aN a: eon m N m amHm HH HmH 20H OH eme N m m 30H a m NH amHm H mm 30H NH mN am son a: Son amHm son apHHHnH mHmoe-oeHg muonpm Hmpaoemm museum aflaonoomuOHoom su- Table 7 presents the results of the reduction of the original attribute-space of eight types. In Table 7, three types, II, V and VI 15 have been excluded from further consideration. By "reduction" is meant "any classification as a result of which different combinations fall into one class" (Lazarsfeld and Barton, 1951, p. 173). There are three kinds of reduction; functional, arbitrary, and pragmatic. The operation per- formed here utilized functional reduction Wherein: . . . there must exist an actual relationship between two of the attributes which reduces the number of combinations. The elimination of certain combinations can either be a complete one, or these combinations may occur so infrequently that no special class need be established for them. The reduction in Table 7 is based on the apparent positive association between'the antecedents whereby a high value on status tends to be accomp panied by high values on the other antecedents. The excluded types The only difference between Tables 6 and 7 is the exclusion of types II, V and VI in the latter. Type II is defined by the combination pUx_, oDLy, pLy. This was the combination on which Sewell and Haller based their explanation; it is also the one which occupies the central focus of Merton's essay. As to why only three per cent of the sample should lie in this type, it is difficult to say. One explanation is that low parental stress results in low-lifengoals to a greater degree than high stress by parents produces high life-goals. This is ostensibly borne out in types VI and V, although the small number of cases defined by high status-low stress suggests caution in drawing conclusions. Caution not= withstanding, one can speculate that high parental stress is a necessary 15In Table 7 the types have been renumbered so that future dis: cussion refers to the types numbered in Table 7. TafleY. H55- The numerical composition of five achievement-types. T e 368 Type Parental Stress Life-Goals Ability Independence Low High U) i LOW h? Low h9 Low 37 25 12 B is 53 High 12 8 h D a a II High 71 Low 71 Low h? 29 .18 h. B High 2h 11h 10 8 U) E5 Low 15 9 6 *-"III High 61 High 61 Q High he 20 26 E_-' a 0 IV High ha Low ha LOW 38 23 15 a a High 10 h 6 5% E! g); v High 139 High 139 LOW ho 19 21 :I.‘ 8 High 99 38 61 45; n -56- condition for high life-goals, but that high ability must be had before the necessary and sufficient conditions obtain. Unfortunately this rela- tionship cannot be confirmed by previous research since the only study which includes parental-offspring expectations does not control for ability (Bordua, 1960). It would seem that high lifewgoals require additional environmental facilitation in the form of encouragement by significant others in the school system, though evidence to support this contention is not available. Considering types V and VI briefly, the presence of only a few cases of low parental stress among high status families is certainly to be expected. Here parental expectations tend to be institutionalized to an even greater degree than is the subject's choice. It is intriguing to speculate as to the effects of high status and parental stress on the subjects involved, but the small "n" in each type precludes further analysis. ism Heretofore the effects of imbalance have been considered for all the possibilities Which could result. This section has concentrated on the results of the classification of the sample by the eight major categories of antecedents. The classification produced three types in which only a few observations were found. These types included (1) low status boys whose parents disagreed with their plans for more education, and (2) two categories of high status boys whose parents did not wish them.to secure more schooling. All three types were dropped from further consideration because of the small number of cases. CONCLUSION Essential to scientific inquiry is the step between the formulation of hypotheses and their confirmation, i.e., measurement of the concepts con- tained in the hypotheses. This chapter has been devoted to a description of the necessary ingredients of measurement, the site, the sample, the techniques by Which each of the antecedents and consequents are to be recognized con= cretely. The operationalization of the antecedents follows standard socio- logical and social psychological practice. However, the measurement of the consequents, particularly alienation, departs somewhat from.traditional practice. The steps by which the index of localized alienation was con- structed was explained in detail, beginning with a partial replication of Sewell and Haller's procedure, departing from.their method when unexpected results were obtained, and concluding with a justification on both conceptual and empirical levels for this study's reformulation of their tension-states under the generic rubric of alienation. The measurement of nervous tension was shown to be suggested by their results, and its inclusion in the research design was designated as explora— tory; That is, this study seeks to provide further support for Sewell and Haller's empirical generalization that differences in personal conditions that are found to be related to social status are also associated with dif- ferences in nervous symptoms. ‘Whatever the results of the study, the causal process by which nervous tension is linked to status differentials will still remain to be investigated. CHAPTER IV RESULTS INTRODUCTION The model employed in this thesis is that of an organism interact- ing with its environment. Each of the five types repreSents a person in situations (or environments) which are either favorable or unfavorable with respect to his possibilities for achievement. The types are classi- fied on the basis of situational balance or imbalance. Type V maximizes p's probability of achievement and Type I minimizes the same probability; The other types constitute situations which vary between I and V with respect to the probability of achievement. Thus, a person in type V may be said to be "relatively gratified" compared to other pi, while a person in I is "relatively deprived." Localized alienation has been said to be positively associated with increasing means-end disjunctions. Another ‘way of saying this is that environments vary in the extent to which cultural values are implemented by socially structured means. Given a high correspondence between values and means there is balance in the sense that the environment is favorable for goal-attainment implied by' the values; given low correspondence, there is imbalance. Besides the "ascribed attributes," status and parental stress, there are person-attributes which either implement or impede goal- attainment. At least some of these are socially derived but are theoret- ically predicated of the person. For predictive purposes, the most important feature of this study's focus is the relation between the nature of the person's life-goals and the condition of his environment relative to achievement. :59. Prior to stating the hypotheses, one reservation should be made. In two types (III and V) the relation is described as pLy where y is high life-goals. In the other three types (I, II and IV) the relation is stated as pDLy. 'This formulation of the relation may or may not be in accord with the facts. Actually, the relation is p doesnotL y, not pDLy.l6 The point has both theoretical and methodological implications. In III and v, the measurement is of a positive choice; there is goal-commitment or positive cathexis of a goal. In I, II and IV, the measurement captures a logical negation of a positive goal-commitment, but not necessarily a positive "dislike" for y. A positive dislike is assumed, not empirically demonstrated. To the extent that this assumption is in error, the results of the study with respect to types I, II and IV are cast into question. THE HYPOTHESES The hypotheses are derived from Heider's theorem that imbalance leads to stress. Imbalance is defined by low values on the antecedents. Stress is of two kinds; localized alienation and nervous tension. To formulate the hypotheses it is necessary to assume that each of the antecedents makes an independent and equal contribution to imbalance; if this is so, then the types will be differentiated on any measure of stress according to their constituents of antecedents. léThis is the problem of a "zero~point" in attitudes. Saying that "'pDLy‘ is the same thing as 'p doesnotL' y" is saying that a zero=point is impossible. Saying that the two may not be the same admits the pos- sibility of a zero-point. 'wo admit the possibility but assume its improbability. -6o- Hypotheses for relations between types If imbalance (specified by the Eb equation on page 30) leads to stress, then the following relationships will exist among the means of the five types on the indexes 3f alienation and nervous tension: gdgl 5fl9l1 ifltlv dflélil >746 Hypotheses for relations within types If imbalance (specified by the Ew equation on page 33) leads to stress, then the following relationships will exist among the means of the combinations 9f person-attributes within each 2f the five types: H' H) __ 29y, then ,/¢w+z+ < 0+2“ =,A%w_z+ g/éwuza if pDLy, then w+z+ =flw+z_ =A~z+ =//(w__z_ Discussion The first set of hypotheses concerns the effects of interaction between certain life-goals and the situational variables, social status and parental stress. Given the assumption that all boys would strive for success given the proper condtions, the hypotheses state that varying states of environmental forces will lead to degrees of imbalance. If each of the situational variables makes an independent and equal contri- bution to imbalance, the hypotheses should be correct as stated. The research design facilitates the assessment of the contributions of each ~61- of the antecedents. The logic behind this set of hypotheses is simple; type V represents a minimum of environmental difficulty relative to success as it is now experienced by the person, while type I represents the maximum environmental difficulty. The hypotheses ask whether alienation and nervous tension are related to varying degrees of this difficulty which stems from. the cultural emphasis on success. The second set of hypotheses are concerned with the effects of im- balance due to lack of necessary personal power. One's success or failure in an effort is a function both of environmental and personal conditions, and this thesis has isolated two of the latter, ability and independence to be set into hypotheses and tested for their effects. It is argued that, to the person involved, lack of ability and/or independence constitutes imbal- ance only if he desires to commit himself to high achievement; if he does not so strive, the presence or lack of personal power should not contribute to alienation or nervous tension. The multiplicative relation is incor- porated into the derivation of the hypotheses to take account of the relevance of choice to the problem. Criteria for rejection and their consequences An essential attribute of a scientific theory is refutability. Similarly, the hypotheses deduced from a theory must be stated in such a manner that they can be disproved. The hypotheses on page 60 do not meet this requirement because a clear-cut set of alternative hypotheses cannot be formulated (at least in some cases). The lack of alternatives precludes a decision as to whether a particular hypothesis is to be accepted or rejected. To obviate this deficiency it is necessary to consider each pair of means as a separate problem and formulate alternatives on this -62- basis. Since the purpose of the hypotheses is to facilitate the assessment of the effects of each of the antecedents, comparison of the results of the statistical tests of the various pairs of means will provide an adequate method of weighing the accuracy of the predictions. TESTS OF THE HYPOTHESES ALIENATION Situational attributes Table 8. Means and variances of five "types" on Index of Alienation” Type Mean Variance "n" I 6.000 1.575 h9 II 11.816 2 .287 71 III 3.803 2.28h 61 IV b.167 2.261 ha V 3.518 1.537 139 Total sample h.231 2.186 368 *In calculating the meanston alienation, the scores were reflected so that high alienation takes a low score and low alienation takes a high score. This must be taken into account when interpreting the computations. How- ever, to make the directions of the scores consistent ‘with the alienation terminology, all means were sub- tracted from fourteen, the highest possible score, for presentation in the text. :-— ‘ -63- Table 8 presents the basic data utilized in testing the hypotheses concerning the "alienation" effects of situational imbalance. Inspection of the table reveals that (a) differences in stress (alienation) are apparent between the five types and (b) the relative ranks of the five types are generally as predicted. Table 9 contains a comparison between the predicted relations to be found among the types and the actual relations found to obtain through statistical tests.17 Table 9. Predicted and actual relations among alienationlmeans‘0f~fi#eétypiss’,’_, ' Predicted Actual "t“ df Pr< “0/ = “(6/ x4915 flu h .9h7 118 .05* ’1’” >16], //II 5411/ 1.917 117 .05 ’4’" >74”! ’4” 5/”! L219 107 new: «4m >3,“ fl,” >fly 1.300 198 .10 Av :4, /((w 34v 2 .690 185 .05 *Two-tailed test. The remainder are one-tailed tests. *fAccepting the null hypothesis here necessitated the test of IV against V to ascertain the extent of the equality. The equation for identifying the degrees of imbalance is based on the assumption that each of the antecedents makes an independent and equal contribution to stress. If imbalance produces stress (of which localized alienation is one type) and if the independent and equal assumption is well l7Students "t" was employed in all comparisons of means. Unless otherwise noted, the assumptions for the test were felt to have been adequately'met. -6h- founded, then each of the tests of differences between means should pro- vide a basis for rejecting the null hypothesis in favor of the predicted alternative.18 An inspection of Table 9 reveals that in general the null hypotheses can be rejected and the predicted alternatives accepted. In only one case (I and II) is the prediction clearly in error and in the other con- trary case (IV and III) the difference is in the predicted direction and approaches the rejection region. The one case in which a predictive error is apodictic (I and II) involves the issue of whether or not the positive advantage of high parental stress on more education offsets what is assumed to be stress resulting from disagreement between parents and son with respect to more training. Since social status and life-goals are controlled in this comparison, the dif- ference in means suggests that the imbalance between parents and sons does not result in stress sufficiently great to overcome or counter-balance the advantage of parental desires for more schooling. The effect of parental stress is apparent in the differences in means, and it bears reiteration that this variable is conceived as a predictor of a rather extended attempt on the part of the parents to inculcate the cultural value of success into the child's goal-system. The remaining instance in which the predicted difference approaches but does not attain statistical significance (IV and III) suggests that in at least one instance a personal attribute (life-goals) exerts a stronger influence than does a situational variable (social status). If the status effect (stress from lack of means) equalled the personal effect then a basis for accepting the null hypothesis should be present; such a basis 18The adjective "null" is sometimes erroneously understood to denote a hypothesis of no difference. Correctly used, the null hypothesis is the hypothesis one desires to reject in favor of an alternative which has been demonstrated to follow logically from a larger context of theory. -65- is present but the fact that the directional prediction was sound and that the difference approaches statistical significance lends support albeit tentative to the belief that personal variables exert a stronger effect. Additional support for this view may be adduced from the comparison of the means of types IV and V, wherein the types are differentiated on the basis of different life-goals. In this latter case, the effects of stress stemming from low life-goals is clearly evident and a solid basis for reject- ing the null hypothesis is available. In the remaining comparisons, the effects of social status are mani- fested in the predicted differences between the means of types II and IV on the one hand, and between III and V on the other. In this thesis, status is construed as limiting the portion of the stratification hierarchy (and its attendant value-orientations) to which the person is exposed. From this, one may reason that different learning structures are available to persons in different statuses. These learning structures take the form of non-family role models, (family friends or occupational cohorts of the father with which the person comes into contact) as well as a more amorphous but nonetheless effective environmental milieu which is typified in contact with neighbors, tradesmen and so forth. Summary In general, social status and parental expectations, as well as life- goals, exert independent effects which are manifested in stress stemming from situational imbalance with respect to the emphasis on success. What- ever its effect, imbalance between parents and son over life-goals does not appear to exert an alienation effect of the same magnitude as that of the social status and parental stress. ~66- Person attributes Whereas the first set of hypotheses was concerned with the betweenrtype variation, the second set are focused on variation within the individual types. Two sets of hypotheses were formulated, one applya ing to those who planned more schooling. In the former case, the prediction was that no differences in alienation would result under the four conditions of power because ability and independence (elements of power) only produced imbalance if the lack of them coincided with a need for them, viz., high educational aspirations. Where more training was planned, the hypotheses predicted least alienation where power was greatest (high values on both elements) and highest alienation where minimal power was evident. The third case, where power was "medium” was said to result in no differences between the two combinations. The major conclusion.to be drawn.from an inspection of Table 10 is that the effects of differences in individual power are greatest among those boys to whom college training is most important, either because of their individual choice (III and V) or because such training is part of the institutionalized expectation derivative of high status (type IV). Conn sidering types I and II in Table 11A, there is only one instance in which the predicted relations are not found to exist; that is, in type II the difference between youth with high and low independence (under conditions of low ability) is statistically significant. Since independence training is stressed predominantly by middle class mothers, the possibility is apparent that mothers of high independenceulow ability youth were success- ful in teaching autonomy, which, when coupled with varying conceptions -67- Table 10. Means and varianCesU of five types on Index of Alienation under four conditions of power. Condition of Power l 2 3 h Type Hi GPA Hi GPA Lo GPA Lo GPA. Hi Ind Lo Ind Hi Ind Lo Ind I 5.250 h.500 6.33h 6.0h0 (6.250) (7olh3) (10.606) (7.363) n = h 8 12 25 h.100 b.1hh 5.778 h.825 II (8.h56) (7.363) (5.7h2) (5.58h) 10 1h 18 29 2.8h7 3.300 5.000 5.556 III (8.8h6) (8.537) (7.600) (8.538) 26 20 6 9 3.000 2.250 h.h00 h.6lo IV (0.800) (0.917) (21.209) (6.567) 6 h 15 23 3.2h6 3.uh7 3.h00 h.h7h V (2.955) (3.659) (5.002) (5.596) 61 38 21 19 Total Nban 3.688 3.529 b.982 5.100 Sample: Variance (5.h55) (5.6h9) (9.7lh) (6.hh0) n 107 _, 8h 72 105 ‘1‘ ae' ‘ O O O Variances are enclosed in parentheSIS. -68- Table 11A. Predicted and actual relations among Alienation means of types I, II, & III under four conditions of power. Type Predicted Actual "t" df Pr< Mal = A”). A =fla- 0.1179 12 ns I ,4; =//J «(A = «43 1.371; 20 ns =//4 ,4, =3“; 0.232 37 ns =//a. ’4; =//z 0.026 2h ns =fl7/ ’43 74’4" 3.7013" b? .05 =J03 fl =74! 1.3112 28 n5 1!, 91/, ,4, 3”? 1.791. 16 .05 I, =/; 0,0,, = 3 1.308 6‘” ns III I} j/w ,4” >/(;v 3.192 110 .05 1V >fl/II fl" 5/”!!! 0.811% 117 ns ,Z/m WV «4M >flv 1.5111 200 .075 .241 ail/I ,1/7 S flu; %O.Sh5 110 ns ,Z/I >///IV ,4; >//v 1.322 97 .10 «in! >¢4V VIA/fflv *0e5h3 . 187 ns *Indicates that failure to predict corrgct relation necessitated testing the hypotheses below it (indicated by" before the "t") to ascertain the extent of the error in prediction. influence is imbalance between parents and sons, which is responsible for the high nervous tension score of persons in type II; however in high status types, parent-son imbalance exerts no evident effect (IV and V are about equal in nervous tension). It is important to note that the high score in II, apparently a function of parent-son imbalance among low status persons, lends considerable support to the explanation of Sewell and Haller who posited these factors as contributing to their Observed differences in tension-states. However, the general lack of influence of life-goals upon nervous tension suggests that the dynamics within type II are an exception rather than a general tendency characterizing each of the types in one way or another.20 20There is a very real possibility that at least some of the ante- cedents are not unidimensional. For example, is independent behavior of the same kind in low and high status families? The existence of what we have called "exceptionb" characterizing particular types leads one to at least suspect multidimensionality as one explanation for these exceptions. -77- Summarya In general it may be said that the original relationship reported by Sewell and Haller between social status and nervous tension is not significantly altered by the introduction of life-goals and parental stress as intervening variables. The only factor responsible for statistia cally significant differences between means on the index of nervous tension (besides status) is parent-son imbalance among low status youth. Considering situational attributes, there is considerable reason to doubt that nervous tension and alienation vary in the same manner as separate varieties of stress produced by imbalance. Person attributes Table 1h. Means and variances*of five types on Index of Nervous Tension under four conditions of power. Condition'of.Powero l 2 3 h Type Hi GPA Hi GPA Lo GPA Lo GPA Hi Ind Lo Ind Hi Ind Lo Ind 8.500 8.750 10.000 11.600 I (h6.667) (12.500) (18.39h) (18.3h7) u 8 12 25 ,10.700 10.893 11.9uh 11.h93 II (22.h00) (28.h18) (2h.261) (17.232) 10 1h 18 29 10.038 9.000 15.167 10.351 III (32.599) (23.105) (23.067) (1h.000) 26 20 6 9 6.250 9.500 9.900 10.717 IV (9.200) (2h.000) (21.966) (18.937) 6 h 15 23 ,9.100 9.816 9.700 10.616 V (2h.097) (18.813) (21.975) (19.918) 61 38 21 19 Total Mean 9.317 9.678 10.625 10.667 Sample: Variance (16.6h8) (21.081) (21.6h9) (18.078) n 107 8b 72 105 % Variances are enclosed in parenthesis. -78- Table 1h presents the basic data for testing the hypotheses con- cerning the effects of imbalance in producing nervous tension under varying conditions of individual power. The major tendency of scores on the index of nervous tension is that of considerable differences in the variances within each type. Further, the tendency toward wide variation does not exist among the individual means, which, with two exceptions, exhibit only small differences. Tables 15A and 15B present the results of the tests of hypotheses concerning the differences within-types on the index of nervous tension. Where the prediction was one of no difference between means under various conditions of power, the predictions were accurate; in no instance in types I, II and IV was a difference of sufficient magnitude as to justify rejecting the hypothesis of no difference. However, in types III and V, where directional predictions were made, the tests of the hypotheses indicate that in only one of four cases was the prediction correct; in type V the mean of condition 1 is less than that of condition 2, indicating that at least in one instance, less power is accompanied by higher nervousv tension. In type III the prediction that nervous tension among high- independence youth would be lower than nervous tension among low-inde- pendence youth (controlling ability) was in error in both cases; actually youth with high independence scored higher on nervous tension measures than did those with low independence. These two deviant cases occurred only in type III and in View of the inordinate high tension score of high inde- pendence-low ability youth, there are some grounds for concluding that the occurrence of nervous tension is, on the whole, not related to imbalance resulting from differences in individual power with respect to life-goals. Table 15A. Predicted and actual relations among Nervous Tension means of types I, II & III under four conditions of power. Type Predicted Actual "t" df Pr< xx, .97.. -- I fl: =/(3 ,4. =54, 0.711 9 ns «123 =v‘2? ‘199 =94”? 1.063 1h ns x”! =fl2— .4! J“ 0.093 12 ns II I; =13 .16 =/3 0.570 27 ns .16 .fl, «4: =14, 0.327 37 ns a n..- -— 4 =16. ,4, =16. b0.6711 he us It =2”! #2 704.3 2.761191. 6*)" .05 III 1/3 a“! .1/3 7! 44 b2.092* 6*” .10 fl; e/é 31/: = .4, "“0.823 11 ns ,4, a4? .4 701/3 652.270 7* .075 a . . . . . . Indicates no test of Significance because of extreme differences in variances. bIndicates change from one to two tailed test because of obvious failure to predict directional difference. *Indicates that failure to predict corrgct relation necessitated testing the hypotheses below it (indicated by " before the "t") to ascertain the extent of the error in prediction. **Degrees of freedom calculated according to method suggested by Walker and LeV (1953. p. 157). Table 15B . -80- Predicted and actual relations among Nervous Tension means of types IV and V under four conditions of power. Type Predicted Actual "t" df Pr< /(/, =//i «[6 =fla 1.171. 5""‘" ns IV I; =/(3 flz 2443 0.016 5'” ns #3 ‘3,”1/ fl} =/¢/ 00537 3’4 1'13 fl (flat ”I <1} 20395)". 97 005 V d”; =43 J”? =IJ/3 0.093 59 ns flj f/(d/ ,[7/3 zfl‘y 0.288 110 ns fl, <fl3 jl; 3% 61.0.1199 82 ns 0‘ *Indicates that failure to predict correct relation necessitated testing the hypotheses below it (indicated by * before "t") to ascertain the extent of the error in prediction. W(Degrees of freedom calculated according to method suggested by Walker and Lev (1953, p. 157). 7' ~81- The rationale for this conclusion is evident when it is realized that the validity of the hypothesis of no difference is only confirmed when the predicted, directional differences do in fact result, as was generally the case on the index of alienation. ‘Where the directional hypotheses are in error, little credit can be laid to the theorem.Which predicts no differ- ences in other cases, even if the latter can be confirmed. .§EEEE5X‘ .As a general rule, the hypotheses calling for a multi- plicative relationship between life-goals and the two elements of individual power (ability and independence) were found to be in error when called upon to predict differences among means on the index of nervous tension. 'Whatever the cause of differential nervous tension within each type, differences in power with respect to life-goals does not appear to be a valid explanation. Where high life-goals led to a prediction of differences according to individual power, the prediction was correct in only one of four cases. In another case, the observed difference was in the opposite direction than was predicted. Finally, the striking heterogeniety of variances among the individual condition-means lends support to the conclusion that knowledge concerning the differential occurrence of nervous tension is advanced but little through an investigation of the effects of differences in individual power. CONCLUSION This chapter has presented the results of the tests of hypotheses concerning two effects of imbalance, alienation and nervous tension. The particular hypotheses tested were derived fromeeider's theorem that imp balance leads to stress. Imbalance was defined in terms of combinations of situational and person variables as these combinations occurred with instances -82- of high and low life-goals, measured by desire for college training. Since imbalance was said to exist to the extent that environmental and personal forces were not compatible with the objective requirement of striving for success, it was expected that the effects of imbalance would be demonstrated in differences in scores on the indexes of alienation and nervous tension, according to the particular combinations of the antecedents. 2 When stress was viewed in terms of localized alienation, the hypotheses generally mirrored the facts. The environmental forces, social status and parental expectations, were shown to contribute to alienation as did life-goals. The only factor which did not contribute substantially to alienation was imbalance due to parent-son disagreement over life-goals. ‘When individual imbalance was taken as a predictor of alienation, the results were again generally in accord with the hypotheses, although lack of statistical significance in some comparisons suggested that the simple multiplicative relation on which the hypotheses were based was somewhat insensitive to the interaction of factors within the individual types. ‘When stress was viewed in terms of nervous tension, the hypotheses generally failed to predict differences. When the impact of environmental forces was examined in terms of their capacity to generate nervous tension, the analysis confirmed the original relationship between status and nervous tension posited by Sewell and Heller, and, in the case of lower status boys, showed that parent-son imbalance did in fact accentuate nervous tension. However, the effects of life-goals, apparent when alienation was examined, were wholly lacking on scores on the index of nervous tension. Furthermore, when the effects of individual imbalance due to lack of power were examined, the hypotheses gave little indication of explaining what differences were found to exist. ~83- Viewed together, the disparate results demonstrate the general utility of theory. 'Where considerable theory was available to generate predictions, and this theory was buttressed by relevant research, the predictions were accurate. ‘Where little theory was available to aid in interpreting relevant research, the hypotheses were generally inaccurate. CHAPTER V CONCLUSION INTRODUCTION This final chapter contains three main actions. Following this brief introduction there is a discussion of the contributions of this study to knowledge about alienation and anomia. The second section considers the implications of Heider's theorem that the stress induced by imbalance leads to "stress-reducing" behavior and speculates on both social and personal consequences of alienation as a form of stress. Also, this section OOH? siders the implications of the findings about nervous tension. The final section broadens the perspective in.Which the results are viewed and makes a number of suggestions about future research in this general area. One parenthetical comment is appropriate at this point. Thus far, the interpretation of the results have been cast into what might be called a “cautious" mold. In this chapter, the results are viewed somewhat more optimistically and the emphasis is on the positive contributions of the thesis to the literature of sociology and social psychology. Thus, should the‘reader detect a change in "moods,“ he will have been forewarned and hopefully will be forearmed. LOCALIZED ALIENATION AND ANOMIA Throughout this thesis the focus has been on the latent functions of the pervasive emphasis on success in.American society. The major con: sequence of this emphasis is called anomie when predicated of a societal -au- -85- condition and anomia when applied to a psychological state. ‘Whatever the object-referrent the concept refers to a lack of "self-to—other-belonging» ness," either perceived or real. The major consequence of interest in this study is called localized alienation, which has been shown to be difa ferentially distributed according to combinations of variables which cluster around the individual's life-goals. Depending on Whether or not the particular combinations were favorable or unfavorable to achievement, alienation has been shown to occur. The consequent variable has been called "localized" alienation to emphasize that it was measured in terms of the person's attachment to objects predicated of him or immediately proximal to him. Thus the sense in Which alienation is used here should be considered as distinct from the more general environmental scope generally indicated by the concept. From.the point of view of the person involved, the lack of each of the antecedents was seen as a lack of power relative to environmental stresses on success. "The classic statement about the latent functions of the cultural stress on success is contained in Merton's typology of role-responses (1957). If the responses of the high-alienation subjects in this study are considered as preliminary to a more pervasive disenchantment with .American society as adults, then the results discussed in the preceding chapter support Merton's contentions that a differential availability of means precipitates variant responses, only a few of which bode well for social integration. This study, along with the findings of DouVan and Adelson (1958) on the psychodynamics of social mobility, provides con- siderable support for Merton's thesis that the genesis of at least some deviant tendencies lies in the means-end scarcity. -86- The major contribution of this study lies in the linkage of localized alienation in adolescents to the considerable literature on anomia in adults. The conditions which have been shown to be associated with the occurrence of anomia by Bell and others, have, in this study, been shown to be associated with localized alienation. Thus, a diachronic approach to the problem of anomia has been made, one which, by its nature, offers a possibility of a more complete explanation of the problem. And, insofar as localized alienation is a precondition to anomia, the empirical vacuum.Which previously underlay Merton's thesis is now removed to some small extent. Therefore, this study adds knowledge of an earlier age group to the literature on social structure and anomie and offers a basis on which prediction about anomia in adults may be based. CONSEQUENCES OF LOCALIZED ALIENATION Heider's theorem holds that imbalance leads to stress which in turn is motivating toward activities calculated to reduce the stress. One means of stress-reduction consists in redefining one's object-attachments in such a manner that the new Object-attachment (or expectation) either leads to gratification (balance) or at least minimizes the imbalance. For example, there is less deprivation attendant upon failure if one believes that "in spite of what some people say, the lot of the average man is getting worse,"21 than if one believes that others generally prosper. The con- tention in this study is that the measurement captures a stage in the development of what Srole calls "selfuto-other-alienation" in adults. If in fact localized alienation is a manifestation of situational imbalance, what are its consequences? That is, how is stress reduced? 21One item in Srole's "anomia" scale (1957). -87- Social consequences One strong possibility, suggested but not clearly supported in current literature is social isolation. Festinger (1957) suggests that one way in which cognitive dissonance (or imbalance) is reduced is by actively avoiding situations and information that increases dissonance. Bell (1957) and Srole (1956) provide support for this proposition, reporting positive associations between anomia and social isolation, although Roberts and Rokeach (1956) report negative results in repli- cating Srole's study. Two recent papers, Meier and Bell (1959) and Mizruchi (1960) lend considerable support to Srole's original findings and it is on this basis that the possibility of social isolation as a consequence of localized alienation is suggested. The probability of this consequence is further increased by the findings of both Bell (1957) and Mizruchi (1960) that when social integration is measured in terms of for- mal participation, the inverse relationship with anomia is particularly strong. If isolation is seen as stress-reducing, it is apparent that withdrawal from formal obligations is considerably easier than is with- drawal from informal social participation, Mizruchi reports that the latter, while associated with anomia in low income groups, is not as strongly related in high status groups (1960, p. 6h9). If participation in formal associations is viewed as more likely to involve commitment to community norms and sentiments, then the relationship of low formal par- ticipation and anomia becomes readily understandable since alienation or anomia among adults is generally construed as having the community as a general objectureferrent. Furthermore, the adult is more likely to find -88- informal groups which support his disenchantment than is the youth whose choice of reference and membership groups is considerably limited by the role-commitments exacted of him. Finally, this study suggests that the occurrence of alienation, traditionally thought to be characteristic of urban environments, is considerably more widespread, extending to rurban atmospheres as well. Mizruchi (1960) and the present study draw upon data gathered in rurban and small urban locales, and in the light of the results of the two sets of data, there seems sufficient grounds for concluding that the assumed differences in social integration between rural and urban populations have been considerably exaggerated. Personal consequences Investigation in the area of social structure and personality is based on the premise that personal correlates of situational differences are the rule rather than the exception. Had the hypotheses concerning nervous tension been substantiated rather than rejected, one would be considerably more inclined to postulate disorganizing personal tendencies as the result of the kinds of imbalance with which the study is concerned. However, the failure of the hypotheses to predict differences in nervous tension can be viewed as partially supporting Nbrton's contentions that deviant role responses (defined in societal terms) should not ipso facto imply personal deviance or as it is sometimes called, personal disorganiza- tion. The point should be made clear that, in view of the supposed tendency of the self to organize behavior so as to avoid undue anxiety (Sullivan, 1953, p. 169), a variety of personal adaptations are possible as correlates of imbalance, not all of which would either be socially visible or ~89- clinically defined as "disorganizing." Consequently, although typical modes of personality disorganization remain a provocative hypothesis as correlates of revised social object~attachments (of which social isolation is one imp portant variety), a firm brake should be applied to tendencies to assume personal disorganization from instances of imbalance such as those isolated in the present study. SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH There are at least several directions in which future research in this area might profitably be conducted. Building on the topic of interest immediately above, an obvious step is an exploratory investigation into possible differences in personality syndromes between youths classified into the various types. Hence the question would become, given these situational differences, what if any differences in personality organizations may be correlates? ’If it could be demonstrated that different trait-syndromes characterize the members of the respective types, the state of substantive know1edge as well as the logic of investigation in the area of social structure and personality would be advanced. Such an approach as described here is suggested by Inkeles (1959) who comments on the paucity of such parallel inquiries, the existence of which are presumably the rationale for interest in social structure and personality. To the writer's knowledge, only Spindler (1955) has carried through such an investigation. Hypotheses could be formulated on an exploratory basis, asking only as to whether demonstrable personality differences could be found as correlates of situ- ational differences. .90.. Perhaps a desirable preliminary step to the above is an inquiry into differences in the value-orientations of the subjects of this study. Rosen (1956) reports differences in value-orientations related to different achieve- ment-motivation structures but does not systematically probe into associated structural differences as does this thesis. Knowledge of such value- differentials would considerably facilitate prediction of personalityh differences in the sense that value-commitments may be said to influence the “organization" of the object-attachments constitutive of personality (Parsons, 1958). Two related aspects of this general problem could be profitably investigated. First, data on social participation, coupled with knowledge of personality and value differentials would conceivably advance knowledge concerning the relative primacy of social and cultural factors in anomia, while providing a full description of the variant modes of adaptation‘Which are so important in Merton's germinal paper. Second, knowledge of commitment to life-goals would be considerably advanced were it known "how" some per- sons choose to continue their education. That is, what are the steps of the decision-making process and who are the influential "others" in the decision- sequence? The fact that knowledge of parental stress is but a partial aid in exploring educational aspirations suggests that other, unexplored groups, play a major role. Parsons (1959) lays the principal emphasis on the school system but data supporting this position is yet to be published, if in fact such has been gathered. Inquiries into the decisionemaking process would also shed light on the factors which lead other youths to decide not to seek more training. Kahl (1953) suggests that parental stress among lower class families manifests itself only upon indication of probable success, e.g., scholastic achievement, yet the sizable population of type II casts some .91- doubt upon the efficacy of this explanation, at least among rurban fam- ilies, since most of the youths in type II are found to be characterized by low ability. ‘The most important single direction in which future research efforts might be directed is a follow—up study of the subjects on whom the present data were gathered. Given the positive results of predictions about alienation, there exists now a detailed and carefully analyzed body of data upon which to base hypotheses as to (l) anomia and (2) social participaa tion in both formal and informal groups. The five types analyzed in this thesis could be utilized much in the same manner as they have been here, as "situational" bases, from which to predict the occurrence of anomia. Also, knowledge of the success of individual members of types III and V in their quest for further training would furnish a "proving grounds" for the necessity of the elements of power (ability and independence) in striving for success, even in such a limited context as successful acquisition of post-high school training. Presumably ability would be crucial in such contexts, while independence may well manifest its effects in differences in social participation after high school. Considering the obvious advantages of longitudinal studies, there seems no more fruitful way in which to definitively isolate the underlying and precipitating factors contributing to anomia and its social correlate, anomie, both of which are said to be the latent functions of the pervasive emphasis on success in American society. REFERENCES Bell,'wendell (1957).Anomde, Isolation and the Class Structure, Sociometry, 20:105-116. Bordua, David J. (1960) Educational Aspirations and Parental Stress .on College, Social Forces, 38:262-269. California Test 9f Personality - FormHAA (1953) California Test Bureau, Los Angeles, California. Cattell, Raymond B. (1950) The Sixteen ngsonali y Factor Test, Champaign, Illinois, Institute for Personality and.Ability Testing. , Handbook £25 the Sixteen Personality Factor Questions naire, Champaign, Illinois, Institute for Personality and Ability Testing (no date). Cloward, Richard A. (1959) Illegitimate Means ,. Anomie , and Deviant Behavior, American Sociological Review, 2h:16h-l76. Cohen,.Albert K. (1955) Delinquent Boys: The Culture pf the Gang, Glencoe, Illinois, Free Press. (1959)' The Study of Social Disorganization and Deviant Behavior, Sociology Today: Problems and Prospects (R. K. Merton, L. Broom and L. S. Cottrell, Jr. Editors), New York, Basic Books, Chapter 21. Douvan, Elizabeth and Joseph Adelson (1958) The Psychodynamics of .Adolescent Boys, Journal 9f Social Psychology, 56:31-h3. Dubin, Robert (1959) Deviant Behavior and Social Structure: Continuities in Social Theory, American Sociological Review, 2h:lh7-16h. Empey, Lamar T. (1956) Social Class and Occupational.Aspiration: A Comparison of Absolute and Relative Measurement, American Sociological Review, 21:703-709. Festinger, Leon (1957) ATheory'gf Cognitive Dissonance, Evanston, Illinois, Row Peterson and Company. Haller, A. O. (no date) Basic Data for the Lenawee County Study_gf Social Structure and Personality, available only in the Mich- igan State University Library, East Lansing, Michigan. -92- -93- Heider, Fritz (1958) The Psychology of Interpersonal Relations, New York, Jehn‘Wiley and Sons, Inc. Hollingshead, A. B. (19119) Elmtown's Youth, New York, John Wiley and Sons. Hyman, Herbert H. (1953) The Value Systems of the Different Classes, Class, Status and Power: A Reader in Social Stratification, (R. Bendix and s. M. Lipso‘o',"‘"Edi'€‘o'r§7 Glencoe, Illinois, Free Press, pp. h26-hh2. Inkeles, Alex (1959) Personality and Social Structure, Sociology Today: Problems and Prospects, (R. K. Merton, L. Broom and L. S. Cottrell, Jr., Editors), New York, Basic Books, Chapter 11. Johnson, Harry M. (1960) Sociology: .A Systematic Introduction, New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company. Kahl, Joseph A. (1953) Educational and Occupational Aspirations of 'Common Man' Boys, Harvard Educational Review, 20:317-325. and J. A. Davis (1955) A Comparison of Indexes of Socio-Economic Status, American Sociological Review, 20:317-325. Lazarsfeld, Paul F. and A. H. Barton (1951) Qualitative Measurement in the Social Sciences: Classification, Typologies, and Indices, The Policy Sciences (D. Lerner and H. D. Lasswell, Editors), Stanford, California, Stanford University Press. McClelland, D. C. and others (1953) The Achievement Motive, New York, Appleton-CenturyaCrofts, Inc. McQuitty, Louis L. (1957) Elementary Linkage Analysis for Isolating Orthogonal and Oblique Types and Typal Relevances, Educational and Psychological Measurement, 17:207-229. Meier, Dorothy L. and Wendell Bell (1959) Anomia and Differential Access to the Achievement of Life Goals, American Sociological Review, 2h:189a202. Merton, Robert K. (1957) Social Theory and Social Structure, Glencoe, Illinois, Free Press. Mizruchi, Ephraim H. (1960) Social Structure and Anomia in a Small City, American Sociological Review, 25:6h5-65h. Miller, I. W. Jr. (1960) Level 2: Occupational Aspiration: Problems ‘in its Conceptualization and Measurement, Michigan State University, unpublished Master of Arts Thesis. -9h- Nettler, Gwynn (1957) A Measure of Alienation,.American Sociological Review, 22:670-677. Parsons, Talcott (1958) Social Structure and the Development of Personality, Psychiatry, 21:321-3h0. (1959) The School Class as a Social System, Harvard Educational Review, 29:297-318. Roberts, A. H. and M. Rokeach (1956) Anomie, Authoritarianism and Prejudice, American JOurnal pf Sociology, 62:355-358. Rosen, Bernard 0. (1956) The Achievement Syndrome: A Psycho- Cultural Dimension of Social Stratification, American Sociological Review, 21:203-211. Seeman, Melvin (1959) On the Meaning of Alienation, American Sociological Review, 2h:783~79l. Sewell, William.H. and A. O. Haller (1959) Factors in the Relationship between Social Status and the Personality Adjustment of the Child,.American Sociological Review, 2h:511-520. and M. A. Strauss (1957) Social Status and Educational and Occupational.Aspirations, American Sociological Review, 22 367-73 0 Spindler, George D. (1955) Socio-Cultural and Psychological Processes EELMEnomini Acculturation, Berkely, California, University'of"_ California Press. Srole, Leo (1956) Social Integration and Certain Corollaries: An Exploratory Study, American Sociological Review, 21:709-716. Strodbeck, Fred L. (1958) Family Interaction, Values and Achievement, Talent and Society’(D. C. McClelland and others, Editors), New York, D. Van Nostrand Company. Sullivan, Harry Stack (1953) The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry Philadelphia, W. W”. Norton and Company. Thomas, Shailer (1960) Socio-Economic Status and Personality Factors as Measured by Cattell's Sixteen Personality Factor Test, Michigan State University, unpublished Master of Arts Thesis. -95- 'Walker, Helen M. and Joseph Lev (1953) Statistical Inference, New York, Henry Holt and Company. Wilson, Alan B. (1959) Residential Segregation of Social Classes and Aspirations of High School Boys, American Sociological Review, 2hz836-8h5. wrigley, Charles F. (1959) Towards a Probabilistic and Multivariate Psychology, Department of Psychology, Muchigan State University, (Mimeographed). APPENDIX 1 HIGHLAND COUNTY MATRIX OF CALIFORNIA TEST OF PERSONALITY ITEMS, FACTOR LOADINGS, AND LINKAGE-ANALYSIS -97- INTERCORRELATIONS OF HIGHLAND COUNTY CALIFORNIA TEST OF PERSONALITY ITEMS ASSOCIATED WITH STATUS Item No. 1h 16 21 25 30 39 AS A6 A7 h8 57 61 62 63 66 68 1h _ 16 lhO — 21 233 093 ~ 25 113 072 117 — 30 lhl 192 106 052 ~ 39 2A7 167 229 068 16h ~ 15 166 1h0 1h0 10A 177 25h - A6 037 Oh9 127 058 O77 075 051 _ N7 127 193 120 057 167 170 181 182 - AB 197 211; 156 100 2R2 212 195 190 216 — 57 225 191 098 060 166 221 229 078 151 2h9 - 61 082 109 032 066 118 097 0A7 105 063 187 202 - 62 1L2 063 0t6 031 108 097 128 068 053 165 259 3N2 — 63 092 072 050 036 097 05t 093 028 053 097 127 127 131 - 66 1ho 085 051-026 072 09h 077 062 078 128 179 210 258 112 - 68 09h 165 062 016 068 1A8 096 062 069 201 206 255 25h 121 257 — 70 139 127 070 065 120 128 112 059 116 183 267 28h 325 129 257 337 71 082 116 059 035 053 152 0A6 111 111 150 199 177 270 093 171 21A 72 08h 126 093 066 050 H9 092 09h 115 1L6 125 162 156 105 171 18A 88 105 08h 11h 07A 055 118 11A 112 092 15h 113 085 076 053 060 126 93 176 11A 123 101 107 1L6 079 089 082 183 211 199 231 139 166 196 10A 177 159 112 052 106 175 179 077 100 213 235 11k 161 128 11h 155 109 163 303 125 082 25h 1A? 107 135 181 319 226 115 113 0A6 055 13h 111 156 191 119 088 135 162 137 1A9 lhh 272 182 13A 128 050 136 175 111 093 083 1h5 102 033 120 06h 133 138 12L 096 062 037 020 009 110 115 162 119 123 069 135 1A6 150 075 127 21A 257 216 197 127 152 221 117 085 113 122 099 108 166 119 098 318 181 100 090 072 070 059 11A 120 131 123 208 156 1A5 177 118 152 130 273 153 153 1b1 oh7 096 150 121 253 16A 227 09A 097 206 172 113 131 252 186 180 215 111 1h0 216 lhh 100 095 111 027 088 199 111 095 135 156 095 062 069 oho 078 095 Status 125 210 118 089 155 170 099 063 111 115 126 122 130 079 107 1A9 Decimals are omitted. -98- ; 7o 71 72 88 93 10A 109 111 11h 115 117 120 12k 1th Item No. 11 16 21 25 30 39 b5 A6 N? ha 57 61 62 63 66 68 7o 29 - 71 252 2AA - 72 13h 063 096 — 88 190 172 107 112 - 93 ILL 122 07A 169 186 - lot 136 090 101 125 136 188 - 109 172 179 138 132 127 2th 271 - 111 052 081 10h 138 061 085 115 170 - 11A 208 176 16A 181 21h 231 227 233 115 ~ 115 089 082 088 091 075 117 2&1 170 217 110 ~ 117 1th 133 083 105 128 171 160 260 102 211 152 — 120 189 129 1A6 160 161 193 172 203 083 226 113 22h — 12A 075 102 101 105 113 095 050 152 117 110 127 08h 13h - lhh 1A3 113 118 091 1A8 1N2 168 107 100 107 109 122 155 10h Status -99- FACTOR LOADINGS Factor 1 - Status Concern. The six itens which comprise the first factor in order of magnitude of the loadings are: Content Loading Item No.1 I often have a hard time because it seems that my folks hardly ever have enough money. .NNS 109 I wish my father (or mother) had a better job. .388 16 I don't have a chance to see many new things. .365 30 I am sorry I live in the place I do. .26h h? My friends have better times at home than I do. .255 h8 I try to keep boys and girls away from my home because it isn't as nice as theirs. .229 117 Factor 2 - Achievement Concern. Most of my friends and classmates do not think I'm bright. .373 lb My folks do not seem to think I'm doing well. .331 21 My classmates think I cannot do well in school. .297 39 School work is so hard I am afraid I will fail. .28h 12h I have just a few friends. .273 h5 It is hard to make people remember how well I can do things. .223 10h lIndicates item number on matrix, enclosed in this appendix. :lOO— Factor 3 - Rejection of family. Content I try to keep boys and girls away from my home because it is not as nice as theirs. I like one of my parents more than the other. I am sorry I live in the place I do. I often wish I had some other parents. I dislike many of the people near my home. I am unhappy because my folks do not care about the things I like. My folks do not seem to think I am doing well. My eyes hurt me often. Factor h - Nervous Symptoms. H often feel sick at my stomach. H often have bad dreams. H often have sneezing spells. H often feel tired in the forenoon. H often have dizzy spells. I often find I am not hungry at meal time. My eyes hurt me often. I usually forget the names of people I meet. Someone at home picks on me much of the time. People often try to cheat me or do mean things to me. I bite my fingernails often. Loading 0395 Item No. 117 A7 A6 1AA 21 72 7o 62 61 68 71 66 72 93 115 57 63 -IOl= LINKAGE ANALYSIS An elementary linkage analysis, as developed by MbQuitty (1957), yields "typal structures," a cluster of items in which "each member of the type is more like some other members of that type (with respect to the data being analyzed) than he is like any member of any other type" (p. 209). For example, if a matrix of inter-correlations is being examined, every person in a type would "have a higher correlation with some other person in the type than he would with anyone not in the type" (p. 213). To illustrate the development of a typal structure, assume the following matrix of correlation coefficients is to be analyzed: A B 0 D E A - 6A7 §6_2 629 118 B 61.7 — 299 721 292 C y 299 - 37 6A3 D 629 73}; 727 - _6_5_Z E 118 292 6A3 657 - The first step is to pick out the highest entry in each column; in the illustration these are underlined. Second, find the highest entry in the matrix and identify the two elements involved; above, these are A and C. Following McQuitty's technique, these are indicated by reciprocal arrows (AI:§C). Third, entering row C, find those elements which are "high“ with C, i.e., finding the underlined entries in row C. In this case, D is high with C; this is indicated as follows (C‘r-'D); indicating that D is high with C but not vice versa. —102- Next repeat the procedure for A; in this case, no element is "high" with A, except C which is already noted. Then, entering row D, the task is to find the elements which are "high" with D, in this case, B and E. This relation is indicated by a single arrow from B to D, and E to D, as was the case with D and C. The procedure is repeated until every element in the matrix is a member of one type. The results of this analysis may be indicated as follows; B A‘——__...c(—— D< E Where 47—————j5 means a reciprocal pair of variables, and means that the variable at the tail of the arrow is 6 highest with the one at the head, but the one at the head is not highest with the one at the tail. When a linkage-analysis is performed on the Richland County matrix (enclosed) of Sewell and Haller, the following typal structures result: 61 6i 71 1i5 e— 88* 61:626—93 68‘—:—>7oe——57 Type I (All Factor A) 72 _\,_ Type II "(All Factor h except 88) -103- 8. a 25————>12o 16a u7° 4 3 117° Q———— llhc 1119————— h83§333 10 a Type IV 10100 we 30a 1th —-> 39" ¢—— 15" ——> Type III Type V where a = status concern b = achievement concern c = rejection of family When the four factors of Sewell and Haller are analyzed in terms of typal structures, the conclusion follows that with the exception of Factor h - Nervous S toms, the remainder of the factors are found to be intermixed throughout the types.2 This was the conclusion which furnished a substantial basis for reinterpreting their results. §E§tus concern Achievement Concern Rejection of familz Item No. 2223 Item No. Type Item No. sze 109 III 1h VI 117 IV 16 III 21 VI 11h IV 30 III 39 V b? IV h? IV 12h§ VI hé III h8 III u; V 1th V 117 IV lohfl III .111 III 21 VI 72 II 2 types discussed in the body of the thesis. The term "types" here refers to the typal structures, not to the APPENDIX 2 DESCRIPTION AND LOADINGS OF THE l_6 E TEST FACTORS USED TO MEASURE INDEPENDENCE -105- The primary consideration to be borne in mind when evaluating the adequacy of these factors is that the lg PE Test factors are composed of items taken from (a) ratings in real-life behavior situations, (b) objective tests and (c) clinical and social performances.l Consequently, the three factors used to measure independence are, themselves, based on past behavior and behavior—ratings; as such they furnish an adequate basis for prediction of the kind of behavior which has been called self-as opposed to other—determination. The adequacy of the lé BE Test is not at issue here; rather the question is whether the factors adequately capture the di- mension which has been shown to be part of the "achievement-syndrome.“ Factor E - Dominance of Ascendance versus Submission Generally, dominance tends to be correlated with status and is some- what higher in established leaders than in followers. It is not sub- stantially correlated with obtaining leadership. Groups averaging high on this tend to show more effective role interaction and democratic procedure. Among occupations it is most associated with those requiring boldness and courage. The behaviors with which this factor is most associated are: Assertive, Self-Assured vs. Submissive Independent Minded vs. Dependent Hard, Stern vs. Kindly, Soft-Hearted Solemn vs. Expressive Unconventional vs. Conventional Tough vs. Easily Upset Attention Getting vs. Self-Sufficient 1A complete discussion of this test is found in Thomas (1960). ~106~ Factor G - Character or Super-Ego Strength versus Lack of Internal Standards. This factor, indicative of self-controlled rather than emotional behavior and is characterized by energy and persistence. Cattell (Handbook, p. 8) hypothesizes that this factor corresponds to the super= ego in psychoanalysis. Several objective tests2 indicate that this factor involve3“3uccess in a variety of performances which require persistence and organization of thinking. The behaviors with which this factor is associated are: Persevering, Determined vs. Quitting, Fickle Responsible vs. Frivolous Emotionally Mature vs. Demanding, Impatient Consistently Ordered vs. Relaxed, Indolent Conscientious vs. Undependable Attentive to People vs. Obstructive Factor Qo - Independent Self-Sufficiency vs. Lack of Resolution. This is one of the four factors in the lé PF Test which are still in stage of development; consequently Cattell does not list a set of cor- related behaviors. However, positive loadings on this factor are. indicative of a person who is "accustomed to going his own way, but is not necessarily dominant in his relation to other people" (Handbook, p. 11). The person low on this factor prefers to work and make decisions in company with other people, likes social approval and is conventional and fashionable.3 2See R. B. Cattell, (1951) A Factorization of Tests of Personality Source-Traits, British Journal 23 Psychology, pp. 165-178. 3All of the descriptions of items in this appendix are taken from Handbook for the Sixteen Personality Factor Questionnaire, (no date). APPENDIX 3 INTERCORRELATIONS OF LENAWEE COUNTY CALIFORNIA TEST g: PERSONALITY ITEMS USED IN INDEX 0 ION -108- INTERCORRELATIONS OF LENAWEE COUNTY CALIFORNIA TEST OF PERSONALITY ITEMS USED IN INDEX OF ALIENATION 061.1 2 h 5 11 12 22 2h 25 27 28 29 30 33 3h 2 - 331 088 199 200 23h 232 156 321 165 167 151 136 050 h 331 — 191 265 306 139 21A 188 262 086 095 173 Inn 121 5 088 191 - 137 1A5 091 207 295 156 087 1h8 1A6 173 136 11 .199 265 137 - 362 101 253 270 379 1A3 290 285 086 139 12 200 306 185 362 — 099 300 282 328 258 288 2A5 180 23b 22 238 139 091 101 099 - lho 1A6 028 036 068 028 078 025 2b 232 21A 207 253 300 180 - 285 333 188 806 225 208 186 25 156 188 295 270 282 1A6 285 - 301 309 278 308 169 186 27 321 262 156 379 328 028 333 301 — 212 279 286 165 071 28 165 086 087 1A3 25A 036 188 309 212 - 185 19h 163 192 29 167 095 1&8 290 2h8 068 h06 27A 279 185 - 217 155 223 30 151 173 1A6 285 285 028 225 308 286 198 217 - 109 103 33 136 1AA 173 086 180 078 208 169 165 163 155 109 - hos 3h 050 121 136 139 23h 025 186 186 071 I92 223 103 h08 - Based on n = 390 lIndicates column number on original matrix of thirtyhthree California Test of Personality items. The complete matrix is on file with the Laboratory of Social Research, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Michigan State University. APPENDH h LINKAGE-ANALYSIS OF LENAWEE COUNTY MATRIX OF CALIFORNIA TEST OF PERSONALITY ITEMS __——-——__———————-_._ -110— The "typal structures" found below are the results of an elementary linkage—analysis of the thirtyhthree California Test of Personality items (Form AA) originally selected by the writer to measure the four item-areas of status concern, achievement concern, alienation from family and nervous tension. In the typal structures, the "area" of each item is indicated by superscripts "a", “b", "c" and "d", respectively, following the system used in Appendix 1. Thus, an item which was selected to measure status concern will be designated by the superscript "a". The item numbers refer to the columns on the original matrix . 33‘EL 4—; 311a 21.a :5 29a hmel hmeII 8C 26C 31a 11c <___— 2799——__ 13b \ c 32a—————) 10C 12 a e— 23° 9 Type III -111- 28°<-——— 252—— 30‘” ---9 5b Type VI d d d 15 )21 é—-_--——E 17 Type VIII APPENDIX 5 MEANS AND STANDARD DEVIATIONS OF VARIABLES IN RNN SCORE FORM AND FORMULAS USED IN COMPUTATIONS -113- Means and standard deviations of variables in raw score form Independence Social Factors Status E G Q2 Means 85.081 10.509 12.h95 9.h29 Standard Deviation 6.592 b.137 3.193 3.052 Range 62-99 0-22 0-18 O-18 Formulas used in computations The formula used in conjunction with the "t" test of significance of difference between means, taken from Walker and Lev (1953, p. 156), is intended for use in those instances where the standard deviations of the two populations are unknown but presumed unequal: 35-19-0424.) , t = 2 Wlth N1 + N2 - 2 df S S _1 + ml 11 I... N The formula used for calculating the degrees of freedom when the samples are small (in this case, arbitrarily set by the standard of one sample n being less than 10) is taken from.Walker and Lev (1953, p. 157): 2 2 51+S_2 n n ‘ n1 2 _ 2 2 2 El 1 + SE 1 n1 n1 1 n2 n2+l mu 832 0“” RDUM USE 0%th JAWS-2+:- W M GA 71TH(“VITAMINHAWAII]!MUNES 0920